THE LIBRARY 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 •
 
 INTERESTING 
 HISTORICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE MOST REMARKABLE 
 
 (Sfccnto an* €f)&vatttt8, 
 
 COPIED FROM ORIGINALS 
 
 OF UNDOUBTED AUTHENTICITY. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 Life of Charles XII. King of Sweden, with 
 Additions and Correction!;. 
 
 Life of the Duke and Duchess of Marlbo- 
 rough, written by the Duchess. 
 
 Vertot's History of the Revolution in Portu- 
 gal, 1640. 
 
 Davis's Personal Adventures and Travels 
 during four years and a half in the United 
 States of America. 
 
 Life of Edward Lord Herbert, of Cherbury, 
 written by Himself. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain George Carleton, written 
 by Himself. 
 
 ?i onticm : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY J. DAVIS, MILITARY CHRONICLE AND MILITARY CLASSICS 
 
 OFFICE, 14, CHARLOTTE-STREET, BLOOMSBUBY, AND SOLD BY 
 
 ALL BOOKSELLERS.
 
 TUB &--' 
 
 \|.2_ 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 CHARLES XII. 
 
 KING OF SWEDEN. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH. 
 
 AND NOW PUBLISHED WITH ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 
 
 lonUon : 
 
 Printed bjr W. M'Dowili, Panbcnoo Bow, Gough-tqucrc, Vlctt-Krtft. 
 
 FOR J.DAVIS, MILITARY CHRONICLE OFFICE, ESSEXSTREET,STRA!CD; AH» 
 
 TO BE HAD OF ALL THE BOOKSELLERS. 
 
 1812. 
 
 1350502
 
 TIT ft >M "wT if &
 
 DISCOURSE 
 
 OK 
 
 THE HISTORY OF CHARLES XII. 
 
 VERY few sovereign princes have deserved a particular history of their 
 actions. In vain Iras malice or flattery waited almost on all princes, since 
 there are but a very small number whose memories have been preserved ; 
 and that number would be much less, if only their good deeds were to be 
 remembered. 
 
 The princes who have the best right to immortality are those who have 
 been beneficent to mankind : thus, as long as France endures, shall that 
 kindness which Lewis XII. had for his people be remembered ; and the 
 great faults of Francis I. be excused, on account of the encouragement he 
 gave to arts and sciences; so long sha"ll men bless the memory of Henry IV. 
 who subdued his country by his valour and his clemency; and so long shall 
 they praise the generosity of Lewis XIV. for his protecting those arts to 
 which Francis I. gave birth. 
 
 For a different reason are the names of bad princes remembered; it is as 
 fien preserve the remembrance of inundations, fires, and plagues. 
 
 Between tyrants and good kings, are conquerors, but nearest approaching 
 to the first, and these have a shining reputation. -Everyone is desirous to 
 know the minutest articles of their lives: and such is the weakness of man- 
 kind, that they behold any glorious mischief with admiration, and are better 
 pleased to talk of the destroyer of an empire than of its founder. 
 
 As for other princes, who have neither shone in war nor peace, ami who 
 are not remarkable for great vices, or great virtues; as their lives afford no 
 examples either to be imiftted or avoided, they are not at all worth re- 
 membrance. Of all the emperors of Rome, Greece, Germany, and Muscovy ; 
 &£ all the sultans, caliphs, popes, kings, how few are there whose names are 
 vol. XT. B
 
 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Discourse on History. 
 
 fit to be mentioned any where but in chronological tables, where they serve 
 only to mark the eras of time ! 
 
 There are the vulgar among princes as well as among other men ; neverthe- 
 less the itch of scribling is come to that height, that a prince no sooner dies, 
 but the public is over-run with volumes under the titles of his memoirs, his 
 life, or the anecdotes or secret history of his court. Thus are books so great- 
 ly increased, that was a man to live a hundred years, and employ his time 
 wholly in reading, he would not have enough to go through the history only 
 that has been printed in Europe for the two last centuries. 
 
 This inclination of transmitting useless narrations to posterity, and of fix- 
 ing the attention of future ages on ordinary events, is owing to a weakness 
 very common among those who have lived in courts, and had the misfortune 
 of some share in public affairs. They imagine the court in which they lived 
 the finest that ever was; the king they have served the greatest of monarchs; 
 and the affairs they have been employed in, the most important that ever 
 have been transacted. They fancy, too, that posterity will view alt these 
 things with the same eyes. » 
 
 If a prince undertakes a war, or has any intrigues in his court; if he buys- 
 the friendship of one of his neighbours, or sells his own to another; if at last 
 he makes peace after some victories and some defeats, his subjects, full of 
 these events, imagine themselves born in the most remarkable age that has 
 been since the creation. And what happens next* This prince dies, quite 
 different measures are taken, and then the intrigues of his court, his mistress- 
 es, his ministers, his generals, his wars, and he himself are all forgotten. 
 
 From the time that Christian princes have endeavoured to deceive one 
 another, and made war and alliances, a thousand treaties have been signed, 
 as many battles fought, and their glorious and infamous actions are innu- 
 merable. When this heap of events and particular circumstances descend to 
 posterity, they are almost all lost one in another; the only names that re- 
 main are of those who have produced some great revolutions, or of those 
 who, being described by some excellent writer, are saved from the crowd of 
 common princes, as the pictures even of obscure persons ape valuable when- 
 painted by a masterly hand. 
 
 This particular history of Charles XH. king of Sweden, should not hare 
 been added to that multitude of books with which the public is already over 
 stocked, if that prince and his rival Peter Alexiowitz, the much greater ma?
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. iii 
 
 Discourse on History. 
 
 of the two, had not been, by the consent of all the world, the most remark, 
 •able persons who have appeared for these two thousand years; but this book 
 is not written only for the little satisfaction of telling strange stories, but that 
 it may be useful to some princes if it should happen to fall accidentally into 
 their hands. Certainly no one can read the history of Charles XII. without 
 being cured of the folly of making conquests; for where is there that prince 
 who can say, I have more courage and more virtue, a greater soul or more 
 strength of body, more skill in war,or better troops, than Charles the Twelfth?- 
 If with all these advantages, and after so many victories, this king was un- 
 happy, what are other princes, with the same ambition but less talents to 
 expect? 
 
 This history is composed from the relations of some persons of distinction, 
 who lived several years in the countries, and near the persons of Charles 
 XII. and Peter the Great, emperor of Muscovy; and who, being retired into 
 a free country, long after the death of those princes, can have no interest in 
 disguising the truth. 
 
 There is not one single fact advanced here #pon which occular and in- 
 contestable witnesses have not been consulted ; for which reason this history 
 will be found very different from those gazettes which have hitherto appeared 
 under the name of the Life of Charles XII. Several skirmishes between the 
 Swedish and Muscovite officers are omitted, because the design here is not 
 to write the history of those officers, but only of the king of Sweden; and even 
 among the events of his life, the most material only are made choice of; 
 being persuaded that the history of a prince is not to contain every thing 
 that he has done, but is to take notice of all those fit to be transmitted to 
 posterity. 
 
 It is proper to observe, that many things which were true at the time of 
 writing this history, in the year 1728, are not so at present. For example, 
 the tmde of Sweden is not so much neglected ; the Polish infantry are better 
 disciplined, and have regimental clothes, which they had not then: the 
 readers of history should always observe the time when their author wrote. 
 A man who only reads the cardinal de Retz, would take the French for mad- 
 men, who breathe nothing but civil-war, faction, and folly. Those-who only 
 read the history of the best part of Lewis the Fourteenth's reign, would be apt 
 to say, that the French were only born to obey, to conquer, and to cultivate 
 arts and sciences. Another, who shall see the memoirs of the first years of 
 Lewis the Fifteenth, will be able to discover nothing in the nation but luxury 
 avarice, and indifference to all things else. The present Spaniards arc not
 
 1* THE SUPPLEMENT, Sc. 
 
 i ■ ■ * , , _ ■ . . ........ - 1 1 ■ i . , „ . 
 
 Discourse on History. 
 
 the same with the Spaniards in the reign of Charles the Fifth. The English 
 ftt this time are no more like the English under Cromwell, than the monks 
 and monseigncurs, with which Rome is now peopled, are like its ancient 
 Scipioes. It is to be doubted whether the Swedish troops would be now so 
 formidable as they were some time ago. It is said of a man, that he was 
 brave at such a time, the same may be said of a nation, that it appeared so 
 and so under such a government, or in such a year. 
 
 If any prince or minister should find some disagreeable truths in this work, 
 let them remember that, being public persons, they are to give an account 
 to the public of their actions, and that it is at that price they purchase their 
 grandeur; that history is a witness and not a flatterer; and that the only 
 .way to oblige men to speak well of us, is to take care to act well ourselves.
 
 THli 
 
 LIFE OF CHARLES XII. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 SWEDEN and Finland together make a kingdom, one third part bigger 
 than France, but nothing near so fruitful, and at this time less peopled. 
 This country, which is two hundred leagues broad, and three hundred long, 
 extends itself from south to north, from the fifty-fifth degree of latitude to 
 the seventieth, under a rigorous climate, that hardly knows either spring or 
 autumn. The winter reigns there nine months of the year; the heats of 
 summer succeed an excessive cold all on a sudden, and the frosts begin, 
 again in the month of October, without any of those insensible gradations, 
 which in other countries bring on the seasons by degrees, and make the 
 alteration more agreeable; but to make amends, nature has given to this 
 rudeclimatea serene sky and a clear air. The constant heat of the sun in 
 the summer produces flowers and fruits in a very short time; and the long 
 • rights of winter are tempered by the light evenings and mornings, which last 
 in proportion to the sun's distance from Sweden: and the brightness of the 
 moon, which is not obscured by any cloud, and is farther increased by the 
 reflection of the snow which covers the ground, and very often the aurora 
 borealis, makes it as easy to travel in Sweden by night as by day. The cattle 
 there, for want of pasturage, are smaller than in the southern parts of Europe, 
 but the men are larger; the clear air they breathe makes them healthful, and 
 the rigour of the climate gives them strength: they even live to a greater 
 age than other men, if not enfeebled by the immoderate use of wine and 
 ether strong liquors, which the northern nations seem to be the more fond of, 
 as they are denied them by nature. — The Swedes are well made, strong, 
 active, and able to sustain the hardest labour, hunger, and want; they are 
 born warriors, are bold, and have more courage than industry, having long 
 neglected, and not improving much their commerce at present, which alone 
 can give them what their country wants. It was chiefly from Sweden, one 
 part of which is still called Gothland, that the swarm of Goths arose, which, 
 like a deluge, over-spread ihe face of Europe, and wrested it from the hands 
 of the Roman emperors, who for full five hundred years had usurped the do- 
 minion and tyrannised over it. — The northern nations were then much better 
 peopled than at present ; because their religion, allowing a plurality of wives, 
 the inhabitants had the power of raising more subjects to the commonwealth; 
 and these women, who knew no disgrace like being barren or idle, heing as 
 strong and laborious as the men, were on those accounts more fruitful and 
 longer lived than other women. — Sweden was always free, till about the 
 middle of the fourteenth century. In so long a space of time there were
 
 TIJE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 several revolutions in the government, but the alterations were always in 
 favour of liberty. Their chief magistrate had the name of King, a title, to 
 which in different countries are given different powers; for in France and 
 Spain it signifies a person absolute; in Poland, Sweden, and England, one 
 limited. This king could do nothing without the senate, and the senate 
 depended upon the states-general, which were often called together. The 
 representatives of the nation in these great assemblies were the nobility, the 
 bishops, and deputies qf towns and cities; and in time, the very peasants 
 were admitted into them, a part of the people, in other places, unjustly des- 
 pised, and enslaved almost throughout the north. 
 
 About the year 14.02 this nation, so jealous of its liberty, and still proud of 
 having conquered Rome thirteen hundred years ago, was brought under the 
 yoke of a woman, and a people less powerful than the Swedes. Margaret of 
 Valdemar, the Semiramis of the north, and queen of Denmark and Norway, 
 conquered Sweden by force and cunning, and made but one kingdom of these 
 three vast states. After her death, Sweden was torn by civil wars; she shook 
 off the Danish yoke and put it on again ; and by turns was governed by kings 
 and administrators. About the year 1520, she was oppressed in a horrible 
 mnnncr by two tyrants, one was Christiern II. king of Denmark, a monster 
 made up of vices, without one single virtue; the other was an archbishop of 
 Upsal, primate of the kingdom, and as cruel as Christiern. These two, by 
 agreement, seized in one day upon the consuls, the magistrates of Stockholm, 
 and ninety-four senators, and caused them to be executed by the common 
 hangman, under a pretence that they had been excommunicated by the pope, 
 for having defended the rights of the state against the archbishop; after 
 which the city was given up to be plundered, where the throats of all were 
 cut without distinction of age or sex. Whilst these two men, united only to 
 oppress, and differing when they were to divide the spoil, exercised the most 
 despotic tyranny, and shewed their revenge in every thing that was cruel, a 
 new event changed the whole face of affairs in the north. 
 
 Gustavus Yasa, a young man descended from the royal race of that coun» 
 try, advancing from the bottom of the forests of Dalecarlie, where he had 
 concealed himself, came to the deliverance of Sweden. He was one of those 
 great geniuses so rarely formed by nature, with all the necessary talents to 
 command over men. His fine person and graceful behaviour gained him 
 friends as soon as he appeared. His eloquence, to which his genteel man- 
 ner added force, was so much the more persuasive, as it was without art. 
 His natural genius inclined him to form designs which the vulgar called rask t 
 but by great men are only thought bold; his dauntless courage gave them 
 success. He was intrepid with prudence, of a sweet temper in an age of cru- 
 elty, and, in short, as virtuous as the head of a party can be. 
 
 Gustavus Vaza had been the hostage of Christiern, and detained prisoner 
 against the law of nations; but having escaped from confinement, he wan- 
 dered about, disguised like a peasant, among the mountains and woods of 
 Dalecarlie. He was there reduced to work in the copper-mines, to enable 
 him to live and conceal himself: thus buried as he was under ground, he 
 dared even there to form a design of dethroning the tyrant. He discovered 
 .himself to the peasants, and presently appeared to them like a person of a 
 superior nature, to whom common men arc always ready to pay a willing
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 submission. He made, in a very short time, good soldiers of these savages, 
 with whom he attacked Christiern and tile archbishop; and having vanquish- 
 ed them several times, and drove them both out of Sweden, the states, with 
 justice, chose him king of that country, of which he had been the deliverer. 
 He was no sooner settled on his throne, than he undertook another design, 
 more difficult than making conquests. The real tyrants of the state were 
 the bishops, who, being possessed of almost all the riches in Sweden, had 
 made use of their wealth to oppress the subject, and make war upon their 
 kings. This power was the more terrible, as the ignorance of the people had 
 made it sacred. He punished the Romish religion for the crimes of its mi- 
 nisters; and in less than two years brought Lutheranism into Sweden, more 
 by the superiority of his policy, than by his authority. Having thus con- 
 quered the kingdom, as he used to say, from the Danes and the clergy, he 
 reigned happily and absolutely to the age of seventy; and then died full 
 of glory, leaving his family and religion on the throne. — One of his descend- 
 ants was Gustavus Adolphus, called Gustavus the Great. This prince con- 
 quered Ingria, Livonia, Bremen, Verden, Wismar, and Pomerania, without 
 reckoning up above a hundred places in Germany, which were given back by 
 Sweden after his death. He shook the throne of Ferdinand the Second, and 
 protected the Lutherans in Germany, wherein he was secretly assisted by 
 Rome itself, which stood much more in awe of the emperor's power, than of 
 that of herecy. It was he in reality, that, by his victories, contributed to the 
 depressing the house of Austria, though the glory of it was given to cardinal 
 Richelieu, who knew well how to draw the reputation of it on himself, whilst 
 Gustavus was contented with having affected it, He-was upon the point of 
 carrying his arms beyond the Danube, and perhaps of dethroning the empe- 
 ror, when he was slain, in the thurty-seventh year of his age, at the battle of 
 Lutzen, which he gained against Walstein, carrying with him to the grave 
 the name of the Great, the lamentations of the north, and the esteem of his 
 enemies. His daughter Christina, born with a most extraordinary genius, 
 chose rather to converse with learned men, than to reign over a people who 
 were ignorant of every thing but war. She became as illustrious for quitting 
 the throne, as her ancestors had been for conquering or securing it. Thepro- 
 testants have attacked her memory, as if no one could have great virtues with 
 a belief in Luther; and the papists triumph too much in the conversion of a 
 woman whose greatest merit was her philosophy. She retired to Rome, where 
 she passed the remainder of her time in those arts she loved, and for which 
 she had renounced an empire at twenty-seven years of age.— Before her abdi- 
 cation, she engaged the states of Sweden, (in her stead), to elect her cousin, 
 Charles Gustavus X. son to the count Palatine. This prince added new con- 
 quests to those of Gustavus Adolphus ; he carried his arms intw Poland, where 
 be gained the victory in the famous battle of Warsaw, which lasted three days. 
 He made war for a long time successfully against the Danes, besieged then* 
 in their capital, re-united Schonen to Sweden, and settled the Duke of Hol- 
 stein in the possession of Sleswick, at least for a season; and then, having 
 found a reverse of fortune, and made peace with his enemies, he turned his 
 ambition against his subjects. lie formed a design of establishing arbitrary 
 power in Sweden ; but died, like the great Gustavus, in the thirty-seventh, 
 year of his age, without finishing that work which his son Charles the Eleventh 
 brought to perfection.
 
 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Charles XI. a warrior, like all his ancestors, was more absolute than any of 
 them. He abolished the authority of the senate, which was declared the se- 
 nate of the king, and not of the kingdom. He was frugal, vigilant, and labo- 
 rious; and had qualities that would have gained him the love of his subjects, 
 if his arbitrary temper had not changed those inclinations into fear. 
 
 He married in 1680, Ulric Eleonora, daughter of Frederick III. King of 
 Denmark ; a virtuous princess, and worthy of greater confidence than her hus- 
 band reposed in her. From this marriage was born, on the 27th of June 1682, 
 King Charles XII, the most extraordinary man, perhaps, that ever was on 
 earth ; who had united in him all the great qualities of his ancestors, and who 
 had no other fault nor misfortune, but that, pursuing them to too great an ex- 
 travagance. At six years of age he was taken out of the hands of the women, 
 and had given him for his governor Monsieur de Nordcopenser, a wise and 
 learned man. The first book he had to read was Puffendorf, that he might be 
 early made acquainted with his own dominions, and those of his neighbours. 
 He presently learned the German language, which he spoke ever after as well 
 as his mother-tongue. At seven years old he could manage a horse ; and the 
 violent exercises which he delighted in, and which discovered his martial in- 
 clination, formed in him betimes a vigorous constitution, capable of s»pport- 
 ing the fatigues his temper led him to. Although good natured in his infan- 
 cy, he became invincibly obstinate : the only way to bend him was by-touch- 
 ing on his honour; with the word " Glory," anything might be obtained of 
 him. He had an aversion to the Latin tongue ; but when he was told that the 
 king of Poland and the king of Denmark understood it, he learnt it very soon, 
 and retained enough to be able to speak it all the rest of his life. They took 
 the same method to engage him to learn the French ; but he could never be 
 prevailed upon to make use of it, even with the French ambassadors, wha 
 knew no other language. As soon a> he had some knowledge of the Latin, 
 they made him translate Quintus Curtius, which book he had a particular va- 
 lue for, more on account of the subject than the style. The person who ex* 
 plained that author to him, asked him what he thought of Alexander? " I 
 think," said the prince, " that I would resemble him." But, said the other, 
 he lived only two-and-thirty years ! " Ah !" replied he, i l is not that enough, 
 when one has conquered kingdoms?" They did not fail to relate these an- 
 swers to the king his father, who cried out, ** There is a child that will ex- 
 cel me, and even go beyond the great Gustavus." One day he diverted him- 
 self in the king's apartment, with looking on two maps, one of a city of Hun- 
 gary taken from the emperor by the Turks, and the other of Riga, the capi- 
 tal of Livonia, conquered by the Swedes about a eentury past. Under the 
 map of the Hungarian city were these words, taken out of the book of Job ; 
 ** The Lord gave it, the Lord hath taken it away, blessed be the name of the 
 Lord." The young prince having read them, took up a pencil immediately, 
 and wrote under the map of Riga; " The Lord gave it to me, and the devil 
 shall not take it from me." Thus, in the most indifferent actions of his child- 
 hood, some strokes of his invincible resolution would so often appear, which 
 seemed to presage what he would one day arrive at. — He was eleven years 
 old when he lost his mother. This princess died August 5, 1693, of an illnesa 
 occasioned by some vexations her husband had given her, and by her endea* 
 vours to dissemble them. Charles XL had deprived a great number of bia
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Lijc of Churls the Tueljth. 
 
 subjects of their estates, by the means of a sort of court of justice, named 
 the " Chamber of Liquidations," established on his own authority. A crowd 
 of citizens, ruined by this chamber, noblemen, merchants, farmers, widows, 
 and orphans, tilled the streets of Stockholm, and came every day to utter 
 their complaints at the gates of the palace. The queen assisted these un- 
 happy people with all that she w«s able; she gave them her money, her 
 jewels, her lurniture, and even her clothes ; and when she had no more to 
 give, she threw herself in tears at the feet of her husband, to beg him to 
 have compassion on his subjects. The king answered her very gravely: 
 " Madam, we took you to give us ehildren, and not advice ;" and from that 
 time treated her with such severity as shortened her days. 
 
 He died four years after her, on the 15th of April 1697, in the forty-second 
 year of his age, and thirty-seventh of his reign, when the empire, Spain and 
 Holland on one side, and Trance on the other, were just putting the deci- 
 sion of their quarrels to his mediation, and when lie had already entered 
 upon the overtures of peace between those powers. He left to his son, who 
 was then fifteen years of age, a throne secured and respected abroad ; sub- 
 jects poor, but warlike and loyal ; his revenues in good order, and managed 
 by able ministers. Charles XII. at his coming to the crown, found himself 
 not only absolute and undisturbed master of Sweden and Finland, but of 
 Livonia, Carelia, and Ingria ; he was also possessed of Wismar, Wibourg, 
 the islands of Ru^en, Oesel, and the finest part of Pomerania, the 1 dutchy 
 of Bremen and Yercien, all conquests of his ancestors, secured to the crown 
 by long possession, and by the faith of the solemn treaties of Munster and 
 Oliva, suppor'ed by the terror of the Swedish arms. The peace of Rys- 
 wick began under the influence of the father, was concluded under that of 
 the son, and he was the mediator of Europe as soon as he began to reign. 
 
 The laws of Sweden fix the majority of their kings to the age of fifteen; 
 but Charles XI, who was absolute in every tiling, by his last will delayed 
 that of his sum till he was eighteen. By this disposition, he favoured the 
 ambitious views of his mother Lduiga-kilconora of Holstein, the widow of 
 Charles X. This princess was declared by the king, her son, guardian th 
 the young kin;;, In r grand-son, and regent of Ihe kingdom, in conjunction 
 with a council of five poisons. She gave orders immediately for the funeral 
 of her son, wiih such pomp and magnificence as Sweden was unaccustomed 
 to; and required, moreover, that the citizens of Stockholm should mourn 
 three years. This looked like forcing them to show so much the more grief 
 outwardly, as they had the le-,s at heart, for the death of a prince who had 
 taken from tiiem their liberties and fortunes. The regent bad some share 
 in the management of affairs dining the reign of her son. She was now ad- 
 vanced in years; but her ambition, which was much gr< her abili- 
 ties, made her hope she should long enjoy the sweets of power under the 
 reign of her grand-son. She kept him as much a :l>le I row busi- 
 ness. The young prince spent his time in hunting, or employed himself in 
 reviewing his troops, and would sometimes even exeicise with tbem, which 
 amusements seemed only the natural effects of the vivacity of bia 
 There appeared no uneasiness in his conduct that could in the least disturb 
 the regent; and she Haltered herself th i tbese exen ises would make ban 
 incapable of application, and give her the longer tune to govern. 
 
 VOL. IV. C
 
 TO THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije oj Charles thcTwel jth. 
 
 One day in the month of November, the same year his father died, as lie 
 was reviewing several regiments, and Piper, a counsellor of state, stood by 
 him, the king seemed to be taken up in a most profound study; "May I 
 take the liberty," said Piper to him, " to ask your majesty what you are 
 thinking of so seriously?" — " I think," answered the king, " that 1 am ca- 
 pable of commanding these brave tellows, and 1 would not have either them 
 or myself receive orders from a woman " Piper immediately laid hold of 
 that opportunity to make a great fortune; he had not interest enough to 
 dare to undertake of himself so dangerous an enterprise, as that of remov- 
 ing the queen from the regency, and getting the king declared of age, but 
 he proposed this business to count Axel Sparre, who was a man of spirit, 
 and soqgM to make himself considerable. He flattered him with hopes of 
 being in the kind's favour, which Sparre believed, and therefore took every 
 thing upon himself, but worked all the time only to advance Piper. The 
 counsellors of the regency soon came into the design, which they put in ex- 
 ecution with all the speed they could, to make the more merit of it to the 
 king — They went in a body to make the proposal to the queen, who did 
 not expect such a declaration. The states-general were then assembled ; the 
 counsellors of the regency laid the matter before them, and there was not 
 one voice against it; nay, the thing was carried with such rapidity, that 
 nothing could stop it: so that Charles XII. did but wish to reign, and in three 
 days time the government was given to him. The power and interest of the 
 queen fell in an instant ; and she led a private life, more agreeable to her 
 age, though not to her inclination. The king was crowned the 24th of De- 
 cember following. He made his entry into Stockholm on a sorrel horse, shod 
 with silver, having the scepter in his hand and the crown on his head, 
 through the acclamations of a people always adoring what is new, and con- 
 ceiving great hopes of a young prince. — The archbishop of Upsal has the 
 right of performing the ceremony of the consecrations and coronation, which, 
 of all the privileges claimed by his predecessors, is almost the only one that 
 is left. And having anointed the king according to custom, held the crown 
 in his hands to put it upon his head; Charles snatched the crown from the 
 archbishop and crowned himself, looking sternly upon the prelate. The 
 multitude, who are always imposed upon by every air of grandeur, applaud- 
 ed this action of the king: even those who had groaned the most under the 
 tyranny of the father, could not help praising this fierceness in his son, which 
 was a prognostication of their own slavery. As soon as Charles became 
 master of the government he bestowed his favour, and the management of 
 affairs, on counsellor Piper, who was in effect prime minister in every thing 
 but the name. A little time after he made him a count, which is an eminent 
 degree of quality in Sweden. — The beginning of the king's administration 
 didMiot give any favourable ideas of him ; he seemed more impatient than 
 worthy of reigning. He had not, indeed, any dangerous passion ; but there 
 was nothing to be seen in his conduct but the transports of youth and ob- 
 stinacy. He appeared careless and proud; even the ambassadors who were 
 at his court took him for a person of mean parts, and represented him as such 
 to their masters. His own country had the same opinion of him ; no body 
 knew his real character ; he was ignorant of it himself, till the storms which 
 were gathering on a sudden in the north, gave him an opportunity to display
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 11 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth . 
 
 his hidden talents. — Three powerful princes, taking advantage of 'his \outh, 
 conspired his ruin almost at the same time. The first was Frederick IV. 
 king of Denmark, his cousin ; the second, Augustus, elector of Saxony and 
 king of Poland ; Peter the Great, czar of Muscovy, was the third and mos't 
 dangerous. It will be proper to show the original of these wars which pro- 
 duced so great events, and to begin with Denmark. Of two sisters 
 that Charles XII. had, the eldest was married to the Duke of Holstein, a 
 young prince, courageous and good-natured. The duke, oppressed by the 
 king of Denmark, came to Stockholm with his wife to seek protection from 
 the king, and beg his assistance, not only as a brother-in-law, but as king of 
 a nation which has au irreconcileable hatred to the Danes. 
 
 The ancient house of Holstein, swallowed up in that o f Oldenbourg, was 
 raised to the throne of Denmark by election, in the year 1499. All the 
 kingdoms in the north were at that time elective; but Denmark soon after 
 became hereditary. One of its kings, named Christiern III. had an affection 
 for his brother Adolphus, of which few examples are to be met with among 
 princes. He would not have him live without sovereignty, but could not 
 dismember his own dominions. He divided with him the dutchics of Hol- 
 stein-Gottorp and Sleswick, by a whimsical agreement, which was, that the 
 descendants of Adolphus should, for the time to come, govern Holstein 
 jointly with the kings of Denmark; that these two dutchies should apper- 
 tain to them in common; and that the king of Denmark should do nothing 
 in Holstein without the duke, nor the duke without the king. So strange a 
 union, of which there was an example of the like kind in the same house, 
 was for near fourscore years the constant source of quarrels between the 
 branches of Denmark and Holstein-Gottorp : the kings always endeavour- 
 ing to oppress the dukes, and the dukes to be independent. It cost the last 
 duke his liberty and sovereignty ; but he recovered both in the conferences 
 of Altena, in the year 1689, by the interposition of Sweden, England, and 
 Holland, the guarantees for the execution of the treaty. But as a treaty 
 between sovereigns is oftentimes no more than a submission to necessity, till 
 the stronger is able to crush the weaker, the quarrel was renewed with more 
 inveteracy than ever between the new king of Denmark and the young duke. 
 Whilst the duke was at Stockholm, the Danes had already committed some 
 acts of hostility in the country of Holstein, and leagued privately with the 
 king of Poland to fall upon the king of Sweden himself. — Frederick Augustus, 
 the elector of Saxony, whom neither the eloquence and negociations of the 
 abbe de Polignac, nor the great qualities of the prince of Conti. his com- 
 petitor for the crown, could hinder from being elected king of Poland two 
 years before, was a prince not less known for the incredible strength of his 
 body, than for the bravery and gallantry of his mind. His court, next to that 
 Lewis XIV. was the most shining in Europe. Never was any prince more 
 generous, nor ever dicf any prince bestow his favours with a better grace. 
 He had bought one half of the suffrages of the Polish nobility, and forced 
 the other by the approach of a Saxon army. He thought he stood in need 
 of his troops the better to secure him on his throne ; but he wanted a pre- 
 tence to keep them in Poland: he therefore designed they should attack the 
 king of Sweden in Livonia, on the occasion I am going to relate. Livonia, 
 the finest and most fruitful province of the north, formerly belonged to th«
 
 12 THE SUPPLEMENT TO TH E 
 
 life of Charles (he Twelfth. 
 
 knights of the Teutonic order. The Muscovites, Poles, and Swedes, have 
 since severally laid claim to it ; but the Swedes have enjoyed it near a 
 hundred years, and had it last solemnly yielded to them by the peace of 
 Oliva. The late King Charles XI. among his severities towards his sub- 
 jects, had not spared the Livonians; he had stript them of their privileges, 
 and one part of their estates. Patkul, unhappily made famous since by his 
 tragical death, was deputed by the Livonian nobility to carry the com- 
 plaints of the province to the throne. He made a speech to the king Very 
 respectful, but strong, and full of that masculine eloquence which calamity 
 inspires when it is joined with courage; but kings too often look upon pub- 
 lic harangues as vain ceremonies, which it is customary to allow, without 
 paying any regard to them. However, Charles XI. who knew how to dis- 
 semble when he did not give way to the transports of his passion, struck 
 Patkul gently on the shoulder, and told him, " You have spoke for your 
 country like a brave man, I esteem you for it, go on." But a few days 
 after he was declared guilty of lese-majesty, and condemned to death. Pat- 
 kul, who had hid himself, took to flight ; he carried his resentments with 
 him into Poland, and was afterwards admitted into the presence of King 
 Augustus. Charles XI. died, but the sentence and indignation of Patkul 
 were alive. He represented to the Polish monarch the facility of conquer- 
 ing Livonia ; the people desperate and ready to shake off the yoke of Swe- 
 den ; the king an infant and incapable of defending himself. These solici- 
 tations were well received by a prince already tempted to undertake this. 
 conquest. Every thing was presently got ready for a sudden invasion with- 
 out having recourse to the formalities of declarations and manifestoes. Tim 
 clouds gathered apace at the same time on the side of Muscovy. 
 
 Peter Alexowitz, czar of Russia, had already made himself dreaded by 
 the battle which he had gained over the Turks in 1695, and by the taking of 
 Azoph, which opened to him the empire of the Black Sea. But it was by 
 actions more glorious than victories, that he deserved the name of Great. 
 Muscovy, or Russia, embraces the north of Asia and Europe, and from the 
 Frontiers of China, extends itself for I5Q0 leagues to the confines of Poland 
 and Sweden ; but this immense country was hardly known to Europe before 
 the czar Peter. The Muscovites were less civilized than the Mexicans, 
 wheu they were discovered by Cortez ; all born slaves to masters as barbar- 
 ous, they were settled in ignorance, in the want of all arts, and in the in- 
 sensibility of those wants which stifled all industry. An ancient law sacred 
 among them, forbade them to leave their country upon pain of death, 
 without permission of their Patriarch. This law, made lo prevent all occa- 
 sions of their coming lo a knowledge of their slavery, pleased a nation, 
 which, in the depths of ignorance and misery, scorned to have any com- 
 merce with foreigners. The era of the Muscovites began from* the creation 
 of the world, they computed 7207 years to the beginning of the last cen- 
 tury, without being able to give any reason for that date. The first day of 
 their year agrees with the 13th of our month of September. They alleged 
 for the reason of this establishment, that it was most likely that God created 
 the world in autumn, the season of the year when tiie fruits of the earth are 
 ill their maturity. Thus, the only appearances of knowledge that they 
 had, were gross errors; no one among them imagined that the autumn in
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. h 
 
 ■■ ■ , 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Muscovy could be tfie spring of another country in opposite climates. It is 
 not long since the people at Moscow would have burnt the secretary of an 
 ambassador of Persia, for having foretold an eclipse of the sun. They 
 were so ignorant of figures, that in all their computations they made use 
 of little balls, which they strung on wire, and had no other manner of 
 reckoning in all their counting-houses, and in the czar's treasury. 
 
 Their religion was and still is, that of the Greek church, but mixed with 
 superstitions, to which they were the more firmly attached the more extra- 
 vagant they were, and the more they were galled by the yoke of them. Few 
 Muscovites would dare to eat a pigeon, because the Holy Ghost is painted 
 in the form of a dove. They observed regularly four lents in the year, and 
 in those times of abstinence, dared not nourish themselves either with eggs 
 or milk. God and St. Nicholas were the immediate objects of their wor- 
 ship, and after them the Czar and the Patriarch. The authority of the 
 last, was, like their ignorance, without bounds. He passed sentence of 
 death, and inflicted the most cruet punishments, without any appeal from 
 his tribunal. He rode out twice a > ear on horse-back, followed by all his 
 clergy in procession. The czar on foot held the bridle of his horse, and 
 the people in the streets prostrated themselves like Tartars before their 
 grand Lama. Confession was practised by them, but only in case of the 
 greatest crimes, and then absolution was thought necessary, but not re- 
 pentance; for they believed themselves pure before God with the benedic- 
 tion of their Papas. Thus they went without remorse from confession to theft 
 and murder, and what was a curb toother Christians, was, among them, an 
 encouragement to iniquity. They made a scruple to drink milk on a fart- 
 day ; but masters of families, priests, women, and girls, would get drunk 
 with brandy on their festivals. However, they had among them, as in other 
 countries, some disputes about religion ; the greatest contention was, whe- 
 ther the laity ought to make the sign of the cross with two fingers or with 
 three. One Jacob Nursoff, in trie preceding reign, had excited a sedition 
 in Astracan on the subject of this dispute. The czar in his vast dominion; 
 had many subjects that were not Christians. The Tartars, who inhabit the 
 western borders of the Caspian Sea, and the Pains Mccotis, are Mahome- 
 tans : the Siberians, the Ostiacks and Samoiedes, who are near the frozen 
 sea, were savages, ?ome of whom were idolaters, and others without the 
 knowledge of any God; nevertheless the Swedes, who were .sent prisoners 
 among them, were better pleased with their manners, than with those of 
 the ancient Muscovites. Peter Alexiowjtz had an education which tended 
 to increase the barbaiity of that part of the world. His happy temper 
 made him love strangers at first, before he knew they could be useful to 
 him. A Genevan, named Le Port *, of an ancient fan.ily in Geneva, whose 
 father was a druggist, came to Moscow on some affair of commerce, and 
 was known to the czar while he was young, and insinuated himself into his 
 favour; he discoursed with him in the German tongue, and would often 
 talk to him of the advantages of commerce and navigation. He told him 
 that Holland, which was not a hundredth part so big ons ol* 
 
 * M. de la Motraje, in Iii» Travels, »ji, he went first to Mu«cow a< p 3ge tr» a 
 Danish ambassador.
 
 14 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ■ . i ■■ n , 
 
 Life oj Charles the twelfth. 
 
 Muscovy, by the means of trade only, made as great a figure in Europe as 
 Spain, to which it had formerly been a little province, unprofitable and de- 
 spised. He discoursed upon the refined politics of the princes of Europe, 
 ef the discipline of their troops, the government of their cities ; of the in- 
 finite number of manufactures, aits, and sciences, which made the Euro- 
 peans powerful and happy. This discourse wakened the young emperor as 
 from a profound lethargy. His mighty genius, which a barbarous educa- 
 tion had somewhat restrained, but could not destroy, discovered itself al- 
 most on a sudden. He resolved to be a man, to command men, and create 
 a new nation. Many princes have given up their crowns, not pleased with 
 the weight of affairs ; but not one, like Peter the Great, has ceased to be a 
 king that he might learn the better how to reign. He left Moscow in the 
 year 1C98, hating reigned but two years, and went into Holland, under a 
 borrowed name, and disguised as one of the domestics of this same M. Le 
 Fort, whom he sent ambassador extraordinary to the states-general. Being 
 arrived at Amsterdam he entered himself in the list of the carpenters of the 
 Indian ships under the name of Peter Michaeloff. He worked in the yard 
 with the common men, and at his leisure hours learnt such parts of the 
 mathematics as might be useful to a prince, fortification, navigation, and 
 the art of making plans. He went into the shops of workmen, examined 
 all their manufactures, nor let any thing escape his observation. From 
 thence he went into England, where he made himself perfect in the art of 
 ship-building. He returned to Holland, saw all Germany, taking notice 
 every where of all things that he thought might be of advantage to his own 
 country. At length, after two years travelling, and such labour as no one 
 but himself would have submitted to, he appeared again in Muscovy, 
 bringing with him the arts of Europe. Artists of every sort followed him 
 in crowds. Now, were first seen great Muscovite vessels on the Black Sea, 
 the Baltic, and the ocean. Buildings of a noble and regular architecture 
 were raised in the midst of Russian huts. He established colleges, acade- 
 mies, printing-houses, and libraries: cities were put under order and go- 
 vernment; the habits and customs of the people were changed by little 
 and little, though not without difficulty ; and the Muscovites knew by de- 
 grees what society was. Even superstitions were abolished, the dignity of 
 Patriarch laid aside, and the Czar himself declared head of the church. 
 This last undertaking, which might have cost a less absolute prince his 
 crown and his life, was carried on almost without contradiction, and se- 
 cured him success in ajl his innovations. At the same time be gave birth 
 to commerce in his dominions. His views enlarging, in proportion as he 
 changed the face of his country, he had no sooner established trade, but he 
 undertook to render Muscovy one day the center of business in Asia 
 and Europe: the Wolg3, Tanais, and Duna, were to be united by canals, 
 the plan of which design he drew himself. In the same manner he proposed 
 to open new passages from the Baltic to the Euxine and Caspian Seas, and 
 from those to the northern ocean. But it was not enough to alter nature in 
 his dominions, he would change also the manners of his subjects, which 
 was more difficult. He wanted above all things, experienced and well-dis- 
 ciplined troops. It is true, he had given some check to the Ottoman 
 power; but be bad beaten only the Tartars, who were ns little disciplined
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 15 
 
 Lijc a/ L'hatles th-e Itrefjth. 
 
 as his own sokliers. Founder and lawgiver of his empire, and happier 
 and greater, perhaps, he had been if he had contented himself -with those 
 two titles; but he would join that «f conqueror to them. Ingria, which is 
 on the north east of Livonia, belonged formerly to the czars; but ever 
 since Gustavus Adolphus had conquered those provinces, the Swedes were 
 in quiet possession of them. The czar was impatient to revive the rights 
 given up by his ancestors. Moreover, he wanted a port on the east side of 
 the Baltic Sea to put his great designs in execution. He concluded, there- 
 fore, a league with the king of Poland, to take away from Sweden all that 
 she possessed in the countries between the Gulf of Finland, the Baltic Sea, 
 Poland, and Muscovv. These were the enemies who all together pre- 
 pared to attack Charles XII. in his infancy. 
 
 These preparations being whispered about, alarmed the king's council, 
 ■who debated on the affair in his presence, nnd some of them proposed to 
 divert the storm by negociations ; but Charles rising up with an air of gra- 
 vity, and seeming, as the superior man, to be determined what to do: 
 "Gentlemen," said he, " I have resolved never to m.ike an unjust war, nor 
 put an end to a just one, but by the destruction of my enemies. My reso- 
 lution is fixed ; I will attack the first who declares himself, and when I have 
 overcome him, I hope to make the others fear me." These words asto- 
 nished all the old counsellors; they looked upon one another without dar- 
 ing to make any answer. At length, ashamed of hoping less than their king, 
 they received with admiration his orders for the war. They were much 
 more surprised, when they saw him renounce the most innocent amusements 
 of his youth all on a sudden. From the first instant that he prepared for 
 ■war, he began a quite new sort of life, from which he never after departed 
 one moment. Full of the idea of Alexander and Ca?sar, he proposed to 
 himself to imitate those two heroes in every thing but their vices. He was 
 no longer acquainted with magnificence, sports, or diversions ; he reduced 
 his table to the greatest frugality; he had admired pomp in dress, but from 
 that time he clothed himself like a common soldier. It had been sus- 
 pected that he had a nassion for a lady of the court; but, whether there 
 ■was any thing in that intrigue or not, it is certain he renounced the conver- 
 sation of women for ever, not only for fear of being governed by them, but 
 to give an example to his men, whom he would have under the severest 
 discipline; or perhaps, out of the vanity of being thought the only king 
 who could subdue an inclination so difficult to overcome. He resolved also 
 to abstain from wine all the rest of his life; this was not, as has been pre- 
 tended, to punish himself for an excess, by which, as they say, he was 
 hurried into some actions unworthy of him; nothing is more false thin this 
 vulgar report * ; wine had never surprised his reason, but it inflamed his 
 blood, already too hot; he afterwards left off beer, and reduced himself to 
 pure water Moreover, sobriety was a new virtue in the north, and lie 
 would be a pattern to the Swedes in every kind. He began with promising 
 
 * This vulgar report II. de la Motraye says, is too true, and attest* d hv persons of 
 honour ajjd unquestionable sincerity, some of them still living »ho were eye>witncasea 
 Of it. It is also true, that this prince was struck with such horror when he became >en- 
 •ible of bis folly, that he made a vow (which he inviolably observed) never to driuit 
 wine, nor any other strong liquor.
 
 tf THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Jits assistance to the duke of Holstein, his brother-in-law. Eight thousand 
 men were immediately sent into Pomerania, a province bordering on Hol- 
 stein, to strengthen the duke against the attacks of the Danes. The duke 
 ^ad. need of them. His dominions were already ravaged; the castle of 
 Gottorp taken ; the town of Tonningen pressed by an obstinate siege, to 
 winch the kii g of Denmark was come in person, to enjoy a conquest that 
 he thought himself sure of. This spark began to inflame the empire. On 
 one side the Saxon troops of the king of Poland, those of Brandenburg, 
 Wolfembuttle, and Hesse-Casscl, marched to join the Danes. On the other, 
 the king of Sweden's eight thousand men, the troops of Hanover, Zell, and 
 three regiments from Holland, came to assist the duke. Whilst the little 
 country of Holstein was thus made the theatre of the war, two squadrons, 
 one from England, and another from Holland, appeared in the Baltic Sea- 
 These two states were guarantees of the treaty of Akena, violated by the 
 Daues; they were the more eager to succour the oppressed duke of Hol- 
 stein, because the increase of the king of Denmark's power was opposite 
 to the interest of their commerce. They knew that the Danes, being 
 masters of the passage of the Sound, would lay heavy impositions upon 
 the trading nations, as soon as he should be strong enough to do it with impu- 
 nity. This interest has, for a long time, engaged the English and Dutch, to 
 preserve as much as they were able, an equal balance among the princes of 
 the north : they joined with the young king of Sweden, whose ruin seemed 
 to be threatened by so many enemies uniting together, and succoured him 
 for the same reason that he was attacked, because he was thought unable to 
 defend himself. In the mean while Charles commenced his first campaign; 
 on the 8th of May, N. S. in the year 1700, he left Stockholm, to which he 
 never after returned. An innumerable crowd of people followed him as far as 
 ihe port of Carlscroon, praying for him, weeping for him, and admiring him. 
 Before he left Sweden, he established at Stockholm a council of defence, com- 
 posed of several senators. This commission was to lake care of every thing be- 
 longing to the fleet, the troops, and fortifications of the country. The body 
 of the senate was to regulate every thing else provisionally within the king- 
 dom. Having thus put his dominions in order, his mind, free from every 
 other care, was wholly employed on the war. His fleet was composed of 
 forty-three vessels ; that which he went on board of himself, named the King 
 Charles, was the largest they had ever seen, and carried one hundred and 
 twenty guns. Count Piper, his first minister, general Renchild, and count 
 de Guiscard, the French ambassador in Sweden, embarked with him. They 
 joined the squadrons of the allies. The Danish fleet declined battle, and 
 gave the three united fleets an opportunity of coming near enough to throw 
 some bombs into Copenhagen. Then the king, as in a sudden transport, 
 catched hold of the hands of count Piper, and general Renchild, "Ah,'* 
 said he, "what if we should lay hold of this occasion to make a descent, 
 and besiege Copenhagen by land, while it is thus blocked up by Sea!" Ren- 
 child answered him, "Sir, the great Gustavus, after fifteen years experi- 
 ence, would have made no other proposition." Orders were given instantly 
 for the embarkation of 5000 men, who were upon the coasts of Sweden, and 
 who were joined to the troops on board. The king left his great ship, and 
 went on board a lighter frigate ; and they began to send away three hundred
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 17 
 
 Life o/Cha rles the Twelfth . 
 
 grenadiers in small shallops, among which were little flat boats to carry the 
 fascines, chevaux de frize, and instruments for the pioneers. Five hundred 
 chosen men followed in other shallops. After which came the king's men 
 of war, with two English, and two Dutch frigates, who were to favour the 
 descent with their cannon. Copenhagen, the capital of Denmark, is si- 
 tuated in the island of Zealand, in the middle of a fine plain, having the 
 Sound on the north-west, and on the east the Baltic, where the king of Swe- 
 den at that time lay. On the unexpected motion of the Swedish vessels, 
 ■which threatened a descent, the inhabitants were amazed at the inactivity 
 of their own fleet, and waited with fear to see on what place the tempesjt 
 would fall. The fleet of Charles stopt at liumblebeck, seven miles from 
 Copenhagen. The Danes immediately drew up their horse in that place; 
 the militia were posted behind thick intrenchments ; and all the artillery 
 they could bring thither, was turned against the Swedes. 
 
 The king then quitted his frigate, to put himself in his first shallop at the 
 head of his guards ; the French ambassador being always near him, the king 
 said to him in Latin, (for he would never speak French), "You have no 
 reason to break with the Danes, and shall go no farther, if you please." 
 *• Sir," answered the count de Guiscard, in French, " the king my master 
 sent me with orders to be near your majesty's person, and I Hatter myself 
 that you will not this day drive me from your court, which was never so 
 splendid." In saying these words he lent the king his hand, who jumped 
 into the shallop, and count Piper and the ambassador entered it at the same 
 time. They advanced, being supported by the cannon shot of vessels which 
 favoured the descent. The boats from which the men were to disembark, were 
 not above three hundred feet from the shore. Charles XII. impatient to 
 to land, flung himself from his shallop into the sea, with his sword in his 
 hand, having the water above his middle: his ministers, the ambassador of 
 France, the officers, and soldiers, immediately followed his example, and 
 marched ashore in spight of a shower of musket-balls discharged by the 
 Danes. The king, who had never in his life heard a discharge of muskets 
 with balls, asked major Stuart, who was near him, " V\ liat that little 
 whistling was which he heard in his ears?" " It is the noise of the musket- 
 bulls that Ihc-y fire at you;" said the major: " Very good," said the kin?, 
 " for the time to come that shall be my music." At the very instant that 
 the major explained the noise of the musket-balls, he received one in his 
 shoulder; and a lieutenant fell dead on the other side of the king. It is 
 common for the troops to be beaten thai are attacked in their intrench- 
 ments, because those who attack them hive always an impetuosity which 
 those cannot have who defend themselves ; and to wait for the enemv in 
 the lines, is a confession of weakness on one side, and superiority in the 
 other. The Danish horse and foot fled after a faint resistance. The king, 
 master of their intrenchments, fill upon his kiui's to return God thanks for 
 this first success of his arms, lit' preaeaU) ordered redoubts to be i 
 towards the town ; aud marked out an encampment hiin«e!f. At the same 
 time he sent back his vessels to Schonen, a part of Sweden in the neigh- 
 bourhood of Copenhagen, to fetch a reinforcement of nine thousand men. 
 All things conspired to assist the \ivacity of Charles. The nine thousand 
 men were on the shore ready to embark, and a favourable wind brought 
 
 ▼ OL. IV. 41
 
 I* THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 them to him the next day. All this was clone in sight of the Danish fleet, 
 who durst not stir. Copenhagen, terrified at this, immediately sent depu- 
 ties to the king, to beg him not to bombard the city. He received them on 
 horseback, at the head of his regiment of guards; the deputies flung them- 
 selves on their knees before him: and he made the city pay four hundred 
 thousand rix-dollars, giving them orders to convey all sorts of provisions 
 to the camp, which he promised should be faithfully paid for. They sent 
 him what he wanted, because they durst not disobey ; though they did not 
 expect that the conquerors would deign to pay for them ; but were asto- 
 nished when they received their money generously, and without any delay 
 from the meanest soldier in the army. There had been a long time among 
 the Swedish troops, a discipline which did not a little contribute to their 
 conquests, the severity of this was very much increased by the young king. 
 A soldier durst not refuse payment for what he bought, much less go ma- 
 rauding, or even out of the camp. He would not suffer his men after a 
 victory to strip the dead, till they had his permission; and easily brought 
 them to an obedience of this law. There were prayers constantly twice a- 
 day in his camp, at seven in the morning, and four in the evening; which 
 he never failed being at himself, to give his soldiers an example of piety 
 as well as courage. His camp, much better governed than Copenhagen, 
 bad all things in plenty ; the peasants choosing rather to sell their goods to 
 the Swedes their enemies, than to the Danes who did not pay so well for 
 for them. The citizens themselves were obliged more than once to seek 
 provisions in the king of Sweden's camp, which they wanted in their own 
 markets. The king of Denmark was then in Holstein, where he seemed to 
 be only to raise the siege of Tonningen. He saw the Baltic Sea covered 
 ■with the enemy's vessels, a young conqueror already master of Zealand, 
 and ready to seize on the capital. He had it published in his dominions, 
 that whoever would take up arms against the Swedes, should have their li- 
 berty. This declaration was of great weight in a country where all the 
 peasants, and even some of the townsmen were slaves ; but Charles XII. 
 was in no fear of an army of slaves. He ordered the king of Denmark to 
 be told, that he made war with him only to oblige him to makepeace; 
 and that he was now to resolve either to do justice to the duke of Holstein, 
 or see Copenhagen destroyed, and his whole kingdom put to fire and sword. 
 The Danes was too happy in having to do with a conqueror, who piqued 
 himself upon his justice. A congress was assembled in the town of Tra- 
 vendal, on the frontiers of Holstein. The king of Sweden would not suffer 
 the negociations to be lengthened by the art of ministers; but would have 
 the treaty end with as much rapidity as he made his descent into Zealand. 
 It was effectually concluded the 5th of August to the advantage of the duke 
 of Holstein, who was indemnified from all the expenses of the war, and 
 delivered from oppression. The king of Sweden would have nothing for 
 himself, being satisfied with having assisted his ally, and humbled his 
 enemy. Thus Charles XII. at eighteen years of age, began and ended this 
 war in less than six weeks. Precisely at the same time the king of Poland 
 besieged in person the city of Riga, the capital of Livonia ; and the Czar 
 advanced in the east, at the head of a hundred thousand men. Riga was 
 defended by the old count Alberg, the Swedish general, who at four score
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 19 
 
 ••» ' ' ' 
 
 Life of Charles (he Twelfth. 
 
 years of age joined the vigour of a young man to the experience of sixty 
 campaigns. Count Fleming, since minister of Poland, a great man both 
 in the field and the cabinet, and M. Patkul, carried on the siege under the 
 king's eye, one with all the activity he was famous for, and the other with 
 the obstinacy of revenge. But in spite of many advantages got by the be- 
 siegers, the experience of old count Alberg rendered all their efforts of no 
 effect; and the king of Poland, despairing to take the town, laid hold of 
 an honourable occasion to raise the siege. Riga was full of merchandise 
 belonging to the Dutch, the states-general ordered their ambassador to 
 king Augustus, to represent the affair to him. The king of Poland, without 
 much entreaty, consented to raise the siege, rather than do the least damage 
 to his allies; who were not astonished at this excess of complaisance, since 
 they knew the true cause of it. There was nothing left now for Charles 
 XII. to finish his first campaign, but to march against his rival in glory 
 Peter Alexiowitz. He was the more enraged against him, as there was still 
 at Stockholm three ambassadors, who came to swear to the renewing of an 
 inviolable peace. He who valued himself upon a severe probity, could not 
 comprehend how a legislator like the czar could make sport of what ought 
 to be sacred. This young prince, full of honour, could not think that there 
 was a dillerent morality for kings and for private persons. The emperor of, 
 Muscovy had just published a manifesto which would have been much bet- 
 ter for him to have suppressed. He alledged for a reason of the war, that 
 there had not been sufficient honours paid him, when he was incognito at 
 Riga; and that provisions had been sold to his ambassadors at too high a 
 price. These were the grievances for which he ravaged Ingria with a hun- 
 dred thousand men. He appeared before Narva at the head of this great 
 army on the 1st of October, a season more severe in that climate than the 
 month of January at Paris. The czar, who at such seasons would some- 
 times ride four hundred leagues post to visit a mine or a canal, spared his 
 troops no more than himself. Besides, he knew the Swedes, since the time 
 of Gustavus Adolphus, would make war as well in the midst of winter as 
 in summer; and would accustom his Muscovites also to know no seasons, 
 and make them one day at least equal to the Swedes. Thus, at a time 
 when frost and snow oblige nations in temperate climates to suspend the 
 war, the czar Peter besieged Narva within thirty degrees of the Pole; and 
 Charles XII. advanced to relieve it. The czar was no sooner arrived before 
 the place, than he hastened to put in practice what lie had just learnt in his tra- 
 vels. He marked out his camp, had it fortified on all sides, raised redoubts 
 at equal distances, and opened the trench himself; but not much backed at 
 that time by the Muscovite officers. For his own part, he had only the rank 
 of a lieutenant in his own troops. He thought it nee !MtVy to give an ex- 
 ample of military obedience to his noblemen, who were till that time un- 
 disciplinable, and used to lead, without the least experience, a rabble of ill— 
 armed slaves. He would teach them that military preferments were to be 
 purchased by services; he began himself at a drummer, and was raised to 
 an officer by degrees. It is not surprising that he who made himself a car- 
 penter at Amsterdam to get fleets, should become a lieutenant at Narva to 
 teach his nation the art of war. The Muscovites are robust, indefatigable, 
 and perhaps as courageous as the Swedes; but there must be time allowed
 
 20 THE SUPPLEMEN T TO THE 
 
 .■ , ' * — ' 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 to train up troops, and discipline makes them invincible. The only good 
 soldiers in the army were thirty thousand Streletses, who were in Muscovy 
 what the Janisaries are in Turkey. The rest were barbarians taken out of 
 the woods, covered with the skins of wild beasts; some were armed with 
 arrows, and others with clubs; few had muskets, none had ever seen a re- 
 gular siege ; nor was there one good gunner in the whole army. One hun- 
 dred and fifty pieces of cannon, which were enough to have laid the little 
 town of Narva in ashes, had hardly made a breach in it, while the artillery 
 from thence destroyed whole ranks every moment in the trenches. Narva 
 ■was almost without fortifications : and count Hoorn, who commanded there, 
 had not a thousand regular troops, notwithstanding which, this innumer- 
 able armv was not able to reduce it in ten weeks. 
 
 It was now the 15th of November when the czar learnt that the king of 
 Sweden, having crossed the sea with two hundred vessels, marched to the 
 relief of Narva. The Swedes were but twenty thousand, but the czar had 
 the superiority in nothing but numbers. Far, therefore, from despising his 
 enemy, he employed all the art he had to crush him. Not contented with 
 a hundred thousand men, he prepared another army to oppose him and 
 stop his progress. He had sent near forty thousand men, who advanced 
 in hasty marches from Pleskow. He went himself to expedite them, that 
 he might shut the king in between his two armies. This was not all, thirty 
 thousand men detached from the camp before Narva, were posted within a 
 league of this town in the rout of the king of Sweden. Twenty thousand 
 Streletses a little farther on the same rout. Five thousand others made an 
 advanced guard; he was to pass through the body of all these troops, be- 
 fore he could arrive at the camp, which was fortified with a rampart and 
 double fosse. The king of Sweden had disembarked at Pernaw in the 
 Gulph of Riga, with about sixteen thousand foot, and a little more than 
 four thousand horse. .From Pernaw he had precipitated his march as far as 
 Itevel, followed by all his cavalry, and only four thousand foot soldiers. 
 He still marched forward without waiting for the rest of his troops. He 
 found himself very soon with his eight thousand men only, before the first 
 posts of the enemy. "He was not long in determining to attack them all 
 one after another, without giving them time to learn with how small a num- 
 bec they were engaged. The Muscovites seeing the Swedes come up to 
 them, imagined they had the whole army to encounter. The advanced 
 guard of five thousand men fled at their approach. The twenty thousand 
 men who were behind them, terrified at the flight of their countrymen 
 made very little resistance; they carried their disorder and fright to the 
 thirty thousand men, who were within a league of the camp, and a panic 
 fear running through all these troops, they retired to the main body of the 
 army without a battle. These three posts were carried in two days and a 
 half; and what on other occasions would be looked upon as three victories, 
 retarded the king's march but one hour. He appeared at length with hr» 
 eight thousand men, fatigued with so long a march, before a camp of a 
 hundred thousand Muscovites, defended by a hundred and fifty pieces of 
 cannon in front. Scarce had his troops taken any repose, before he gave 
 orders for the attack. The signal was two fusees, the word in German, 
 With God's help. A -general officer having represented to him the great
 
 KOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 21 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 danger of the undertaking — "What, do you doubt," said he, "that with 
 my eight thousand brave Swedes, I cannot get the better of a hundred 
 thousand Muscovites?" A moment after, fearing there was too much of the 
 rodomontade in these words, he ran himself after this officer, " And are 
 riot you of opinion?" said he, — " Have I not two advantages over the enemy; 
 one, that their horse can be of ho service to them ; and the other, that the 
 place, being close, their great number of men will only incommode them; 
 and I shall really be stronger than they ?" The officer look care not to be 
 of another opinion, and so they marched against the Muscovites about 
 noon on the 30th of November 1700. As soon as the Swedish cannon had 
 made a breach in the intrenchments, they advanced with their bayonets at 
 the end of their fusees; having a violent storm of snow behind them, which 
 blew full in the faces of the enemy. The Muscovites were slaughtered for 
 half an hour without quitting the back of the fosses. The king attacked 
 the right of the camp, where the czar's quarters were; and hoped to en- 
 counter him, not knowing that the emperor was gone himself to seek the 
 forty thousand men who were shortly expected. On the first discharge of 
 the enemy's muskets the king received a ball in his left shoulder; but it 
 grazed only on the flesh, and his activity hindered him even from feeling 
 he was wounded. His horse was killed under hiin, almost at the same time. 
 A second had his head taken off by a cannon shot. He vaulted nimbly on 
 a third, saying, " these people oblige me to exercise;" and continued fight- 
 ing and giving orders with the same presence of mind. After three hours 
 the intrenchments were forced on every side. The king pursued the right 
 of the enemy as far as the river Narva, with his left wing, if one may call 
 by that name about 4000 men, who were pursuing near 50,000. The bridge 
 broke under them, and in a moment the river was covered with dead bo- 
 dies. The rest, in despair, returned to their camp, without knowing where 
 they went. They found some barracks, behind which they placed them- 
 selves, and defended themselves for a while, not knowing how to escape ; but 
 at last their generals, Dolorouky, Gollowin, and Kedorowitz, yielded to the 
 king, and laid their arms at his feet. "While they were presented to him, 
 the duke of Croy, general of the army, came to surrender himself with 
 thirty officers. 
 
 Charles received all these important prisoners in as ready and polite a 
 manner, as if he was doing them the honours of a feast in his own court; — 
 he would keep only the generals ; all the subaltern officers and soldiers were 
 disarmed and conducted to the river Narva, where they were furnished with 
 boats that they might cross over and return to their own homes. In the 
 mean time night drew on: the right of the Muscovites continued fight- 
 ing; the Swedes had not lost 1500 men ; 18,000 Muscovites had been killed 
 in their intrenchments, a great number drowned, and many crossed the 
 river, but there still remained enough in the camp to extirpate the last man 
 among the Swedes. But it is not the number of the slain, but the fear of 
 those who survive, by which battles are lost. — The king made use of the 
 little day that was left to seize on the enemy's artillery. He posted himself 
 advantageously between the camp and the town, where he slept some hours 
 on the ground wrapt up in his cloak, waiting till break of day, to fall on tin- 
 left wing of the enemy, which was not yet quite destroyed. At two o'clock
 
 22 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE ^_ 
 
 t Life of C harles theTudfth. 
 
 in the morning, general Vede, who commanded that left wing, knowing how 
 gracious a reception the king gave to the other generals, arid how he had 
 sent away all the subaltern officers and soldiers, begged to be allowed the 
 same favour. The conqueror ordered him to be told, " That he need only 
 come to him at the head of his troops, and lay down his arms and colours 
 at his feet. The general presently appeared with his Muscovites, to the 
 Dumber of about thirty thousand. They marched bare-headed, soldiers 
 and officers, through less than 7000 Swedes. The soldiers, in passing before 
 the king, threw their swords and fusees on the ground, and the officers laid 
 their ensigns and colours at his feet. He let all this multitude cross the river 
 ■without detaining one soldier prisoner. If he had kept them, the number 
 •would have been at luast five times larger than that of the conqueror's. 
 
 He then entered victorious into Narva, accompanied by the duke of Croy, 
 and the other Muscovite general officers; he ordered all their swords to be 
 restored them ; and knowing that they wanted money, and that the mer- 
 chants of Narva would not lend them any, he sent 1000 ducats to the duke 
 «f Croy, and five hundred to each of the Muscovite officers, who could not 
 cease wondering at this treatment, which surpassed whatever they had any 
 idea of. They immediately drew up a relation of the victory at Narva, to 
 be sent to Stockholm and the allies of Sweden; but the king, with his own 
 hand, struck out whatever was said too much to his own advantage, or too 
 injurious to the czar. His modesty could not, however, hinder them from 
 striking several Medals at Stockholm to perpetuate the memory of these 
 events. Among others, there was one, wherein he was represented, on one 
 side on a pedestal to which were chained, a Muscovite, a Dane, and a 
 Pole ; on the other was Hercules, armed with a club, treading on Cerberus, 
 with this inscription, f Tres uno contudit ictu." Among the prisoners taken 
 at the battle of Narva, there was one who was a great instance of the revo- 
 lutions of fortune ; he was the eldest son and heir to the king of Georgia, 
 and called Czarafis, a name which signifies prince, or son of the czar, among 
 the Tartars as well as Muscovites: for the word czar meant king among the 
 ancient Scythians, from whom all these people were desended, and came 
 not from the Caesars of Rome, so long unknown to these barbarians. His 
 father, Mitelliski Czar, master of the finest part of the countries which lie 
 between the mountains of Ararat and the eastern borders of the Black Sea, 
 had been driven out of his kingdom by his own subjects, in the year 1688, 
 and chose rather to fling himself into the arms of the emperor of Muscovy, 
 than of the Turks. The son of the king, nineteen years of age, would fol- 
 low Peter the Great in his expedition against the Swedes, and was taken in 
 battle by some Finland soldiers, who had already stript him, and were go- 
 ing to kill him. Count Renchild snatched him from their hands, ordered 
 clothes to be given to him, and presented him to his master. Charles sent 
 him to Stockholm, where, in the course of a few years afterwards, this un- 
 fortunate prince died. The king, at his going away, could not help mak- 
 ing a natural reflection, aloud before his officers, on the strange destiny of 
 an Asiatic prince, born at the foot of Mount Caucasus, going to live cap- 
 tive among the snows^if Sweden. " It is as if 1 were one day to be a pri- 
 soner," said he, " among the Crim Tartars." These words made no im- 
 pression at that time, but afterwards were too often remembered, when the
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. £2 
 
 Life of Charles theTwel/th. 
 
 event made a prediction of them. The czar advanced by long marches 
 with the armv of 40,000 Russians, reckoning he should encompass his ene- 
 my on all sides: but heard, in his march thither, of the battle of Narva, and 
 the dispersion of all his camp. He could not resolve to attack, with his 
 forty thousand men, without experience or discipline, a conqueror who had. 
 just destroyed 100,000 intrenched in a camp. He turned back, resolving 
 alwavs to discipline his troops as he civilized his subjects; " I know well," 
 said he, " that the Swedes will beat us a long while, but we shall learn of 
 themselves at length how to conquer them." Moscow, his capi(:il, was in 
 a great fright at the news of this defeat. Such was the pride and ignorance of 
 these people, that they thought they could not be vanquished but bv a |>ower 
 more than human, and that the Swedes were real magicians. This opinion 
 was so general, that they ordered public prayers to St. Nicholas, the pa- 
 tron of Muscovy. This prayer is too singular not to be repeated. It was as 
 follows : " O thou who art our perpetual consolator in all our adversities, 
 great St. Nicholas, infinitely powerful, by what sin have we offended thee in 
 our sacrifices, genuflexions, reverences, or thanksgivings, that you have 
 thus forsaken us? We have implored thy aid against these terrible and en- 
 raged insulters ; these dreadful ungovernable destroyers; when, like lions or 
 bears who have lost their young, they have fallen upon us, terrified, and 
 wounded us by thousands ; us, who are thy people. As it is impossible this 
 should happen without witchcraft and inchantment, we beseech thee, O 
 great St. Nicholas ! to be our champion and our standard-bearer, to deliver 
 us from this crowd of sorcerers, and drive them from our confines with the 
 reeompence that is due to them." While the Muscovites complained to St. 
 Nicholas of their defeat, Charles XII. returned thanks to God, and prepared, 
 for new victories. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 THE king of Poland, expecting that his enemy, having conquered the 
 Danes and the Muscovites, would soon fall upon him, therefore made a 
 stricter league with the czar than ever; and these two princes agreed upon 
 an interview to take their measures in concert. They met at Birzen, a little 
 town in Lithuania, without any of those formalities which serve onlv to re- 
 tard business, and which did neither agree with their circumstances nor their 
 humour; they spent fifteen days together in pleasures, even to excess: for 
 the czar, notwithstanding his desire to reform his country, could never cor- 
 rect in himself the dangerous inclination he had to debauchery. Count Pi- 
 per, the king of Sweden's chief minister, was first informed of the intended 
 interview between the emperor of Muscovy and the king of Poland. He 
 advised his master to oppose to their measures a little of that policy which 
 he had hitherto too much despised. Charles XII. listened to him, and put 
 in practice, for the first time, those arts so much used in other courts. There 
 was in the Swedish army a young Scotch gentleman, one of those who quit 
 their own country betimes, where they are but poor, and are to be met with 
 in all the armies in Europe. He spoke the German very well, and was 
 master of a good address. This gentleman was chosen to be a spy upon the
 
 24 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 conferences of the two kings ; he applied himself to the colonel of the regi- 
 ment of Saxon cuirassiers, who were to serve as the czar's guards during the 
 interview. He passed for a gentleman of Brandenburg; and by his beha- 
 viour, and a little money he had for that purpose, he obtained a lieutenancy 
 in the regiment: being at Birzen, he artfully insinuated himself into the fa- 
 miliarity of the secretaries of the ministers, and always made one in their 
 pleasures. Whether he took advantage of their indiscretion over their cups, 
 or seduced them by presents, he got from them all the secrets of their mas- 
 ters, and gave a speedy account of them to Charles XII. The king of Po- 
 land engaged himself to furnish the czar with 50,000 German troops, which 
 were to be purchased of several princes, and the czar was to keep them ii> 
 pay. He, on the other side, was to send 50,000 Muscovites into Poland to 
 learn the art of war, and promised to pay king Augustus three millions of rix- 
 dollars in two years. This treaty, if it had been executed, might have been 
 fatal to the king of Sweden. It was a ready method to discipline the Mus- 
 covites, and might have forged fetters for a great part of Europe. 
 
 Charles XII. made it his business to prevent the king of Poland's gather- 
 ing the fruit of this league. After having passed the winter at Narva, he 
 appeared in Livonia at Riga, the very town which king Augustus had be- 
 sieged with so little success. The Saxon troops were posted along the river 
 Duna, which is very wide in that place ; they were to dispute the passage 
 of Charles, who was on the other side. The Saxons were not com- 
 manded bv their prince, who was at that time ill; but they had at their 
 head Ferdinand duke of Courland, one of the bravest princes of the north ; 
 and marshal Stenau, an officer of reputation. The king of Sweden had 
 alone formed the plan of the passage, which he was going to attempt. He 
 had caused boats to be built of a new invention ; the sides of which, much 
 higher than ordinary, might be lifted' up or down like draw-bridges. When 
 lifted up, they covered the troops they carried ; when let down, they served 
 as a bridge to land them. He likewise made use of another kind of artifice. 
 Observing that the wind blew from the north, where he was, to the south, 
 where his enemies were encamped^ he ordered fire to be set to a quantity 
 of wet straw, from which a thick smoke spreading over the 'river, hid from 
 the Saxons the sight of his troops, and what they were going to do. By 
 the help of this cloud, he made other barks advance, filled with the same 
 smoking straw, insomuch, that the cloud, continually increasing, and be- 
 ing driven by the wind into the eyes of the enemy, it was impossible forthem 
 to know whether the king passed or not. He alone managed the execution of 
 his stratagem. Being in the middle of the river, " Well," said he to gene- 
 ral Renchild, " the Duna will not be less favourable to us than the sea of 
 Copenhagen ; believe me, general, we shall beat them." In a quarter of an 
 hour he got to the other side, but was not pleased that he had not jumped 
 on shore till the fourth person. He ordered his cannon to be immediately 
 landed, and formed his battalia without his enemies, who were blinded by 
 the smoke, being able to oppose him, only by some random shot. The wind 
 having dispersed the mist, the Saxons saw the king of Sweden marching 
 against them. Marshal Stenau lost not a moment's time; he no sooner 
 saw the Swedes, than he fell upon them wich the best part of his cavalry. 
 The violent shock of this troop falling on the Swedes, at the very instant
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 2S 
 
 Ufcof Charles the Twelfth. ' 
 
 ' -- 
 
 that they were forming their battalion, put them into disorder. They gave 
 ■way, were broken, and pursued even into the river. The king of Sweden 
 rallied them the next minute, in the midst of the water, with as much ease 
 as if he was making a review, iiis soldiers then marching more close than 
 before, repulsed the marshal Stetiau and advanced into the plain. The 
 duke of Courland perceiving that his troops were surprised, caused them 
 to retire with great prudence into a dry place, flanked with a morass and a 
 ■wood, where his artillery was. The advantage of tho ground, and the time 
 that he had given the Saxons to come out of their first surprise, recovered 
 all their courage. Charles did not dispute with himself whether or not he 
 should attack him; he had 15,000 men with him; the duke of Courland 
 12,000. The battle was rude and bloody ; the duke had two horses killed 
 under him ; he penetrated three times into the midst of the king's guards; 
 but at last being knocked from his horse with the but-end of a musket, hi» 
 army was put into such disorder that they no longer disputed the victory. 
 His ctiira»siers carried him off with difficulty, bruised all over, and half dead, 
 from the midst of the crowd and the horses, which trampled him under 
 their feet. The king of Sweden, after his victory, hastened to Mittaw, the 
 capital of Courland, and took it. All the towns of this dutchy yielded to 
 him at discretion : it was a journey rather than a conquest. He went with- 
 out stopping to Lithuania, subduing every place in his way. He felt a par- 
 ticular satisfaction, as he confessed himself, when he entered as a conqueror 
 into the very town of Birzen, where the king of Poland and the czar had 
 conspired his ruin but a few months before. It was in this place that he 
 conceived the design of dethroning the king of Poland by the Polanders 
 themselves. Being there one day at table, with his thoughts wholly em- 
 ployed on his enterprise, and observing his usual sobriety in a profound si- 
 lence, seeming to be buried in the great ideas which filled his mind, a Ger- 
 man colonel who waited on him, said, loud enough to be heard, ** That the 
 repasts which the czar and the king of Poland had made in the same place, 
 ■were a little different from those of his majesty." " Yes," said the king, 
 getting up. " and I shall the more easily spoil their digestion. In short, 
 mixing at that time a little policy with the force of his arms, he made ug 
 delay to prepare for the event he was thinking of. 
 
 Poland is the* truest image of the ancient Gothic government, corrected 
 or altered every where else: it is the only state that has preserved the name 
 of a republic with the royal dignity. The nobility and clergy maintained 
 4heir liberty against their king, and took it away from the rest of the na- 
 tion. All the people there are slaves; such is the destiny of men, that the 
 greatest number, in some manner or other, is every where kept in subjection 
 by the smaller. There the peasant does not sow for himself, but for the lords 
 to whom he, iiis field, and the labour of his hands belong, and who may sell 
 him, or cut his throat, with his cattle. All that are gentlemen, are independ- 
 ent. To judge one of them in a criminal case, there must be an assembly of 
 the whole nation : he cannot be arrested till after he is condemned, and 
 thus he is hardly ever punished. There are many of them poor ; these go 
 into the service of the more powerful, receive a salary from them, do the 
 meanest offices, and like better to serve their equals than enrich tbemselvet 
 by trade. The slavery of the greatest part of the nation, and the pride and 
 
 VOL. IV. K
 
 td THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lijc of Charles the Tueljth. 
 
 idleness of the other, make arts unknown in this country, otherwise fertile, 
 and watered by thefinest rivers of Europe; through which it would be easy, 
 by canals, to join the Northern Ocean and the Black Sea, and enjoy the 
 commerce of Europe and Asia. The few workmen and traders in Poland 
 are strangers, Scotchmen, Frenchmen, and Jews, who buy the provisions of 
 the country at a poor price, and sell them again dearly to thenobles to satis- 
 fy their luxury. Whoever sees the king of Poland in the pomp of royal 
 majesty, is apt to think him the most absolute prince in Europe, notwith- 
 standing he is the least so. The Poles make that contract in reality with him, 
 which in other nations is only suppost-d to be between the sovereign and his 
 people. The king of Poland, < ven at his consecration, and in swearing to 
 the Pacta Conventa, dispenses with his subjects' oath of allegiance, in case he 
 violates the laws of the republic. He fills up all places, and confers 
 all honours. Nothing is hereditary in Poland but lands, and the rank 
 of noble. The son of a palatine, or a king, has no right to the digni- 
 ties of his father: but there is this great difference between the king and 
 the republic, that he can take away no employment from the person to 
 •whom he has given it, and the republic has a right to take away the crown 
 from him if he transgresses the laws of the state. The nobility, jealous of 
 their liberty, oftentimes sell their votes, but rarely their affections. They 
 have hardly elected a king, before they fear his ambition, and oppose him 
 ■with their cabals. The great men, whom he has made and cannot destroy, 
 become often his enemies instead of remaining his creatures. Those who 
 are attached to the court, are the objects of hatred to the rest of the nobili- 
 ty ; this always makes two parties; a division inevitable, and even neces- 
 sary, in countries where tiiey will have kings, and preserve their liberty. 
 
 What concerns the nation, is regul.ted in the states-general, called Diets, 
 These states are composed of the body of the senate, and of many gentle- 
 men. The senators are the palatines and the bishops ; the second order is 
 composed of the deputies of the particular diets of each palatinate. At 
 these great assemblies presides the archbishop of Gnesna, primate of Po- 
 land, vicar of the kingdom in interregnums, and the first person in the state 
 after the king. There is rarely, in Poland, any other cardinal than he ; be- 
 cause, the Roman purple not giving any precedence in the senate, a bishop, 
 who should be a cardinal, would be obliged either to sit in his rank as a se- 
 nator, or to renounce the solid rights of the dignity he has in his own coun- 
 try to support the pretensions of a foreign honour. These diets, by the law* 
 Of the kingdom, ought to beheld alternately in Poland and Lithuania. The 
 deputies oftentimes decide their affairs here with their sabres in their hands, 
 like the old Sarmatae, from whom they are descended, and sometimes in the 
 midst of drunkenness, a vice unknown to the Sarmata?. Every gentleman 
 deputed to these states-general enjoys the same right that the tribunes of the 
 people had at Rome, to oppose the laws of the senate. A single gentleman 
 who says, ** I protest," by that puts a stop to the unanimous resolutions of 
 all the rest; and if he leaves the place where the diet is held, they must se- 
 parate for that time. To the disorders arising from this law, they bring a 
 remedy more dangerous. Poland is seldom without two factions. Unani- 
 mity in the diets being therefore impossible, each party forms confederacies, 
 in which matters are decided by the majority of votes, without any regard;
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. *7 
 
 v ' ' -- ,„ ■ , 
 
 Life of Charles theTwelJth. 
 
 to the protestations of the less number. These assemblies, contrary to law, 
 but authorized by custom, arecalled in the name of the king, though often- 
 times against his consent, and against his interest; not much unlike the league 
 in France, which made use of the nameof Henry III. to overthrow him; or that 
 parliament in England, who put Charles I. to death on the scaffold, and placed 
 his name at the head of all the resoltitiohs they took to destroy him. VV hen, 
 the troubles are ended, it then belongs to the general diet to confirm, or ma ke 
 void, the acts of these confederacies. One diet can change whatever ha» 
 been done by the preceding, for the same reason that, in monarchical states, 
 a king can abolish the laws of his predecessors, or those made by himself. 
 
 The nobility, who make the laws of the republic, make also its strength. 
 They mount their horses on great occasions, and can compose a body of 
 more than 150,000 men. This great army, called Pospolite, moves with diffi- 
 culty, and is ill-governed : the scarcity of provisions and forage makes it 
 impracticable for them to continue long together; they want discipline, sub- 
 ordination, and experience; but the love of liberty, which animates them, 
 'makes them always formidable. They may be overcome, or dispersed, or 
 even held in bondage for a time, but they soon shake of)' the yoke. They 
 compare themselves to reeds, which a storm bends to the ground, and which 
 rise again as soon as the wind is laid. It is for this reason they have no for- 
 tifications ; they will be themselves the only ramparts of the republic ; they 
 never suffer their king to build any fortresses, for fear he should make use 
 of them, not so much to defend, as oppress them. Their country is all open, 
 except two or three frontier places : so that in their wars, either civil or with 
 foreigners, if they resolve to maintain a siege, they are forced to raise forti- 
 fications of earth in haste, to repair the old walls half ruined, to enlarge the. 
 fosses almost filled up, and the town is taken before the intrenchments are 
 finished. The pospolite is not always on horseback to guard the country : 
 they mount only by order of the diets, or sometimes indeed by the single 
 order of the king, in cases of extreme danger. The ordinary guard of Po- 
 land, is an army which ought always to subsist at the expense of the repub- 
 lic. It is composed of two bodies independent of one another, under two 
 different grand generals. The first body is that of Poland, and ought to be 
 36,000 men; the second, to the number of 12,000, is that of Lithuania. 
 The two grand generals, though they are named by the king, are account- 
 able to none but the republic, and have a supreme authority over their troops. 
 The colonels are the absolute masters of their regiments ; it belongs to them 
 to subsist them as they may be able, and find them their pay. But being 
 seldom paid themselves, they lay the country waste, and ruin the husband- 
 men to satisfy their own greediness and that of their soldiers. The Polish 
 lords appear in these armies with more magnificence than in thecities ; their 
 tents are finer than their houses. The cavalry, which makes two-thirds of 
 the army, is almost all composed of gentlemen : it is" remarkable for the 
 gracefulness of the horsemen, the beauty of the horses, and the richness of 
 their clothes and caparisons. Their gens-d'armes, above all, which are di- 
 vided into hussars and pancernes, always march attended by several valets, 
 who lead their horses by bridles, adorned with plates and nails of silver; 
 their saddles are embroidered, their saddle-bows and stirrups gilt, and some- 
 times of massive silver, with large housings trailing, after the manner of the
 
 « THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Li/e oj Charle s (he Txre/fth. 
 
 i ' ' = 
 
 Turks, whose magnificence the Poles imitate as much as they are able. Al- 
 though their cavalry is thus pompously set oil*, yet their infantry appears 
 ragged and wretched ; ill-clothed, ill-arm^, without accoutrements, or any 
 thing uniform. These soldiers, who rttfcrhble the vagabond Tartars, support 
 with an astonishing resolution, hunger, cold, and all the fatigues and hard- 
 ships of war. There is still to be seen in Polish soldiers the character of the 
 ancient Sarmatae, their ancestors, as little disciplined, the same fury in the 
 attack, the same promptitude to fly or to return to battle, and the same 
 cruelty in the" slaughter when they are conquerors. The king of Poland 
 flattered himself at first, that, in case of necessity, these two armies would 
 fight in his favour; that the Polish pospolite would arm at his orders ; and 
 that all these forces joined to the Saxons, his subjects, and the Muscovites, 
 his allies, would make a multitude before whom the small number of the 
 Swedes would not dare to appear. But he saw himself, almost on a sudden, 
 deprived of these succours by the very means he had used to have them all 
 together. Accustomed in his hereditary dominions to absolute power, he 
 was ton apt to imagine that he could govern Poland like Saxony ; the be- 
 ginning of his reign made malecontents ; the first steps he took irritated the 
 party who had opposed his election, and alienated almost all the rest. Poland 
 murmured to see its towns filled with Saxon garrisons, and its frontiers with 
 Muscovite troops. This nation, much more zealous in maintaining its liber- 
 ty than eager to attack its neighbours, did not look upon the war of king 
 'Augustus against the Swedes, and the irruption into Livonia, as an enter- 
 prise advantageous to the republic. A free nation does not easily mistake 
 Its true interests. The Poles were of opinion, that if this war, undertaken 
 without their consent, should be unsuccessful, their country, open on every 
 side, would become a prey to the king of Sweden : and if successful, would 
 be subdued by their own king, who, being then master of Livonia as well 
 as Saxony, would enclose Poland between those two countries full of strong 
 places. In this alternative, either of being slaves to the king whom they 
 had elected, or ravaged by Charles XIL justly incensed, they with one 
 ■voice cried out against the war, which they thought was declared more 
 against themselves than Sweden. They looked upon the Saxons and Mus- 
 covites as the instruments of their chains/and soon after Seeing the king of 
 Sweden had overthrown every thing that had opposed his passage, and ad- 
 vanced with a victorious army into the heart of Lithuania, they flew out 
 against their sovereign with so much the more liberty as he was unfortunate. 
 Lithuania was at that time divided into two parlies, that of the princes 
 Sapieha, and that of Oginsky. These two factions were begun by private 
 quarrels, and degenerated into a civil war. The king of Sweden had at- 
 tached to him the princes Sapieha; Oginsky, but ill supported by the 
 Saxons, saw his party almost brought to nothing. The Lithuanian army, 
 which these troubles and the want of money had reduced to a small num- 
 ber, was partly dispersed by the conqueror. The few who held out for the 
 king of Poland, were separated in little bodies of fugitive troops, which 
 wandered about the country and subsisted by rapine. Augustus saw no- 
 thing in Lithuania, but the weakness of his own party, the hatred of his 
 subjects, and the army of an enemy, conducted by a young king provoked, 
 victorious, and implacable. There was indeed an army in Poland, but in-
 
 i . KOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. ?9 
 
 ■ ■ ■— *■! I 1 _ ■■■■■■ ■ ■ ■■■■■ Ill I I ' ■' * "l««| . ll « ■ ■■ »> ■ ■ 
 
 Life oj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 stead of thirty -mx thousand men, the number prescribed by the laws, it 
 consisted of no more than eighteen thousand; and these not only ill-paid 
 and ill-armed, but the generals knew not yet which side to take. 
 
 The king's refuge was to order the nobles to follow him, but he durst not 
 expose himself to the hazard of a refusal ; which would have too much dis- 
 covered, and consequently increased his weakness. In this state of trouble 
 and incertitude, all the palatinates of the kingdom demanded a diet of the 
 king ; in the same manner as in England in times of difficulty, all the l>o- 
 dies of the state present addresses to the king to desire him to call a parlia- 
 ment. Augustus had more occasion for an army than a diet, where the 
 actions of kings are weighed, fie was nevertheless obliged to call one, that 
 he might not exasperate the nation beyond the power of reconciliation. It 
 was therefore summoned to meet at Warsaw the 2d of December 1701. He 
 soon perceived that Charles XII. had at least, as much power in this as- 
 tembly as himself. Those who were for the Sapiehas, the Lubormiskys, 
 and their friends, the palatine Lecsicky treasurer of the crown, and espe- 
 cially the partisans of the princes Sobiesky, were all secretly attached to 
 the king of Sweden. 
 
 The most considerable of these partisans, and the most dangerous enemy 
 the king of Poland had, was cardinal Kadjousky, archbishop of Gnesna, 
 primate of the kingdom, and president of the diet. He was a man full of 
 artifice and obscurity in his conduct, entirely governed by an ambitious 
 woman, whom the Swedes called Madam la Cardinale, and who was always 
 pushing him on to intrigue and faction. The art of the primate was to 
 take advantage of conjunctures without seeking to give rise to them ; he 
 appeared irresolute when he was the most determined in his projects, going 
 at all times to gain his ends by the ways which seemed to oppose them. 
 King John Sobiesky, the predecessor of Augustus, first made him bishop 
 of Warmia, and vice-chancellor of the kingdom. Kadjousky, being yet no 
 more than a bishop, obtained the cardinal's hat by the favour of the same 
 king. This dignity soon opened to him the way to that of primate; thus 
 uniting in himself all that is capable of imposing on mankind, he was in a 
 condition to undertake great matters with impunity. He tried his interest 
 on the death of John, to place prince James Sobiesky on the throne ; but 
 the torrent of the people's hatred against the father, as great a man as he 
 was, bore down the son. The cardinal primate then joined himself with 
 the abbe de Polignac, ambassador from France, to give the crown to the 
 prince of Conti, who was elected in effect; but the money and troops of 
 Saxony soon overcame the eloquence of the abbe, the primate yielded to 
 the party that crowned king Augustus, and waited with patience for an oc- 
 casion to make a division between Poland and its new king. 
 
 The victories of Charles XII. the protector of prince James Sobiesky, 
 the civil war of Lithuania, and the general disaffection of the people to 
 king Augustus; made the cardinal think the time was come when he might 
 •end him back into Saxony, and again open the way to the son of king 
 John to mount the throne. This prince, formerly the innocent object of 
 the hatred of the Poles, was now become their delight as the other was 
 hated by them ; but he durst not flatter himself with the hopes of so great 
 a revolution notwithstanding the cardinal had insensibly laid the founds*
 
 36 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 tion of it. At first he seemed willing to reconcile the king and the republic. 
 He sent circular letters, dictated in appearance by the spirit of concord 
 and charity; a known and common snare, but in which men are always to 
 be caught. He wrote a moving letter to the king of Sweden, conjuring 
 him, in the name of him whom all Christians equally adore, to give peace 
 to Poland and its king. Charles XII. answered the cardinal's intentions 
 more than his words. In the mean time he remained in the great duchy of 
 Lithuania with his victorious army, declaring, that he would not trouble 
 the diet; that he made war against Augustus and the Saxons, not the Poles; 
 and that, far from attacking the republic, he came to save it from oppres- 
 sion. These letters and answers were for the public. The emissaries which 
 came and went continually between the cardinal and count Piper, and the 
 private meetings at that prelate's, were the springs by which the diet moved. 
 It was proposed to send an ambassador to Charles XII. and unanimously 
 required of the king, that he should call no more Muscovites upon the fron- 
 tiers, and that he should send home his Saxon troops. The bad fortune of 
 Augustus had already done what the diet exacted from him. The secret 
 league concluded at Birzen with the Muscovite, was now become as use- 
 less as it first appeared formidable. It was very far from being in his power 
 to send the czar the fifty thousand Germans that he had promised to raise 
 in the empire. The czar himself, a dangerous neighbour to Poland, was 
 not eager to assist with all his forces, at that time, a divided kingdom, in 
 •whose spoils he hoped to have a share. He contented himself with send- 
 ing twenty thousand Muscovites into Lithuania, who did more harm there 
 than the Swedes, flying every where before the conqueror, and ravaging the 
 lands of the Poles; till, being pursued by the Swedish generals, and finding 
 nothing more to pillage, they returned into their own country in troops. 
 As to the remains of the Saxon army beaten at Riga, king Augustus had 
 sent them to winter and recruit themselves in Saxony, that this sa- 
 crifice, forced as it was, might restore him to the favour of the displeased 
 Polish nation. The war was now turned into intrigues, and the diet divided 
 into almost as many factions as there were palatines. One day the party of 
 king Augustus prevailed ; the next, they were proscribed. Every one cried 
 out for liberty and justice ; but no one knew what it was to be free or just. 
 The time was spent in caballing in private, and haranguing in public. The 
 diet knew neither what they would, nor what they ought to do. Great bo- 
 dies hardly ever take proper advice in times of civil troubles; because the 
 factious are too bold, and the honest for the most part too timorous. 
 
 The diet broke up in confusion on the 17th of February 1702, after three 
 months of caballing and irresolution. The senators, who are the palatines, 
 and the bishops, remained at Warsaw. The senate of Poland has a right 
 to make laws provisionally, which the diets rarely invalidate. This body, 
 less numerous and more accustomed to business, was not so tumultuous, 
 and determined much sooner. They agreed to send the embassy to the king 
 of Sweden, as proposed in the diet; that the pospolite should mount their 
 horses, and be in readiness on all events ; they made several regulations to 
 appease the troubles in Lithuania, and stiU more to diminish the authority 
 of their king, though less to be feared than that of Charles. Augustu* 
 chose rather to receive hard laws from his conqueror than his subjects ; h«
 
 "ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 31 
 
 i i t ■■■ ■ • : ' ' — ■ 
 l i/e of Charles the Txrcljth. 
 
 the refo re determined to ask peace of the king of Sweden; and would liave 
 entered into a treaty with him. This step was to be kept concealed from 
 the senate, whom he looked upon as a still more untraceable enemy. The 
 affair was delicate; he intrusted it to (he countess of Konismar, a Swedish 
 lad\ of great birth, to whom he was at that time attached. This woman, 
 known in the world for her wit and her beauty, was more capable of suc- 
 ceeding in a negociation than any minister. Besides, as she had an estate in 
 the dominions of Charles XII. and had been long at his court, she had the 
 more plausible pretence to go to him. She came then into the Swedish 
 camp in Lithuania, and addressed herself at first to count Piper, who too 
 lightly promised her an audience of his master The countess, among the 
 perfection* which rendered her one of the most amiable persons in Europe, 
 had a singular talent of speaking the languages of several countries which 
 she had never seen, with as much delicacy as if she had been born in thera. 
 She sometimes amused herself with writing French verses, which might be 
 supposed to have come from Versailles itself. She made some on Charles 
 XII. which history ought not to omit. In these she introduced the fabulous, 
 gods, who all praised the virtues of Charles. They conclude thus: 
 
 Enfin chacun des Dieux discourant a sa gloire, 
 Le placoit par avance au temple cle raemoire: 
 Mais Venus ni Bacchus n'en dirent pas uu mut. 
 
 The Gods who all the hero's glories trae'd. 
 Him in the front in memory's temple plac'd; 
 But Venus then, and Bacchus, both sat mute. 
 
 So much wit, and so many charms, were all lost on a man like the king of 
 Sweden. He constantly refused to see her. She resoUed at last, tq meet 
 him on the road, as he frequently went out on horseback ; winch she did 
 accordingly one day in a narrow lane: she got out of her coach as soon as 
 she perceived him. The king bowed to her without speaking one word, 
 turned the bridle of his horse, and rode back that instant; so that the 
 countess of Konismar gained nothing by her journey, but the satisfaction of 
 believing that she was the only person that the king of Sweden was afraid 
 of. Th« king of Poland was now forced to throw himself into the arms of 
 the senate. He made two propositions to them by the palatine of Marien- 
 burg; one, that they should leave to him the disposition of the armv of the 
 republic, to whom he would advance two quarters pay out of his own reve- 
 nues; the other, that the\ shoi.ld allow him to bring back 12,000 Saxons- 
 into Poland. 1 he cardinal primate made an answer as severe as the refusal 
 of the king of Sweden. He said to the palatine of Marienburg, in the 
 name oPthe assembly, "That they were resolved to send an embassy to 
 Charles XII. that they should employ themselves in nothing more than 
 to reconcile the king to Poland and Sweden ; that it was needless for him to 
 pay an army that would not fight for him, without the orders of the repub- 
 lic ; and that, for the Saxons, he would not advise him to let them com'-. ' 
 The king in this extremitv, would have preserved at least, the appearance 
 of royal authority. One of his chamberlains was sent to Charles, to know 
 where and how his Swedish majesty would receive the embassy from the 
 king his master, and the republic. It was unfortunately forgot to demand 
 « passport of the Swedes for this chamberlain. The king of Sweden had
 
 32 . THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije oj Charles the Twel jth. 
 
 him put into»prison, instead of giving him an audience; saying, " that he 
 expected to receive an embassy from the republic, and nothing from king 
 Augustus. Charles then having left garrisons behind in some of the towns 
 of Lithuania, advanced beyond Grodno, a town known in Europe by the 
 diets being held there; but ill built, and worse fortified. Some miles from 
 Grodno he met the embassy of the republic ; which was composed of five 
 senators. The Waiwode Galesky and count Tarlo, who died since in 
 France, were to be spokesmen. The king gave them an audience in his tent 
 with that pomp and magnificence which he always despised, but at that 
 time thought necessary. A lieutenant-general with one hundred dragoon* 
 on horseback, who are the guards of the king of Sweden, went before the 
 ambassadors; they alighted from their horses within fifty-feet of the royal 
 tent, and were conducted between two lines of guards under arms, into a 
 large anti-chamber. A major-general introduced them from thence into 
 a very large room, the ceiling, floor, and walls of which were covered with 
 Persian tapestry. The king received them on a throne; he rose up, and un- 
 covered himself at their first bow: afterwards, the king and the ambassadors 
 being covered, the Waiwode spoke first, and count Tarlo after him. Their 
 speeches were full of caution and obscurity ; they did not once mention, 
 the name of the king of Poland, being unwilling to speak in his favour, or 
 complain of him openly; but left him to guess at what was not proper for 
 them to explain. Charles treated each ambassador in private with friend- 
 ship and confidence; but when he was to give an answer to the republic 
 who sent them, and who, in his opinion, did not enter into his measures 
 •with a very ready submission, he ordered count Piper to tell them, that he 
 would give them an answer at Warsaw. The same day he marched towards 
 that city. This march was preceded by a manifesto, which the cardinal 
 and his party spread all over Poland in eight days. Charles, by this writing, 
 invited all the Poles to join their revenge with his, and pretended to shew 
 them that their interest and his were the same. They were nevertheless very 
 different; but the manifesto, supported by a great party, by the confusion 
 of the senate, and by the approach of the conqueror, made very strong 
 impressions. They were obliged to acknowledge Charles for their protector, 
 since he would make himself so; and they were happy that he contented 
 himself with that title. The senators opposite to Augustus published this 
 writing aloud before his face. The few that were his friends were silent. 
 At length, when they learnt that Charles advanced by long marches, every 
 one in confusion prepared to depart. The cardinal left Warsaw one of the 
 first; the greatest part precipitated their flight; some went to their own 
 estates to wait the event of this affair; others to stir up their friends: no- 
 body staid with the king but the ambassadors of the emperor, and of the 
 czar, the pope's nuncio, and some bishops and palatines who depended on 
 his fortune. He was forced to fly, and nothing had been yet decided in 
 his favour. He hastened, before his departure, to hold a council with the 
 small number of senators, who still represented the senate. How zealous 
 soever they were for his service, they were Poles, and had aN conceived so 
 great an aversion to the Saxon troops, that they durst not allow him the li- 
 liberty of bringing above six thousand for his defence; and voted that those 
 six thousand should be commanded by the grand general of Poland, and
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. S3 
 
 '■ ■ ■ 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 sent back immediately alter the peace. As to the armies of the republic, 
 they left the disposal of them to him. — After this result, the king quitted 
 Warsaw, too weak to oppose his enemies, and but little satisfied with his 
 own party. He presently published his proclamation to assemble the pos- 
 polite and the armies, which were little more than empty names. He had 
 nothing to hope from Lithuania, where the Swedes were. Thearmy of Po- 
 land, reduced to a very few troops, wanted arms, provisions, and good 
 will. The greatest part of the nobility, intimidated, irresolute, or ill-dis- 
 posed, kept at their estates. In vain the king, authorized by the laws of 
 the state, ordered all gentlemen, on pain of death, to mount their horses 
 and follow him. It began to be made a question whether they ought to 
 obey him. His great dependence was on the troops of his electorate, where 
 the form of government, entirely absolute, left him no apprehensions of their 
 disobedience. He had already sent privately for 12,000 Saxons, who ad- 
 vanced with precipitation. He brought back 8000 more, which he had pro- 
 mised to the emperor in the war with the empire against France, and which 
 the necessity he was under obliged him to recal. The introducing so many 
 Saxons into Poland, was to turn all men's minds against him, and to violate 
 the law made by his own party, which did not allow him but 6000; but he 
 knew, if he was conqueror, no one would dare to complain, and if he was 
 conquered, they would not forgive his bringing even that 6000. 
 
 Whilst these soldiers came in troops, and he was going about from palati- 
 nate to palatinate to gather the noblemen together who were attached to 
 him, the king of Sweden at length arrived before Warsaw on the 5th of 
 May 1702. The gates were opened to him on the first summons. He sent 
 away the Polish garrison, dismissed the city guard, appointed guards in 
 every place, and ordered the inhabitants to come and lay down their arms; 
 but, contented to disarm, and unwilling to exasperate them, he exacted no 
 more than a contribution of 100,000 franks from them. King Augustus then 
 called his forces together at Cracow, but was surprised to find the Cardinal 
 primate among them. This man, who was impatient to finish his work, pre- 
 tended to keep up the decency of his character to the last, and to dethrone 
 his king with all the respectful behaviour of a good subject : he told him, 
 that the king of Sweden seemed disposed to a reasonable accommodation, 
 and humbly begged his permission to go to him. King Augustus agreed to 
 what he could not prevent, that is, to give him the liberty to hurt him. 
 The cardinal primate thus covering the scandal of his conduct by adding 
 treachery to it, went immediately to the king of Sweden, to whom he had 
 not before dared to present himself. He saw this prince at Prague, not far 
 from Warsaw, but without any of the ceremonies used to ambassadors 
 from the republic. He found this conqueror clothed in a coarse blue coat 
 with brass-buttons gilt, a pair of large boots on, and buff-skin gloves that 
 reached up to his elbows, in a room without hangings, in which were the 
 duke of Holstein, his brother-in-law; count Piper, his first minister; and 
 several general officers. The king advanced some steps to meet the cardi- 
 nal, and they had a conference of about a quarter of an hour, standing all 
 the time, which the king finished irt crying aloud, " I will give no peace to 
 the Poles, unless they choose another king." The cardinal, who waited for 
 this declaration, made it presently known to all the palatinates, assuring 
 rot. IV. r
 
 3+_ THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 them that he was extremely concerned at it ; but shewing them at the same 
 time, the necessity they were under of complying with the conqueror. 
 
 Upon hearing this, the king of Poland very well saw that he was to lose, 
 or preserve, his throne, by a battle. He used his utmost efforts to prepare 
 for this great decision. All his Saxon troops were arrived from the frontiers 
 of Saxony. The nobility of the palatinate of Cracow, where he still re- 
 mained,, came in crowds to offer him their service. He exorted all the gen- 
 tlemen to remember the oaths they had taken ; and they promised him to 
 shed the last drop of blood in their bodies for him. Fortified by their suc- 
 cours, and the troops which bore the name of the army of the crown, he 
 went for the first time to seek the king of Sweden in person; whom he soon 
 found advancing towards Cracow. The two kings met on the 19th of July 
 1702, on a large plain near Clissau, between Warsaw and Cracow. Au- 
 gustus had near 24,000 men; Charles but 12,000. The battle began by a 
 discharge of the artillery. On the first volley fired by the Saxons, the 
 duke of Holstein, who commanded the Swedish horse, a young prince full 
 of courage and virtue, received a connon shot in his reins. The king asked 
 if he was dead; being told he was, he made no reply, but some tears fall- 
 ing from his eyes, he covered his face for a moment with his hands, and 
 then on a sudden spuring his horse, rushed into the midst of the enemy at 
 the head of his guards. The king of Poland did all that could be expected 
 from a prince who was fighting for his crown. He brought his troops back 
 himself three times to the charge; but the Swedes had the ascendant, and 
 Charles ga'ned a complete victory. The enemy's camp, colours, artillery, 
 and Augustus's military chest were all left to him. He made no stop on 
 the field of battle, but marched straight to Cracow, pursuing the king of Po- 
 land, who fled before him. The citizens of Cracow were rash enough to 
 shut their gales against the conqueror. He had them broke open, and took 
 the castle by assault. His soldiers, the only men in the world who could 
 abstain from plunder after a victory, did not injure one citizen; but the 
 king made the inhabitants pay for the rashness of their resistance, by exces- 
 sive contributions. He went from Cracow, fully resolved to pursue king Au- 
 gustus without stopping; but some few miles from the city his horse fell with 
 him, and broke his thigh. He was forced to be carried back again to Cra- 
 cow, where he kept his bed for six weeks, under the hands of the surgeons. 
 This accident gave Augustus time to breathe. He caused it immediately to 
 he spread over Poland, and the empire, that Charles XII. was killed by his 
 fall. This false news, believed for some time, occasioned great astonishment 
 and uncertainty in the mind of every one. In this small interval he assem- 
 bled at Marienburg, then at Lublin, all the orders of the kingdom already 
 called together at Sendomir. The assembly was very large, few of the pa- 
 latinates refusing to send thither. He recovered the affections almost of 
 every one by largesses, promises, and that affability which is so necessary 
 to make absolute kings beloved, and elective kings support their power. 
 The diet was shortly undeceived concerning the false report of the king of 
 Sweden's death; but the motion was already given to that great body, 
 ■which Suffered itself to be carried on by the impulse it had received ; and all 
 the members swore to continue faithful to their sovereign. The cardinal 
 primate himself, affecting still to be attached to king Augustus, came to ths 
 
 . JOV
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 35 
 
 i ■ i n ii i ■ i ■ ' 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 diet of Lublin ; he there kissed the king's hand, and did not refuse to take 
 the oath with the others. This oath was, that they never had attempted, 
 nor ever would attempt, any thing against Augustus. The king excused the 
 cardinal's not taking the first part of the oath, and the prelate swore to the 
 rest, blushing at the same time. The result of this diet was, that the re- 
 public of Poland should maintain an army of 50,000 men, at their own ex- 
 pense, for the service of their sovereign ; that they should give the Swedes 
 six weeks time to declare whether they would have peace or war; and the 
 same term to the princes of Sapieha, the first authors of the troubles in Li- 
 thuania, to come and ask pardon of the king of Poland. But during these 
 deliberations, Charles XII. cured of his wound, overthrew all before him. 
 Always resolute in his design of making the Poles themselves dethrone their 
 king; by the intrigues of the cardinal primate he caused a new assembly to 
 be convoked at Warsaw, to oppose that of Lublin. His generals repre- 
 sented to him, that this affair might be drawn to too great a length, and 
 vanish by delays; that in the mean time the Muscovites were every day en- 
 gaging with the troops that he had left in Livonia and Ingria ; that the bat- 
 tles fought in those provinces between the Swedes and the Russians, were 
 not always to the advantage of the first; and that perhaps his presence 
 would shortly become very necessary there. Charles, as immoveable in his 
 designs as lively in the execution of them, made answer, " Although it 
 should take up fifty years, I would not leave this country till I have de- 
 throned the king of Poland." He left the assembly at Warsaw to combat 
 with words and writings against that of Lublin, and to seek wherewithal to 
 justify their proceedings in the laws of the kingdom ; laws always equivocal* 
 which each party interpret to their own purpose, and which success alone 
 renders incontestable. For his part, having augmented his victorious troops 
 with 6000 horse and 8000 foot from Sweden, he marched against the remains 
 of the Saxon army, which he had beaten at Clissau, and which had time to 
 rally and recruit itself while he had been confined to his bed by the fall 
 from his horse. This army avoided his approach, and retreated towards 
 Prussia, on the north-west of Warsaw. The river Bog was between him and 
 his enemies. Charles swam over at the head of his cavalry; the foot went 
 higher to seek for a ford. They came up with the Saxons on the 1st of May 
 1703, at a place called Pultusk, general Stenau commanded them, to the 
 number of about 10,000. The king of Sweden, in his precipitate march, had 
 brought no more with him, well assured that a less number would have suf- 
 ficed. The terror of his arms was so great, that half the Saxon army fled at 
 his approach without giving him battle. General Stenau stood firm one mo- 
 ment with two regiments, the next he was drawn away himself in the gene- 
 ral flight of his army, which was dispersed before it was vanquished. The 
 Swedes took not 1000 prisoners, nor killed above six hundred men, having 
 more trouble to pursue than defeat them. Augustus, who had nothing left 
 but the poor remains of his Saxons, beat on all sides, retired in baste to 
 Thorn, a town of Royal Prussia, situate on the Weissel, and under the pro- 
 tection of the Poles. Charles immediately prepared to b<->iege it. The king 
 of Poland, who did not think he was safe there, withdrew himself into 
 Saxony. In the mean time, Charles in so many hasty marches, swimming 
 over rivers, and running with his infantry mounted behind his horse, had not
 
 36 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles 'he Twelfth. 
 
 been able to bring any cannon before Thorn; but was to wait till it could 
 come from Sweden by sea. During which time he encamped within a few 
 miles of the town, and would often advance too near the ramparts to view 
 it. "The plain dress he wore, was of more service to him in these dangerous 
 sallies than he imagined ; it prevented his being particularly marked out as 
 a person to be fired at by the enemy. One day approaching very near, with 
 one of the generals named Lieven, who was clothed in scarlet laced with 
 gold, and fearing he would be too much taken notice of, he ordered him to 
 place himself behind him, moved by that magnanimity so natural to him 
 which hindered him from reflecting on the manifest danger he exposed his 
 own life to, to save that of a subject. Lieven perceiving too late his mis- 
 take in putting on a remarkable habit, which also exposed those who were 
 near him, and fearing equally for the king in whatever place he was, hesi- 
 tated some time in obeying him ; in this contest the king taking him by the 
 arm, placed himself before him, and hid him ; but in that very instant a 
 cannon shot which came in flank, struck the general dead upon that spot 
 which the king had but just quitted. The death of this man, killed di- 
 rectly in his stead, and because he was willing to save him, did not a little 
 contribute to confirm him in the opinion he had all his life of an absolute 
 predestination, and made him believe that his destiny, which had saved 
 hjm in this extraordinary manner, reserved him for the execution of greater 
 things. Every thing succeeded with him, and his negotiations and his 
 arm-, were equally happy. He was present, as it were in all Poland, for his 
 grand marshal Renchild was in the heart of that country with a great 
 body of the army. Almost 30,000 Swedes, under different generals, spread 
 from north to east on the frontiers of Muscovy, stopt all attempts of the 
 Russian empire; and Charles was in the west at the other end of Poland, 
 at the head of the choicest of his victorious troops. Denmark, bound by 
 the treaty of Travendal, which it had not strength enough to break through, 
 remained in silence. The elector of Brandenburg, who had acquired the 
 title of king of Prussia, without gaining more power, did not dare to shew 
 his dislike of the king of Sweden's being so near his dominions. His grand* 
 father had lost the finest part of Pomerania to Gustavus Adolphus, and he 
 had no security for tbajest, but from the moderation of Charles. Farther 
 towards the south-west, between the rivers Elbe and Weser, the dutchy of 
 Bremen, the last territory of the ancient conquests of Sweden, filled with 
 strong garrisons, yet opened to this conqueror the gates of Saxony and the 
 empire. Thus, from the German ocean almost to the mouth of the Borys- 
 thenes, which makes the breadth of Europe, and even to the gates of Mos- 
 cow, all was in consternation, and expected an entire revolution. His ves- 
 sels, masters of the Baltic, were employed in transporting prisoners into his 
 own country from Poland. Sweden, at rest in the midst of these great 
 emotions, tasted a profound peace, and enjoyed the glory of its king with- 
 out feeling the weight of it ; for these victorious troops were paid and main- 
 tained at the expense of the conquered. In this general silence of the north 
 before the arms of Charles XII. the city of Dantzic dared to displease him. 
 Fourteen frigates, and forty transport vessels were bringing the king a rein- 
 forcement of 6000 men, with cannon and ammunition, to finish the siege of 
 Thorn. These succours were to go up the Weissel. At the mouth of this
 
 KOYAL MILITARY CHKONICLE. 37 
 
 Life oj 'Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 river is Dantzic, a rich and free town, which, with Elbing and 1 horn, en- 
 joys the same privileges in Poland that the imperial towns have in Germany* 
 Its liberty has by turns been attacked by the Danes, the Swedes, and some 
 German princes, and has been preserved only by the jealousy that these 
 powers had of each other. Count Steinbock, one of the Swedish generals, 
 assembled the magistracy in the king's name, demanded a passage for the 
 troops, and proposed to them to sell him powder and ammunition. The 
 magistracy, by an imprudence common to men who treat with those who 
 are stronger than themselves, durst neither refuse, nor fairly agree to his de- 
 mands. General Steinbock forced them to give «iore than he had asked; 
 and even exacted a contribution of 100,000 crowns from the town, by which 
 they paid for their imprudent refusal. At length, the troops, the cannon, 
 and ammunition, being arrived before Thorn, they began the siege of it on 
 the 22d of September. 
 
 Rove!, governor of the place, defended it a month with a garrison of 
 5000 men ; at the end of that time he was forced to surrender at discretion. 
 The garrison were made prisoners of war, and sent into Sweden. Kovel wa* 
 presented disarmed to the king. This prince, who never lost an occasion of 
 doing honour to merit in his enemies, gave him a sword with his own hand, 
 made him a considerable present in money, and sent him back on his parole. 
 The honour the city of Thorn had to have formerly produced Copernicus, 
 the founder of the true system of the world, was of no service to it with a 
 victor too little instructed in matters of that sort, and who only knew how 
 to recompence valour. This little poor town was condemned to pay 40,000 
 crowns, an excessive contribution for such a place. 
 
 Elbing, built on an arm of the Weissel, founded by the Teutonic knights, 
 and annexed also to Poland, did not profit by the error of the Dantzickers; 
 but deliberated too long on giving passage to the Swedish troops: she was 
 more severely punished than Dantzic. Charles entered it on the 13th of 
 December, at the head of 4000 men, with their bayonets at the end of their 
 muskets. The inhabitants, terrified, threw themselves on their knees in the 
 streets, and begged mercy from him. He disarmed them all, lodged his 
 soldiers in the houses of the citizens; then sending for the magistracy, he 
 forced them to give him, that very day, a contribution of 260,000 crowns. 
 There were two hundred pieces of cannon in the town, and 400,000 weight 
 of powder, which he seized on. A battle gained would not have given him so 
 many advantages. All these successes were the forerunners of the dethron- 
 ing of king Augustus. The cardinal had hardly swore to his king to under- 
 take nothing against him, before he went to the assembly of Warsaw, but 
 always under the pretext of peace. He arrived, talking of nothing but con- 
 cord and obedience, but was accompanied by 3000 soldiers, levied upon his 
 own lands. At length he took off the mask, and on the 14th of February 
 1704, declared, in the name of the assembly, " Augustus, elector of Sax'iiv, 
 incapable of wearing the crown of Poland." It was pronounced with one 
 voice, that the throne was vacant. The session of this day was not quite 
 finished, when a courier from the king of Sweden brought a letter from that 
 monarch to the assembly. The cardinal opened the letter, which contained 
 an order, in form of request, that they would elect prince .lames Sob iesky for 
 their king: they were disposed to obey him with joy, and even fixed theday
 
 5% THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles ihe Twelfth. 
 
 of election. James Sobiosky was then at Breslan, in Silesia, waiting with 
 impatience for the crown which his father had wore. He received compli- 
 ments upon it ; and some flatterers had already even given him the title of 
 majesty in speaking to him. As he was one day hunting, some leagues from 
 Breslau, with prince Constantine, one of his brothers, thirty Saxon horse- 
 men, sent privately by king Augustus, rushed on a sudden from a neigh- 
 bouring wood, and surrounding the two princes, carried them off without re- 
 sistance. They prepared fresh horses, on which they were conducted to 
 Leipsick, where they were closely confined. This stroke disconcerted the 
 measures of Charles, the cardinal, and the assembly at Warsaw. 
 
 Fortune, which sports with crowned heads, put king Augustus, at the 
 same time, on the brink of being taken himself. He was at table within 
 three leagues of Cracow, trusting to an advanced guard posted at some dis- 
 tance, when general Renchild appeared on a sudden, after having carried off 
 the guard. The king of Poland, with ten other persons, had but just time 
 to get on horseback. General Renchild pursued him for four days, ready 
 every moment to seize upon him : the king fled to Sendomir, the Swedish ge- 
 neral still pursuing him; and it was by great good fortune that he escaped. 
 In all Hits time the party of king Augustus treated that of the cardinal, and 
 were reciprocally treated by them, as traitors to their country. The army 
 of the crown was divided between the two factions. Augustus, forced at last 
 to accept of succours from Muscovy, repented that he had not had recourse 
 to them sooner. He went sometimes into Saxony, where all his forces wer« 
 drained ; sometimes he returned to Poland* where none durst assist him. On 
 the other side, the king of Sweden, victorious and undisturbed, reigned in 
 Poland more absolutely than ever Augustus had done. Count Piper, who 
 was as much turned for politics as his master for greatness, proposed at that 
 time to Charles XII. to take the crown of Poland upon himself. He repre- 
 sented to him, how easy the execution of such a design would be with a 
 victorious army, and a powerful party in the heart of the kingdom, which 
 was already in subjection to him. He tempted him with the title of " De- 
 fender of the Gospel," a name which flattered Charles's ambition. " It 
 would be easy," he said, " to do in Poland what Gustavus Vasa had done 
 in Sweden, to introduce Lutheranism there, to break the chains of the peo- 
 ple, who were slaves to the nobility and clergy." Charles was tempted for a 
 moment ; but glory was his idol. He sacrificed his interest to it, and the 
 pleasure he would have had in taking Poland from the pope. He told count 
 Piper, that he was more pleased in giving away than in gaining kingdoms; 
 and added, smiling, " You were made for the minister of an Italian prince." 
 
 Charles was still near Thorn, in that part of royal Prussia which belongs to 
 Poland; he observed, from thence, all that was done at Warsaw, and kept 
 the neighbouring powers in awe. Prince Alexander, brother of the two So- 
 bieskys carried off into Silesia, came to demand vengeance of him. Charles 
 promised it him the more readily, as he thought it was easy, and that he 
 should thereby revenge himself. But, impatient to give a king to Poland, 
 he proposed the throne to prince Alexander, which fortune seemed resolved 
 to keep from his brother. He little expected a refusal; but prince Alex- 
 ander declared to him, that nothing should engage him to take an advantage 
 of the misfortune of his elder brother. ' The king of Sweden, count Piper,
 
 ROY AL MILITARY CHRONICLE . 3* 
 
 i ' 
 
 Lije of Cliarles the Twelfth, 
 
 all his friends, and, above all, the young palatine of Posuania, Stanislaus 
 Lecsinsky, pressed him to accept of the crown. He was immoveable. The 
 neighbouring princes were astonished at so unheard-of a refusal, and knew 
 not which was most to be admired ; the king of Sweden, -who, at twenty- 
 two years of age, gave away the crown of Poland, or prince Alexander, wh» 
 refused it 
 
 BOOK 1IL 
 
 YOUNG Stanislaus Lecsinsky was then deputed, by the assembly of 
 Warsaw, to give an account to the king of Sweden of many differences that 
 had happened since the time of prince James's being carried oil". Stanislaus 
 had a happy physiognomy, at once manly and sweet, with an air of probity 
 and openness, which, of all exterior advantages, is, without doubt, the 
 greatest, and what gives more weight to words than eloquence itself. The 
 wisdom with which he spoke of king Augustus, of the assembly, the cardi- 
 nal primate, and the different interests that divided Poland, struck Charles 
 XII. This prince knew men, and had succeeded in the choice he made of 
 his generals and ministers. He purposely prolonged the conference, the 
 better to sound the genius of the young deputy. After the audience, he said 
 aloud, " That he never saw a man so proper to conciliate all parties." He 
 informed himself, without any delay, of the character of the palatine Lec- 
 sinsky, and learnt that he was full of bravery, and inured to fatigues; that 
 he always lay on a kind of straw bed, without requiring any service from 
 bis demestics about his person; that he was more temperate than is com- 
 mon in that climate, liberal, and adored by his vassals; and the only lords, 
 perhaps, in Poland, who had any friends in a time when no ties were ac- 
 knowledged but those of interest and faction. This character, which ia 
 many respects resembled his own, determined him entirely. He took ad- 
 vice of no one ; and, without any intriguing, or even any public deliberation, 
 he said to two of his generals, shewing them Lecsinsky, " This is the king 
 the Polanders shall have." The resolution was taken, and Stanislaus knew 
 nothing of the matter when the cardinal primate went to wait on Charles. 
 The prelate was king during the interregnum, and would willingly have pro- 
 longed his transient authority : Charles a^ked him, what man in Poland he 
 thought worthy to reign ? 1 know but three, answered the cardinal. The 
 first is the prince Sapieha; but his imperious, cruel, and despotic temper, is 
 very disagreeable to a free people. The second is Lubormisky, grand gene- 
 ral of the crown ; but he is too old, and suspected of loving money too much. 
 The third is the palatine of Posnania, more worthy of the throne thnn the 
 other two, if his want of experience does not render him incapable of go- 
 verning so difficult a nation. The cardinal thus excluded even those whom 
 he proposed, and would have them thought incapable to reign, whom he 
 said were only worthy of it. The king of Sweden hnished the conversation 
 with telling him, that Stanislaus Lecsinsky should be on the throne. 
 
 The cardinal had hardly left the king, b«ore he received a courier from 
 the lady who governed him. He understood, by the letters she sent him, 
 thayshe was going to marry her daughter to the. son of Lubormisky, and
 
 40 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 conjured him to employ all his interest with the king, to give the crown of 
 Poland to the father. The letter came too late; the cardinal had given 
 such impressions of Lubormisky, that were not in his power to efface. He 
 tried all his skill to bring the king of Sweden insensibly into the new inte- 
 rest he embraced, and especially to dissuade him from making choice of 
 Stanislaus ; but what have you, said the king, to alledge against him ? Sir, 
 said the prelate, he is too young. The king answered him drily, he is much 
 about my age; then turned his back on the prelate, and immediately sent 
 count Hoorn to let the assembly at Warsaw know, that they must choose a 
 king in five days, and that they must choose Stanislaus Lecsinsky. Count 
 Hoorn arrived the 7th of July, and fixed the day of election for the 12th, 
 as if he had been ordering the decampment of a battalion. The cardinal 
 primate, disappointed of the fruit of so many intrigues, returned to the as- 
 sembly, where he was doing all that was in his power to prevent an election 
 which he had no share in ; but the king of Sweden, coming himself to War- 
 saw incognito, forced him to be silent. All that the primate could do, was 
 not to appear at the election ; he was reduced to a neutrality, neither for- 
 warding nor thwarting the resolution of the king of Sweden ; but, managing 
 equally between Augustus and Stanislaus, waited for an opportunity to pre- 
 judice them both. Saturday, the 12th of July, the day fixed for the elec- 
 tion, being come, the diet met, about three o'clock in the afternoon, at Co- 
 Jo, the place appointed for this ceremony ; the bishop of Posnania came to 
 preside in the assembly in the place of the cardinal primate. He arrived, 
 followed by several persons of distinction, and a crowd of gentlemen of the 
 party. The king of Sweden had slipt in among them to enjoy his power in 
 secret. Count Hoorn, and two other general officers, appeared publicly 
 at this solemnity, as ambassadors extraordinary from Charles to the repub- 
 lic. The session lasted till nine at night. The bishop of Posnania put an 
 end to it by declaring, in the name of the diet, Stanislaus elected king of 
 Poland. Charles XII. mixed with the crowd, was the first to cry out, 
 vivat; every cap was thrown in the air, and the acclamations stifled the 
 cries of the opponents. It was of no service to the cardinal primate, and 
 the others, who had a mind to be neuter, that they had absented themselves 
 from the election. They were all obliged, the next day, to come and pay 
 homage to the new king, who received them as if he was very well satisfied 
 with them. The greatest mortification they had, was to be under the neces- 
 sity of following him to the king of Sweden's quarters. This prince 'gave, 
 to the sovereign he, had just made, all the honours that are due to a king of 
 Poland : and, to give more weight to his new dignity, assigned him money 
 and troops. The name of king, changed nothing in the manners of Stanis- 
 laus: it only made him employ his talents in the art of war ; one storm had 
 placed him upon the throne, another might throw him out of it. He had 
 half of his new kingdom to conquer, and was to establish himself in the 
 other: treated as a sovereign at Warsaw, and as a rebel at Sendomir, he 
 prepared to make himself acknowledged by all the world by the force of 
 his arms. Charles XTI. departed immediately from Warsaw to make an 
 end of his conquest of Poland. He gave his army the rendezvous before 
 Leopold, the capital of the great palatinate of Russia, a place important of 
 itself, and more so, on account of the riches with which it was filled. It
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 41 
 
 = 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 was thought it would hold out fifteen days, by the help of the fortifications 
 that king Augustus had made there. The conqueror* invested it on the 5th 
 of September, and took it the next day by assault. All who dared resist, 
 were put to the sword. The victorious troops, masters of the town, did not 
 disband themselves to run after the plunder, notwithstanding the report 
 there was of the treasures in Leopold. They ranged themselves in battalia, 
 in the great square. There, all that were left of the garrison came to surren- 
 der themselves prisoners of war. The king had it published, by sound of 
 trumpet, that all those inhabitants who had any effects belonging to king 
 Augustus', or his adherents, should bring them themselves before the end of 
 that day, on pain of death, Measures were so well taken, that few durst 
 disobey him, and there were brought to the king four hundred chests, filled 
 with gold and silver money, plate, and other precious things. 
 
 The beginning of the reign of Stanislaus was distinguished, almost the 
 same day, by a different event. Some affairs, which absolutely required 
 his presence, obliged him to remain in Warsaw: he had with him, his mo- 
 ther, his wife, and two daughters; one of them, at that time but a year old, 
 afterwards became queen of France. The cardinal primate, the bishop of 
 Posnania, and some great men of Poland, made up his new court, which was 
 defended by six thousand Polanders of the army of the crown, lately 
 brought over to his service, but of whose fidelity he had not as yet had any 
 proof. General Hoorn, governor of the town, had not with him, besides 
 these, above fifteen hundred Swedes. They were at Warsaw in a profound 
 tranquillity, and Stanislaus designed to depart in a few days to go to his 
 conquest of Leopold ; but, all of a sudden, he was informed that a numerous 
 army approached the town. This was king Augustus, who, by a new effort, 
 and one of the finest marches that ever any general made, having escaped 
 the king of Sweden, came with 20,000 men to fall upon Warsaw and carry 
 off his rival. Warsaw was poorly fortified, and the polish troops that de- 
 fended it not to be depended upon. Augustus had intelligence in the town; 
 if Stanislaus tarried he was lost. He sent back his family into Posnania, 
 under a guard of Polish troops that he could best confide in. The cardinal 
 primate fled one of the first to the frontiers of Prussia. Several gentlemen 
 took different roads. The new king went himself to'find Charles XII. learn- 
 ing very early to suffer disgrace, and forced to quit his capital six weeks 
 after he had been elected sovereign in it. The bishop of Pounania was the 
 only one who could not fly, a dangerous illness detaining him at Warsaw. 
 One part of the 6000 Polanders followed Stanislaus, another escorted his 
 family. Those were sent into Posnania, whose fidelity they would not have 
 exposed to the temptation of returning into the service of king Augustus. 
 As for general Hoorn, who was governor of Warsaw in the name of the king 
 of Sweden, he remained, with his 1500 Swedes, in the castle. Augustus 
 entered into the capital as a sovereign irritated and victorious. Every in- 
 habitant was taxed above his abilities, and ill-treated by the soldiers. The 
 palace of the cardinal, and all the houses of the confederate lords, all their 
 estates, in town and country, were delivered up to be pillaged. The 
 strangest thing in this transient revolution was, that the pope's nuncio, who 
 came with king Augustus, demanded, in the name of his master, that the 
 
 VOL. IV. G
 
 42 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije of Charles the Tu-el/lh. 
 
 — — 
 bishop of Posnania should be given up, to answer at the court of Rome, as 
 a b shop, for favouring a prince set on the throne by the arms of a Luthe- 
 ran. The court of Rome, which has always endeavoured to increase its 
 temporal, by the influence of its spiritual authority, had tery long established 
 in Poland a kind of jurisdiction, at the head of which is the pope's nuncio : 
 these ministers have never failed to take advantage of every favourable con- 
 juncture to extend their power, which is revered by the multitude, but always 
 contested by the wiser sort. They pretended to have a right to judge in all 
 ecclesiastical causes, and had, especially in times of trouble, usurped many 
 other prerogatives in which they maintained themselves till about the year 
 1728, when they went about retrenching these abuses, which are never re- 
 formed till they become altogether intolerable. King Augustus, glad of a 
 decent-opportunity to punish the bishop of Posnania, and to please the 
 court of Rome, which he would have opposed at any other time, gives up 
 this Polish prelate into the hands of the nuncio. The bishop, after seeing 
 his house pillaged, was carried by the soldiers to the Italian ministers, and 
 sent into Saxony , where he died. Count Hoorn endured, in the castle where 
 he was shut up, the continual lire of the enemy : at length, the place not 
 being to be maintained any longer, he was forced to beat the shamade, and 
 remained prisoner of war with his 1500 Swedes. This was the first advan- 
 tage that king Augustus had, in the torrent of his ill fortune, against the 
 victorious arms of his enemy. Count Hoorn, released upon his parole, came 
 to Leopold soon after Stanislaus. He took the liberty to complain a little 
 to the. kingof Sweden, that his majesty had not relieved Warsaw. " Com- 
 fort yourself, my dear count," said the king to him, " we must let king 
 Augustus do something to amuse himself, without which he would be tired 
 with having us so long in his country ; but, believe me, be shall not enjoy 
 this advantage." In effect, this last effort of king Augustus was but the 
 blaze of a fire that was going out. His troops, got together in haste, were 
 Polanders, ready to abandon him on the first disgrace: Saxon recruits, who 
 had never been in the wars, or vagabond cossatks, fitter to plunder the 
 conquered than conquer themselves; and every one trembled at the very 
 name of the king of Sweden. This conqueror, accompanied by king Stanis- 
 laus, went to seek his enemy, at the head of his choicest troops. The* 
 Saxon army fled every where before him ; the towns sent him their keys for 
 thirty miles round ; there was no day passed without being signalized by 
 some advantage; successes became too familiar to Charles. He said, it 
 was rather going to hunt than to fight, and complained that he had not pur- 
 chased his victory. Augustus trusted the command of his army, for some 
 time, to count Shullembourg, a very able general, and who had need of all 
 his experience at the head of a dispirited army. He thought more to pre- 
 serve his master's troops, than how to conquer ; he made war with cunning, 
 the two kings with vigour. He avoided their marches, possessed some ad- 
 tantageous passes, and sacrificed some horse to give his foot time to retreat 
 ■with safety. After several artifices and countermarches, he found himself 
 near Punitz, in the palatinate of Posnania, believing that the kingof Sweden 
 and Stanislaus were above fifty leagues from him. He found, at his arrival 
 there, that the two kings had marched these fifty leagues in nine days, and
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 4S 
 
 lift of Charles the Txeeljth. 
 
 •were coming to attack him with 10 or 12,000 horse. Shullembourg had 
 not 1000 horse, and not above 8000 foot : lie was to support himself 1 against 
 a superior army, against the name of the king of Sweden, and aeainst the 
 fear with which so manv defeats had inspired the Saxons. He had always 
 maintained, against the opinion of the German generals, that the foot might 
 resist the horse in a full compaign, even without chevaux-de-frise ; and 
 dared that day to make trial of it against the victorious horse commanded 
 by the two kings, and the best Swedish generals. He posted himself so ad- 
 vantageously, that he could not be surrounded; the first rank bent one knee 
 to the ground, and was armed with pikes and fusees: the soldiers, extremely 
 close to one another, presented to the enemies horse a kind of rampart, 
 thick set with pikes and bayonets : the second bending a little on the 
 shoulders of the first, fired over therh, and the third standing upright, fired 
 at the same time behind the other two. The Swedes fell with their usual 
 impetuositv on the Saxons, who wailed for them unmoved. The discharge 
 of the muskets, the pikes and bayonets, startled the horses, and made them 
 unruly instead of advancing: by this method the Swedes attacked in dis- 
 order, and the Saxons defended themselves by keeping their ranks. If 
 Charles had made his cavalry dismount, the army of Shullembourg had 
 been inevitably destroyed. This general feared nothing so much, and ex- 
 pected every moment that the enemy would take that course; but neither 
 the king of Sweden, who had so often put in practice all the stratagems of 
 war, nor any of his generals, had that thought. This unequal combat, of a 
 body of horse against foot, interrupted and renewed several times, lasted for 
 three hours. The Swedes lost more horses than men. Shullembourg gave 
 way at last, but his troops were not broken. He drew them up into an ob- 
 long battalion, and, although he had five wounds about him, retired in 
 good order in this form, in the middle of the night, to the little town of 
 Gurau, about three leagues from the field of battle. He had hardly began 
 to take breath in this place, before the two kings all on a sudden appeared 
 at his back. Beyond Gurau, towards the river Oder, Was a thick wood, 
 through which the Saxon general saved his fatigued infantry. The Swedes 
 without being discouraged, pursued them, advancing through paths almost 
 impervious to the foot. The Saxons had crossed the wood but rive hours 
 before the Swedish horse. On the other sideof the wood runs the river Barts, 
 at the foot of a village called Rutzen. Shullembourg had sent with all dili- 
 gence to get the boats together, and carried his troops across the river, 
 which were already diminished one half. Charles arrived at the time Shul- 
 lembourg, was on the other shore. Never did any general retreat with so 
 much art, nor ever did any conqueror pursue his enemy so briskly. The 
 reputation of Shullembourg depended on his escaping the king of Sweden, 
 and the king, on the other side, thought his glory concerned in taking 
 Shullembourg and the rest of his army ; he lost no time, but swam his ca- 
 valry over the river. The Saxons found themselves shut up between the 
 Barts and the great river Oder, whose sourse is in Silesia, and which is al- 
 ready very deep and rapid in this place. The loss of Shullembourg seemed 
 inevitable; he still strove to get out of this extremity by one of those strokes 
 of art, which are more to be prized than victories, and so much the more
 
 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 glorious, as fortune has no share in them. lie had 4000 men left; a mill, 
 which he filled with grenadiers, was on his right hand, a morass on his left; 
 he had a ditch before him, and his rear-guard was on the banks of the 
 Oder. He had no pontons to cross the river ; but in the evening he had 
 ordered some floats of timber. Charles being arrived, immediately attacked 
 the mill, persuaded that, when he had taken it, the Saxons must perish in 
 the water, or with sword in hand, or at least surrender themselves at discre- 
 tion with their general. In the mean time the floats were ready, the Saxons 
 Crossed tbe.Oder, favoured by the night, and when Charles had forced the 
 Jnill, he found no more of the enemy's army. The two kings honoured this 
 retreit with their commendations, which is still spoken of with admiration 
 in the empire; and Charles could not forbear saying, " Shullembourg has 
 conquered us to-day." But what was the glory of Shullemboug, was of lit- 
 tle service to king Augustus. This prince once more abandoned Poland to 
 his enemies; he retired into Saxony, and repaired, with precipitation, the 
 fortifications of Dresden: fearing already, and not without reason, that the 
 capital of his hereditary dominions was in danger. Charles XII. saw Po- 
 land subdued; his generals, by his example, had beat several small bodies 
 of Muscovites in Courland, who, since the battle of Narva, had never 
 shown themselves but in platoons, or small parcels, and who, in these quar- 
 ters, enly made war like the vagabond Tartars, plundering and flying, and 
 then appearing, to fly again. Wherever the Swedes were, they thought them- 
 selves sure of victory, if they had but twenty against a hundred. In this 
 happy conjuncture, Stanislaus prepared for his coronation. Fortune, 
 which had elected him at Warsaw and driven him from thence, recalled him 
 to the acclamations of a crowd of the nobility, whom the fate of arms had 
 attached to him. A diet was there convoked, all obstacles were remov- 
 ed, and there was only the court of Rome that opposed it. 
 
 It was natural that it should declare for king Augustus, who, from a pro- 
 testant was turned Roman Catholic, to obtain the crown against Stanislaus, 
 placed on the same throne by the great enemy of the catholic religion. 
 Clement XL at that time pope, sent briefs to all the prelates of Poland, and 
 especially to the cardinal primate, by which he threatened them with ex* 
 communication, if they dared to assist at the consecration of Stanislaus, or 
 attempt any thing against the rights of king Augustus. The primate, at 
 that time retired to Dantzic, was suspected to have caused these briefs to 
 come from Rome himself, to rekindle a fire which he could not blow up with 
 his own hands. If these briefs had come to the bishops who were at War- 
 saw, it was to be feared that some of them would obey through weakness, 
 and that the greatest part would take advantage of them to make the more 
 difficulties, in proportion as they should become more necessary. All the pre- 
 caution, therefore, that could be, was taken to prevent these fetters from the 
 pope being rfceived in Warsaw. A Franciscan received the briefs privately, 
 to deliver them into the bishops' own hands. He gave one of them first to 
 the suffragan of Chelm; this prelate, who was attached to the interest of 
 Stanislaus, carried it to the king unopened. The king sent for the friar, and 
 afiked him, how he durst undertake such an employment? The Franciscan 
 Answered, that he did it by order of his general. Stanislaus bade him
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 45 
 
 Lijc of Charles the Tweljth. 
 
 j." . ■ * 
 
 henceforth listen to the orders of his king, More those of the general of the 
 Franciscans, and obliged him to go out of the town that moment. The 
 same day a placard was published by the king of Sweden, by which all ec- 
 clesiastics, secular and regular, in Warsaw, were forbid, under severe penal- 
 ties, to meddle with any afftirs of state. For more security, he had guards 
 placed at the doors of all the prelates' houses, and forbade all strangers en- 
 tering into the town. He took upon himself these little severities, that Sta- 
 nislaus might have no misunderstanding with the clergy at his coming to the 
 crown. He said, that he unbent himself from his military affairs in stop- 
 ping the intrigues of the Roman court, and that the way to fight against it 
 was with paper, but nil other sovereigns were to be attacked by real arms. 
 
 The cardinal primate was solicited by Charles and Stanislaus to come 
 2nd perform the ceremony of the coronation. He did not think he ought 
 to quit Dantzic to consecrate a king whom he was unwilling to have elect- 
 ed; but as it was his policy never to do any thing without a pretence, h* 
 prepared a lawful excuse for his refusal. He had the pope's brief fixed at 
 the gate of his own house in the night time. The magistrate of Dantzic 
 displeased at this, had the offenders sought after, but none could be found. 
 The primate pretended to be irritated, but was well contented ; he had a 
 reason for not consecrating the new king; and at the same time carried it 
 fair with Charles XII. Augustus, Stanislaus, and the pope. He died a few 
 days after, leaving his country in a terrible confusion ; and, as even politi- 
 cians have sometimes remorse in their last moments, he wrote a letter to 
 king Augustus when he was dying to ask his pardon. 
 
 The consecration was performed with tranquillity and pomp, on the 4th 
 of October 1705, in the city of Warsaw, notwithstanding the custom in 
 Poland to crown their kings at Cracow. Stanislaus Lecsinsky, and his wife, 
 Charlotte Opalinski, were consecrated king and queen of Poland by the 
 hands of the archbishop of Leopold, assisted by several other prelates. 
 Charles XII. saw the ceremony incognito, as he had the election ; the only 
 fruit of his conquests. While he was giving a king to subjected Poland, 
 while Denmark durst not trouble him, while the king of Prussia courted his 
 friendship, and king Augustus retired into his hereditary dominions, the czar 
 became every day more formidable. He had assisted Augustus but feebly iu 
 Poland; but had made powerful diversions in Ingria. For his own part, he 
 not only began to be a great soldier himself, but to teach the art of war to his 
 Muscovites: discipline was established among his troops; he had good engi- 
 neers, a useful artillery, a great many good officers, and knew the art of 
 subsisting his armies. Some of his generals had learnt both how to fight 
 well, or, according to the occasion, not to fight at all: besides, he had 
 formed a fleet capable of making head against the Swedes in the Baltic Sea. 
 By the help of all these advantages due to his own genius, and the absence 
 of the king of Sweden, he took Narva by assault, on the 21st of August 
 1704, after a regular siege, and having prevented its being succoured either 
 by sea or land. The soldiers, masters of the town, fell immediately to pil- 
 laging, and abandoned themselves to the most enormous barbarity. The 
 czar ran on all sides to stop the disorder and massacre, and himself snatched 
 women out of the hands of soldiers, who were going to cut their throats, 
 after having violated them. He was forced to kill with bis own hand some
 
 46 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth- 
 
 Muscovites, who would not listen to his orders. They still shew in the 
 town house of Narva, the table on which he laid his sword when he came 
 in, and repeat the words which he addressed to the citizens who were as- 
 sembled there. "It is not," said he, "with the blood of the inhabitants 
 that tins sword is stained, but of Muscovites, which I have shed to save 
 your lives." The czar aspired to more than the destruction of towns. He 
 was founding one at that time not far from Narva itself, in the midst of his 
 new conquests. This was the city of Petersburg!!, which he afterwards made 
 his reskteuce, and the centre of his trade. It is situated between Finland 
 and Ingria, in a marshy island, about which the Nieva divides itself in 
 many branches, before it falls into the gulf of Finland. Fie drew himself the 
 plan of the town, the fortress, the port, the quays which adorn it, and the forts 
 that defend the entrance of it. This uncultivated and desert island, which 
 was but a heap of dirt during the short summer of these climates, and in 
 the winter a frozen pond, not to be approached by land, but across forests- 
 without paths, and deep morasses ; and which was till then only the haunt 
 of wolves and bears, was in the year 1703 filled with more than 300,000 
 men, whom the czar had gathered together from the extreme parts of his 
 dominions. The peasants of the kingdom, of Astracan, and those who in- 
 habited the frontiers of China, were transported to Petersburg. He was 
 obliged to pierce through forests to make roads, drain morasses, and raise 
 moles, before he could lay the foundation of the city. Nature was every 
 where forced. The czar was resolved to people a tountry which seemed un- 
 fit for men ; neither the inundations, which ruined his works, the barrenness 
 of the land, the ignorance of his workmen, nor the mortality by which 
 he lost 200,000 men at the beginning, could change his resolution. It is dif- 
 ficult to foresee the duration of this colony; but posterity will be asto- 
 nished at its being founded amidst so many obstacles, as nature, the genius' 
 of the people, and an unhappy war brought against it. Petersburgh was al- 
 ready a city in 1705, and its port tilled with vessels. The emperor drew 
 foreigners thither by his beneficence, distributing lands to some, houses to 
 others, and encouraging all the arts which came to civilize that savage cli- 
 mate. Above all, he rendered Petersburgh inaccessible to the efforts of the 
 enemy ; the Swedish generals, who often beat his troops in every other 
 place, could do no damage to this rising colony, which was in perfect tran- 
 quillity, notwithstanding the war that surrounded it. The czar, while he 
 was thus creating new dominions for himself, always lent his hand to king 
 Augustus, who had lost his ; he .persuaded him by general Patkul, who was 
 lately come into the service of Muscovy, and at that time ambassador from 
 the czar in Saxony, to come to Grodno, once more to confer with him upon 
 the unhappy state of his affairs. King Augustus came thither with some 
 troops, accompanied by general Shullembourg, who, by his passage over 
 the Oder, was become famous in the north, and in whom he placed his last 
 hopes. The czar arrived there, and caused an army of 100,000 men to 
 march after him. The two monarchs made new plans for the war. King 
 Augustus dethroned, no longer feared to irritate the Poles, by exposing 
 their country to Muscovite troops. It was resolved that the army of the 
 czar should divide itself into several bodies to stop the king of Sweden at 
 every step. It was in the time of this interview that king Augustus insti-
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 47 
 
 Li/:- 0/ (harks the Twelfth. 
 
 .1 ■ x 
 tuted the order of the White Eagle, a weak temptation to draw any of the 
 Polish nobility to his side, who were desirous of more real advantages than 
 a vain honour, which becomes ridiculous when bestowed by a prince who 
 has only the name of a king. The conference of the two kings ended in a 
 very extraordinary manner. The czar went away suddenly, and left his 
 troops to his ally, that he might go himself to extinguish a rebellion that 
 threatened him in Astracan. He was no sooner gone, than the other or- 
 dered Patkul to be put under an arrest at Dresden. All Europe were sur- 
 prised, that he durst, contrary to the law of nations, and in appearance to 
 his own interests, imprison the ambassador of the only prince who protected 
 him. The secret spring of that event was this: Patkul, proscribed in Swe- 
 den for having maintained the liberties of Livonia, his country, had been 
 general to Augustus; but his proud spirit agreeing ill with the haughtiness 
 of count Fleming, the king's favourite, more imperious and hotter than 
 himself, he had gone over to the service of the czar, whose general he was 
 at that time, and ambassador to Augustus. He was a man of great pene- 
 tration, and had discovered, that the views of count Fleming and the chan- 
 cellor of Saxony were to propose peace to the king of Sweden at any rate. 
 He immediately formed a design to prevent them, and procure an accom- 
 modation between the czar and Sweden. The chancellor discovered his 
 project, and got his person secured. King Augustus told the czar, that Pat- 
 kul was a traitor to them both. He was nevertheless only blameable in 
 having served his new master too well; but a service not well timed is often 
 punished as a piece of treachery. In the mean time the 100,000 Muscovites 
 on one side, divided into several small bodies, burnt and ravaged the lands 
 of the partisans of Stanislaus, and on the other, Shullembourg advanced 
 with his new troops. The fortune of the Swedes dissipated those two ar- 
 mies in less than two months. Charles XII. and Stanislaus attacked the 
 separate bodies of the Muscovites one after another so briskly, that one 
 Muscovite general was beaten before he knew of the defeat of his compa- 
 nion. No obstacle could stop the conqueror ; if there was a river between 
 his enemies and him, Charles XII. and his Swedes swam over it. One party 
 of Swedes took the baggage of Augustus, in which there were 200,000 
 crowns in silver: Stanislaus seized 800,000 ducats belonging to prince Men- 
 aikof the Muscovite general. Charles, at the head of his horse, often 
 marched thirty leagues in twenty-four hours, every horseman leading ano- 
 ther horse to mount when his own was tired. The Muscovites, terrified and 
 reduced to a small number, fled in disorder beyond the Borvsthenes. 
 
 While Charles drove the Muscovites before him into the midst of Lithu- 
 ania, Shullembourg at last repassed the Oder, and came at the head of 
 20,000 men to give battle to the grand marshal Renchild, who was esteemed 
 the best general Charles XII. had, and was called the Parmenio of the nor- 
 thern Alexander. These two famous generals, who seemed to share in the 
 destiny of their masters, met pretty near Punitz, in a place railed Fraven- 
 stad, a country already fatal to the troops of Augustus. Renchild hud but 
 thirteen battalions, and twenty-two squadrons, which made in all about 
 10,000 men; and Shullembourg had as many again. It is to be observed, 
 that he had in his army a body of six or seven thousand Muscovites, which 
 had been long disciplined in Saxony, and might be looked upon as expe-
 
 4* THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 r-— *"■"■" '■' ■"' ' — " ' -"' " ' " ' ' m 
 
 Life oj Charles the Tweljth. 
 
 ■ ■ ■ — - • „ i ■ 1 1 ■ ■ i ■ i m 
 
 rienced men, who joined the Russian fierceness to the German discipline. 
 The battle of Fravenstad was fought on the 12th of February 1706. But this 
 same general Shullembourg, who, with -4000 men, had in some manner de- 
 ceived the fortune of the king of Sweden, sunk under that of general Ren- 
 child. The fight lasted not a quarter of an hour, the Saxons did not resist 
 a moment, and the Muscovites threw down their arms as soon as they saw 
 the Swedes; the terror was so sudden, and the disorder so great, that the 
 conquerors found 7,000 muskets all charged, on the field of battle, which 
 they had thrown on the ground without firing. Never was a quicker, com- 
 pleter, or more shameful defeat ; and yet no general ever made so fine a dis- 
 position as Shullembourg, by the confession of all the Saxon and Swedish 
 officers, who saw in that day how little human prudence is mistress of 
 events,. Among the prisoners was found an entire regiment of French ; these 
 unhappy people had been taken by the Saxon troops in the year 1704, at 
 the famous battle of Jlocsted, so fatal to the grandeur of Lewis XIV. They 
 afterwards went over into the service of king Augustus, who made them a 
 regiment of dragoons, and gave the command of it to a Frenchman of the 
 family of Joyeuse. The colonel was killed at the first, or rather the only 
 charge of the Swedes, and the entire regiment were made prisoners of war. 
 That very day the Frenchmen desired to serve Charles XII. and were re- 
 ceived into his service by a singular destiny, which reserved them to change 
 again their conqueror and master. As for the Muscovites, they begged their 
 lives on their knees; but Renchild* caused them to be inhumanly massa- 
 cred about six hours after the battle, to punish them for the violences of 
 their countrymen, and get rid of a number of prisoners that he knew not 
 what to do with. The king, in returning from Lithuania, heard of this new 
 victory; but the satisfaction he received from it was troubled by a little jea- 
 lousy ; and he could not forbear saying, "Renchild will not compare him- 
 self with me anymore." Augustus now saw himself without any refuge; 
 Cracow was all that he had left, where he was shut up with the two regi- 
 ments of Muscovites, two of Saxons, and some troops of the army of the 
 crown, by whom he was even afraid he should be delivered to the con- 
 queror: but his misfortunes were at the height, when he heard that Charles 
 XII. was at length entered into Saxony, on the 1st of September 1706. 
 
 The diet of Ratisbon, which represents the empire, but whose resolu- 
 tions are often as fruitless as they are solemn, declared the king of Sweden 
 an enemy to the empire, if he passed beyond the Oder with his army; this 
 even determined him to come the sooner into Germany. At his approach 
 the villages were deserted, and the inhabitants flew on every side. Charles 
 behaved then as at Copenhagen ; he had it fixed up every where that he 
 was only come to give peace, and that all those who would return to their 
 houses, and pay the contributions he should order, should be used as his 
 own subjects ; but the others pursued without quarter. This declaration of 
 a prince, who was known never to break his word, brought back in crowds 
 
 * M. de la Motraye says, that it was the king himself who ordered this; and that 
 general Renchild, who never committed an action during the whole war, or even his 
 whole life, which might be termed inhuman or cruel, did all that lay in his power to 
 prevent it. Charles XII. he says, was not six leagues from Fravenstad, when he- 
 keard the news of the battle.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 4» 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 1 ' ' " , ■ : " n 
 
 all those who had been dispersed by their fear. He chose Arlanstad to en- 
 camp in, near the plains of Lutzen, the field of battle famous for the vic- 
 tory and death of Gustavus Adolphus; he went to see the place where that 
 great man was killed ; and when he was come upon the spot, " 1 have en- 
 deavoured," said he, " to li\e like him, perhaps God may one day allow 
 me as glorious a death." From this camp he sent orders to the states of 
 Saxony to assemble, and let him have, without delay, the registers of the 
 revenues of the electorate. As soon as he had these things in his power, 
 and was truly informed how much Saxony could supply, he taxed it with- 
 625,000 rix-dollars a month. Besides this contribution, the Saxons were 
 obliged to furnish every Swedish soldier with two pounds of meat, two 
 pounds of bread, two pots of beer, and four-pence a-day, with forage for 
 the horse. The contributions thus regulated, the king established a new 
 method to secure the Saxons from the insults of his soldiers : he ordered in 
 all the towns where he placed garrisons, that all landlords, with whom the 
 soldiers lodged, should give certificates every month of their behaviour, 
 without which no soldier should receive his pay. Inspectors went besides, 
 every fifteen days from house to house, to enquire if the Swedes had com- 
 mitted any disorders ; and if so, to make recompense to the landlords, and 
 punish the offenders. It is known under what severe discipline the troops- 
 of Charles XII. lived ; that they never plundered the towns taken by storm, 
 till they had leave to do it ; that they went even to plunder with order, and 
 that they quitted it at the first signal. The Swedes boast to this day of the 
 discipline observed in Saxony ; and yet the Saxons complain of most terrible 
 depredations committed by them; contradictions which it would be im- 
 possible to reconcile, if we did not consider how differently men look 
 upon the same objects. It is not easy to suppose, but that the conquerors 
 should sometimes abuse their power, or that the vanquished should not take 
 the slightest damages for barbarous treatment. One day the king riding out 
 near Leipsic, a Saxon peasant came and flung himself at his feet to de- 
 mand justice on a grenadier, who had taken away from him what was de- 
 signed for the dinner of his family. The king had the soldier sent for; " Is 
 it true," said he, with an austere countenance, " thnt you have robbed this 
 man ?" — " Sir," said the soldier, " I have not done him so much wrong as 
 your majesty has done his master; you have taken a kingdom from him, 
 and I have taken from this clown only a turkey." The king gave the pea- 
 sant ten ducats with his own hand, and pardoned the soldier for the bold- 
 ness of his speech, saying to him, " Remember friend, if I have taken a 
 kingdom from king Augustus, I have taken nothing for myself." 
 
 The great fair of Leipsic was kept as usual ; the merchants came thither 
 in perfect safety ; there was not one Swedish soldier seen in the fair ; it 
 might have been said, that the king of Sweden's army was in Saxony only 
 to preserve the peace. He commanded all over the electorate with a power 
 as absolute, and a tranquillity as profound as at Stockholm. King Augustas 
 wandering in Poland, deprived at once of his kingdom and his electorate, 
 wrote at length, a letter with his own hand to Charles XII. to desire peace 
 of him. He gave secret orders to baron D'lmhof to carry this letter jointly 
 with M. Finsten, referendary of the privy council ; they both had full 
 powers, and a blank signed ; " Go," said he to them, " and endeavour i» 
 
 VOL. IV. H
 
 50 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 obtain reasonable and Christian conditions for nie." He was reduced to 
 the necessity of concealing his proceedings for a peace, and not to recur 
 to the mediation of any prince ; for being then in Poland, at the mercy of the 
 Muscovites, he feared with reason, that the dangerous ally, whom he aban- 
 doned, would revenge himself upon him for his submission to the conqueror. 
 His two plenipotentiaries arrived in the night-time, at the camp of Charles 
 XII. and had a private audience. The king read the letter: "Gentlemen," 
 said he, to the plenipotentiaries, "you shall have my answer in a moment." 
 lie retired immediately into his closet, and wrote as follows: 
 
 " I consent to give peace on the following conditions, which it must not 
 be expected I will alter in any thing : — I. That king Augustus renounces the 
 crown of Poland for ever ; acknowledges Stanislaus for lawful king ; and 
 promises never to think of remounting the throne, even after the death of 
 Stanislaus. II. That he renounces all other treaties, and particularly those 
 he has made with Muscovy. III. That he sends back the princes Sobiesky 
 with honour to my camp, and all the prisoners he has been able to take. 
 IV. That he delivers up to me all the deserters who have gone into his ser- 
 vice, and particularly John Patkul; and that he stops all proceedings 
 against those who have come from his service to mine." He gave this pa- 
 per to count Piper, charging him to negociate the rest with the plenipoten- 
 tiaries of king Augustus. They were terrified at the hardness of these pro- 
 positions. They put in practice all the little art that can be employed 
 where power is wanting, to endeavour to soften the rigour of the king of 
 Sweden. They had several conferences with count Piper. This minister 
 made no other answer to all their insinuations than " such is the will of my , 
 master, who never changes his resolutions." While this peace was privately 
 negociating in Saxony, fortune seemed to put it in the power of king Augustus 
 to obtain one more honourable, and to treat with his conqueror on more equal 
 terms. Prince Menzikof, generalissimo of the Muscovite armies, came 
 with 30,000 men to find him in Poland, at a time when he not only did not 
 hope for any assistance from them, but when he was even afraid of them ; 
 he had with him some Polish and Saxon troops, which made in the whole 
 6000 men. Being thus environed by this little body of Menzikof's army, 
 he had every thing to fear if his negotiation should be discovered. He saw 
 himself at the same time dethroned by his enemy, and in danger of being 
 made a prisoner by his ally. In this critical conjuncture the army was got 
 in sight of one of the Swedish generals named Meyerfeld, who was at the 
 head of 10,000 men at Calish, near the palatinate of Posnania. Prince Men- 
 zikof pressed king Augustus to give him battle. The king, very much em- 
 barrassed, declined it on several pretences ; for although the enemy had 
 but a third part of their number, yet there were 4000 Swedes in the army 
 of Meyerfeld ; and that was enough to render the event doubtful. To give 
 battle to the Swedes during the negotiations, and to lose it, was to sink him 
 deeper in the abyss he was fallen into ; he chose to send a person he could 
 confide in to the general of the enemy, to let him partly into the secret -of 
 the peace, and to give him notice to retire; but this advice had an effect 
 quite contrary to what was expected -from it. General Meyerfeld believed 
 that they had laid a snare to intimidate him; and upon that resolved to 
 risk the battle. The Muscovites vanquished, that day, the Swedes iu a
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 51 
 
 ■ ■ m — — 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 pitched battle for the first time. This victory which king Augustus gained, 
 almost in spite of his own inclination, was complete; he entered trium- 
 phant, in the midst of his ill fortunes into Warsaw, formerly his capital, a 
 town at that time dismantled and in ruins, ready to receive any conqueror, 
 and to acknowledge the strongest for its king. He was tempted to lay hold 
 of this moment of prosperity, and to go into Saxony to attack the king of 
 Sweden, with the Muscovite army. But reflecting that Charles XII. was 
 at the head of a Swedish army, hitherto invincible; that the Muscovites 
 would abandon him, as soon as they heard of the treaty he had begun ; 
 that Saxony, his hereditary country, already drained of money and men, 
 would be equally ravaged by Muscovites and Swedes; that the empire, em- 
 ployed in the war against France, could not assist him ; and that he should 
 be left without dominions, money, or friends; he thought himself obliged 
 to submit to the law that the king of Sweden should impose upon him. 
 This law was more hard, when Charles heard that king Augustus had at- 
 tacked his troops during the negotiation. His anger, and the pleasure of 
 humbling an enemy s-till more, who had just overcome him, made him more 
 indexible upon every article of the treaty. Thus the victory of king Au- 
 gustus, served only to render his situation more unfortunate, which perhaps 
 is what never happened to any one but himself. He had just caused T* 
 Dcum to be sung in Warsaw ; when Finsten, one of his plenipotentiaries 
 arrived from Saxony, with the treaty of peace, which took his crown from 
 him. Augustus paused upon it, but signed it, and went for Saxony, with 
 the vain hopes that his presence might mollify the king of Sweden, and 
 that his enemy might remember the ancient alliances of their houses, and 
 the blood that united them. These two princes saw one anothar the first 
 time, at a place called Guntersdorf, in the quarters of count Piper, without 
 any ceremony. Charles XII. was in jack-boots, having, instead of a cravatj, 
 a piece of black taffety round his neck, his habit as usual, was of coarse 
 blue cloth, with brass buttons gilt. He had by his side a long sword, whicli 
 had served him at the battle of Narva, upon the pummel of which he would 
 often lean. The conversation turned only upon this strange sort of dress, 
 and the jack-boots. Charles XII. told king Augustus, that he had not 
 had them off for six years, only to go to hed. These trifles were the sole 
 discourse of two kings, one of which had taken the crown from the other. 
 Augustus especially talked with an air of complaisance and satisfaction, 
 which princes, and men accustomed to great affairs, know how to put on 
 in the midst of the most cruel mortifications. The two kings dined after- 
 wards several times together. Charles affected always to give the right 
 hand to king Augustus; but so far from giving up any of his demands, he 
 made them still harder; he would have the king elector, not only send the 
 jewels and archives of the crown to Stanislaus; but obliged him to write a 
 letter to give him joy upon his accession. He insisted above all, that gene- 
 ral Patkul, should be delivered up without delay. Augustus was therefore 
 forced to write to his rival the following letter, dated Leipsic, April 18, 1707 : 
 
 " Sir and Brother, — As I ought to have regard to the requests of the 
 king of Sweden, I cannot help wishing your majesty joy upon your acces- 
 sion to the crown, although perhaps the advantageous treaty, which the 
 king of Sweden has concluded for your majesty, might have excused uie
 
 5 J THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 • ■ ■ ' " ' ■ ■ ,ii i 
 
 s Life oj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 - ' 
 
 from this correspondence; nevertheless, I congratulate your majesty, pray- 
 ing to God, that your subjects may be more faithful to you, than they have 
 been to roe. Augustus, King." 
 
 Stanislaus answered: "Sir and Brother,— The correspondence of 
 your majesty is a fresh obligation 1 have to the king of Sweden ; I am sen- 
 sible, as I ought, of the compliments you make me on my accession to the 
 throne; I hope my subjects will have no room to fail in their duty to me, 
 since I shall observe the laws of the kingdom. 
 
 Stanislaus, King of Poland." 
 
 King Stanislaus came himself to Leipsic, where he one day met king Au- 
 gustus ; but these princes saluted one another without speaking. This was 
 the greatest of the triumphs of Charles XII. to see two kings in his court, 
 one of whom had been crowned, and the other dethroned by his arms. 
 
 Augustus was forced, himself, to order all the officers in the magistracy, 
 to treat him no lon%er as king of Poland, and to erase from the public 
 prayers, the title he had renounced. He had less concern at the enlarge- 
 ment of the Sobieskys, who refused to see him when they came out of pri- 
 son : but the sacrifice of Patkul, was what gave him the deepest wound. 
 On one side the czar loudly demanded him back, as his ambassador ; on 
 the other the king of Sweden threatened what he would do, if he was not 
 delivered up to him. Patkul was then shut up in the castle of Konisting in 
 Saxony. King Augustus thought he should be able to satisfy Charles XII. 
 and his own honour at the same time. He sent guards to deliver this un- 
 happy gentleman to the Swedish troops ; but before-hand he gave private 
 orders to the governor of Konisting to let his prisoner escape. The ill for- 
 tune of Patkui prevented the care that was taken to save him. The go- 
 vernor knowing that Patkul was very rich, would have made him buy 
 his liberty. The prisoner, depending still on the law of nations, and in- 
 formed of the intentions of king Augustus, refused to pay for what he 
 thought he should have for nothing. During this interval the guards who 
 were commanded to seize the prisoner arrived, and immediately delivered 
 hhn to four Swedish captains, who carried him at once to the general quar- 
 ters at Alranstad, where he remained three months tied to a post with a 
 great iron chain; and from thence was carried to Casimir. Charles for- 
 getting that Patkul was the czar's ambassador, and remembering only thafc 
 he was born his subject, ordered the council of war to try him with the ut- 
 most rigour. He was condemned to be broke upon the wheel alive, and 
 quartered. A chaplain came to let him know he was to die, without telling 
 him the manner of his punishment. This man then, who had braved death 
 in so many battles, rinding himself alone with a priest, and his courage be- 
 ing no longer supported by glory, or anger, the only causes of man's intre- 
 pidity, shed a flood of tears upon the bosom of the chaplain. He was en- 
 gaged to a Saxon lady, named madam D'Ensilden, a woman of birth, me- 
 rit, and beauty, and whom he was to have married much about the time 
 that he was delivered up to punishment. He desired the chaplain would 
 go to her, to comfort her, and to assure her that he died full of the ten- 
 derest regards for her. When he was brought to the place of execution, 
 and saw the wheel and stake, he fell into convulsions of terror, and flung 
 himself into the arms of the minister, who embracing him, covered him
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICT.fi. 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth, 
 
 with his cloak, and wept over liim. Then a Swedish officer read, with a 
 loud voice, a paper, in which were the following words: " lie it known, 
 that it is the express order of his majesty, our most merciful Lord, that this 
 man, who is a traitor to his country, be broke upon the wheel and quartered, 
 for reparation of bis crimes, and for an example to others; that every pec- 
 ton may beware of treason, and serve his king faithfully." At these words 
 "most merciful Lord,"— " What mercy !" said Patkul; and at those of 
 *• Traitor to his country," — " Alas !" said he, " I have but too well served it.* 
 He received sixteen strokes, and endured the longest, and most dreadful 
 torments that can be imagined. Thus perished the unfortunate John Rey- 
 nold Patkul, ambassador and general of the emperor of Muscovy. Those 
 who regarded him only as a subject who had rebelled against his king, said, 
 that he deserved his death ; those who considered him as a Livonian, born 
 in a province which had privileges to defend, and who remembered that 
 he was driven out of Livonia only for maintaining her rights, called him 
 the martyr to the liberty of his country. It is agreed on alt hands that the 
 title of ambassador from the czar ought to have preserved his person invio- 
 lable. The king of Sweden only, who was brought up in the principles of 
 despotic power, thought he had but done an act of justice, whilst all £u« 
 rope condemned his cruelty. 
 
 His members, which were quartered, remained exposed upon stakes till 
 the year 1713, when Augustus, being re-seated on the throne, ordered these 
 testimonies of the necessity he had been reduced to at Alranstad, to be 
 collected together; and they were brought in a box to him at Warsaw, jq 
 the presence of the French envoy. The king of Poland shewing the box to 
 that minister, said only to him, " See there the members of Patkul," without 
 adding any thing to condemn or pity his memory, or without any one who 
 was present daring to say any thing on so delicate and sorrowful a subject. 
 Charles used the same kind of treatment towards count Fleming, who was 
 the favourite, and since first minister of king Augustus. Fleming was born 
 in Swedish Pomerania, and, though from his infancy he had been attached 
 to the elector of Saxony, Charles always looked upon him as his subject, 
 and had a long time demanded to have him given up to him. Fleming, see- 
 ing his master not in a condition to refuse any tiling, thought it was safest 
 for him to retire into Prussia. From whence he wrote to king Stanislaus, with 
 whom he had been intimate in Poland, to beg of him to prevail upon the 
 king of Sweden to forbear his resentment against him. Stanislaus spoke of 
 it with some warmth,- and repeated his petition eight days after without be-> 
 ing able to obtain any thing ; at length he almost flung himself at the feet 
 of Charles, who said to him, " Brother, you will have it so ; I give you his 
 life; but remember I tell you, you will one day repent of what you have 
 done." And indeed Fleming did afterwards serve his master against king 
 Stanislaus, a great deal beyond what he was forced to by his duty. About 
 the same time, a Livonian named Paikel, who was an officer in the Saxon 
 troops, and taken prisoner with arms in his hand, was condemned to death 
 at Stockholm by a decree of the senate; I ut he was sentenced only to lose 
 bis head. This difference of punishment in the same case too plainly shewed, 
 that Charles, in putting Patkul to so cruel a death, thought mote of ven- 
 geance than justice. Be that as it may, Paikel. after his condemnation, pr.>-
 
 54 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the 7 ueljlh . 
 
 i -i ■ ~~ • ■ i i. • — a 
 
 posed to the senate to let the king into the secret of making gold if he 
 ■would pardon him. He had an experiment made of his secret in prison, iu 
 the presence of Colonel Hamilton and the magistrates of the city; and 
 whether be had in reality discovered this useful art, or whether he had only 
 that of cunningly deceiving, which is most likely, they carried to the mint 
 of Stockholm the gold which was found at the bottom of the crucible after 
 the experiment was made: and gave in a report so formal to the se- 
 nate, and which seemed of such importance, that the queen, grandmother 
 of Chartes, ordered the execution to be suspended till the king, informed of 
 this extraordinary affair, should send his orders to Stockholm. The king 
 answered, " That he had refused his friends to shew any favour to the cri- 
 minal, and he would never grant that to interest which he would not give 
 to friendship." This inflexibility had something heroical in it in a prince, 
 who did not believe the secret impossible. King Augustus, being told of this, 
 said, " I do not wonder that the king of Sweden has so much indifference 
 for the philosopher's stone: he has found it in Saxony." When the czar of 
 Muscovy heard of the strange peace that king Augustus, in spite of their 
 treaties, had concluded at Alranstad, and that Patkul, his ambassador ple- 
 nipotentiary, was delivered up to the king of Sweden in contempt of the 
 law of nations, he sent his complaints to all the courts of Europe ; he wrote 
 to the emperor of Germany, the queen of England, and the states-general 
 of the United Provinces; he called the melancholy necessity to which Au- 
 gustus was obliged to submit, cowardice and perfidy ; he conjured all these 
 powers to interpose theirmediation to oblige him to send back his ambas- 
 sador, and to prevent the affront which was going to be offered, in his per- 
 son, to all the crowned heads; he pressed them not to dishonour themselves 
 so far as to give to the peace of Alranstad a guaranty which Charles XII. 
 would force them toby threats. These letters had no other effect, than the 
 better to shew* the power of the king of Sweden. The emperor, England, 
 and Holland, had, at that time, a destructive war to maintain against 
 France; they did not think it convenient to irritate Charles XII. by the re- 
 fusal of the vain ceremony of the guaranty of a treaty. With respect to the 
 unfortunate Patkul, there was not one power interposed in his favour, which 
 shews how little a subject ought to depend upon kings. It was proposed in 
 the czar's council, to make reprisals on the Swedish officers who were pri- 
 soners at Moscow. The czar would not consent to a barbarity which might- 
 have had such fatal consequences: there were more Muscovite prisoners in 
 Sweden, than there were Swedish in Muscovy. He sought a more advan- 
 tageous revenge. The great army of his enemy lay in Saxony without em- 
 ployment; Levenhaup, the king of Sweden's general, who was left in Po- 
 land at the head of about 20,000 men, could not guard the passes in a coun- 
 try without fortresses, and full of factions. Stanislaus was in the camp of 
 Charles XII. The Muscovite emperor seized on this conjuncture, and re- 
 entered Poland with more than 60,000 men ; he separates them into several 
 bodies, and marches with a flying camp as far Leopold, where there was no 
 Swedish garrison. All the towns of Poland are his, who comes before their 
 gates with troops. He caused an assembly to be convoked at Leopold, 
 something like that which dethroned Augustus at Warsaw. 
 Poland had then two primates, as well as two kings ; one named by Au-
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. » 
 
 -± . p ! ■ 
 
 lift of Charles the Twcljlh. 
 
 gustus, the other by StanMau*.. The primate named by Augustus convok- 
 ed the assembly at Leopold, whither came all those whom that prince had' 
 abandoned by the peace of Alranstad, and those whom the czar's money 
 had brought over: it was proposed nWe to elect a new king, so that Poland 
 was very near having three kings, without any one's being able to say which 
 was the right. During the conferences at Leopold, the czar, united in inte- 
 rest with the emperor of Germany, by theircommon fear of the king of 
 Sweden, got him privately to send him several German officers. These, day 
 by dav, considerably augmented his power, by bringing with them discipline 
 and experience. Reengaged them in his service by his liberality ; and the 
 better to encourage his own troops, he gave his picture, set with diamonds, 
 to every general officer and colonel who had fought at the battle of Calish; 
 subaltern officers had gold medals, and the common soldiers the like in sil- 
 ver. These, monuments of the victory of Calish were all struck in his new 
 city of Petersburgh, where arts flourished in the same degree, as he learnt' 
 emulation and glory to his troops. The confusion, the number of factions, 
 and continual ravages in Poland, prevented the diet of Leopold from com- 
 ing to any resolution. The czar bad it transferred to Lublin. Changing 
 the place did not at all diminish the troubles and uncertainty which every 
 body was in: the assembly were contented with acknowledging neither Au- 
 gustus, who had abdicated, nor Stanislaus, elected against their will; but 
 were neither united nor resolute enough to name another. During these 
 useless deliberations, the parly of the princes Sapieha, that of Oginskv, 
 those who were secretly for king Augustus, and the new subjects of Stanis- 
 laus, made war upon one another, plundered each others estates, and fi- 
 nished the ruin of their country. The Swedish troops commanded by Le- 
 venhaup, one part of which were in Livonia, another in Lithuania, and an- 
 other in Poland, sought every day for those of the Muscovites. They burnt 
 every thing that belonged to the enemies of Stanislaus. The Muscovites 
 ruined equally friend and foe; there was nothing to be seen but towns iii 
 ashes, and troops of wandering Poles despoiled of all they had, who hated 
 alike their two kings, Charles XII. and the czar. King Stanislaus went 
 from Alranstad the 15th of July, in the year 1707, with general Renchild, 
 sixteen Swedish regiments, and a great deal of money to appease all these 
 troubles in Poland, and get himself peaceably acknowledged. He wag 
 owned as king wherever he passed; the discipline of his troops, which made 
 the people more sensible of the barbarity of the Muscovites, gained him 
 their affections; and his extreme affability united to him almost every fac- 
 tion as far as he was known. His money procured him the greatest part of 
 the army of the crown. The czar, fearing the want of provisions in a coun- 
 try which his troops had laid waste, retired into Lithuania, to the rendezvous 
 of his army, and where he was to settle magazines. This retreat left Stanis- 
 laus the peaceable sovereign of almost all Poland. The only person who 
 troubled him at that time in his dominions, was count Siniausky, grand ge- 
 neral of the crown, nominated by king Augustus. This man, who had 
 talents sufficient, and much ambition, was at tiie head of a third party : he 
 acknowledged neither Augustus nor Stanislaus; and after having tried every 
 way to get himself elected, he was contented to be at the head of a party, 
 since he could not be king. The troops of the crown, which remained un-
 
 SS THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Tweljth. 
 
 dm his command, bad scarce any other pay, than the liberty of plundering 
 their own country with impunity. All those who feared the damage they might 
 do them, or had already suffered it, immediately yielded to Stanislaus, 
 •whose power was strengthened ever)' day. The king of Sweden received at 
 that time, in his camp at Alranstad, ambassadors from almost all the 
 princes in Christendom. Some came to beseech him to qnit the territories of 
 the empire, others were desirous of having him turn his arms against the 
 emperor; and there was even a report spread every where, that he would 
 join with France to overwhelm the house of Austria. Among all these 
 ambassadors, came the famous John duke of Marlborough, from Anne, 
 queen of Great Britain. This man, who never besieged a town that he did 
 not take, nor fought a battle that he did not gain, was at St. James's an 
 adroit courtier, in parliament the head of a party, and in foreign countries 
 the most able negotiator of the age he lived in. He had done as much mis- 
 chief to France by his understanding, as by his arms. The secretary to the 
 states-general, Fagel, a man of very great merit, has been heard to say, 
 that the states-general having more than once resolved to oppose what the 
 duke of Marlborough was to offer to them, the duke arrived, spoke to them 
 in French, a language in which he expressed himself very ill, and persuaded 
 them all to be of his opinion. He supported, with prince Eugene, the 
 companion of his victories, and with Hensius, grand pensionary of Holland, 
 all the weight of ihe enterprises of the allies against France. He knew that 
 Charles was exasperated against the empire and emperor; that he was 
 secretly solicited by the French ; and that if this conqueror should embrace 
 the interests of Lewis XIV. the allies would be oppressed. 
 
 It is true Charles had given his word, in the year 1700, not to meddle in 
 the war of Lewis XIV. against the allies. But the duke of Marlborough 
 thought there was no prince so much a slave to his word, as not to sacrifice 
 it to his grandeur and his interest. He therefore went from the Hague with 
 a design to sound the intentions of the king of Sweden. As soon as he ar- 
 rived at Leipsic, where Charles was at that time, he addressed himself se- 
 cretly, not to count Piper, the first minister, but to baron Goerts, who be- 
 gan to divide the king's favour with Piper. He told Goerts that it was the 
 design of the allies very shortly to propose to the king of Sweden to be me- 
 diator a second time, between them and France. He spoke thus in hopes 
 of discovering, by Goert's answer, the intentions of the king, and because 
 he liked much better to have Charles for an arbitrator than an enemy; at 
 last he had his public audience at Leipsic. At his first addressing the king, 
 he told him, in French, he should think himself happy if he could learn, un- 
 der his command, what he yet wanted to know of the art of war. Afterwards 
 he had a private audience of an hour, in which the king spoke in German, 
 and the duke in French. The last, who was never too eager in making pro- 
 positions, and who had acquired, by a long habitude, the art of distinguish- 
 ing men, and discovering the correspondence there is between their most se- 
 cret thoughts and their actions, gestures, and discourse, looked attentively on 
 the king while he talked of the war in general. He thought he perceived 
 in Charles XII. a natural aversion for France, and observed, that he was 
 pleased to talk of the conquests of the allies. He mentioned the czar to 
 iim, and saw the king's eyes always kindled at the name, notwithstanding.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 5T 
 
 Lijc oj Charles the Txneljlh. 
 
 the moderation of the conference. He, moreover, perceived a map of Mus- 
 covy on a table. He wanted nothing more Jo make him judge that the true 
 design of the king of Sweden, and his only ambition, were to dethrone the 
 czar after the king of Poland. He comprehended, that if this prince staid 
 in Saxony, it was to impose some conditions a little hard upon the emperor 
 of Germany. He knew very well the emperor could not resist him, and that, 
 therefore, the business would be easily determined : he left Charles XII. to 
 his natural inclination, and being satislied with having penetrated his de- 
 signs, made him no proposition. As few negociations are concluded with- 
 out money, and ministers are sometimes known to sell the hatred or favour 
 of their masters, it was believed all over Europe, that the duke of Marlbo* 
 rough had not succeeded with the king of Sweden, if he had not given a 
 large sum to count Piper; and the memory of that Swede is reflected on 
 upon this account to this day. For my own part, who have gone as far back 
 into the source of this report as was possible, I have learnt that count Piper 
 received a moderate present from the emperor, by the hands of count 
 Wratislau, with the consent of the king his master, and nothing from the 
 duke of Marlborough. Moreover, count Piper, who was sensible that the 
 proceedings of his king, if they proved unfortunate, might one day be im- 
 puted to him, sent to the senate of Sweden his advice sealed up, to be 
 opened after his death. Which advice was, that Charles ought to confirm 
 Stanislaus on the throne of Poland, and accept, afterwards, of the media* 
 tion between France and the allies, before he went to engage himself in Mus- 
 covy. It is true that Piper might, at the same time, counsel his master to 
 that dangerous expedition, and be willing to clear himself from the blame 
 of it to posterity ; but it is also certain, that Charles was inflexible in his 
 design of dethroning the emperor of the Russians; that he then took ad- 
 vice of none ; and that he had no need of being counselled by count Piper 
 to take a revenge of Peter Alexiowitz, which he had so long sought after. 
 Lastly, what completes the justification of this minister, is the honour be- 
 stowed, a long time after, on his memory by Charles XII. who hearing that 
 Piper was dead in Russia, ordered his corpse to be transported to Stockholm, 
 and buried in a most magnificent manner at his own expense. 
 
 The king, win had not yet been crossed, or even found any delay in his 
 successes, thought one year would be sufficient to dethrone the czar, and, 
 that he might then return straitway and make himself arbitrator of Europe, 
 but he was first willing to humble the emperor ol Germany. Count Zobor, 
 Chamberlain to the emperor, had said some things not very respectful of 
 the king of Sweden, in the presence of the Swedish ambassador at Vienna ; 
 for which the emperor did justice, though with regret, by banishing the count. 
 The king of Sweden was not satisfied with this, he would have had count 
 Zobor delivered up to him. The pride of the court of Vienna was forced 
 to bend, and put the count into the king's hands, who sent him back after 
 he had kept him sometime prisoner at Stctin. He moreover demanded, 
 contrary to all the laws of nations, that there should be delivered up to him 
 fifteen hundred unfortunate Muscovites, who having escaped his arms, had 
 fivd into the territories of the empire. The court of Vienna was obliged 
 again to consent to this strange demand ; and, if the Muscovite envov at 
 Vienna had not artfully contrived to let these wretches escape by different, 
 
 VOL. IV. I
 
 58 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth . 
 
 routes, they had been all delivered into the hands of their enemies. The 
 third and last of his demands was the strongest. He declared himself the 
 protector of the protestant subjects of the emperor in Silesia, a province 
 not belonging to the empire, but to the house of Austria. He would have 
 the emperor grant them some liberties and privileges, which had indeed been 
 settled by the treaties of Westphalia, but were extinct, or at least eluded by 
 those of Ryswick. The emperor, who sought only how to get rid of so 
 dangerous a neighbour, complied again, and granted all he desired. The 
 Lutherans in Silesia had above one hundred churches, that the Roman Ca- 
 tholics were obliged to deliver up to them by this treaty ; but many of these 
 concessions, which were secured to them by the king of Sweden's fortune, 
 were torn from them as soon as he was not in a condition to impose laws*. 
 
 The emperor, who made these forced concessions, and who yielded in 
 every thing to the will of Charles XII. was named Joseph ; he was eldest 
 son of Leopold, and brother to the wise emperor Charles VI. who afterwards 
 succeeded him. The pope's nuncio, who resided at that time in the court 
 of Joseph, made some very sharp reproaches to him, that a Roman Catho- 
 lic emperor like him, should yield the interests of his own religion to that of 
 heretics. " You are happy," answered the emperor smiling, " that the 
 king of Sweden did not propose to make me a Lutheran, for, if he would 
 have had it so, I do not know what I should have done." Count Wratislau, 
 his ambassador to Charles XII. brought to Leipsic the treaty in favourof tiie 
 Silesians, signed by his master's hand. Charles then said, that he was 
 satisfied, and that he was the emperor's best friend. Nevertheles, he could 
 not see without uneasiness, that Rome had thwarted him as much as possi- 
 ble. He looked with contempt upon the weakness of that court, which, hav- 
 ing at present one half of Europe its irreconcilable enemy, is always in 
 distrust of the other, and supports its credit only by the skilfulness of its 
 negotiations; in the mean time he thought how to revenge himself upon it. 
 He said to count Wratislau, that the Swedes had formerly subdued Rome, 
 and were not now degenerated like that. He gave the'pope to understand, 
 that he would one day demand back the effects that queen Christina had 
 left at Rome. It is not known to what length this young conqueror would 
 have carried his resentments and his arms, if fortune had prospered his de- 
 signs. Nothing seemed then impossible to him : he had even sent privately 
 several officers into Asia, and as far as Egypt, to draw the plans of towns, 
 and inform him of the strength of those dominions. It is certain, if any 
 one could have overthrown the Persian and the Turkish empires, and then 
 have passed into Italy, it was Charles XII. He was as young as Alexander, 
 as much a warrior, and as enterprising ; more indefatigable, more robust, 
 and more virtuous ; and the Swedes, perhaps, were better than the Macedo- 
 nians ; but the same projects which are looked upon as godlike when they 
 succeed, are treated but as chimeras if they miscarry. 
 
 At length, all difficulties being removed, all his desires executed : after 
 
 * Monsieur de la Motraye says, that this treaty was not put in execution till the time 
 that M. de Voltaire supposes the emperor to have broke through it, viz. not till after 
 the battle of Pultowa; and says, that he himself saw, in the year 1726, as he passed 
 through Silesia on his return from Russia, those protestants in possession of their 
 churches, and enjoying the privileges and liberties they had recovered by it.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 59 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth . 
 
 having humbled the emperor, given law* to the empire, protected the Lu- 
 theran religion in the midst of Roman Catholics, dethroned one king, 
 crowned another ; and seeing himself the terror of every prince, he prepar- 
 ed for his departure. The pleasures of Saxouy, where he lay idle one year, 
 had not any ways softened his manner of living. He got on^iorseback three 
 times a day, rose at four in the morning, dressed himself alone, drank no 
 wine, sat at table but a quarter of an hour, exercised his troops every day, 
 and knew no other pleasure but that of making Europe tremble. The 
 Swedes did not know whither the king would carry them ; it was doubted 
 only in the army, that Charles would go to Muscow. He ordered, some 
 days before his departure, the grand marshal of his houshold to give him in 
 
 writing the rout from Leispsic he stopped a moment at that word, and, 
 
 for fear the marshal should guess at his projects, lie added smiling, " To 
 all the capital cities of Europe." The marshal brought him a list of all 
 these routs, at the head of which he had affected to put in great letters, 
 " The rout from Leipsic to Stockholm." The greatest part of the Swedes 
 desired nothing more than to return thither; but the king was very far 
 from letting them see their own country. He said, " I see, Sir, whither 
 you would carry me, but we shall not return to Stockholm so soon." The 
 army was already on its march, and passed near Dresden. Charles was at 
 their head, continually riding, according to custom, two or three hundred 
 paces before his guards. They rode every way, but could not find him. The 
 army took the alarm in the moment ; they halted ; the generals assembled; 
 they were all in a consternation ; but learnt at last of a Saxon who was pass- 
 ing by, where he was got to. He had a mind, as he passed so near Dresden, 
 to pay a visit to king Augustus : he entered the city on horseback with three 
 or four general officers, and went directly and alighted at the palace. He 
 was got up into the apartment of the elector, before the news was spread of 
 his being in the city. General Fleming having seen the king of Sweden at 
 a distance, had but just time to run and acquaint his master of it. All that 
 could be done on such an occasion, was already come into the imagination 
 of the minister; he talked to Augustus about it; but Charles came, booted 
 as he was, into the chamber, before Augustus even had time to recover from 
 his surprise. He was sick at that time, and in his gown ; but made haste to 
 dress himself. Charles breakfasted with him as a traveller, who came to 
 take leave of his friend ; he afterwards would see the fortifications. Dur- 
 ing the little time that he spent in going over them, a Livonian, condemned 
 in Sweden, who served in the Saxon troops, believing that a more favour- 
 able opportunity could never orler to obtain his pardon, conjured king Au- 
 gustus to ask it of Charles, being well assured that the king would not re- 
 fuse so slight a request to a prince whose crown he had just taken away, and 
 in whose power he was at that instant. Augustus very readily undertook the 
 affair, and being at some distance from the king of Sweden, he talked to 
 llord, a Swedish general, about it: " I believe," said he, amiliogj " your 
 master will not refuse me." " You do not know him," replied general 
 Hord, " he will refuse you here sooner than anywhere else." Augustus did 
 not, however, decline asking the king's pardon for the Livonian in very- 
 pressing terms. Charles refused him in such a manner that he did not ask 
 kiin a second time. After having spent some hours in this strange visit, he
 
 60 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ■ ■■ ' " - — - ^ 
 
 Lijc of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 *■ • 
 
 embraced king Augustus and went away. He found upon his rejoining the 
 army, all his generals assembled in a council of war; he asked the reason of 
 it; general Renchild told him, " They had determined to besiege Dresden 
 if his majesty had been detained prisoner," " Good," said the king, 
 '* they durst not, they durst not." The next day, upon hearing that Au- 
 gustus held an extraordinary council at Dresden, " You see," saidlten- 
 child, " they are deliberating to day upon what they ought to have done 
 yesterday." 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 CHARLES at length took leave of Saxony, in September 1707, followed 
 by an army of 43,000 men, formerly covered with steel, but then shining 
 with gold and silver, and enriched with the spoils of Poland and Saxony. 
 Each soldier carried away with him fifty crowns in ready money ; all there* 
 giments were not only complete, but there were in every company many su- 
 pernumeraries, waiting for vacancies. Besides this army, count Levenhaup, 
 one of his best generals, staid for him in Poland with 20,000 men. He had 
 moreover, another army of J 5,000 men in Finland, and new recruits were 
 coming to him from Sweden. With all these forces, it was not doubted 
 but he would dethrone the czar. The emperor was at that time in Lithua- 
 ania, employed in reanimating a party which king Augustus seemed to have 
 renounced; his troops, that were divided into several bodies, fled every way 
 at the first report of the king of Sweden. He had himself ordered all his 
 generals never to wait for the conqueror with^nequal forces. The king of 
 Sweden, in the midst of his victorious marches, received a solemn embassy 
 from the Turks. The ambassador had his audience in count Piper's quar- 
 ters, for all ceremonies of state were always performed at that minister's ; 
 he supported the dignity of his master by his extraordinary magnificence, 
 and the king, always worse lodged, worse served, and more plainly dressed 
 than the meanest officer in his army, would say, that his palace was Piper's 
 quarters. The Turkish ambassador presented Charles with a hundred 
 Swedish soldiers, who, having been taken by the Calmucks and sold into 
 Turkey, were redeemed by the grand seignior, and sent by that emperor to 
 the king, as the most agreeable present he could make him : not that the Ot- 
 toman pride stooped to pay homage to the glory of Charles XII. but be- 
 cause the sultan, a natural enemy to the emperors of Muscovy and Germany, 
 was willing to strengthen himself against them by the friendship of Sweden 
 and the alliance of Poland. The ambassador complimented Stanislaus on 
 his accession to the throne. Thus this king was acknowledged as such in a 
 very little time by Germany, France, England, Spain, andTurkey. There was 
 only the pope who was unwilling to acknowledge him, till time had confirmed 
 that crown on his head, which one disgrace might have thrown off. 
 
 Charles had no sooner given audience to the ambassador from the Otto- 
 man Porte, then he went in search of the Muscovites. The czar*had gone 
 out of Poland and returned into it about twenty times during the course of 
 the war: this country being open on all sides, and having no strong places 
 to cut off the retreat of an army, it left the Muscovites at liberty of ap-
 
 UOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 61 
 
 Life of diaries the Twelfth. ■» 
 
 ...I. 
 
 pearing again often in the same place where they had been beaten; and of 
 penetrating into the country as (ar as the conqueror. During Charles's stay 
 in Saxony, the czar had advanced as far as Leopold, on the southern extre- 
 mity of Poland. He was then towards the north at Grodno in Lithuania, 
 a hundred leagues from Leopold. Charles left Stanislaus in Poland, who, 
 assisted by 10,000 Swedes and his new subjects, was to preserve his king- 
 dom from his enemies, both foreign and domestic; for his own part he put 
 himself at the head of his cavalry, and marched towards Grodno in the 
 midst of ice and snow, in the month of January 1708. He had already 
 passed the Niemen about two leagues from the town, and the czar as yet, 
 knew nothing of his march. Upon the first news of the Swedes' arrital, the 
 czar went out at the north gate, and Charles entered the town at the South. 
 The king had with Iiim no more than six hundred guards, the rest not be- 
 ing able to follow him. The czar fled with above two thousand men, per- 
 suaded that a whole army was come into Grodno. He learnt the same day, 
 by a Polish deserter, that he had quitted the place to six hundred meii 
 only, and that the main body of the enemy's army was still above five 
 leagues distant. He lost no lime, but detached fifteen hundred horse in the 
 evening, to go and surprise the king of Sweden in the town. The fifteen 
 hundred Muscovites arrived, favoured by the darkness of the night, as far 
 as the first Swedish guard without being known. Thirty men composed thit 
 guard, who alone sustained for half a quarter of an hour, the effort of fif- 
 teen hundred. The king, who was at the other end of. the town, presently 
 came up with the rest of his six hundred guards. The Muscovites fied with 
 precipitation. His army was not long without joining him, nor he long 
 without pursuing the enemy. All the bodies of the Muscovite army dis- 
 persed in Lithuania, retired in haste on the eastern side, into the palatine 
 of Minsky, near the frontiers of Muscovy, where was their rendezvous. 
 The Swedes, whom the king also divided into several bodies, followed them 
 without cessation above thirty leagues of the way : those who fled, and 
 those who pursued, made very long marches almost every day, although it 
 was in the midst of winter. All seasons of the year had for a long time 
 been equal both to the soldiers of Charles and the czar. The terror only 
 which the name of king Charles carried with it, made the difference be- 
 tween the Muscovites and the Swedes. From Grodno to the Borysthenes, 
 towards the east, are nothing but morasses, deserts, mountains, and im« 
 mense forests. In the places that are cultivated there was no provisions to 
 be found; the country people had buried all their grain under ground, and 
 whatever else could be preserved there. They were obliged to sound the 
 earth with long poles, that had iron at the end of them, to find out these 
 subterraneous magazines. The Muscovites and the Swedes made use of 
 these provisions by turns; but they did not always find them, neither were 
 they sufficient when they did. The king of Sweden, who foresaw these ex- 
 tremities, having ordered biscuit to be carried for the subsistence of his 
 army, there was nothing to stop his march. After he had crossed the fo- 
 rest of Minsky, where he was obliged to cut down trees every moment to 
 make a way for his troops and his baggage, he found himself on the 25th 
 of June 1708, before the river Beri'sina, over against Boris)ow . 
 The czar had got together again the greatest part of his forces in thi«
 
 «2 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles (he Twelfth. 
 
 - — ■ ' ' » 
 
 place, where he had entrenched them to the best advantage. His design 
 was to hinder the Swedes from passing the river. Charles posted some regi- 
 ments on the banks of the Beresina, opposite to Borislow, as if he would 
 attempt the passage in sight of the enemy. At the same time he went with 
 his army three leagues higher towards the source of the river; there he had 
 a bridge thrown over ; passed through a body of 3000 men, who defended 
 the post, and marched to the enemy's army without stopping. The Mus- 
 covites did not wait for him, but decamped, and retreated towards the 
 Borysthenes, spoiling all the roads, and destroying every thing in their way, 
 at least to retard the Swedes. Charles surmounted all obstacles, advancing 
 still towards the Borysthenes. He met in his way, with 20,000 Muscovites 
 entrenched in a place called Hollosin, behind a morass, which was not to 
 be approached without crossing the river and morass. Charles didnot wait 
 for the arrival of the rest of his infantry to attack them ; but flung himself 
 into the water at the head of his foot-guards, and crossed the river and 
 morass, with the water often times above his shoulders. While he went thus 
 to the enemy, he ordered his cavalry to go round the morass to take them 
 in flank. The Muscovites, astonished to find that no barrier could defend 
 them, were routed" at the same time by the king, who attacked them on 
 foot, and by the Swedish horse. These horse, having made their way 
 through the enemy, joined the king in the midst of the battle. He then 
 mounted his horse; but some time after, finding a young Swedish gentle- 
 man, named Gullensteirn, whom he had a great value for, much wounded 
 and unable to march, he forced him to take his horse, and continued to 
 command on foot at the head of the infantry. Of all the battles he had 
 fought, this was perhaps the most glorious ; that iu which he had been in 
 the most danger; and in which he had shewn the most ability. The me- 
 mory of it is preserved by a medal, with this inscription on one side, Silvce, 
 paludes, aggeres, hostes vied. And on the other, Victrisis copias alium latu- 
 rus in orbem. The Muscovites, chased every way, repassed the Borysthe- 
 nes, which separates the dominions of Poland from their own country^ 
 Charles made no delay in pursuing them ; he crossed this great river after 
 them at Mold low, the last town in Poland, which sometimes belongs to the 
 Poles, and sometimes to the czar, the common fate of frontier places. 
 
 The czar, who then saw his empire, wherein he had just introduced arts 
 and commerce, falling a prey to a war, capable of overturning in a very 
 httle time, all his great designs, and perhaps his throne, began to think of 
 treating of a peace, and ventured some propositions by a Polish gentleman, 
 • who came to the Swedish army. Charles XII. accustomed only to grant 
 peace to his enemies in their own capitals, answered plainly, " I will treat 
 with the czar at Moscow." When this haughty answer was reported to the 
 czar, " My brother Charles," said he, " will still act the Alexander; but I 
 flatter myself he wont find a Darius in me." From Mohilow, the place 
 where the king crossed the Borysthenes, if you go northward along this river, 
 still on the frontiers of Poland and Muscovy, you will find, at about thirty 
 leagues distance, the country of Smolensko, through which is the great 
 road that goes from Poland to Moscow ; the czar retreated this way, the 
 king followed him by long marches. A part of the Muscovite rear-guard 
 was more than once engaged with the dragoons of the Swedish van-guard.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE, i 63 
 
 life of Charles i 
 
 The latter had almost always the advantage; but they weakened them- 
 selves instead of conquering, in the little skirmishes, which could decide 
 nothing, and in which, they always lost a great many men. On the 22d of 
 September, in the year 1708, they attacked near Smolensko, a body of 
 10,000 horse, and 6000 Kalmucs. These Kalmucs are Tartar* who thcefl 
 between the kiiigdomof Astracan, a dominion of the czar, and that of Sa- 
 marcande, a country of the Usbeck Tartars, the dominion of 'Iimour, known 
 by the name of Tamerlane.- The country of the Kalmuck extends itself 
 on the east as far as the mountains which separate the Mogul from the 
 western Asia. Those who inhabit towards Astracan are tributary to the 
 czar; he claims an absolute dominion over them ; but their vagabond life 
 hinders him from being master of it, and forces him to behave toward* 
 them, as the grand seignior does towards the Arabs, sometimes suffering 
 their robberies, and sometimes punishing them. There are always some of 
 these Kalmucs in the troops of Muscovy ; and the czar had even disci- 
 plined these like the rest of his soldiers. The king fell upon this army, 
 having with him no more than six regiments of horse and 4000 foot. He 
 engaged the Muscovites first at the head of his regiment of Ostrogothia. 
 The enemy retreated, the king advanced upon them through rough and un- 
 even ways, where the Kalmucs were hid ; they then appeared, and threw 
 themselves between the regiment were the king fought, and the rest of the 
 Swedish army. In an instant the Muscovites and Kalmucs encompassed 
 this regiment, and pierced quite through to the king. They killed two aid- 
 de-camps, who fought near his person. The king's horse was killed under 
 him ; an equerry presented another to him ; but the equerry and horse were 
 both struck dead at once. Charles fought on foot, surrounded by some 
 officers who immediately ran to encompass him about. Several were taken, 
 wounded, or killed, or carried to a distance from the king by the crowd 
 that fell upon them ; and there were only five men left about him. He was 
 quite wearied with the fatigue; for he had killed more than a dozen of the 
 enemy with his own hand, without receiving one single wound, by that inex- 
 pressible good forsune, which till then, had every where attended him, and 
 upon which he constantly relied. At last a colonel named Dardorf, made 
 his way through the Kalmucs with one company only of his regiment; he 
 arrived time enough to disengage the king; and the rest of the Swedes put 
 these Tartars to the sword. The army recovered its ranks; Charles got on 
 horseback, and fatigued as he was, pursued the Muscovites for two leagues. 
 The conqueror was still in the great road to the capital of Muscovy. From 
 Smolensko, near which the battle was fought, to Moscow, is about one hun- 
 dred French leagues; the roads were not in themselves worse than those 
 through which the Swedes had already passed; but they were told that the 
 czar had not only rendered all the roads impassable, either by laving under 
 water those places which were near the marshes, by making deep ditches at 
 proper distances, or by covering the ways with the forests which he had 
 cut down; but that he had also burnt all the villages on the right and left. 
 Winter approached ; there was but a small appearance of making anv speedy- 
 advances into the country, none of subsisting there ; and all tl»e Muscovite 
 forces reunited, might come upon the king of Sweden through different 
 ways which he was unacquainted with. Charles having reviewed his army.
 
 64 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ., , , ■ ■ "■', , ', ,, 'S 
 
 life- of Charles (lie Twelfth. 
 
 '— " ' " ~ ' ■ 
 
 and made them give an account of their provisions, saw that they had not 
 enough for fifteen days. General Levenhaup, who was to have brought 
 some, with a reinforcement of 15,000 men, was not come; he resolved 
 therefore to quit the road to Moscow, and to turn to the south towards Uk- 
 rania, into the country of the Cossacks, situated between little Tartary, Po- 
 land, and Muscovy. This country is about one hundred leagues from south 
 to north, and almost as many from east to west. It is divided into two, 
 almost equal parts, by the Borysthenes, which crosses it in running from the 
 the north-west to the south-east; the principal town is Bathurin, upon the 
 little river Sem. The most northern part of Ukrania is cultivated and rich: 
 the most southern is one of the most fertile countries in the world, and the 
 jnpst desert ; the bad government destroying there all that nature produces 
 for the good of man. The inlvabitants of these cantons, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Little Tartary, neither sow nor plant, because the Tartars of Bou- 
 giac, those of Precrop, and Moldavia, all robbers, may come and destroy 
 their plains and harvests. Ukrania has always aspired to be free; but being 
 surrounded by Muscovy, the dominions of the grand seignior, and Poland, 
 she has been obliged to seek a protector, and consequently a master in one 
 of those three states. She first put herself under the protection of Poland, 
 ■who kept her under too much subjection; she then gave herself up to the 
 Muscovite, who enslaved her as much as he was able. At first the Ukra- 
 nians enjoyed the privilege of choosing a prince under the name of gene- 
 ral; but they were soon deprived of this right, and their general was named 
 by the court of Moscow. The person who tilled this place, at that time, 
 ■was a Polish gentleman named Mazeppa, born in the palatine of Podolia. 
 He was brought up as page to king John Casimir, and, in his court, had 
 got some tincture of learning. An intrigue which he had in his youth, 
 ■with the wife of a Polish gentleman being discovered, the husband had him 
 vhipped with rods, then tied him stark naked on a wild horse, and set him 
 going in that condition. The horse, which was of the country of Ukrania, 
 returned thither, snd carried Mazeppa with him, half dead with fatigue 
 and hunger. He was succoured by some country people, among whom he 
 remained a long time, and signalized himself in several actions against the 
 Tartars. The superiority of his understanding gave him a very great esteem 
 among the Cossacks; his reputation increasing every day, obliged the czar 
 to make him prince of Ukrania. One day being at table with the czar at 
 Moscow, that emperor proposed to him to discipline the Cossacks, and 
 render those people more dependent: Mazeppa answered, "that the situa- 
 tion of Ukrania, and the genius of that nation were insurmountable obsta- 
 cles to it;" the czar, who began to be heated with wine, and who could not 
 at all times command his passion, called him traitor, and threatened to 
 have him impaled. Mazeppa at his return into Ukrania, formed the pro- 
 ject of a revolt ; the Swedish army, which appeared soon after on the fron- 
 tiers, gave him an opportunity to facilitate the means of it; he resolved to 
 to be independent, and to form a powerful kingdom for himself of Ukrania 
 and the ruins of the Russian empire. He was a man of great courage, en- 
 terprising, and of indefatigable labour: he privately leagued with the king 
 of Sweden to hasten the fall of the czar, that he might answer his own ends 
 by it. The king fixed the rendezvous near the river Desna, where Mazeppa
 
 _________ ROYAL MILITARY CHRO NICLE. 65 
 
 .,■'"'., .. . i j. 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 promised to meet him with 30,000 men, ammunition, provisions, and his 
 treasures, which were immense. The Swedish army marched therefore to 
 that side, to the great astonishment of all tin* officers, who knew nothing of 
 this treaty of the king with the Cossacks. Charles sent orders to Leven- 
 haup to bring his troops and provisions with all expedition into Ukrania, 
 where he designed to pass the winter, to the end, that having secured that 
 country to himself, he might conquer Muscovy in the spring following; and 
 in the mean while advanced towards the river Desna, which falls into the 
 Borysthenes at Kiow. The obstacles which he had hitherto met in his rout 
 were very slight* in comparison with those he found in this new way. There 
 was a forest of fifty leagues to be crossed, which was full of marshes. Gene- 
 ral Lagercron, who marched before with 5000 men, and pioneers, wandered 
 with the army above thirty leagues out of the true road. After four days 
 march, the king found Lagercron's mistake, and got, with difficulty, into 
 the right way ; but almost all their artillery, and all their waggons were set 
 fast, or swallowed up in the mud. At last, after so painful a march for 
 twelve days, in which the Swedes had consumed the little biscuit they had 
 left, this army, quite spent with weariness and hunger, arrived upon the 
 banks of the Desna, in the place where Mazeppa had appointed to meet 
 them; but, instead of finding that prince, they saw a body of Muscovites 
 advancing to the other side of the river. The king was surprised, but re- 
 solved immediately to pass the Desna, and attack the enemy. The banks 
 of this river were so steep, that they were forced to let the soldiers down 
 with ropes. They crossed the river after their usual manner, some on floats 
 easily made, and others by swimming. The body of Muscovites, who ar- 
 rived at the same time, were not above 8000 men, who resisted not long; 
 and this obstacle was also surmounted. Charles advanced into this dismal 
 country, certain neither of his road, nor of the fidelity of Mazeppa ; this 
 Cossack appeared, at length, but rather like a fugitive than a powerful ally. 
 The Muscovites had discovered and prevented his designs; they had fallen 
 upon the Cossacks, whom they cut to pieces, his principal friends were ta- 
 ken sword in hand, and thirty of them broke upon the wheel. His towns 
 were reduced to ashes, his treasures plundered, the provisions which he pre- 
 pared for the king of Sweden seized; and it was with difficulty that he es- 
 caped himself with six thousand men, and some horses laden with gold and 
 silver. Nevertheless, he brought the king hopes of supporting him, by his 
 intelligence, in this unknown country, and the affection of all the Cossacks, 
 who, enraged against the Muscovites, came in troops to the camp, and 
 brought means to subsist it. Charles hoped, at least, that his general La- 
 venhaup would come to repair this ill fortune. He was to bring 15,000 
 Swedes, which were worth more than 100,000 Cossacks, and with them am- 
 munition and provisions; but when he arrived, it was almost in the same 
 condition with Mazeppa. He had already passed the Borvsthenes above 
 Mohilow, and advanced twenty leagues farther on the road to Ukrania. He 
 brought the king a convoy of 8000 waggons, with money which he r 
 in Lithuania, and upon his march. When he was coming tow. ml*, l.esno, 
 near the place where the rivers Pronia and Sossa join, to empty themselves, a 
 good deal lower, into the Borysthenes, the czar appeared at the head of 
 60,000 men. The Swedish general, who had uot 1G,0<)0 men complete, 
 
 VOL. IV. K
 
 66 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 a i ' ' 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 •Would not intrench himself. So many victories had given such confidence 
 to the Swedes, that they never inquired after the number of the enemy, but 
 only after the place where they were. Levenhaup therefore marched against 
 them, without pausing, on the 7th of October 1708, in the afternoon. At 
 the first charge they killed 1500 Muscovites. The czar's army was put into 
 confusion, and fled on every side. The emperor of Russia saw the instant 
 in which he was going to be entirely defeated. He perceived that the safety 
 of his dominions depended on the success of that day, and that he must 
 be lost if Levenhaup joined the king of Sweden with a victorious army. As 
 soon as he saw his troops began to give way, he ran to the rear-guard, where 
 were the Cossacks and Kalmucs, " I command you," said he, '• to fire on 
 every man who shall attempt to run away, and to kill even myself if I 
 should be so cowardly as to fly." From thence he returned to the van- 
 guard, and rallied his troops, assisted by prince Menzikof and prince Gal- 
 Jicsin. Levenhaup, who had pressing orders to join his master, chose to 
 continue his march rather than renew the battle, thinking he had done 
 enough to prevent the enemy's pursuing him. The next morning at eleven 
 o'clock the czar attacked him at the entrance of a morass, and extended 
 his army that he might surround him. The Swedes every where faced 
 about, and the battle continued for two hours with equal resolution on either 
 side. The Muscovites lost three times the number of men ; but no one 
 gave ground, and the victory was undecided. At four o'clock gerteral Baur 
 brought the czar a reinforcement of troops. The battle was then renewed 
 for the third time with more fury and slaughter than before ; it lasted till 
 right ; at last, it was carried by numbers: the Swedes were broken, routed 
 and driven as far as their baggage. Levenhaup rallied his troops behind his 
 waggons ; the Swedes were conquered but did not fly. There was about 
 9000 men, not one of which went away; the general drew them up in order 
 of battle as easily as if they had not been vanquished. The czar on the 
 other side, was all night under arms ; and forbade his officers, on pain of 
 being broken, and his soldiers, on pain of death, to go out of their ranks 
 to plunder. The next day, as soon as it was light, he ordered a new attack. 
 Levenhaup was retired some miles to a more advantageous place, after 
 having spiked part of his cannon, and set fire to his waggons. The Must 
 covites arrived soon enough to prevent the whole convoy being consumed in 
 the flames, and seized upwards of 6000 waggons, which they saved. The 
 czar, who was anxious to finish the defeat of the Swedes, sent oneof his ge- 
 nerals named Flug, to attack them the fifth time; this general offered them 
 an honourable capitulation ; but Levenhaup refused it, and ventured a fifth 
 battle as bloody as any of the former. Of 9000 soldiers, he then had, he 
 lost one half, the other could not be broken. At length, the night coming 
 on, Lavenhaup, after having maintained five battles against 50,000 men, 
 swam over the Sossa followed by the 5000 men he had left, the wounded 
 were carried over on floats. The czar lost above 20,000 men in these five 
 battles, in which, he had the glory of overcoming the Swedes ; and Levei> 
 haup, that of disputing the victory for three days, and to retire without be- 
 ing broken in his last post. He came to his master's camp with the ho-r 
 Hour of having so well defended himself, though he brought with him neU 
 ther ammupition nor army.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. ffl 
 
 ' ' ' .' 
 
 Life of Charles theTwelfth. 
 
 King Stanislaus would have been glad to have joined Charles at the same 
 time ; but the Muscovites, the conquerors of Levenhaup, would have cut 
 him off in his way, and Siniausky employed him in Poland. The king of 
 Sweden thus found himfelf, without any provisions, without any communi- 
 cation with Poland, encompassed by enemies, and in the midst of a country 
 where he had scarce any refuge but his courage. In this extremity, the me- 
 morable winter of 1709, more terrible on these frontiers of Europe than else* 
 where, destroyed a part of his army. Charles would brave the seasons as 
 he had done his enemies, and made long marches with his troops during this 
 excessive cold weather. It was in one of these marches that 2000 men fell 
 down dead with the cold almost before his eyes. The horsemen's boots were 
 quite worn out, and the foot were without shoes, and almost without clothes. 
 They were reduced to make stockings of the skins of beasts as well as they 
 could, and often times they wanted bread. They were forced to throw al- 
 most all their cannon into bogs and rivers, for want of horses to draw them. 
 This army, so flourishing before, was reduced to 24,000 men, ready to pe- 
 rish with hunger. They heard no longer from Sweden, nor were able to send 
 thither; in this condition, an officer making complaint, " What," said the 
 kin«r, " you are uneasy that you are so far from your wife ! If you are a true 
 soldier, I will carry you so far that you can scarce hear from Sweden above 
 once in three years." A soldier murmuring one day, had the boldness to pre- 
 sent to him, in the sight of the whole army, a piece of bread black and 
 mouldy, made of barley and oats, which was the only nourishment they 
 had at that time, nor even enough of that : the king took the bread without 
 any emotion, eat it up, and said afterwards very cooly to the soldier, " It is 
 not good, yet it may be eaten." This turn, as little as it was, if any thing 
 that increases respect and confidence may be called little, contributed more 
 than all the rest to support the Swedish army under extremities which would 
 have been intolerable with any other general. In this situation he at length 
 received news from Stockholm; but it was only that of the death of the 
 dutchess of Holstein his Sister, who was taken off by the small-pox in the 
 month of December 1708, in the 27th year of her age. She was a princess 
 as mild and compassionate as her brother was imperious in his desires, and 
 implacable in his revenge. He always had a great affection for her, and 
 was the more afflicted for her loss, as he was just then beginning to feel 
 misfortunes himself, and therefore the more sensible of them. He learnt 
 also that they had raised troops and money according to his orders ; but 
 nothing could be sent so far as his camp; because, between that and Stock- 
 holm, there were five hundred leagues to cross over, and enemies superior 
 in number to contend with. The czar, as active as the king of Sweden, 
 after having sent fresh troops to succour the confederates in Poland, re- 
 united against Stanislaus under general Siniauski, advanced presently into 
 Ukrania, in the midst of this hard winter, to make head against the king 
 of Sweden. There he continued with the policy of weakening his enemy 
 by small engagements, judging very well that the Swedish army must en- 
 tirely perish in length of time, since it could not be recruited, whilst he 
 could draw fresh forces every moment out of his own dominions. The cold 
 must have been excessively great, since the two enemies were constrained 
 to agree to a suspension of arms. But on the 1st of February they began to
 
 «8 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 « ■ ' ■ "■■,.-'..-,■. 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 engage again in the midst of ice and snow. After several little skirmishes, 
 and some disadvantages, the king saw, in the month of April, that he had 
 but 18,000 Swedes left, Mazeppa alone, that prince of the Cossacks, sub- 
 sisted them ; without whose succour the army must have perished with 
 hunger and want. The czar in this conjuncture, made proposals to Ma- 
 zeppa to draw him again under his dominions; but the Cossack was faith- 
 ful to his new ally. I will not pretend to determine whether the fear of the 
 dreadful punishment of the wheel by which his friends were destroyed, had 
 kept him so, or whether it was out of a desire of revenge. 
 
 Charles, with his 18,000 Swedes and as many Cossacks, had given over 
 neither his design, nor hopes of penetrating as far as Moscow. He went to- 
 wards the end of May to invest Pultowa, upon the river Vorskla, on the 
 eastern extremity of Ukrania, three long leagues from the Boryshenes, in 
 M-hich place the czar had made a magazine. If the king took it, it would 
 have opened to him the road to Moscow, and he might at least have waited, 
 in an abundance of every thing, till the supplies he still expected from Swe- 
 den, Livonia, Pomerania, and Poland, came to him. His only refuge be> 
 ing therefore in taking Pultowa, he carried on the siege with vigour. Ma- 
 zepppa, who had intelligence in the town, assured him that he would scon be 
 masterof it. Some hope began to revive in the army, and the soldiers 
 looked upon the taking of Pultowa as the end of all their miseries. The 
 king perceived, from the beginning of the siege, that he had taught his 
 enemies the art of war. Prince Menzikof, in spite of all his precaution, flung 
 succours into the town; and the garrison by that means was nearly 10,000 
 strong. The king continued the siege with still more vigour: he carried the 
 advanced works, gave two assaults even to the body of the place, and took 
 the courtain. The siege was in this condition when the king, having ad- 
 vanced on horseback to reconnoitre some of the works, received a shot of a 
 carbine, which pierced his boot and broke the bone of his heel. There was 
 not the least change in his countenance to be observed, by which it might be 
 suspected that he was wounded. He continued to give his orders calmly, and 
 remained near six hours on horseback. One of his domestics perceiving the 
 sole of his boot bloody, ran to fetch the surgeons: and his pain began to be 
 then so sharp, that they were forced to help him off his horse and carry him 
 into his tent. The surgeons viewed his wound, where a gangrene* being al- 
 
 • jr. de la Motra3'e says, "This gangrene was not begun till the king came to Ben- 
 Her, and that Mr. Newman was not able to make him sensible of his danger, or get 
 him to let him dress his wound, during their hard march Irora Pultowa to Bender, 
 where he told him, if he would not let bin dress it, he would infallibly lose his legj 
 and added, that his majesty would never perhaps be able to mount his horse more. 
 Upon this the king presenting him his boot to draw off, said to him, ''See, fall to 
 work." Newman, finding I he wound worse than lie expected, changed colour; and 
 the king observing his surprise, asked him what was the matter; and on the infor- 
 mation this sitigeon gave biro, that a mortification was begun, and that he desired ano- 
 ther surgeon's assistance, with the advice of a physician; "Why," said the king, 
 "dout you know what is to be doner" — " Ves, Sir," replied Newman, " but I dare not 
 proceed farther, without the assistance I have asked ; for I must not treat your majesty 
 as I would a common dragoon." The king was uncommonly angry at this expression, 
 repeating these words several times, " I expect you should have the same regard to the 
 meanest soldier in my service, as to myself." Then Newman did as he was bid, with- 
 out replying a word. That able surgeon having the most patient person in The world 
 to deal with, made use of his instruments and caustics so opportunely, that having
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. fij 
 
 Life of Charles (he Twelfth. 
 
 ready begun, they were of opinion that his leg was to be cut off. Toe con- 
 sternation of the army was inexpressible. A surgeon named Newman, more 
 skilful and more courageous than the rest, affirmed, that by making deep 
 incisions he could save the king's leg. " To work then presently," said the 
 king, " cut boldlv, and fear nothing!" He held his leg himself with his two 
 hands, looking on the incisions that were made as if the operation had been 
 making on another. At the same time that his wound was dressing, he gave 
 orders for an assault the next day, but he had hardly given them, when 
 word W3s brought him that the czar appeared with an army of more than 
 70,000 men: he was then obliged to take another resolution. Charles, 
 wounded and incapable to act, saw himself shut up between the Borysthenes 
 and the river which runs to Pultowa, in a desert country, without places of 
 safety, and without ammunition, opposed to an army which cut off his re- 
 treat and his provisions. In this extremity he called no council of war, as 
 so many accounts have given out; but iu the night between the 7th and 8th 
 of July, he sent for the Velt-marshal Renchild into his tent, and ordered him 
 without deliberation, and without any uneasiness, to have all things readv to 
 attack the czar the next day. Renchild didnot dispute, but went out to obey 
 him. At the door of the king's tent he met count Piper, with whom he had 
 been at variance for a long time, as it often happens between the minister 
 and the general. Piper asked him if he had no news? " No," said the ge- 
 neral coldly, and went on to give bis orders. As soon as Piper came into 
 the tent, " Has Renchild told you any thing?" said the king. " Nothing," 
 answered Piper; " Well, I will tell you then," replied the king — " To-mor- 
 row we give .battle." Count Piper was amazed at so desperate a resolution, but 
 knowing very well that there was no altering his master's opinion, he shewed 
 his amazement only by his silence, and let Charles sleep till break of day. 
 It was on the 8th of July, in the year 1709, that the decisive battle of Pul- 
 towa was fought, between the two most famous monarchs at that time in 
 the world : Charles XII. illustrious through nine victorious years ; Peter 
 Alexiowitz, through nine years labour in forming troops equal to those of 
 Sweden : one glorious for having disposed of dominions; the other for civiliz- 
 ing his own: Charles, loving dangers, and fighting only for glory; Alexiowitz, 
 not flying from danger, but making war only for his interest: the Swedish 
 monarch, liberal through a greatness of soul ; the Muscovite never giving any 
 thing but with some view: that, of a sobriety and continency without ex- 
 ample, of a natural magnanimity, and never cruel but once; this, not having 
 got quite rid of the rudeness of his education and his countrv, was as much 
 dreaded by his subjects as admired by strangers, and too much given to ex- 
 cess, which even shortened his days. Charles had the title of invincible, 
 which might be taken from him in a moment; the nations around him had 
 already given Peter Alexiowilz the name of Great, which one defeat could 
 not take from him, because he owed it not to victories. 
 
 To have a clear idea of this battle, and the place where it was fought, we 
 
 taken out a little bone already rotten, bis majesty found himself in a capacity to walk 
 in the middle of August. The bone was sent to the princess Ulrica Flcnnora, the 
 king's sister, who was afterwards elected queen of Sweden, winch she put herself, with 
 a torrent of tears running from her eyes, into the coffin, when his body was brought 
 embalmed from Norway t-j Stockholm.
 
 10 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ■ i 1 1 ■ ■ ' ■ i . r u g 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 '■■'■'■' — • .,,,,. 
 
 must suppose Pultowa on the north, the king of Sweden's camp on the 
 south, drawing a little towards the east, his baggage about a mile behind 
 him, and the river of Pultowa on the north of the town, running from east 
 to west. The czar had passed the river about a league from Pultowa on the 
 •western side, and had begun to form his camp. At break of day the Swedes 
 appeared out ©f their trenches, with four iron cannons for their whole artil- 
 lery ; the rest were left in the camp, with about 3000 men : 4000 remained 
 with the baggage ; so that the Swedish army marched against the enemy 
 ■with about 25,000 men, of which there were not above 12,000 regular 
 troops. The generals Renchild, Field, Levenhaup, Slipenback, Horn, 
 Sparre, Hamilton, the prince of Wirtemburg, a relation to the king, and 
 some others, who had most of them seen the battle of Narva, put all the 
 subaltern officers in mind of that day, when 8000 Swedes destroyed 100,000 
 Muscovites in an intrenched camp ; the officers said the same thing to the 
 soldiers, all encouraging one another in their march. The king conducted 
 the march, carried in a litter at the head of his infantry. A party of his 
 horse advanced by his order to attack that of the enemy ; the battle began 
 with this engagement at half past four in the morning; the enemy's cavalry 
 Jay westward, on the right of the Muscovite camp ; prince Menzikof and 
 count Gallowin had disposed them in intervals between redoubts fortified 
 with cannon. General Slipenback, at the head of the Swedes, fell upon 
 them. All who have served in the Swedish troops, know that it is almost 
 impossible to resist the fury of their first shock. The Muscovite squadrons 
 were broken and routed. The czar himself ran to rally them, and had a 
 musket ball shot through his hat ; Menzikof had three horses killed under 
 him; the Swedes cried out victory ! Charles did not doubt but the battle 
 was gained ; he had sent general Creuts at midnight with 5000 horse or dra- 
 goons, who were to take the enemy in flank while he attacked them in 
 front; but Creuts unfortunately went out of the way and did not appear. 
 The czar, who thought himself lost, had time to rally his horse. He fell, 
 in his turn, upon that of the king, which not being supported by the de- 
 tachment of Creuts was likewise broken. Slipenback himself was taken 
 prisoner in this engagement. At the same time seventy-two pieces of can- 
 non fired from the camp upon the Swedish horse, and the Russian foot 
 opening from their lines came to attack that of Charles. The czar by £ 
 presence of mind, and a penetration, which, in such moments only belong 
 to truly great men, detached prince Menzikof to post himself between Pul- 
 towa and the Swedes ; prince Menzikof executed with ability and readiness 
 his master's order ; he not only cut off the communication between the Swe- 
 dish army, and the troops that remained in the camp before Pultowa, but 
 meeting with a corps de reserve of 3000 men, he surrounded and cut them 
 in pieces. In the mean time the Muscovite foot came out of their lines, 
 and advanced in battalia into the plain. On the other side the Swedish 
 horse rallied within a quarter of a league of the enemy's army ; and the 
 king, assisted by his Velt-marshal Renchild, ordered all things for a general 
 battle. He ranged in two lines what troops he had left ; his foot were in 
 the centre, his horse made the two wings. The czar disposed his army in 
 the same manner; he had the advantage of numbers, and that of seventy- 
 two pieces of cannon, while the Swedes could oppose him only with but
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 71 
 
 ■ ' ■ ' -» 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 four, and already began to want powder. The Muscovite emperor was in 
 the centre of his army, having then only the rank of major-general, and 
 seemed to obey general CseremetofT. But he went as emperor from rank to 
 rank mounted on a Turkish horse, which was a present from the grand 
 seignior, exhorting the captains and soldiers, and promising rewards to each 
 of them. Charles did all he could to get on horseback at the head of his 
 troops, but not being able to sit without great pain, he was again put into 
 his litter, holding his sword in one hand and a pistol in the other. At nine 
 in the morning the battle was renewed; one of the first discharges of the 
 Muscovite cannon carried away both horses of his litter; he ordered two 
 more to be put to it: a second discharge tore the litter to pieces and over- 
 turned the king. The troops that fought near him thought he was slain. 
 The Swedes, in a consternation, gave way, and their powder failing, and 
 the enemy's cannon continuing to molest them, the first line fell back upon 
 the second, and the second fled. Jn this last action, one line of the Mus- 
 covite foot only, of 10,000 men, routed the Swedish army ; so much were 
 things changed. The kfog, carried upon pikes by four grenadiers, covered 
 with blood and all over bruised with his fall, hardly able to speak, cried out, 
 Swedes! Swedes! Anger and grid giving him fresh strength, he tried to 
 rally some regiments. The Muscovites pursued them with swords, bayonets, 
 and pikes. The prince of Wirtemburg, general Renchild, Hamilton, and 
 Stakelberg, were already taken prisoners; the camp before Pultowa forced, 
 and all in confusion, which was not to be remedied. Count Pipef, with all 
 the officers of the chancery, were come out of the camp, and knew neither 
 what they were to do, nor what was become of the king ; they ran from one 
 side of the plain to the other. A major named Bere offered to conduct them 
 to the baggage, but the clouds of dust and smoke which covered the field, 
 and the hurry of spirits, which is natural in a time of such desolation, car- 
 ried them directly to the counterscarp of the town, where they were taken 
 by the garrison. The king would not fly, and could not defend himself; he 
 had by him at that instant, general Poniatowsky, a colonel of the Swedish 
 guards of king Stanislaus, a man of uncommon merit, whose attachment to 
 Charles's person had engaged him to follow him into Ukrania without any 
 command. He was one, who, in all the occurrences of his life, and in dan- 
 gers, where others have at most but valour, took such measures as were al- 
 ways successful. He made a sign to a young Swede named Frederick, first 
 valet de chambre to the king, and a man as intredid as his master; they 
 took the king under the arms, and assisted by a Drabant, who came up to 
 them, set him on horseback, notwithstanding the extreme pain of his wound. 
 Frederick rode near his master, and supported him from time to time. 
 
 Poniatowsky, although he had no command in the army, became on this 
 occasion a general by necessity, and rallied five hundred horse near the 
 king's person ; some were Drabants, some officers, and others only common 
 troopers. This troop, reassembled and reanimated by the misfortune of 
 their prince, made their way through above ten Muscovite regiments, and 
 conducted Charles through the midst of the enemy for the space of a league 
 to the baggage of the Swedish army. 
 
 This was a most surprising retreat in so great distress; but he was ob- 
 liged to fly farther; among the baggage they had found count Piper's coach,
 
 t? THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 for the king never had one after he left Stockholm. They put him into that, 
 and took, with all speed, the Toad to the Borysthenes. The king who, from 
 the moment they set him on horseback till he came to the baggage, had 
 not spoken one word, asked them what was become of count Piper. " He is 
 taken with all the chancery," they answered him; "and General Renchild, 
 and the duke of Wittemberg?" added he — "They are also prisoners," said 
 Poniatowsky to him. " Prisoners among the Muscovites !" replied Charles, 
 shrugging his shoulders; "Come on then, let us rather go among the 
 Turks. There was not, however, the least change to be observed in his 
 countenance; and whosoever had seen him at that time, and been ignorant 
 of his condition, would not have suspected him to be conquered or wound- 
 ed. Whilst he was removing, the Muscovites seized his artillery in his camp 
 before Pultowa, his baggage, and his military chest, in which they found 
 six millions in specie, the spoils of Poland and Saxony. Near 9000 Swedes 
 ■were killed in the battle, about 6000 were taken, 3 or 4000 ran away, who 
 !have never been heard of since. There still remained near 18,000 men, 
 Swedes, Poles, and Cossacks, who fled towards the Borysthenes, under the 
 conduct of general Levenhaup. He marched on one side with these fugi- 
 tive troops; the king went by another road with some horsemen. Thecoach 
 in which he was broke down in his march, and he was set on horseback 
 again. To complete his distress, he wandered about all night in a wood; 
 and there, his courage not being able longer to supply his exhaused spirits, 
 the pain of his wound becoming insupportable by the fatigue, and his horse 
 falling under him with weariness, he lay for some hours at the foot of a tree, 
 in danger every moment of being surprised by the conquerors, who searched 
 for him every way. 
 
 At length, on the Bth of July, at night, he found, himself on the banks the 
 Borysthenes, and Levenhaup was come up with the remnant of his army. 
 The Swedes, with joy mixt with sorrow, saw again their king, whom they 
 thought dead. The enemy approached, and they had no bridge to cross 
 the river, nor time to make any ; nor powder to defend themselves against 
 the enemy, who advanced towards them ; nor provisions to keep the army 
 from starving, who had eat nothing all day ; but the greatest uneasiness of 
 the Swedes was the danger of their king. By good luck, he still had a very 
 ordinary calash left, that had been brought through all difficulties to that 
 place; it was put on board a little boat, the king and general Mazeppa went 
 over in another. The last had saved several chests full of money ; but the 
 stream being too rapid, and a violent wind beginning to blow, he threw 
 three fourths of his treasure into the river, to lighten the boat. Mullern 
 the king's chancellor, and count Poniatowsky, a man more thanever neces- 
 sary to the king, from those ready turns which his great genius always sup- 
 plied him in times of difficulty, crossed with some officers in other barks. 
 Three hundred of the king's horse guards, and a great number of Poles and 
 Cossacks, trusting to the goodness of their horses, ventured to swim over 
 the river; their troop, keeping close together, resisted the stream and broke 
 the waves; but all those who went a little lower were carried away and swal- 
 lowed up by the tide. Of all the foot that ran the risk of the passage, not 
 one got to other the side. While the remains of the army were in this ex- 
 tremity, prince Menzikof came up with 10,000 horse, each having a foot
 
 _ .ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 73. 
 
 Life of Charles the 1 \telfth. _ _ _, ^ 
 
 soldier behind him. The carcasses of the Swedes dead in the road, of their 
 wounds, their fatigues, and of hunger, shewed prince Menzikof well enough 
 the rout that the gross of the army had taken. The prince sent a trumpet 
 to the Swedish general to offer him a capitulation. Four general officers 
 were immediately sent to receive the law of the conqueror. Before this day 
 16,000 of Charles's soldiers would have attacked all the forces of the Mus- 
 covite empire, and perished to the last man before they would have yielded; 
 but after a battle lost, and having fled for two days together, without seeing 
 their prince, who was obliged to fly himself, the strength of each <n]d:er 
 being spent, and their courage not kept up by any hope, the love of life 
 got the better of their intrepidity. The whole army were made prisoners of 
 war. Some soldiers out of despair, and dreading to fall into the hands of 
 the Muscovites, flung themselves«ihto the Bonsthenes, the rest were made 
 slaves. They drew off in the presence of prince Menzikof, laying their 
 arms at his feet, as 30,<H)0 Muscovites had done nine years before, in the 
 presence of the king Of Sweden at Narva ; but with this difference, that the 
 king sent back at that time, all the Muscovite prisoners, whom he did not 
 fear, but the czar kept all the Swedes taken at Puhowa. The unhappy men 
 were afterwards dispersed in the czar's dominions, particularly in Siberia, 
 a vast province of Great Tartary, which on the eastern side, extends. as far 
 as the Chinese empire. In this barbarous country, where even the use of 
 bread was unknown, the Swedes grew ingenious by necessity, and exercised 
 there the trades and arts that they had any notion of. All distinctions 
 which fortune makes among men were at that time banished. The officer, 
 who knew no trade, was to cleave and carry wood for the soldier, who Was 
 become a tailor, draper, joiner, mason, or smith, and could get where- 
 withal to subsist. Some officers became painters, and others architects. 
 There were some taught languages and mathematics ; and even established 
 public schools, which in time were so useful and so well known, that chil- 
 dren were sent thither from Moscow to be educated. Count Piper, the king 
 of Sweden's first minister, was for a long time shut up in Petersburgh. The 
 czar was persuaded, with the rest of Europe, that this minister, had sold 
 his master to the duke of Marlborough, and drawn upon Muscovy the arms 
 of Sweden, which might have given peace to Europe; and this made his 
 captivity the' harder. This minister died a few years after at Moscow, but 
 little succoured by his family, who lived at Stockholm in opulence, and 
 uselessly lamented by his king, who would never stoop to offer a ransom for 
 his minister, which he feared the czar would not accept; for there was ne- * 
 ver any cartel of exchange between Charles and the czar. 
 
 The Muscovite emperor, rilled with a joy that he was under no pain to 
 dis'semhle, received, upon the field of battle, the prisoners who were 
 brought to him in crowds, and asked every moment, " Where then is my 
 brother Charles?" He did the Swedish generals the honour to invite them 
 to his table. Among other questions, he asked general Renchild, "what 
 Were the number of his master's troops before the battle?" RenrhiM an- 
 swered, " That the king only kept the list, which he never communicated 
 to any one; but he believed the whole might amount to about 35;OO0 men; 
 W,000 thousand of which were Swedes, and the r<-~t Cossacks. The cfar 
 seemed surprised, and asked ** how they durst venture" to penetrate into so 
 VOL. iv, l
 
 74 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth . 
 
 remote a country, and besiege Pullowa with such a handful of men?" " We 
 ■were not always consulted," replied the Swedish general ; " but, as faithful 
 servants, we always obeyed our master's orders without contradiction." The 
 czar upon this answer turned towards some of his courtiers, who had been 
 formerly suspected of entering into a conspiracy against him; "Ah," said 
 he, " see how a sovereign ought to be served." Then taking a glass of wine, 
 he drank to the health of his masters in the art of war. llenchild asked 
 him '* who those were that he honoured with so great a title. " You, Gen- 
 tlemen, the Swedish generals," replied the czar. "Your majesty is very 
 ungrateful then," said the count, " to treat your masters so ill." The czar, 
 after dinner, ordered their swords to be restored to all the general officers, 
 and treated them as a prince, who would give lessons to his subjects of that 
 generosity and politeness he was so well ^acquainted with. Nevertheless, 
 that Swedish army which went so triumphantly out of Saxony was no more. 
 Half of it had perished through want; and the rest either enslaved or mas- 
 sacred. Charles XII. had lost in one day the fruit of nine years labour, 
 end of near a hundred battles. He fled in an old calash, having major- 
 general llord by his side, dangerously wounded. The rest of his troops 
 followed, some on foot, some on horseback, and some in waggons, through a 
 desert, where they saw neither huts, tents, men, animals, nor roads; every 
 thing was wanting even to water. It was in the beginning of July; the 
 country situated in the 47th degree; the dry sand of the desert rendered the 
 heat of the sun insupportable; the horses Tell, and the men w»re ready to 
 die with thirst. Count Poniatowsky, who was better mounted than the rest, 
 advanced a little into the plains, and having discovered a willow, judged 
 that there must be water not far off, and searched about till he found a 
 spring. This happy discovery saved the life of the king of Sweden's little 
 troop. After five days march he found himself upon the banks of the river 
 Hippanis, at present called the Bogh, by the barbarians, who have disfi- 
 gured, even to their names, those countries which the Greek colonies for- 
 merly made flourish. This river joins some miles from thence to the Borys- 
 thenes, and falls with it into the Black Sea. Below the Bogh, on the south 
 side, is the little town of Oczakow, a frontier of the Turkish empire. The 
 inhabitants seeing a troop of warlike men coming upon them, whose dress 
 and language they were unacquainted with, refused to let them into it, with- 
 out an order from Mahomet, pacha of the town. The king sent an express 
 to this governor, to demand entrance, the Turk uncertain what to do, in a 
 country where one false step is often punished by death, durst resolve on 
 nothing till he had first obtained permission from the Pacha of the pro- 
 vince, who resides at Bender, in Bassarabia, thirty leagues from Oczakow. 
 This permission came with an order to give the king all the honours due to 
 a monarch, who was in alliance with the Porte, and to furnish him with all 
 things necessary. During these delays, the Muscovites, after having passed 
 the Borysthenes, pursued the king without ceasing; and if he had been 
 stopt one hour longer, he had certainly been taken. He had hardly crossed 
 the Bogh in the Turkish boats, when his enemy appeared to the number of 
 near 6000 horse; the king had the grief to see five hundred of his little 
 troop, who had not yet crossed, seized by the Muscovites, on the other 
 side of the river. The Pacha of Oczakow asked pardon, by an interpreter,
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 lift of Charles the Txmljth. 
 
 for the delay which occasioned these five hundred men to be taken, and 
 begged him not to complain of it to the grand seignor. Charles promised 
 he would not, but not till he had given him a severe reprimand, as if he 
 had been talking to one of his own subjects. The commandant of Bender 
 ■who was at that time serasquier, a title which answers to that of general, 
 and bashaw of the province, which signifies governor, sent an aga, with 
 all speed, to compliment the king ; and offer him a magnificent tent, with 
 provisions, baggage, waggons, officers, and every thing necessary to con- 
 duct him with splendour to Bender; for it is the custom of the Turks, not 
 only to defray the expense of ambassadors to the place of their residence, 
 but to furnish with all abundance, princes who have taken refuge among 
 them, all the time of their abode. 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 AC'HMET III. governed at that time the Turkish empire. He was 
 placed upon the throne, in the year 1703, in the room of his brother Mus- 
 tapha, by a revolution like that, which, in England, gave the crown from 
 James II. to his son-in-law William III. Mustapha being governed by his 
 Mufti, whom the Turks abhorred, raised against him the whole empire. 
 His army, with which he designed to punish the mal-contents, joined with 
 them. He was taken, doposed in form, and his brother fetched out of the 
 the seraglio to be made sultan, hardly without one drop of blood being shed. 
 Achmet shut up the deposed sultan in the seraglio of Constantinople, where 
 he lived several years, to the great astonishment of Turkey, accustomed to 
 behold the death of their princes always upon their being dethroned. The 
 new sultan, as a recompense for the crown, which he owed to the ministers, 
 the generals, the officers of the Janissaries, and in short, to those who had 
 any share in the revolution, had them all put to death, one alter another, 
 for fear they might one day attempt to bring about a second. By sacrifi- 
 cing so many brave men, he weakened the strength of the empire, but he 
 established his own throne. He afterwards applied himself to amass trea- 
 sure ; and was the first of the Ottomans who dared make the least alteration 
 in the money, and lay new taxes ; but he was obliged to put a stop to both 
 these enterprises, for fear of an insurrection ; for the rapacity and tyranny 
 of the grand seignior hardly ever extends farther than to the officers of the 
 empire, who, in what degree soever they are, are domestic slaves to the 
 sultan: but the rest of the Musselmcn live in a profound security, having 
 nothing to fear for their lives, their fortunes, or their liberty. Such was 
 the emperor of the Turks, to whom the king of Sweden went to seek an 
 asylum. As soon as Charles was in his territories at Qczakow, he wrote the 
 sultan the following letter, tlated July 13, 1709: 
 
 "To the most high, most glorious, invincible, and august emperor of 
 many empires, king of many kingdoms, chief and protector of many na- 
 tions, may the Almighty bless and prolong your reign. — We give your im- 
 perial highness to understand by this letter, signed by our royal hand, that 
 after having chastised, with as much success as justice, the perfidious viola-
 
 76 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije oj Charles the 7u 
 
 tors of" the faith of treaties, and the law of nations ; after having driver* 
 kirg Augustus out of. Poland, of which, he was rather the tyrant,, than the 
 king, and gi\eu the Poles a king of their own nation, who is a friend of 
 your sublime Porte ; after having pursued the czar, flying before us as far. 
 as Pu'.tr.wa, Heaven has permitted that our army, tired out with long 
 piarches, and in want of every thing, should be overwhelmed by the enemy 
 that were three times, our number, and that this day should be unfortunate 
 to us. Not being in a place to raise new forces, and abhorring; to fall into 
 barbarous and perfidious hands, wearecome to seek, in the dominions ofyour 
 imperial highness, an, asylum and means to return into Poland to rejoin our 
 armies, and support the king we have made there. What we desire is, to 
 have your friendship, and to* give you ours. For a proof of our sincere af- 
 fection, we represent to you, that if the czar, whose ambition is governed 
 neither by justice, nor honour, nor true courage, has the time to take ad- 
 vantage of our misfortune, he will fall upon your territories, when you least 
 expect him, as he attacked our provinces ; but why do I say when you 
 least expect him? Has he not already built* forts upon theTanais and the 
 F.-Ius Xla?wtis? Has he- not already tleets which threaten you? Nothing is 
 more likely to prevent. him than a new alliance between your sublime Porta 
 and us ; so that we nwy return into Poland, and our own states, with your 
 valiant troops, and c«vry our arms again into the empire of this per7idious 
 czar, to put a ?top to his unjust ambition. We shall never forget the, favour* 
 that we receive from you, and shall account it our glory to be inviolably 
 your faithful friend, Charles XII. Son of Charles XI." 
 
 The king suffered' this letter to be sent away too abusive of his enemies, 
 and belying his:own character; perhaps, after having treated the czar and 
 king Augustus with respect In his victories, he Was soured by his defeat, or, 
 perhaps, he thought that it was the-style of Turkey to'rail at those against 
 whom one craves assistance. Achmet, who had been beforehand with him, 
 by fending a solemn embassy in the time of his triumphs, made him sensi- 
 ble now what difference he placed between an emperor of the Turks, snd a 
 king of one part of Scandinavia, a Christian vanquished and fugitive. He 
 di.i not answer him till six months after; and then, without explaining him- 
 self upon the alliance proposed against the czar. — This proposition, said 
 the.sultan, requires a serious examination. I shall leave it to the prudence 
 of my great Divan. I value your friendship, and grant you mine with my 
 protection. 1 have sent orders to the Pachas of Natolia, and P.omelia, 
 to. provide, you with a guard to conduct you with safety were you desire to 
 go. Jussuf Pacha, serasquier of Bender, will furnish you with 500 dollars 
 a-day *,. and alt iitcifssary provisions for yourself, for those -who attend vou, 
 and for your, stables, that \ou may live as a king. Given at Constantinople, 
 the first of t lie moon of Sheval, the IK'l year of the HWira." 
 
 Charles, fro/a the first moment that he retired inio the Turkish do- 
 minions, conceived the design of a&hiog the Ottoman empire against his 
 eneoaies. He already farxied he saw himself at the he-'.d of an armj- of 
 Turks, bringing Poland again to the yoke, and subduing (he Muscovite. ' 
 M. de Neugbaver *ent from Oczakow to Constantinople in quality of 
 
 ■ 
 * A dollar u woith.oear as much as a tieoth crown of three livre*.
 
 ROYAL MII1TAKY CMKONTCIE. 77 
 
 Life of Charles the l.celjth. 
 
 £haries's envoy extraordinary. Count Poniatowsky, a man of ability and 
 courage, insinuating and subtle, born with the gift of persuading and plea- 
 sing all nations, attended the Swedish embassy, but without any character, 
 fumately to sound the dispositions of the ministry of Constantinople, with' 
 put 4he incumbrance of ceremonials, and not to give too much cause of sus- 
 picion, he found the way in a very short time, to gain the good will of the 
 grand vizier, who loaded him with presents; and had the art to get a letter 
 delivered from the king of Sweden to the sultana Valide, mother of the 
 reigning emperor, who had been formerly ill-treated by her son, but was 
 now beginning to recover her interest in the seraglio. He made a strict 
 friendship with a Frenchman named Bru, who had been chancellor to the 
 French embassy. This man was continually talking of the king of Sweden's 
 exploits to the sultana's chief eunuch, and be charmed his mistress with the 
 recital pf them, 1 he sultana, by a secret inclination with which most wo- 
 men feel themselves surprised in favour of extraordinary men, even without 
 seeing them, took this prince's part, with a great deal of warmth in the se- 
 raglio. She always called him her lion; and when will you, said she, some- 
 times to the sultan her son, help my lion to devour this czar? She even 
 went so far beyond the 6evere rules of the seraglio as to write several letters 
 with her own hand, to count Poniatowsky, in whose possession they stilt 
 were at the time of writing this history. One of those who seconded the de- 
 signs of Poniatowsky with the greatest address, was Fonseca, a Portuguese 
 physician settled at Constantinople, a learned and good-natured man, who 
 joined the knowledge of men to that of his art, and whose profession pro- 
 cured him admission to the Ottoman Porte, and oftentimes the confidence 
 of the viziers. At length, the king of Sweden's party was become so 
 powerful at Constantinople, by the skilful management of Poniatowsky, 
 that the faction of- the Muscovite envoy -thought that they had no refuge 
 but in poisoning him. They got one of his domestics into their design, who 
 was to give him poison in his. coffee; but tiie crime was discovered before 
 the execution of it. The poison was found in the servant's hands, in a lit- 
 tle vial, which was carried to the grand seignior. The poisoner was tried 
 in full divan, and condemned to the gallies; for the Turks never punish 
 with death such crimes as have not been executed. The grand vizier seemed 
 as eager as the sultana. Valide to serve the king of Sweden. He said to Po- 
 niatowsky,: giving .him at the. same time a purse of 1000 ducats — " I will 
 take your king in one hand, and a sword in the other, and lead him to Mos- 
 cow, at the head of ,200,000 men." This vizier, by name Chourlouly Ali- 
 Pacha, was a very great minister, well versed in the art of war, and a- 
 better politician than those in his post commonly are. He had put the re- 
 venues of the empire in very good order. lie gave away small sums wil- 
 lingly, which made him creatures ;. but he received large ones much more 
 willingly when he was upon any important negotiations; which made it 
 much wondered at that he should appear so favourable to an unfortunate 
 kmg, who had at. that time very little to give. He was the son pf a pea- 
 sant in the village of C.lw>ur|ou. Among the Turks it is no reproach to a 
 great man to be of, such an extraction: birth is looked upon as nothing in 
 that country ; but merit and services are every thing. It is not uncommon 
 to see the .son of a labourer raised to be a chief minister, and the son of ». 
 vUier following the plough.
 
 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 In the mean time, the king was conducted with honour to Bender, through 
 the desert formerly called the Wildrness of Gets. The Turks took care 
 that nothing should be wanting on the road that might make his journey 
 agreeable. Several Poles, Swedes, and Cossacks, who had escaped one 
 after another out of the hands of the Muscovites, came by different ways 
 to augment his train on the road. He had with him eighteen hundred men 
 when he arrived at Bender, who were all fed and lodged, they and their 
 horses at the expense of the grand seignior. The king chose to encamp 
 near Bender rather than be in the town. The serasquier Jussuf Pacha, 
 ordered him a magnificent tent, and furnished all the lords of his train with 
 others. Some time after, the king built himself a house in this place: his 
 officers, by his example did the same, and the soldiers raised barracks ; so that 
 this camp became insensibly a little town. The king, not being yet cured 
 of his wound, was forced to have a carious bone taken out of his foot ; but as 
 soon as he was able to mount his horse he renewed his usual fatigues, al- 
 ways rising before the sun, tiring three horses a-day, and making hissoldiers 
 perform their exercises : only sometimes he would play at chess with general 
 Poniatowsky,or M. deGrothusen, his treasurer. Those who would please him, 
 attended him in his horse-courses, and were all day long in their boots. One 
 morning going into the house of his chancellor, Mullern, who was yet asleep, 
 he forbade any one to awake him, and waited in the anti-chamber : there was 
 a large fire in the chimney, and near it several pairs of shoes, which Mullern 
 had made in Germany for his use. The king threw them all into the fire, 
 and went away. When the chancellor, upon his waking, smelt the burnt 
 leather, and had learnt the reason of it, " What a strange king is this," said 
 he, " who would have his chancellor aways booted." He found at Bendef 
 an abundance of every thing, which was very extraordinary for a vanquish- 
 ed and fugitive prince; for, besides the provisions, which were more than suf- 
 ficient, and the five hundred crowns a day which he received from the Otto- 
 man liberality, he drew money out of France, and borrowed of the mer- 
 chants of Constantinople. Part of this money served to manage his intrigues 
 in the seraglio, to buy the favour of the viziers, or to procure their ruin. He 
 distributed the rest with profusion among his officers, and the Janissaries at 
 Bender. Grothusen, his favourite and treasurer, the dispenser of his boun- 
 ties, was a man, who, contrary to the custom of those in his station, loved 
 to give as well as his master. He brought him one day an account of sixty 
 thousand crowns in two lines, ten thousand crowns given to the Swedes and 
 Janissaries by the generous order of his majesty, and the rest spent himself. 
 " See," said the king, " how I would have my friends give me their accounts. 
 Mullern makes me read whole pages for the sum of ten thousand Franks: 
 1 like this laconic style of Grothusen much better." One of his old officers, 
 suspected to be a little covetous, complained that his majesty gave all to 
 Grothusen. " I give money," answered the king, "only to those who 
 know how to make use of it." This generosity oftentimes reduced him to 
 have nothing to give. More economy in his liberalities had been as honour- 
 able, and more to his advantage ; but it was the fault of this prince to carry 
 all his virtues to an excess. Many strangers went from Constantinople to see 
 him. The Turks and the neighbouring Tartars came thither in crowds ; all 
 respected, and all admired him. His so rigidly abstaining from wine, and
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 7* 
 
 Lije of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 regularly attending the public devotions twice a day, made tliem say he 
 was a true Muselman, and long with impatience to march with him to the 
 conquest of Muscovy. In the leisure time he had at Bender, which was 
 much longer than he expected, he got into a taste of reading. Baron Fa- 
 bricius, son to the duke of Holstein's first minister, an amiable young man, 
 who had that gaiety of wit and easy turn which is always pleasing to princes, 
 was the person who engaged him first to read. He was sent envoy to him 
 at Bender to take care of the interest of the young duke of Holstein, and 
 succeeded there by rendering himself agreeable. He had read all the good 
 French authors, and prevailed upon the king to read the tragedies of the 
 great Corneille, those of Racine, and the works of M. Despreaux. The 
 king had no relish for the satires of the last, which, indeed, are not the best 
 of his writings : but liked bis other pieces; though when he rend that epis- 
 tle to Lewis XIV. in which the author treats Alexander as a fool and a mad- 
 man, he tore the leaf out of the bock. Of all the French tragedies, Mithri- 
 dates was that which pleased bin) the most, because the situation of that 
 king, vanquished and breathing vengeance, was like his own. He pointed 
 out with his finger to M. Fabricius the places that struck him, but would 
 read none of them aloud, nor ever ventured to speak one word of French : 
 nay, when he afterwards saw M. Desaleurs at Bender, who was the ambas- 
 sador of France at the Porte, a man of distinguished merit, but who knew 
 only his mother-tongue, he answered him in Latin, and upon Desaleurs 
 protesting that he did not understand four words of that language, the king, 
 rather than speak French, sent for an interpreter. Such were the employ- 
 ments of Charles XII. at Bender, where he expected an army of Turks 
 would come to his assistance. To induce the Ottoman Porte to determine 
 on this war, he detached about eight hundred Poles and Cossacs of his reti- 
 nue, to whom he gave orders to pass the Neister, which runs by Bender, and 
 to go and observe what was doing on the frontiers of Poland. The Musco- 
 vite troops dispersed in those quarters, did not fail to fall upon this little 
 company, and pursue them even to the territories f>( the grand seignior : 
 which was what the king of Sweden expected. His ministers and emissaries 
 at the Porte cried aloud against this irruption, and excited the Turks to 
 vengeance; but the czars money got the better of them. Tolstoy, his envoy 
 at Constaninople, gave to the grand vizier and his creatures, part of the six 
 millions that had been found at Pultowa in the king of Sweden's military 
 chest. With such an advocate, the divan could not find the czar guilty. So 
 far from talking of making war with him, they granted to his envoy such 
 honours and privileges as no Muscovite ministers and ever enjoyed at Con- 
 stantinople before ; they suffered him to have a seraglio, that is, a palace in 
 the quarters of the Francs, and to converse with the foreign ministers. The 
 czar even thought he might require general Mazeppa to be delivered up to 
 him, as Charles XII. had done by the unfortunate Palkul. Chotirlouly 
 Ali-Pacha could no longer refuse a prince any thing he aski d with giving 
 millions. Thus the same grand vizier, who before had promised to carry 
 the king of Sweden into Muscovy with 200,000 men, had the assurance to 
 propose to him to consent to the sacrificing general Mazeppa. Charles was 
 enraged at this demand. It is not known how far the vizier might have car* 
 ried this matter, if Mazeppa, who was seventy years of age, bad not died
 
 SO TH E SU PPLEM E V T TO TH E 
 
 Life of Churies the Twelfth. 
 
 at this critical conjuncture. The grief and resentment of the king was very 
 much augmented when be'heard that Tolstoy, now become the czar's am- 
 bassador at the Porte, was publicly served by the Swedes who were made 
 slaves at Pultowa, and that these brave soldiers were sold every day at the 
 market in Constantinople. The Muscovite ambassador even declared open- 
 Jy, that theMuselman troops at-' Bender were there rather tb secure the king 
 than do him honour. Charles, abandoned by the grand vizier, and van- 
 quished by iiie czar's money in Turkey as he had been by his arms in Ukra- 
 nia, saw himself deceived, disdained by the Porte, and almost 'a 1 prisoner 
 among the Tartars. His train began todespair. He alone con tinned firm, and 
 never seemed dejected for a moment. He thought the sultan was ignorant of 
 the intrigues of Chourlouly Ali, his grand vizier; he resolved to acquaint him 
 with them, and Poniatowsky charged himself with this bold commission. The 
 grand seignior goes every Friday to the mosque encompassed by his solacks, a 
 sort of guard, whose turbans are adorned with feathers so high, that they 
 hide the sultan from the sight of the people. When any one has a petition 
 to represent to the grand seignior, he endeavours'to mix himself among 
 these guards, and holds the petition high up. Sometimes the sultan deigns to 
 take it himself; but most commonly he orders an aga to take care of these 
 petitions, and give them to him when he returns from the mosque. It is not to 
 be feared that he should be troubled with impertinent and trifling petitions, 
 since they write less at Constantinople in a whole year, than at Paris in one 
 day. There is less danger of any petitions against the ministers, because the 
 sultan usually remits them, unread, to these very men against whom they are 
 preferred. Poniatowsky had no way but this to convey the king of Sweden's 
 complaints to the grand seignior. He drew up a weighty memorial against 
 the grand vizier. M. de Feriol, at that time the ambassador of Fiance, got 
 it translated into the Turkish language. Some money was given to a Greek 
 to present it. This man, mixing among the guards, held the paper up so 
 high, so long a time, and made so great a noi9e, that the sultan perceived 
 it and took it from him himself. Some days after, the sultan sent the king 
 of Swr den, in answer to his complaints, twenty-five Arabian horses, one of 
 them, which had carried his highness, was covered with' a saddle and hous- 
 ings, enriched with precious stones, and stirrups of massy gold. This pre- 
 sent was accompanied by an obliging letter, but conceived in such general 
 terms, as gave reason to suspect that the minister had done nothing without 
 the consent of the sultan. Chourlouly, who knew how to dissemble, sent 
 also five very fine horses. to the king. Charles said to the person who 
 brought them very haughtily :'" Return to your master and tell him, I 
 never receive presents from my enemies." 
 
 M. Poniatowsky, having already ventured to present a memorial against 
 the grand vizier, conceived, at that time, the bold design of deposing him. 
 He knew that this vizier was displeasing to the sultaness mother, and that 
 the kislar aga, chief of the black eunuchs, and the aga of the Janissaries, 
 hated him : he excited them all three to speak against him. It was a thing 
 somewhat surprising to see a Christian, a Pole, an agent without character 
 of a Swedish king, who was a refugee himself among the Turks, caballing 
 almost openly at the Porte against a vice-roy of the Ottoman empire, who 
 was both useful and agreeable to his master. Poniatowsky had never sue-
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 9\ 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. , 
 
 ceeded, and the bare notion of this project had cost him his life, if a power, 
 stronger than all those in his interest, had not given the last blow to the 
 fortune of Chourlouly. The sultan had a young favourite, who has since 
 governed the Ottoman empire, and was killed in Hungary in the year 1716, 
 at the battle of Peterwaradin, gained over the Turks by prince Eugene of 
 Savoy. His name was Coumourgi Ali-Pacha. His birth was not different 
 from that of Chourlouly; for he was the son of a coal porter, as Coumourgi 
 signifies, for coumour is coal in the Turkish tongue. The emperor Ach- 
 met II. father of Achmet III. meeting Coumourgi, when he was a child, in 
 a little wood near Adrianople, was so struck with his great beauty, that h« 
 sent him to the seraglio. He pleased Mustapha, the eldest son and succes- 
 sor of Mahomet *; and Achmet III. made him his favourite. He was at no 
 time a friend to Charles, or any other Christian prince, or any of their mi- 
 nisters; but on this occasion he served king Charles XII. without designing 
 it; he joined with the sultana Valide and the great officers of the Porte, to 
 pull down Chourlouly, whom they all hated. This old minister, who had 
 Jong and well served his master, fell a victim to the caprice of a boy, and 
 the intrigues of a stranger. He was stripped of his dignity and his riches; 
 his wife was taken from him, who was daughter of the last sultan Mustapha, 
 and he was banished himself to Caffa, formerly Theodosia, in CrimTartary, 
 The bull, that is to say, the seal of the empire, was given to Numan Cou- 
 prougly, grandson to the great Couprpugly, who took Candia. This new 
 vizier was what misinformed Christians would hardly imagine of a Turk, a 
 man of inflexible virtue, and so scrupulous an observer of the law, that he 
 would oftentimes oppose justice to the will of the sultan. He would not 
 hear any mention made of a war with the Muscovites, which he thought 
 was unjust and unnecessary; but that same attachment to laws which hin- 
 dered him from making war with the czar, contrary to the faith of trea- 
 ties, made him strictly maintain the duties of hospitality, with respect to 
 the king of Sweden. He would say to his master, " The law forbids you 
 to attack the czar, who has given you no offence? but it commands you to 
 luccour the king of Sweden, who is unfortunate in your dominions." He sent 
 to this prince eight hundred purses, each purse worth five hundred crowns, 
 and advised him to return peaceably into his own kingdom, through the 
 emperor of Germany's country, or by some French vessels, which were then 
 at the port of Constantinople; and which M. de Feriol, ambassador from 
 France to the Porte, offered Charles to transport him to Marseilles. The 
 king of Sweden, who in his prosperity had provoked the German emperor, 
 and disobliged Lewis XIV. thought it would be humbling himself too much 
 to owe his return to France, and risking his liberty too much to pass through 
 the territories of the empire. He refused, with disdain, both these wars of 
 returning to his dominions, and sent word to the. vizier and M. de Feriol, 
 that he should rely on the promise of the grand seignor, and hoped to re- 
 enter Poland as a conqueror, with an army of Tarks. Whilst he made his 
 destiny depend on the caprice of a vizier, and was reduced to receive favours 
 and affronts from the Ottoman court, all his enemies renewed their attacks 
 on his country. 
 
 • It is thu* in the original ; but this should be Achmet II. or Achmet II. above, 
 should be Mahomet; for Mustapha and Achmet III. were sons of tb« sama lather. 
 VOL. IV. M
 
 ss Thesupplementtothe 
 
 11. I.I. . ' I '. ' . , , ) ■ 
 
 Li/e oj Charles the Twelfth . 
 
 The battle of Pultowa was immediately the signal of a revolution in Po- 
 land. King Augustus returned thither, protesting against his abdication, 
 against the peace of Alranstad, and publicly accusing Charles XII. whom 
 he no longer feared, of robbery and cruelty. He put Finsten and Imof, his ple- 
 nipotentiaries, in prison, for signing his abdication, as if in that they had gone 
 beyond their orders, and betrayed their master. His Saxon troops, which had 
 been the pretence of dethroning him, brought him back to Warsaw, accom- 
 panied by the greatest part of the Polish palatines, who having formerly sworn 
 fidelity to him, had afterwards done the same to Stanislaus, and were now 
 returned to do it afresh to Augustus. Siniausky himself came into his party, 
 and, losing the hopes of making himself king, was contented to remain 
 grand general of the crown. Fleming, his first minister, who durst not 
 continue in Saxony, for fear of being delivered up as Patkul was, contri- 
 buted very much, by his management, at that time, to bring over to his 
 master's interest a great part of the Polish nobility. The pope absolved his 
 people from the oath of fidelity they had taken to Stanislaus. This step 
 of St. Peter, seasonably made, and supported by the forces of Augustus, 
 was of great weight; it confirmed the credit of the court of Rome in Poland, 
 where they had no mind, at that time, to contest with the chief pontiffs 
 their chimerical right of iutermedling with the temporals of kings. Every 
 one voluntarily returned to Augustus's authority, and received, without any 
 opposition, a useless absolution, which the nuncio took great pains to per- 
 suade them was highly necessary. The power of Charles, and the grandeur 
 of Sweden, drew then very near their last period. More than ten crowned 
 heads had, for a long time seen, with fear or envy, the Swedish government 
 extending its natural Hounds, beyond the Baltic sea, from the Duna, even 
 to the Elbe. The misfortunes of Charles, and his absence, awakened the 
 interests and jealousies of all these princes, laid asleep a long time by trea- 
 ties, and the want of power to break them. The czar, more powerful than 
 all of them together, making very soon the best use of his victory, took Vi- 
 bourg, and all Carelia, poured his troops into Finland, sat down before 
 Biga, and sent an army into Poland to assist Augustus in recovering his 
 throne. This emperor was, at that time, what Charles had been before, 
 the arbiter of Poland and the North; but he consulted Only his interests; 
 whereas, Charles never listened to any thing but the notions he had of re- 
 venge 1 and glory. The Swedish monarch had assisted his allies, and over- 
 thrown his euemies, without requiring to reap the least fruits from his 
 victories. The czar, in his behaviour, having more of the prince and less 
 of the hero, would not assist the king of Poland, but on condition that he 
 should yield up Livonia to him ; and that this province, for which Augustus 
 had kindled the war, should belong to the Muscovites for ever. The king of 
 Denmark, ^rgetting the treaty of Travendal, as Augustus had that of Al- 
 ranstad, thought, from that time, to make himself master of the dutchies 
 of Holste : i! and Bremen, to which he renewed his pretensions. These three 
 princes met at Dresden, about the end of the year 1709. Thus Augustus, 
 who two years before had received Cluirles there as his conqueror, saw in the 
 same city, those very allies whom the king of Sweden had forced him to 
 renounce. Peter Alexiowite, Augustus, and Frederick, settled, at this in. , 
 terview, the division of the conquests they were going to make. The king 
 
 *
 
 KOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. W 
 
 Life of Charles the rwelfth. 
 
 ■ii ■ , .,,,;, ■ , , . ■■ . .■ j 
 
 of Prussia also received the*e tiiree monarch* in his castle of Potsdam, and. 
 entered into their alliance, lie had an ancient right to the Swedish Po- 
 merania, which he was willing to revive. The duke of Mecklenburg saw, 
 with uneasiness, Sweden still in possession of Wismar, the hne»t city in his 
 dutch)' : This prince had married a niece of the Muscovite emperor, and 
 his uncle wanted only a pretence to establish him in Germany, after the ex- 
 ample of the Swedes. George, elector of Hanover, sought also to enrich 
 himself with the spoils of Charles. The bishop, of Minister likewise would 
 have been glad to have made the best of some pretensions he had, if he 
 could have had power sufficient. Twelve or thirteen thousand Swedes de- 
 fended Pomerania, and the other countries which Charles possessed in Ger* 
 many; it was there the war was to be carried. This storm alarmed the. 
 emperor and his allies ; and it is a law of the empire, that whosoever attacks 
 one of its provinces, is deemed an enemy to the whole Germanic body. 
 But there was jet a greater difficulty. All these princes except the czar, 
 were at that time in a confederacy against Lewis XIV. whose power had 
 been lor some time as dreadful to the empire as that of Charles. Germany 
 found itself hard pressed, in the beginning of the century from south to 
 north, between the armies of France and Sweden. The French had passed 
 the Danube, and the Swedes the Oder: if their forces, at that time victori- 
 ous, had joined, the empire had been lost: but the same fatality that de- 
 pressed Sweden, had also humbled France. Nevertheless Sweden had still 
 a refuge to fly to, and Lewis XIV. made war with vigour, although unsuc- 
 cessfully. If Pomerania and the dutchy of Bremen, had been made the- 
 theatre of the war, it was to be feared that the empire would suffer by it, 
 and. being weakened on that side, would be less able to oppose Lewis XIV. 
 To prevent this danger, the emperor, the princes of Germany, Anne queen 
 of England, , and the states general of the united provinces, concluded at 
 the Hague, at the end of the year 1709, one of the most singular treaties that 
 ever was signed. It was stipulated, by these powers, that the war against the 
 Swedes should not be carried on in Pomerania, nor in any of the provinces 
 of Germany, but that the enemies of Charles XJ1. might attack him every 
 where else: the king of Poland, and the czar themselves acceded to this 
 treaty, and had an article inserted in it as extraordinary as the treaty itself; 
 which was, that 12,000 Swedes who were in Pomerania, should not go out 
 of it to defend their other provinces. To secure the execution of this treaty, 
 it was proposed to raise an army to preserve this imaginary neutrality, 
 which was to encamp on the banks of the Oder. This was an uncommon 
 sort of novelty, to raise an army to prevent a war. Fven those who were to 
 keep it in pay, were for the most part interested to bring about the war they 
 pretended Jo avoid. By the treaty it was to be composed of the troops of 
 the emperor, the king of Prussia, the elector of Hanover, the landgrave of 
 Hesse, and the bishop of Munster. It happened, as might be naturally ex- 
 pected from such-a project, that it was never put in execution ; the princes 
 who were to furnish their quotas to raise this army gave nothing, and there 
 were not two regiments formed. They talked much of a neutrality, but no 
 body regarded it; and all the princes of the north, whose interest it was to 
 break with the king of Sweden, were at full liberty to dispute the spoils of 
 that prince. At this conjunture, the czar, having quartered his troops in
 
 84 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Lithuania, and given orders for the siege of Riga, returned himself to Mos- 
 cow, to shew his people a sight as Dew as any thing he had ever done in his 
 dominions: this was a triumph, very little short of those of the ancient 
 Ramans. He made his entry into Moscow on the first of January 1710* 
 under seven triumphal arches erected in the streets, and adorned with every 
 Hiing the climate could furnish, and a nourishing trade, through his care, 
 had brought thither. A regiment of guards began the procession, followed 
 by pieces of artillery taken from the Swedes at Lesno and Pultowa, each 
 drawn by eight horses covered with scarlet housings reaching to the ground; 
 after those came the standards, kettle drums, and colours, wone in those 
 two battles, and carried by the officers and soldiers who had taken them : 
 all these spoils were followed by the choicest of the czar's troops. After 
 they had filed off, there was to be seen in a chariot, made for that purpose, 
 the Utter of Charles XII. found in the field of battle, at Pultowa, broken 
 all to pieces by two cannon-shot; behind this litter all the prisoners marched 
 two and two, among whom were count Piper, first minister of Sweden, the* 
 famous marshal Renchild ; count Levenhaup; generals Slipenback, Stakel* 
 berg, and Hamilton, and all the officers and soldiers who were afterwards 
 dispersed in Great Russia. The czar appeared immediately after them, 
 Mpon the same horse he was mounted on at the battle of Pultowa ; a few 
 paces behind him, came the generals who had any share in the success of 
 that clay ; after them followed another regiment of guards, and the proces- 
 sion was closed by the ammunition waggons of the Swedes. This pomp was 
 attended by all the bells ringing in Moscow, by the sound of drums, trum« 
 pets, and an infinite number of musical instruments, which were answered 
 by salutes from two hundred pieces of cannon, and the acclamations of 
 500,000 people, crying out at every stop the czar made, in this triumphal 
 entry, " Long live the emperor our father." This delusive shew very much 
 increased the people's veneration for him, all that he had done of real good 
 for them perhaps did not make him appear so great in their eyes. In the 
 mean time he continued the blockade «f Riga, and the generals seized on 
 the rest of Livonia, and a part of Finland. At the same time the king of 
 Denmark came with his whole fleet to make a descent upon Sweden, where 
 he debarked 17,000 men, whom he left under the command of count Re- 
 ventlau. Sweden was then governed by a regency, composed of some se- 
 nators, whom the king had appointed when he left Stockholm. The body 
 of the senate, who thought the government of right belonged to them, were 
 jealous of the regency; and the state suffered by these divisions ; but the 
 first news they received at Stockholm, after the battle of Pultowa, being 
 that the king was at Bender, at the mercy of Turks and Tartars; and that 
 the Danes had made a descent on Schonen, and taken the town of Elsin- 
 burg, their jealousies ceased, and they thought only how to save Sweden. 
 She was almost drained of all her regular troops, for although Charles always 
 made his great expeditions at the head of small armies, yet the innumera- 
 ble battles he had fought in nine years, the continual necessity he was under 
 to recruit his troops and maintain his garrisons, and the armies that were 
 always to be kept on foot in Finland, Ingria, Livonia, Pomerania, Bremen, 
 and Verden, had cost Sweden, during the course of the war, above 250,000 
 soldiers. There were not remaining 8000 men of the old troops, who, with 
 
 4k
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 85 
 
 Life vj Charles the Txveljih. 
 
 the new-raised forces, were all Sweden had to depend upon. King Charles 
 XI. among many laws which made him accused of tyranny, had established 
 some that deserved the acknowledgments of his country. He formed a mi- 
 litia that subsists lo Ihis day, which is neither a charge to the public trea- 
 sury, nor burthensome to particular persons, and which always furnishes 
 soldiers for the slate, without taking the labourers from the fields. The 
 richest villages, or lordships, which were anciently, or at this time, the 
 king's domains, maintain a horseman at their own expence. '1 lie peasants 
 of every village funrlsh foot soldiers in proportion to their circumstances; 
 that is to say, a man must have a certain estate; as for example, ten or 
 twelve thousand livres to be obliged to equip a foot soldier; the peasant 
 who has but five or six thousand livres, must join with another who has as 
 much, and he who has but 3000, contributes his share with several others, 
 who all together supply the state with a man. If the revenue of the whole 
 village does not produce above 10,000 livres, the village sends but one man. 
 When a soldier dies, the same people put another in his place; thus the num- 
 ber of the militia is always the s.i me, after it has been once settled by the 
 states-general. r l he peasants build a house or cottage for the soldier they 
 maintain, and assign to him and his family a portion of land, which he is 
 obliged to cultivate. These soldiers, dispersed in villages, rendezvous, at 
 appoint' d tine> in the principal town of the canton, under the command 
 of their officers, who are paid out of the public treasure. 
 
 In the provinces, the best peopled, each village has a corporal who exer- 
 cises his company once a-we< k. The Serjeant, who has a larger district, sees 
 his every fortnight, and so on, from one degree to another, to the colonel, 
 who reviews his regiment every three months. Sweden was thus a nur-ery 
 for soldiers, during the wars of Chuies XII. This nation is warlike by na- ( 
 ture, and all people insensibly copy after their king. There was nothing 
 talked of, from one end of the country to the other, but the prodigious ac- 
 tions of Charles and bis generals, and of the old troops that fought under 
 them at Narva, Duna, Crassau, Pultusk.and Holosin. The lowest among the 
 Swedes conceiving, from thence, a spirit of emulation and glory. Their love 
 of their king, their sympathy, and their irreconcilable haired to the Danes, 
 still added to this. In many other countries the peasants are slaves, or 
 treated as such ; but these making a body in the state, are regarded as citi- 
 zens, and had a higher opinion of themselves, and in a short time became 
 the best troops of the north. General Steinbock, by order of the regencv, 
 put himself at the head of 8000 men of the old troops, and about 12,000 
 of these new militia, to drive away the Danes, who ravaged all the country 
 about Llsinburg, and laid some distant places under contribution. 
 
 Both time and means were wanting to clothe the militia with proper ha- 
 bits; the greatest part of these boors came in their flaxen frocks, having 
 pistols tied to their girdles with cords. Steinbock, at the head of this ex- 
 traordinary army, came within sight of the Danes, three leagues from Ll- 
 sinburg, on the 10th of March 1710. He would have given his troops a 
 few days rest, to intrench himself, and make his new soldiers acquainted 
 with the enemy ; but all these peasants demanded to tight the same day 
 they arrived. Some officers who were there, told me they observed them 
 almost all foaming with rage, such is the national hatred of Uie Swedes
 
 *J THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lijc of Charles the Tcteljth. 
 
 against the Danes. Steinbock took advantage of the disposition they 
 ■were in, which at the time of battle is of greater nse than military disci- 
 pline. The Danes were attacked, and then was to be seen, what perhaps 
 there are not two more instances of, new raised militia to equal, in the first 
 fight, the intrepidity of old troops. Two regiments cut in pieces the king 
 of Denmark's regiment of guards, of which there were not ten men left. 
 The Danes being entirely defeated, made their retreat under the' cannon 
 of Elsinburg. The passage from Sweden to Zealand is- so short, that the 
 ling of Denmark learned the same day, at Copenhagen, the news of the 
 defeat of his army in Sweden, and sent his fleet to bring off the remains of 
 bis troops. The Danes left Sweden, with precipitation, five days after the 
 battle; but not being able to bring away their horses, and unwilling to- 
 leave them to the enemy, they killed them all about Elsinburg, and set fire 
 to their provisions, burning their corn and their baggage, and leaving, ii> 
 Elsinburg, 4000 wounded men, the greatest part of which died of the in- 
 fection occasioned by so many dead horses, and the want of provisions, 
 which their own countrymen had deprived them of, to prevent their falling 
 into the possession of the Swedes. At the same time the peasants of Dale- 
 carlie, having heard in the midst of their forests, that their king was a pri- 
 soner among the Turks, sent a deputation to the regency, and offered to 
 go at their own expence, to the number of 20,000 to deliver their master 
 out of the hands of his enemies. This proposal, which was of no use, 
 shewed the courage and affection of the people, and was therefore heard 
 with pleasure, though it was rejected ; nor did they fail to inform the king 
 of it, when the account was sent him of the battle of Elsinburg. Charles 
 received this comfortable news, in his camp near Bender, in the month of 
 July 1710, a little while after another accident had confirmed him in his 
 hopes. The grand vizier Couprougly, who had opposed his designs, was 
 deposed after a ministry of two months. The little court of Charles XII. 
 and those that still stood up for him in Poland, gave out that he made and 
 unmade the viziers, and governed the Turkish empire in his retreat at Ben- 
 der; but he had no hand in the disgrace of this favourite. The rigid pro- 
 bity alone of the vizier was the cause of his fall; his predecessor never paid 
 the Janissaries out of the imperial treasury, but with money that he got by 
 extortions; Couprougly paid them out of the treasury. Achmet reproached 
 him with preferring the interests of the subjects to that of his emperor. 
 " Your predecessor Chourloul v," said he, " could find other means to pay 
 my troops." The grand vizier answered, " If he had the art to enrich 
 your highness by rapine, it is what I am proud to be ignorant of.' The 
 profound silence of the seraglio rarely permits such discourses to get 
 abroad; but this was known with the disgrace of Couprougly. This vizier 
 did not pay for his boldness with his head, because true virtue oftentimes 
 gains respect, even from those to whom it is displeasing. He was allowed 
 to retire to the island of Negropont. The grand seignior then sent to Alep- 
 po for Baltagi Mahomet, pacha of Syria, who had been already grand vi- 
 zier, before Chourlouly. The baltagis of the seraglio, so called from balta, 
 which signifies an ax, are slaves who cut wood for the use of the princes of 
 the Ottoman family, and the sultanas. This vizier had been a baltagi in 
 bis youth, and always retained the name, according to the custom of th«
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. «T 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Turks, who take, without blushing, the name of their first profession, of 
 their father, or the place of their birth. During the time that Baltagi Ma- 
 homet had been a servant in the seraglio, he was so happy as to have done 
 some little services for prince Achmet, then prisoner of state under the em- 
 pire of his brother Mustapha. It is the custom of the seraglio for the 
 princes of the Ottoman blood to have for their pleasure some women, who 
 are past child-bearing, (which is very soon in Turkey) but yet handsome 
 enough to please. Achmet, when he became sultan, gave one of these 
 •laves, whom he had much loved, to Baltagi Mahomet in marriage. This 
 woman, by her intrigues, made her husband grand vizier; another intrigue 
 displaced him; and a third made him vizier again. When Baltagi Maho- 
 met received the bull of the empire, he found the king of Sweden's party 
 prevailing in the seraglio. The sultana Valide, Ali-Coorhourgi, the grand 
 seignior's favourite, the Kislar Aga, chief of the black eunuchs, and the Aga 
 of the Janissaries, were for war against the czar, and the sultai had agreed 
 to it. The first order he gave the grand vizier was to go against the Musco- 
 vites with 200,000 meo. Baltagi Mahomet knew nothing of war; but he 
 was no fool, as the Swedes, who did not like him represented him to be- 
 He said to the grand seignior, in receiving from his hand a sabre set with 
 p*recious stones ; " Your highness knows that I have been brought up to use 
 a hatchet to cleave wood, and not a sword to command armies; I will do 
 my best to serve you ; but if I should not succeed, remember that I have 
 beseeched you not to blame me." The sultan assured him of his friendship, 
 and the vizier prepared to obey him. The first step of the Ottoman Porte 
 was to imprison the Muscovite ambassador in the seven Towers. The cus- 
 tom of the Turks is to begin with seizing the ministers of the princes against 
 whom they declare war. Although they are strict observers of hospitality 
 in every thing else, yet in this they violate the most sacred law of nations. 
 They commit this injustice under the pretence of equity, imagining, or be- 
 ing willing to have it believed, that they never undertake any wars hut 
 what are just, because they are always consecrated by the approbation of 
 their Mufti. Upon this principle they think themselves armed to chastise 
 the violaters of treaties, which oftentimes they break themselves, and pu- 
 nish the ambassadors of kings, their enemies, as accomplices of their mas- 
 ter's infidelity. To this reason may be added the ridiculous contempt they 
 affect towards Christian princes, and their ambassadors, whom they com- 
 monly regard only as consuls of the merchants. 
 
 The Han of Crim Tartary, whom we call the Kam, received orders to be 
 In readiness with 40,000 Tartars. This prince governs Nogai Boudgiac, 
 with part of Circassia, and all the Crim, a province known to antiquity by 
 by the nameof Taurica Chersonesus, whither the Greeks carried their cotn- 
 merce and their arms, building large cities there, and whither the Genoese 
 have since penetrated when they were masters of the trade of En-ope* 
 There are to seen in this country the ruins of Greek towns, and some mo- 
 numents of the Genoese, still subsisting amidst •desolation and barbarism. 
 The kam, by his subjects, is called emperor, but with this groat title he is 
 not less a slave to the Porte. The Ottoman blood, from which the kams are 
 descended, and the right they have to the Turkish empire, on failure of the 
 grand seignior's race, makes their family respected, even by the sultan him-
 
 M THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ■ - . . ■■ i .1 . I.. .' " ' ji 
 
 Life oj Charles t he Twelfth. 
 
 self, and their persons formidable. For this reason, the grand seignior dares 
 not destroy the race of the kams of Tarlary ; but he hardly ever lets any of 
 them grow old upon the throne. Their conduct is always watched by the 
 neighbouring pacha's, their. dominions encompassed by Janissaries, their in- 
 clinations crossed by the grand viziers, and their designs always suspected. 
 If the Tartars complain of the kam, theTurks depose him on that pretence ; 
 if he is too much beloved, it is a greater crime, and for which he is sooner 
 punished; thus, almost all of them pass from sovereignty into banishment, 
 and finish their days at Rhodes, which is commonly their prison and their 
 grave. The Tartars, their subjects, are the most thievish people upon earth, 
 and, at the same- time, which is hardly to be conceived, the most hospi- 
 table. They will go fifty leagues out of their country to attack a caravan or 
 destroy villages; but if a stranger, let him be what he will, pass through 
 their country, he is not only received and lodged everywhere, and his ex- 
 penses borne, but, in some places, the inhabitants will dispute who shall 
 have the honour of being his host: the master of the house, the wife, and 
 the daughters, all strive who shall give him the most attendance. The Scy- 
 thians, their ancestors, transmitted to them this inviolable regard to hospi- 
 tality, which they have preserved ; because, the few strangers that travel 
 among them, and the low price of provisions, do not render this virtue 
 ■very burthensome to them. 
 
 When the Tartars go to war with the Ottoman army, they are maintained 
 by the grand seignior: the booty they get is their own pay, and therefore 
 they are better at pillaging than a regular fight. The kam, gained by the 
 presents and the intrigues of the king of Sweden, obtained leave that the 
 general rendezvous of the troops should be at Bender, even under the eye of 
 Charles XII. the better to assure him that the war was undertaken on his 
 his account. The new vizier, Baltagi Mahomet, not having the same engage- 
 ments, would not flatter a foreign prince so far. He changed the order, and 
 it was at Belgrade that this great army was brought together. The Turkish 
 troops were not at this time so formidable as they have been, when they con- 
 quered so many states in Asia, Africa, and Europe : their strength of body 
 then, their valour and number, triumphed over enemies less robust and 
 worse disciplined than themselves. But, at present, the Christians under- 
 standing the art of war better, almost always beat the Turks in a set battle, 
 even with forces unequal. If the Ottoman empire has lately made some 
 conquests, they have been on)}' over the republic of Venice, esteemed more 
 wise than warlike, defended by strangers, and ill-assisted by the Christian 
 princes, who are always divided among themselves. The Janissaries and 
 the Spahis attack in disorder, and are incapable to hear the word of com- 
 mand, or to rally ; their cavalry, which ought to be excellent, considering 
 the strength and swiftness of their horses, could not stand the shock of the 
 German cavalry ; the infantry know not yet how to use the bayonet at the 
 end of the musket to any advantage: besides, the Turks have not had a 
 great general among thejn since Couprougly, who conquered the island of 
 Catulia. A slave, brought up in the idleness and silence of the seraglio, 
 made vizier by favour, and general against his inclination, commanded an 
 army raised in a hurry, without experience and without discipline, against 
 Muscovite troops, inured to war for twelve years, and proud of having van-
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. « 
 
 Life < j Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 quished the Swedes. The czar, to all appearance, must have overcome 
 Baltatji Mahomet ; but he was guilty of the same fault with the Turks, that 
 the k:i>c of Sweden had with him': he despised his enemy too much- On the 
 news of the Turkish armament, he left Moscow, and having given orders to 
 change the siege of Riga into a blockade, he assembled his troops, con- 
 sisting of 80,000 men, on the frontiers of Poland. With this army he took 
 fits route towards Moldavia and Walachia, formerly the country of the Daci, 
 but at this time inhabited by Creek Christians, tributaries to the grand 
 seignior. A Greek named Cantemir, made prince of Moldavia by the Turks, 
 vent over to the side of Hie czar, whom he already looked upon as a con- 
 queror, and made no scruple to betray the sultan, from whom he held his 
 principality, in favour of a Christian from whom he expected greater ad van* 
 taires. The czar having made a secret treaty with this prince, and having 
 received Inm into his army, marched into that country, and arrived, in the 
 month of June 1711, on the northern borders of the river Hierasus, now 
 called the P-uth, near Ya'ssi, the capital of Moldavia. As soon as the 
 grand vizier learnt that Peter Alexiowitz was marched from that side, he 
 Immediately quitted the camp at Belgrade, and following the course of the 
 Danube, went to cross that river by a bridge of* boats near a town called 
 Saccia, at the same place where Darius formerly built a bridge that bore his 
 name. The Turkish army made so great expedition, that they soon appear- 
 ed in sight of the Muscovites, the river Pruth being between them. The 
 czar, sure of the prince, did not expect that the Moldavians would have 
 failed him; but very often the 'prince and his subjects have different inte- 
 rests. The last loved the Turkish government, which is never fatal but to 
 the great ones, and which alfects a lenity to the people that are tributary 
 to it ; the Turks dreaded the Christians, and especially the Muscovites, 
 who had already treated them with inhumanity. They carried all their 
 provisions to the Ottoman army ; the undertakers, who had engaged to sup- 
 ply the Muscovites, performed the same agreement to the grand vizier that 
 they had made with thecz.ir. The Walachians, their neighbours, shewed the 
 same affection to the Turks: so much were their minds alienated from the 
 Muscovites b\ the remembrance of their former cruelties. 
 
 The czar thus deceived iu his hopes, perhaps too lightly taken up, found 
 his army all on a sudden without provisions or forage: in the mean time the 
 Turks crossed the river that parted them from the enemv ; all the Tar- 
 tars swam over, according to custom, holding by their horses tails. The 
 Spahis, which are the Turkish horse, did the same, because the bridges were 
 not ready soon enough. At length, all the army being got over, the vizier 
 formed an intrenched camp. It was surprising 1 that the czar did not dispute 
 the passage of the river, or at least repair that fault by giving the Turks 
 battle immediately after it, instead of giving them time to destroy his army 
 by hunger and fatigue. That prince, in this campaign, seemed to do 
 thing that might ruin him. He found hims. If without provisions, having 
 the river Pruth behind him, near 150,000 Turks before him, and about 
 40,000 Tartars harassing him coirtimtal'y on the right and left. In this ex- 
 extremity he said publicly, '• Behold me in as bad a condition, at least, as 
 my brother Charles was at Pultowa." Count Pon'atowsky, the indefatiga- 
 ble agent of the king of Sweden, was in the grand vizjer's army with some 
 
 VOL. IV. tf
 
 9« THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ru . .. ,'. Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Poles and some Swedes, who all thought the ruin of the czar was inevitable. 
 As soon as Poniatowsky saw that thearmies would infallibly come together, 
 he sent to the king of Sweden, who immediately left Bender, followed by 
 forty officers, and enjoyed in his mind the pleasure of fighting the Muscovite- 
 emperor before became near him. After several losses and ruinous marches, 
 the czar being driven back on the Pruth, had no retrenchments left but a 
 few chev&ux-de-frise and waggons. Some of the troops of the Janissaries 
 and Spahis fell on his army thus ill-intrenched, but they attacked in disor- 
 der, and the Muscovites defended themselves with such vigour, as only the 
 presenceof their prince, and their own despair could give them. The Turks 
 were twice repulsed. The next day M. Poniatowsky advised the grand vi- 
 zier to starve the Muscovite army, who, wanting every thing, would, in a 
 day's time, be forced to surrender at discretion with their emperor. The 
 czar has since owned, more than once, that he never felt so great uneasiness 
 in all his life as that night. He revolved in his mind all that he had been 
 doing for so many years for the glory and happiness of his country ; and the 
 many great designs, continually interrupted by wars, which perhaps were 
 now going to perish with him, before they were accomplished : he was 
 either to die with hunger, or to engage near 200,000 men with feeble troops, 
 diminished to half their number; a cavalry almost all dismounted, and foot 
 soldiers worn out with famine and fatigue. He called general Cseremetof in 
 the beginning of the night, and without hesitation or asking advice, ordered 
 him to have every thing ready by day break to attack the Turks with bayo- 
 nets at the end of the muskets. He, moreover, gave express orders to burn 
 all the baggage, and that no officer should keep above one waggon, that, if 
 they were overcome, the enemy might make less advantage of the booty 
 than they expected. After having settled every thing with the general for 
 the battle, he retired into his tent overwhelmed with grief, and seized with 
 convulsions, a distemper he was often troubled with, and which always 
 came with double violence when he was under any great uneasiness. He 
 forbade every one coming into his tent that night upon any pretence what- 
 ever, not willing to have any remonstrances made to him against a necessary 
 though desperate resolution, and still more unwilling to have any witnesses 
 of the sorrowful condition he was in. In the mean time the greatest part of 
 the baggage was burnt, according to his order : all the army followed this 
 example, but with regret, and many of them burried what things they had 
 of value. The general officers had already given orders for the. march, and 
 endeavoured to inspire the army with a confidence that they wanted them- 
 selves: all the soldiers, worn out with hunger and fatigue, marched without 
 spirit or hope. The women, of whom there were too many in the army, 
 filled their ears with such cries that still more disheartened them: every one 
 expected the next morning death or slavery. There was at that time in the 
 Muscovite camp, a woman as singular, perhaps, as the czar himself. She 
 ■was then only known by the name of Catharine: her mother was a poor 
 peasant, called Erb-Magden, of the village of Ringen, in Estonia, a province 
 under the dominion of Sweden ; she never kne,w her father, but was bap- 
 tized by the name of Martha, and registered among the bastards. The vicar 
 of the parish brought her up out of charity till she was fourteen, at which 
 age she went to service at Marienburg, and lived with a Lutheran miry&tet
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE SI 
 
 Lije of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 named Gluk. In the year 1702, at the age of eighteen, she married a Swe- 
 dish dragoon. The next day after the wedding, a party of the Swedish 
 troops having been beat by the Muscovites, this dragoon, who was in the 
 action, disappeared, without his wife's knowing whether he was killed or 
 taken prisoner, or being able to learn ever after what became of him. Be- 
 ing taken prisoner herself, some days after, she served general Cseremeto/, 
 who gave her to Menzikof, a man who has known the extreme vicissitudes 
 of fortune, being raised from a pastry cook's boy to be a general and a 
 prince, afterwards stripped of every thing, and banished to Siberia, where he 
 died iu misery and despair. The emperor saw her one night when he 
 sapped with prince Menzikof, and fell in love with her. He was'privately 
 married to her in the year 1707, not thai he was seduced by any female ar- 
 tifices, but because he found in her a most astonishing genius, and a reso- 
 lution of mind fit to second his great enterprises, and even to continue them 
 after him. He had long since been divorced from his first wife Ottokesa, the 
 daughter of a Boyar, who was not only accused of adultery, but of oppos- 
 ing the changes he made in his government, which last crime was the 
 greatest in the eyes of the czar. He would have nobody in his family who 
 did not think as he did. He thought in this foreign slave, were met all the 
 qualities of a sovereign, although she had not one of the virtues of her sex. 
 For her sake he despised those prejudices that never check great minds, and 
 caused her to be crowned empress. The same genius that made her wife to 
 Peter Alexiowitz, gave her the empire after the death of her husband. Eu- 
 rope has seen with surprise a woman, without modesty, who could neither 
 read nor write, by her courage, make amends for the want of education aud 
 her failings, and fill with glory the throne of a legislator. 
 
 When she married the czar, she quitted the Lutheran religion, in which 
 she was born, for the Muscovite, and was rebaptized according to the ce- 
 remonies of the Russian church, taking upon her, instead of Martha, the 
 name of Catharine, by which she has been known ever since. This woman 
 being then in the camp at Pruth, held a private consultation with the gene- 
 ral officers, and the vice-chancellor Shaffirof, while the czar was in his tent. 
 They concluded that it was necessary to sue the Turks for peace, and that 
 the scar was to be persuaded to take that course. The vice-chancellor 
 wrote a letter to the grand vizier in the name of his master: the czarina 
 went with this letter into the czar's tent, notwithstanding his prohibition, 
 and having, after many prayers, and disputes, and tears, prevailed with him 
 to sign'it, she immediately got together all her jewels, every thing she had 
 that was valuable, and all her money, and even borrowed some of the offi- 
 cers, all which, heaped together, making a considerable present, she sent 
 to Osman Aga, the grand vizier's lieutenant, with the letter signed by the 
 Muscovite emperor. Mahomet Baltagi, preserving at first the pride of a 
 grand vizier and a conqueror, answered, " Let the c*ar send his first minis- 
 ter to me, and I will see what may be done." The vice-chancellor, Sha& 
 firof, came immediately, and offered the grand vizier publicly some presents, 
 which were considerable enough to show they stood in need of him, but 
 too little to corrupt hiin. The first demand of the vizier was, that the 
 cxar, with all his army, should surrender at discretion : the vice-chancellor 
 Shaffiiof answered^ that his master was going to attack him in a quarter of
 
 92 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life vj C/wrlds the Twelfth. 
 
 an hour, and that the Muscovites would lose the last drop of their blood 
 rather than submit to so infamous conditions. Osman added his remon- 
 strances to what Shaffirof said. Mahomet Baltaui was no warrior: he saw. 
 the Janissaries were repulsed the day before; and therefore was easily per- 
 suaded by Osman, not to put advantages that were certain to the hazard of 
 a battle. He first agreed to a suspension of arms for six hours, in which 
 time the terms of the treaty were agreed to. In the mean while, there hap- 
 pened a little accident by which it may be seen, that the Turks have often- 
 times more regard to their word than we believe them to have. Two Italian 
 gentlemen, related to M. Brillo, the lieutenant-colonel of a regiment of 
 grenadiers in the czar's service, having wandered a little into the country to 
 look for forage, were taken by Tartars, who carried them to their camp, 
 and offered to sell them to an officer of the Janissaries; the Turk, enraged 
 at their thus daring to violate the truce, seized the Tartars, and carried 
 them himself, with their two prisoners to the vizier. The vizier sent back 
 the two gentlemen to the czar's camp, and cut off those Tartars' heads who 
 had been the most busy in carrying them away. 
 
 The kam of Tartary very strenuously opposed the conclusion of a treaty, 
 ■which took from him all his hopes of plunder: Poniatowsky seconded the 
 kam with very pressing reasons. But Osman got the better of the impatience 
 of the Tartar, and the insinuations of Poniatowsky. The vizier thought he 
 had done enough to conclude an advantageous peace for the grand seignior 
 his master. He insisted on the Muscovites giving up Asoph ; on their burn- 
 ing the gallics that were in that Port; their demolishing the most important 
 citadels built upon the Palus Maeotis ; and on all the cannon and ammuni- 
 tion of these fortresses being left to the grand seignior: on the czar's with- 
 drawing his troops out of Poland; and giving no more disturbance to the 
 few Cossacks that were under the protection of the Poles, nor to those who 
 were dependant on Turkey ; and on his paying henceforth a subsidy to the 
 Tartars of 10,000 sequins a year, an odious tribute long since imposed, but 
 from which the czar had delivered his country. At length the treaty was 
 going to be signed, without so much as making mention of the king of Swe- 
 den. All that Poniatowsky could obtain of the vizier, was to have an article 
 inserted, by which the Muscovite was obliged not to obstruct the return of 
 Charles XII. and, what was something odd, it was stipulated in this article, 
 that the czar and the king of Sweden, should conclude a peace between 
 them, if they had a mind to it, and could agree about it, On these con- 
 ditions the czar had leave. to retire with his army, his cannon, his artillery, 
 colours, and baggage. The Turks. furnished him with provisions, and every 
 thing abounded in his camp, two hours after signing the treaty, which was • 
 begun, concluded, and signed, on the 21st of July 171 1. At the very time 
 the czar escaped this danger and retired with drums beating, and colours 
 flying, the king of Sweden arrived, impatient for the fight, and wishing to have 
 his enemy in his hands. He had ridden full speed above fifty leagues, from 
 Bender to Yassi, and alighting at count Poniatowsky's tent, the count came 
 to him with a sorrowful countenance, and told him by what means he had 
 lost an opportunity, that he might never recover. The king, enflamed with 
 anger, went directly to the grand vizier's tent, and with fire in his face, 
 upbraided hioi with the treaty he had concluded, " I have a right," said ;
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. £3 
 
 Life of Charles the Tiretftk. 
 
 the grand vizier, very calmly, " to make war or peace. '• But," answered 
 the king, " have you not all the Muscovite army in your power?" — " Our 
 law commands us," replied the vizier gravely, " to give peace to our ene- 
 mies when they implore our mercy." — M Ami does it command you," said 
 the Ling, in a passion, to make a bad treaty when you have it in your 
 power to name your own conditions* Ought you not to have carried the 
 czar prisoner to Constantinople?" The Turk, hard pre^s'd, answered drily, 
 *' And who shall govern his empire in his absence? It is not proper for all 
 kings to be out of their dominions." Charles replied only with a smile full 
 of indignation, then throwing himself down on a sofa, and looking on the 
 vizier with an air of anger and contempt, he stretched out his leg towards 
 him, and entangling his spur, on purpose, in the robe of the Turk, tore it, 
 and getting up immediately remounted his horse, and returned to Bender 
 with his l»eart filled with despair. Poniatowsky remained some time with 
 the grand vizier, to try if he could not, by softer means, prevail with him to 
 make better terms with the Czar; but the time of devotion being come, the 
 Turk, without making one word of answer, wtnt to wash himself and say 
 his prayers. 
 
 BOOK VI. 
 
 THE fortune of the king of Sweden, so much altered from what it was, 
 .now persecuted him in the smallest affairs. At his return, he found his little 
 camp at Bender, and all his lodgings quite drowifd by the overflowing of 
 the Dnt-ister. He retired to a place some miles distant, near a village called 
 Varnitza ; and, as if he had some secret presages of what was to happen to 
 him, built there a large stone house, capable on occasion to hold out a siege 
 of some hours. He furnished it very magnificently, contrary to his custom, 
 that he might draw more respect from the Turks. He built also two others, • 
 one for his chancery, and another for his favourite Grothusen, who kept 
 one of his tables. While the king built thus near Bender, as if he had 
 a mind to continue always in Turkey, Baltagi Mahomet, fearing more than 
 ever the intrigues and complaints of this pnnce at the Porte, sent the em- 
 peror of Germany's resident himself to demand^ at Vienna, a passage for 
 the king of Sweden, through the hereditary dominions of the house of Aus- 
 tria. Thisenv)., in three weeks time, brought back a promise from the 
 imperial regency *h;.t they would pay all the honours to Charles XII. that 
 were due t<» him, jnl conduct him with safety into Pomerania. This ap- 
 plication was made to the regency at Vienna, because the emperor of Ger- 
 many, Charles, thf sucee«wsor of Joseph, was at that time in Spain, where 
 he disputed the crown with Philip V; While trie German envoy executed 
 this commission at \ in n nd vizier «ent three pachas lo the king 
 
 of&weden. to let Imp, if it* must quit the territories of the Turkish 
 
 empire. 'It:*- kintt, wh knew •••. they were bringing to him, sent them 
 
 word, that if the) d red pn n • to him contrary to his honour, 
 
 or that shewed I #tl I thetn all lv • ■ that instant. 
 
 The pacha of Thcssalonica, who carried the message, ditguked the rough-
 
 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije oj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 ness ol his commission under the most respectful terms ; Charles finished 
 the audience without vouchsafing to give them any answer; but his chan- 
 cellor, Mullern, who staid with the three pachas, explained to them his 
 masttr's refusal, which they had well enough understood before by his si- 
 lence. The grand vizier was not to be put off so, he ordered Ismael Pacha, 
 the new serasquier of Bender, to threaten the king with the resentment of 
 the sultan, if he did not come to a resolution without delay. This seras- 
 quier was of a sweet temper, which had conciliated to him the good will of 
 Charles, and of all the Swedes. The king entered into a conference with 
 him ; but it was only to let him know that he would not depart until Ach- 
 met had granted him two things, viz. to punish his grand vizier, and fur- 
 nish him with 100,000 men to return into Poland. Baltagi Mahomet saw 
 plainly that Charles staid in Turkey to ruin him, and therefore took care to 
 place guards upon all the roads from Bender to Constantinople to intercept 
 his letters. He went further, and cut off his thaim, that is, the provision 
 with which the Porte furnishes princes to whom they grant an asylum. 
 That of the king of Sweden was immense, consisting of five hundred crowns 
 a-day in money, and a profusion of every thing that might contribute to* 
 support a court in splendour and abundance. As soon as the king heard 
 that the vizier had cut off his subsistence, he turned to the steward of the 
 household, and said to him, " You have had but two tables hitherto, let 
 there be four to-morrow." 
 
 The officers of Charles XII. had been used to find nothing impossible 
 that he ordered, but, having neither money nor provisions, they were forced 
 to borrow at twenty, thirty, and forty per cent, of the officers, domestics, 
 and Janissaries, who were grown rich by the king's extravagance. M. Fa- 
 bricius, the envoy of Holsteiu, gave all that he had ; but these supplies 
 -would not have lasted a month, if a Frenchman, named La Motraye, who 
 had been some time in the Levant, and was come out of curiosity to Ben- 
 der, to see the king of Sweden, had not offered to go through all the Turk- 
 ish guards, to borrow money in the king's name at Constantinople. He 
 put the letters that were given him to carry, in the cover of a book, from 
 which he had tore out the pasteboard, and passed through the midst of the 
 Turks, under the name of an English merchant, with his book in his hand, 
 which he said was his prayer book. The Turks are not very suspicious, 
 because they are but little used to business. The pretended merchant ar- 
 rived at Constantinople with the king's letters; but the foreign traders did 
 not care to venture their money: there was only an Englishman, named 
 Cooke, who was willing to lend 100,000 livres, contented to lose them, if 
 any accident happened to the king of Sweden, and sure to make his fortune 
 if that prince lived. The French gentleman was so lucky as to bring the 
 money safely to the king's camp, at Varnitza, just at the time when this 
 simply was despaired of. In this interval M. de Poniatowsky wrote, even 
 from the grand vizir's camp, a relation of the campaign of Pruth, in which 
 he accused Baltagi Mahomet of cowardice and treachery. An old Janissary 
 enraged at the weakness of the vizier, and moreover gained by the presents- 
 of Poniatowsky, having obtained leave to be absent, took charge of this 
 fetter, and presented it to the sultan himself. Poniatowsky left the camp 
 tome days after, and went to the Ottoman Porte to form intrigues agaia 5C .
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Lije 0/ Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 the grand vizier, according to custom. Several circumstances si-eim-d to 
 favour him ; the czar being at liberty did not make too much haste to ful- 
 fil his promises. It is the custom for princes, who deliver up any towns to 
 the Turks, to send golden keys to the sultan ; the keys of Asopu did not 
 come, and the vizier, who was answerable for them, fearing, with just 
 reason, the resentment of his master, durst not appear before him. 
 
 The old vizier Chourlouly, then in banishment it Mitylene, was willing to 
 make use of this conjuncture to deprive Achmet III. of his empire, and place 
 his nephew prince Ibrahim on the throne, who was the eldest son of Mus' 
 tapha, and at that time prisoner of state with Mahmoud his brother. To 
 succeed in this project, it was necessary to engage Mahomet Baltagi, and 
 to march directly with the Janissaries to Constantinople. Mahomet was 
 very little disposed to rash enterprises ; therefore, the old vizier applied 
 himself to his lieutenant, Osman Aga, who governed him in every thing; 
 but the letters being intercepted, Chourlouly and Osman were beheaded, 
 (an ignominious punishment among the Turks) and their heads laid in the 
 hall of the divan. There was found among Osman's treasure the czarina's 
 ring, and 20,000 pieces of gold in Saxon, Polish, and Muscovite coin. As 
 to Baltagi Mahomet, he was banished to Lemnos, where he died three 
 years after, for having been chosen, without his knowledge, to be the in- 
 strument of Chourlouly and Osman's designs. The grand seignior did not 
 seize on his estate after his death, because he was not rich ; which is a plain 
 proof that the czar did not purchase the peace of him at an immense rate, 
 as it was reported in Europe. To this grand vizier succeeded Jussuf, that 
 is to say Joseph, whose Icruine was as remarkable as that of his predeces- 
 sors. Born a Muscovite, and taken prisoner by the Turks, at six years 
 old, with all his family, he was sold to a Janissary, and having been a long 
 time a servant in the seraglio, he at length, became the second person of 
 that empire where he had been a slave: but he was only the shadow of a 
 minister. The ydung Selictar Ali-Coumourgi raised him to this slippery 
 post, till it was time to place himself in it; and Jussuf, his creature, had 
 no other business but to set the seals of the empire to whatever this fa- 
 vourite had a mind to have done. The policy of the Ottoman court seemed 
 quite changed in the beginning of this vizier's administration; the czar's 
 plenipotentiaries, who remained at Constantinople, as ministers, or hosta- 
 ges, were better treated than ever; the grand vizier confirmed the peace of 
 Pruth with them ; but what most of all mortified the king of Sweden, was, 
 to learn that the secret alliance, made at Constantinople with the czar, was 
 brought about by the mediation of the ambassadors of England and Holland. 
 
 Constantinople, since the retreat of Charles to Bender, was become, what 
 Rome had been so often, the centre of business in Christendom. Count De- 
 saleurs, the French ambassador, maintained there the interests of Charles 
 and Stanislaus; the emperor of Germany's minister opposed them; the 
 Swedish and Muscovite factions fell loul of one another, as for a long time 
 those of France and Spain have done at the court of Rome. England and 
 Holland seemed neutral, but were not so; the new trade which the czar 
 had opened at Petersburg, was not to be slighted by those two trading na- 
 tions. The English and Dutch will always be for that prince who most fa- 
 vours their commerce. There was a great deal to be got, at that time, by
 
 96 ~ THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lye oj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 the czar; it was no wondt r, then, that the ministers of England and Jdolbnd 
 should privately serve him at the Ottoman Porte. One of the conditions 'of 
 this new alliance was, that they should immediately get Charles out of the 
 Turkish dominions; either because the czar thought of" seizing him e 
 road, or that he would be less dangerous in his own country than in Turkey, 
 where he was always on the spot to arm the Ottoman forces against the Rus- 
 sian empire. The king of Sweden continually solicited the Porte to send 
 him back through Poland with a numerous army. The divan indeed were 
 lesolved to send him back, but it was only with a guard of 7 or 8000 men, 
 »ot as a king whom they would succour, but as a guest they wanted to be 
 lid of. To which end, the sultan Achmet, wrote him a letter \\\ the fol- 
 lowing terms: 
 
 " Most powerful among the kings who worship Jesus, redresser of wrongs 
 and injuries, and protector of justice in the ports and republics from south 
 to north; shining in majesty ; lover of honour and glory, and of our sub- 
 lime Porte, Charles king of Sweden, whose undertakings God crown with' 
 success. — As soon as the most illustrious Aehroet, formerly Chiaoux Pachi, 
 shall have the honour to deliver this letter to you, adorned with our impe- 
 rial seal, be persuaded and convinced of the truth of our intentions therein- 
 contained, viz. That although we had designed to send oor ever victorious 
 troops once more against the czar, yet that prince, ta avoid the just resent- 
 ment he had given us, by retarding- the execution of the treaty concluded 
 on the bank* of Prut h, and since renewed at our sublime Porte,. having sur- 
 rendered to our empire the castle and city of Asoph ; and sought, by the 
 mediation of the ambassadors of England and Holland, our ancient allies,, 
 to cultivate with us the ties of a lasting peace r we have complied with him, 
 and given to his plenipotentiaries, who remain as hostages, our imperial ra- 
 tification, after having received his from their hands. We have given to the 
 most honourable and valiant Del vet Gherai, Han of Boudgiak, in" Crim 
 Tartary, of Noghai, and Circassia \ and to our wise counsellor and noble se- 
 rasquier of Bender, lsmael, whose magnificence and prudence God preserve 
 and augment, our salutary orders for your return through Poland, accord- 
 ing to your first design, which has been renewed to us in your behalf; you 
 must therefore prepare to depart, under the care of providence, and with an 
 honourable guard, the next winter, to your own dominions, taking care to 
 pass as a friend through those of Poland. All that is necessary for your 
 journey shall be furnished by my sublime Porte, as well money as men, 
 horses, and waggons. We recommend to you, and exhort you, above all 
 things, to give the most positive and express orders to alV the Swedes, and 
 others about you, to commit no disorder, or be guilty of any action that 
 may tend directly, or indirectly, to violate this peace and alliance. You 
 will hereby preserve our good-will, of which we shall give you as great and 
 frequent proofs as occasions shall offer. Our troops designed to attend you, 
 shall receive orders agreeable to pur imperial intentions hereupon. Given 
 at our sublime Porte at Constantinople, the 14-th of the month llebyul Eu« 
 reb 1124, which agrees with the 19th of April 17 F2. 
 
 This letter did not yet take all hopes from the king of Sweden ; he wrote 
 to the sultan, that he was ready to depart, and that he should always ac- 
 knowledge the favours his highness had loaded him with; but believed that
 
 ROY A I. MILITARY CHRONIC LR 91 
 
 ■■ ' ' ' f * 
 
 Lijc of Charles the Twelfth. 
 :'i i ■■ ;■ — . , i ■ i ■ ■ ■ ==a 
 
 the sultan was too just to send liiiu away with no other guard than a tljing 
 camp, through a country still covered with the czar's troops. Indeed, the 
 Muscovite emperor, contrary to the first article of the peace of Pnitli, by 
 which he was obliged to withdraw his troops out of Poland, had sent new 
 ones thjther; and, what seems strange, the grand seignior knew nothing of 
 it. The bad policy of the Porte, and vanity in suffering the ambassad< rs 
 of Christian princes at Constantinople, without having a single agent in 
 any Christian court, give the latter an opportunity of penetrating into, and 
 sometimes directing the most secret resolutions of the saltan, and of keep" 
 ing the divan in a profound ignorance of what is done publicly among Chris- 
 tians. The sultan, shut up in his seraglio among women and eunuchs, sees 
 only with the eyes of his grand vizier: this 1 minister, as inaccessible as his 
 master, employed in the intrigues of the seraglio, and without any corres- 
 pondence abroad, is commonly deceived himself, or deceives the sultan, 
 who deposes or strangles him for the first fault, to make cho ; ce of another 
 as ignorant or as treacherous, who, behaving like his predecessors, is at 
 soon dispatched. Such is, for the most part, the inactivity, and profound 
 security of thiscourt, that if the Christian princes were all to league against it, 
 their fleets might be at the Dardanells, and their army at the gates of Adna- 
 nople, before the Turks would think of defending themselves; but the dif- 
 ferent interest* that always divide Christendom, will save the Turks from a 
 destiny, which their little policy, and ignorance of war, and maritime af- 
 fairs, seem at present to lay them open to. Achmet was so little acquainted 
 with what passed in Poland, that he sent an aga to see if the czar's forces 
 were still there. Two of the king of Sweden's secretaries, who understood 
 the Turkish language, accompanied the aga, that they might be witnesses 
 against him if he made a false report. The ?.ga saw the truth of it with his 
 own eyes, and returned to give the sultan an account of it. Achmet en- 
 raged, was going to strangle the vizier; but the favourite protected him, and 
 thinking he might have occasion for him, got his pardon, and kept him 
 some time longer in the ministry. The Muscovites were openly protected 
 by the vizier, and privately by Ali-Coumourgi, who had changed sides; 
 but the sultan was so irritated, the infraction of the treaty so manifest, and 
 the Janissaries who oftentimes make the ministers, the favourites, and even 
 the sultans tremble, demanded the war so loudly, that no one in the serag- 
 lio durst speak moderately in the affair. The grand seignior immediately 
 committed the Muscovite ambassadors to the seven Towers, who were as 
 much accustomed to go to prison as to audience. The war was declared 
 afresh against the czar, the horse-tails displayed; and orders given to all 
 the pachas to raise an army of 200,000 fighting men. The sultan himself 
 left Constantinople, and came to settle with his court at Adrianople, that 
 he might be at less distance from the theatre of the war. During this time 
 a solemn embassy, 9ent to the grand seignior, from Augustus and the repub- 
 lic of Poland, was on the road to Adrianople; the palatine of Masovia was 
 at the head of it, with a train of about three hundred persons. 
 
 Every one of these was arrested and imprisoned in the suburbs of the 
 city; the king of Sweden's party had never greater hopes than at this time; 
 nevertheless, these great preparations were of no use, and all their expec- 
 tations were frustrated. If we may believe a public minister, who was » 
 VOL. IY, O
 
 9S THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE . ' * 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 1 ' ■' ■ 'i * 
 
 roan of wisdom and penetration, and who resided at that time at Constan- 
 tinople, young Coumourgi had other designs in his head than to dispute for 
 deserts, with the czar of Muscovy in a doubtful war. He was projecting 
 how to take the Peloponnesus, now called the Morea, from the Venetians, 
 and to make himself master of Hungary. To execute his great designs, he 
 waited only for the employment of grand vizier, which was kept from him 
 on account of his youth. With this view he wanted to make an ally, rather 
 than an enemy, of the czar. It was neither his interest nor his inclination 
 to keep the king of Sweden any longer, much less to raise an army for him 
 in Turkey. He was not only for sending that prince away, but declared 
 openly, that no Christian minister ought henceforth to be suffered at Con- 
 stantinople; that all these ambassadors were but honourable spies who cor- 
 rupted or betrayed the viziers, and had too long given motion to the in- 
 trigues of the seraglio; that the Francs, settled at Pera and in the towns of 
 the Levant, were merchants who had occasion only for a consul and not an 
 ambassador. The grand vizier, who owed his rise, and even his life, to this 
 favourite, and who was moreover afraid of him, complied with him in every 
 thing, and especially as he had sold himself to the Muscovites, hoping to 
 be revenged on the king of Sweden, who would have ruined him. The 
 Mufti, a creature of Ali-Coumourgi's, was also a slave to his will. He had 
 advised the war against the czar, when the favourite was for it, and thought 
 it unjust, as soon as this young man had changed his opinion ; so that the 
 army was hardly got together, but they talked of propositions of accom- 
 modation. The vice-chancellor Shaffirof, and young Cseremetof, the ple- 
 nipotentiaries and hostages of the czar at the Porte, promised, after many 
 negotiations, that the czar should withdraw his troops from Poland. 'The 
 grand vizier, who knew that the czar would not execute this treaty, did not 
 refuse to sign it, and the sultan, contented with the appearance of giving 
 laws to the Muscovites, continued still at Adrianople. Thus, in less than 
 six months, peace was made with the czar, war declared again, and the 
 peace renewed. Trfe principle article in all these treaties was always, that 
 the king of Sweden should be forced to depart. The sultan would not for- 
 feit his own honour, and that of the Ottoman empire, by exposing the king 
 to he taken by his enemies on the road. It was stipulated; that he should 
 go, but that the ambassadors of Poland and Muscovy should answer for the 
 safety of his person ; these ambassadors swore, in the names of their mas- 
 ters, that neither the czar nor king Augustus should molest him in his pas- 
 sage ; and Charles, on his side, was not to attempt to raise any commotions 
 in Poland. The divan having thus settled what Charles was to do, Ismael, 
 serasquier of Bender, went to Varnitza, where the king was encamped, and 
 gave him an account of the resolutions the Porte had taken ; letting him 
 understand, in a hand«ome manner, that he must make no delay, but de- 
 part. Charles made no other answer, but that the grand seignior had pro- 
 mised him an army, and not a guard ; and that kings ought to keep their 
 •word. In the mean time, general Fleming, the minister and favourite of 
 king Augustus, maintained a secret correspondence with the kam of Tar- 
 tary and the serasquier of Bender. A German colonel named La Mare had 
 made more than one journey from Bender to Dresden, and had carried 
 messages backward and forward between the kam and Fleming. King Au*
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 99 
 
 — — ^— «^— ■ i . . i — «— — ^— ^— -__ 
 
 Zi/e of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 gustus was several times heard to say, speaking of Charles, " 1 keep my 
 bear tied at Bender. Just at this time, the king of Sweden caused a courier 
 to be stopped on the frontiers of Walachia, who was sent by Fleming to the 
 Tartarian prince. The letters were carried to him and decyphered ; in 
 which, was discovered a correspondence between the Tartars and the court 
 of Dresden, but in so general and ambiguous terms, that it was not easy to 
 find out, whether the design of king Augustus was only to draw oft the 
 Turks from the king of Sweden's party, or the kam was to deliver up 
 Charles to the Saxons as he conducted him to Poland. It is scarce to be 
 imagined that so generous a prince as Augustus, by seizing the person of the 
 king of Sweden, would endanger the lives of his ambassadors, and of the 
 three hundred Polish gentlemen, who were detained at Adrianople as pledges 
 for the security of Charles. On the other hand Fleming, the absolute mi- 
 nister of Augustus, was known to be very little restrained by any scruples 
 of conscience. The outrages the king elector had suffered from the king of 
 Sweden, seemed to make any revenge excusable ; and it might be supposed, 
 that if the court of Dresden could buy Charles of the kam of Tartary, they 
 might as easily buy, of the Ottoman court, the liberty of the Polish hos- 
 tages. These reasons were weighed between the king, his private chancel- 
 lor Mullern, and his favourite Grothusen. They read the letters over and 
 over, and the unhappy situation they were in making them more suspicious, 
 they were determined to believe the worst. Some days after, the king was 
 confirmed in these suspicions by the hasty departure of count Sapieha, who 
 had been a refugee with him, but now went all on a sudden into Poland to 
 throw himself into the arms of Augustus. Upon all other occasions, he re- 
 garded Sapieha as a malecontent ; but, at this nice conjuncture, he made 
 no scruple to believe him a traitor. The repeated instances that were made 
 to him at that time to be gone, turned his suspicions into certainty. The 
 obstinacy of his temper, joined to all these probabilities, continued him in 
 the opinion that they intended to betray him, and deliver him up to his 
 enemies, although the plot was never proved. 
 
 He might be mistaken in the notion he had of king Augustus's bargain- 
 ing for his person with the Tartars, but he was much more mistaken in re- 
 lying upon succours from the Ottoman court: however, he was resolved to 
 gain time. He told the pacha of Bender, that he would not go awav t ; ll he 
 had wherewithal to pay his debts; for though they had for a long time re- 
 stored him his thaim, yet his liberalities had ohliged him to borrow: t!ie 
 pacha asked what he would have? The king answered at a venture, 1000 
 purses, which amount to 1 50,000 French livres good money. The pacha 
 wrote about it to the Porte; the sultan, instead of the one thousand pi 
 fie desired, ordered him 1200, and wrote the following letter to the pacha, 
 The grand seignior's letter to the pacha of Bender: — " The design < ! 
 imperial letter is to let you know, that, upon your, ic< nmmendatio. .>. I 
 presentation, and upon that of the right noble Delvet fi*he.„ . k iiu to 
 sublime Porte, our imperial munificence has granted t'> the km of :> 
 1000 purses, which shall be sent to Bender under the cure *:,«! man . 
 of the most illustrious Mahomet Pacha, formerly Ohia-i \ Pucui, I 
 in your custody till the time of the departure of the kin^ of Sw< 
 steps God direct, aud then to be delivered to him with 200 pui
 
 100 THE SUPPf TMENT TO THE 
 
 Li,e oj Charles the Tueljlh. 
 
 a maik of our imperial liberality beyond what he desires. As to the route 
 of Poland, which he is resolved to take, you and the kam, who are to attend 
 liim, are to take your measures so prudently, that during the whole passage 
 none of the troops under your command, nor the people belonging to the 
 king of Sweden, may do any damage, or commit any action that may be 
 deemed contrary to the peace now subsisting between our sublime Porte and 
 the kingdom and republic of Poland, so that the king of Sweden may pass 
 as a friend under our protecion. Doing this, (which you are to recommend 
 to him in the most express terms), he will receive all the honours nnd re- 
 spect due to his majesty on the part of Poland, of which we have been as- 
 sured by the ambassadors of king Augustus and the republic, who have of- 
 fered themselves, and several oilier of the Polish nooiiity, if required, on 
 this condition, to be bo -.tages for the security of his passage. WKteH the 
 time is come which shall be agreed upon between you and the noble D«.lvet 
 Gherai for the march, you shall put yourself at the head of your brave sol- 
 diers, among whom must be the Tartars, having the kam at their head, and 
 under their guard conduct the king of Sweden and his people. And may rt 
 please the only and Almighty God to direct your steps and theirs; the pa- 
 cha of Aulis shall continue at Bender to deiend it in your absence, with a 
 body of Spahies and another of Janissaries ; and in following our imperial 
 order:! and intentions in all these points and articles, you will render your- 
 self woithv of the continuance of our imperial favour, as well as of the 
 praises and reeompences due to all those who observe them. Done at our 
 imperial residence at Constantinople the 2d of the month Cheval, 1124 of 
 the Hegira." While they waited for this answer from the grand seignior, 
 the king wrote to the Porte, to complain of the treason of which he sus- 
 pected the kam of Tartaryto be guilty ; but the passages were well guard- 
 ed, and the ministry moreover being against him, his letters never came to 
 the sultan; the vizier even hindered M. Desaleurs from coming to Adriano- 
 ple, where the Porte then was, for fear that minister, who acted for the king 
 of Sweden, should do any thing to prevent the design they had of sending 
 liim away. Charles, enraged to see himself in a manner hunted out of the 
 territories of the grand seignior, determined not to go at all. He might 
 have asked to have returned through the territories of Germany, or to have 
 embarked in the Black Sea to be carried up the Mediterranean to Mar- 
 seills; but he chose rather to ask nothing, and wait the event. 
 
 When the 1200 purses were arrived, his treasurer, Grothusen, who had 
 learnt the Turkish language by being so long in the country, went, without 
 an interpreter, to wait upon the pacha, with, a design to get the money from 
 him, and afterwards to form some new intrigue at the Porte, going always 
 upon this false supposition, that the Swedish party would at last arm the 
 Ottoman empire against the czar. Grothusen told the pacha, that the king 
 could not get his equipage ready without money ; but, said the pacha, we 
 shall defray all the expenses of your journey : your master will be at no 
 charge while he continues under my protection. Grothusen replied, that 
 there was so fnuch difference between the equipages of the Turks and those 
 of the Francs, that they must be obliged to have recourse to the Turkish 
 and Polish artificers, who were then in Farniza. He assured him that his 
 master was diposed to go, and that this money would facilitate and hasten
 
 ROYAL MIL ITARY CHRONICLE. lot 
 
 3 
 
 Lije of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 his departure. The pacha, to*) credulous, gave him the 1200 purses ; and 
 came some days after to desire the king, in the most respectful manner, to 
 give him orders about his departure. His surprise was very great when the 
 king told him he was not ready to go, and that he wanted 1000 purse* 
 more. The pacha, confounded at his answer, was for some time unable to 
 speak; but retired towards a window, where he was seen to shed tears: 
 afterwards, addressing himself to the krng, " It will cost me my head," said 
 he, " for having obliged your majesty* I have given you the 1200 purses 
 against the express orders of my sovereign." Having said these words, he 
 was going away full of grief. The king stopped him and said, " He would 
 excuse it to thesullan:" — "Ah!" replied the Turk, in going away, " my 
 master knows not how to excuse faults, but he knows how to punish them." 
 Ismael Pacha went to acquaint the kam with this news, who having received 
 the same orders not to deliver the 1200 purses till the king's departure, and 
 having consented to it, was as much afraid of the resentment of the grand 
 seignior as the pacha himself. They both wrote to the Porte to justify 
 themselves; protesting that they did not deliver the 1200 purses, but upon 
 positive promises from the king's minister, that he should depart without 
 delay ; and beseeched his highness that the king's refusal might not be attrt» 
 buted to their disobedience. Charles, still persisting in the notion that the 
 kam and the pacha would deliver him up to his enemies, ordered M. Funk, 
 his envoy to the grand seignior, to make his complaint of them, and to ask 
 for 1000 purses more. His extreme generosity, and t he little account he 
 made of money, hindered him from seeing the meanness of this proposal. 
 He made it only to be refused, and by that means to have a pretence for 
 staying; but it was being reduced to strange extremities, to have need of 
 such artifices. Savaria, his interpreter, a cunning enterprising man, carried 
 his letter to Adrianople in spight of the strictness with which the <>rand vi- 
 zier had guarded the passages, Funk was obliged to make this dangerous 
 demand, and instead of an answer was clapped into prison. The sultan, 
 very much exasperated, called an extraordinary divan, and spoke in it him- 
 self, which is very uncommon. His speech was as follows, according to the 
 translation then made of it : " I hardly knew the king of Sweden but by 
 his defeat at Pultowa, and by the entreaty he made me to grant him an asy- 
 lum in my empire: I have not, I believe, any need of him, nor anv reason 
 to love or to fear him ; nevertheless, without consulting any other motives 
 than the hospitality of a Muselman, and my own generosity, which shedt 
 the dew of its favours on the great as well as the little, on strangers as well 
 as my own subjects: I have received and succoured him, his ministers, offi- 
 cers, and soldiers, and have not ceased for three years ami a hilf to load 
 him with presents. I have granted him a considerable guard to conduct him 
 home to his own country. He asked for 1000 purses to defray some ex- 
 penses, although I pay them all; instead of 1000, I granted him 1200; 
 after getting these out of the hands of the serasquierof Bender, he asks for 
 1000 more, and will not depart under pretence that his guard is too little, 
 notwithstanding it is too large to pass through the country of a (rtend. I 
 ask, then, if it is a violation of the laws of hospitality to send away this 
 prince ? and if foreign powers ought to accuse me of cruelty and injustice, 
 if I should be reduced to do it by force?" All the divan answered, that the
 
 102 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 i. . " ' ' ■ — , — : — ,■ ■ ■ ' , " - ssar 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 grand seignior might do it with justice. The Mufti declared; that hospi- 
 tality is not commanded from Musselmen to infidels, much less to the un- 
 grateful; and he gave his fetfa, a sort of mandate, which almost always accom- 
 panies the important orders of the grand seignior. These fetfas are revered 
 as oracles, although the persons from whom they come are as much slaves to 
 the sultan as any others. The order and the fetfa were carried to Bender 
 by the Bouiouk Imraour, grand master of the horse, and a Chiaoux Pacha, 
 the first usher. The pacha of Bender received the order at the kam of Tar- 
 tary's ; he went immediately to Varnitza,, to ask the king if he would go 
 away as a friend, or, if he must be forced to execute the sultan's orders. 
 Charles XII. thus threatened, was not master of his temper. " Obey your 
 master if you dare," said he, " and begone out of my presence." The pa- 
 cha, enraged, gallopped away, contrary to the manner of the Turks. In his 
 return he met Fabricius, and cried out to him as he was galloping on, " The 
 king will not hear reason ; you will see strange things." The same day he 
 retrenched the king's provisions, and took away his guard of Janissaries. 
 He sent word to the Poles and the Cossacks at Varnitza, that if they would 
 have provisions, they must leave the king of Sweden's camp and come to 
 Bender under the protection of the Porte. They all obeyed, and left the king 
 with only the officers of his houshold and three hundred Swedes, against 
 20,000 Tartars and 6000 Turks. There was no longer any provision in the 
 camp for man or horse. The king ordered them to shoot, without the camp, 
 twenty of the fine Arabian horses which the grand seignior had sent him, 
 saying, *' 1 will neither have their provisions nor their horses :" this was a 
 fine regale for the Tartars, who, it is known, think horse-flesh delicious 
 eating. In the mean time the Turks and Tartars, in a moment, invested 
 the king's little camp. This prince, without any surprise, ordered regular 
 intrenchments to be made by his 300 Swedes, and worked at them himself; 
 his chancellor, treasurer, secretaries, valet-de-chambres, and all his domes- 
 tics assisted. Some barrtcadoed the windows, others placed beams behind 
 the doors in form of butresses. When the house was well barricadoed, and the 
 king had taken a turn round his imaginary fortifications, he sat himself 
 down very calmly to play at chess with his favourite Grothusen, as if every 
 thinghad been in perfect safety. Very luckily Fabricius, the envoy of Hoi- 
 stein, did not lodge at Varnitza, but at a little village between that and 
 Bender, where also resided Mr. Jeffreys, the envoy of England to the king of 
 Sweden. These two ministers, seeing the storm that was ready to fall; took 
 upon them to be mediators between the Turks and the king. The kam, 
 and especially the pacha of Bender, who had no inclination to use any vio- 
 lence, received with pleasure the offers made them by the two ministers ; they 
 had two conferences together at Bender, at which, the usher of the seraglio 
 and the grand master of the horse, who brought the sultan's order, and the 
 fefta of the mufti, were present. M. Fabricius* owned to them, that his Swe- 
 dish majesty had just cause to believe that they would deliver him into the 
 hands of his enemies in Poland. The kam, thepacna, and the rest, swore 
 upon their beards, and putting their bands upon their heads, called God to 
 witness that they detested so horrible a treachery, and that they would lose 
 their blood rather than suffer so much as any disrespect to be shown the king 
 * All this is related in Fabricius'* Letters.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. foj 
 
 — ' ' ' =a» 
 
 Life of Charles the Tu-elj<h. 
 
 in Poland. They said they had the Muscovite and Polish ambassadors in their 
 hands, whose lives should answer for the least affront that any one should 
 dare to offer to the king of Sweden: and, afterwards, complained bitterly of 
 the unjust suspicions that the king had conceived against persons who had so 
 ■well received and treated hiin. Although oaths are oftentimes the language 
 of treachery, yet M. Fabricius suffered himself to be persuaded by these 
 barbarians; he thought he saw in their protestations that air of truth which 
 is but imperfectly imitated by falsehood. He knew very well there had 
 been a private correspondence between the kam of Tartary and king Au- 
 gustus, but was convinced that the design of that negotiation, was only to 
 oblige Charles XII. to go out of the grand seignior's territories. Whether 
 Fabricius was mistaken or not, he assured them that he would represent to 
 the king the injustice of these jealousies 5 but do you intend to force him 
 away? added he — "Yes," said the pacha, "such is our master's orders." 
 Then he desired them to consider again if that order was to shed the blood 
 of a crowned hetd. " Yes" replied the kam in a passion, " if that crowned 
 head disobeys the grand seignior in his empire." 
 
 In the mean while, every thing being ready for the attack, the death of 
 Charles XII. seemed inevitable; but the sultan's order not being positively 
 to kill him in case of resistance, the pacha prevailed upon the kam to surfer 
 him to send an express immediately to Adrianople, where the -grand seignior 
 then was, to receive his hi^hness's last command. Mr. Jeffreys and M. Fa- 
 bricius having obtained this small respite, ran to acquaint the king of it; 
 they came with all the earnestness of persons who bring joyful news; but 
 were very coolly received, and called officious mediators, the king still per- 
 sisting that the sultan's order and the fefla of the mufti were forged, since 
 they had just sent for fresh orders from the Porte. The English minister 
 went away, resolved not to meddle any more in the affairs of a prince who 
 was so obstinate : M. Fabricius, beloved by the king, and more used to his 
 humour than the English minister, continued with him to conjure him not 
 to hazard a life so precious on so unprofitable an occasion. The king an- 
 swered him only by shewing him his fortifications, and desired him to em- 
 ploy his mediations no otherwise than to procure him provisions; the Turks 
 very readily consented to let provisions pass to the king's camp until the 
 courier returned from Adrianople. The kam himself had forbid his Tartars, 
 who were eager for the plunder, to attempt any thing against the Swedes 
 until they had fresh orders; sothat Charles XII. went sometimes out of his 
 camp with forty horse, through the midst of the Tartarian troops, who very 
 rcspectfulh left the passage open to him; he even marched directly through 
 their rinks, and they opened to him rather than resist him. The grand 
 seignior's order being come, to put all the Swedes to the sword who made 
 the least resistance, and not even to spare the life of the king, the pacha had 
 the complaisance to shew it to Fabricius, that he might make his last effort 
 on the resolution of Charles. Fabricius went to acquaint him with this sor- 
 rowful news. " Have you read the order you speak of?" said the king, 
 " Yes," answered Fabricius: " Well then, tell them from me," replied the 
 king, "this is the second order they have forged, and that I will not go. 
 Fabricius flung himself at his feet, was even in a passion, reproached hun
 
 104 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twdjth. 
 
 with his obstinacy, but all was to no purpose. " Return to jour r l urks," 
 said the king smiling, " if they attack me, 1 know how to defend mjself." 
 
 The king's chaplains also fell upon their knees before him, conjuring him 
 not to expose, to a certain massacre, the unhappy remains of Pultowa, and 
 above all his own most sacred person; assuring him moreover that this re- 
 sistance was unjust, and that he violated the laws of hospitality, by persist- 
 ing to stay, whether they would or no, among strangers, who had so long 
 and so generously succoured him. The king, who was not angry with Fa- 
 bricius, fell into a rage against his priests, and told them, he had taken 
 them to pray, and not to give their advice. Generals Hord and Dardoft", 
 ■whose opinion it was always not to hazard a battle when the consequence 
 must be fatal, shewed him their breasts covered with wounds received in his 
 service; and assuring him, that they were ready to die for him, begged that 
 it might be at least, upon a more necessary occasion. " I know by your 
 wounds and my own," said Charles, " that we have fought valiantly toge- 
 ther: you have done your duty hitherto, do it again to day." They had 
 nothing left but to obey, they were ashamed not to court death with the 
 king. He prepared for the assault, and flattered himself with the plea- 
 sure and honour of sustaining, with three hundred Swedes, the efforts of a 
 ■whole army. He placed every one at his post: his chancellor Mullern, se- 
 cretary Empreus, and the clerks, were to defend the chancery-house. Baron 
 Fief at the head of the officers of the kitchen were at another post ; the 
 grooms had another place to guard; for with him every man was a soldier. 
 He rode from his intrenchments to his house, promising rewards to every 
 one, creating officers, and assuring the meanest servants they should be 
 made captains if they fought with courage. It was not long before they saw 
 the army of the Turks and Tartars coming to attack their little fortifications, 
 with ten pieces of cannon and two mortars. The horse tails waved in the- 
 air, the clarions sounded, and the cry of Alia ! Alia! was heard on all sides. 
 Baron Grothusen remarked that they did not mix any ill language against 
 the king in their cries, and only called him demisbash, " head of iron." 
 He resolved immediately to go alone out of the fortifications unarmed, and 
 advancing up to the line of the Janissaries, who had almost all received 
 money from him, " Ah! what my friends!" said he to them in their own 
 language, "are you come to massacre three hundred defenceless Swedes \ 
 you brave Janissaries, who spared 100,000 Muscovites, upon their crying 
 amman " pardon.'' Have you forgot the favours you have received from us? 
 and would you assassinate that great king of Sweden whom you loved so 
 much, and who has been so liberal to you? My friends, he asks but three 
 days, and the sultans orders are not so severe as you are made to believe." 
 These words had an effect which Grothusen did not expect himself. The 
 Janissaries swore upon their beards, that they would not attack the king, 
 but give him the three days he required. In vain was the signal given for 
 the assault; the Janissaries were so far from obeying, that they threatened 
 to fall upon their chiefs if they did not allow the king of Sweden three days: 
 they went in an uproar to the pacha of Bender's tent, crying, that the sul- 
 tan's orders were forged ; the pacha had nothing to oppose to this unex- 
 pected sedition but patience. He pretended to be pleated with this generous
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 10* 
 
 » — — — »— — i ■ — — — — — ^— i 
 
 Life of Charles iheTwelfth. 
 
 resolution of the Janissaries, and ordered them to retreat to Bender. The 
 kam of Tartary, a man of a violent temper, would have given the assault 
 immediately with his own troops; but the pacha, who did not intend that 
 the Tartars should have the honour alone of taking the king, whilst he 
 might be punished, perhaps, for the disobedience of the Janissaries, per- 
 suaded the kam to wait till the next day. The pacha, at his return to 
 Bender, assembled all the officers of the Janissaries and the oldest soldiers, 
 and read to them, and shewed them the positive order of the sultan, and 
 the fetfa of the mufti. Sixty of the most ancient, with venerable grey beards, 
 •who had received a thousand presents from the king's hands, proposed to 
 go themselves, and beseech him to put himself into their hands, and suffer 
 them to serve him as a guard. The pacha consented to it, there was na 
 expedient that he would not try, rather than be forced to put the king to 
 death. These sixty old men accordingly went the next morning to Varnitza, 
 having nothing in their hands but long white staffs, the only arms of the 
 Janissaries when they are not going to battle, for the turks look upon it as a 
 barbarous custom, among Christians, to wear swords in time of peace, and 
 to go armed into the houses of friends, and into churches. They addressed 
 themselves to baron Grothusen, and chancellor Mullern ; they told them they 
 were come to serve as faithful guards to the king; and that they would con- 
 duct him to Adrianople, where he might speak himself to the grand seignior. 
 At the time they were making this proposal, the king read letters that cam* 
 from Constantinople, and which Fabricius, who could not see him any 
 more, had sent to him privately by a Janissary. They were from count 
 Poniatowsky, who could neither serve him at Bender nor Adrianople, having 
 been stopped at Constantinople, by order of the Porte, since the indiscreet 
 demand of 1000 purses. He let the king know that the sultan's order to 
 seize, or massacre his r,oyal person in case of resistance, was but too true ; 
 that indeed the sultan was imposed upon by his ministers, but that the 
 more the emperor was imposed upon, the more he would be obeyed ; that 
 he must give way to the times, and yield to necessity ; that he took the li* 
 berty to advise him to try what might be done with the ministers by way 
 negotiation ; not to be inflexible where the softest measures were to be 
 taken, and to expect by policy and time to cure an evil which violence 
 would but increase beyond a remedy. Neither the proposals of the old 
 Janissaries, nor the letters of Poniatowsky, could persuade the king that 
 he could yield without dishonour. He would rather die by the hand of 
 the Turks, than be in any sort their prisoner: he sent the Janissarie* 
 back without seeing them, and ordered them to be told, that if they 
 did not go about their business, he would cut off their beards, which is 
 accounted, in the east, the greatest of all affronts. These old-men, filled 
 with the sharpest resentment, returned, crying, "Ah, the head of iron! 
 since he will perish, let him perish." They gave the pacha an account of 
 their commission, and told their comrades at Bender, what strange recep- 
 tion they had met with. Every one swore then to obey the pacha's orders 
 without delay ; and were as much for, the assault, at that time as they had 
 been against it the day before. The order was given that instant ; they 
 marched up to the intrenchments; tfie Tartars were already waiting for 
 them ; and tbe ten piece* of cannon began to play. The Janissaries oa 
 TOl, it. t
 
 106 THE srPPLEMENTTO THE 
 
 Life oj Charles /he i ueljth . 
 
 one side, and the Tartars on the other, immediately forced this lit- 
 tle camp. Hardly twenty Swedes had time to draw their swords before 
 the three hundred soldiers were surrounded and taken prisoners without 
 resistance. The king was then on horseback, betweeu his house and 
 his camp, with the generals Hord, Dardoff, and Sparre; and seeing that 
 all his soldiers had suffered themselves to be taken before his face, he 
 said very calmly to those three officers, let us go and defend the 
 house, we will fight adds he smiling, pro aris et focis. He immediately 
 galloped with them towards that house, where he had about forty do- 
 mestics placed as centinels, and which was fortified as well as they were 
 able. These generals, accustomed as they were to the obstinate intrepi- 
 dity of their master, could not but wonder that, in cold blood, and in a jest- 
 ing manner, he should think of defending himself against ten pieces of 
 cannon and a whole army ; they followed him with some guards and some 
 domestics, making all together about twenty in number. But when they 
 came to the door, they found it besieged by Janissaries; nay, almost two 
 hundred Turks and Tartars were already got in at the window, and made 
 themselves masters of all the apartments except a great hall, into which 
 the king's domestics were retired. This hall was luckily near the door by 
 which the king with his little troop of twenty parsons designed to enter; he 
 flung himself off" his horse with pistol and sword in hand, and those who 
 followed him did the same. The Janissaries fell upon him on all sides, be- 
 ing encouraged by the promise the pacha had made them, of having every 
 cne eight ducats of gold who did but touch his clothes if he was taken. 
 He wounded or killed all that came near him. One Janissary, whom he 
 had wounded, presented his piece full in his face, and had certainly killed 
 him, if the arm of a Turk had not jostled him, which was occasioned by 
 the crowd that pressed backward and forward like waves; the ball grazed 
 upon his nose, took off a piece of his ear, and then broke the arm of ge- 
 neral Hord, whose fate it was always to be wounded by the side of his 
 master. The king plunged his. sword into the Janissary's breast, and at 
 the same time, his domestics, who were in the great hall, opened the door 
 to him. He went in as swift as an arrow, followed by his little troop: 
 they shut the door again in an instant, and barricadoed it with every thing 
 they could find. Behold Charles XJI. shut up in this hall with all his train, 
 which consisted of about sixty men, officers, guards, secretaries, valet de 
 chambres, and. domestics of every kind. The Janissaries and the Tartars 
 plundered the rest of the house, and filled the apartments. " Come, let us 
 drive these barbarians out of my house," said he; and putting himself at the 
 head of his nepp'e, he opened the door himself that led to his bedchamber, 
 went into it, and fired upon the plunderers. The Turks, laden with bootv, 
 being terrified at the sudden appearance of that king whom they were al- 
 ways accustomed to respect, flung down their arms, and jumped out of the 
 window, or retreated even, to the cellars; the king taking advantage of thefr 
 disorder,, and his people being encouraged by this success, followed the 
 Turks from one room to another, killing and wounding those who did not 
 fly, and in a quarter of an hour cleared the house of the enemy. The king, 
 in the heat of the engagement, perceived two Janissaries, who hid them- 
 selves under his bed ; h* killed one with his sword, the other asked pardon,
 
 _____ KOY AL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 107 
 
 ^^^ M _— „;*. !■•■■■ ■■■»-■■ ■■■■■■ i ■ ■ -Mi ■■■■ i ■■!■■■! ii -■ . , , m ;ttz 
 
 Life of Char les i he Twelfth. 
 
 i ■ ■ ■ .I. I. i . ■ ~ 
 
 crying ammon. "I give you your life,", said the king, " upon condi- 
 dition that you give a faithful account to the pacha of what you have seen." 
 Grothusen interpreted these words to him. the Turk very readily promised 
 to do so, and was then suffered to jump out of the window as the others had 
 done. The Swedes being at last masters of the house, shut and barricadoed 
 the windows ag tin. They did not want arms; a ground room full of mus- 
 kets and powder had escaped the tumultuous search of the Janissaries, and 
 was very serviceable to them, for, firing out of the windows upon this mul- 
 titude of Turks, they killed two hundred in less than half a quarter of an 
 hour. The cannon played against the house, butthe stones being very soft, 
 it only made holes without beating any thing down. The kam of Tartary, 
 and the pacha, who would take the king alive, being ashamed to lose limeand 
 men, and employ a whole army against sixty persons, thought it proper to set 
 fire to the house, to oblige the king to surrender. They ordered arrows twisted 
 round with lighted matches to be shot on the roof, and against the doors 
 and windows, which presently set the house in a flame. The roof on fire 
 •was just ready to fall upon the Swedes. The king very calmly gave orders 
 to extinguish the flames, and finding a little barrel full of liquor, he laid 
 hold of it himself, and assisted by two Swedes, flung it on the place wher* 
 the fire was most violent. This proved to be a barrel of brandy, but the 
 hurry that is inseparable from such a confusion, hindered him from think- 
 ing of it. The rage of the fire was redoubled by this, the king's apartment 
 was consumed, and the great hall where the Swedes were, was filled with 
 a terrible smoke, mixed with fresh flames, that burst through the doors in- 
 to the neighbouring apartments. Half of the roof fell in, the rest tumbled 
 down without, cracking among the flames. One of the guards, named 
 Walberg, dared, in this extremity to cry out, that they ought to surrender. 
 " See, there is a strange fellow," said the king, " who thinks it not better to 
 be burnt than made a prisoner." Another of the guards, named Rosen, had 
 the thought to say, that " the chancery house, which was not above fifty 
 paces distant, had a stone roof, and was proof against fire ; that thev ought 
 to sally out to gain that house, and defend shemselves there." — " This is a 
 true Swede," cried the king, embracing him, and made him a colonel upon 
 the spot. " Come on my friends," said he, " take all the powder and 
 ball you can carry, and let us gain the chancery sword in hand." 
 
 The Turks, who all the while encompassed this house in flames, saw 
 with an admiration mixed with fear, that the Swedes did not come out of 
 it; but their astonishment was greatly increased, when they saw the doors 
 open, and the king and his people desperately falling upon them. Charles 
 and his principal officers were armed with sword and pistols; each fired 
 two pistols at the instant that the door opened, and in the twinkling of an 
 eye, throwing away their pistols, they drew their swords, and drove the 
 Turks fifty paces back; but the moment after, this little troop was sur- 
 rounded. The king being in boots, according to cu^om, was thrown down 
 by his spurs entangling one in another. One-and-twenty Janissaries itnmeV 
 diately fell upon him, disarmed him, and carried him to the pacha's quar- 
 ters, some holding him by the arms and some by the legs, as a sick person 
 is carried, for fear of incommoding him. The moment the king was taken, 
 the violence of his temper, and the fury that so long and terrible a fight had
 
 108 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 — — i ' ■■ " ' •-•■*-* 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 — * « ' - 
 
 put him into, gave way, on a sudden, to a gentle and quiet behaviour. Not 
 one impatient word dropt from him, nor one angry look. He beheld the 
 Janissaries smiling, and those who carried him, crying Alia, with an indig- 
 nation mixt with respect. His officers were taken at the same time, and 
 stript by the Turks and Tartars. It was on the 12th of February 1713, that 
 this strange adventure happened, which was also attended by some uncomr 
 mon consequences. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 THE pacha of- Bender waited in a solemn manner for Charles in his tent,' 
 having by him Marco, an interpreter; he received this prince with a pro- 
 found respect, and desired him to repose himself on a sopha; but the king, 
 taking no notice of the civilities of the Turk, continued standing. " Blessed 
 be the Almighty," said the pacha, '* that your majesty is alive; I have beer* 
 greatly afflicted that your majesty forced me to put the orders of his high- 
 ness in execution." The king, only concerned that his three hundred sol- 
 diers should suffer themselves to be taken in their intrenchments, said to the 
 pacha, "Ah! if they had defended themselves as they ought, we should 
 have held out these ten days." — " Alas !" said the Turk, " what pity it is 
 such courage should be so ill employed." He ordered the king to be car- 
 ried back to Bender on a horse richly caparisoned. His Swedes were either 
 killed or taken ; his equipage, his goods, papers, and most necessary clothes 
 were plundered or burnt. The Swedish officers were to be seen on the roads 
 half naked, and chained two and two, following the Tartars or Janissaries 
 on foot. The chancellor and generals had no better fate, but were all slaves 
 to the soldiers to whose lot they fell. 
 
 The most unfortunate destiny of all the prisoners, was that of young Fre- 
 derick, the king's first valet de chambre, who had saved his life at Pultowa, 
 and who, seconding the bold undertaking of Poniatowsky, had conducted 
 his master through his victorious enemies for the space of three long miles. 
 Frederick maintained in the action at Bender the reputation he had ac-: 
 quired at Pultowa; he fought always by Charles's side, and wa,s not taken 
 till he had killed twelve Turks with his own hand. He was sahJ to equal 
 king Augustus in strength, and had withal a most beautiful person, which 
 was the cause of his unhappy end. Several Tartars disputed this prize, and, 
 inflamed with the fury of the battle, and an odious passion, not agreeing to. 
 "whom the prey should belong, they cut Frederick in two with their sabres. 
 Ismael Pacha having conducted Charles XII. to his seraglio in Bender, gave 
 bim his own apartment, and ordered him to be attended like a king; but 
 took care to place Janissaries, a.s centinels, at the door of his chamber. A 
 bed was prepared for him, but he flung himself, booted as he was, on a so- 
 pha, and slept profoundly. An officer, who waited near him, CQyered his 
 head with a cap, but the king threw it away, as soon as he waked out of his 
 first sleep, and the Turk, with astonishment, beheld a sovereign sleeping 
 bare-headed in his boots. The next morning Ismael introduced Fabricius, 
 into the king's chamber, who found him with his clothes torn, his bootl,
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. I0» 
 
 '^ '-' '■■..,. ■ ■ « , 
 
 Life oj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 i . 
 hands, and whole person covered with blood and dust, his eye-brows burnt* 
 but still his air was perfectly composed. Fabrichis Hung himself on his 
 knees before him, without being able to speak a word ; but soon recovering 
 himself, by the free and affable manner in which the king spoke to him, he 
 resumed his usual familiarity, and they discoursed very pleasantly on the 
 battle of Bender. '* It is reported," said Fabricius, " that your majesty 
 killed twenty Janissaries with your own hand." — " Very good," replied the 
 king, " stories of that kind are always increased by one half." During this 
 conversation, the pacha presented to the king his favourite Grothusen, and 
 colonel- Ribbins, whom he had the generosity to ransome at his own ex- 
 pence. Fabricius undertook to redeem other prisoners. Jeffreys, the En- 
 glish envoy, joined with him to defray the ex pence; and La Motraye, a 
 French gentleman, whom curiosity had brought to Bender, .md who has 
 written ol some of these events, gave what he had. These strangers, assisted 
 by the care, and even the money of the pacha, redeemed not only the offi- 
 cers, but their very clothes iroin the hands of the Turks and Tartars. 
 
 The next day the) conducted the king prisoner, in a chariot covered with 
 scarlet, towards Adrianople; his treasurer Grothusen was with him; chan- 
 cellor Mullern, and other officers followed in another; several officers went 
 on horseback, who, when they saw the king's chariot, could not refrain from 
 tears. The pacha was at the head of the convoy. Fabricius told him it 
 was shameful to let the king be without a sword, and prayed the pacha to 
 give htm one. "God forbid," said the pacha, "he would cut our beards 
 with it;" nevertheless, he did let him have one some hours after. As they 
 •were thus conducting, disarmed, and a prisoner, that king, who a few years 
 before had given laws to so many states, and who was the arbiter of the 
 north, and the terror of Europe, there was seen in the same place another 
 example of the frailty of human greatness. King Stanislaus, having been 
 seized i i the Turkish dominions, was brought prisoner to Bender, at the very 
 time that Charles XII. was carrying out of it. Stanislaus, no longer sup- 
 ported by the hand that made him king, being without money, and of con- 
 sequence without a party in Poland, retired first to Pomerania, and, not 
 being able to preserve his own kingdom, defended, as well as he was able, 
 the dominions of his benefactor. He went himself to Sweden, to hasten 
 the succours that were wanted in Livonia and Pomerania. At last, having 
 done all that could be expected from him, as the king of Sweden's friend, 
 and struggled with ill-fortune, he thought it best to give up the crown. he 
 could keep no longer. He conferred about it with Fleming, king Augustus's 
 first minister, who was much indebted to him, and promised him advanta- 
 geous terms, if not out of gratitude, at least for his honour, or, which is 
 njost likely, to deceive him. Stanislaus could not, however, decently ab- 
 dicate the crown without the consent of Charles, to whom he owed it. He 
 wrote therefore to him to Bender, to desire him to consent to an abdication, 
 become necessary at that conjuncture, and not dishonourable from the mo- 
 tives to it ; he beseeched him no longer to sacrifice his true interests for the 
 sake of an unhappy friend, who was willing to make a sacrifice of himself 
 to the public repose. Charles XII. received these letters at Varnitza, and 
 said in a passion to the courier, before many witnesses, " If he wont be a 
 king, I shall know how to make another so." Stanislaus, thinking his pre*
 
 HO THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lijcoj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 sence might have a bettor effect than bis letters, went away for that purpose, 
 taking with him baron Sparre, who has been since the ambassador of Swe- 
 den in France; be quitted his Polish habit for fear of being discovered on 
 the road, and passed the frontiers of Hungary and Transilvania continually 
 afraid of being stopt, nor thought himself in safety till hecameinto Molda- 
 via, at Yassi, on the Turkish territories, near that place where the czar had 
 so narrow an escape out of their hands ; but at Yassi he was stopt, and ex- 
 amined ; they asked him what he was, he said a Swede, going on business 
 to the king at Bender, imagining that at the very name of the king of Swe- 
 den, the Turks would let him pass with honour, being a stranger to what 
 had happened. They seized his person as soon as he said he was a Swede, 
 and carried him prisoner to Bender. It was soon known who he was, and 
 the account of his being taken was brought to the pacha, at the time that he 
 was attending the chariot of the king of Sweden. The pacha told what 
 had happened to Fabricius, and he going up to the chariot of Charles XII. 
 let him know that he was not the only king who was prisoner in the hands of 
 the Turk?;, but that Stanislaus was within a few miles of him, conducted 
 by soldiers. "Bun to him, dear Fabricius," said Charles, " bid him never 
 make peace with king Augustus; and assure him that our affairs will take a 
 new turn in a very little time." Such was the inflexibility of Charles in his 
 notions, that, abandoned as he was in Poland, invaded in his own domi- 
 nions, a captive to the Turks, and carrying prisoner he knew not whither, 
 yet he still reckoned on his fortune, and relied on the assistance of 100,000 
 men from the Ottoman Porte. Fabricius van to discharge himself of his 
 commission, accompanied by a Janissary, with the leave of the pacha. He 
 found, at some miles distance, the body of soldiers who conducted Sta- 
 nislaus; be addressed himself to one, who was in the midst of them, dressed 
 after the French manner, and very ill mounted, and asked him in German, 
 where the king of Poland was 5 The person he spoke to was Stanislaus 
 himself, whom he did not know in that disguise; "What!" said the king, 
 " have you then forgot me?" Fabricius then told him the sorrowful condi- 
 tion the king of Sweden was in, and how unshaken his constancy was, which 
 ■was not at all useful to his design. When Stanislaus was near Bender, the 
 pacha being returned, after having waited on Charles XII. a few miles, sent 
 the Polish king an Arabian horse with magnificent furniture. 
 
 He was received at Bender with a discharge of the artillery, and, but that 
 he wanted liberty, had no reason to complain of his treatment there. 
 Charles in the mean time was on the road to Adrianople, which place was 
 already filled with the noise of his battle; the Turks condemned and ad- 
 mired him ; but the divan was so enraged, that he was threatened to be ba- 
 nished to one of the islands of the Archipelago. 
 
 Monsieur Desalours, who could have taken his part and prevented such 
 an atfront to Christian kings, was at Constantinople, as well as M. Ponia- 
 towsky, whose genius was ever fruitful of invention. The greatest part of 
 the Swedes at Adrianople were in prison, and the throne of the sultan seem- 
 ed inaccessible on every side to the complaints of the king of Sweden. The 
 marquis de Fierville, a private agent ftom France to Charles at Bender, was 
 then at Adrianople, and dared venture to do this prince a service when 
 every one abandoned or oppressed him. He was very luckily seconded Jh
 
 ROYAL Mir.i'lAUY CJTRflNICLE. i;l 
 
 « «-■ - 1 ' ■' ■ ■ _ • - 
 
 Life of Charles the Tzt-el/th. 
 
 • ■ " ' i .■■■■■ i ■ » ■■ ■ T 
 
 this design by a French gentleman of an ancient family, named Villelongue. 
 a man of intrepidity, who, not liuving at that time a fortune answerable to 
 his courage, and charmed with the fame of the king of Sweden, was come 
 into Turkey with a desire to get into the service of that prince. M. de Fier- 
 ville, with the help of this young man, wrote a memorial in the name of the 
 king of Sweden, in which that monarch demanded justice* of the sultan foe 
 the insult offered, in his person, to all crowned heads : and against the trea- 
 son, whether true or false, of the kam, and the pacha of Bender. The vi- 
 zier, and other ministers, were accused in it, of having been corrupted by 
 the Muscovites, of deceiving the grand seignior, of preventing the king's 
 letters coming to his highness, and of obtaining, by artifices, from the sul- 
 tan, an order so contrary to the hospitality of Musselmen, by which the law 
 of nations was violated in a manner most unworthy of so great an emperor, by 
 attacking, with 20,000 men, a king who had only his own domestics to de- 
 fend him, and who relied on the sacred word of the sultan. 'When the me- 
 morial was drawn up, it was to be translated into the Turkish language, and 
 wrote upon a particular sort of paper, made on purpose, for every thing 
 that is presented to the sultan. They applied to some French interpreters, 
 who were in the city ; but the king of Sweden's affairs were so desperate, 
 and the vizier declared so openly against him, that no one dared to trans- 
 late M. de Fierville's writing. They found at last a stranger whose hand was 
 not known at the Porte, and who, for the promise of a reward and the as- 
 surance of profound secrecy, translated the memorial into Turkish, and 
 wrote it on the proper paper. Baron Arvidson, an officer in the Swedish 
 troops, counterfeited the king's hand to it : Fiervillc, who had the royal sig- 
 net, put that to it, and the whole was sealed with the arms of Sweden. 
 Villelongue undertook himself to put this packet into the grand seignior's 
 hand when he went to the mosque, according to custom. The same method 
 had been used before to present memorials to the sultan against his miuiv 
 ters ; but that rendered this enterprise the more difficult and dangerous. 
 The vizier, who foresaw the Swedes would demand justice of his master, 
 and who was but too well instructed by the ruin of his predecessors, had 
 expressly forbid that any person should be fuffered to approach the grand 
 seignior, and, above all, had ordered that every one should be seized who 
 were seen about the mosque with petitions. Villelongue knew this order, 
 and that he ventured his head in what he was doing; he quitted his own 
 habit, and put on that of a Greek, and having hid in his bosom the letter he 
 was to present, he walked about very early near the mosque where the grand 
 seignior was to come. He counterfeited the madman, and danced betweea 
 two files of Janissaries, through which the grand seignior was to pass, now 
 and then dropping some pieces of money out of his pockets to amuse the 
 guards. As soon as the sultan approached, they would have made Ville- 
 longue get out of way ; but he fell on his knees and struggled with the Janis- 
 saries, when, his cap falling off, the long hair he wore discovered him to be 
 a Frank. He received several blows, and was very ill-used; the grand 
 seignior, who was by this time very near, heard the tumult, and asked the 
 reason of it. Villelongue cried, as loud as he could, amntan .' amman ! 
 u mercy !" and drew the letter out of his bosom. The sultan ordered him to 
 approach ; Villelongue ran that moment, embraced his stirrup, and present
 
 112 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 r- ■■ ' "" ' ■ " ' " ' ■ ' ■ " ' ' ■ ■ ■ * • 
 
 Life of Charles (he Tw elfth. 
 
 mm ' " ' ' • ~ 
 
 ed the writing, saying, Sued kr all dan ! " It is the king of Sweden gives it 
 thee." The sultan put the letter in his bosom and went on to the mosque, 
 tn the mean time Villelongue was secured, and led to prison in -one of the 
 outward buildings of the seraglio. The sultan, when he came from the 
 mosque! after having read the letter, would interrogate the prisoner himself. 
 He put off his imperial habit and turban, and disguised himself like an offi- 
 cer of the Janissaries, which he oftentimes does, and took with him an old 
 Maltese for his interpreter. By the favour of this disguise,, Villelongue re- 
 ceived an honour which no Christian ambassador 'ever had, to have a per- 
 sonal conference, for above a quarter of an hour, with the Turkish emperor. 
 He did not fail to lay open the complaints of the king of Sweden, to accuse- 
 the ministers, or to demand satisfaction; and this he did with the greater 
 freedom, because, though talking with the sultan himself, he was to take no 
 notice of him but as his equal. The pretended officer of the Janissaries 
 said to Villelongue, " Christian, assure thyself the sultan, my master, has 
 the soul of an emperor, and if thy king of Sweden is injured, he will do him 
 justice." Villelongue was soon released ; and, some weeks after, there was 
 a sudden change in the seraglio, which the Swedes attributed wholly to tins 
 conference. The mufti was deposed, the kam of Tartary banished to 
 Rhodes, and the serasquier, pacha of Bender, to one of the islands of the 
 Archipelago. The Ottoman Porte is so subject to the like storms, that it is- 
 hard to determine, whether the sultan intended to appease the king of Swe- 
 den by these sacrifices or not. The manner of treating that prince afterwards, 
 •was no proof of their great eagerness to please him. The favourite,. Ali-Cou- 
 mourgi, was thought to have made all these alterations alone, for his own pri- 
 vate interests. It was said, that he had the kam of Tartary, and serasquier of 
 Bender, banished for delivering the 1200 purses to the king, contrary to the 
 order of the grand seignior. He placed the son of the deposed kam on his 
 father's throne, a young man of his own age, who cared little for his father, 
 and upon whom Ali-Coumourgi depended very much in the war which he 
 was meditating. As to the grand vizier, Jussuf, he was not deposed till 
 some weeks after, when Soliman Pacha had the title of prime vizier. I must 
 needs say, that M. de Villelongue, and several Swedes, have assured me, 
 that the letter which he presented to the sultan in the king's name, was the 
 cause of all these great alterations at the Porte ; but M. de Fierville has told 
 me quite the contrary. I have oftentimes met with the like contradictions 
 in what has been related to me. All that an historian can do in such cases, 
 is to tell the matters of fact ingenuously, without entering into the motives ; 
 and to relate precisely what he knows, without pretending to the gift of di- 
 vination. In the mean time, Charles XII. was conducted to the little 
 castle of Demirtash, near Adrianople. A crowd of Turks went there to* 
 see the arrival of this prince ; he was carried out of his chariot upon a sofa; 
 but, to prevent his being seen by the multitude, he put a cushion over his 
 head. It was some days before the Porte would suffer him to reside at De- 
 motica, a little town about six leagues from Adrianople, near the famous 
 fiver Hebrus, called at present Marizza. Coumourgi said to the grand vi- 
 zier Soliman, "Go, tell the king of Sweden he may remain at Demotica as 
 long he lives ; I will answer for it, before a year's at an end, he will desire 
 to leave it j but be sure, above all things, to let him have no money."
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONIC LE. 113 
 
 "* " ' ■' ■ ' • 
 
 Life of Charles the TwelJ/h. 
 
 Thus was the king removed to the little town of Demotica, where the 
 Porte allowed him a considerable thaim of provisions for himself and his 
 retinue, but only twenty-five crowns a-day in money to buy pork and wine, 
 which are things that the Turks never provide; but his purse of five hundred 
 crowns a-day, as he had at Bender, was quite taken away. He was hardly 
 got to Demotica with his little court, before the grand vizier Soliman was 
 deposed, and his place given to Ibrahim Molla, who was a man of an ex- 
 ceeding fierce and brutish temper. It will not be unnecessary to be ac- 
 quainted with his history, that all the viceroys of the Ottoman empire may 
 be particularly known, on whom the fortune of Charles so long depended. 
 He was a common sailor at the accession of the sultan Achmet 111. which 
 emperor would often disguise himself as a private person, a priest, ordervis, 
 and slip into the coffee-houses and public places at Constantinople, to hear 
 what was said of him, and from thence to learn the sentiments of the 
 people. He one day overheard this sailor complaining that the Turkish 
 vessels never returned home with any prizes, and swore that if he was cap- 
 tain, he would never enter the porte of Constantinople without taking some 
 ship from the infidels. The grand seignior, the very next day, ordered the 
 command of a ship to be given him, and sent him on a cruise. The new captain 
 returned in a few days with a Maltese bark, and a galley of Genoa. At the 
 end of two years he was made captain-general of the sea, and at last grand 
 vizier. As soon as he was in this post, he thought he might do without the 
 favourite, and, to make himself necessary, he projected a war with the Mus- 
 covites: with this design he set up a tent near the place were the king of 
 Sweden lived. He invited that prince to meet him there with the new kam 
 of Tartary, and the French ambassador. The king being, by his mis- 
 fortunes, the more sensible of affronts, looked upon this, of being sent for by 
 a subject, as one of greatest that could be offered him, therefore sent his 
 chancellor Mullein in his stead ; and, for fear the Turks should fail in re- 
 spect to him, and force him to do something beneath his dignity, this prince, 
 who was extreme in every thing, took to his bed, and resolved to go no 
 more abroad as long as he was at Demotica. He remained thus for ten 
 months, pretending to be sick ; none but chancellor Mullern, Grolhusen, 
 and colonel Dubens, ever eat with him. They had not any of the conveni- 
 ences which are used by the Francs; they were stripped of those in the af- 
 fair of Bender; so that all pomp and delicacy were wanting at their repasts, 
 and they were forced to wait upon themselves : chancellor Mullein doing 
 the business of cook for the whole time. Whilst Charles XII. thus passed 
 his time in his bed-chamber, he received an account of the desolation of all 
 his provinces situated out of Sweden. General Steinbock, famous for hav- 
 ing driven the Danes out of Scandinavia, and overcoming their br^t troops, 
 with a parcel of peasants, still maintained the glory of the Swedish arms. 
 IU- defended, as well as he was able, Pomerania, Bremen, and what the king 
 had left in Germany, but could not hinder the Danes and Saxons united 
 from passing the Elbe and besieging Stade, a strong and considerable town 
 near that river, in thedutchyof Bremen: it was bombarded and burnt to 
 ashes, and the garrison forced to surrender at discretion, before Steinbock 
 could coine up to their relief. This general, who had about l'i,000 men, 
 half of them horse, pursued the enemy, who were as strong again, and ob- 
 
 voi. vi. a
 
 1U THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 - -' * Life of C harles the Twelfth. 
 
 liged them to repass the Elbe, and came tip with them in the dutchy of Meck- 
 lenburg, near a place called Gadebush, and a little river of the same name, 
 on the 20th of December 1712. The Saxons and Danes were posted with 
 & morass before them, and were supported by a wood behind ; they had the 
 advantage both of number and ground, and there was no coming at them 
 but by crossing the morass under the fire of their artillery. Steinbock went 
 On at the head of his troops, arrived in order of battle, and began one of 
 the most bloody engagements that ever happened between those two rival 
 rations. After three hours fight the Danes and Saxons were overcome, and 
 left the field of battle. A son of king Augustus, and the count of Konis- 
 mar, known by the name of the count de Saxe, learned in this battle the 
 art of war. This was the same count de Saxe who had the honour after- 
 wards to be elected duke of Courland, though without success, and who 
 wanted nothing but force to enjoy the most incontestable right that man 
 ever had to sovereignty : I mean the unanimous suffrages of a people. He 
 commanded a regiment at Gadebush, and had a horse killed under him. I 
 heard him say, that the Swedes all kept their ranks, and that, even after the 
 victory was gained, and their enemies lay dead at their feet, not one of the 
 Swedish soldiers durst stoop to strip them till prayers were said in the field 
 of battle: so stedfast were they in the severe discipline to which their king 
 had used them. Steinbock, after the victory, remembering that the Danes 
 had reduced Stade to ashes, went to be revenged upon Altena, which be- 
 longed to the king of Denmark. Altena is higher than Hamburgh, on the 
 river Elbe, and receives pretty large vessels into its port. The king of Den- 
 mark granted many privileges to this town, with design of establishing a 
 flourishing trade there. Already had the industry of the people, encourag- 
 ed by the prudent views of their prince, brought their town into the number 
 of those which are accounted trading and rich places. Hamburgh began to 
 grow jealous of it, and desired nothing more than its destruction. As soon 
 as Steinbock came within sight of it, he sent a trumpet to bid the inhabi- 
 tants retire with what they could carry of their effects, for he was come to 
 destroy their town, The magistrates came and flung themselves at his feet, 
 and offered him a ransom of 100,000 crowns. Steinbock demanded 200,000 ; 
 the Altenois begged him to let them 'Send to their correspondents at Ham- 
 burgh, and assured him they would bring the money the next day ; the Swe- 
 dish general answered, that they must give it that instant, or he would burn 
 their town without delay. It was said, that the Hamburghers gave a large 
 sum privately to Steinbock to purchase the ruin of this town, which they so 
 much dreaded ; and that Steinbock, in this severity, satisfied his interest, his 
 revenge, and that of his master. His trqops were in the suburbs with torches 
 in their hands ; and a weak wooden gate and a dry ditch were the only de- 
 fences of the town. The miserable inhabitants were obliged to quit their 
 houses with precipitation at midnight : it was on the 9th of January 1713, 
 in extreme cold weather, when a violent north wind helped to spread the 
 flames, and render the sufferings more insupportable to the poor people, who 
 wereexposed in the open fields. Men, women, and children, bending be- 
 neath the weight of goods they carried, and lamenting their hard fate, went 
 to seek for safety on the neighbouring plains, covered with snow. - 
 Young people were seen bearing the old and bed-ridden on their shouldeis.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 115 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Women, newly delivered, carried their children to die with them of the 
 cold on the hills, whilst they beheld at a distance the flames which were 
 consuming their country. All the inhabitants were not got out of the town 
 before the Swedes set fire to it. It burnt from midnight till about ten in the 
 morning. The houses being chiefly timber, were soon consumed; and, in 
 the morning, it did not appear as if a town had ever been in the place 
 where it stood. The aged, the sick, and the women of the most weakly 
 constitutions, who had lain on the ice while their houses were burning, came 
 to the gates of Hamburgh, and begged to be let in to save their lives; but the 
 Hamburghers refused them, on pretence that some contagious distemper* 
 had reigned in Altena. Thus the greatest part of these wretched people 
 died under the walls, calling heaven to witness to the barbarity of the 
 Swedes: and those of Hamburgh, who did not treat them with less inhume 
 nity. All Germany complained of this violence; the ministers and gene- 
 rals of Poland and Denmark, wrote to count Steinbock to reproach him 
 with so great cruelty, which being committed without necessity, could leavf 
 him no excuse, but must set both God and man against him. 
 
 Steinbock answered, " That he had not gone to these extremities, but to 
 teach the king, his master's enemies, not to make war, for the future, like 
 barbarians, but to shew some regard to the law of nations; that they had 
 filled Pomerania with their cruelties, wasted that beautiful province, and 
 sold near 100,000 of its inhabitants to the Turks ; that his torches at Altena, 
 were no more than reprisals for the red-hot bullets that had consumed 
 Stade ; that war was not the theatre on which mildness and moderation 
 were to be shewn ; that neither Lewis the XIV. who allowed the burning of 
 the palatinate, nor those who had followed his example, and even exceeded 
 him since, were looked upon as men more cruel than others; and lastly, if 
 these excesses were to be condemned, the Muscovites, the Danes, and the 
 Saxons, were first to be accused, who set the example." It was with thi* 
 fury that the Swedes and their enemies made war iipon one another; and it 
 Charles XII. could have appeared at that time in Pomerania, it is to be be- 
 lieved, that he might have recovered his former fortune. His armies, though 
 far from his presence, were still animated by his spirit ; but as the absence 
 of a chief is dangerous to affairs, and prevents the best advantage to be 
 made of victories; so Steinbock lost by parcels, what he had gained in the 
 most signal actions, and which at other times would have been decisive. At 
 much a conqueror as he was, he could not prevent the Muscovites, Saxons, 
 and Danes, from re-uniting. They seized his quarters ; and he lost several 
 of his men in little skirmishes ; 2000 of his troops were drowned in the Ei- 
 der, as they were going into winter quarters in Holstein ; which losses were 
 not to be retrieved, in a country where he was surrounded by powerful ene- 
 mies. Holstein had for its sovereign, at that time, the young duke Frede- 
 rick, but twelve years old, nephew to the king of Sweden, and son of that 
 duke who was killed at the battle of Crassau. The bishop of Lubeck, hit 
 uncle, under the name of administrator, governed this unhappy country, 
 which was hardly ever peaceably possessed by its sovereigns; and he fear- 
 ing to lose the dominions of his nephew, would, in appearance, have pre- 
 served a neutrality; but that was impossible between an army of the king 
 •f Sweden, whose heir the duke of Holsteiu might be, and that of the al-
 
 116 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 lies, who were ready to invade them. Count Steinbock, hard pressed by 
 the enemy, and not able to preserve his little army, demanded of the bi- 
 shop-administrator to be admitted into the castle of Tonnington. The bishop 
 finding himself reduced to this hard dilemma of venturing the loss of all the 
 king's army, or drawing upon Holstein the vengeance of Denmark, had re- 
 course to cunning, the mean and dangerous refuge of weak minds; and or- 
 dered Wolf, the governor, to receive the Swedish troops into the place, but 
 not to speak of any such order; and Steinbock on his side, swore to keep 
 the negotiation a secret. Wolf was to take the blame upon himself of let- 
 ting in the army, by his own authority, and disobeying the orders of his so- 
 vereign; but all this artifice turned only to the disadvantage of the duke, 
 the country, and JSteinbock. The czar, and the kings of Denmark and 
 Prussia, blocked up Tonnington; and the provisions which should have 
 come to the little army, they were disappointed of, by a fatality, that all 
 along this war, attended thel affairs of Sweden. At last Steinbock was 
 forced to surrender himself prisoner with his troops, to the king of Den- 
 mark on the 17th of Ma\ 1713, and thus was that army dispersed, which 
 had gained the two famous battles Elsinburg and Gadebush, under a ge- 
 neral of whom the greatest hopes were conceived, and the king of Denmark 
 had the satisfaction to have in his hands, the man who constantly stopt the 
 progress of his arms, and had burnt his town of Altena to ashes. Steinbock, 
 at his going out of Tonnington, assured the king of Denmark, that he had 
 entered it by stratagem and deceived the governor, who swore the same, 
 choosing rather the shame of being surprised than to divulge his master's 
 •ecret. The duke of Holstein and the bishop-administrator, protested they 
 had preserved the neutrality, and begged the mediation of the king of Prus- 
 sia and the elector of Hanover; but all this artifice, not supported by force, 
 did not hinder the king of Denmark from besieging Wolf in Tonnington, 
 some time after, with his own army, and that of the czar. This governor 
 surrendered, as Steinbock had done, and at length confessed the secret, 
 which the Danes had always suspected. This was a fair pretence for the 
 king of Denmark to seize the dominions of the duke of Holstein, of which 
 there is but a very small part as yet restored to him. The same king of 
 Denmark, who ravaged without scruple, the dutchy of Holstein, had the 
 generosity to treat Steinbock in another manner, and shewed that kings are 
 oftentimes more concerned for their interest than their revenge. He suffered 
 the incendiary of Altena, to go free in Copenhagen on his .parole; and af- 
 fected to shew him uncommon civilities, till Steinbock endeavouring to es- 
 cape, had the misfortune to be stopt, and convicted of breach of his parole. 
 He was then close confined, and forced to ask the king's pardon, which 
 was granted him. All Ponierania, except Stralsund, Rugen, and some 
 neighbouring places, being without defence, became a prey to the allies, and 
 was sequestered in the hands of the king of Prussia. The country of Bre* 
 men was filled with Danish garrisons. At the same lime the Muscovites 
 over-ran all Finland, and beat the Swedes, who now began to be disheart- 
 ened, and being inferior in number to their warlike enemies, could no longer 
 pretend to a superiority in courage. To complete the misfortunes of Swe- 
 den, the king resolved to stay at Demotica, and still fed himself with hopes 
 of that assistance from the Turks which he had no reason to expect. Ibra-
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 117 
 
 Life of Char It's the Ttrclfth. 
 
 him Molla, that fierce vizier, who was so resolutely bent on a war with the 
 Muscovites, contrary to the views of the favourite, was strangled bet wren 
 two doors. The place of vizier was become so dangerous, that no one dared 
 to accept of it ; but it remained vacant for six months. At last the fa- 
 vourite Ali-Coumourgi took the title of grand vizier. Then all the king of 
 Sweden's hopes vanished. lie knew Couinourgi would not serve him unless 
 it was for his own interest. He had been eleven months at Demotica, hur- 
 ried in oblivion and inaction; this extreme idleness, succeeding all at once 
 to the most violent exercises, gave him at last that illness which he had 
 only feigned before. He was thought to be dead all over Europe; and the 
 council of regency, which he had settled at Stockholm, when he left hi« 
 capita!, bearing no more from him, the senate, in a body, waited on the 
 princess Ulrica Eleonora, to desire sl>e would take the regency upon herself 
 during the absence of her brother. She accepted it; but when she found 
 that the senate would oblige her to make peace with the czar, and the king 
 of Denmark, who attacked Sweden on every side, this princess judging her 
 brother would never ratify such a peace, resigned the regency, and sent a 
 long detail of this affair into Turkey. The king received his sister's packet 
 at Demotica; and that despotic temper, which lie had imbibed at his birth, 
 made him forget that Sweden had ever been free, and that the senate for- 
 merly governed the kingdom jointly with the kings. He looked upon this 
 body no otherwise than as a company of domestic servants, who would ma- 
 nage the house in the absence of their master ; he wrote to them, that if 
 they wanted to govern, he would send one of his boots to them, to which 
 they might apply for orders. To prevent, therefore, any attempts in Sweden 
 against his authority, and to defend his country, having lost all hopes of 
 any thing from the Ottoman Porte, and depending only on himself, he sig- 
 nified to the grand vizier his desire of departing, and to return by the way 
 of Germany. The French ambassador, Desaleurs, who transacted all the 
 affairs of Sweden, made the demand for him. " Well," said the vizier to 
 count Desaleurs, " did not I tell you, that the king of Sweden would want 
 to go before the year was out? Tell him he may either go, or stay, as he 
 pleases, but let him be resolved, and, if he goes, fix his day, that we may 
 not be embarrassed a second time in an affair like that of Bender." 
 
 Count Desaleurs softened these words to the king. The day was set; 
 but Charles, before he left Turkey, was willing to shew the state of a great 
 king, although in the wretched condition of a fugitive. He gave Grothusea 
 the title of ambassador extraordinary, and sent him in form to take leave 
 at Constantinople, with a train of fourscore persons all richly clothed. 
 
 The private shifts he was put to in furnishing out this embassy were more 
 mortifying than the design of it was pompous. M. Desaleurs lent the king 
 40,000 crowns. Grothusen had sent agents to Constantinople, who bor- 
 rowed in his name, 1000 crowns, at 50 per cent, of a jew ; 200 pistoles of 
 an English merchant, and 1000 livres of a Turk. Thus they got together 
 wherewithal to enable them to present the divan with the diverting comedy 
 of a Swedish embassy, Grothusen received at Constantinople, all the ho- 
 nours that are done by the Porte to ambassadors extraordinary of kings on 
 the day of their audience. The design of it was to obtain money froln (lie 
 grand vizier, but this minister was inexorable.
 
 118 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 Grothusen proposes to borrow a million of the Porte. The vizier an- 
 swered, " That his master knew how to give when he had a mind to it ; 
 but that it was beneath his dignity to lend ; that the king should be fur- 
 nished with all things necessary for his journey, in a manner worthy of him, 
 that sent it them; and that perhaps the Porte might make him some pre- 
 sent in gold or money ; but that he must not depend upon it. At length, 
 the king of Sweden left Turkey, and began his journey on the first of Oc- 
 tober 1714. A Capigi Pacha with six Chiaoux came to receive him at the 
 castle of Demirtash, whither he had come to reside a few days before. He 
 presented him, from the grand seignior, with a large scarlet tent, embroi- 
 dered with gold, a sabre set with precious stones, and eight beautiful Ara- 
 bian horses with magnificent saddles, and stirrups of massive silver. It is 
 not beneath the dignity of an historian to tell, that the Arabian groom who 
 had the care of these horses, gave the king their genealogy; it is a custom 
 Jong established among these people to take more notice of the families of 
 their horses than of their men; which is not perhaps very unreasonable, 
 since among animals, when the breed is preserved without any mixture, it is 
 never known to degenerate. Sixty waggons loaded with all sorts of provi- 
 sions, and three hundred horses formed the convoy. The Capigi Pacha, 
 knowing that several Turks had lent money to the people in the king's re- 
 tinue at a very great interest, said, that, as usury was forbidden by the 
 Mahometan law, he desired his majesty to liquidate the debts, and order 
 the resident he should leave at Constantinople, to pay only the capital. 
 *' No," said the king, " if my servants have given notes for one hundred 
 crowns, they should be paid, though they had but ten for them. He proposed 
 to the creditors to follow him, assuring them they should be paid both their 
 debts and their charges. Many of them undertook the journey to Sweden 
 and Grothusen had orders to see them paid. The Turks to shew the more 
 respect to there guest, made but short stages every day ; but this respectful 
 slowness tired the patience of the king. He rose as usual about three in 
 the morning, and being dressed, went himself to call up the Capigi and 
 Chiaoux, and ordered the march while it was dark. The Turkish gravity- 
 was very much discomposed by this new method of travelling, but the king 
 took pleasure to plague them, and said, ?' He would revenge himself a lit- 
 tle for the affair at Bender. When he came to the frontiers of Turkey, 
 Stanislaus went by another road into Germany, to retire to the dutchy of 
 Deux Ponts, a province that borders on the palatinate of the Rhine and Al- 
 sace, and which has belong'd to the kings of Sweden from the time that it 
 ■was united to the crown by Charles X. the successor of Christina. Charles 
 assigned to Stanislaus the revenue of this dutchy, then reckoned about 
 70,000 crowns ; and this was the end of so many projects, so many wars, 
 and so many hopes. Stanislaus would and could have made an ad- 
 vantageous treaty with king Augustus, but the untractable obstinacy of 
 Charles XII. made him lose his lands and real possessions in Poland, to 
 preserve only the title of king. This prince continued in the dutchy of 
 Deux-Ponts until the death of Charles, but the dutchy falling then to a 
 prince of the Palatine family, he retired to Wissemburg in French Alsatia. 
 M. Sum, envoy from king Augustus, complaining of it to the duke of Or- 
 leans, regent of France, the duke made biro this remarkable answer. " Sir,
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. n* 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 let the king your master know, that France has always been an asylum for 
 unfortunate kings." 
 
 The king of Sweden being arrived on the confines of Germany, found 
 that the emperor had given orders that lie should be received, in all parts 
 of his dominions, with the state that was due to him. All the towns and 
 villages, through which his route was fixed, made preparations to receive 
 him, and the people waited with impatience to seethe extraordinary man, 
 whose victories and misfortunes, nay, whose least actions, and even his ly- 
 ing still, had made so much noise both in Europe and Asia. But Charles 
 had no relish for all this pump, nor any inclination to make a shew of the 
 prisoner of Bender: he had even resolved never to enter Stockholm, till he had 
 done something to retrieve his ill fortune. When he came to Targowitz, 
 on the frontiers of Transylvania, after having taken leave of the Turkish 
 guards, he called his people together, and bade them be under no concern 
 for him, but make what haste they could to Stralsund in Pomerania, about 
 three hundred leagues from thence on the Baltic sea. He took nobody 
 with him but a young man named During, whom he had lately made a 
 colonel, and parted with his officers cheerfully, leaving them all in confu- 
 sion, in fear, and sm*rW^WPp*fc«MfcMack peruke to disguise himself, for 
 he always before wore his own hair; a gold laced hat, a grey suit of 
 clothes, and a blue cloak, passing for a German officer, and rode post with 
 only colonel During. He avoided, in his way, as much as he could, the 
 countries of his secret or open enemies, and went through Hungary, Mora- 
 via, Austria, Bavaria, VVirtemburg, the Palatinate, Westphalia, and Meck- 
 lenburg : thus he almost made the tour of Germany, and lengthened his 
 journey by one half more than he had occasion to do. After having rode, 
 without stopping, the first clay, young During, who was not used to such 
 excessive fatigues, like the king of Sweden, fainted as he got off his horse. 
 The king, who would not stop a moment upon the road, asked During, 
 when became to himself, how much money he had? During answering, 
 that he had about 1000 crowns in gold: " give me half of them," said the 
 king, " I see you are not in a condition to follow, I will go the rest of the 
 journey by myself: During entreated him to vouchsafe only to take three 
 hours repose, and assured him by that time he should be able to remount 
 his horse, and follow his majesty ; beseeching him, at the same time, to 
 consider what risques he was going to run. The king would not listen to 
 him; but made him give him the five hundred crowns, and called for 
 horses. During, dreading the resolution of the king, made use of this in- 
 nocent stratagem ; he took the master of the post-house aside, and pointing 
 to the king of Sweden, " this man," said he, " is my cousin, we are tra- 
 velling together about the same business; he sees I am out of order, and 
 yet he will not stay three hours for me; 1 desire you will give him the worst 
 horse in your stable, and let me have a post-chaise, or something of that 
 sort." He slipt a couple of ducats into the post-master's hand, who com- 
 phed exactly with the request, and gave the king a horse that was both 
 lame and restive. With tiiis equipage, the monarch sat out, at ten o'clock 
 at night, in the dark, the wind, the snow, and the rain. His fellow-tra- 
 veller, after having slept a few hours, went after him In a chaise with two 
 strong horses, and overtook him about break of day with his horse tired
 
 120 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lijc of Charles the Tueljlli. 
 
 and walking to the next po*t town. He was forced to get into the chaise 
 ■with During, and slept upon the straw. Thus they continued their journey, 
 riding on horse-back all day, and sleeping in a chaise al! night, without 
 stopping any where. After sixteen da\s travelling in this manner, and not 
 ■without being more than once in danger of being taken, they arrived at 
 last, upon the 21st of November 1714, at the gates of Stralsund, about 
 one o'clock, in the morning. The king told the centinel, " he was a courier, 
 dispatched from the king of Sweden in Turkey, and that he must speak 
 that moment with general Duker, the governor of the town." The cei t nel 
 answered him, " that it was too late, that the governor was gone to bed, 
 and that he must wait until it was day-break." The king replied, "that 
 be came upon important business, and told them, that if they did not awake 
 the governor without defay, they should be all hanged in the morning." 
 At last a serjeant went and waked the governor ; and Duker, imagining 
 that it was, perhaps, one of the king's generals, ordered the gates to be 
 opened, and this courier was introduced into his chamber. Duker, half 
 asleep, asked, " what news from the king?" His majesty taking him by the 
 shoulder, " what," said he, " Duker, have my most faithful subjects forgot 
 me?" The general immediately knew him; but could scarce believe his eyes. 
 He jumped out of his bed, and embraced his master's knees, with tears of 
 joy in his eyes. The news was spread all over the town in an instant. 
 Every body got up, and the soldiers surrounded the house of the governor. 
 The streets were filled with people, who were inquiring of one another, if 
 jt was true the king was there? the windows were illuminated, and the con- 
 duits ran with wine, to the light of 1000 torches, and the noise of the artil- 
 lery. In the mean time the king Went to bed, which lie had not done in. 
 sixteen days before : they were obliged to cut off his boots, his legs were so 
 swelled with the fatigue he had undergone. He had neither linen nor 
 clothes; but they got together a wardrobe for him in haste, of what things 
 they could find in the town. When he had slept a few hours, he got up 
 to review his troops and visit the fortifications; and the same day sent 
 orders, every where, to renew the war with more vigour than ever against 
 his enemies. 
 
 Europe was at that time in a condition very different from that in which 
 it was when Charles left it in the year 1709. The war which had so long 
 disturbed every place in the south, that is to say, Germany, England, Hol- 
 land, France, Spain, Portugal, and Italy, was extinguished. This general 
 peace was produced by some private quarrels that happened in the court of 
 England. The earl of Oxford, an able minister, and the lord Bolingbroke*, 
 
 • I wonder a French poet, as Monsieur de Voltaire is, sliould say this of a person, 
 who, on a certain occasion, to abuse some such unaccountable statesman as himself, 
 said they were no belter politicians than tlie French are poets: but indeed the French, 
 upon other accounts, have reason to speak well of one who was so instrumental in mak- 
 ing an advantageous peace for their monarch, after he bad been beaten, for ten year* 
 successively, by those very Englishmen, which the same author, in his introduction 
 to this history, says, are no more like the English in Cromwell's time, than the monks 
 and monseigneurs, who fill the streets of Rome, are like the ancient Scipios. What, 
 then, must those Frenchmen be, who have been so often mauled by them? As to^thia 
 gentleman's fine parts, it has always been the opinion of wise men, that those shew the 
 finest parts, who are capable of performing what is right and justifiable. Whether 
 the giving up so many waiuable branches of our trade, betraying our allies, and suf-
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 121 
 
 ... ■ -i.» 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 * ' " - 
 
 a man of the finest parts and greatest eloquence of his time, had got the 
 better of the famous Duke of Marlborough, and persuaded queen Anne tQ 
 make peace with Lewis XIV. France having England no longer for an 
 enemy, presently forced the other powers to an accommodation. Philip V. 
 the grandson of Lewis XIV. began to reign peaceably over the ruins of the 
 Spanish monarchy. The emperor of Germany being master of Naples and, 
 Flanders, was firmly established in his vast dominions. Lewis XIV. desired 
 
 fcring the poor unhappy Catalans to be sacrificed as they were by that treaty of peace, 
 in the making which, this gentleman, of such fine parts and eloquence, had so great a 
 share, he so or not, will not, I think, admit of a question. If honour, humanity, and 
 gratitude, have nothing to do with fine parts, then he will not be deprived of the repu- 
 tation of them by the expedition to Canada, nor by the returns he has made to some 
 persons of high worth and truly fine parts, who were instrumental to procure him, not 
 only the liberty of breathing his native air, but to enjoy hi* family estate. As a proof 
 of his gratitude, and of the good opinion his country ought to have of him, I shall 
 take leave to transcribe part of an account which lately fell into my hands, of the pro- 
 ceedings in parliament, in relation to the bill that was brought in to enable bim to en- 
 joy his estate. Mr. Ch r of the Ex r, on this occasion, said, in the house of 
 
 commons, " That he was fully satisfied, that he had sufficiently atoned for hi* past 
 offences, and therefore deserved the favour of that house, so far as to enable him to 
 enjoy the family inheritance that was settled upon him; which, according to the opi- 
 nion of the best lawyers, be could not do by virtue of bis majesty » most gracious par- 
 don, without an act of parliament." After a small dispute among the lawyer* about the 
 
 validity of such a pardon, in the present case, the right honourable Mr. M en', 
 
 comptroller of his majesty's household stood up, and strenuously opposed the motion. 
 He said, among other things, " That as he had the honour to be one of the king's im- 
 mediate servants, it might, perhaps, by some, be thought unbecoming his station to 
 appear against a petition, to the presenting which, his majesty, in his royal clemency 
 aud goodness, had graciously been pleased to give his consent: but that, being at liberty 
 to follow the dictates of his own conscience in this matter, he would freely declare his 
 opinion, that the public crimes for which this petitioner stood attainted, were so hei- 
 nous, so flagrant, and of so deep a dye, as not to admit of any expiation or attonc- 
 ment; and whatever he might have done to deserve his private grace and pardon, yet 
 he thought him altogether unworthy of any national favour." Hereupon, Mr. Comptroller 
 ripped up the late Lord B 's scandalous conduct, while lie had a share in the admini- 
 stration of affairs. " How he was the principal adviser of, and actor in, the wicked mea- 
 sures that were then pursued; his clandestine negotiation of peace, without the privity 
 of the queen's allies, contrary to the express tenor of the grand alliance; his insolent 
 behaviour to all the confederates in general, and the Dutch in particular; bis sacrificing 
 the interest of the whole confederacy, and the honour of his own country, particularly in 
 abandoning the poor and brave Catalans; a transaction with which he had an opportu- 
 nity to be so well acquainted, as having had the honour, at that juncture, to serve the 
 nation as the queen's minister in Portugal; and, to sum up all his crimes in one, bis 
 tr.nterous design of defeating the Protestant Succession, the foundation of both our 
 present and future happiness: and of advancing a popish Pretender to the throne, 
 which would have involved his native country in endless misery." This speech made a 
 great impression on the assembly ; and several other eminent members spoke to the 
 
 same effect, particularly A. O w, Esq. the Lord William Pawlet, Sir Thomas Pen- 
 
 gelly, Mr. Gybbon, and serjeant Miller. This last gentleman, in a concise, but pa- 
 thetic manner, said, " He was against the motion for three very substantial reasons: 
 fir>t, because he thought it against the interest of the king; secondly, against the inte- 
 rest of his country; thirdly, against the interest of the present ministry. That he 
 loved the king better than he loved himself; aud hated his eneiui<s more than he did : that 
 he loved his country as he loved himself; and as he thought its interest inseparable trora 
 the kuig's, so he would not have public favour shewn, to one who had acted in so noto- 
 rious it manner agaiust both: and, as for the present miniiti rs, l.e was so well satisfied 
 with their just, prudent, and successful management, that he was not willing to sea 
 them exposed to the cabals and intrigues of their inveterate, though seemingly recon- 
 ciled, enemies." Thus far Mr. Miller; and so much lor the debate. 
 VOL. IV. K.
 
 122 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 -■ - ' " , r ■ - 
 
 nothing more than to finish his long course in peace. Anne, queen of Eng-- 
 land, died on the 1st of August 1714, hated by half her people for giving 
 
 peace to so many states. Her B , James Stuart, an unfortunate prince, 
 
 excluded from the throne almost at his birth, not appearing in England to 
 claim thai succession, which there would have been new laws to have settled 
 on him if his party had prevailed ; George I. elector of Hanover, was una- 
 nimously acknowledged king of Great Britain: the throne belonging to this 
 elector, not by right of blood, although he was descended from a daughter of 
 James I. but by virtue of an act of parliament. Being called, at an advanced 
 a g e > to govern a people whose language * he did not understand, and among 
 whom he was a perfect stranger, he looked upon himself rather as the elec- 
 tor of Hanover, than as the king of England. All his ambition was to ag- 
 grandize his German dominions, whither he went every year to visit his 
 subjects, who adored him. In other things, he was better pleased to live 
 like a private man, than a ruler. The pomp of royalty was to him an un- 
 easy burthen. He lived with a small number of old courtiers in great fami- 
 liarity and freedom ; and if he was not the king who made the most shin- 
 ing figure in Europe, he was one of the wisest, and the only one who knew 
 how to taste, on a throne, the sweets of friendship and a private life. Such 
 were the principal monarchs, and such the situation of the south of Europe. 
 The alterations that happened in the north were of another nature. The 
 kings were all at war, and all united against the king of Sweden. Augustus 
 had been long restored to the crown of Poland, by the assistance of the 
 czar, and with the consent of the emperor of Germany, queen Anne of 
 England, and the states-general ; who, all guarantees for the treaty of Al- 
 ranstad, when Charles XII. imposed his own laws, desisted now from that 
 obligation, when he was no longer to be feared. But Augustus did not en- 
 joy the greatest tranquillity. The republic of Poland, in receiving their 
 king again, renewed their fears of arbitrary power; they were all in arms to 
 oblige him to agree to the Pacta Conventa, which is a sacred contract be- 
 tween the people and the king; and seemed to have called home their 
 master only to declare war against him. In the beginning of these troubles 
 there was not one word said of Stanislaus; his party seemed to be quite an- 
 nihilated ; and the king of Sweden was no longer remembered in Poland, 
 but as a torrent, which, in its course had, for a time, bore all before it. 
 
 Pultowa, and the absence of Charles XII. which occasioned the fall of 
 Stanislaus, brought on the ruin of the duke of Holstein, who being nephew 
 to Charles, was stripped of his dominions by the king of Denmark. The 
 king of Sweden tenderly loved the father, and was very much moved' at the 
 misfortunes of the son. Moreover, having done nothing in his life but for 
 glory, the fall of sovereigns, whom he had made himself, or re-established 
 on their thrones, affected him as sensibly as the loss of so many provinces 
 would have done. Among those who enriched themselves by these losses, 
 was Frederick William, soon after king of Prussia, who shewed as great an. 
 
 • This is a very great mistake of M. de Voltaire, for that king was thoroughly 
 acquainted both with the language and government of the English people, long befbrt 
 he came amonsr them ; though, from a reserredness in his temper, he did not choose to 
 converse in a language which, perhaps, he could not pronounce like a native, but h« 
 knew every thing that was said to him in it.
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. \& 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 i 1 
 inclination to war, as his father did to peace; and had Stettin, and a part 
 of Pomerania delivered to him, for 400,000 crowns, which he paid to the king 
 of Denmark, and the czar. George, elector of Hanover, who was then be- 
 come king of England, had also sequestered in his hands the dutcy of Bre- 
 men and Verden, which had been pledged to him, by the king of Denmark, 
 for 60,000 pistoles. Thus they disposed of the spoils of Charles XII. and 
 those who had them to keep, became by their interests, as dangerous ene- 
 mies, as those who took them from him. The czar was, without doubt, the 
 most to be feared ; his former defeats, his victories, his very faults, his per- 
 severance to instruct himself, and teach his subjects what he had learnt, 
 and his continual labours, made him a great man in every thing. Riga was 
 already taken. Livonia, Ingria, Carelia, half of Finland, all provinces con- 
 quered by the ancestors of Charles, were now subject to the Muscovites. 
 Peter Alexiowitz, who but twenty years before, had not one vessel in the 
 Baltic, saw himself master of that sea, at the head of a fleet of thirty ships 
 of the line. One of these ships he built with his own hands, and was the 
 best carpenter, the best admiral, and best pilot in the north. There was 
 not a difficult passage that he had not sounded himself, from the bottom of 
 the Gulf of Bothnia to the ocean ; having joined the labour of a common 
 sailor, to the experiments of a philosopher, and the great designs of an em- 
 peror; and becoming an admiral by degrees, and the help of victories, as he 
 had before a general at land. While prince Gallicsin, a general he had 
 formed, and one of those who best assisted his designs, finished the conquest 
 of Finland, took Vasa, and beat the Swedes ; this emperor put to sea to 
 conquer the Isle of Alan, situated in the Baltic sea, about twelve leagues 
 from Stockholm. He departed for this expedition in the beginning of July 
 1714, whilst his rival.Charles XII. kept his bed at Demotica. He embarked 
 at the port of Cronslot, which he had built a few years before, within four 
 miles of Petersburgh. This new port, the fleet that was in it, and the officers, 
 and sailors who manned the fleet, were all of his own forming, and oo 
 which side soever he cast his eyes, he saw nothing that he had not in a 
 manner created. The Russian fleet was at the top of Alan on the J 5th of 
 July, composed of thirty ships of the line, four-score galleys, and a hun- 
 dred half gallics. It carried 20,000 soldiers, admiral Apraxin the com- 
 mander, and the emperor served as rear-admiral. The Swedish fleet came 
 up with it on the 19th, commanded by vice-admiral Erinchild; it was not 
 so strong by two-thirds ; nevertheless, they fought for three hours. The czar 
 attacked the ship in which Erinchild was, and took her after a hot engage- 
 ment. The day of the victory he landed 16,000 men at Alan; and having 
 taken several Swedish soldiers, who had not yet got on board the fleet of 
 Erinchild, he carried them away prisoners in his own ships. He returned 
 into his port of Cronslot with Erinchild's great ship, three of a less size, one 
 frigate, and six gallies, all which he had taken in the battle. From Crons- 
 lot he went to Petersburgh, followed by his victorious fleet, and all the ships 
 taken 'from the enemy. He was saluted by a triple discharge of one hun- 
 dred and fifty cannon; after which he made a triumphant entry, which 
 pleased him more than that into Moscow, because he received these ho- 
 nours in his favourite city, where ten years before there was not a hut, and 
 where, at that time, he saw 34,500 houses: and lastly, because he was not
 
 124 Til E SI 1 PPLEMENT TO TH E 
 
 '■ life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 only at the head of a victorious navy, but the first Russian fleet that ever 
 was seen in the Baltic, and among people to whom the very name of a fleet 
 was unknown before his time. Almost the same ceremonies were observed 
 at Petersburg!*, as had graced his triumph at Moscow. The Swedish vice- 
 admiral was the principal ornament of this new triumph. Peter Alexiowitz 
 appeared himself in the quality of rear-admiral, and a Russian Boyar, named 
 Bomanodowsky, who usually represented the czar oh these solemn occa- 
 sions, was seated on a throne with twelve senators by his side. The rear- 
 admiral presented him with a relation of his victories, and was declared 
 vice-admiral in consideration of his services. A whimsical ceremony, but 
 useful in a country where military preferments was one of the novelties the 
 czar had introduced among them. The Muscovite emperor, at last victo- 
 rious over the Swedes, both by sea and land, and having helped to drive 
 them out of Poland, governed there in his turn. He made himself media- 
 tor between the republic and Augustus, an honour, perhaps, as great as 
 that of setting up a king. The glory and good-fortune of Charles were now 
 gone over to the czar ; who made a better use of them than his rival had 
 done ; for he turned all his successes to the advantage of his country. If he 
 took a town, the principal artizans carried their industry to Petersburgh ; he 
 brought the manufactures, the arts and sciences of the provinces he con- 
 rpiered, into his own country : he enriched and polished his dominions by 
 bk victories, which rendered him the most excusable of all conquerors. 
 
 Sweden, on the contrary, was deprived of almost all her foreign provinces, 
 had neither trade, money, nor credit. Her old troops once so dreadful, 
 were all lost in battle, or for want Above 100,000 Swedes were slaves in 
 the vast dominions of the czar, and almost as many more had been sold to 
 the Turks and Tartars. The species of men sensibly decayed ; but their 
 hopes revived as soon as they knew that their king was at Stralsund. The 
 impressions of respect and admiration were still so strong in the minds of 
 his subjects, that the young people of the country came in crowds to enlist 
 under him ; although the land had not hands enough left to cultivate it. 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 THE king, in the midst 'of these preparations, gave his only sister, Ulrica 
 Eleonora, in marriage to~prince Frederick of Hesse-Cassel. The queen 
 dowager, grandmother of Charles XII. and the princess, eighty years of 
 age, assisted at the ceremony on the 4th of April 1715, in the palace of 
 Stockholm, and died soon after. This marriage was not honoured by the 
 presence of the kiug, who remained at Stralsund, employed in finishing the 
 fortifications of that important place, which was threatened by the kings 
 of Denmark and Prussia. He declared, however, his brother-in-law gene- 
 ralissimo of all the Swedish forces. This prince had served the states-gene- 
 ral in the wars against France, and was esteemed a good general, a qualifi- 
 cation which did not little contribute to his match with the sister of Charles 
 XII. Bad fortune now followed him as rapidly as formerly his victories.
 
 ROYAL MIL1TAKY CllKONlCLE. I3S 
 
 Iajs of Charles the Txcljth. 
 
 !■ "'' ' I ~ ' 
 
 Iii the month of June, in the year 1715, the king of England's Germa* 
 troops, with those of Denmark, invested the strong town of Wismar. Tlie 
 Danes, the Prussians, and the Saxons reunited; to the number of 36,000 
 marched, at the same time, to besiege Stralsund ; not far from which place 
 the kings of Denmark and Prussia sunk five Swedish vessels. The czar was 
 then in the Baltic, with twenty large men of war, and 150 transports, that 
 had 30,000 men on board. He threatened a descent on Sweden, advancing 
 sometimes on the coast of Elsinburg, and sometimes presenting himself 
 before Stockholm. AH Sweden was in arms, every moment expecting a« 
 invasion. At the same lime his land forces were driving the Swedes froia 
 place to place, in that part of Finland, which they yet possessed towards 
 the Gulph of Bothnia; but the czar pushed his enterprises no farther. At 
 the mouth of the Oder, a river that divides Pomerania, and, after running 
 below Stettin, falls into the Baltic sea, is the little island of Usedonv. This 
 place is of great importance by its situation, commanding the Oder both 
 •on the right and left, and whoever has it, is also master of the navigation 
 of that river. The king of Prussia had dislodged the Swedes from this 
 island, and seizing upon that as well as Stettin, said, " It was all for the 
 love of peace." The Swedes had retaken Usedom in the month of May 
 1715, and had two forts in it, one called Suine, upon a branch of the Oder 
 which bears that name; the other, which is of more consequence, is Penna- 
 mondre, on another part of the river. The king of Sweden, to defend these 
 two forts, and all the island, had only two hundred. and fifty Pomeraniaa 
 soldiers, commanded by an old Swedish officer called Duslep, or Duslerp, 
 whose name deserves to be remembered. The king of Prussia sent, on the 
 4th of August, 1500 foot, and 800 dragoons, for the island, they arrived, 
 and landed without opposition on the side of Suine. The Swedish com- 
 mandant abandoned this fort as of least importance, and, not being able 
 to divide the lew men he had, retired into the castle of Pennamondre with 
 his little company, resolved to defend himself to the last extremity. They 
 were obliged therefore to besiege it in form ; artillery was shipped, for this 
 purpose, at Stettin, and the Prussian troops were reinforced by 1000 foot 
 and 400 horse. Oh the 18th of August they opened the trenches in two 
 places, and played briskly with their cannon and mortars. During the 
 siege, a Swedish soldier, sent privately with a letter from Charles XII. found 
 means to land in the island, and get into Pennamondre; he gave the letter 
 to the commandant, which was in these terms: " Do not fire till the enemy 
 come to the side of the fosse. Defend yourself to the last drop of your 
 blood. I commend you to your good-fortune. Charles." 
 
 Duslerp, having read the letter, resolved to obey and die, as he was or- 
 dered, for the service of his master. On the 22d by day-break, the enemy 
 gave the assault; the besieged not firing till the besiegers were at the side of 
 the fosse, killed a great number of them ; but the fosse was full, the breach 
 large, and the besiegers superior in number. They entered the castle in 
 two places at once. The commandant thought now only how to sell h\% 
 life dear, and obey his orders. He quitted the breaches where the enemies 
 entered, intrenched, near a bastion, with his little company, who had all 
 courage and fidelity enough to follow him, and placed them in such a man- 
 ner as they could not be surrouuded. The enemy came oh, wondering he
 
 126 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE ^^ 
 
 Life oj Cha rles the Twelfth. 
 
 ■would not ask for quarter. He fought a whole hour, and after having lost 
 half his soldiers, was killed at last with his lieutenant and his major; one 
 hundred men that were then left with only one officer, asked their lives, 
 and were made prisoners. In the commandant's pocket was found his 
 master's letter, which was carried to the king of Prussia. At the time that 
 Charles lost the island of Usedom, and the neighbouring islands; that Wis- 
 mar was ready to surrender; that he had no longer any fleet; and Sweden 
 threatened ; he was himself in Stralsund, which place was besieged by 
 36,000 men. Stralsund, a town famous in Europe, for the siege the king of 
 Sweden sustained there, is one of the strongest places in Pomerania. It is 
 built between the Baltic and the lake of Franken upon the streights of Gella. 
 There is no coming at it by land, but by a narrow causeway defended by a 
 citadel, and retrenchments that were thought inaccessible. There was in it 
 a garrison of near 9000 men, and more, the king of Sweden himself. The 
 kings of Denmark and Prussia undertook this siege with an army of 36,000 
 men, composed of Prussians, Danes, and Saxons. The honour of besieging 
 Charles XII. was a motive so pressing, that they got over all obstacles, 
 and opened the trenches in the night between the 19th and 20th of October 
 1715. The king of Sweden, in the beginning of the siege, said, "That he 
 could not imagine how a place, well fortified, and sufficiently garrisoned 
 could be taken." Not but that, in the course of his passed conquests, he 
 had taken several places, but hardly ever by a regular siege; the terror of 
 his arms then carried every thing before him ; on the other hand he never 
 judged of others by himself, or made any account of his enemies. The be* 
 siegers carried on their works with vigour, and were assisted by a very un- 
 common accident. It is known that the Baltic has no flux and reflux. The 
 retrenchment that covered the town, and which was supported by an im- 
 passible morass on the west, and the sea on the east, seemed to be beyond 
 the power of any attack. Nobody had observed, that when the west wind 
 blew with violence, the waves of the Baltic were rolled back towards the,; 
 east, and that there were but three feet water left under the retrenchment, 
 which was always thought to be defended by an impracticable sea. A sol- 
 dier happening to fall from the top of the retrenchment into the sea, was 
 surprised to find a bottom ; believing this discovery might make his fortune, 
 he deserted, and went to the quarters of count Wakerbath the Saxon gene- 
 ral, and informed him that the sea was fordable, and the king of Sweden's 
 retrenchments might be penetrated with little difficulty. The king of Prus- 
 sia did not delay to make the best use of this information. 
 
 The next night therefore, the wind being still at west, lieutenant-colonel 
 Kepel went into the water with 1800 men, 2000 advanced, at the same 
 time, upon the causeway that led to this retrenchment; all the Prussian ar- 
 tillery fired, and the Prussians and Danes gave an alarm on the other side. 
 The Swedes thought themselves sure of destroying the 2000 men who came 
 so rashly, to all appearance, on the causeway; but Kepel coming, on a 
 sudden, with his 1800 men, into the retrenchments from the sea side, the 
 Swedes, surrounded and surprised, could not resist, so that the post was 
 taken after a great slaughter. Some of the Swedes fled towards the town, 
 the besiegers followed them thither, and entered pellmell with them, two 
 officers and four Saxon soldiers were already got upon the draw-bridge, but
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. I2f 
 
 Life o/ Charles the Tucljth. 
 
 they had just time enough to raise it; they were taken, and the towa 
 saved for that time. They found twenty-four pieces of cannon on the re- 
 trenchments, which they turned against the town. The siege was pushed 
 with all the eagerness and confidence that this first success could give thein. 
 The town was cannonaded and bombarded almost witiiout remission. 
 
 Over against Stralsund, in the Baltic sea, is the island of Rugen, which 
 serves as a rampart to this place, and whither the garrison and citizens 
 could retire if th<v had boats to transport them. This islam! was of great 
 consequence to Charles; he knew if his enemies were masters of it, he should 
 be bes eged b\ sea and by land, and perhaps buried in the ruins of Stral- 
 sund, or <ee himself a prisoner to those whom he had so long despised, and 
 on wh mi he had imposed such hard laws. However, the unhappy sate of 
 his artairs had not allowed him to send a sufficient garrison to Rugen, where 
 there were not above 2(00 regular troops. His enemies had for three 
 month* been malting all necessary dispositions for a descent upon the island 
 of Rugen, which was an enterprise of great difficulty; but having at last 
 built boats, the prince of Anhalt, favoured by the weather, landed on the 
 island, on the 15th of November, with 12,000 men. The same day the 
 king, after having defended an out-work for three hours, and coming home 
 very much fatigued, learnt that the Danes and Prussians were in Rugen. 
 It was eight o'clock at night when this news was told him. He flung him- 
 self immediately into a fishing-boat with Poniatowsky, Grothusen, During, 
 and Dardof, and at nine was in the island ; he joined his 2000 men, who 
 were intrenched near a little port about three leagues from the place were 
 the enemy landed. He put himself at their head, and marched in the mid- 
 dle of the night in profound silence. The prince of Anhalt had already in- 
 trenched his troops with a precaution that seemed needless. The officers, 
 who commanded under him, did not expect to be attacked the same night, 
 and thought Charles XII. was safe at Stralsund: but the prince of Anhalt, 
 who knew what Charles was capable of doing, had ordered a deep fosse to 
 be dujr, secured with chevaux-de-frise, and took the same precaution as 
 if he had an army superior in number to contend with. 
 
 At two o'clock in the morning, Charles came up to the enemy without 
 the least noise. His soldiers said to one another, pull up the chevaux- 
 de-frise. The words, were heard by the centinels, the alarm was im- 
 mediately-given in the camp, and the enemy got under arms. The king 
 taking up the chevaux-de-friee, saw a great fosse — " Ah!" said he, " is it 
 possible, I did not expect it ?" This surprise did not discourage him; he 
 was as ignorant what number of men the enemy had landed, as they were 
 of the few he had to rely upon. The darkness of the night favoured him, 
 he was resolved in an instant, jumped into the fosse, accompanied by some 
 of the boldest, and was presently followed by all the rest. The chevaux- 
 de-frise w«re removed, the earth levelled with trunks and branches of trees-, 
 and the bodies of the soldiers, killed by musket shots fired at random, 
 served for fascines. The king, the generals who were with him, the officers 
 and boldest of the soldiers, got on the shoulders of others as in an assault. 
 The fight began in the enenves camp. The impetuosity of the Swedes 
 put the Danes and the Prussians at first in disorder; but their numbers were 
 too unequal ; the Swedes were repulsed in about a quarter of an hour, and re.
 
 128 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 i ., .1 ' . , . ■ . — . - 
 
 Lije of Charles th e Twelfth. ' 
 
 passed the fosse. The prince of Anhalt pursued them to the plain, and knew 
 not, till that moment, that Charles XII. fled before him. This unhappy king 
 rallied his troops in the field, and the fight was renewed with equal obsti- 
 nacy on both sides. Grothusen, the king's favourite, and general Dardof, 
 dropped near hiro, and the king in the fight went over the body of the last 
 before he was quite dead. During, who was his only campanion from 
 Turkey to Stralsund, was killed before his face. He received himself a mus- 
 ket shot near his left breast. Count Poniatowsky was at that instant close 
 to him, he had the good fortune to save his live at Pultowa, and he now 
 saved it again at the battle of Rugen, and remounted him on his horse. 
 
 The Swedes retired to a part of the island called Alteferra, where there 
 was a fort of which they were yet masters. From thence the king returned 
 to Stralsund, obliged to abandon those brave troops who had served him so 
 ■well on this occasion; and they were taken prisoners two days after. Among 
 the prisoners was that unfortunate French regiment, composed of the re- 
 mains of the battle of Hochstet, which had been in the service of king Au- 
 gustus, and afterwards came into the service of the king of Sweden. Most 
 of the soldiers were incorporated in a new regiment belonging to the prince 
 of Anhalt'sson, who was their fourth master. The commander of this wan- 
 dering regiment at Kugen,was the same count Villelongue who so generously 
 "ventured his life for the king's service at Adrianople. He was taken with 
 his men, and but ill rewarded afterwards for all his services, fatigues, and 
 misfortunes. The king, after all these prodigies of valour, which served 
 only to weaken his forces, shut up in Stralsund, and ready to be taken, 
 was the same he had been at Bender. He was surprised at nothing; all the 
 day he was making ditches and intrechments behind his walls; and at 
 night he sallied out upon the enemy. In the mean lime the town was bat- 
 tered in breach, the bombs rained upon the houses; half the town was in 
 ashes; the citizens, far from murmuring, full of admiration of their master, 
 whose fatigues, whose sobriety and courage, astonished them, were all be- 
 bome soldiers under him. They accompanied him in his sallies, and were 
 a second garrison to him. One day, as the king was dictating letters for 
 Sweden to one of his secretaries, a bomb falling upon the house, broke 
 through the roof, and burst just by the chamber were the king was. Half 
 the floor fell down; the closet, in which he was, being worked into a thick 
 wall, was not in the least shaken, and by an astonishing good fortune none 
 of the splinters, that flew about in the air came into the closet, the door of 
 which was open. At the noise the bomb made, the pen dropped out of the 
 secretary's hand, who thought the house was falling about his ears. " What's 
 the matter with you," said the king, with a very composed air, " why don't 
 you write?" The secretary could only answer, "Ah! Sir, the bomb!" 
 " Well," replied the king, " what has the bomb to do wiui the letter I am 
 dictating. Go on." There was at that time in Stralsund, a French ambas- 
 sador shut up with the king of Sweden. This was Colbert, count de Crpissy, 
 a lieutenant-general in the French army, brother to the marquis de Torcy, 
 a celebrated statesman, and a relation of the famous Colbert, whose name 
 will be immortal in France. To send a man into the trenches, or on an 
 embassy to Charles XII. was much the same thing. 
 
 The king would talk to Croissy for hours together, in places of the greatest
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 129 
 
 life of Charles I he Twelfth. 
 
 r i ■■ ',,..,,■ =a 
 
 danger; while the cannon and bombs killed men all around them, without 
 the king's perceiving the danger, or the ambassador's giving him the least 
 hint that there was any place more fit to talk of business in. This minister 
 did all he could, before the siege, to make an accommodation between the 
 kings of Sweden and Prussia; but the last asked too much, and Charles Xll. 
 would give nothing. Count de Croissy hail therefore no otlier satisfaction 
 from his embassy, Lut that of having familiarly conversed with so singular 
 a man. He often slept by him upon the same cloak ; and, by sharing hit 
 danger* and fatigues, purchased the right of talking to him with freedom. 
 Charles encouraged this liberty in those he loved, and would oftentimes say 
 to Count de Croissy, vctti maledicamus de rege. " Come, let us rail a little 
 at Charles XII." Croissy staged in the town till the 13th of November, 
 and at last, having the enemy's permission to go out of it with bis baggage, 
 he took leave of the king of Sweden, whom he left in the midst of the ruin'S 
 of Stralsund, with a garrison reduced to a third part of what it was, and 
 resolved to stand an assault, which was four days after given to the horn- 
 work. The enemy twice seized upon it, and were twice he?ten off. The 
 king fought all the time among the grenadiers himself; at last numbers pre- 
 vailed, and the besiegers. remained masters of it. Charles stayed two dayft 
 longer in the town, expecting every moment a general assault. The 21st he 
 continued till midnight upon a little ravelin that was quite destroyed by the 
 bombs and cannon. The day after, the general officers entreated him to 
 stay no longer in a place that was not to be defended ; but, to retreat, was 
 now become as dangerous as to stay. The Baltic Sea was covered with Mus- 
 covite and Danish ships. In the port of Stralsund there was only one small 
 bark with sails and oars. So many dangers, which made this retreat glori- 
 ous, determined Charles upon it. He embarked, on the 20th of December 
 1715, in the night, with only ten persons. They were obliged to break the 
 ice with which the sea was covered in the port, and were several hours em- 
 ployed in this work before the vessel could get out. The enemy's admirals 
 had strict orders not to let Charles go out of Stralsund, but to take him 
 dead or alive. Very luckily for him they were under the wind and could 
 not come near him ; but he ran a still greater danger in passing within sight 
 of the island of Rugen, near a place called the Barbette, where the Danes had 
 raised a battery of twelve cannon. They fired upon the king; but the 
 sailors made all the sail they could, and plied their oars to get clear of 
 them. One cannon-shot killed two men by Charles's side, and another 
 broke the mast of the ship. Through the midst of these dangers, the king 
 came up to two of his own ships which were cruizing in the Baltic ; the next 
 day Stralsund was surrendered, the garrison made prisoners of war, and the 
 king landed at Isted, in Scandinavia, and from thence went to Carlscroon, 
 in a condition very different from that in which he parted from thence fif- 
 teen years before, in a ship of one hundred and twenty guns, to give laws to 
 the north. Being so near his capital, it was expected he would have revisited 
 it, after so long an absence; but he had no design to enter it again till he 
 had obtained some victory. He could not resolve to see a people who loved 
 him, and whom he had been forced to oppress in order to defend himself 
 against his enemies. He would only see his sister, and gave her a meeting 
 on the banks of the lake Weter, in Ostrogothia, going to the place of reu- 
 
 VOL. IV. &
 
 ISO THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 I 
 
 dezvous attended only by one servant, and returned after having stayed 
 one : day with her. From Carlscroon, where he remained the winter, he 
 ordered new levies of men all over his kingdom. He thought his subjects 
 were only born to follow him to war, and he had used them all to think so 
 too. They enlisted lads of fifteen years of age; there remained in many 
 villages nothing but old men, women, and children; and, in some places, 
 the women cultivated the land alone. It was yet more difficult for him to 
 get a fleet; but, to supply that, he gave commissions to privateers, who, 
 for excessive privileges, to the ruin of the country, fitted out some ships : 
 these were the last efforts that could be made in Sweden. To support so 
 great a charge, it was necessary to take away the substance of the people. 
 There was no kind of extortion that was not made use of under the names 
 of taxes and impositions. All houses were searched, and half their provi- 
 sions sent into the king's warehouses. All the iron in the kingdom was 
 bought up, upon his account, which the government payed for in paper, 
 and sold again for ready money. All who wore any silk in their clothes, or 
 perukes, or gilt swords, were taxed. There was an excessive duty laid on 
 chimneys. A people, loaded with such grievous taxes, would have rebelled 
 under any other king ; but the most miserable peasant in Sweden knew that 
 his master led a life as hard and as sparing as himself; thus every one sub- 
 mitted, without grumbling, to those hardships which the king was the first 
 to suffer himself. Public dangers made private misfortunes forgot. They 
 expected every day to see the Muscovites, the Danes, the Prussians, the 
 Saxons, and the English, making a descent in Sweden. This fear was so 
 strong upon them, and so well grounded, that all those who had any mo- 
 ney or things of value, buried them in the earth. An English fleet had al- 
 ready appeared in the Baltic sea ; and the king of Denmark had the czar's 
 promise, that the Muscovites, joined with the Danes, should fall upon Swe- 
 den the next Spring, 1716. It was a great surprise to all Europe, attentive 
 to the fortune of Charles XII. that, instead of defending his own country, 
 threatened by so many princes, he should go into Norway, in the month of 
 March 1716, with an army of 20,000 men. Since Hannibal, there had not 
 been another general, who, not being able to support himself at home, car- 
 ried the war into the heart of his enemy's country. The prince of Hesse, 
 his brother-in-law, accompanied him in this expedition. There is no going 
 from Sweden to Norway, but through some passages which are very danger- 
 ous ; and when one has got through them, there are, at small distances from 
 one another, flashes of water, made by the sea among the rocks, that force 
 one to make bridges every day. A small number of Danes could have 
 stopped the Swedish army; but they did not foresee so sudden an invasion. 
 Europe was yet more astonished that the czar remained quiet in the midst 
 of all these events, and did not make a descent into Sweden, as it had been 
 agreed between him and his allies. The reason of this inactivity was a de- 
 sign the greatest, but, at the same time, one of the most difficult to execute, 
 that ever was formed by human imagination. Henry, baron de Goerts, born 
 in Holstein, and minister of a prince who had nothing left but the title of 
 that dutchy, having done the king of Sweden some important services during 
 his stay at Bender, was since become his favourite and first minister. Never 
 was any man so insinuating and so bold at the same time : so full of shifts in
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 131 
 
 Life oj Charles the Tu-eljth. 
 
 disgrace, so extensive in his designs, or so active in bringing them to bear; 
 no project affrighted him, nor spared he any pains, but was lavish of presents, 
 promises, oaths, truths, and falsehoods. From Sweden he went into France, 
 England, and Holland, to try himself the springs that he was to make use 
 of. He was capable of shaking all Europe, and had laid the plan of it. 
 While his master was at the head of an army, he was in the cabinet: and 
 therefore gained an ascendency over Charles XII. that no minister had be- 
 fore him. The king, who, at the age of twenty, had only given orders to 
 count Piper, received at this time instructions from baron Goerts, and was 
 so much the more submissive to this minister, as he was under a necessity of 
 asking advice, and as Goerts only gave him such as was agreeable to his 
 courage. He observed, that, among all the princes united against Sweden, 
 George, elector of Hanover and king of England, was the person against 
 whom Charles had the greatest resentment, because he was the only one 
 that he had not offended, and who came into the quarrel under pretence of 
 appeasing it, and to keep Bremen and Verden, which he seemed to have no 
 right to, but as he had bought them at a mean price of the king of Den* 
 mark, to whom they did not belong. He also discovered, very soon, that 
 the czar was discontented with the allies, who had all hindered his having 
 any settlement in the German empire ; wherein this monarch, now become 
 too formidable, was desirous of having a footing. Wismar, the only town 
 that the Swedes had yet left on the coasts of Germany, surrendered at last, 
 February 14, 1716, to the Prussians and Danes, who would not so much as 
 suffer the Muscovite troops, who were in Mecklenburg, to go to the siege of 
 it. The like distrusts, repeated for two years, had alienated the mind of the 
 czar, and prevented the ruin of Sweden. There are many examples of 
 states in alliance being conquered by a single power, and but few of a great 
 empire being conquered by many allies. If their united forces subdue it, 
 their divisions soon raise it again. From the year 1714, the czar had been 
 able to make a descent into Sweden ; but whether he could not agree with 
 tlie kings of Poland, England, Denmark, and Prussia, allies who had reason 
 to be jealous of him ; or whether he thought his troops not enough inured to 
 war to attack that nation at home, whose very peasants had overcome the 
 choicesr*of the Danish troops, he still put off this enterprise. 
 
 What had delayed it hitherto, was the want of money. The czar was one 
 of the most powerful monarchs in the world ; but none of the richest : his 
 revenues, at that time, did not amount to above eighteen millions of French 
 livres: he had discovered mines of gold, silver, iron, and copper; but the 
 profit yet was very uncertain, and the work very expensive. He had esta- 
 blished a large commerce; but, in the beginning.it brought in nothing but 
 hopes. The provinces he had newly conquered augmented his power and 
 glory, without increasing his revenues. Time was wanting to bind up the 
 wounds of Livonia, a fruitful country, but almost desolate by a fifteen 
 years war, by sword, fire, and pestilence, almost unpeopled, and a charge 
 to the^ coiKjueror. The fleets he maintained, and the new enterprises he 
 went upon daily, had drained all his treasures. He had been reduced to the 
 sad shift of raising the coin, a remedy which never cures the ills of a state, 
 and which is especially prejudicial to a country whose imports are larger 
 than iti exports. Time are partly the grounds upon which Goerts had laid 

 
 132 THE SUPPLEMENT T O THE 
 
 T- 1M. ' ' " " i , , ,. . : 
 
 Life of diaries the Twelfth. 
 
 x . ... .i . — » - — 
 
 the design of a revolution. He had the boldness to propose to the king of 
 Sweden, that he should buy a peace of the Muscovite emperor at any rate, 
 describing the czar to him as irritated against the kings of Poland and En- 
 gland, and giving him to understand, that Peter Alexiowitz and Charles 
 XII. united together, might make the rest of Europe tremble. There was 
 no making peace with the czar, without yielding to him a- great many pro- 
 vinces which lie east and north of the Baltic sea ; but he begged him to con- 
 sider, that in yielding to the czar those provinces which he already pos- 
 sessed, and he himself could not retrieve, he might have the glory of re- 
 placing Stanislaus on the throne of Poland, of setting James the Second's 
 son on that of England, and of restoring the duke of Holstein to his domi- 
 nions. Charles, pleased with these great ideas, however, without building 
 too much upon them, gave a carte-blanche to his minister to act as he 
 thought fit. Goerts left Sweden with full powers, which made him a pleni- 
 potentiary to all the princes he thought proper to treat with. He first of 
 all sounded the court of Moscow, by the assistance of a Scotsman, named 
 Areskine, who was the czar's chief physician, devoted to the pretender's 
 party, as most of the Scots are, who do not subsist on the favours of the 
 court of London. 
 
 This physician cried up the importance and grandeur of the project to 
 prince Menzikof, with all the warmth of a man who was interested in it. 
 Menzikof was pleased with the overtures, and the czar approved of them. 
 Instead of a descent into Sweden, as had been agreed between him and his 
 allies, he wintered his troops in Mecklenburg, and went thither himself, 
 under pretence of ending some disputes which were arising between the 
 duke, his nephew, and the nobles of the country; but in reality, to pursue 
 his favourite scheme of getting a principality in Germany, and hoping to 
 engage the duke of Mecklenburg to sell him his sovereignty. The allies 
 were very angry at this step, not caring to have so terrible a neighbour, 
 who, getting any land in Germany, might one day be elected emperor, and 
 oppress all the sovereigns there. The more they were irritated, the better 
 baron Goert's project went on. He negotiated, however, with all the con- 
 federate princes, the better to conceal his secret intrigues. The czaramused 
 them all with hopes. Charles XII. was in the mean time, in Norway, with 
 his brother-in-law the prince of Hesse, at the head of 20j000 men ; the 
 country was defended only by 11,000 Danes, divided into several corps, 
 which the king and the princeof Hesse soon routed. Charles advanced to- 
 wards Christiana, the capital of the kingdom, and fortune began again to 
 smile upon him in this corner ot' the world; but he never took sufficient 
 care to subsist his troops. A Danish army and fleet approached to defend 
 Norway, and Charles, for want of provisions was forced to retire to Sweden, 
 to wait the issue of the vast enterprises of his minister. This business re- 
 quired a profound secresy, and very great preparations; two things almost 
 incompatible. Goerts sought for succours in the s»eas of Asia, which, hovf 
 odious soever it might seem, was not improper for a descent into Scotland ; 
 and which at least would bring money, men, and ships into Sweden. 
 
 There had, for a long time, been pirates of all nations, especially England, 
 who, entering into an association among themselves, had infested the sea9 
 of Europe and America. Pursued every where without any quarter, they
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. m 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 had just retired to Madagascar, a large island on the east of Africa. They 
 were desperate men, and almost all of them famous for actions, which 
 wanted nothing but justice to make them heroic. They sought a prince, 
 who would receive them under his protection ; but the law of nations had 
 shut them out of every port iu the world. As soon as they knew that 
 Charles XII. was returned to Sweden, they had great hopes that this prince, 
 being passionately fond of war, and obliged to make it, but wanting both a 
 fleet and soldiers, would come into an easy composition with them; they 
 sent a deputy to him, who came into Europe in a Dutch ship, and proposed 
 to baron Goerts that they might be received at Gottenburg, where they 
 offered to bring sixty vessels loaded with riches. The baron brought tlie 
 king into the proposition ; and the next year two Swedish gentlemen, named 
 Kromstrom and Mendall, were sent to finish this negotiation with the pi- 
 rates of Madagascar. There was afterwards found a more honourable and 
 more important succour in cardinal Alberoni, a powerful genius, who go- 
 verned Spain long enough for his own reputation, though not enough for the 
 grandeur of that kingdom. He went, with warmth, into the project of 
 placing the son of James IF. on the throne of England. However, as he 
 was but just come into the ministry, and Spain was to be settled before he 
 could think of overturning other kingdoms ; it was not likely that he could 
 in many years set his hand to this great work; yet, in less than two years 
 time, he had changed the face of affairs in Spain, and given it a new repu- 
 tation in Europe; he had engaged the Turks, it is said, to fall upon the em- 
 peror of Germany, and endeavoured, at the same time, to take the regency 
 of France from the duke of Orleans, and the crown of Great Britain from 
 king George. So dangerous is one man, who is absolute in a powerful slate, 
 and has courage and greatness of soul. Goerts having thus thrown into the 
 courts of Muscovy and Spain, some of the first sparks of that fire he was 
 kindling, went privately into France, and from thence into Holland, where 
 he saw some of the pretender's adherents. He informed himself particu- 
 larly of their strength, the number and disposition of the disaffected in En- 
 gland, of the money they could raise, and the troops they could furnish. 
 The nial-cootents asked but for a supply of 10,000 men, and thought a re- 
 volution secure with the help of those troops. Count Gillembourg, the 
 Swedish ambassador in England, instructed by baron Goerts, had several 
 conferences in Londor., with the principal mal-contents, whom he encou- 
 raged and promised every thing they* could wish; and the pretender's party 
 went so far as to advance some considerable sums, which Goerts got hold of 
 in Holland; and bought several vessels, six in Britain, with arms of all 
 sorts. Then hs sent several officers privately into France, among whom 
 was the chevalier de Folard, who having made thirty campaigns in the 
 French service, and acquired but a small fortune, had lately offered his ser- 
 vices to the king of Sweden, less through any views of interest, than a desire 
 of serving under a king of so astonishing a reputation. The chevalier de 
 Folard hoped, moreover, to make this prince relish the new discoveries he 
 had made in the art of war, which he had all his life studied as a philoso- 
 pher, and has lately published in his Commentaries on Polybius. His no- 
 tions were taken by Charles XII. who had himself made war in a new man* 
 »er, and suffered himself to be guided in nothing by custom. He rcselved
 
 1M THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 Lije oj Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 that the chevalier tie Folard should be one of the instruments be would 
 make use of in his projected descent into Scotland. This gentleman exe- 
 cuted the secret orders of harou Goerts in France. A great number of 
 French officers, and more Irish, came into this new kind of conspiracy, 
 •which was going on at that time in England, France, Spain, Muscovy, and 
 of which, the branches secretly spread from one end of Europe to the other. 
 These preparations were no great matter to baron Goerts, though well for a 
 beginning ; but the most important point, and without which nothing could 
 succeed, was to conclude the peace between the czar and Charles, and many 
 difficulties lay in the way to that. Baron Osterman, the minister of state 
 in Muscovy, would not suffer himself to be immediately taken in by the de- 
 signs of Goerts, he was as circumspect as the minister of Charles was en- 
 terprising. The deliberate policy of one was for letting every thing ripen 
 by degrees; but the impatient spirit of the other, was for gathering as soon 
 as he had sown. Osterman feared, that the emperor, his master, dazzled 
 with the lustre of this enterprise, would grant a peace to Sweden upon too 
 advantageous terms, and therefore found means, by delays and obstacles, 
 to retard that affair. Luckily for Goerts, the czar came himself into Hol- 
 land in the beginning of the year 1717. He designed to go afterwards into 
 France, having a desire to see that famous nation, which, for more than 
 one hundred years has been censured, envied, and imitated by all its neigh- 
 bours. He would there please his insatiable curiosity of seeing and learn- 
 ing, and at the same time exercise his policy. Goerts saw this emperor 
 twice at the Hague, and made a greater progress in these two conferences, 
 than he could have done in six months with plenipotentiaries. Every thing 
 took a favourable turn. His great designs seemed covered with an impene- 
 trable secrecy; and he flattered himself that they would not be known in 
 Europe, but in the execution of them. He talked in the mean time of no- 
 thing but peace at the Hague, and said aloud, that he should look upon 
 the king of England as the peace-maker in the north; and even in appear- 
 ance, pressed for a congress to be held at Brunswick, in which the interests 
 of Sweden and its enemies might be decided amicably. The first who dis- 
 covered these intrigues was the duke of Orleans, regent of France, who 
 had spies all over Europe. This sort of men, whose trade it is to sell the 
 secrets of their friends, and who subsist on informations, and oftentimes 
 even on calumnies, were so multiplied in France under his government, that 
 one half of the nation was become spies on the other. The duke of Or- 
 leans, united with the king of Eagland by personal obligations, discovered 
 to him all the designs that were carrying on against him. At the same time 
 the Dutch, who took umbrage at Goerts's behaviour, communicated their 
 suspicions to the English ministry, Goerts and Gillembourg pursued their 
 designs warmly, when they were both put under arrest, one at the Hague, 
 and the other in London. Count Gillembourg, ambassador from Sweden, 
 having violated the law of nations, in conspiring against the prince to whom 
 he was sent, they made no scruple to violate the same law, in his person. 
 But every one was amazed, that the states-general of Holland, through an 
 unheard-of complaisance to the king of England, should imprison baron 
 Goerts. They even charged count Velderen to interrogate him. This for- 
 mality made the outrage the greater A but it came to nothing, and only turned
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 135 
 
 r..v t" ' ■■....-. 
 
 Lije of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 to their own confusion. Goerts asked count Velderen if he knew him? 
 "Yes, Sir," answered the Dutchman. "Well then," said the baron, "if 
 you do, yon must needs know that I shall only say what I have a mind to." 
 The examination was carried no farther ; all the ambassadors, particularly 
 the marquis de Monteheoii, the Spanish minister in England, protested 
 against what had been done to the persons of Goerts and Gillembourg. The 
 Dutch were without excuse; they not only violated the most sacred law, 
 in arresting the first minister of the king of Sweden, who had done nothing 
 against them, but acted directly contrary to the principles of that valuable 
 liberty which had brought so many strangers among them, and which was 
 the foundation of all their greatness. With respect to the king of England, 
 he had done no more than what was ri«ht in imprisoning an enemy; and 
 for bis own justification, he ordered the letters between Goerts and Gillcm- 
 bourg, to be printed, which were found among the papers of the latter. 
 The king of Sweden was at that time in Scandinavia, whither the printed 
 letters were carried to him, with the news of the seizing his two ministers. 
 He smiled, and asked if they had printed his letters too? He immediately 
 ordered the English resident to be seized at Stockholm, with all his family; 
 but he could not revenge himself on the Dutch, who had no minister at that 
 time at the court of Sweden. Nevertheless, he neither avowed nor dis- 
 owned the proceedings of Goerts, too proud to deny an enterprise he had 
 once approved of, and too wise to own a design which had been stifled al- 
 most in its birth ; he therefore kept a disdainful silence both towards England 
 and Holland. The czar took another method. As he was not named but 
 only hinted at in the letters of Gillembourg and Goerts ; he wrote a long let- 
 ter to the king of England, full of compliments upon the discovery of the 
 plot, and assurances of a sincere friendship. King George received his pro- 
 testations without believing them, and seemed to suffer himself to be de- 
 ceived. A conspiracy of private men when it is discovered comes to no- 
 thing; but a conspiracy of kings gathers new strength by it. The czar ar- 
 rived at Paris in the month of May 1717, where he did not wholly employ 
 himself in seeing the beauties of art and nature to be found there; in visit- 
 ing the academies, the public libraries, the cabinets of the curious, and 
 royal palaces; he proposed a treaty to the duke of Orleans, regent of 
 France, the acceptance of which would have finished the Muscovite gran- 
 deur. His design was to reunite himself to the king of Sweden, who would 
 give up some great provinces to him ; to take all power from the Danes in 
 the Baltic sea ; to weaken the English by a civil war; and draw to Muscovy 
 all the commerce of the north. He was not even against setting up Stanis- 
 laus again in opposition to Augustus, that so the fire being kindled on every 
 side, he might blow it up, or extinguish it, as he saw most for his advantage. 
 With this view, he proposed the regent of France to be mediator between 
 Sweden and Muscovy, and besides this, an alliance offensive and defensive 
 with these crowns and that of Spain. This treaty which seemed so natural, 
 and so advantageous to those nations, and which would put into their hands 
 the balance of Europe, was, nevertheless, not accepted by the duke of Or- 
 leans. He took directly the contrary measures, and entered into an alli- 
 ance with the emperor of Germany, and George, king of England. Rea- 
 sons of state had then changed the minds of princes to that degree, that
 
 136 T HE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ■ ' ' ,,■", ' ■■ ■ J — a; 
 
 Life of Charles the Tuelfth. 
 
 the czar was going to declare against his old ally, King Augustus, and es- 
 pouse the part of Charles his mortal enemy ; while France, in favour of 
 the Germans and English, was going to make war with a grandson of Lewis 
 XIV. after having supported him so long, against these very enemies, at 
 the expence of so much blood and treasure. All that the czarcould obtain 
 by the bye, was to get the regent to interpose his good offices for the en- 
 largement of baron Goerts and count Gillembourg. He returned into his 
 own dominions in the latter end of June, after having shewn France the 
 uncommon spectacle of an emperor travelling for instruction; but too many 
 of the French could see nothing but the outward blemishes which his bad 
 education had left behind it ; but the legislator, the creator of a new na- 
 tion, and the great man escaped them. What he had sought for in the 
 duke of Orleans he found in cardinal Alberoni, who governed all in Spain. 
 Alberoni wished for nothing more than the establishment of the pretender 
 on the throne, as he was minister of Spain, which had been so ill treated 
 by England, and as a personal enemy to the duke of Orleans united with 
 England, against Spain, and lastly, as priest of a church for which the father 
 of the pretender had so foolishly lost his crown. 
 
 Theduke of Ormond, loved as much in England as the dukeof Marlborough 
 was admired, had left his country upon the accession of king George, and 
 was at that time retired to Madrid ; he went with full powers from the king 
 of Spain and the pretender, to meet the czar in his way to Mittau, in Cotir- 
 lar.d, accompanied by one Jornegan, an Englishman of ability and under- 
 Standing. He asked the princess Anna Petrona, daughter of the czar in 
 marriage, for the son of James II. hoping that such an alliance would more 
 Strictly attach the czar to the interest of that unhappy prince; but this pro- 
 posal retarded affairs for a time, instead of advancing them; for baron 
 Goertz, among his projects, had for a long time, destined that princess to 
 the dukeof Holstein, who really married her afterwards. As soon as he 
 heard of this proposition of the duke of Ormoud, he grew jealous, and ap- 
 plied himself to defeat it. He came out of prison in the month of August 
 as well as count Gillembourg, without the king of Sweden's deigning to 
 make the least excuse to the king of England, or shewing the least dislike 
 of his minister's conduct. At the same time were set at liberty, at Stock- 
 holm, the English resident and all his family, who had been treated with 
 much more severity than Gillembourg had at London. Goertz, set at li» 
 berty, was an implacable enemy, who, besides other powerful motives, 
 was actuated by his revenge. He went post to the czar, and his insinua- 
 tions prevailed more than ever with that prince. He assured him at first, 
 that in less than three months, with one plenipotentiary from Muscovy, he 
 would remove all obstacles to the peace with Sweden; he took a map in 
 his hand, which the czar had designed himself, and drawing a line from 
 Wibourg to the frozen sea, by the lake Ladoga, he promised to bring his 
 master to give up all that lay on the east of that line, as well as Carelia, 
 Ingria, and Livonia: afterwards he mentioned the marriage of the czar's 
 daughter with the duke of Holstein, giving him hopes, that the duke 
 might give up his dominions for an equivalent, by which he would.be a 
 member of the empire ; and then shewing him the imperial crown at a dis- 
 -iaiice, for one of his descendants, if not for himself. Thus he flattered the
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 131 
 
 > I. ■ 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 ;.■ - - i ■ , ., ■ ' ■ ' r =; 
 
 ambitious views of the Muscovite monarch, took, away the czarian princess 
 from the pretender, but opened a way for him at the same time, to Eng- 
 land, and accomplished all his designs at once. The czar named the isle 
 of Aland for the conference between his minister of state Ostennan, and 
 baron de Goerts. They begged the duke of Ormond to return, that they 
 might not give too strong a suspicion to the court of England, with whom 
 the czar would not break till the time of the invasion ; but Jernegan, the 
 duke's confident remained at Petersburg!), to manage affairs, and was lodged 
 in the town with such precaution, that he never went out but at night, 
 nor saw the czar's ministers but in disguise, sometimes like a peasant and 
 Sometimes a Tartar. As soon as the duke of Ormond was gone, the czar 
 made a merit, to the king of England, of his complaisance in sending away 
 the greatest man of the pretender's party ; and baron Goerts returned full 
 of hopes to Sweden. He found his master at the head of 30,000 regular 
 troops, and the coasts guarded by militia. The king wanted nothing but 
 money ; his credit was gone both at home and abroad. France, which had 
 furnished him with some subsidies in the last years of Lewis XIV. gave no 
 mpre under the regency of the duke of Orleans, who governed himself by 
 very different views. Spain promised some; but was not yet in a condition 
 to afford much. Baron Goerts, at this time, gave the full extent to a pro- 
 ject which he had tried before he went into France and Holland. This 
 was, to make copper of the same value as silver ; so that a 'piece, the in- 
 trinsic worth of which, was not above a halfpenny, with the prince's mark, 
 was to pass for thirty or forty pence; as the governors of besieged towns 
 have oftentimes paid their soldiers in leather money, till they could get real 
 specie. This fictitious money, invented by necessity, and which being 
 punctually made good can only give any credit to, is like bills of exchange, 
 whose imaginary value may easily exceed the funds that are in any state. 
 These expedients are of excellent use in free countries, and have sometimes 
 saved a republic; but they almost always ruin a monarchy : For, the people 
 growing suspicious, the government is forced to break its word ; the imaginary 
 money multiplies to excess, particular persons hide their specie, and so the 
 machine is destroyed with confusion, and oftentimes accompanied with 
 greater evil. This was what happened in the kingdom of Sweden, Baroo 
 Goerts, at first, issued out his new money with discretion ; but was shorty 
 carried beyond the measures he proposed, by the rapidity of a motion he 
 knew not how to controul. All sorts of merchandizes and provisions being 
 raised to an excessive price, he was forced to augment his leather coin ; the 
 more it was multiplid, the more it lost credit. Sweden, over-run with this 
 false money, joined in a general outcry against baron Goerts. The people al- 
 ways full of veneration for Charles XII. could not hate him ; but the weight 
 of their aversion fell upon his minister, who being a foreigner, and, as it 
 were, governor of the finances, was doubly assured of the public hatred. 
 An imposition he would have laid upon the clergy, was what put the finish- 
 ing stroke to his being rendered odious to the nation. The priests, who 
 too often make their own the cause of God, said publicly, he was an atheist, 
 because he demanded money from them ; and the new leather money being 
 •tamped with the images of some of the heathen gods, they took occasion 
 from thence to call those pieces baron Goerts's gods. 
 VOL. iv. T
 
 138 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 ■ ■ ' ■ - ■ ' ' ■ ' " " "■" 
 
 Life of Charles tlie Twelfth. 
 
 To the public hatred was joined the jealousy of the ministry, the more 
 implacable at that time without power. The king's sister and the prince 
 her husband, feared him as a man attached by his birth, to the duke of 
 Holstein, and capable of putting the crown of Sweden one day upon his 
 head. He pleased no one in the kingdom but Charles XII. and this ge- 
 neral aversion served only to confirm him in the king's favour, whose opi- 
 nion was always strengthened by contradiction. He placed at this time 
 a confidence in the baron even to a submission ; and gave him not only an 
 absolute power in the government at home, but trusted him, without any 
 reserve, in all the negotiations with the czar, and recommended to him, 
 above all things, to forward the conference of the isle of Aland. As soon as 
 Goerts had settled the finances, which required his presence at Stockholm, 
 he went away to put a finishing stroke to the grand work with the czar's 
 minister. These were the preliminary conditions, which were to alter the 
 face of affairs in Europe, as they were found among Goerts's papers after 
 his death. The czar was to keep all Livonia to himself, with a part of In- 
 gria and Carelia, giving up the lest to Sweden. He was to unite with 
 Charles XII. in the design of re-establishing King Stanislaus on the throne 
 of Poland, and engaged himself to re-enter this country with 80,000 Mus- 
 covites, to dethrone that same king Augustus for whom he had been fighting 
 for ten years: he was to f.irnish the king of Sweden with ships sufficient to 
 transport 10,000 Swedes info Sweden, and 30,000 into Germany ; the united 
 forces of I'eter and Chj 'es wci« to altack the king of England in his Ha- 
 boverjan dominions, and especially in Bremen and Verden: the same troops 
 were to restore the duke of Holstein, and force the king of Prussia into a 
 treaty, by which he was to give up a part of what he had taken. Charles 
 began to look upon himself as if his victorious troops, joined to those of the 
 czar, had already executed what they were about. He called aloud upon 
 the emperor of Germany, for the execution of the treaty of Alranstad ; but 
 the court of Vienna hardly designed to make any answer to a proposition 
 from a prince whom they so little feared. The king of Poland was not in 
 such security, but foresaw the storm that threatened him. Fleming, who 
 was of all men the most distrustful, and was himself the least to be trusted, 
 suspected the designs of the czar and the king of Sweden, in favour of kiag 
 Stanislaus. He would have had him carried off in the dutchy of Deux- 
 Ponts, as, some years before, James Sobiesky had been seized in Silesia ; 
 but Sta::: slaus kept himself upon his guard, and the enterprise was balked. 
 Some of the ruffians who were to have executed this design, endeavoured 
 to deserve their reward in assassinating Stanislaus. They agreed to hide 
 themselves behind a hedge, near which he was to pass, and to shoot him. 
 Stanislaus had notice given him of the plot, and came to the place a little 
 before the time the assassins expected him. He found them met toge- 
 ther, and went directly up to them, with only one page; the least cir- 
 cumstance not foreseen, will serve sometimes, foT that reason only, to over- 
 turn a plot. These wretches, being not yet arrived at the place were the 
 stroke was to he given, had not time to come to a resolution. They were 
 astonished at the presence of the king. "Gentlemen,'' said he, I cannot 
 imagine why persons whom I have never injured should seek my life. If it 
 l % necessity put you upon this design to assassinate me ; there is money for
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 15* 
 
 Life of Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 you. — Be honest." Upon which, throwing some pistoles among them, he 
 went away, leaving them fall of adm : alion of his virtue, and repentance 
 for their crime. In the mean time, Charles went a second time to attempt 
 the conquest of Norway, in the month of October 1718. He had taken his 
 measures so well, that he hoped to be master of the kingdom in six months. 
 He chose rather to go among rocks to conquer, in the midst of snow and 
 ice, and in the depth of winter, which kills animals, even in Sweden, where 
 the air is not so sharp, than to undertake the recovery of his fine provinces 
 in Germany, out of the hands of his enemies; but he hoped his new alli- 
 ance with the czar, would soon put him in a condition of regaining all those 
 provinces: besides the glory there would be in taking a kingdom from a 
 victorious enemy. 
 
 At the mouth of the river Tistendall, near the bay of Denmark, be- 
 tween the town of Bahus and Anslo, is situated Frederickshall a place of 
 great strength and importance, and looked apon as the key of that king- 
 dom. Charles 1ayed siege to it in the month of December. The soldiers, 
 numbed with cold, could hardly break up the frozen ground; it was like 
 opening trenches in a rock; but the Swedes could not think much of their 
 labour when they saw a king at their head, who underwent the same fa- 
 tigues: and Charles had never known greater than the present. His consti- 
 tution, tried in eighteen years painful exercise, was hardened to that degree, 
 that he slept in the open fields in Norway, in the depth of winter, upon straw 
 or a board, covered only by a cloak, without damaging his health in the 
 least. Several of his soldiers died of the cold upon their posts; and others, 
 almost frozen to death, seeing their king suffer with them, did not dare to 
 complain. A little before this expedition, having heard of a woman in 
 Scandinavia named Joan Dotter, who had lived many months without tak- 
 ing any nourishment but water, he, who all his life had studied to support 
 the greatest extremities that human life is capable of, was resolved to try how 
 long he could fast. He spent five days without eating or drinking; on the 
 sixth, in the morning, he rode two leagues to his brother-in-law's, the prince 
 of Hesse, where he eat very much without feeling the least inconvenience, 
 either from his rive days fasting, or the plentiful meal he then made. With 
 this body of iron, endued with a soul of such strength" and courage, in 
 whatever condition he was, he had not one neighbour but feared him. On 
 the Uth of December, St. Andrew's day, he went, at nine o'clock at night, 
 to visit the trenches, and not finding the parallel enough advanced to his 
 mind, he seemed much displeased. Monsieur Megret, a French engineer, 
 who conducted the siege, assured him, the place would be taken in eight 
 day*. " We shall see that," said the king, and continued to visit the 
 works with the engineer. He stopped at a place where the boyau made an 
 angle with the parallel, and kneeling on the inner talus and resting his el- 
 bows on the parapet, he remained for some time viewing the works, that 
 were carrying on in the trenches, by star-light. 
 
 The least circumstances are essential, when they relate to the death of so 
 great a man as Charles XII. therefore, I must needs take notice, that all 
 the conversation that so many writers, and even Monsieur de la Motraye, 
 have related to be between the king and the engineer Meg ret, is entirely 
 false. What follows, I know to be the truth of the matter. The Ling stood
 
 J 40 THE SUPPLEMENT TO THE 
 
 8. . . ■ ■ . ' i " : ' . ... 
 
 Lije oj Charles the lueljth. 
 
 with halt li is body exposed to a battery of cannon, pointed directly against 
 the angle where he was ; there were none but two Frenchmen near him, one 
 was Monsieur Siker, his Aid-de-camp, a man of understanding and courage* 
 who ca me into his service in Turkey, and was particularly attached to the 
 prince of Hesse ; the other was this engineer. The cannon fired upon them 
 with chain-shot, and the king stood more exposed to it than any one. A 
 little behind was count Swerin, who commanded the trenches, and count 
 Posse, captain of the guards, and an aid-de-camp, named Kulbert, received 
 orders from him. Siker and Megret saw the king the moment he fell upon 
 the parapet, fetching a deep sigh ; they ran to him, but he was dead. A 
 heavy balk of half a pound, had struck him on the right temple and made 
 a hole big enough to turn three fingers in. His head was lying over the pa- 
 rapet, the left eye w : as beaten in, and the right out of its socket. He was 
 dead in an instant, but had strength enough in that instant, by a natural 
 motion, to clap his hand to the guard of his sword, in which attitude he lay. 
 At this sight, Megret, a singular man, of a great deal of indifference, said 
 nothing but, " The play is over, let us be gone." Siker ran immediately to 
 acquaint count Swerin of it; fhey all agreed to keep his death a secret tor 
 the soldiers, till the prince of Hesse could be informed of it. They covered 
 his body with a grey cloak; Siker put his Peruke and hat on the king's head,' 
 and in this Manner, carried Charles, under the name of captain Carlsberg, 
 through the troops, who saw their dead king pass by without suspecting any 
 thing of the matter. The prince ordered immediately that no one should 
 stir out of the camp, and had all the roads to Sweden guarded, that he 
 might have time to take his measures to place the crown upon his wife's 
 head, and exclude the duke of Holstein, who perhaps might have laid claim 
 to it. Thus fell Charles XII. king of Sweden, at the age of thirty-six years 
 and a half, after having proved the highest prosperity and the greatest ad- 
 versity, without being softened by the one, or one moment shaken by the 
 other. Almost all his actions, even in private life, were far beyond probabi- 
 lity. He was, perhaps, the only man, and certainly the only king, whoever 
 lived without any weakness. He carried all the virtues of a hero to that 
 excess, that they became faults, and were as dangerous as the opposite vices. 
 His resolution, turned to obstinacy, occasioned his misfortunes in Ukrania, 
 and kept him five years in Turkey ; his liberality, degenerating into profu* 
 fusion, ruined Sweden; his courage, by his rashness, was the occasion of his 
 death; his justice sometimes went to cruelty; and, in his last years, the 
 maintaining his authority approached to tyranny $ his great qualities, one of 
 which would have immortalized another prince, have proved the misfortune 
 of his country. He never attacked any person first ; but he was not as pru- 
 dent as he was implacable in his revenge. He was the first who had the am- 
 bition to be a conqueror without the desire of enlarging his dominions. He 
 coveted empires to give them away. His passion for glory, for war, and for 
 revenge, prevented his being a good politician, without which, there never 
 was a conqueror. Before a battle he had great confidence, was modest after 
 a victory, and undaunted after a defeat. As rigorous to others as himself, 
 setting at nought the labours and lives of his subjects as well as his own. 
 Singular, rather than a great man, and more to be admired than imitated. 
 His life ought to teach kings, that a peaceable and happy reign is preferable
 
 KOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. Ul 
 
 Lift o/ Charles the Twelfth. 
 
 to so much glory. Chariot XII. was of a tall and noble stature, had a fine 
 forehead, large blue eyes, full of sweetness, and a handsome nose; but the 
 lower part of his face was disagreeable, and much disfigured by a frequent 
 laughter, which came only from his lips. He had but little hair upon his 
 head or beard. He spoke very little, and oftentimes only answered by this 
 laugh, which was become habitual to him. There was always a profound 
 silence at his table. Notwithstanding the inflexibility of his temper, he al- 
 ways retained that timidity which is called bashfuluess, and was confound- 
 ed in company; for, having giving himself up so much to labour and war, 
 he knew but little of conversation. Before his leisure among the Turks, he 
 had read nothing but Caesar's commentaries and the history of Alexander: 
 but he had wrote some reflections upon war, and his own campaigns, from 
 1700 to 1709 ; this he owned to the Chevalier de Follard, and told him the 
 manuscript was lost in the unhappy battle of Pultowa. 
 
 With respect to religion, though the sentiments of a prince ought not to 
 influence those of other men, and the opinion of a monarch so little in- 
 structed as Charles XII. can be of no great weight in such matters, yet it is 
 necessary in this point, as well as others, to satisfy the curiosity of men, 
 who are eager to know every thing relating to Charles XII. I know, from 
 the |>erson who trusted me with the principal memoirs of this history, that 
 Charles XII. was an orthodox Lutheran till the year 1707, when he saw, at 
 Leipsic, that famous philosopher M. Leibnitz, who thought and spoke 
 freely, and always inspired more princes than one with sentiments of free- 
 dom. Charles XII. received, from the conversation of this philosopher, a 
 good deal of indifference for Lutheranism. Afterwards having more leisure, 
 among the Turks, and taking a view of divers religions, he carried his in- 
 difference much farther. He preserved none of his first principles but what 
 related to an absolute predestination, which is a doctrine that favoured his 
 courage, and justified his temerity. The czar had the same sentiments 
 with him upon religion and destiny; but he talked of them oftener; for he 
 would converse familiarly of all things with his favourites, and had so much 
 the advantage over Charles XII. that he had studied philosophy, and had 
 the gift of eloquence. I cannot forbear speaking here of a calumny, too 
 often renewed on the death of princes, whom evil-minded, or credulous men, 
 will always have to be poisoned or assassinated. The report was spread in 
 Germany, that Monsieur Siker himself was the man who had killed the king 
 ef Sweden. This brave officer was for a long time very uneasy at this re- 
 port; and speaking of it to me, one day, he used these words, " I might 
 have killed the king of Sweden ; but such was my respect for that hero, I 
 could not have dared to do it, had I been willing." 
 
 After his death the siege of Frederickshall was raised. The Swedes, al- 
 most ruined by the glory of their prince, thought only how to make peace 
 with'their enemies, and put a stop to that absolute power that baron Goerts 
 had exercised over them. The states freely elected for their queen, the 
 princess, sister of Charles XII. but obliged her solemnly to renounce all he- 
 riditary right to the crown, since she only held it from the suffrages of the 
 nation; she promised, by repeated oaths, never to attempt tore-establish 
 arbitrary power; she afterwards sacrificed her royalty to her conjugal af- 
 fection, in giving up her crown to her husband, and engaged the states to
 
 Hg SUPPLF.MENTTO THE TCOYAL MfLITAttY CHftONfCLE. 
 
 i.ije of Charles the Twelfth 
 
 elect that prince, who mounted the throne upon the same conditions us she 
 bad done. 
 
 Baron Goerts, who was put under an arrest immediately after the death 
 of Charles XII. was condemned by the senate of Stockholm, to have his 
 head cut off, at the foot of the gallows ; an example rather of revenge than 
 justice, and a cruel affront to a king whom Sweden yet admires. 
 
 END OF THE LIFE OF CHARLES THE TWELFTH.
 
 Some f?carS 
 
 LIFE 
 
 or 
 
 THE DUKE AND DUCHESS 
 
 MARLBOROUGH, 
 
 THE FIRST COMING OF THE DUCHESS TO COURT, 
 
 THE YEAR 17 10. 
 
 Written by HERSELF. 
 
 Ronton: 
 
 PRINTED BT AND FOR J. DAVIS, MILITARY CHRONICLE AND MILITARY 
 
 CLASSICS OFFICE, 14, CHARLOTTE-STREET, BLOOMSBURY, AND 
 
 TO BE HAD OF ALL THE BOOKSELLERS. — J 81/.
 
 THE 
 
 ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Supplement.) NEW SERIES, JANUARY, J817. [Vol. VI. 
 
 Original Jttarl&oroucrj) Jlaper** 
 
 SOME YEARS OF THE LIFE OF THE DUKE AND 
 DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH, J 
 
 BY THE DUCHESS HERSELF. 
 
 (In a recent Sale in Bond Street, the Original Marlborough Papers were 
 sold al the enormous Price of Three Hundred Guineas. We have the satisfac- 
 tion of laying before our Readers one of the most valuable of these, — Some Inci- 
 dents of the Life of the Duke written by the Duchess herself, and therefore of 
 undoubted authority.) 
 
 BEING now at the extreme point of life, and being very desirous of putting 
 the life of my Lord Duke and myself in that point of view which will not in- 
 jure our fair fame, I am induced to draw up this Narrative. It is as true as my 
 memory of transactions long past will suffer me to make it. 
 
 I shall begin at the time, when, being a very young woman, the Princess 
 Anne of Denmark first distinguished me. This was upon occasion of a quarrel 
 with her sister Mary whilst King James was upon the throne. But I will go 
 a little way further back. — My first acquaintance with the Princess began 
 from our childhood. We used to play together in our infancy. This fond- 
 ness (for such it was) grew with our years ; and when she was married to the 
 Prince of Denmark in 1683, it was by her own request that I was made one 
 of the Ladies of her Bedchamber. 
 
 I was perhaps chiefly recommended to her by being somewhat more agree- 
 able than the other persons about her. 1'he first lady of the bedchamber was 
 Lady Clarendon, a lady who looked like a mad-woman, and talked like a 
 learned doctor. Indeed, never did 1 see a court so oddly composed. I owed 
 my favour more to this than to my talent for flattery, to which I never sub- 
 mitted, and which our girlish love rendered unnecessary. 
 
 Kings and princes, for the most part, imagine they have a dignity peculiar 
 to their birth and station, which ought to raise them above all connexion of 
 friendship with an inferior. Their passion is to be admired and feared, to have 
 subjects awfully obedient, and servants blindly obsequious to their pleasure. 
 Friendship is an offensive word; it imports a kind of equality between the 
 parties; it suggests nothing to the mind of crowns or thrones, high titles, or 
 immense revenues, fountains of honour, or fountains of riches; prerogatives 
 which the possessors would have always uppermost in the thoughts of those 
 who are permitted to approach them. 
 
 The Princess had a different taste. A friend was what she most coveted. 
 She grew uneasy to be treated by me with the form and ceremony due to her 
 rank ; nor could she bear from me the sound of words which implied iu them 
 distance aud superiorly. It wis this turn of mind, which made her oueday
 
 244 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 propose to me, that whenever 1 should happen to be absent from her, we might 
 in all our letters write ourselves by feigned names, such as would import 
 nothiug of distinction of rank between us. Morley and Freeman were the 
 names her fancy hit upon ; and she left me to chuse by which of them I would 
 be called. My frank open temper naturally led me to pitch upon Freeman, 
 and so the Princess took the other; and from this time Mrs. Morley and Mrs. 
 Freeman began to converse as equals, made so by affection and friendship. 
 
 Soon after the decease of King Charles the Second, Lord Clarendon was ap- 
 pointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, to which country his Lady was to go with 
 him. The Princess received a sensible joy from this event; not only as it 
 released her from a person very disagreeable to her, but as it gave her an 
 opportunity of promoting me to be first lady of her bed-chamber; which she 
 immediately did. 
 
 During her father's whole reign she kept her court as private as she could, 
 consistent with her station. What were the designs of that unhappy Prince 
 every body knows. They came soon to shew themselves undisguised, and 
 attempts were made to draw his daughter into them. The King indeed used 
 no harshness with her; he only discovered his wishes, by putting into her 
 hands some books and papers, which he hoped might induce her to a change 
 of religion. 
 
 Lord Tyrconnel also, who had married my sister, took some pains with me, 
 to engage me, if possible, to make use, for the same end, of that great favour 
 which he knew I enjoyed with the Princess : but all his endeavours proved 
 vain ; and it was not long before all the danger blew over, the projects of that 
 reign being effectually disappointed, almost as soon as they were openly 
 avowed. 
 
 Upon the landing of the Prince of Orange in 1688, the King went down to 
 Salisbury to his army, and the Prince of Denmark with him ; but the news 
 quickly came from thence, that the Prince of Denmark had left the King, and 
 was gone over to the Prince of Orange, and that the King was coming back 
 to London. This put the Princess into a great fright. She sent for me, told 
 me her distress, and declared, That rather than see her father she would jump 
 out at window. This was her very expression. 
 
 A little before, a note had been left with me, to inform me where I might 
 find the Bishop of London (who in that critical time absconded), if her Royal 
 Highness should have occasion for a friend. The Princess on this alarm, 
 immediately sent me to the Bishop. I acquainted him with her resolution to 
 leave the court, and to put herself under his care. It was hereupon agreed, 
 that he should come about midnight in a hackney coach to the neighbourhood 
 of the Cockpit, in order to convey the Princess to some place where she might 
 he private and safe. 
 
 The Princess went to bed at the usual time to prevent suspicion. I came to 
 her soon after; and by the back-stairs which went down from her closet, her 
 Royal Highness, my Lady Fitzharding, and I, with one servant, walked to the 
 coach, where we found the Bishop and the Earl of Dorset. They conducted 
 us that night to the Bishop's house in the city, and the next day to my Lord 
 Dorset's at Copt-hall. From thence we went to the Earl of Northampton's, 
 and from thence to Nottingham, where the country gathered about the 
 Princess; not did she think herself safe, till she saw that she was surrounded 
 by the Prince of Orange's friends.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2 45 
 
 The most remarkable tiling that happened to the Princess during her stay 
 at this place was a letter she received from Lord Clarendon. It was full of 
 compliments, and at the same time full of complaints, that she had not told him 
 of a thing he liked so well, that he might have had a share in it. {How well 
 these compliments and the earnestness he shewed (in a consulation held at Wind- 
 sor, before the Prince of Orange came to London) to have King James sent to the 
 Tower, agreed with his conduct afterwards, I shall leave to the world to jud^e. 
 
 Quickly after this, the King fled into France. The throne was hereupon 
 declared vacant, and presently filled with the Prince and Princess of Orange. 
 The Parliament thought proper to settle the crown on King William for life, 
 and the Princess of Denmark gave her consent to it. The truth is, I persuaded 
 her to consent to the project of that settlement, and to be easy under it, after 
 it was made. 
 
 However, as I was fearful about every thing (he Princess did, while she was 
 thought to be advised by me, I could not satisfy my own mind, till I had con* 
 suited with several persons of undisputed wisdom and integrity, and particularly 
 with the Lady Rassel of Southampton-house, and Dr. Tillotsou, afterwards 
 Archbishop of Canterbury. I found them all unanimous in the opinion of the 
 expediency of the settlement proposed, as thinys were then situated. In con- 
 clusion, therefore, I carried Dr. Tillotson to the Princess, and, upon what he 
 said to her, she took care that no disturbance should be made by her pretended 
 friends, the Jacobites who had pressed her earnestly to form an opposition. 
 
 It is certain, that the immediate occasion of the open breach between her 
 Majesty and the Princess of Denmark was the Princess's refusing to obey the 
 Queen's command to remove me from about her person. But no one, I think, 
 can be so foolish as to imagine that the Queen's dislike of me was only on 
 account of my being the wife of Lord Marlborough, who happened then to be 
 in disgrace with the King ; or that her Majesty would have insisted on a 
 demand so painful to her sister, had they till then lived together in the har- 
 mony, which should naturally be* preserved between sisters, especially when 
 embarked in one common cause against a father in defence of religion. 
 
 To clear up this matter, then, and to discover the true sources of that famous 
 quarrel, it will be necessary to recur to some preceding events which un- 
 fortunately led the way to it. 
 
 On the arrival of Queen Mary in England, the Princess of Denmark went to 
 meet her, and there was great appearance of kindness between them. But 
 this qnickly wore off, and a visible coldness ensued ; which I believe was 
 partly occasioned by the persuasion the King had, that the Prince and 
 Princess had been of more use to him, than they were ever like to be agaiu, 
 and partly by the different characters, and humours of the two sisters. It was 
 indeed impossible they should be very agreeable companions to each other ; 
 because Queen Mary grew weary of any body who would not talk a great deal ; 
 and the Princess was so silent that she rarely spoke more than was necessary to 
 answer a question. But this was not all. In the very beginning of that reign 
 there happened some events, which, as they discovered an uncommon dis- 
 regard in» the Queen for her sister, must naturaliyproduce an answerable 
 discontent in the Princess. And here I cannot forbear saying, that whatever 
 good qualities Queen Mary had to make her popular, it is too evident by many 
 instances that she wanted bowels. 
 
 Of this she seemed to me to give an unquestionable proof the first day she 
 came to Whitehall. I was one of those who had the honour to wait on her to
 
 246 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Ja#. 
 
 her own apartment. She ran about it, looking into every closet and conveniency, 
 And turning up the quilts upon the bed, as people do when they come into an 
 inn, and with no other sort of concern in her appearance, but such as they 
 express; a behaviour, which, though at thnt time I was extremely caressed 
 by her, I thought very strange and unbecoming. For, whatever necessity 
 there was of deposing King James, he was slill her father, who had been so 
 lately driven from that chamber, and that bed; and, if she felt no tenderness, 
 I thought she should at least have looked grave, or even pensively sad, at so 
 melancholy a reverse of his fortune. 
 
 The Princess, soon after the King's coming to Whitehall, had a mind to 
 leave her lodgings (the way from which to Ihe Queen's apartment was very 
 inconvenient) and to go to those that had been the Duchess of Portsmouth's, 
 which the King on her request told her she should have. But the Princess 
 requesting also (for the convenieney of her servants) some other lodgings that 
 lay nearer to those of the Duchess, this matter met with difficulty; though 
 her Highness in exchange for what she asked was to give the whole Cockpit 
 (which was more than an equivalent) to be disposed of for the King's use. 
 For the Duke of Devonshire took into his head, thai, could he have the Duchess 
 of Portsmouth's lodgings, where there was a fine room for balls, it would give 
 him a very magnificent air. And it was very plain, that, while this matter 
 was in debate, between the King and Queen and Princess, my Lord Devon- 
 shire's chief business was to raise so many difficulties in making the Princess 
 easy in those lodgings, as at last to gain his point. After many conversations 
 upon the affair, the Queen told the Princess, " That she could not let her 
 have the lodgings she desired for her servants, till my Lord Devonshire had 
 resolved whether he would have them, or a part of the Cockpit:" Upon 
 which the Princess answered, " She would then stay where she was, for she 
 would not have my Lord Devonshire's leavings." So she took the Duchess of 
 Portsmouth's apartment, granted her at first, and used it for her children, 
 remaining herself at the Cockpit. 
 
 Much about the same time the Princess, who had a fondness for the house 
 at Richmond (where she had lived when a child), and who, besides, thought 
 the air of that place good for the children, desired that house of the Queen ; 
 but that likewise was refused her, though for many years no use had been 
 made of it, but for Madame Fossairc, a sister of my Lady Orkney, and Mr. Hill. 
 The Princess, notwithstanding these mortifications, continued to pay all 
 imaginable respect to the King and Queen. But this did not hinder her Ma- 
 jesty from expressing a great deal of displeasure, when some steps were made 
 iu Parliament towards settling a revenue on the Prince and Princess. Taking 
 her sister one night to task for it, she asked her, What was the meaning of those 
 proceedings ? To which the Princess answered, She heard her friends had a mind 
 to make her some settlement. The Queen hastily replied with a very imperious 
 air, Pray what friends have you but the King and me ? I had not the honour to 
 attend the Princess that night; but when she came back, she repeated this to 
 me. And indeed I never saw her express so much resentment as she did at 
 this usage j and I think it must be allowed she had great reason. For it was 
 unjust in her sister not to allow her a decent provision, without an entire de- 
 pendence on the King. And besides, the Princess had in a short time learnt 
 that she must be very miserable, if she was to have no support but the friend* 
 •hip of the two persons her Majesty had mentioned.
 
 J817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 217 
 
 After this the Queen saiJ no more to the Princess on the subject of the set- 
 tlement, though they met every day ; and the afl'air went on so well in the 
 House of Commons, that her friends were encouraged to propose for her a 
 much larger revenue than was at last obtained ; to preveut which, by gaining 
 time, the King prorogued the Parliament. 
 
 The business however was resumed again at the next meeting ; and then 
 all possible endeavours were used, to engage me by flattery and by fear, to 
 dissuade the Princess from the pursuit of a settlement. My Lady Fitzhardiug, 
 who was more than any body in the Queen's favour, and for whom it was known 
 that I had a singular affection, was the person chiefly employed in this under- 
 taking. Sometimes she attacked me on the side of my own interest, telling 
 me, "That if I would not put an end to measures so disagreeable to the King 
 and Queen, it would certainly be the ruin of my Lord, and consequently of 
 all oar family." When she found that this had no effect, she endeavoured to 
 a'arm my fears for the Princess, by saying, " That those measures would in all 
 probability ruin her : For no body, but such as flattered me, believed the Prin- 
 cess would carry her point; and in case she did not, the King would not think 
 himself obliged to do anything for her. That it was perfect madness in me to 
 persist, and I had better ten thousand times persuade the Princess to let the 
 thing fall, and so make all easy to the King and Queen." 
 
 But all this, and a great deal more that was said, was so far from inclining me 
 to do what was desired of me, that it only made me more anxious about the 
 success ofthe Princess's affair, and more earnest, if possible, in the prosecution 
 of it. For, as 1 would have died, rather than have made my court to that reigu 
 by sacrificing the interest of the Princess ; so there was nothing I dreaded more, 
 than, by the least appearance of negligence, or coldness in the present cause, to 
 give ground to suspect me of having been flattered into so base a conduct. I 
 employed therefore all the powers I was capable of exerting to advance the 
 design. I knew the thing was reasonable, the Princess's happiness was con- 
 cerned in it, and there was a fair prospect of succeeding. Besides, that what- 
 ever happened in Parliament, the King could not well avoid giving some allow- 
 ance to the next heir to the crown. And, if he should give her nothing, she 
 had however, by the marriage-settlement, 20,000 /. a year, which would keep 
 her in a retired way, much more agreeably than she could hope to live at court, 
 if; she depended on his generosity ; of which I had no opinion : For the late 
 Lord Godolphiu had told me, that the King, on some meeting at the Treasury, 
 speaking of the civil list, wondered very much how the Princess could spend 
 30,000/. a year, though it appeared afterwards that some of his favourites 
 had more. And there were other parts ofthe King's conduct (which shall be 
 mentioned in a proper place) whereby it sutficieutly appeared, that I did not 
 mistake in my opinion of his disposition. 
 
 But, to return to the affair in Parliament A day or two before it was put to 
 the vote in the House of Commons, I was extremely surprized by a message 
 from the Duke of Shrewsbury, who, as he did not visit me, sent to desire to 
 speak with me about business. When he came, he told me, "That he was 
 sent by the King, who promised to give the Princess 50,000/. a year, if she 
 would desist from soliciting the settlement by Parliament, and that he was 
 confident his Majesty would keep his word : That if he did not, he was sure 
 he would not serve him an hour after he broke it." I said, that such a resolution 
 might be very right as to his grace, but that I did not see it would be of any 
 use to the Princess, if his Majesty should not perform the promise. The 
 
 ■^ » inn'a m m , '
 
 248 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRON ICLE. [Jan. 
 
 Duke, to conviuce me of the reasonableness of what he proposed, added a 
 great deal which had no effect ; and I desired he would attend the Princess 
 herself, to which he consented. I went to her at his request to acquaint her of 
 his coming. Her answer to him was, "That she could not think herself in the 
 wrong to desire a security for what was to support her; and that the business 
 was now gone so far, that she thought it reasonable to see what her friends 
 could do for her. " 
 
 I need not tell you that the Princess carried her point, and that 50,000/. 
 was settled by Parliament. For when the King found that he could not per- 
 suade her to an entire dependency upon him, he compounded the matter with 
 her friends upon these terms,, to hinder their insisting on a larger settlement. 
 The Parliament had shewed an inclination that way : But it was at length 
 thought advisable by the Princess's friends, that she should accept of 50,000/. 
 securely settled, rather than have any farther struggle, considering the great 
 power and influence of the crown, by means of its dependents. 
 
 Nevertheless, I was so fearful lest the Princess should suffer for want of 
 good advice, that after I had heard of the Commons voting 50,000/. a year, I sent 
 to speak witTi my Lord Rochester, and asked his opinion whether the Princess 
 ought to be satisfied, or whether it was reasonable she should try to get more. 
 (I did not then know how much his heart was bent on making his court to the 
 Queen.) His answer to me was, "That he thought, not only that the Princess 
 ought to be satisfied with 50,000 I. but that she ought to have taken it in any 
 way the King and Queen pleased." Which made me reflect that he would 
 not have liked that advice in the case of his own 4000/. a year from the, 
 Post-office settled on him and his son. 
 
 But I was not so uncivil, as to speak my thought, nor so foolish as to struggle 
 any longer. For most of those who had been prevailed with to promote the 
 settlement were tories, among whom my Lord Rochester was a very great man. 
 Their zeal on the present occasion was, doubtless, to thwart King William j 
 for I never observed that, on any other, they discovered much regard for the 
 Princess of Denmark. 
 
 The success of the affair was chiefly imputed to the steadiness and diligence 
 of my Lord Marlborough and me, both by those, to whom it was so exceedingly 
 disagreeable, and by her, to whose happiness it was then so necessary. 
 
 On one side, it was the chief source of all the dissatisfaction of the King 
 and Queen with us ; and on the other, it was acknowledged by the Princess 
 with as deep a sense of the kindness, as could be expressed, and in a manner 
 generous to a very high degree. 
 
 A little above a year after the settlement was made, I was suprised with a 
 letter from her, wherein she offered me the yearly pension of 1000/. Some 
 of her words are these ; " I have had something to say to you a great while, and 
 I did not know how to go about it. I have designed, ever since my revenue 
 
 was settled, to desire you would accept of a thousand pounds a year. I 
 
 beg you would only look upon it as an earnest of my good-will, but never men- 
 tion any thing of it to me; for I shall be ashamed to have any notice taken of 
 such a thing from one that deserves more than I shall be ever able to return. 
 
 And sometime afterwards, a little delay being made by her treasurer in the 
 payment of it, she wrote another letter, wherein were these words; " 'Tislong 
 since I mentioned this thing to dear Mrs. Freeman. She has all the reason in 
 the world to believe I did not mean what I said, or that I have changed my
 
 1817] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 249 
 
 mind, which are both so ill qualities, that I cannot bear you should have cause 
 to think your faithful Morley is capable of being guilty of either." 
 
 The circumstances of my family at this time were not very great} yet Iwai 
 so far from catching at so free and large an offer, that I could not persuade 
 myself to accept of it, till I had sent the first letter to Lord Godolphin, and 
 consulted him upon the matter. It was his opinion, that there was no reason 
 in the world for roe to refuse it. And perhaps no one else will think other- 
 wise, who believes, as he did, that the settling of the Princess's revenue had 
 been chiefly owing to my Lord Marlborough's indefatigable industry, and 
 to mine. 
 
 The next difference that happened between the sisters, was upon the Prince's 
 design of going to sea. He was carried to this resolution by his unwillingness 
 to stay at home, while there was so much action abroad ; and by the remem- 
 brance of the extreme ill usage he had met with, when, at a great expence, 
 he attended his Majesty into Ireland. For the King would not suffer his 
 Royal Highness to go in the coach with him : An affront never put upon a 
 person of that rank before. 
 
 The Prince however submitted to this indignity, it being too late to take 
 any measures to avoid it. Nor, during the whole campaign, did he fail in 
 auy part of duty or respect, though the King never took more notice of him, 
 than if he had been a page of the back stairs. 
 
 You will allow, I believe, that it was very natural for the Prince to chuse a 
 sea-expedition, rather than expose himself again to the like contemptuous 
 usage. On his taking leave of the King, who was going to Flanders, he asked 
 his Majesty's permission to serve him at sea as a volunteer, and without any 
 command. The King said nothing; but immediately embraced him by way 
 of adieu. Silence in such cases being generally taken for consent, the Priuce 
 prepared his equipage, and sent every thing on board. But the King, as it 
 afterwards appeared, hud left orders with the Queen, that she should neither 
 suffer the Prinee to go to sea, nor yet forbid him to go, if she cotdd so contrive 
 matters, as to make his staying at home his own choice. 
 
 The Queen observed the King's directions very exactly. She sent a great 
 Lord to me, to desire I would persuade the Princess to keep the Prince from 
 going to sea; and this 1 was to compass, without letting the Princess know 
 that it was the Queen's desire. I answered, " That I had all the duty iroagin- 
 able for the Queen, but that no consideration could make me so failing to my 
 mistress, as I should think myself, if I spoke to her upon that occasion, and 
 concealed the reason of it. That it was natural for the Princess to wish the 
 Prince might stay at home, and be out of danger; but whether she could 
 prevail in that matter, I did very much doubt. That nevertheless I would say 
 to the Princess whatever her Majesty pleased, provided I might have the liberty 
 to make use of her name." After this, the Queen sent my Lord Rochester 
 to me, to desire much the same thing. "The Prince was not to go to sea, and 
 his not going was to appear his own choice." But after so much noise as had 
 been made about his going, the Prince thought, that to send for his things back, 
 without giving any reason for changing his design, would be making a very 
 ridiculous figure, and therefore be would not submit. Upon which the Queen 
 sent ray Lord Nottingham in form, positively to forbid the Priuce of Denmark's 
 going to sea. 
 
 Notwithstanding all these tilings, the Queen and Princess lived, in appear- 
 ance, for some time after, as if nothing had happened, till the King was 
 First Sup. Vol. VI. 1 ]
 
 250 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jah. 
 
 pleased (without publicly assigning any particular reason) to remove my Lord 
 Marlborough from all his employments. His Majesty sent Lord Nottingham 
 to tell him, that he had no more occasion for his service. This event might, 
 perhaps, be well enough accounted for, hy saying, that Lord Portland had ever 
 a great prejudice to my Lord Marlborough, and that my Lady Orkney (then 
 Mrs. Villiers), though I had never done her any injury, except not making 
 court to her, was my implacable enemy. But, I think, it is not to be doubted, 
 that the principal cause of the King's message, was the court's dislike that any 
 body should have so much interest with the Princess as I had, who would not 
 implicitly obey every command of the King and Queen. The disgrace of my 
 Lord Marlborough therefore was designed as a step towards removing me from 
 about her. 
 
 A letter from the Queen to her sister, which I shall presently give you, 
 affords ground for this opinion. And the behaviour of my Lord Rochester, 
 who was much in the Queen's favour and councils, confirms it. He had 
 warmly opposed my coming into the Princess's family, and he now shewed 
 himself very desirous to have me removed, believing, without question, that 
 could this be compassed, he should infallibly have the government of both 
 sisters : though certainly, as to the Princess, he never discovered any such 
 regard for her, as should give him a title to her confidence. 
 
 But to come to the sequel of the King's message. I solemnly protest, that 
 the loss of my Lord Marlborough's employments would never have broke my 
 rest one single night upon account of interest; but, 1 confess, the being turned 
 out is something very disagreeable to my temper. And, I believe it was three 
 weeks, before my best friends could persuade me, that it was fit for me to go 
 to a court, which (as I thought) had used my Lord Marlborough very ill. 
 
 However at last they prevailed. And I remembered the chief argument 
 was urged by my Lord Godolphin, who said, that it could not be thought, 
 I made any mean court to the King and Queen, since to attend the Princess, 
 was only paying my duty where it was owing. 
 
 I waited therefore on my mistress to Kensington. The consequence was such, 
 as my friends, having no reason to apprehend it, had never thought of. The 
 naxt day the Queen wrote to her sister the following letter. 
 
 Kensington, Friday, the 5th of Feb — " Having something to say to you, 
 which I know will not be very pleasing, I chuse rather to write it first, being 
 unwilling to surprise you ; though, I think, what I am going to tell you, 
 should not, if you give yourself the time to think, that never any body was 
 suffered to live at court in my Lord Marlborough's circumstances. I need not 
 repeat the cause he has given the King to do what he has done, nor his un- 
 willingness at all times to come to such extremities, though people do deserve it. 
 
 "I hope, you do me the justice to believe, it is as much against my will, 
 that I now tell you, that, after this, it is very unfit Lady Marlborough should 
 stay with you, since that gives her husband so just a pretence of being where 
 he ought not. 
 
 "I think, I might have expected you should have spoke to me of it. And 
 the King and I, both believing it, made us stay thus long. But seeing you 
 was so far from it, that you brought Lady Marlborough hither last night, makes 
 us resolve to put it off no longer, but tell you, she must not stay; and that I 
 have all the reason imaginable to look upon your bringing her, as the strangest 
 thing that ever was done. Nor could all my kindness for you (which is ever 
 ready to turn all you do the best way, at any other time) have hindered me
 
 1817] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 251 
 
 shewing you that moment, but I considered your condition, and that made me 
 master myself so far, as not to take notice of it then. 
 
 " But now I must tell you, it was very unkind in a sister, would have been 
 very uncivil in au equal, and 1 need not say I have more claim. Which, 
 though my kindness would make me never exact, yet when I see the use you 
 would make of it, I must tell you, I know what is due to me, and expect to 
 have it from you. Tis upon that account, I tell you plainly, Lady Marlborough 
 must not continue with you in the circumstances her Lord is. 
 
 " I know this will be uneasy to you, arid I am sorry for it ; and it is very 
 much 90 to me to say all this to you, for I have all the real kindness imaginable 
 for you, and as 1 ever have, so will always do my part to live with you as 
 sisters ought. That is, not only like so near relations, but like friends. And, 
 as such, I did think to write to you. For I would have made myself believe 
 your kindness for her made you at first forget that you should have for the 
 King and Me; and resolved to put you in mind of it myself, neither of us 
 being willing to come to harsher ways. 
 
 "But the sight of Lady Marlborough having changed my thoughts, does 
 naturally alter my style. And since by that I see how little you seem to con- 
 sider what even in common civility you o\ve us, I have told you plainly; but 
 withal asure you, that let me have never so much reason to take any thing ill 
 of you, my kindness is so great, that I cau pass over most things, and live with 
 you, as becomes me. And I desire to do so merely from that motive. For I 
 do love you, as my sister, and nothing but yourself can make me do otherwise. 
 And that is the reason I chuseto write this, rather than tell it you, that you 
 may overcome your first thoughts; and when you have well considered, you 
 will find, that though the thing be hard, (which I again assure you lam sorry 
 for) yet it is not unreasonable, but what has ever been practised, and what 
 you yourself would do, were you in my place. 
 
 " I will end this with once more desiring you to consider the matter im- 
 partially, and take time for it. I do not desire an answer presently, because 
 1 would not have you give a rash one. I shall come to your drawing-room to- 
 morrow before you play, because you know why I cannot make one : At sonie % 
 other time we shall reason the business calmly ; which I will willingly do, 
 or any thing else that may shew, it shall never be my fault if we do not live 
 kindly together: Nor will I ever be other by choice, but your truly loving 
 and affectionate sister, " M. R," 
 
 I am perhaps to much concerned in the affair to be a proper judge of this 
 letter. However I shall take the liberty to remark, that it stems not easy to 
 reconcile the Queen's being sorry to say so much, with her employing at the 
 same time sin-h »/>■» -less repetitions ; as if it had been a pleasure to her to remind 
 her sister of the distance between them, and of what was due from the Prin- 
 cess of Denmark to the Queen of England And I have wondered too, that 
 so much kindness for a sister, then pregnant, and so much piety (for it must 
 be observed the Queen was in devotion) did not hinder her from doing a thing 
 which she owns is hard. Her Majesty indeed says, that "though it be hard, 
 it is not unreasonable ; but what has ever been practised, and what the Princess 
 herself would do in her place." What the Princess would have dune in her 
 place, no body can tell: (she herself thought that she would not have doiM 
 like the Quecu.) But that it was not the constant praetict is certain from many 
 instances to the contrary, and particularly one, at that very time, in thetase of 
 the Marchioness of Halifax. And if the practice was uot couslant, how Kaaou*
 
 &fi THE IIOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 able it was for the Queen to insist upon it in my case, I believe, I may safely 
 leave to the judgment of her most zealous advocates. 
 
 For how disagreeable soever to the Queen my conduct had been, it would 
 have proved no easy task to her, to find in any part of it a plausible reason for 
 pressing the Princess to part with me. Would any person, who deserves to 
 be in the semice ;not to say intimate friendship) of a Princess, have acted other- 
 wise than I did, in relation to those points in which only I can be supposed to 
 have disobliged their Majesties? 
 
 Would it have become me to be indifferent in the affair of the succession to 
 the crown ? and to be willing, without the necessity of public good, that my 
 mistress, my friend, the Princess of Denmark, should yield her birthright to the 
 Prince of Orange ? 
 
 Could I, consistently with honour, have advised the Princess to desist from 
 her attempt to get a maintenance settled by Parliament, and leave herself to the 
 generosity of a King and Queen, who, by several slights and affronts put upon 
 her, had shewed how very little they were concerned about her happiness ? 
 
 Was the part which the Queen would have had me act, in relation to the- 
 Prince's going to sea, such, as any person, who had the least regard for his 
 Highness' s character and glory, would have consented to perform ? 
 
 Doubtless my behaviour on all these occasions was criminal in the Queen's 
 eyes ; but this was only because she was Queen ; for she had formerly looked 
 upon my attachment and fidelity to her sister in a very different light. 
 
 As a proof of this, I shall here give two letters, which I received from 
 her when she was Princess of Orange. 1 had many others in the same stile, 
 which were lost in the hurry of the Revolution. 
 
 Loo, September 30th. — " Dr. Stanley's going to England is too good an op- 
 portunity for me to lose of assuring Lady Churchill, she cannot give me greater 
 satisfaction than letting me know the firm resolution both Lord Churchill and 
 you have taken, never to be wanting in what you owe your religion. Such a 
 generous resolution I am sure must make you deserve the esteem of all good 
 people, and my sister's iu particular. I need say nothing of mine, you have it 
 upon a double account, as my sister's friend, besides what I have said already; 
 and you may be assured, that I shall always be glad of an occasion to shew it 
 both to your Lord and you. " 
 
 " I have nothing more to add ; for your friendship makes my sister as dear 
 to you as to me, I am persuaded we shall ever agree in our care for her ; as, I 
 belive, she and I should in our kindness for you, were we near enough to re- 
 new our acquaintance." "Marie." 
 
 "If it were as easy for me to write to my Lady Churchill as it is hard to find 
 a safe hand, she might justly wouder at my long silence; but I hope she does 
 me more justice than to think it my fault. I have little to say at present. To 
 answer the melancholy reflections in your last is now too late; but I hope my 
 sister and you will never part. I send you here one for her, and have not any 
 more time now than only to assure you, that I shall never forget the kindness 
 you shewed to her who is so dear \o me. That, and all the good 1 have heard 
 of you, will make me ever your affectionate friend, which I shall be ready to 
 shew otherwise than by words whenever I have an opportunity." 
 
 It may be seen by these letters that the very same tenour of behaviour to- 
 wards the Princess, which afterwards displeased the Queen, gave me at that 
 time a recommendation to her affection ; but the case was altered. And the 
 Princess of Denmark was now, at the Queen of England's command, to put
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 253 
 
 away that hind dear friend whom the Princess of Orange had hoped she would 
 never part with. And she was to do this, not for any fault I had committed, 
 but only because I was the wife of my Lord Marlborough, who happened to 
 be in disgrace with the King. 
 
 Had the Queen really had custom on her side to countenance her in this 
 harsh command, yet surely what was mere custom, and had no law to support 
 it, might well have been neglected in the present case, in favour of reason aud 
 humanity. 
 
 She calls her command hard, l>ccause of the kindness she knew the Princess 
 had for me. But had she mentioned the reasons too of that kindness, the severity 
 of her injunction would have been more conspicuous. 1 speak uot now of the 
 Princess's inclination for me, previous to services on my part, but of that kind- 
 ness which proceeded from her experience of my disinterested attachment to 
 her iuterests and happiness. I say disinterested attachment. For the Princess 
 knew that the Queen, after her coming into England, did me many honours 
 which would have engaged some people to fix the foundation of their fortune 
 in their favour; and that there was no persou more likely thau I, to rise high 
 upon this bottom, if I could have beeu tempted to break the inviolable laws of 
 friendship. Nor was there the least probability that the Princess should out- 
 live the Kiug aud Queeu, to recompense my fidelity, by 6uch meaus as the 
 royal prerogative furnishes. And as to the present power the Princess had to 
 enrich me, her revenue was no such vast thing, as that I could propose to draw 
 any mighty matters from thence; and, besides, Sir Benjamin Bathurst had the 
 management of it , I had no share in that service. 
 
 I might add here, as a farther proof of the purity and integrity of my conduct, 
 what 1 fancy will be easily believed : That on some occasions I could, without 
 losing my mistress's affection, have sacrificed her cause, to make my court to 
 the Queen. But so detestable a thought never entered into my soul : nor did I 
 ever by asking any favour of the Queen, great or small, for my self or others 
 give her the least ground to hope, she could have any hold of me on the side of 
 in v interest. 
 
 Before the Princess returned an answer to the Queen's letter of command to 
 dismiss me, she sent to my Lord Rochester, shewed him the answer she had 
 prepared, and, with all the earnestness that can be imagined, desired he would 
 use his interest to assist her, and that he would carry her letter; which last 
 she could by no meaus persuade him to do. He told her he would speak to 
 the Queen but could not give the letter to her. So the Princess sent it by oue 
 of her own servants. It contained these words. 
 
 " Your Majesty was in the right to think your letter would be very surpris- 
 ing to me. For you must needs be seusible enough of the kindness I have for 
 my Lady Marlborough, to know, that a command from you to part with her 
 must be the greatest mortification in the world to me; and indeed of such a 
 nature, as I might well have hoped your kindness to me would have idways pre- 
 vented. I am satisfied she cannot have been guilty of any fault to you. And 
 it would be extremely to her advantage, if I could here repeat every word that 
 ever she had said tome of you in her whole life. I confess, it is no small ad- 
 dtion to my trouble to find the want of your Majesty's kindness to me upon this 
 occasion; since I am sure I have always endeavoured to deserve it by all the 
 actions of my life. 
 
 "Your care of my present condition is extremely obliging. And if you would 
 be pelascd to add to it so far, as upon my account to recal your severe command
 
 2M THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jaw. 
 
 (as I must beg leave to call it in a matter so tender to me, and so little reasonable' 
 as I think, to be imposed upon me, that you would scarce require it from the 
 meanest of your subjects) 1 should ever acknowledge it as a very agreeble mark 
 of your kindness to me. And I must as freely own, that as I think this pro- 
 ceeding can be for no other intent than to give me a very sensible mortification, 
 ■o there is no misery that I cannot readily resolve to suffer, rather than the 
 thoughts of parting with her. If after all this that I have said, I must still find 
 myself so unhappy as to be farther pressed in this matter, yet your Majesty may 
 be assured that, as my past actions have given the greatest testimony of my 
 respect both for the King and you, so it shall always be my endeavour, wher- 
 ever I am, to preserve it carefully for the time to come, as becomes 
 
 " Your Majesty's very affectionate sister and servant, " Anne." 
 
 (From the Cockpit, Feb. 6th, \6Q2.) 
 
 To this the Princess received no answer but a message by my Lord Chamber- 
 Jain to forbid my continuing any longer at the Cockpit. 
 
 It was the opinion of several people, that the King had no more power to 
 remove any body out of that house, than out of any other buildings on that 
 side the park, it having been bought of the Duke of Leeds, and settled at the 
 Princess's marriage in King Charles's time on her, and her heirs. But the 
 Princess had resolved to do every thing respectful to the King and Queen, ex- 
 cept yielding in that single point of parting with me. And therefore instead 
 of insisting on the right, which she had in common with every other subject, 
 of being mistress in her own house, she wrote to the Queen the following letter. 
 
 " I am sorry to find that all I have said myself, and my Lord Rochester for 
 me, has not effect enough to keep your Majesty from persisting in a resolution, 
 which you are satisfied must be so great a mortification to me, as, to avoid it, 
 I shall be obliged to retire, and deprive myself of the satisfaction of living where 
 I might have frequently opportunities of assuring you of that duty and respect, 
 which I always have been, and shall be desirous to pay upon all occasions. 
 
 " My only consolation in this extremity is, that not having done any thing 
 in all my my life, to deserve your uukindness, I hope I shall not be long under 
 the necessity of absenting myself from you; the thought of which is so un- 
 easy to me, that I find myself too much indisposed to give your Majesty any 
 farther trouble at this time." (February 8th, ]QQ C 2.J 
 
 Though my Lord Rochester be mentioned in this letter, as having employed 
 bis good offices to prevail with the Queen to change her determination, there 
 is little reason to think that his intercession could be very warm or urgent after 
 the refusal he made to carry the former letter, though pressed to it by the most 
 earnest entreaties. 
 
 At the same time, that the Princess resolved to leave the Cockpit, she sent 
 to speak with the Duchess of Somerset, of whom she desired to borrow Sion 
 for some little time. The Duchess made her many expressions, and very soou 
 after, having spoke to the Duke of Somerset of it, waited on her again, to ac- 
 quaint her, in a very respectful manner, that Sion was at her service. 
 
 As soon as this was known, the King did all he could to dissuade the Duke 
 from letting the Princess have the house; but his Grace had too much great- 
 ness of mind to go back from his promise; so there was an end of the matter. 
 
 Before the Princess removed from the Cockpit, she waited upon her Majesty 
 at Kensington, making all the professions that could be imagined, to which 
 the Queen was as insensible as a statue. When she did answer her it was in 
 the stile of her letter.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 255 
 
 Soon after the Princess's going to Sion, a dreadful plot broke out, which was 
 said to have been hid somewhere, I don't know where, iu a flower-pot ; and 
 my Lord Marlborough was sent to the Tower. 
 
 To commit a peer to prison it was necessary there should be an affidavit from 
 ■ome body of the treason. My Lord Romucy therefore, secretary of state, had 
 sent to one Young, who was then in jail for perjury and forgery, and paid his 
 fine, in order to make him what they call a leyal evidence. For as the court- 
 lawyers said, Young not having lost his ears, was an irreproacliable witness. I 
 shall not dwell on the story of this fellow's villainy, the Bishop of Rochester 
 having given a full Account of it in print. 
 
 Whether my I^ord Marlborough's conspiracy with this Young was what the 
 Queen meant in her letter tothe Princess, where she speaks "of the cause my 
 Lord Marlborough had given the King to do what he had done, and of Ins 
 unwillingness to come to such extremities, though people did deserve it," I 
 know not. Nor indeed could I ever learn what cause the King assigned for 
 his displeasure. But it is natural to think he would give the best reason he 
 could focusing in that manner a man, who had done so much for the Revolu- 
 tion. Every one knows, that my Lord Marlborough had considerable employ- 
 ments under King James, and might have hoped to be as great a favourite at 
 any body, could he have assisted in bringing about that unhappy Prince's 
 scheme of fixing Popery aud Arbitrary Power iu England. It was highly im- 
 probable therefore, that he, who had done so much, and sacrificed so much 
 for the preservation of the religion and liberty of his country, should ou a sud- 
 den engage in a conspiracy to destroy them. And though these consideration* 
 had no weight with the King, they had so much with my Lord Devonshire, 
 my Lord Bradford, and the late Duke of Montagu, that they thought it infa- 
 mous to send my Lord Marlborough to prison upon such evidence; aud there- 
 fore when the warrant for his committment came to be signed at the council- 
 table, they refused to put their hands to it, though at that time they had no 
 particular friendship for him. My Lord Bradford's behaviour was very re- 
 markable; for he made my Lord Marlborough a visit in the Tower, while some 
 of our friends, who had lived in our family like near relations for many years, 
 were so fearful of doing themselves hurt at court, that iu the whole time of his 
 confinement, they never made him or me a visit, nor sent to enquire how we 
 did, for fear it should be known. 
 
 My Lord Marlborough's being sent tothe Tower having obliged me to go 
 and stay at Loudon to attend the affair of his releasement, I there received, 
 among many others, in the same stile of tenderness, the following letters from 
 the Princess. I have transcribed these, to shew you her goodness to me upou 
 all occasions, and to give you a more lively impression of the cruelty of the 
 Queen's command, that enjoined her sister to part with a friend so dear to her 
 heart, merely to gratify the royal pride in a point of ceremony. 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — " Though I have nothing to say to my dear Mrs- 
 Freeman, I cannot help enquiring how she and her Lord does. If it be not con- 
 venient to you to write, when you receive this, either keep the bearer till it is, 
 or let me have a word or two from you by the next opportunity when it is easy 
 to you at any time, much less now, when you have so many things to do, and 
 think of. All I desire to hear from you at such a time as this, is, that you and 
 your'sare well. Which, next to having my Lord Marlborough out of his ene- 
 mies' power, is the best news that can come to her, who, to the last moment of 
 her life, will be dear Mrs. Frcemau's." 
 
 " Friday Night." 
 
 m i i i—
 
 236 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jaw. 
 
 To Lady Marlborough "I give dear Mrs. Freeman a thousand thanks for 
 
 Iter kind letter, which gives me an account of her concerns ; and that is what 
 1 desire more to know than any other news. I shall reckon the days and 
 hours, and think the time very long till the term is out, for both your sake and 
 my Lord Marlborough's, that he may be at liberty, and your mind at ease. 
 You do not say any thing of your health, which makes me hope you are well, 
 at least, not worse than when you were here. And, dear Mrs. Freemau don't 
 say when I can see you, if I come to town; therefore I ask what day will be 
 most convenient to you? For, though all days are alike to me, I should be 
 glad you would name one, because I am to take some physick, and would 
 order that accordingly. I confess, I long to see you, but am not so unreason- 
 able to desire that satisfaction till it is easy to you. I wish with all my soul, 
 that you may not be a true prophetess, and that it may be boou in our power 
 to enjoy one another's company, more than it has been of late ; which is all I 
 covet in this world." 
 
 To Lady Marlborough "I am sorry with all my heart, dear Mrs. Freeman 
 
 meets with so many delays ; but it is a comfort, they cannot keep Lord Marl- 
 borough in the Tower longer than the end of the term ; and, I hope, when the 
 Parliament sits, care will be taken that people may not be clapt up for nothing, 
 or else there will be no living in quiet for any body, but insolent Dutch, and 
 sneaking mercenary Englishmen. Dear Mrs. Freeman, farewel ; be assured 
 your faithful Mrs. Morley can never change ; and, I hope, you do not in the 
 least doubt of her kindness, which, if it be possible, encreases every day, and 
 that can never have an end but with her life. Mrs. Morley hopes her dear Mrs. 
 Freeman will let her have the satisfaction of hearing from her again to-morrow." 
 (Thursday,) 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — "Dear Mrs. Freeman may easily imagine, I cannot 
 have much to say, since I saw her. However, I must write two words. For 
 though I believe she does not doubt of my constancy, seeing how base and 
 false all the world is, I am of that temper, I think, I can never say enough to 
 assure you of it. Therefore give me leave to assure you they can never change 
 me. And there is no misery I cannot readily resolve to suffer, rather than the 
 thought of parting from you. And I do swear, I would sooner be torn in 
 pieces, than alter this my resolution. My dear Mrs. Freeman, I long to hear 
 from you." 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — "My dear Mrs. Freeman was in so dismal a way 
 when she went from hence, that I cannot forbear asking, how she does, and 
 if she has yet any hopes of Lord Marlborough's being soon at liberty. For 
 God's sake, have a care of your dear self, and give as little way to melancholy 
 thoughts as you can. If I could be as often with you as those that have it in 
 their power, but not in their will, you should seldom be alone, but though I 
 have not that satisfaction, as much as I desire, I assure you, my heart is always 
 with you; and if wishes signified anything, you would have no uneasy minute. 
 
 "Though I long of all things to hear from my dear Mrs. Freeman, I am not 
 so unreasonable as to expect the groom should come back to-night, if he comes 
 to you at an unreasonable hour; therefore keep him till it is easy to you to 
 write. But I am in hopes, I shall have a word or two before I go to bed ; 
 because my dear Mrs. Freeman has promised I shall hear from you. 
 
 "I fancy ass's milk would do you good, and that is what you might take 
 morning or afternoon, as it is most convenient.
 
 1817-] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 257 
 
 " I bad no sooner sealed my letter, but I received my dear Mrs. Freeman's, 
 for which I gave her a thousand thanks, aud am overjoyed at the good newt 
 you send me, which I hope will cure you of every thing." 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — "I am in pain to know how my dear Mrs. Freeman 
 does, for she is not used to complain, nor to be let blood for a little thing ; and 
 therefore 1 cannot help enquiring what is the matter, aud how she finds her- 
 self now ? lean come either to London or Camden-house to-morrow or Monday, 
 or any other day. If you will let me know where and when, and what time 
 I may have the satisfaction of seeing you, your faithful Morley will be sure to 
 meet you." 
 
 Your Lordship sees by these letters of tenderness how impossible it must 
 have been for the Princess to comply wilh the Queen's desire, had it appeared 
 less unreasonable than it did. However, she was very attentive not to be 
 wanting in any point of due respect. Falling in labour at Sion, she sent Sir 
 Benjamin But hurst to present her humble duty to the Queen, and acquaint her 
 with it, and that she was much worse than she used to be ; as she really was. 
 The Queen did not thiuk fit to see the messenger, nor to make any answer. 
 
 Notwithstanding this, when the Princess was brought to bed of a child, that 
 died some minutes after the birth, she sent my Lady Charlotte Beverwaert to 
 inform her Majesty of what had happened. My Lady waited some considerable 
 time before the Queen saw her. The reason of this was my Lord Rochester's 
 not being present, when the message came. After some conversation with 
 him, the Queen sent for my Lady Charlotte, and told her, she would go that 
 afternoon and see the Princess at Sion, and she was there very soon after the 
 notice arrived. 
 
 She came attended by the Ladies Derby and Scarborough. I am sure it will 
 be necessary to have a good voucher to persuade your Lordship of the truth 
 of what lam going to relate. The Princess herself told me, that the Queen 
 never asked her how she did, nor expressed the least concern for her condition, 
 nor so much as took her by the hand. The salutation was this : " I have made 
 the first step, by coming to you, and I now expect you should make the next 
 by removiug Lady Marlborough." The Princess answered, "That she had 
 never in all her life disobeyed her, except in that one particular, which she 
 hoped would, some time or other, appear as unreasonable to her Majesty, as 
 it did to her.'' Upon which the Queen rose up and went away, repeating to 
 the Prince, as he led her to the coach, the same thing she had said to the 
 Princess. 
 
 My Lady Derby did not come to the bed-side, nor make the least enquiry 
 after her health, though the Princess had recommended her, for Groom of the 
 Stole, to the Queen, on her accession to the crown. Lady Scarborough indeed 
 behaved herself as became her on lhat occasion, and afterwards asked the 
 Queen's leave to visit me, because we had been old acquaintance : which 
 was granted. 
 
 I have heard that the Queen, when she came home, was pleased to say, 
 ** she was sorry she had spoke to the Princess ; who, she confessed, had so 
 much concern upon her at renewing the affair, that she trembled and looked 
 a* white as the sheets. But if her Majesty was really touched with compassion, 
 it is plain, by what followed, that she overcame herself extremely. For 
 presently after this visit, all company was forbid waiting on the Princess; and 
 her guards were taken awav. 
 Fir$t. Sup. Vol. VI 2 K
 
 25S THE KOYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 I do not see how the most zealous advocates for the Queen can vindicate her 
 in these proceedings to an only sister, nor how a man of that mighty under- 
 standing, my Lord Rochester was said to have, could think, that a visit (which 
 the Queen made to every countess) was so extraordinary a grace to a sister, 
 that it should oblige her to do, what she had retired from the court to avoid. 
 
 I must observe to your Lordship, that the King was not in England, when 
 this last thing happened. My Lord Roche&ter was the Queen's oracle; and 
 whether he had any share or not in beginning the ill usage of the Princess, he 
 was without question the prosecutor of it. 
 
 1 fancy, you have been wishing, during all this story, that I had made some 
 proposal to the Princess, to free her from the trouble she was in, and to save 
 her from such indignities, as surely have seldom, if ever, been offered to the 
 presumptive heir of a crown. When you have read some letters I had from 
 her on the occasion, I believe you will be satisfied I did my part. I assure you, 
 that from the very beginning of the difference, it was my earnest request to her 
 to let me go from her; for though, had I been in her place, I would not have 
 complied with the Queen's demand, yet I thought that in mine, I could not 
 discharge what I owed to the Princess, without employing every argument mv 
 thoughts could suggest, to prevail with her to part with me. But whenever I 
 said any thing that looked that way, she fell into the greatest passion of tender- 
 ness and weeping that is possible to imagine. And though my situation, at 
 that time, was so disagreeble to my temper, that, could I have known how long 
 it was to last, I could have chose to go to the Indies sooner, than to endure it ; 
 yet, had I been to suffer a thousand deaths, 1 think I ought to have submitted 
 rather than have gone from her against her will. 
 
 As soon as the Princess was recovered from a fever, which followed the in- 
 disposition of her lying-in, (and which, 1 believe, was in great measure caused 
 by her trouble) she began to think she should be found fault with, if she did 
 not express her thankfulness for the great honour the Queen had done her. 
 Whereupon she sent to Doctor Stillingfleet, Bishop of Worcester, to come to 
 see her, intending to write to the Queen by him, and to make use of his credit 
 to soften her. On this occasion, I had from her the two following letters. 
 
 To Lady Marlborough — " I had last night a very civil answer from the Bis- 
 hop of Worcester, whom I sent to speak with, but have heard nothing more 
 of him since, so I dare not venture to go to London to-day, for fear of missing 
 him. If he comes in any time to-morrow, I will not fail of being with my 
 dear Mrs. Freeman, about five or six o'clock, unless you are to go to the Tower. 
 And if you do, pray be so kind as to let me know time enough to stop my jour- 
 ney. For I would not go to London, and miss the satisfaction of seeing yon. 
 I could not forbear writing though I had nothing more to say, but that it is 
 impossible ever to express the kiudness I have for dear Mrs. Freeman.*' 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — " Sir Benjamin telling me you were not come to 
 town at three o'clock, makes me in pain to know how your son does, and 1 
 can't help enquiring after him and dear Mrs. Freeman. The Bishop of Worces- 
 ter was with me this morning before I was dressed. I give him my letter to 
 the Queen, and he has promised to second it, and seemed to undertake it very 
 willingly : Though by all the discourse I had with him, (of which I will give 
 you a particular account when I see you) I find him very partial to her. The 
 last time he was here, I told him you had several times desired you might go 
 from me, and I have repeated the same thing again to him. For you may
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2:9 
 
 easily imagine, I would not neglect doing you right upon all occasions- But 
 I beg it again for Christ Jesus's sake, that you would never name it any more 
 to me.! For be assured, if you should ever do so cruel a thing as to leave me, 
 from that moment I shall never enjoy one quiet hour. And should you do it 
 without asking my consent (which if I ever give you, many I never see the face 
 ef heaven) I will shut myself up, and never see the world more, but live where 
 I may be forgotten by human kind. 
 
 The letter which the Princess sent to the Queen by the Bishop of Worcester 
 was iu these terms. 
 
 Sion, the 20th of ftjay. — " I have now, f!od be thanked, recovered my 
 strength well enough to go abroad. And though my duty and inclination 
 would both lead me to wait upon your Majesty, as soon as I am able to do it, 
 yet 1 have of late had the misfortune of being so much under your Majesty's dis- 
 pleasure, as to apprehend, there may be hard constructions made upon any thing 
 I either do, or not do, with the most respectful intentions. And I am in doubt 
 whether the same arguments, that have prevailed with your Majesty to forbid 
 people from shewing their usual respects to me, may not be carried so much 
 farther, as not to permit me to pay my duty to you. That, I acknowledge, 
 would be a great increase of affliction to me ? and nothing but your Majesty's 
 own command shall ever willingly make me submit to it. For whatever reason 
 I may think iu my own mind I have to complain of being hardly used, yet I 
 will-strive to hide it, as much as possible. And though I will uot pretend to 
 live at the Cockpit, unless you would be so kind as to make it easy to me, yet 
 wherever I am, I will endeavour always to give the constant marks of duty and 
 respect, which I have iu my heart for your Majesty, as becomes. 
 
 " Your Majesty's very affectionate sister and servant, " Anne." 
 
 To this the Queen returned the following answer. 
 
 To the Princess.—" I have received your's by the Bishop of Worcester, and 
 have very little to say to it: since you cannot but know, that aslueverused 
 compliments, so now they will not serve. 
 
 ■ Tis none of my fault, we live at this distance, and I have endeavoured to 
 shew my willingness to do otherwise. And I will do no more. Don't give 
 yourself any unnecessary trouble : for be assured it isnot words can make us live 
 together as we ought. You know what I required of you. And I now tell you 
 if you doubted it before, that I cannot change my mind, but expect to be com- 
 plied with, or you must not wonder if I doubt of your kindness. You can 
 give me no other marks, that will satisfy me. Nor can I put any other construc- 
 tion upon your actions than what all the world must do, that 6ees them. These 
 things don't hinder me being very glad to hear you are so well, and wishing 
 you may continue so, that you may yet, while 'tis iu your power, oblige me to 
 be your affectionate sister. "Mull K." 
 
 What sentiments the Princess had on receiving this harsh, peremptory decla- 
 ration from the Queen, you will see by her letter to me on that occasion. 
 
 The Princess to Lady Marlborough " I am very sensibly touched with the 
 
 misfortune that my dear Mrs. Freeman has had of losing her son, knowing 
 very well, what it is to lose a child : but she knowing my heart so well, and 
 how great a share I bear iu her conccrus, I will uot say any more on this 
 subject, for fear of renewing her passion too much. 
 
 ■ Being now at liberty to go where 1 please, by the Queen's refusing to set 
 me, I am mightily inclined to go to-morrow, after dinner, to the Cockpit, and 
 from thence privately in a chair to see you, some time next week. 1 believe
 
 <i6o TUB ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 it will be time for me to go to London to make an end of that business of 
 Berkeley house. 
 
 " The Bishop brought me the Queen's letter early this morning, and by that 
 little he said, he did not seem so well satisfied with her, as he was yesterday. 
 He has promised to bear me witness, that I have made all the advances, that 
 were reasonable. And I confess, I think, the more it is told about, that I 
 would have waited on the Queen, but that she refused seeing me, is the betr 
 ter: and therefore I will not scruple saying it to any body, when it comes in 
 my way. 
 
 " There were some in the fcimily, as soon as the news came this morning of 
 our fleet's beating the French, that advised the Prince to go in the afternoon 
 to compliment the Queen. And another asked me, if I vyould not send her 
 one? but we neither of us thought there was any necessity of it then, and 
 much less since I received this arbitrary letter. I don't send you the original 
 for fear any accident may happen to the bearer : for I love to keep such letters 
 by me for my own justification. Sure never any body was used so by a sister ! 
 but I thank God I have nothing to reproach myself withal in this business, but 
 the more I think of ail that has passed, the better I am satisfied. And if I 
 had done otherwie, I should have deserved to have been the scorn of the world, 
 and to be trampled upon as much as my enemies would have me. 
 
 " Dear Mrs. Freeman, farewel. I hope in Christ you will never think more 
 of leaving me, for I would be sacrificed to do you the least service, and nothing 
 but death can ever make me part with you. For if it be possible I am every 
 day more and more yours. 
 
 " I hope your Lord is well. It was Mr. Maul and Lady Fitzharding that 
 advised the Prince and me to make our compliments to the Queen." 
 
 As your Lordship has here read the Princess's final resolution, you may .now 
 perhaps be curious to know, what were the Prince of Denmark's dispositions, 
 in relation to this affair. Some parts of the following letters will satisfy you in, 
 this point, as the rest will confirm what has been said of my desiring to leave 
 the Princess ; the ill treatment she met with, in this reign, from the beginning ; 
 and the obligations she thought herself under to Lord Marlborough and me; 
 for our fidelity and diligent services to her. 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — " I really long to know how my dear Mrs. Freeman 
 got home, and now I have this opportunity of writing, she must give me leave, 
 to tell her, if she should ever be so cruel to leave her faithful Mrs. Morley, she 
 will rob her of all the joy and quiet of her life ; for if that day should come, I 
 could never enjoy a happy minute, and I swear to you I would shut myself up 
 and never see a creature. Yoa may easily see all this would have come upon 
 me, if you had not been. If you do but remember what the Q. said to me the 
 night before your Lord was turned out of all ; then she begun to pick quarrels ; 
 and if they should take off twenty or thirty thousand pound, have I not lived 
 upon as little before ? When I was first married we had but twenty (it is true 
 indeed the King was so kind to pay my debts) and if it should come to that 
 again, what retrenchment is there, in my family, I would not willingly make, 
 and he glad of that pretence to do it : never fancy, dear Mrs. Freeman, if what 
 you fear should happen, that you are the occasion ; no, I am very well satisfied, 
 and so is the Prince too, it would have been so however, for is capable of 
 
 doing nothing but injustice; therefore rest satisfied, you are noways the cause; 
 and let me beg once more, for God's sake, that you would never mention
 
 J617.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2 Gl 
 
 parting more, no nor so much as think of it ; and if you should ever leave me be 
 assured it would break your faithful Mrs. Morley's heart." (Friday Morning.) 
 
 " I hope my dear Mrs. Freeman will come as soon as she can, this afternoon 
 that we may have as much time together as we can ; I doubt you will think 
 me very unreasonable for saying this, but I really long how to see you again, 
 as much as if I had not been so happy this mouth. 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — " In obedience to dear Mrs. Freeman, 'I have told 
 the Prince all she desired me, and he is so far from being of another opinion, 
 if there had been occasion he would have strengthened me in my resolutions, 
 and we both beg you would never mention so cruel a thing any more.' Cau 
 you think either of us so wretched that for the sake of twenty thousand 
 pound, and to be tormented from morning to night with flattering knaves and 
 fools, we should forsake those, we have such obligations to, and that we are 
 the occasion of all their misfortunes? Besides, can you believe we will truckle 
 to who from the first moment of his coming has used us at that rate, 
 
 as we are sensible he has done, and that all the world cau witmss, that will 
 not let their interest weigh more with them, than their reasou. But suppose 
 I did submit, and that the King could change his nature so much, as to use me 
 with humanity, how would all reasonable people dispise me ? How would 
 laugh at me and please himself with having got the better? And which 
 is much more, how would my conscience reproach me for having sacrificed it, 
 my honour, reputation, and all the substantial comforts of this life for transi- 
 tory interest, which, even to those who make it their idol, can neve.r afford any- 
 real satisfaction, much less to a virtuous mind : No, my dear Mrs. Freeman, 
 never believe your faithful Mrs .Morley will ever submit. She cau wait with 
 patience for a sun-shine day, and if she does not live to see it, yet she hopes 
 England will flourish again. Once more give me leave to beg you would be so 
 kind never to speak of partiug more, for let what will happen, that is the ouly 
 thing can make me miserable." (Tuesday Morning ) 
 
 His Royal Highness continued steady iu his opinion to the last, notwithstand- 
 ing that almost all the servants in the family, and especially those whom I had 
 brought into it, were frequently pressing him to have me removed. My Lord 
 Berkeley indeed, though I believe he did not know, that he was obliged to 
 me for his employment of Groom of the Stole, said some thing very handsome to 
 the Prince, (as the Princess told me) to strengthen him in the contrary resolu- 
 tion. But my Lord Lexington, who was not so ignorant of the service I had 
 done him, made the first return for it, by speaking to the Prince to put her out, 
 uho hail put him in. 
 
 But of all that happened to me of this kind, nothing surprised so much, as 
 the behaviour of Mr. Maul. I had not only brought him to be bed-chamber 
 man to the Prince, when he was quite a stranger to that court, but, to mend 
 his salary, had invented an employment for him, that of overlooking the 
 Princess's accounts: And I had done this without having been asked to do it. 
 1 had indeed a great value for him, and thought him so worthy a man, and so 
 much my friend, that I might safely have trusted to his care my most important 
 concerns. But you will see how extremely I was mistaken. This man never 
 came near me, during that time of trouble. And when 1 chanced to meet 
 him at Siou, avoided as much as he could, even to make me a how ; appre- 
 hending, I believe, that I should ask him to be Lord Marlborough's bail : Not 
 that I then guessed this to be the reason ; but I thought so afterwards j because,
 
 2C2 | THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 notwithstanding his strange coldness, even to rudeness, as soon as it was 
 known that Lord Shrewsbury, Lord Burlington, Lord Carbury, and Lord 
 Halifax were to be bail for my Lord Marlborough he came to see me, and 
 offered himself for that service, making as if he knew nothing of what was so 
 public. I thanked him, and told him, Lord Marlborough had friends, who 
 would bail him, but that one of his best friends, was a paper that lay upon the 
 tabic, which I had often kissed, The Act of Habeas Corpus. 
 
 But this was not the greatest proof 1 had of Mr. Maul's ingratitude. He was 
 one of those, who were most urgent with the Prince, that he would prevail 
 with the Princess to put me away. For this end he took more pains than 
 ordinnry in attending on him. And I cannot help telling a very foolish thing 
 he said to his Royal Highness, and what one would not have expected from a 
 man that kept good company. The Prince one day, after being much pressed 
 by him, on my subject, answered, * That he had so much tenderness for the 
 Princess, that he could not desire to' make her so uneasy, as he knew the 
 parting with me would do. And besides, he had done a great deal, and had 
 been very ill used." To which Mr. Maul replied, " That it was true his High- 
 ness had done a great deal; but if he refused this thing, it was like a cow, 
 that gave a great deal of milk, and then kicked it down." 
 
 Very soon after this eloquent, but unsuccessful pleading of Mr. Maul (who 
 kad certainly been employed by my Lord Rochester) a letter came to the 
 Princess, From his Lordship, on occasion of the Queeu's having forbid people 
 to go to her. 
 
 The conteuts of it were these. 
 
 " Madam, — I am afraid, I may be guilty of too great presumption in giving 
 your Royal Highness the trouble of a letter ; but I do it with so good intentions, 
 that I hope you cannot be angry with me for it. And now that one is un- 
 happily restrained from the honour of waiting upon your Royal Highness, there 
 is no other way but this to make an offer of my humble duty to you. It is » 
 very uncomfortable reflection for me to make, but beiug so really concerned, 
 as I am sure I am, for your Royal Highuess's happiness, I should be so unfor- 
 nate as to be wholly useless to you, at a time, when your Royal Highness can- 
 not but think yourself, that you have the use of every body, that are truly and 
 faithfully your servants. And however I have been so mistaken in my judg- 
 ment, as to have never offered any thing to your Royal Highness, worth your 
 approbation, I do, with all humility, submit my poor opinion to that of your 
 Royal Highness;* but beg you to believe, it is not flattery to any body else, nor 
 *ny other consideration that has made me be of the mind I was; but only the 
 want of a better understanding, to be able to think of something more for 
 your service. And being thus incapable of myself to propose any thing that is 
 agreeable to you, I take this occasiou humbly to offer to your Royal Highness 
 all the little service you may judge me fit to be employed in, and most earnestly 
 to beseech you to believe, that if I can be of any use in the world to your 
 Royal Highness, there is nothing that I would endeavour with greater satis- 
 faction to myself, than at this time to express the great concern, 1 presume to 
 say I have, for your Royal Highness, by any thing that I can do for your service. 
 And if any thing I have taken the confidence to say be worth your taking 
 notice of, the least signification of your pleasure will bring me at all times 
 to receive the honour of any of your commands ; and the duty and zeal and 
 passion, I have for your true interest and prosperity, will, I hope, make some
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 263 
 
 amends for the want of a better judgment and capacity, which I acknowledge 
 every body has a greater share of than, 
 
 "Madam, Your Royal Highness's most obedient and most dutiful servant, 
 
 " Rocuester." 
 
 Tcannot help thinking, that there is something very absurd in the affected 
 modesty and profound respectfulness of this letter; where his Lordship owns, 
 that every body has more judgment and capacity than he, and with all humility, 
 submits his poor opinion to that of her Royal Highness, and at that same time, 
 lets her know that this poor opinion which he so submits, shall entirely govern 
 him in his behaviour towards her. And the perfect self approbation he dis- 
 covers after lamenting the mistake of his judgment, is no less ridiculous. For 
 he plainly intimates some expectation, that she will send for him again, and 
 confess the wisdom of the senseless advice he had given her. I make no scruple 
 to call his Lordship's advice senseless. For how unworthy soever he might 
 think me of the extraordinary affection the Princess had for me, he could not 
 hope (unless he were really the simpleton he says he is) that what had latley 
 happened would be a means to cure her of it in any degree : and he must know, 
 that while she retained that affection, she could not part with me, without 
 extreme unhuppiness to herself. And what had he to propose, as a compensa- 
 tion to her for this unhuppiness? Not the inward satisfaction nor the outward 
 glory of having obeyed uny law of God or of the land, by removing me from 
 her; but only the empty advantage of putting an end to their Majesties' open 
 displeasure with her ; a displeasure, which did her no real hurt, and which, 
 being so occasioned as it was, gained her credit with every mortal that had a 
 heart. 
 
 The Princess was not imposed upon by his Lordship's duly or zeal or passion 
 for her prosperity. She sent him the following answer to his letter. 
 
 To the Earl of Rochester. — " I gave you many thanks for the compliments 
 and expressions of service which you make me, in your letter : which I should 
 be much better pleased with than I am, if I had any reason to think them 
 sincere." 
 
 " It is a great mortification to me, to find, that I still continue under the mis- 
 fortune of the Queen's displeasure. I had hopes, in time, the occasion of it 
 would have appeared as little reasonable to the Queen, as it has always done to 
 Die. And if you would have persuaded me of the sincerity of your intentions, 
 as you seem to desire, you must give me leave to say, I cannot think it very hard 
 for you to convince me of it, by the effects. And till then I must beg leave to 
 be excused, if lam apt to think, this great mortification, which has been given 
 me, cannot have proceeded from the Queen's own temper, who, I am persuaded, 
 is both more just in herself, than that comes to, as well as more kind to 
 
 " Your very affectionate friend, " Anne." 
 
 And now the business of his Lordship whs to make the Queen's order be 
 complied with. He took great pains in it himself; and all the ladies of the 
 bedcamber were employed either to speak or write to their relations and 
 acquaintance. And this matter was so well followed, that, at last, the Quecu 
 herself sent to my Lady Grace Pierpoint, " to desire that she would not go to 
 the Princess;" adding, " that if she did, she should not come to her, for she 
 would sec no body that went to her sister." My Lady Grace's answer was, 
 "That she thought she owed a respect to the Princess; that she had beea 
 civilly treated by her; and that if her Majesty would not allow her to pay 
 her duty to her, she would go no more to the Queen, and the oftucr to the 
 Princess."
 
 264 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 But this generous example of refusing meanly to submit to an unreasonable 
 order, was followed by very few, except those whom my Lord Marlborough 
 and I engaged to pay the Princess all the respect possible. Two or three jacobite 
 ladies also came to her, because (as it was easy to observe) all of that interest 
 rejoiced much at the quarrel. 
 
 My Lady Thanet was one of the first, who, like my Lord Rochester (and I 
 conclude, not without his advice) made her excuse to the Princess by letter. I 
 cannot now find it; but you may guess at the contents of it by the Princess's 
 answer, which was this. 
 
 To the Dowager Countess of Thanet. — " It is no small addition to my unhap- 
 pinessin the Queen's displeasure, that I am deprived, by it, of the satisfaction 
 of seeing my friends; especially of such as seem desirous to see me, and to find 
 by those late commands, which her Majesty has given you, that her unkiud- 
 ness to me is to have no end. The only comfort I have in these great hard- 
 ships, is, to think, how little I have deserved them from the Queen. And that 
 thought, I hope, will help me to support them with less impatience. 
 
 "I am the less surprised at the strictness of the Queen's command to you, 
 upon this occasion, since I have found she can be so very unkind to &c." 
 
 It was almost a year after this, and when it was of very little use, before 
 Lady Thanet first, and then Lady Hyde, came to wait on the Princess. And 
 their visits afterwards were very rare, and only upon extraordinary occasions, 
 as a lying-in, or some great illness. 
 
 I have already mentioned, besides this prohibition to visit the Princess, the 
 taking away of her guards. And these were not the only methods devised to 
 mortify her. One very ridiculous thing was done with this view, while the 
 Princess was at Bath. The following letter, signed by the Earl of Notting- 
 ham, Secretary of State, was dispatched to the Mayor of the town, a tallow- 
 chandler. 
 
 "Sir, — The Queen has been informed, that yourself and your brethren have 
 attended the Princess with the same respect and ceremony, as have been paid 
 to the Royal Family, perhaps you may not have heard what occasion her Ma- 
 jesty has had to be displeased with the Princess. And therefore I am com- 
 manded to acquaint you, that your are not for the future to pay her Highness 
 any such respect or ceremony, without leave from her Majesty, who does not 
 doubt of receiving from you and your brethren, this public mark of your duty. 
 '* I am your most humble servant, " Nottingham." 
 
 The King being abroad when this letter was writ, and the Queen being at 
 that time wholly in my Lord Rochester's hands, every body concluded, that it 
 was done by his advice. And lam myself the more fully persuaded of it, from 
 the fondness he discovered for such sort of pageantry, when (in the beginning of 
 Queen Anne's reign)' he made his progress, in those parts, and took pains in 
 begging treats, and speeches, from such sort of people. But it must be owned 
 that his Lordship had a singular taste for trifling ceremonies. I remember, 
 when he was Treasurer, he made his white staff be carried by his chair-side 
 by a servant bare-headed; in this, among other things, so very unlike his suc- 
 cessor, my Lord Godolphin, who cut his white staff shorter than ordinary, that 
 he might hide it, by taking it into the chair with him. 
 
 But if my Lord Rochester believed, as I am persuaded he did, that this order 
 to the Mayor of Bath would have great weight with the Princess, it will be 
 seen, from a short letter from her to me on the occasion, how much he was 
 disappointed.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. ggfl 
 
 To Lady Marlborough. — " Dear Mrs. Freeman must give me leave to ask 
 her, if any thing has happened to make her uneasy. I thought she looked to 
 night as if she had the spleen. And I cannot help being in pain whenever 1 
 see her so. 
 
 " I fancied yesterday, when the Mayor failed in the ceremony of going to 
 church with me, that he was commanded not to do it. I think 'tis a thing to 
 be laughed at. And, if they imagine either to vex me or gain upon me by 
 such sort of usage, they will be mightily disappointed. And I hope these foolish 
 things they do, will every day shew people more and more, what they are, and 
 that they truly deserve the name your faithful Morley has given them." 
 
 Another foolish thing, that was done by the same advice, as I suppose, was 
 •ending to the minister of St. James's church, where the Princess used to go 
 (while she lived at Berkeley-house) to forbid them to lay the text upon her 
 cushion, or take any more notice of her than of other people But the minister 
 refusing to obey without some order from the crown in writing, which they 
 did not care to give, that noble design dropt. 
 
 After all these notable efforts to subdue the Princess had been employed 
 without success, and when we were got again, as I thought, iuto a settled, 
 quiet way, at Berkeley-house, my Lord Rochester attempted once moreto bring 
 about his purpose, by a stratagem. He came to Sir Benjamin Bathursr, and to 
 others of the Princess's family, insinuating to them, " that if the Princess would 
 put me away, he was persuaded, the Queen would in some time be prevailed 
 upon to let her take me again ;" which was altogether improbable, and indeed 
 ridiculous ; because my only pretended fault was being my Lord Marlborough's 
 wife, a fault which I could neither excuse, nor extenuate, nor repent of. 
 
 The Princess considered this project as nothing more than a new civil plot 
 of my Lord Rochester's. However she was resolved to leave nothing undone 
 on her part j and therefore, knowing that my Lady Fitzharding could speak 
 more feely to the Queen than any body else, whom she could employ, she scut 
 for her and repeated to her my Lord Rochester's proposal, desiring her to ac- 
 quaint the Queeu, " that from what his Lordship had said, she had been flat- 
 tering herself, she had mistaken her Majesty's last words ; and that if she might 
 hope his Lordship had any ground for his opinion, she should be very ready 
 to give her Majesty any satisfaction of that sort." Upon the delivery of this 
 message, the Queeu fell into a great passion, and said, " her sister had not 
 mistaken her, for she never would see her, upon any other terms, than parting 
 with me, not for a time, but for ever," adding, " that she was a Queen, and 
 would be obeyed." Which fine sentence, my Lady Fitzharding confessed, 
 the Queen repeated several times in their conversation ; and her Ladyship 
 seemed to rind great fault with the Queen's manner »f speaking upon that oc- 
 casion ; though excepting this time, my Lady appeared to be a very good 
 courtier. 
 
 The Princess, after this, continued at Berkeley-House in a very quiet way. 
 For there was nothing more to be done, unless they would stop her revenue 
 which doubtless they would have attempted, had they thought it practicable 
 But my Lord Godolphin was than first commissioner of the Treasury, a man 
 esteemed very useful to the service, and who they knew, would quit upon any 
 such orders. And they could not easily have found a person with qualities fit for 
 that employment, who would have thought it consistent with their honour or 
 safety to take a place, which another had left upon such an account; and at the 
 
 First. Sup. Vol. VI. i L
 
 266 THE KOVAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 same time refuse paying the revenue settled by an act of parliament on the next 
 heir to the crown. 
 
 I remember nothing more that happened of any moment relating to this 
 Disagreement, till just before the Queen's death. 
 
 I shall only observe, that notwithstanding all the harsh things done to the 
 Prince and Princess, they never failed in the least thing, which their friends 
 thought proper for them to do, to show respect to the King, and Queen. 
 
 Particularly, on the King's return from Flanders, the Prince sent one ofhi* 
 family to present his humble duty to his Majesty, and to acquiant him, That the 
 Princess having had the misfortune, during his absence, to receive many public 
 marks of the Queens displeasure, he did not know whether it were proper for him 
 to come to his Majesty, as formerly, without endeavouring first to receive his Ma- 
 jesty's commands, and to know how far it might be agreeable to him. 
 
 The Duke of Gloucester also waited several times on her Majesty, who made 
 a great show of kindness to him, and gave him rattles, and several play-things, 
 which were constantly put down in the gazette. And whenever the Duke 
 was sick, she sent a bedcamber woman to Camden-house to enquire how he 
 did. But this compliment was made in so offensive a manner to the Princess, 
 that I have often wondered how any mortal could bear it with the patience she 
 did. For whoever was sent, used to come without ceremony into the room 
 where the Princess herself was, and passing by her, as she stood or sat, without 
 taking more notice of her than if she were a rocker, go directly up to the Duke» 
 and make their speech to him, or to the nurse, as he lay in her lap. 
 
 I believe it will be allowed, that there was a good deal of insolence and ill- 
 breeding in this behaviour ; and that the Queen might, with safety to all her 
 dignity have found means to satisfy herself about the Duke of Gloucester's health 
 without suffering to be done to the Princess, what no body before ever thought 
 of, and what no private person in this country would bear from another. And 
 yet the return, which the Princess, when she came to the crown, made to this 
 rudeness of the Queen's women, was to give them pensions; a thing which the 
 King himself grew weary of doing some time before he died. 
 
 For several months before Queen Mary fell sick of the small-pox, the Princess, 
 thinking herself with child, stayed constantly on one floor, by her physicians' 
 advice lying very much upon a couch to prevent the misfortune of miscarrying. 
 However upon the news of the Queen's dangerous indisposition, she sent a lady 
 of her bed-chamber to present her humble duty to her, and to desire" that her 
 Majesty would believe she was extremely concerned for her illness: adding, 
 that if her Majesty would allow her the happiness of waiting on her, she would 
 notwithstanding the condition she was in, run any hazard for that satisfaction." 
 This message was delivered to Lady Derby, who having carried it in to her 
 Majesty, came out again some time after, and said, " That the King would send 
 an answer the next day." Accordingly my Lady Derby then wrote to the same 
 Lady, who had brought the message, the following lines, 
 
 "Madam, — lam commanded by the King and Queen to tell you, they desire 
 you would let the Princess know they both thank her for sending and desir- 
 iug to come : But, it being thought so necessary to keep the Queen as quiet as 
 possible, hope she will defer it. I am, 
 
 "Madam, Your Ladyship's most humble servant, "E. Derby. 
 
 "Pray, Madam, present my humble duty to the Princess." 
 This civil answer, and my Lady Derby's postscript, made me conclude, 
 more than if the college of physicians had told it me, that the disease was
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2G7 
 
 mortal. And as I knew that several people, and even one of the Princess's 
 own family, were allowed to see the Queen, I was also fully persuaded, that 
 the deferring the Princess's coming was only to leave room for continuing the 
 quarrel, in case the Queen should chance to recover, or for reconciliation with 
 the King, (if that should be thought convenient) in case of the Queen's death. 
 During the time of the Queen's illness to her decease, the Princess sent every 
 day to inquire how she did ; and once, I am sure, her Majesty heard of it ; he- 
 cause my Lady Pitzharding, who was charged with the message, and who had 
 more desire than- ordinary to see the Queen, broke in, whether they would or 
 not, and delivered it to her, endeavouring to express in how much concern the 
 Princess was: to which the Queen returned no answer but a cold thanks. Nor, 
 though she received the sacrament in her illness, did she ever send the least 
 message to the Princess, except that in my Lady Derby's letter, which per- 
 haps her Majesty knew nothing of. 
 
 How this couduct to a sister could suit with the character of a devout Queen, 
 I am at a loss to know. For there is nothing more plain in scripture, than the 
 fifth chapter of St. Matthew, v- 2.3, §4. Therefore if thou bring thy gift to the 
 altar, and there remembrest that thy brother hath ought against thee, leave there 
 thy gift before the altar, and go thy way ; first be reconciled to thy brother, and 
 then come and offer thy gift. 
 
 I will suppose for argument's sake (though I think it scarcely possible), that 
 the Queen might have so wrong an understanding, as to think, she had no re- 
 paration to make, and that the Princess had injured her, in not being her 
 slave : yet, even in that case, there was something omitted ; for we are taught 
 to forgive the trespasses against us, as we expect to be forgiven. 
 
 Upon the death of the Queen, the Princess, by advice of my Lord Sunder- 
 land and others, wrote the following letter to the King. 
 
 " Sir, — I beg your Majesty's favourable acceptance of my sincere and hearty 
 sorrow for your great affliction in the loss of the Queen. And 1 doassureyour 
 Majesty, I am as sensibly touched with this sad misfortune, as if I had never 
 been so unhappy, as to have fallen into her displeasure. 
 
 " It is my earnest desire, your Majesty would give me leave to wait upon 
 you, as soon as it can be without inconveniency to you, and without danger 
 of encreasing your affliction, that I may have an opportunity myself not only 
 of repeating this, but of assuring your Majesty of my real intentions to omit 
 no occasion of giving you constant proofs of my sincere respect and concern 
 for your person and interest, as becomes, Sir, 
 
 " Your Majesty's most affectionate sister and servant, " Asvk." 
 
 The King had sense enough to know, that it would be impossible to continue, 
 any longer an open difference with the Princess, without exposing himself to 
 daily slights, and a manifest disregard for his sovereign pleasure ; for he could 
 not hope that the nobility of England would be hindered, now the Queen 
 was dead, from paying respect to a Princess, who was next heir to him by Act 
 of Parliament, and who, if title by blood had taken place, would have had the 
 crown before him; and he was well aware, that every body, who had a mind 
 to shew they did not care for him, would certainly do it by making their court 
 to her. 
 
 Quickly after this letter, therefore, the Princess, with the King's consent, and 
 at a time which he appoiuted, waited on him at Kensington, and was rec 
 with extraordinary civility. 
 
 And now, it being publicly known, that the quarrel was made up, nothing 
 was to be seen but crowds of people, of all sort*, flocking to* Berkeley-house, to
 
 868 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 pay their respects to the Prince and Princess: a sudden alteration, which, I 
 remember, occasioned the half-witted Lord Caernarvon to say one night to the 
 Princess, as he stood close by her, in the circle, " I hope your Highness will 
 remember that I came to wait upon you, when none of this company did ;" 
 which caused a great deal of mirth. 
 
 I never heard of any body that opposed this reconciliation, except my Lord 
 Portland, lint the person who wholly managed the affair between the King 
 Princess was my Lord Sunderland. He had, upon all occasions relating to her, 
 shewed himself a man of sense aud breeding ; and before there was any thought 
 of the Queeu's dying had designed to use his utmost endeavours to make up 
 the breach ; in which, however, I am persuaded he could not have succeeded 
 during the Queen's life. Her death made it easy to him (for the reasons I have 
 mentioned) to bring the King to a reconcilement ; and he also persuaded the 
 King to give the Princess St. James's House. 
 
 But this and some other favours granted her, at his Lordship's request, were 
 only to save appearancess, and for political views. It was very evident that 
 the King did not care, any real respect should be shewn to her Highness. For 
 though to his death she never omitted any thing that was due to him from 
 her, and, by his order, went several times to wait on him at Kensington, uo 
 ceremony was observed to her, more than to any other Lady; till the thing 
 had caused some discourse in town. After which my Lord Jersey waited upon 
 her down stairs once or twice, but not oftner. If any body ever came to meet 
 her, it was a page of the back-stairs, or some person whose face was not known. 
 And the Princess, upon these occasions, has waited an hour aud a half, just 
 upon the same foot with the rest of the company ; and not the least excuse 
 was made for it. 
 
 I confess, for my own part, that in the point of respect to the King (and U 
 theQiicen when living) I thought the Princess did a great deal too much ; aud 
 it often made me very uneasy. For I could not endure to have her do any 
 thing, that I could not have done in her place. And all the friends I ever had 
 in my life would not have prevailed with me to take any oue step, the Priu- 
 cess did, during the quarrel, except the first letter she wrote to the Queen, 
 and the last message of offering to come to her in her sickness. But a letter 
 which the Princess, after the reconcilement, wrote to the King upon the 
 taking of Namur, gave me, I think, more concern than any other instance of 
 her respectfulness; though it was advised by three Lords, whose judgments 
 all the world valued. It rau thus, 
 
 "Sir, — Though I have been unwilling to give you the trouble of a letter 
 upon any other occasion, yet upon one so glorious to your Majesty as the 
 taking of Namur, I hope you will give me leave to congratulate your good 
 success, which don't please me so much upon any other account, as for the 
 satisfaction, that I am sensible your Majesty must needs feel in this great addi- 
 tion to the reputation of your arms. And I beg leave, Sir, to assure you, that 
 as nobody is more nearly concerned in your interests, so no body wishes more 
 heartily for your happiness and prosperity at home than "Your &c. "Anne." 
 
 This letter (which seemed to me so unbecoming the Princess to write) served 
 no ether purpose but to give the King an opportunity of shewing his brutal 
 disregard for the writer; for he never returned any answer to it, nor so much 
 as a civil message. 
 
 Your Lordship has had some specimens of the manner, in which his 
 Majesty treated the Prince of Denmark before the quarrel. I shall now give 
 you oue, of his behaviour to him after the reconcilement,
 
 1317.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2(59 
 
 The King's birth-day coming just after the news of the King of Denmark's 
 death, the Prince, who had a great tenderness for his brother, was extremely 
 uneasy at the thought of putting on colours so soon. And the Princess 
 knowing that it had been the custom in former reigns, to wait upon theKiug, 
 on a birth-day, without coloured clothes, when the mourning was very deep, 
 found means to get my Lord Albemarle to ask the King's leave, that the 
 Prince might be admitted, in his mourning, to wish his Majesty joy. The 
 answer was, "That the King would not see him, unless he came in his colours j" 
 and the Prince was persuaded to comply, though he did it with great uneasiness. 
 
 I believe I could till as many sheets, as I have already written, with relating 
 the brutalities, that were doue to the Prince and Princess in that reign. The 
 King was indeed so ill-natured and so little polished by education, that neither 
 in great things nor in small hod he the manners of a gentleman. I shall give 
 you an instance of his worse than vulgar behaviour at his own table, when the 
 Princess dined with him. 
 
 It was in the beginning of his reign, and when she was with child of the 
 Duke of Gloucester. There happened to be a plate of pease, the first that 
 had been seen that year. The King, without offering the Princess the least 
 share of them, eat them every one up himself. Whether he offered any to 
 the Queen, I cannot say; but he might do that safely enough, for he knew, 
 she durst not touch them. The Princess confessed, when she came home, she 
 had so much mind to the pease, that she was afraid to look at them, and yet 
 could hardly keep her eyes off them. 
 
 But I shall conclude this subject of the King's conduct towards the Princess, 
 with some facts of a deeper concern to her than those incivilities I have just 
 mentioned, and they will show how rightly she judged, when she formerly 
 refused to leave the affair of her maintenance to his generosity. 
 
 Wheu the Duke of Gloucester was arrived at the age to be put into men's 
 hands, the King insinuated to such members of the Parliament as he knew 
 were desirous to have the Duke handsomely settled, that it would require near 
 50,000/. a year. And, at the same time, he promised other persons, whom, 
 he knew it would please, that he would pay Queen Mary in France her settle- 
 ment, which was also 50,000/. a year. And these steps he took, in order to 
 obtain an addition of a 100,000/. a year to his civil list. 
 
 The addition was granted, yet he never paid one shilling to the Queen: 
 And, as to the Duke, the King not only kept him in women's hands a good 
 while after the new revenue was granted, but, when his Highness's family 
 was settled, would give him no more than 15,000/. a year. Nay, of this small 
 allowance, he refused to advance one quarter, though it was absolutely wanted 
 to buy plate and furniture : So that the Princess was forced to be at that ex- 
 pence herself. 
 
 But this was not all. The King (influenced, I suppose, in this particular, 
 by my Lord Sunderland) sent the Princess word, that, though he intended to 
 put in all the preceptors, he would leave it to her to chuse the rest of the ser- 
 vants, except one, who was to be Deputy Governor and Gentleman of the 
 Duke's bed chamber, (which was Mr. Sayers.) 
 
 This message was so humane, and of so different an air from any thing the 
 Princess had been used to, that it gave her an extreme pleasure j and she 
 immediately set herself so provide proper persons, and of the most considera- 
 tion, for the several places. Mr. Boscawen and Secretary Vernon's son were 
 to be grooms of the bed-chamber ; the sons of the Earls of Bridgewater and
 
 270 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 Berkeley were to be pages of honour, and so on. In the meantime the Kin°- was 
 iu no haste to finish the affair of the Duke's establishment ; and a little before 
 he left England to go make the campaign, told my Lord Marlborough, (who 
 was now restored to the army, and was to be Governor to the Duke of 
 Gloucester) " that he would send a list, from abroad, of the servants he would 
 have in the Duke's family," not in the least regarding the former message, he 
 had sent to the Princess; which my Lord observing, took the liberty to put 
 his Majesty in mind of it, adding, that the Princess, upon the credit of that 
 message, had engaged her promises to several persons ; and that, not to be 
 able to perform those promises, would be so great a mortification, as he hoped 
 his Majesty would not give her, at a time, when any thing of trouble might 
 do her prejudice, she being then with child. Hereupon the King fell into a 
 great passion, and said, "she should not be Queen before her time, and he 
 would make the list of what servants the Duke should have." 
 
 The King was so peremptory, that my Lord Marlborough could say no 
 more, and had no expedient left, but to get my Lord Albemarle to try to bring 
 him to reason ; which his Lordship promised to do. And accordingly he took 
 my Lord Marlborough's list of the persons the Princess had chosen, and car- 
 ried it with him into Holland. In conclusion that list was approved, with very 
 few alterations. But this was, without question, not so much owing to the 
 King's goodness, or my Lord Albemarle's persuasions, (though I believe his 
 Lordship did take pains in this matter) as to the happy choice the Princess had 
 made of the servants. For the King, upon cool consideration, must perceive, 
 that he could not strike out of the list a greater number than he did, without 
 hurting himself, more than the Princess. He only made my Lord Raby's bro- 
 ther an equerry, and appointed, to be gentlemen waiters, two or three persons, 
 who had served the late Queen in such like stations, and had pensions on that 
 account. And it was to save this money that the King did so ungentleman- 
 like a thing, as to force the Princess to fail in some of her engagements-. And 
 he gave afterwards another remarkable proof of his good management ; for 
 upon the news of the Duke of Gloucester's death, he sent orders, by the very 
 first post, to have alibis servants discarded; a diligence of frugality, which 
 was surely not very decent in a king. It was by the contrivance of Lord 
 Marlborough, assisted by Lord Albemarle, that the servants received their sala- 
 ries to the quarter-day after the Duke died. 
 
 And now, after all I have related of the King, and after so much dislike, as 
 I have expressed of his character and conduct, you will perhaps hardly believe 
 me, in what I am going to say : Yet, your Lordship will belfeve me ; for you 
 will judge of my heart, by the make and temper of your own. When the 
 King came to die, I felt nothing of that satisfaction, which I once thought I 
 should have had upon this occasion. And my Lord and Lady Jersey's writing 
 and sending perpetually to give an account, as his breath grew shorter and 
 shorter, filled me with horror. I thought I would lose the best employment in 
 any court, sooner than act so odious a part. And the King, who had given 
 me so much cause to hate him, in that condition I sincerely pitied : So little is 
 it in my nature to retain resentment against any mortal, (how unjust soever he 
 may have been) in whom the will to injure is no more. 
 
 § II. — THE King died, and the Princess of Denmark took his place. This 
 elevation of my mistress to the throne brought me into a new scene of life, 
 aud into a new sort of consideration with all those, whose attention, either by
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 271 
 
 curiosity or ambition, was turned to politics and the court. Hitherto my favour 
 •with her Royal Highness, though it had sometimes furnished matter of conver- 
 sation to the public, had been of no moment to the affairs of the nation, she 
 herself having no share in the councils, by which they were managed. But 
 from this time, I began to be looked upon as a person of consequence, without 
 whose approbation, at least, neither places, nor pensions, nor honours' were 
 bestowed by the crown. The intimate friendship, with which the Queen wa« 
 known to honour me, afforded a plausible foundation for this opinion : Aud I 
 believe therefore, it will be a surprise to many, to be told, that the first im- 
 portant step, which her Majesty took, after her accession to the government, 
 was against my wishes and inclination : I mean, "her throwing herself and 
 her affairs almost entirely into the hands of the tories." 
 
 I shall dwell the longer, and be the more particular upon the subject of my 
 disagreement with her Majesty about parties, that I may expose the injustice 
 of those whigs, who, after the great change in 17 10, accused me of being the 
 ruin of their cause; a cause, that, in her reign, would have been always too 
 low, to be capable of a fall, but for the zeal and diligence, with which I seized 
 every opportunity to raise and establish it; which, in the eml, proved the ruin 
 of my favour with her Majesty. 
 
 The Queen had from her infancy imbibed the most unconquerable preju- 
 dices against the whigs. She had been taught to look upon them all, not 
 only as republicans, who hated the very shadow of regal authority, but as im- 
 placable enemies to the church of England. This aversion to the whole party 
 had been confirmed by the ill usage she had met with from her sister and King 
 William, which though perhaps more owing to Lord Rochester, thau to any 
 man then living, was now to be all charged to the account of the whigs. And 
 Prince George, her husband, who had also been ill treated, in that reign, threw 
 into the scale his resentments. 
 
 On the other hand, the tories had the advantage, not only of the Queen's 
 early prepossession in their favour, but of their having assisted her in the late 
 reign, in the affair of her settlement. It was indeed evident, that they had 
 done this, more in opposition to King William, than from any real respect for 
 the Princess of Denmark. But still they had served her. And the winter 
 before she came to the crown, they had in the same spirit of opposition to the 
 King, and in prospect of his death, paid her more than usual civilities and 
 attendance. 
 
 It is no great wonder therefore, all these things considered, that as soon as 
 she was seated in the throne, the tories (whom she usually called by the agree- 
 able name of the church-party) became the distinguished oLjects of the 
 royal favour. 
 
 Dr. Sharp, Archbishop of York, was pitched upon by herself to preach her 
 coronation sermon, and to be her chief counsellor in church-matters; and her 
 privy-council was filled with tones. My Lord Normanby (soon after Duke of 
 Buckingham) the Earls of Jersey and Nottingham, Sir Edward Seymour, with 
 many others of the high-fliers, were brought into places ; Sir Nathan Wright 
 was continued in possession of the great seal of England, aud the Earl of Ro- 
 chester iu the Lieutenancy of Ireland. These were men, who had all a won- 
 derful zeal for the church ; a sort of public merit that eclipsed all other in the 
 eyes of the Queen. Aud I am firmly persuaded, that notwithstanding her 
 extraordinary affection for me, aud the entire devotion which my Lord Marl- 
 borough and my Lord Codolphin had for many years shown to her service,
 
 272 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [J A y. 
 
 they would not have had so great a share of her favour and confidence, if they 
 had not been reckoned in the number of the tories. 
 
 The truth is, though both these Lords had always the real interest of the na- 
 tion at heart, and had given proof of this, by their conduct in their several 
 employments, in the late reign, they had been educated in the persuasion, that 
 the high-church party were the best friends to the constitution, both of church 
 and state ; nor were they perfectly undeceived by experience. 
 
 For my own part, I had not the same prepossessions. The word CHURCH 
 had never any charm for me, in the mouths of those, who made the most noise 
 with it j for I could not perceive that they gave any other distinguishing proof 
 of their regard for the thing, than a frequent use of the word, like a speli to 
 enchant weak minds; aud a persecuting zeal against dissenters, and against 
 those real friends of the church, who would not admit that ■persecution was 
 agreeable to its doctrine. And as to state-affairs, many of these churchmen 
 seemed to me, to have no fixed principles at all, having endeavoured, during 
 the last reign, to undermine that very government, which they had contributed 
 to establish. 
 
 I was heartily sorry therefore, that, for the sake of such churchmen, others 
 should be removed from their employments, who had been firm to the prin- 
 ciples of the Revolution, and whom I thought much more likely to support the 
 Queen, and promote the welfare of our country, than the wrong-headed politi- 
 cians that succeeded them. 
 
 I resolved therefore, from the very beginning of the Queen's reign, to try 
 whether I could not by degrees make impressions in her mind more favourable 
 to the whigs; and though my instances with her had not at first any consider- 
 able effect, I believe, I may venture to say, it was, in some measure, owing to 
 them, that her Majesty did,, against her own inclinations, continue several of 
 this party in office. And it is well known, that the Queen, in the first year 
 of her reign, had determined to create four new peers, the Lords Granville, 
 Guernsey, Gower and Conway, I prevailed that Mr Hervey (the present Earl 
 of Bristol) might be a. fifth, in spite of the opposition of the tories, and espe- 
 cially of the four above named ; who for a while refused to accept of the peer- 
 age, if Mr. Hervey, a whig, were admitted to the same honour. 
 
 But how difficult a task I prescribed to myself, when I undertook to mode- 
 rate her Majesty's partiality to the tories, and to engage her to a better opiuion 
 of their opposites, will abundantly appear from the following letter, which 
 I had the honour to receive from her, about half a year after her accession to 
 the throne. 
 
 *'St. James's, Saturday the 24th October — I am very glad to find by my dear 
 Mrs. Freeman's, that I was blest with yesterday, that she liked my speech, but 
 I cannot help being extremely concerned, you are so partial to the whigg, be- 
 cause I would not have you, and your * poor, unfortunate, faithful Morley dif- 
 fer in opinion in the least thing. What I said, when J writ last upon this sub- 
 ject, does not proceed from any insinuations of the other party ; but I know 
 the principles of the church of England, and I know those of the whigs, and 
 it is that, and no other reason, which makes me think as I do, of the last. And. 
 upon my word, my dear Mrs. Freeman, you are mightily mistaken in your 
 notion of a true wig : For the character, you give of them, does not in the least 
 
 * The Queen began to stile herself after this manner, upon the death of the Duke 
 of Gloucester.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 273 
 
 belong to them, but to the church. But Twill say uo more on this subject, 
 only beg, for my poor sake, that you would not show more countenance to 
 those, you seem to have so much inclination for, than to the church party. 
 Since you have staid so long at Windsor, I wish now for your own sake, that 
 you would stay till after my Lord Mayor $ Day ; for if you arc in town, you. 
 cant avoid going to the show, and beiiig in the country is a just excuse; and, I 
 think, one would be glad of any to avoid so troublesome a business. I am this 
 time iu great haste, and therefore can say no more to my dear dear Mrs. Free- 
 niau, but that I am most passionately her's."* 
 
 As my early zeal for the whigs is iucontestably manifest from what her Ma- 
 jesty here says to me, so, I think, it will be no less evident to any one who re- 
 flects on my situation at that time, that this zeal could proceed from uothiug 
 but conviction of the goodness of the cause I espoused. 
 
 For, as to private interest, the whigs could have done nothing for my advan- 
 tage more than the tories. I needed not the assistance of either to ingratiate 
 myself with the Queen. She had both before and since her accession given 
 the most unquestionable proofs, that she considered me, not only as a most 
 faithful servant, but as her dear friend. I have mentioned nothing of her ex- 
 treme goodness tome since the breaking out of the quarrel between her sister 
 and herself, that I might not interrupt the relation of that matter in which my 
 chief aim was the justification of my mistress's conduct and my own upon that 
 occasion. Her letters to me afterwards, of which I have great numbers still 
 bv me, were in the same strain of tenderness as those you have read ; and 
 upon her coming to the crown, she had not only made me her Groom of the 
 Stole, and Keeper of the Privy Purse, but had given the command of the army 
 to my Lord Marlborough, and the Treasurer's Staff to my Lord Godolphin, to 
 whose son my eldest daughter was married. 
 
 It is plain therefore that I could have no motive of private interest to biass 
 me to the whigs. Every body must see, that, had I consulted the oracle about 
 the choice of a party, it would certainly have directed me to go with the stream 
 of my mistress's inclination and prejudices. This would have been the surest 
 way to secure my favour with her. 
 
 Nor had I any particular obligations to the whigs that should bend me to 
 their side rather than to the other. On the contrary, they had treated me very 
 hardly, and I had reason to look upon them as my personal enemies, at the 
 same time that I saw the tories ready to compliment me, and to pay me court. 
 Even the pride of my. J^ord Rochester condescended to write me a very fine 
 piece, when my Lady Charlotte Beverwacrt died, that his daughter, my Lady 
 Dalkeith, might be a lady of the bedchamber in her place. I confess indeed, 
 I was not a little surprised at this application from his Lordship. I thank 
 God, I have had experience enough of my own temper to be very sure I can 
 fbrgive any injury, when the person, from whom I have received it, shows any 
 tiling like repentance. But could I ever be so unfortunate, as to persecute ano- 
 
 * Tbe Queen very seldom dated her letters fully, and the year is not mentioned 
 in the date of this, but it is evident fiom the contents, that it was written in 17"-', 
 the first year of ber Majesty's reign ; for she went that year to my Lord Mayor's 
 Show, nothing but her going could have made it unavoidable for me to go, if I were 
 in town. And whoever will give themselves the trouble of the enquiry, will find 
 that the £4th of October fell that year on a Saturday, and that tbe Queen made 
 Lit speech to the Parliament a few days before. 
 
 First Sup. Vol. VI. * M
 
 r 
 
 274 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 ther without cause, as my Lord Rochester did me, I am confident, that even 
 want of bread could not induce me to ask a favour of that person. But surely 
 his Lordship had something very uncommon in his temper. 
 
 What induced him to the present condescension, was, I suppose, his late 
 experience, that I did not make use of my influence with the Queen, to gra- 
 tify any personal pique or resentment. For upon the Queen's accession to the 
 throne, Lady Hyde had spoke tome, that she might be a lady of the bed- 
 chamber, and I had served her very sincerely and effectually. For though the 
 Queen did not like her, yet, as her Majesty had been pleased to forgive the ill 
 behaviour of my Lord Rochester to her, during the reigns of King Charles, 
 King James, and Queen Mary, I thougt it reasonable that his son's wife should 
 be a lady of the bed-chamber. There was, in truth, a particular pleasure in 
 serving my Lady Hyde in this instance on her own account ; for in my life 1 
 never saw any mortal have such a passion for any thing, as she had to be in 
 that post. While the thing was depending, she had so much concern upon 
 her, that she never spoke to me upon the subject without blushing. And after 
 it was granted, she made me more expressions, than ever I had from any body 
 on any occasion. Among other compliments, I had this letter from her. 
 
 Monday Morning — " I have been three times in the drawing room, in hopes 
 to meet your Ladyship there, that I might myself tell you, how extreme sen- 
 sible 1 am of your Ladyship's favour to me. You will add another, if you will 
 forgive my impatience, that cannot stay longer without thanking you myself, 
 though Mrs. Lowther has undertaken for me. I am very happy in my request 
 beiiig granted, and your Ladyship may depend, any command of your's shall 
 be obeyed, for I will not, without your leave, brag even to my Lady Hariotte, 
 who did me the favour to speak to your Ladyship. I am not good at saying 
 much, but I am sure it will be a pleasure to me to shew you in every thing I 
 can, how faithfully and sincerely I am 
 
 " Your Ladyship's humble servant, "J. Hyde." 
 
 In what manaer this Lady treated me afterwards, is not worth the while to 
 mention. 
 
 As to my Lord Rochester's request in behalf of my Lady Dalkeith, it could 
 not be granted j because in reality there was no vacancy. The Queen had 
 resolved to have uo more than ten ladies, and the number wascomplete. There 
 had indeed been eleven for some short time -, but this had been occasioned by 
 the Duchess of Somerset's declining to accept one of these places when it was 
 offered her at the settling of the Queen's family, and soon after desiring to 
 have it, when they were all filled. As she was the first protestant Duchess of 
 Englaud, I persuaded the Queen to be pleased, in compliment to her Grace, to 
 have eleven ladies for the little time Lady Charlotte Beverwaert had to live, who 
 was then irrecoverably ill. So that wbeu her Majesty complied, it was with 
 full purpose that the number of her ladies should be only ten after Lady 
 Charlotte's death. And this answer having been given to several others who 
 had solicited to succeed Lady Charlotte, my Lord Rochester could have 
 no reason to be offended, that the like excuse was made to him, with regard 
 to his daughter. 
 
 I have been the more particular on this affair, that it may appear, the refu- 
 sal my Lord Rochester met with was not owing to any resentment of mine, 
 against him or his family. And I do assure you most sincerely, that I could 
 so entirely have forgotten all his Lordship's ill treatment of me, as to have 
 acted in concert aud friendship with him, if I had thought he would have
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2 ?5 
 
 followed the Queen's true interests. But the gibberish of that party about 
 non-resistance and passive-obedience and hereditary right, I could not think 
 to forebode any good to my Mistress, whose title rested upon a different 
 foundation. On the other hand, the principles professed by those called 
 whigs seemed to me rational, entirely tending to the preservation of the 
 liberties of the subject, and no way to the prejudice of the church as by law 
 established; for which, 1 believe I may without vanity venture to say, I had 
 at least as much respect, as the Duke of Buckingham or Sir Edward Seymour. 
 And as this was really my way of thinking concerning the two parties, it would 
 have been contrary to the frankness of my temper and to the obligations of 
 that friendship with which the Queen honoured me, not to have told her my 
 sentiments without reserve. Nay I had her express command so to do. She 
 had often urged me to it, in almost the same terms she uses in a letter of her 
 own hand-writing, which I have now before me. 
 
 • You can never give me any greater proof of your friendship than in telling 
 me your mind freely in all things, which I do beg you to do, &c." 
 
 1 did therefore speak very freely and very frequently to her Majesty upon 
 the subject of whig and tory, according to my conception of their different 
 views and principles. It was at first to little effect ; and perhaps I should 
 never have succeeded so far as I did, if the leaders of the tories had not, by 
 the heat and agitation with which they over-acted their part, exposed that 
 monopolizing ambition, which ought to have been better concealed under the 
 cloak of zeal for the church. 
 
 The church of England, one would naturally think, could not be in any 
 immediate danger of perishing under the care of such a nursing mother as the 
 Queen, whose affection to it was never doubted, and who, for it's better 
 security, had chosen it's most renowned champions to be of her ministry and 
 council. Nevertheless in the very first new Parliament, after her Majesty's 
 accession, it was thought necessary with all diligence to provide new strength, 
 new supports for this flourishing church, as if it had been in the most totter- 
 ing and declining condition. 
 
 One cannot better represent the noble spirit, with which the zealots began 
 their play than by transcribing some part of the Commons' address to the 
 Queen, in answer to her most gracious speech at the opening of the sessious. 
 
 • Your Majesty has been always a most illustrious ornament to this 
 
 church, and has been exposed to great hazards for it, and therefore we promise 
 ourselves, that, in your Majesty's reign, we shall see it perfectly restored t# its 
 due rights and privileges, and secured in the same to posterity ; which is only 
 to be done by divesting those men of the power, who have shown they want 
 not the will to destroy it." 
 
 The Queen in her speech had declared her resolution to defend and main- 
 tain the church as by law established. Of this they tell her tlit-y ha\ Q nodoubt, 
 after her repeated assurances. But this was not enough. So illustrious an 
 ornament of the church must not content herself with protecting it in its legal 
 rights, but she must contribute to restore it to its due rights, that is she must 
 Testore tories and high-churchmen to their divine rights and privileges of 
 possessing all the civil office* in the state, and being the only men «•!«•»•! <.-d to 
 serve in Parliament, to the exclusion of all whigs and low-churchmen, who 
 being enemies of the church, and having a will to destroy it, must be dnested 
 of the power to execute their malice.
 
 '276 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 That this was the meaning of the address I believe no body doubts, and live 
 occasional conformity bill, which in consequence, oi' this zeal for the church, 
 was soon brought into Parliament, did not aim at excluding from employments 
 the occasional conformists only, but all those constant conformists too, who 
 could not relish the high-church nonsense of promoting religion by persecu- 
 tion. For as the tories were well acquainted with her Majesty's entire devo- 
 tion to the church, they designed this bill, as a test, whereby she might 
 certainly distinguish its friends from its foes ; and they doubted not but she 
 would reckon among the latter whoever should oppose so religious a scheme. 
 
 The bill, as every body knows, was carried triumphantly through the Elouse 
 of Commons; and the Prince of Denmark (though himself an occasional con- 
 formist) was persuaded to vote for it, iu the house of Lords. However it 
 miscarried there (I forget how) to the great disappointment and mortification 
 of the party. Nay it began to be suspected that some of the chief men at 
 court were not so zealous in the good cause as they should be. My Lord 
 Rochester was, I think, the first of the tory leaders that discovered a deep 
 discontent with the Queen and her administration. Before the end of the year 
 lie resigned the lieutenancy of Ireland in great wr?.th, upon her Majesty's being 
 so unreasonable as to press him to go thither to attend the affairs of that king- 
 dom, which greatly needed his presence. For as the revenue, which had been 
 formerly granted was out, it was necessary to call a Parliament in order to 
 another supply ; and a Parliament could not be held without a Lord Lieuten- 
 ant. But when the Qneen represented these things to him lie told her with 
 insolence, the he would not go into Ireland, though she would give the country 
 to him and his son ; so that he seems to have accepted the post only that he 
 might reign in Ireland by the ministry of his brother Keightley, as he hoped 
 to do in England, in person. Nor could he, after his resignation, overcome 
 his anger so far as to wait upon the Queeu or to go to council; which she 
 observing ordered, after some time, that he should no more be summoned, 
 saying, " it was not reasonable my Lord Rochester should cometo council only 
 when he pleased." 
 
 Perhaps his Lordship's unwillingness to leave England might proceed from 
 his zeal for the church, and from his fears lest it should be betrayed in his 
 absence. But it was generally thought, and I believe with good reason, that 
 the true source of his dissatisfaction was the Queen's not making him her sole 
 governor and director, and my Lord Godolphin's being preferred before him 
 for the treasury; Which, if true, affords a remarkable instance, how much 
 self-love and self-conceit can blind even a man of sense; for such, by his party 
 at least, he was esteemed to be. 1 don't wonder that he should like power (it 
 is what most people are fond of) or that being related to the Queen he should 
 expect a particular consideration. This was very natural and very reasonable, 
 if he had behaved himself to her as he ought: But when one considers, that 
 his relation to her was by such a sort of accident, and that his conduct had 
 been so very extraordinary, 'tis an amazing thing that he should imagine, he 
 was to domineer over the Queen and every body else, as he did over his own 
 
 family. 
 
 Whether the church was in any danger or not before, it could not be 
 questioned by any good churchman, but it now began to be in some peril when 
 my Lord Rochester was no longer in place, nor in council. 
 
 The bill against occasional conformity was revived by the tories the next 
 sessions of Parliament ; which proceeding, whatever regard it might show for
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 277 
 
 the church, did certainly show little respect or gratitude to the Queen, who had 
 hitherto showered her favours upon the party. For her Majesty having been 
 informed, that this bill had alarmed a great part of her subjects, who were 
 otherwise perfectly well affected to her gonernmeiit, and no less able than 
 zealous to assist her in carrying on the war against the common enemy, had 
 endeavoured in her speech, by the warmest expressions, to dissuade the Parlia- 
 ment from this measure, as it might prove a source of fatal divisions at home, 
 where union and harmony were so necessary in order to the success of oar 
 affairs abroad. 
 
 But the interest of the church, that is, of h igh-ehnrchman, was to be preferred 
 before the interest of the Queen or of the nation, or the preservation of the 
 liberties of Europe. The bill was therefore brought in again ; but, though it 
 bad onre more an easy passage through the House of Commons, it met with 
 the same fate as the year before in the House of Lords. 
 
 This new blow to the church was soon followed oy another, the removal 
 of Lord Jersey and Sir Edward Seymour from their employments ; and about 
 the same time Lord Nottingham resigned his plate of Secretary of State, be- 
 cause the whigswere too much favoured. 
 
 The whigs did indeed begin to be favoured, and with good reason. For when 
 they saw that my Lord Marlborough prosecuted the common cause with such 
 hearty diligence and such unexpected success, they notwithstanding the 
 partiality which had been shown to their opposites, universally forgot their 
 resentments, aud 110 longer considering themselves as an oppressed party, ran 
 in with the loudest acclamations, extolling his merit and services : And as the 
 trade and money of the nation were chiefly in the hands of those, who espoused 
 the cause, in which the ministry were then engaged, it is no wonder that ray 
 Lord Godolphin began to pay them as much regard as the times and the 
 Queen's prejudices would permit him to do. 
 
 The church in the mean while, it must be confessed, was in a deplorable 
 condition. The Earls of Rochester, Jersey, and Nottingham, and Sir Edward 
 Seymour out of place, and the whigs coming into favour. It was resolved 
 therefore the next sessions of Parliament to tack the occasional conformity bill 
 to the money bill, a resolution which showed the spirit of the party in it's true 
 light. But it happened that my Lord Marlborough, in the summer before the 
 Parliament met, gained the battle of Blenheim. This was an unfortunate acci- 
 dent; and by the visible dissatisfaction of some people on the news of it, one 
 would have imagined, that instead of beating the French, he had beat the church. 
 And I cannot here omit one remarkable instance of true party spirit in the 
 tories on this occasion. My Lord Marlborough, before he had had sufficient 
 opportunity of showing the greatness of the general, had, for his first successes 
 in the war, been complimented by this very House of Commons, as the retriever 
 of the glory of the English nation, being then reputed a high churchman. 
 But now that he was thought to look towards the moderate party, his complete 
 victory at Blenheim, was in the address of congratulation to the Queen, ridicu- 
 lously paired with Sir George Rook's drawn battle with the French at sea. 
 
 However, neither the glory of this victory, nor, the important consequences 
 of it, could be hid, even from the eyes of those who would have been the 
 most willing not to see them. The power of France was broken by it to *, 
 great degree, and the liberties and peace of Europe were in a fair way to be 
 ettahliahed upon firm and lasting foundations. The less violent part of the 
 tories therefore could not be prevailed with to hazard these great and pleas-
 
 278 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [J aft. 
 
 ing hopes, by tacking them to the fortune of the occasional conformity bill. 
 The tack was rejected by the majority of the members, even of this House of 
 Commons, so rich in tories and high churchmen. And though the bill by itself 
 ■was afterwards passed in that House, it was again thrown out by the Lord«. 
 
 The last great wound given to the church this year, was by the Queen's tak- 
 ing the privy seal from the Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 And next year I prevailed with her Majesty to take the great seal from Sir 
 Nathan Wright, a man despised by all parties, of no use to the crown, and 
 whose weak and wretched conduct in the court of chancery, had almost brought 
 his very office into contempt. His removal however was a great loss to the 
 church, for which he had ever been a warm stickler. And this loss was the 
 more sensibly felt, as his successor, my Lord Cowper, was not only of the whig- 
 party, but of such abilities and integrity, as brought a new credit to it in the 
 nation. 
 
 But, what was worse than all these misfortunes, the majority of the Hoase of 
 Commons in the new Parliament of 1705, proved to be whig. 
 
 No wonder if, in these sad circumstances, a loud and piteous cry was raised 
 upon the extreme danger of the poor church. A doleful piece, penned by some 
 of the zealots of the party, and called The Memoral of the Church of England, 
 was printed and spread abroad, setting forth her melancholy condition and 
 distress; and much lamentation it occasioned. But what remedy ? There could 
 be uo hope of getting an occasional conformity Rill passed in this Parliament. 
 One expedient still remained ; and this was, to invite the Princess Sophia of Ha- 
 nover, the present King's grandmother, to come over and defend the church, 
 Her presence here, though she would not probably, as being a Lutheran* 
 be very zealous for a bill against occasional conformists, yet might happily 
 prove a means to hinder the whigs from bringing in popery and the pretender. 
 A motion was therefore made in the house of Lords for this invitation ; and the 
 necessity of it was urged with great strength of argument by the Earls of 
 Rochester and Nottingham, and the other grave men of the party. Not that 
 they had the least hope or the least desire to carry their point, but being well 
 assured that the Queen would never consent to such an invitation, nor pardon 
 her ministers if they encouraged the design, this was a notable stratagem to 
 ruin them, either with her Majesty, or with the nation; for if in compliance 
 with her prejudices they opposed this motion, it was to be hoped it would 
 draw the public odium upou them, as declared enemies to the protestaut 
 succession. 
 
 This hopeful scheme however did not succeed. The whigs opposed the 
 invitation, and yet preserved their credit, to the great mortification of the 
 other party. I know that my Lord Godolphin, and other great men, were 
 much reflected upon by some well disposed persons, for not laying hold of this 
 opportunity, which the tories put into their hands, of more effectually securing 
 the succession to the crown in the house of Hanover. But those of the whigs, 
 whose anger against the minister was raised on this account, little knew how 
 inpracticable the project of invitation was, and that the attempt would have 
 only served to make the Qeen discard her ministry, to the ruin of the common 
 cause of these kingdoms, and of all Europe. I had often tried her Majesty upon 
 this subject; and when I found that she would not hear of the immediate suc- 
 cessor's coming over, had pressed her that she would at least invite hither the 
 young Prince of Hanover, who was not to be her immediate successor, and that
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 479 
 
 she would let him live here as her son : but her Majesty would listen to no 
 proposal of this kind in aiiy shape whatsoever. 
 
 To give a full answer to all objections against the ministers' conduct with 
 regard to this matter, I shall here relate a transaction that passed three years 
 afterwards, which will show not only the insincerity of the tories in their zeal 
 for the house of Hanover, when they moved for the Princess Sophia's being 
 invited hither, but how insuperably averse the Queen was to suffer the pre- 
 sence of any of that family. 
 
 My Lord ilaversham, a great speech-maker, and publisher of his speeches, 
 and who was become the mouth of the party for any extraordinary alarm, was 
 sent privately by the tories to the Queen to acquaint her with a discovery, 
 which they pretended to hav"e made, of a terrible design formed by the whigs 
 to bring over one of the House of Hanover, and to force this upon her whether 
 she would or not. Now can any thing be more curious than such a message 
 from the tories, and by such a messenger ? For my Lord Ilaversham was the 
 man who had moved for the Princess Sophia's coming over as a thing ueces- 
 sary for the preservation of the Protestant religion. But now any design of 
 inviting hither oue of that family was of so frightful a nature, that it must be 
 esteemed meritorious to give early notice of the dauger, I shall make no more 
 comment upon this proceeding, but transcribe a part of the Queen's letter to 
 the Duke of Marlborough upon this occasion. 
 
 July c 22(l, 1 708. — " I cannot end this without giving you an account 
 
 in short of a visit I have had from Lord Ilaversham. He told me his business 
 was to let me know, there was certainly a design laying between the whigs 
 and some great men, to have an address made in the next sessions of Parliaf 
 inent for inviting the Electoral Prince over to settle here, and that he would 
 certainly come to make a visit as soon as the campaign was over, and there 
 was nothing for me to d© to prevent my being forced to this (as I certainly 
 would,) but my shewing myself to be Queen, and making it my own act. I 
 told him, if this matter should be brought into Parliament, whoever proposed 
 it, whether whig or lory, I should look upon neither of them as my friends, 
 sor would ever make any invitation neither to the young man nor his father, 
 nor his grandmother. 
 
 " What I have to say to you upon this subject, at this time, is to beg 
 
 yo« would find whether there is any design where you are, that the young 
 man should make a visit in the winter, and contrive some way to put any such 
 thought out of their head, that the difficulty may not be brought upou me of 
 refusing him leave to come, if he should ask it ; or forbidding him to come, if 
 he should attempt it : For one of these two things I must do, if either he or 
 his father should have any desires to have him see this country, it being a thing 
 I cannot bear, to have any successor here, though but for a week. And there- 
 fore I shall depend upon you to do every thing on the other side of the water 
 to prevent this mortification from coming upon her, that is, and ever will be, 
 most sincerely, &c." 
 
 To return to the motion for inviting the Princess Sophia. It was upon this 
 occasion that the Queen gave the first indications of any thing like a real re- 
 concilement to the whigs. For though she had been prevailed witli to ex- 
 press a desire, that the Parliament would avoid measures tending to create di- 
 visions and aninio.Mti. s at home (meaning the occasional conformity bill), yet 
 you will see by the following letters from her Majesty to me, how much she 
 leaned all along, in her inclination, to the tories, and even to those very mca-
 
 280 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 Bures she would have dissuaded them from ; and which she only thought un- 
 seasonable at that time. 
 
 Friday morning. — " I give my dear Mrs. Freeman many thanks for her long 
 letter, and am truly sensible of the extreme kindness you express in it; and in 
 turn, to ease your mind, I must tell you, Mr. Bromley will be diasappointed,for 
 the Prince does not intend to go to the Home, when the Bill of Occasional Con- 
 formity is brought in ; but at the same time that I think him very much in the 
 right not to vote in it, I shall not have the worse opinion of any of the Lords 
 that are for it ; for though I should have been very glad, it had not been brought 
 into the House of Commons, because I would not have had any pretence given 
 for quarrelling ; I can't help thinking, now it is as good as past there, it will be 
 better for the service to have it pass the House of Lords too. 1 must own to you, 
 that I never cared to mention any thing of this subject to you, because I knew 
 you would not. be of my mind ; but since you have given me this occasion, I 
 can't forbear saying, that that I see nothing like persecution in this Bill. You 
 may think it is a notion Lord Nottingham has put into my head, but upon my 
 word it is my own thought. I am in hopes [ shall have one look before you go 
 to St. Alban's, and therefore will say no more now, but will answer your letter 
 more at large some other time ; and only promise my dear Mrs. Freeman faith- 
 fully, I will read the book she sent me, and beg she would never let difference 
 of opinion hinder us from living together, as we used to do. Nothing shall 
 ever alter your poor Morley, who will live and die with all truth and tender- 
 ness your's*. 
 
 The following letters from the Queen to me, relate to the Occasional Con- 
 ^brmity Bill, when it was intended to tack it to the Money Bill in 1704. 
 
 November 17th, 1704 " I am sure nobody shall endeavour more to 
 
 promote it [union] than you poor, unfortunate, faithful Morley, who doth not at 
 all doubt of your truth and sincerity to her, and hopes her not agreeing in every 
 thing you say will not be imputed to want of value, esteem, or tender kindness 
 for my dear Mrs. Freeman, it being impossible for any one to be more 
 sincerely another's, than I am your's. 
 
 "St. James's, November the 21st. — I had just sealed up my letter on Saturday 
 night as I received the satisfaction of my dear Mrs. Freeman's of that day's date, 
 but would not open it again, concluding I should have time, either Sunday or 
 yesterday, to thank you for it. When Sunday came I had several hindrances, 
 and yesterday I sat down to write, but was hindered by one of the Scots people 
 coming to speak with me, or else I should not have been so long without telling 
 you, I am very sorry, you should forbear writing upon the apprehension of 
 your letters being troublesome, since yon know very well they are not, nor never 
 can be so, but the contrary, to your poor, unfortunate, faithful Morley. Upon 
 what my dear Mrs. Freeman says again concerning the address, I have looked 
 it over again, and cannot for my life see, one can put any other interpretation 
 
 * It is evident, that this letter, though it bears no other date than Friday morn- 
 ing, was written about the beginning of December, 1703, when the Occasional Con- 
 formity liill was brought in by Mr. Bromley. And it is probable, from some words 
 in the letter, that this bill had passed the committee when the Queen wrote. 
 
 Lord Nottingham, by whose advice the Queen supposes that I believe her influ- 
 enced, was then Secretary of State. 
 
 The Prince of Denmark did not vole for the bill this year, nor go to the House 
 on this occasion ; so that Mr, Bromley was disappointed.
 
 181?.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. ssi 
 
 upon that word pressures, than what I have done already. As to my saying 
 the church was in some danger in the late reign, I cannot alter my opinion : 
 for though there was no violent thing done, every body that will speak im- 
 partially must own, that every thing was leaning towards the whigs, and 
 whenever that is, I shall think the church beginning to be in danger." 
 
 But though it appears by these letters that the Queen was not hitherto in- 
 wardly < diverted to the whigs, neither by all that I had been able to say, nor 
 even by the mad conduct of the tacking tories, yet, as I before hinted, their 
 behaviour in the affair of the invitation occasioned something like a change in 
 her. She had been present at the debates in the House of Lords upon that sub- 
 ject, and had heard the Duke of Buckingham treat her with great disrespect^ 
 urging as an argument for inviting over the Princess Sophia, that the Queen 
 might live till she did not know what she did, and be like a child in the hands 
 of others :' and a great deal to the same effect. Such rude treatment from the 
 tories, and the zeal and success of the whigs in opposing a motion, so ex- 
 tremely disagreeable to her, occasioned her to write to me in the following 
 terms. 
 
 ■ 1 believe dear Mrs. Freeman and I shall not disagree as we have 
 
 formerly done : for I am sensible of the services those people have done me that 
 you have a good opinion of, and will countenance them, and am thoroughly 
 convinced of the malice and insolence of them, that you have always been 
 speaking against." 
 
 And at this same time, her Majesty authorised my Lord Godolphin to give 
 the utmost assurances to the chief men of the whigs, that she would put her- 
 self and her affairs into such hands as they should approve, and would do every 
 thing possible for the security of the protestant succession. 
 
 But notwithstanding this, it was not till after much solicitation, that her Ma- 
 jesty could be prevailed with, so far to oblige the whigs, as to make my Lord 
 Sunderland, Secretary of State in the room of Sir Charles Hedges. The whigs, 
 after the services they had done, and the assurances the Queeu had given them, 
 thought it reasonable to expect, that one of the secretaries at least should be 
 such a man as they could place a confidence in. They believed they might 
 trust my Lord Sunderland ; aud though they did not think him the properest 
 roan for the post, yet being my Lord Marlborough's son-in-law, they chose to 
 recommend him to her Majesty, because, as they expressed themselves to me, 
 they imagined it was driving the nail that would go. 
 
 I must observe here that my Lord Marlborough was not, in his inclination, 
 for this promotion of my Lord Sunderland. I have a letter from him express* 
 ing his dislike to the design. But how hard pressed both he and my Lord 
 Godolphin were by the whigs to have it brought to effect, will fully appear 
 by the following letter on the same subject. 
 
 " Grametz, October 1706, — When I writ my last, I was very full of the spleen, 
 and 1 think with too much reason. My whole time, to the best of my under- 
 standing, has been employed for the public good, as I do assure you I do in 
 the presence of (Jod, neglecting no opportunity of letting 83 * see what I take 
 to be her true interest It is terrible to go through so much uneasiness. I do 
 not say this to flatter any party, for I will never do it, let the consequence be 
 what it will. For, as parties, they are both in the wrong. But 'tis certain 73 
 and his adherents are hot to be trusted. So that 83 has uo choice, but that 
 
 • The Queeu. 
 First Sup. Vol. VI. 2 N
 
 282 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jav. 
 
 of employing those wlio will carry on the war and support 91 *. And if any 
 other method is taken 1 know we shall go into confusion. Now this being 
 the case, I leave you to judge, whether I am dealt kindly with? I do not say 
 tliis for any other end, but to have your justice and kindness ; for in that will 
 consist my future happiness. I am sure I would venture a thousand lives, if I 
 bad them, to procure ease and happiness to the Queen. And yet no number 
 of men could persuade me to act as a minister in what was not my opinion. 
 So that I shall never fail in speaking my mind very freely. And as my opinion 
 is, that the tackers and all the adherents of 73 are not for carrying on the war, 
 which is for the true Interest of the Queen and kingdom, you may depend I 
 shall never join with any but such as I think will serve her and the true interest 
 of our country with all their hearts. And if the war continues but one year 
 longer with success, I hope it will not be in any body's power to make the 
 Queen's business uneasy. And then I shall be glad to live as quiet as possible, 
 and not envy the governing men, who would then I believe think better of90 
 and 91 f than they now do. And I will own frankly to you, that the jealousy 
 some of your friends have, that 90 and 91 do not act sincerely, makes me »o 
 weary, that, were it not for my gratitude for 83, and concern for 91, I would 
 now retire and never serve more. For I have had the good luck to deserve 
 better from all Englishmen, than to be suspected for not being in the true inte- 
 rest of my country ; which I am in, and ever will be, without being of a faction. 
 And this principle shall govern me for the little remainder of my life. I must 
 not think of being popular; but I shall have the satisfaction of my going to the 
 grave with the opinion of having acted, as became an honest man. And if I 
 have your esteem and love, I should think myself entirely happy. Having writ 
 thus far I have received your two letters of the 20th and 2 1st, which confirm 
 me in my opinion before. And since the resolution is taken to vex and ruin 
 91,« because 83 has not complied with what was desired for 1 17 J, I shall from 
 henceforward despise all mankind, and think there is no such thing as virtue. 
 For I know with what zeal 91 has pressed 83 in that matter. I do pity him, 
 and shall always love him as long as I live ; and never be a friend to any that 
 can be his enemy. 
 
 "I have writ my mind every freely to 8S ',!, on this occasion, so that whatever 
 misfortune may happen, I shall have a quiet mind, having done what I thought 
 my duty. And as for the resolution of making me uneasy, I believe they will 
 not have much pleasure in that, for as I have not set my heart on having justice 
 done me, I shall not be disappointed ; nor will I be ill used by any man." 
 
 I shall here add a letter of my own to the Queen on the same subject ; and 
 the rather, because it not only confirms what I have said of her Majesty's mw- 
 . willingness to oblige the whigs, but shews that as much as I opposed the tories, 
 I was no enemy to the church they talked of, so far as any thing real and excel- 
 lent was meant by that word ; and because it contains so just a prediction of 
 the usage, the Queen afterwards met with, when she fell into the hands of the 
 high church party. 
 
 " By the letter I had from your Majesty this morning, and the great weight 
 you put upon the difference betwixt the word notion and nation in my letter, 
 I am only made sensible (as by many other things) that you were in a great 
 disposition to complain of me, since to this moment, I cannot for my life see 
 
 * Lord Godolphin. \ Lord Marlborough and Lord Godolphin. 
 \ Lord Sundcrlaud. || The Queen.
 
 1817] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 283 
 
 any essentia] difference betwixt these two words, as to the sense of my letter, 
 the true meaning of which was only to let your Majesty know, with that 
 faithfulness and concern, which I have ever had for your service, that it was 
 not possible for you to carry on your government much longer, with so much 
 partiality to one sort of men, though they lose no occasion of disserving you, 
 and of showing the greatest inveteracy against my Lord Marlborough and 
 my Lord Treasurer; and so much discouragement toothers, who even after 
 great disobligations, have taken several opportunities to show their firmness 
 to your Majesty's interest, and their zeal to support you, and your minis- 
 ters too, only because they had been faithful and useful servants to you and 
 the public. 
 
 " This was all the sense and meaning of my letter, and if you can find fault 
 with this, I am so unhappy as that you must always find fault with me, * I am 
 uncapable of thinking otherwise as long as I live, or of acting now but upon 
 the same principle that I served you before you came to the crown for so many 
 years, when your unlimited favour and kindness to me, could never tempt me 
 to make use of it in one single instance that was not for your interest and ser- 
 vice.' I am afraid I have been too long in explaining my thoughts upon the 
 subject of my own letter, which it seems has been so great au offence, and 
 how justly I leave you to judge; and I must beg your patience, since I am not 
 very like to trouble you again, to let me say something upon the subject of 
 your letter to my Lord Treasurer, which he has shewn me to day, with more 
 concern thau I know how to express : This was indeed the subject of my own 
 letter, and the occasion of it, for I do not only see the uneasiness and the grief 
 he has to leave your service, when you seem so desirous he should continue in 
 it, but I see as well as he, the impossibility of his being able to support it, or 
 himself, or my Lord Marlborough, for it all hangs upon one thread ; aud when 
 they are forced to leave your service, • you will then iudeed, find yourself in 
 the hands of a violent party, who I am sure will have very little mercy or even 
 humanity for you.' Whereas you might prevent all these misfortunes, by giving 
 my Lord Treasurer and my Lord Marlborough (whom you may so safely trust) 
 leave to propose those things to you, which they know and can judge to be 
 absolutely necessary for your service, which will put it in their power to in- 
 Huence those, who have given you proofs both of their being able to serve you, 
 and of their desiring to make you great and happy. But rather thau your 
 Majesty will employ a party-man, as you are pleased to call Lord Sunderland, 
 you will put all things in confusion, and at the same time that you say this, 
 you employ Sir C. Hedges, who is in one against you, only that he has voted 
 in remarkable things that he might keep his place ; and he did the same thing 
 in the late King's time, till at last, that every body saw he was just dying and 
 he could lose nothing by differing with that court: But formerly he voted with 
 those men, the enemies to this government call whigs, aud if he had not been 
 a party-man, how could he have been a secretary of state, when all your councils 
 were influenced by my Lord R. Lord Nott. Sir B. Seymour, and about six or 
 seven more just such men, that call themselves the heroes fur the ch>mh f But 
 what church can any man be of that would disturb so just a government as 
 yours, or how can any body be in the true interest of England, that oppose* 
 you and your ministers, by whose advice, in four years' time, you are very near 
 pulling down the power of France, aud making that religion, they on!;/ tulk of, 
 not only more secure than in any »f the late reigns, but putting it upo.i a better 
 foundation than it hat been tince the reformation. . v "
 
 284 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 " You are pleased to say you think it a great hardship, to persuade a man to 
 part with a place he is in possession of, for one that is not vacant. In some 
 cases that were certainly right, but not in this; for Sir Charles Hedges can 
 have the place he desires immediately, and it is much better for him* unless he 
 could be secretary of state for life. He will have two places that are considera- 
 ble, one of which he can compass no other way, and this is so far from being 
 a hardship, that he and all the world must think it a great kindness done him, 
 and he must be a very weak man, if he lost the opportunity of having such a 
 certainty, when he can't flatter himself that (whatever happens) he can be 
 supported long in a place of that consequence for which he is so unfit. He has 
 no capacity, no quality, no interest, nor ever could have been in that post, but 
 that every body knows, my Lord Rochester cares for nothing so much as a man 
 that he thinks will depend upon him. I beg your Majesty's pardon for not wait- 
 ing upon you, aud I persuade myself, that long as my letter is, it will be less 
 troublesome to your Majesty." 
 
 It was a wonder to many, that this affair of my Lord Sunderland's promo- 
 tion met with such difficulties, considering his relation to my Lord Marlbo- 
 rough, whose merit with his Queen and country was every year augmenting. 
 For, whilst this matter was in suspence, he obtained the victory of Ramillies : 
 on which occasion her Majesty, in a letter dated from Kensington, May 17, 
 
 17<)6, told him " She wanted words to express the true sense she had of 
 
 the great service he had done his country and her, in that great and glorious 
 victory, and hoped it would be a means to confirm all good and honest people 
 
 in their principles, and frighten others from being troublesome; and then 
 
 spoke, " of the allay it was to all her satisfaction, to consider what hazards he 
 
 was exposed to," and repeated an obliging request she had often made, " that 
 
 he would be careful of himself." I cannot doubt of the Queen's kind disposi- 
 tions to my Lord Marlborough at this time, or her willingness, 111 general, to 
 oblige him. And it quickly appeared that the difficulties raised by her Majesty 
 against parting with Sir Charles Hedges, were wholly owing to the artifice 
 and management of Mr. Harley, the other secretary of s^tate, whose iuterest 
 and secret transactions with the Queen were then doubtless in their beginning. 
 This man had been put into that post by the Lords Marlborough and Godolphiu 
 when my Lord Nottingham in disgust resigned it. They thought him a very 
 proper person to manage the House of Commons, upon which so much always 
 depends: and his artifices had won upon them so far that they could not be 
 persuaded, but they might securely trust him ; till experience too late con- 
 vinced them of the contrary. Aud indeed (not to mention other parts of his 
 behaviour) who would have thought that the man, who had wrote the follow- 
 ing letter on occasion of Lord Blandford's death, could so soon have been lay- 
 ing schemes for the destruction of the person to whom it was written ? 
 
 " My Lord, — There is no servant of your Grace's is more sensibly affected 
 with, I will not call it your Grace's loss, but our common misfortune, than my- 
 self. And I wish to God the part I can bear of it, would discharge your Grace 
 of any of the burden. I do feel it, that a limb is torn off; therefore I think 
 for the preservation of the residue, the blood should be staunched, I mean, grief 
 should be moderated ; time I know is the best physician in this case, but our 
 necessities require a quicker remedy. And I doubt not but your Grace's great- 
 ness of mind will give what is due to nature, without taking any thing from 
 reason. Be pleased to consider that the nation are your children, the public 
 ueeds all your care, how little soever it may deserve it.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 285 
 
 " I shall pay my duty to your Grace, wheii you will permit me; in the mean 
 time I heseech your pardon for this overflowing of my passion, which is the 
 effect of the dutiful affection of, " My Lord, 
 
 41 Your Grace's most humble and most obedient servant, 
 
 "March 1, 1703. "Ro. Harxky." 
 
 But to return, it is no wonder that Mr. Harley, with such views as he then 
 had, should be unwilling to see a secretary of state displayed, over whom he 
 thought he had some influence, and through whose hands the greater part of 
 the business of his own office (scandalously neglected by himself) used to pass ; 
 and much more unwilling to have him succeeded by a person over whom he 
 had no power whatsoever. 
 
 As for Sir Charles Hedges, when he found how backward the Queen wai 
 to dismiss him, he was so prudent as to make a greater advantage to himself by 
 quitting his post, than he could have done by holding it. And in the winter 
 of 1706 Lord Sunderland was appointed to succeed him. 
 
 But notwithstanding this point thus carried by the whigs, they were soou 
 alarmed again by the Queen's choice of two high-church divines, to till two 
 vacant bishoprics. Several of the whigs were disposed to think themselves 
 Iwtrayed by the ministry : the truth was, that the Queen's inclination to the 
 tories being now soothed by flatteries and insinuations of her private coun- 
 sellors, had beguu to make it irksome to her to consult with her ministers up- 
 on any promotions, either in the church or the state. The first artifice of those 
 counsellors was, to instil into the Queen notions of the high prerogative of act- 
 ing without her ministers, and, as they expressed it, of being Quern indeed. 
 And the nomination of persons to bishoprics against the judgment and remon- 
 strances of her ministry, being what they knew her genius would fall in with 
 more readily than auy thing else they could propose, they began with that; 
 and they took care that those remonstrances should be interpreted by the 
 world, and resented by herself as hard usage, a deuial of common civility, and 
 even the making her no Queen. 
 
 Her Majesty, however, to quiet the dissatisfaction of the whigs for the late 
 promotions, ordered her ministers to assure them, that she would prefer no 
 more tories, and she gave the same assurances with her own mouth in the ca- 
 binet council. And she was suffered by her secret counsellors so far to observe 
 this promise, as to give, about the same time, the Bishopric of Norwich to Dr. 
 Triinnel ; a particular friend of Lord Sunderland. And she also, some time 
 after, gave the Professorship of Divinity at Oxford to Dr. Potter, the present 
 Archbishop of Canterbury, who had Dr. Smalridge for his competitor, recom- 
 mended by the tories. But this latter favour to the whigs was not so easily 
 obtained as the former. And upon the delays that were made in bestowing it, 
 my Lord Marlborough thought it proper to try what credit he had with a 
 Queen, whose glory he had carried to a height beyond that of any of her pre- 
 decessors. He wrote therefore a very moving letter to her, complaining of the 
 visible loss of his interest with her, and particularly of her so long deferring 
 . the promotion she had promised, of the person recommended b> her ministry, 
 as a faithful friend to her government, adding, that the only way to make her 
 reign easy was to be true to that rule, which she had professed to lay down, of 
 preferring none of those who appeared against her service and the nation's in- 
 terest, &c. — He wrote at the same time, to the same effect, to me, and I wrote 
 to the Queen, and at length, by much solicitation, this matter was obtained, 
 and Dr. Potter fixed in the Professorship.
 
 286 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 But this was only yielding up one small point, in order to conceal a much 
 greater design and bring it to effect, when the season should be ripe for it. 
 It was about this time, that the ministry began to be assured of the secret 
 practices of Mr. Harley against them ; and that I discovered the base returns 
 made me by Mrs. Masham, upon whom I had heaped the greatest obligations. 
 
 The story of this Lady, as well as of that Gentleman, who was her great 
 adviser and director, is worth the knowledge of posterity, as it will lead them 
 into a sense of the instability of court-favour, and of the incurable baseness 
 which some minds are capable of contracting. 
 
 Mrs. Masham was the daughter of one Hill, a merchant in the city,, by a 
 wster of my father. Our grandfather, Sir John Jenyns, had two and twenty 
 children, by which means the estate of the family (which was reputed to be 
 about 4000/. a year) came to be divided into small parcels. Mrs. Hill had only 
 500/. to her portion. Her husband lived very well, as I have been told, for 
 many years, till turning projector, he brought ruin upon himself and his family. 
 But as this was long before I was born, I never knew there were such people 
 in the world, till after the Princess Anne was married, and when she lived at 
 the Cockpit; at which time an acquaintance of mine came to me and said, 
 She believed I did not know, that I had relations who were in want, and she 
 gave me an account of them. When she had finished her story, I answered, 
 that indeed I had never heard before of any such relations, and immediately gave 
 her out of my purse ten guineas for their present relief, saying, I would do 
 what I could for them. Afterwards I sent Mrs. Hill more money, and saw her. 
 She told me that her husband was in the same relation to Mr. Harley, as she 
 was to me, but that he had never done any thing for her. 
 
 I think Mrs. Masham's father and mother did not live long after this. They 
 left four children, two sons and two daughters. The elder daughter (after- 
 wards Mrs. Masham) was a grown woman I took her to St. Albans, where 
 she lived with me and my children, and I treated her with as great kindness, as 
 if she had been my sister. After some time a bedchamber-woman of the Prin- 
 cess of Denmark's died ; and as in that reign (after the Princesses were grown 
 wp) rockers, though not gentlewomen, had been advanced to be bedchamber- 
 women, I thought I might ask the Princess to give the vacant place to Mrs. 
 Hill. At first indeed I had some scruple about it, but this being removed by 
 persons I thought wiser, with whom I consulted, I made the request to the 
 Princess, and it was granted. 
 
 As for the younger daughter (who is still living) I engaged my Lord Marlbo- 
 rough, when the Duke of Gloucester'sfamily was settled, to make her laundress 
 to him, which was a good provision for her. And when the Duke of Glou- 
 cester died, I obtained for her a pension of 200/. a year, which I paid her out 
 of the privy-purse. And in some time after I asked the Queen's leave to buy 
 her an annuity out of some of the funds, representing to her Majesty, that as 
 the privy-purse money produced no interest, it would be the same thing to her, 
 if instead of the pension to Mrs. Hill, she gave her at once a sum sufficient to 
 purchase an annuity ; and that by this means her Majesty would make a certain 
 provision for one, who had served the Duke of Gloucester. The Queen was 
 pleased to allow the money for that purchase, and it is very probable that Mrs. 
 Hill has the annuity to this day, and perhaps nothing else, unless she saved 
 money after her sister had made her deputy to the privy-purse, which she did, 
 as soon as she had supplanted me. 
 
 The elder son was, at my request, put by my Lord Godolphin into a place 
 in the custom-house; and when, in order to his advancement to a better, it
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 287 
 
 was necessary to give security for his good behaviour, I got a relation of the 
 Duke of Marlborough's to be bound for him in two thousand pounds. 
 
 His brother (whom the bottle men afterwards called honest Jack Hill) was a 
 tall boy, whom I clothed (for he was all in rags), and put to school at St. 
 Albans to one Mr. James, who had been an usher under Dr. Busby of West- 
 minster. And whenever I went to St. Albans I sent for him, and was as kind 
 to him as if he had been my own child. Afer he had learnt what he could 
 there, a vacancy happening of page of honour to the Prince of Denmark, his 
 Highness was pleased, at my request, to take him. I afterwards got my Lord 
 Marlborough to make him groom of the bed-chamber to the Duke of Glou- 
 cester. And though ray Lord always said that Jack Hill was good for nothing, 
 yet to oblige me, he made him his aid-de-camp, and afterwards gave him a 
 regiment. But it was his sister's interest that raised him to be a general, and 
 to command in that ever memorable expeditiou to Quebec : I had no share in 
 doing him these honours. To finish what I have to say upon his subject : Wheu 
 Mr. Harley thought it useful toattack the Duke of Marlborough in Parliament, 
 this Quebec general, this honest Jack Hill, this once ragged bog, whom I clothed, 
 happening to be sick in bed, was nevertheless persuaded by his sister to get up, 
 wrap himself in warmer clothes than those 1 had given him, and go to the 
 house to vote against the Duke. 
 
 I may here add, that even the husband of Mrs. Masham had several obliga- 
 tions to me. It was at my instance that he was first made a page, then a querry, 
 and afterwards groom of the bed-chamber to the Prince; for all which he him- 
 self thanked me as for favours procured by my means. 
 
 As for Mrs. Masham herself, I had so much kindness for her, and had done 
 so much to oblige her, without having ever done any thing to offend her, that 
 it was too long before I could bring myself to think her other than a true friend, 
 or forbear rejoicing at any instance of favour shown her by the Queen. I ob- 
 served indeed at length that she was grown more shy of coming to me, and 
 more reserved than usual, when she was with me; but I imputed this to her 
 peculiar moroseness of temper, and for some time made no other reflection 
 upon it. 
 
 The first thing that led me iuto enquiries about her conduct, was, the being 
 told (in the summer of 1707,) that my cousin Hill was privately married to 
 Mr. Masham. I went to her and asked her if it were true, she owned it was, . 
 and begged my pardon for having concealed it from me. As much reason as I 
 had to take ill this reserve in her behaviour, I was willing to impute it to 
 bashfulness and want of breeding, rather than to any thing worse. I embraced 
 her with my usual tenderness, and very heartily wished her joy; and then, 
 turning the discourse, entered into her concerns in as friendly a manner as 
 possible, contriving how to accommodate her with lodgings, by removing her 
 sister into some of my own. 1 then enquired of her very kindly, whether the 
 Queen knew of her marriage; and very innocently offered her my service, if 
 she needed it, to make that matter easy. She had by this time learnt the art 
 of dissimulation pretty well, and answered with an air of unconeerneduesi, 
 that the bed-chamber women had already acquainted the Queen with it, hoping 
 by this answer to divert auy farther examination iuto the matter. But I went 
 presently to the Queen and asked her, why she had not bean so kind as to tell 
 mt of my cousin's marriage, expostulating with her upon the point, and putting 
 her in mind of what she used often to say to me out of Montaigne, That it was 
 no breach of promise of secrecy to tell such a friend any thing, because it wain*
 
 
 288 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 more than telling it to ones self. All the answer I could obtain from her 
 Majesty was this, 1 have a hundred times bid Masham tell it you, and she 
 would not. 
 
 I The conduct both of the Queen and of Mrs. Masham, convinced roe that 
 •there was some mystery in the affair, and thereupon I set myself to enquire as 
 particularly as I could into it. And in less than a week's time, I discovered, 
 " that my cousin was become an absolute favourite; that the Queen herself was 
 present at her marriage in Dr. Arbuthnot's lodgings," at which time her Ma- 
 jesty had called for a round sum out of the privy-purse; " that Mrs. Masham 
 came often to the Queen, when the Prince was asleep, and was generally two 
 hours every day in private with her :" And I likewise then discovered beyond 
 all dispute " Mr. Harley's correspondence and interest at court by means of 
 this woman." 
 
 I was struck with astonishment at such an instance of ingratitude, and should 
 not have believed, if there had been any room left for doubting. 
 
 My Lord Marlborough was at first no less incredulous than I, as appears by 
 the following paragraph of a letter from him, in answer t~ ^ne from me on 
 this subject. 
 
 " Meldest, June 3d, 1707. — The wisest thing is to have to do with as few peo- 
 ple as possible. If you are sure that Mrs. Masham speaks of business to the 
 Queen, I should think, you might with some caution tell her of it, which 
 would do go$>d. For she certainly must be grateful and will mind what 
 you sayV*^ 
 
 It became easy now to decipher many particulars, which had hitherto re- 
 mained mysterious, and my reflection quickly brought to my mind many pas- 
 sages, (which had seemed odd and unaccountable, but had left no impression of 
 suspicion or jealousy. Particularly I remembered that a long while before 
 this, being with the Queen (to whom I had gone very privately by a secret 
 passage, from my lodgings to the bedchamber), on a sudden this woman, not 
 knowing that 1 was there, came in with the boldest, ahd gaiest air possible, but, 
 upon sight of me, stopped ; and immediately, changing her manner, and making 
 a most solemn courtesy, said, did your Majesty ring ? and then went out again. 
 This singular behaviour needed no interpreter now, to make it understood. 
 But not to dwell on such trifling incidents, as soon as 1 had got a thorough in- 
 sight into her management, being naturally frank and open, I wrote to her the 
 following letter. 
 
 * Sept. 23d, 1707. — Since the conversation I had with you at your lodgings, 
 •everal things have happened to confirm me in what I was hard to believe, 
 that you have made me returns very unsuitable to what I might have expected. 
 I always speak my mind so plainly, that I should have told you so myself, if I 
 had had the opportunity which I hoped for. But being now so near parting, 
 think this way of letting you know it is like to be the least uneasy to you, as 
 well as to " Your humble servant, " S. Marlborough." 
 
 Though I was to go to Woodstock the next day, I staid at Windsor almost 
 all the morning to wait her answer. But this could not be had so soon, 
 it being necessary to consult with her great director in so nice a matter. At 
 length, however, an answer was sent after me, the whole frame and style of 
 which shewed it to be the genuine product of an artfuj man, who knew per- 
 fectly well the management of such an affair. 
 
 " Windsor, Sept. 24th. If07. — While I was expecting a message from your 
 Grace, to wait upon you according to your commands, last night, I received a
 
 J817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 289 
 
 letter which surprises me no less than it afflicts me, because it lays a most heavy 
 charge upon me, of an ungrateful behaviour to your Grace. Her Majesty wai 
 pleased to tell me, that you was angry with me for not acquainting you with 
 my marriage. I did believe after so generous a pardon, your Grace would think 
 no more of that. I am very confident by the expression of your letter, that 
 somebody has told some malicious lie of me to your Grace, from which it is 
 impossible for me to vindicate myself till 1 know the crime I am accused of. 
 I am sure, Madam, your goodness cannot deny me what the meanest may ask 
 the greatest; I mean justice, to know my accuser. Without that, all friend- 
 ship must be at the mercy of every malicious liar, as they are, who have so 
 barbarously and unjustly brought me under your displeasure, the greatest un- 
 happiness that could befal me; I therefore make it my most humble request 
 to your Grace, that if ever I had the least share of your friendship, you would 
 be pleased to give me that parting token to let me know who this wicked per- 
 son is, and then 1 do not doubt but I shall make it plain how much they have 
 wronged me, as well as imposed upon your Grace. As my affliction is very 
 great, you will 1 hope in compassion let me hear from you, and believe me 
 what 1 really am, " Madam, 
 
 " Your Grace's most humble and faithful servant, "A. Hill." 
 
 As I believe no body at this time doubts whether the writer of this letter was 
 practising with the Queen to undermine me, I shall make no reflections upon 
 it. My answer to it was in these terms, 
 
 " I received your letter upon the road to this, place, and I can assure you the 
 occasion of my complaints did not proceed from any ill offices that had been 
 done you to me by any body, but from my own observation, which makes the 
 impression much the stronger. But I think the subject is not very proper for 
 a letter, and therefore I must defer it till we meet, and give you no farther 
 trouble at this time from, 
 
 " Your most humble servant, " S. Marlborough. 1 ' 
 
 About the same time that I made this discovery of Mrs. Masham's intriguing, 
 my Lord Godoiphiu (as I before-mentioned), got notice of Mr. Harley's prac- 
 tices both within doors and without. He was endeavouring to create in the 
 whigs jealousies of Lord Godoiphiu, and Lord Marlborough, and at the same 
 time assuring the tories, that they might depend upon the Queen's inward 
 aflection to them ; and that it was wholly owing to those two great Lords that 
 the tories were not still possessed of all the places and employments. His 
 design was to ruin the whigs, by disuniting them from the ministry, and so to 
 pave the way for the tories to rise again ; whom he thought to unite in him- 
 self, as their head, after he had made it impossible for them to think of a re- 
 conciliation with the Duke of Marlborough and Lord Godoiphiu. 
 
 But, that this able politician might in all things act suitably to his parts and 
 genius, he, at the samejtime that he was employed in the manner I have related, 
 -was endeavouring to blind the eyes of those, whose destruction he aimed at, 
 by most elaborate compliments, and the most nauseous professions of affection ' 
 and duty. 
 
 I am persuaded, my Lord, that as mean an opinion as you have of this gentle- 
 man, you will yet be surprised at his manner of writing to my Lord Marlbo- 
 rough aud myself. I have picked out of the letters we had from him, some 
 choice piece.", which I think are real curiosities, and, when compared with his 
 after conduct, will serve excellently well towards forming a perfect idea of his 
 character. 
 
 First Sup Vol. VI. -2 O
 
 '290 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 "Madam, Though the advantage the public receives from this great and glo- 
 rious victory ofSchellenberg is enough to inspire every one's heart with joy, who 
 loves either the Queen or the nation, yet I must profess I have a peculiar satis- 
 faction; it enhances the blessing to me by the hand that wrought it: I should 
 have had a share in common with the rest of the nation, if another had per- 
 formed it: But when the Duke of Marlborough is the author, when our deliver- 
 ance, I may call it, is owing to his courage and his conduct ; when the English 
 honour is not only retrieved, but carried to so great a height, I cannot but re- 
 ceive an additional pleasure that it is done by my Lord Duke. I hope your 
 Grace will forgive this overflowing of joy, as an instance of the sincerity and 
 duty wherewith I shall always endeavour to distinguish myself, 
 
 " Madam, Your Grace's most humble and most obedient servant, 
 July 3, 1704. "R. Harley." 
 
 "May 17, 1706. — My Lord, Yeslerday about seven in the evening. Col. 
 Richards brought the most acceptable news of the glorious success your Grace 
 had obtained in attacking the French army ; and at the same time we are 
 rejoicing for the victory, we cannot (1 mean every good Englishman) but be 
 sensibly touched with the danger all was in, by the hazard your Grace exposed 
 your own person to , that deliverance enhances the value of the victory, con- 
 sidering how dear it had like to have cost us : heaven hath preserved that 
 precious life, and would not suffer us to lose your Grace, who was born for the 
 delivery of your own country, and the rescue of so many others from tyranny 
 and oppression. Your Grace does not only triumph over the public enemies 
 by teaching us how to conquer abroad, but you deliver us from ourselves, and 
 rescue us from that tyranny which each party here would exercise upon one 
 another: you have'again disarmed malice, and though your glorious actions 
 will encrease envy, yet the lustre of what you have done will discover it, and 
 consequently render it impotent. May your Grace still go on prosperously, 
 the best general, to the best Queen, and engaged in the best cause ; and may 
 you live long to enjoy in peace the fruits of your innumerable hazards and toils. 
 " I am with the greatest duty and affection, 
 ' " My Lord, Your Grace's most humble, and most obedient servant, 
 
 " Ro. Harley." 
 " May 24, (June 4,) 170(5. — My Lord, I cannot tell where this letter will 
 find your Grace, the improvements you make of your glorious victory are so 
 stupendous; you have united the characters of Scipio and Hannibal; your 
 Grace knows how to conquer, and how to improve a victory to admiration. 
 Among the letters which have fallen into my hands, there is one to Mr. 
 D'Allegre hath this article, that the Elector of Bavaria had wrote to his brother 
 the Elector of Cologne, in these terms. Avec la plus belle arme'e et la plus 
 fiorissante et animee fay ete battn, Dieu Va voulu. I hear from one I sent to 
 Calais, that after the news of the victory and the declaring of Brussels, the mob 
 of Calais were very troublesome in the town, and had your Grace's name con- 
 tinually in their mouths : we are assured that an express was sent away May 
 25, N. S. to Mr. Feuillade, to offer the Duke of Savoy any terms whatever. I 
 doubt not but their emissaries will be busy also in Holland again, but 1 wrote 
 last post to Mr. Buys, to caution him upon that subject, how necessary it was 
 to be very vigilant, &c. 1 am with the greatest duty and affection, 
 " My Lord, 
 " Your Grace's most humble and most obedient servant, 
 
 " Ro. HARtrv."
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. o 9 , 
 
 "Mat/, 28 (June $J, 1705. — My Lori», I received this morning the honour of 
 your Grace's letter of June 3, and cannot but observe, with the utmost pleasure 
 and satisfaction, the great and wonderful successes which attend every day 
 your Grace's prudent and most valiant conduct. It is very true, that victories 
 have been obtained over potent and flourishing armies formerly. Your Grace 
 gave us two years since a noble instance of that, but give me leave to say, this 
 is not only obtaining a victory, but wearing of it too; this is improving your 
 own actions, and outdoing your own victories, for nothing but you, Sir, can 
 outdo my Lord Marlborough's former victories. 
 
 "Your proceedings are so swift that it is scarce possible with thought to 
 keep pace with them ; therefore we can only here give directions at random, &<\ 
 " I am with the greatest duty and affection, 
 "My Lord, Your Grace's most humble and most obedient servant, 
 
 " Ro. HiMITliii* 
 " May 31, (June 1 I, J 170G — .My Lord, What success this fortunate raising 
 of the siege (of Barcelona) will have upon the minds of the Portuguese I can- 
 not tell, all sorts of people here are much exasperated against them; and 
 Schonnenbcrgh now writes to his masters, that he suspects some of those 
 ministers are in the interest of France: audi believe all of them hope for a 
 civil war in Spain, of which they will make their markets. But the glorious 
 things your Grace hat done, puts an end to such little projects. Your Grace dors 
 all at once, and the influence of it will he as extensive as the grandeur of the 
 action, &c. I am with the greatest duty and affection, 
 
 " My Lord, Your Grace's most humble and most obedient servant, 
 
 "Ro. IJari.f.y." 
 "Thursday, Aug. 8, 1706. — Madam, I was just going to end this trouble, 
 when I was honoured with your Grace's commands, which 1 shall apply my- 
 self to obey with all imaginable chearfulncss and diligence. I cannot think of 
 a servant and a spy, without the utmost abhorrence, and particularly when I 
 find it levelled at your Grace's family, to whom we all owe so much. I have 
 been often provoked to see so much public attd private ingratitude exercised to- 
 wards the Duke. 
 
 "I shall not omit any thing which may tend towards a discovery of this 
 villainy; and I will not put it into any one's hands, hut manage that myself. I 
 beg yourGrace will do me the honour to believe me to be, w it Ii the utmost duty, 
 "Madam, Your Grace's most humble, and most obedient servant, 
 
 " Ro. IIari.ev." 
 Is it not amazing, that a person, who could thus extol the Duke of Marl- 
 borough's services to his country, speak of his glory as beyond the power of 
 envy or malice to hurt it, and profess so feel such a peculiar joy in the con- 
 templation of it; is it not amazing, 1 say, that this very person should be, at 
 the same time, contriving how to ruin that glorious man, in order to raise him- 
 self upon his ruins? The Duke was too backward to believe him capable of 
 such designs, though it is certain he never had entertained the same good 
 opinion of him, as my Lord Godolphin had, and though, as one may collect 
 from a paragraph in a letter of Mr. Uarley's, dated lb March 1707, the Duke 
 had been early warned of his practices. The paragraph contains these words. 
 " I return your Grace most hearty and humble thanks for the favourable 
 expressions in your letter. I beg leave to assure you, that / sera you by 
 inclination and principle, and a very little time will make that mauifi st, as \\ t II 
 ab that J have no views or aims of my own.
 
 292 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 The conduct which Mr. Harley observed, after these assurances, was so 
 directly contrary to them, and became quickly so notorious, that my Lord 
 Godolphin could not help representing it to the Queen as of the utmost prejudice 
 to her affairs: Aud when he found that her Majesty would believe nothing of it, 
 he went so far as to say, that if Mr. Harley continued to act the part he did, 
 and yet to have so much credit with her, as he perceived he had, Lord Marl- 
 borough and himself must of necessity quit her service. The Queen appeared 
 pretty much alarmed at this, and presently wrote a letter to me, id which 
 were several expressions of great kindness. 
 
 "Kensington, Oct. the SOth.—lfl have not answered all my dear Mrs. Free- 
 man's letters (as indeed I should have done), I beg she would not impute it to 
 any thing but the apprehensions I was in of saying, what might add to the ill 
 impressions she has of me. For though I believe we are both of the same 
 opinion in the main, I have the misfortune that I cannot agree exactly in every 
 thing, and therefore what I say is not thought to have the leastcolour of reason 
 in it, which makes me really not care to enter into particulars ; but though I 
 am unwilling to do it, it is impossible for me to help giving you some answer 
 to your last letter, in which I find you think me insensible of every thing. I 
 am very sorry, you, who have known me so long, can give way to such a thought, 
 as that I do not think the parting with my Lord Marlborough and my Lord 
 Treasurer of much consequence, because I did not mention any thing of my 
 Lord Marlborough's kind letter concerning me. The reason of that was I 
 really was in a great hurry when I writ to you, and not having time to write 
 on that subject to both, I thought it was the most necessary to endeavour to 
 Jet him see he had no reason to have suspicions, of any one's having power 
 with me, besides himself and my Lord Treasurer, and I hope they will 
 believe me. 
 
 " Can dear Mrs. Freeman think that I can be so stupid, as not to be sensible 
 of the great services that my Lord Marlborough and my Lord Treasurer have 
 done me, nor of the great misfortune it would be, if they should quit my ser- 
 vice ? No, sure, you cannot believe me to be so void of sense and gratitude. 
 I never did, nor never will give them any just reason to forsake me ; and they 
 have too much honour and too sincere a love for their country to leave me 
 without a cause. And I beg you would not add that to my other misfortunes, 
 of pushing them on to such an unjust and unjustifiable action. I think I had 
 best say no more for fear of being too troublesome. But whatever becomes of 
 me, 1 shall always preserve a most sincere and tender passion for my dear Mrs, 
 Freeman to my last moment." 
 
 After my return to Loudon, I had another kind letter from her Majesty in 
 the following terms. 
 
 Saturday Night — " My dear Mrs. Freeman, I cannot go to bed without re- 
 newing a request that I have often made, that you would banish all unkind 
 and unjust thoughts of your poor unfortunate, faithful Morley, which I saw by 
 the glimpse I had of you yesterday you were full of. Iudeed I do not deserve 
 them, and if you could see my heart, you would find it as sincere, as tender, 
 and passionately fond of you as ever, and truly sensible of your kindness in tel- 
 ling me your mind upon all occasions. Nothing shall ever alter me. Though 
 we have the misfortune to differ in some things, I will ever be the same to my 
 dear dear Mrs. Freeman, who I do assure once more, I am more tenderly and 
 sincerely hers than it is possible ever to express."
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 293 
 
 I was every day in expectation of hearing from Mrs. Masham, who, I sup, 
 pased, would now endeavour to clear up what had created so much uneasiness 
 between us. But, to my great surprise, I was twelve days at St. James's under 
 the same roof with her, before I had so much as any message from her. At 
 length having one night past by her window in my return home, she sent one 
 of her maids to my woman to ask her how I did, and to let me know that she 
 was going to Kensington. This behaviour was so very ridiculous, that the next 
 time I saw the Queen I could not forbear speaking of it, and at the same time 
 telling her all that had past between us. The Queen looked grave and said, 
 " she was mightily in the right not to come near me." I answered that I did 
 not understand that, since she had expressed such a concern at my displeasure, 
 and since the clearing up of matters had been reserved to our meeting. The 
 Queen replied, that " it was very natural for her to be afraid to come to me, 
 when she saw I was angry with her." To this I answered, that " she could have 
 no reason to be afraid, unless she knew herself guilty of some crime." It was 
 the Queen's usual way on any occasion, where she was predetermined (and my 
 Lord Marlborough has told me that it was her father's) to repeat over and 
 over some principal words she had resolved to use, and to stick firmly to them. 
 She continued therefore to say, it was very natural, and she was very much in 
 the right. So that this conversation with her Majesty produced nothing but 
 an undeniable proof, that the new favourite was deeply rooted in her heart 
 and affections ; and that it was thought more advisable to let the breach 
 between me and Mrs. Masham grow wider and wider, than to use any method 
 to make it up. 
 
 But now within two days, Mrs. Masham contrived to make me a visit when 
 I was abroad. Upon observing this, and considering that our meeting could 
 be to no purpose but to draw fruitless and false professions from her, I gave a 
 general order to my servants to say, whenever she should call, that I was not 
 at home. After some time, it was thought proper that she should write to me, 
 and desire I would see her; to which I consented, and appointed her a time. 
 When she came, 1 began to tell her, that it was very plain, that the Quen was 
 much changed towards me, and that I could not attribute this to any thing but her 
 secret management ; tliat I knew she had been very frequently with her Majesty 
 in private, and that the very attempt to conceal this, by artifice, from such a friend 
 as I had been to her, was alone a very ill sign, and enough to prove a very bad pur- 
 pose at bottom. To this she answered, that she was sure the Queen, who had 
 loved me extremely, would always be very hind to me ! It was some minutes be- 
 fore I could recover from the surprise, with which so extraordinary an answer 
 struck me. To see a woman whom I had raised out of the dust, put on such 
 a superior air, and to hear her assure me, by way of consolation, that the Queen 
 would always be very hind to me ! At length I went ou to reproach her with 
 her iugratitude and her secret management with the Queen to undermine 
 those, who had so long, aud with so much honour served her Majesty. To 
 this she answered, that she never spoke to the Queen about business, but that the 
 sometimes gave Iter petitions, which came to the back stairs, and with which she 
 knew I did not care to be troubled. Aud with such insincere answers she thought 
 to colour over the matter, while I knew for certain, she had, before this, ob- 
 tained pensions for several of her friends, and had frequeutly paid to others, 
 out of the privy purse, sums of money, which the Queen had ordered me to 
 bring her •> and that she was, every day, long with her Majesty in private.
 
 294 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 Bat thus our conversation ended, and when we had sat a while silent, she 
 rose up and said, " she hoped I would give her leave lo come sometimes antl 
 inquire after my health ;" which, however, it is plain, she did not design to do ; 
 for she never once came near me after this. Notwithstanding which, when 
 she owned her marriage publicly, I went with Lady Sunderland to visit her ; 
 not that I intended to have any further intercourse with her, or to dissemble 
 the ill opinion I had of her (as I had fully resolved to let her then know, in 
 case I found an opportunity of speaking to her privately), but purely out of re- 
 spect to the Queen, and to avoid any noise or disagreeable discourse, which 
 my refusing that ordinary part of civility might occasion. 
 
 Not many days after this, I went lo pay my respects to the Queen in the 
 Christmas holidays, and before I went in, I learnt from the page that Mrs. M.i- 
 sham was just then sent for. The moment I saw her Majesty, I plainly per- 
 ceived she was very uneasy. She stood all the while I was with her, and 
 looked as coldly upon me, as if her intention Mas, that I should no longer 
 doubt of my loss of her affections. Upon observing what reception I had, I 
 said, '* I was very sorry I had happened to come so unseasonably." I was 
 making my courtesy to go away, when the Queen, with a great deal of disor- 
 der in her face, and without speaking one word, took me by the hand : and 
 when thereupon I stooped to kiss her's, she took me up with a very cold em- 
 brace, and then, without one kind word, let me go. So strange a treatmeut 
 ©f me, after my long and faithful services, and after such repeated assurance* 
 from her Majesty of an unalterable affection, made me think that I ought, in 
 justice to myself, as well as in regard to my mistress's interest, to write to her 
 in the plainest and sincerest manner possible, and expostulate with her upon 
 her change to me, and upon the new counsels, by which she seemed to be 
 wholly governed. My letter was iu these terms. 
 
 "December the %7th, 1707. — If Mrs. Morley will be so just as to reflect and 
 examine impartially her last reception of Mrs. Freeman, how very different 
 from what it has been formerly, when you were glad to see her come in, and 
 sorry when she went away ; certainly you can't wonder at her reproaches, 
 opou an embrace that seemed to have no satisfaction in it, but that of getting 
 rid of her, in order to enjoy the conversation of one, that has the good fortune 
 to please you much better, though I am sure no body did ever endeavour it 
 with more sincerity than Mrs. Freeman has done. And if I had considered 
 only my interest and that of my family, I might have borne this change with- 
 out any complaint. For I believe Mrs. Morley would be sincere in doing us 
 any good. But. I have once been honoured with an open, kind confidence 
 and trust, aud that made all my service agreeable ; and it is not possible to 
 lose it without a mortification too great to be passed in silence, beingsure I 
 have never done any thing to forfeit it, having never betrayed nor abused that 
 confidence, by giving you a false representation of any body. My temper is 
 naturally plain aud sincere, and Mrs. Morley did like it for many years. It is 
 not in the least altered. But I can't help thinking those things reasonable that 
 appear to be so. And I appeal to God Almighty, that I never designed or 
 pursued any thing, but as I was thoroughly convinced it was for Mrs. Morley's 
 true interest and honour : and, I think, 1 may safely put it to that trial, if any 
 thing has yet proved unsuccessful, that was of any public consequence, that 
 Mrs. Freeman has been earnest to persuade Mrs. Morley to. And it is not 
 possible for me to dissemble so as to appear what I am not.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. mf 
 
 44 So much by way of apology for what happened upon Wednesday last. And 
 if Mrs. Morley has any remains of the tenderness she once professc «< 'or her 
 faithful Freeman, I would beg she might be treated one of these two ways, 
 either with the openness and confidence of a friend, as she was for twenty 
 years ; (for to pretend kindness without trust and openness of heart is a treat- 
 ment for children, not friends;) or else to that manner, that is necessary for the 
 post she is in, which unavoidably forces her to be often troubling Mrs. Morley 
 upon the account of others. And if she pleases to chuse which of these ways, 
 or any other she likes to have Mrs. Freeman live in, she promises to follow 
 any rule that is laid down that is possible, and is resolved to her life's end, 
 and upon all occasions to shew, that Mrs. Morley never had a more faithful 
 servant." 
 
 My Lord Marlborough or my Lord Godolphin (I have forgot which) carried 
 nay letter. The Queen took no notice of it to either of these Lords. Rut some 
 days after she wrote me an answer, in which she very much softened what had 
 past. I was much pleased to find her Majesty iu that disposition ; and once 
 more put on as easy an appearance as 1 could. 
 
 But in a very short time after this, the great breach at court became public 
 Lord Marlborough and Lord Godolphin had often told the Queen iu the most 
 respectful manner, that it was impossible for them to do her any service, while 
 Mr. Ilarley was in her confidence. Her Majesty nevertheless seemed deter- 
 mined not to part with him j till at length those two Lords, being urged by 
 necessity to it, declared their resolution to serve no louger with him, and they 
 absented themselves from the council. Mr. Harley would have proceeded to 
 business without them when the council met, but the Duke of Somerset said, 
 he did not see how it could be to any purpose, when neither the General nor tlie 
 Treasurer was present ; whereupon the council immediately broke up. This 
 had such an effect upon the Queen, that, very soou after, Mr. Harley was dis- 
 missed from his post. 
 
 Such a compliance with the ministers seemed to the world a very great con- 
 cession, but was in truth nothing. For it was evident by what followed, that 
 this appearance of giving up Mr. Ilarley was with his own consent, and by his 
 own advice, who, as long as Mrs. Masham continued in favour, would, under 
 pretence of visiting Ijer, (who was his cousin) have all the opportunities he could 
 wish for, of practising upou the passions and credulity of the Queen ; and the 
 method of corresponding with him had been settled some time before ; I was 
 fully apprised of all this; yet I resolved to try, if by being easy and quiet I 
 could regain any influence with her Majesty. She had given me some encou- 
 ragement to hope it. For when, a little before Mr. Ilarley s dismission, Lord 
 Marlborough resolved to quit the service, and when on that occasion 1 had 
 with tears (which a tender concern at the thought of parting from her Majesty 
 made me shed) represented to her, that if the Duke retired, it would be impro- 
 per, and even impossible, for me to stay at court after him, site declared, " that 
 she could not bear the thought of my leaving her, and that it must never be." 
 And at that time she made me a promise that if ever 1 should leave Iter, 
 (which, she again said, must never be) she would bestow my Offices among my 
 children. 
 
 Nay, the whigs had some reason to flatter themselves about this time, that 
 her Majesty would become better disposed to them, than she had hitherto been. 
 
 The Pretender's attempt to land iu Scotland, which happened about this 
 time, gave her an alarm, that seemed to bring a conviction along with it, that
 
 296 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 tlu whigs were the most to be depended upon for the support of her government ; 
 at least what she said in her answer to the Lords' address, upon the occasion, 
 had this appearance. But as the danger presently blew over, and as her fears 
 ceased with the cause of them, so all the hope which the whigs had raised in 
 themselves from those fears, presently vanished, 
 
 However, by the manner in which her Majesty wrote to the Duke of Marl- 
 borough, in a letter dated May 6th, 1708, she seems still to have retained a 
 great degree of regard for him. After complaining to him of being so tired, 
 that day, with importunities from whigs, that she had not spirits left to open 
 her afflicted heart so freely and fully as she intended, she goes on to say, she is 
 entirely of his opinion, thinking it neither for her honour nor interest to make 
 steps (meaning the first steps) towards a peace, as the Duke had been pressed 
 to do abroad ; and assures him, that whatever insinuations her enemies might 
 make to the contrary, she would never give her consent to a peace, but upon 
 safe and honourable terms. She begs the Duke to be so just to her, as not 
 to let the misrepresentations, made of her, have any weight with him : Add, 
 ing, that it would be a greater trouble to her than could be expressed, and 
 concludes with these words, — " I cannot end without begging you to be very 
 careful of yourself, there being no body, I am sure, that prays more heartily 
 than her, who will live and die most sincerely yours, &c." 
 
 The campaigu of 1708 proved very glorious to the Duke of Marlborough 
 by the victory at Oudenarde, the taking of Lisle, and the saving of Brussels. 
 
 Her Majesty, on occasion of the victory, wrote the following letter to him. 
 
 «• Windsor, July the Qth, 1708. — I want words to express the joy I have that 
 you are well, after your glorious success j for which, next to God Almighty, 
 my thanks are due to you. And indeed I can never say enough for all the great 
 and faithful services you have ever done me. But be so just as to believe, I 
 am as truly sensible of them as a grateful heart can be, and shall be ready to 
 show it upon all occasions. I hope you cannot doubt of my esteem and friend- 
 ship for you, nor think that because I differ with you in some things, it is for 
 want of either: no, I do assure you. If you were here, I am sure you would 
 not think me so much in the wrong in some things, as I fear you do now. I 
 am afraid my letter should come too late to London, and therefore dare say no 
 more, but. that I pray God Almighty to continue his protection over you, and 
 send you safe home again. And be assured I shall ever be sincerely your 
 
 " Humble Servant" 
 
 To this the Duke answered. 
 
 " July 23d, 1708. — Madam, — I have the honour of your Majesty's letter of 
 the 6th, and am very thankful for all your goodness to me. And I am sure it 
 will always be my intention, as well as duty to be ready to venture my life for 
 your service. 
 
 " As I have formerly told your Majesty that I am desirous to serve you in the 
 army, but not as a minister, I am every day more and more confirmed in that 
 opinion. And I think myself obliged upon all accounts, on this occasion, to 
 speak my mind freely to you. The circumstances in this last battle, I think, 
 shew the hand of God; for we were obliged not only to march five leagues 
 that morning, but to pass a river before the enemy, and to engage them before 
 the whole army was passed, which was a visible mark of the favour of heaven 
 to you and your arms. 
 
 " Your Majesty shall be convinced from this time, that I have no ambition, 
 ©r any thing to ask for myself or family. But I will end the flew years which
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 297 
 
 I have to live in endeavouring to serve you, and to give God Almighty thanks 
 for his infinite goodness to me. But as I have taken this resolution to myself, 
 give me leave to say, that I think you are obliged in conscience, and as a good 
 Christian, to forgive, and to have uo more resentments to any particular person 
 or party, but to make use of such as will carry on this just war with vigour; 
 which is the only way to preserve our religion and liberties, and the crown 011 
 your head. Which that you may long enjoy, and be a blessing to your peo- 
 ple, shall be the constant wish and prayer of him, that is with the greatest 
 truth and duty, " Madam, &c." 
 
 But now, what was very strange, the successes of my Lord Marlborough 
 this year seemed rather to lower his credit with her Majesty, than to raise it; 
 a thing so extremely out of the common course of nature, that no one, I think, 
 can doubt of it's being the pure effect of art, the product of that wonderful 
 talent Mr. Harlcy possessed, in the supreme degree, of confounding the com- 
 mon sense of mankind. 
 
 The Duke was perfectly. sensible of the change in her Majesty towards him, 
 rnd having complained of it in a letter to me, I sent this letter to her, inclosed 
 ril the following one from myself. 
 
 " I cannot help sending your Majesty this letter, to shew how exactly Lord 
 Marlborough agrees with me in my opinion, that he has now no interest With 
 you: Though when I said so in the church on Thursday (19th Aug. 17080, 
 you were pleased to say it was untrue. And yet I think he will be surprised 
 to hear that when I had takeu so much pains to put your jewels in a way that 
 I thought you would like, Mrs. Masham could make you refuse to wear them, 
 in so unkind a manner; because that was a power she had not thought fit to 
 exercise before. 1 will make no reflections upon it; only that I must needs 
 observe, that your Majesty chose a very wrong day to mortify me, when you 
 were just going to return thanks for a victory obtained by Lord Marlborough." 
 In answer to this, her Majesty was pleased to write to me these few words. 
 *' Sunday. — After the commands you gave me on the thanksgiving day of not 
 answering you, I should not have troubled you with these lines, but to return 
 the Duke'of Marlborough's letter safe into your hands, and for the same reason 
 do not say any thing to that, nor to yours which enclosed it." 
 
 Upon receiving so extraordinary a letter, I could not avoid writing again 
 as follows. 
 
 "I shall not trouble your Majesty with any answer to ydur last short letter 
 but to explain what you seem to mistake in what I said at church. I desired 
 you not to answer me there for fear of being overheard. And this you inter- 
 pret as if I had desired you not to answer me at all, which was far from my 
 intention. For the whole end of my writing to you so often, was to get your 
 answer to several thingd iu which we differed, that if I was in the wrong, you 
 might convince me of it, and Ishould very readily have owned my mistakes. 
 But since you have not been pleased to show them to mo, I flatter myself that, 
 i have said several things to you that are unanswerable. And I hope some time 
 or other you will find leisure to reflect upon them, and will convince Lord 
 Marlborough, that he is mistaken in thinking that he has no credit with you, by 
 hearkening sometimes to his advice; and then I hope you will nevermore be 
 troubled with disagreeable letters from me: for I should be mnch better pleas- 
 ed to say and do every thing you like. But I should think myself wanting in my 
 duty to your Majesty, if I saw you so much in the wrong, as without prejudice 
 or passion, I really thm* you are in several particulars I ha<re mention* !, and 
 First Sttp. Vol. VJ. * P
 
 $90 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 did not tell you of it. And the rather, because nobody else cares to speak out 
 upon so ungrateful a subject. The word command, which you use at the be- 
 ginning of your letter, is very unfitly supposed to come from me. For though 
 I have always writ to you as a frieud, and lived with you as such for so many 
 years with all the truth and honesty and zeal for your service that was possible, 
 yet I shall never forget that I am your subject, nor cease to be a faithful one." 
 
 Through the whole summer after Mr. Harley's dismission, the Queen conti- 
 nued to have secret correspondence with him. And that this might be the 
 better managed, she staid all the sultry season, even when the Prince was 
 panting for breath, in that small house, she had formerly purchased at Windsor, 
 which, though as hot as an oven, was then said to be cool, because from the 
 park such persons, as Mrs. Masham had a mind to bring to her Majesty, could 
 be let in privately by the garden. 
 
 And when upon the death of the Prince, one would have thought that her 
 Majesty's real grief would have made her avoid every place and every object 
 that might sensibly revive the remembrance of her loss, she chose for her place 
 of retirement his closet, and for some weeks, spent many hours in it every day. 
 I was amazed at this; and when I spoke to her of it, she seemed surprised, just 
 like a person who on a sudden becomes sensible of her having done some- 
 thing she would not have done, had she duly considered. But the true reason of 
 her Majesty's chusing this closet to sit in, was that the back-stairs belonging 
 to it came from Mrs. Masham's lodgings, who by that means could secretly 
 bring to her whom she pleased. 
 
 And that a correspondence was thus carried on with Mr. Harley, became 
 every day more and more manifest by the difficulties and objections which her 
 Majesty had learnt to raise against almost every thing proposed by her minis- 
 ters. Nay, it is well known, that Mr.Harley and his associates, when at length 
 they had compassed their designs, and got into the management of affairs, did 
 often (both in their cups and out of them) boast that they, while the Queen's 
 ministers were asleep, were frequently at court giving advice in secret, how to 
 perplex them in all their measures. i 
 
 But they were much mistaken, if they imagined that their proceedings at 
 the time I am speaking of, were so entirely covered- The ministers were fully 
 convinced of the truth, and frequently represented to her Majesty, what adis* 
 couragement it was to them in their endeavours for her service, to find that 
 she bad no confidence in them, but was influenced by the counsel of others 
 who counterworked them in every instance. Upon this subject, I myself 
 wrote and spoke a great deal to her with my usual plainness and zeal. But 
 finding, not only that I could make no impression on her in this respect, but 
 that her change towards me in particular was every day more and more apparent, 
 I at leugth went to her, and begged to know what my crime was, that had 
 wrought in her so great an alteration. This drew from the Queen a letter» 
 dated October 26, 1709, wherein she charges me "with inveteracy," as her 
 word is " against poor Masham," and " with having nothing so much at heart 
 as the ruin of ray cousin." In speaking of the misunderstandings betwixt her 
 Majesty and me, she says, they are " for nothing that she knows of, but because 
 she cannot see with my eyes, and hear with my ears." And adds, " that it is 
 impossible for me to recover her former kindness, but that she shall behave 
 herself to me, as the Duke of Marlborough's wife, and her groom of the stole." 
 This declaration so plain and express of her Majesty's thorough change towards 
 me was the more extraordinary, as in this same letter are these words,
 
 I817-] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 2<)» 
 
 "you have asked me once or twice if you had committed any fault that I was 
 so changed, and I told you, no ; because I do not think it a crime in any one 
 not to be of my mind." 
 
 Upon receipt of this letter, I immediately set myself to draw Up a long nar- 
 rative of a series of faithful services for about 26 years past ; of the great sense 
 the Queen formerly had of my services ; of the great favour I had been honoured 
 with on account of them; of the use I had made of that favour and of my los- 
 ing it now by the artifice of my enemies, and particularly of one, whom I 
 had raised out of the dust. And knowing how great a respect her Majesty 
 had for the writings of certain eminent divines, I added to my narrative, the 
 directions given by the author of the whole duty of man with relation to friend- 
 ship ; the directions in the common prayer book before the communion with 
 regard to reconciliation, together with the rules laid down by Bishop Taylor 
 upon the same head ; and I concluded with giving my word to her Majesty, 
 that if after reading these, she would please only to answer in two words, that 
 she was still of the same opinion, as when she wrote that harsh letter, which 
 occasioned her this trouble, I would never more give her the least trouble upon 
 any subject, but the business of my office, as long as I should have the honour 
 to continue her servant: assuring her, that however she might be changed 
 towards me, and how much soever we might still differ in opinion, I should 
 ever remember that she was my Mistress and my Queen, and should always 
 pay her the respect due from a faithful servant and dutiful subject. 
 
 I sent from St. Albans this narrative, which she promised to read and answer. 
 And ten days after, writing to me upon another occasion, she said she had not 
 leisure yet to read all my papers, but when she had, she would send me some 
 answer. But none ever came : nor had my papers any apparent effect on her 
 Majesty, except that, after my coming to town, as she was passing by me, in 
 order to receive the communion, she looked with much good nature and very 
 graciously smiled upon me. But the smile and pleasant look I had reasou af- 
 terwards to think were given to Bishop Taylor and the common prayer booh, 
 aud not to me. 
 
 In the beginning of January 1709-10 the Earl of Essex died ; and the Queen 
 presently wrote to the Duke of Marlborough to give his regiment to Mr. Hill, 
 a man who had been basely ungrateful to me who raised him ; and whose 
 sister, Mrs. Masham, the Duke well knew was at this time undermining the 
 interest of Himself, his family and friends. 
 
 The scheme of the Queen's new counsellors to make her ministers quit her 
 service, or engage herot * discard them, began now to appear without dis- 
 guise. They durst not tell her Majesty at once all they designed, but, pro- 
 posing to her only one thing at a time, led her by insensible degrees to the 
 accomplishment of the whole. They began, as I before observed, with en- 
 gaging her to nominate persons to bishoprics without consulting her mi- 
 nisters. And now they prevailed with her to appoint military officers, 
 without advising with her general. And nothing could be more to their pur- 
 pose, than this choice of Mr. Hill for Lord Essex's regiment, because they 
 knew that nothing could be more disagreeable to the Duke of Marlborough, 
 or would tend more to lessen his weight and authority in the army, and 
 consequently at home too. The new counsellors saw that if the Duke readily 
 yielded in this matter, it would sow discontent among the officers, and that a 
 door would be opened for his enemies to come into the army and insult him. 
 And on the other hand, if the Duke should not comply, or should show any
 
 300 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 reluctance in complying, this would furnish an excellent pretence for grievous 
 complaints and outcries, that the Queen tuas but a cypher and could do nothing. 
 It was indeed by representing her to herself, as a slave to the Marlborough 
 family, that they worked upon her passions ; while at the same time (as is too 
 evident) they meant to make her in reality their slave, to do for them those 
 drudgeries that would dishonour her, instead of following the counsels of mi- 
 nisters, whose fidelity she had experienced, and who had carried her glory to 
 the highest pitch. 
 
 Upon this message from the Queen, the Duke waited upon her, and with 
 all humility represented to her, what a prejudice it would be to her service, 
 to have sp young an officer preferred before 60 many others of higher rank and 
 longer service. Besides, that the shewing so extraordinary and partial favour 
 to Mrs. Masham's brother, could be interpreted no otherwise than as a declar- 
 ing against all those who had so much reason to be uneasy with her ; and that 
 indeed it would be setting up a banner for all the discontented persons in the 
 army to repair to. In short the Duke said every thing he could think of, and 
 with all the moving concern that the nature of the affair created in him, to 
 engage her Majesty to change her resolution. But all seemed to no purpose. 
 He could not draw one kind expression from her, nor obtain any answer, but 
 that he would do well to advise with his friends. 
 
 Lord Godolphin spoke often to her upon the same subject, representing to 
 her the Duke's long, great, and faithful services, and the very had influence 
 which her intended favour to Mr. Hill must necessarily have in the army. But 
 neither had this so much effect as to engage her to say one favourable word 
 about the Duke. On the 15th of Jauuary therefore he left the town and went 
 tp Windsor in great discontent. It was council-day. The Queeu did not ask 
 where he was, nor take the least notice of his absence. His withdrawing him» 
 self made a great, noise in the town. Many of the nobility spoke with earneat- 
 ness to the Queen of the very ill consequences of mortifying a man, who had 
 done her so long and importaut services. Her Majesty answered, that his ser- 
 vices were still fresh in her memory, and that she had as much kindness for 
 him as ever she had. The noise however still continued and increased, and 
 there was a great discourse, not without probability, that some notice would 
 be taken of the matter in the House of Commons, and some votes past dis- 
 agreeable to her Majesty and her new counsellors. This design was laid to 
 my charge, but I said enough to the Queen to vindicate myself from it. And 
 it was indeed owing to the Duke's particular friend* in the House, that no such 
 notice was taken. . ' 
 
 The new counsellors being alarmed with apprehensions of what the Parlia- 
 ment might do, an<J believing that they should be able at a proper season to 
 make better use of the Queen's yielding up the point, than of her insisting upon 
 it, gave her advice accordingly : so that January the 20th, she ordered Lord 
 Oodolphin to write to the Duke, that he might dispose of the regiment as fw. 
 himself thought ft : and to. desire him to come to town. But before this 
 reached Lord Marlborough, he had written the following letter to the Queen. 
 
 ** Madam, — By what I heard from London, I find your Majesty is pleased 
 to think, that when I have reflected, I must be of opinion, that you are in 
 the right in giving Mr. Hill the Earl of Essex's regiment 1 beg your Majesty 
 ■wtill be so just to me, as not to think lean be^so unreasonable, as to be mortified . 
 to the degree that 1 am, if it, proceeded only from this one thing; for I shall 
 always be ready and glad to do every thing that is agreeable to you, after I have
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. ?oi 
 
 represented what may be a prejudice to your service. But this is only one of 
 a great many mortifications, that I have met with. And as I may not have 
 many opportunities of writing to you, let me beg your Majesty to reflect what 
 your own people, and the rest of the world must think, who have been wit- 
 nesses of the love, zeal and duty, with which I have served you, when they 
 »hall see that after all I have done, it has not been able to protect me against 
 the malice of a bed-chamber woman. Your Majesty will allow me on this 
 occasion to re-mind you of what I writ to you the last campaign, of the certain 
 knowledge I had of Mrs. Masham's having assured Mr. Hurley, that I should 
 receive such constant mortifications, as should make it impossible for me to 
 continue iu your service. God Almighty and the whole world are my witnesses, 
 with what care and pains I have served you for more than twenty yean, and 
 I was resolved, if possible, to have struggled with the difficulties to the end of 
 this war. But the many instances I have had of your Majesty's great change 
 to me, has so broke my spirits, that I must beg as the greatest and hist favour, 
 that you will approve of my retiring, so that I may employ the little time 
 I have to live, in making my just acknowledgements to God, for the protection 
 he has been pleased to give me. And your Majesty may be assured that my 
 zeal for you and my country is so great, that iu my retirement I shall daily 
 pray for your prosperity, aud that those, who shall serve you as faithfully as I 
 have done, may never feel the hard return that I have met with." 
 
 The Queen wrote him au answer, expressing some concern at several parts 
 of his letter, assuring him, without entering into particulars, that he had 
 no ground for suspicions, aud desiring him to come to town. 
 
 But fearing at the same time that some motion might be made in Parliament 
 against Mrs. Masham, which might be attended with very disagreeable conse- 
 quences, she sent about in much concern, to many persons to stand by Iter, a* 
 if some great attack were going to be made upon her. This application and 
 the closetting some persons, who were known enemies to the Revolution, 
 gave encouragement to the Jacobites; several of whom were now observer! 
 running to court with faces full of business and satisfaction, as if they were 
 going to get the Government into their hands. Aud this being represented to 
 the Queen, as a kind of victory gained by her over the Marlborough family, 
 was doubtless one means of hindering all thoughts of a real accommodation. 
 
 In about a month after this, both Houses of Parliament addressed the Queen 
 to order the Duke of Marlborough over into Holland, to attend to the great 
 affair of a peace, (towards which there were then some overtures) and in 
 case that project did not take effect, to prepare for an early opening the cam- 
 paign. 
 
 The Queen iu her answer to that address used these words. — " I am very 
 glad to find by this address, that you concur with me in a just sense of the 
 Duke of Marlborough's emineut services." 
 
 But notwithstanding this, he had not been long gone, before her Majesty 
 gave a signal proof how much his declared enemies were in her favour, by 
 granting Mr. Hill a pension of 1000 /. a year. (And in some time, she made 
 both him and Mr. Masham (men of little or no service) general officers, over 
 the heads of mauy brave men, who had frequently hazarded their lives in her 
 service, aud had gone through, the toils and hardships of a tedious war.) 
 
 In the mean time, as to myself, I learnt that tlie Queen was made to believe 
 that I often &|>oke of her in company disrespectfully. And I know myself 
 wholly free from the guilt of this charge, and indeed incapable of it, I waited
 
 302 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jay. 
 
 on her Majesty the 3d of April 1710, and begged of her that she would be 
 pleased to give tne a private hour, because I had something which I was very 
 desirous of saying to her Majesty, before I went out of town. I named three 
 several hours, in which I knew the Queen used to be alone, but she refused 
 them all, in a very unusual and surprising manner: and at last she herself ap- 
 pointed six o'clock the next day, the hour of prayers, when she could least of 
 all expect to be at leisure for any particular conversation. But even this small 
 favour, though promised, was not thought advisable to be granted by her new 
 counsellors. For, that night, she wrote a letter to me, in which she desired 
 me " to lay before her in writing whatever I had to say, and to gratify myself 
 by going into the country as soon as I could." I took the first opportunity of 
 waiting upon the Queen again, and used all the arguments 1 could to obtain a 
 private audience ; alledging, that when her Majesty should hear what I had to 
 say, she would herself perceive it impossible to put things of that nature into 
 writing ; that I was now going out of town for a great while, and perhaps 
 should never have occasion to give her a like trouble as long as I lived. The 
 Queen refused it several times in a manner hard to be described, but at last 
 appointed the next day after dinner. Yet upon farther consideration it was 
 thought advisable to break this appointment: for, the next morning she wrote 
 to me to let me know, " that she should dine at Kensington, and that she once 
 more desired me to put my thoughts into writing." 
 
 To this I wrote an answer, begging that her Majesty would give me leave to 
 follow her to Kensington ; and, that she might not apprehend a greater trouble 
 than she would receive, I assured her Majesty, that what I had to say would 
 not create any dispute or uneasiness, (it relating only to the clearing myself 
 from some things which, I had heard, had very wrongfully been laid to my 
 charge,) and could have no consequence, either in obliging her Majesty to an- 
 swer, or to see me oftner than would be easy to her : adding, that if that after- 
 noon were not convenient, I would come every day and wait till her Majesty 
 would please to allow me to speak to her. Upon the sixth of April I followed 
 this letter to Kensington, and by that means prevented the Queen's writing 
 again to me, as she was preparing to do. The page who went in to acquaint 
 the Queen that I was come to wait upon her Majesty staid longer than usual ; 
 long enough, it is to be supposed, to give time to deliberate whether the favour 
 of admission should be granted, and to settle the measures of behaviour if I 
 were admitted. But at last he came out, and told me I might go in. As I 
 was entering the Queen said she was just going to write to me. And when 
 I began to speak she interrupted me four or five times with these repeated 
 words, " whatever you have to say, you may put it in writing." I said, her 
 Majesty never did so hard a thing to any, as to refuse to hear them speak, and 
 assured her, that I was not going to trouble her upon the subject which I 
 knew to be ungrateful to her, but that I could not possibly rest till I had 
 cleared myself from some particular calumnies with which 1 had been loaded. 
 I then went on to speak, (though the Queen turned away her face from me,) 
 and to represent my hard case : that there were those about her Majesty, who 
 had made her believe that I had said things of her, which I was no more capa- 
 ble of saying than of killing my own children ; that I seldom named her Ma- 
 jesty in company, and never without respect, and the like. The Queen said, 
 ** Without doubt there were many lies told." I then begged, in order to make 
 this trouble the shorter, and my own innocence the plainer, that I might 
 know the particulars of which I had been accused. Because, if I were guilty,
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 303 
 
 tliat would quickly appear; and if I were innocent, this method only would 
 clear me. The Queen replied, " that she would give me no answer," laying 
 hold on a word in my letter, that what I had to say in my vindication, " would 
 Jiave no consequence iu obliging her Majesty to answer," &c. which surely did 
 not at all imply, that I did not desire to know the particular things laid to my 
 charge, without which it was impossible for me to clear in j self. This I assured 
 her Majesty was all 1 desired, and that " I did not ask the names of the au- 
 thors or relators of those calumnies," saying all that I could think reasonable, 
 to enforce my just request. But the Queen repeated again and again the 
 words she had used, without ever receding. And it is possible that this con- 
 versation had never been consented to, but that her Majesty had been care- 
 fully provided with those words, as a shield to defend her against every reason 
 I could offer. I protested to her Majesty, that 1 had no design in giving her 
 this trouble, to solicit the return of her favour, dut that my sole view was to 
 clear myself; which was too just a design to be disappointed by her Majesty. 
 Upon this, the Queen offered lo go out of the room, 1 following her, and beg- 
 ging leave to clear myself; and the Queen repeating over and over again, 
 " You desired no answer, and shall have none." When she came to the door, 
 I fell into great disorder; streams of tears flowed down against my will, and 
 prevented my speaking for some time. At length I recovered myself, and ap- 
 pealed to the Queen, iu the vehemence of my concern, whether I might not 
 still have been happy in her Majesty's favour, if I could have contradicted or 
 dissembled my real opinion of men, or things? whether I had ever, during our 
 long friendship, told her one lie, or played the hypocrite once ? whether I had 
 offended in any thing, unless iu a very zealous pressing upon her, that which I 
 thought necessary for her service and security ? I then said I was informed by 
 a very reasonable and credible person about the court, that things were laid 
 to my charge of which 1 was wholly incapable; that this person knew that 
 such stories were perpetually told to her Majesty to incense her, and had beg- 
 ged of me to come and vindicate myself; that the same person had thought me 
 of late guilty of some omissions towards her Majesty, being entirely ignorant 
 how uneasy to her my frequent attendance must be, after what had happened 
 betweeu us. I explained some things which I had heard her Majesty had 
 taken amiss of me, and then with a fresh flood of tears, and a concern suffici- 
 ent to move compassion, even where all love was absent, I begged to know 
 what other particulars she had heard of me, that I might not be denied all 
 power of justifying myself. But still the only return was, "You desired no 
 answer, and you shall have none." I then begged to know if her Majesty 
 would tell me some other time ? — " You desired no answer, and you shall have 
 none." I then appealed to her Majesty again, if she did not herself know that 
 I had often despised interest in comparison of serving her faithfully and doing 
 right ? And whether she did not know me to be of a temper incapable of dis- 
 owning any thing which I knew to be true ? — " You desired no answer, and 
 you shall have none." This usage was so severe, and these words, so often re- 
 peated, were so shocking (being an utter denial of common justice to one who 
 had been a most faithful servant, and now asked nothing more) that I could 
 not conquer myself, but said the most disrespectful thing I ever spoke to the 
 Queen in my life, and yet, what such an occasion and such circumstances 
 might well excuse, if not justify. And that was, that " I was confident her 
 Majesty would suffer for such an act of inhumanity." The Queen answered, 
 " that will be to myself." Thus ended this remarkable conversation, the last I
 
 304 THE ROVAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 ever had with her Majesty. I shall make no comment upon it. The Queen 
 always meant well, how much soever she might be blinded or misguided. But 
 ia a letter, which I had from the Duke of Marlborough, about eight month* 
 before, there is something so pertiuent to the present occasion, that f cannot 
 forbear transcribing the passage. 
 
 Aitff. 26, 1709 " It has always been my observation in disputes, especi- 
 ally in that of kindness and friendship, that all reproaches, though ever so just, 
 serve to no end but making the breach wider. I cannot help being of opinion, 
 that however insignificant we may be, there is a power above, that puts a 
 period to our happiness or unhappiness. If any body had told me, eight years 
 •go, that after such great success, and after you had been a faithful servant 27 
 years, that even in the Queen's life time, we should be obliged to seek happiness 
 in a retired life, I could not have believed that possible." 
 
 I never saw the Queen after the interview I have been speaking of, nor ever 
 had any correspondence with her, except on two occasions relating to the pub- 
 lic, one of which | shall now mention, because it was the very next day after 
 our parting. I received a letter from Lord Marlborough, with one enclosed to 
 Lord Oodolphiu, who was then at New-market, and whose letters, at such times, 
 and when dispatch was required, I had the privilege to open. In this letter 
 the Duke gave Lord Godolphin an account of a man then coming to England, 
 who, as Prince Eugene informed him, had been guilty of many vile practices at 
 Vienna, and was a very, great villain, desiring that he might not be admitted 
 to- see the Queen, but be immediately sent out of England. Hereupon I wrote 
 a letter to her Majesty, ia which, after saying that I thought it my duty to 
 impart to her without delay what so nearly concerned her, 1 added, that 
 1 could not forbear taking notice of the usage I had met with, the day before, 
 when I waited upon her; and wihen my only business was to be heard ou a 
 point that touched me very sensibly, in order to clear myself from what had 
 been laid to my charge if I were innocent j or to beg pardon, if in any thing I 
 had done amiss. 
 
 All the answer I received to this, letter was in these few words, dated from 
 Kensington. 
 
 **I received yours, with one enclosed from the D. of M» to Lord Treasurer, 
 just as I was coming down stairs from St. James's, so could not return the eu- 
 do6ed back, till Icame to this place." 
 
 But notwithstanding this thorough alienation of the Queen's affectious from 
 *ae, I was not yet divested of my employments. Perhaps it was not yet de- 
 termined who should succeed me, nor whether it were proper, that Lord 
 Marlborough should have that mortification, before the season was fully ripe 
 for the execution of the new scheme. Matters had been greatly advanced to- 
 wards maturity by the- business of Sacheverel, which had engaged the attention 
 of the nation for the greater part of the last winter. Every body knows that 
 whole story, and the terrible cry that was raised about the danger of the 
 church, from the attempt that was made in a Parliamentary way, to punish an 
 ignorant, impudent incendiary, a man who was the scorn even of those who 
 made use of him aa.a.tool. I shall only observe* that the Dnke of Shrewsbury, 
 who had voted for the acquittal of that scurrilous declaimer against the Queen's 
 ministers, was, iu about three weeks after, appointed Lord, Chamberlain by 
 her Majesty^ , 
 
 When the Queen had resolved- to make this step, she thought ~St to write 
 to my Lord Godolphin, then at New-market, to- acquaint him with" her reso-
 
 1817] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 305 
 
 lution, and (hat she hoped she should have his approbation in this and all her 
 actions. The answer which he returned to her Majesty is so great a proof of 
 his honest heart and clear understanding, and of the injustice of those whigs, 
 who did not scruple to call in question his zeal and even his sincerity in their 
 cause, that I think it is but discharging a debt I owe to his memory, to give a 
 copy of his letter. 
 
 "New-market, April \5th, 1710. — I have the honour of your Majesty's letter 
 of the 15th, by which I have the grief to find that what you are pleased to call 
 spleen in my former letter, was only a true impulse and conviction of mind, 
 that your Majesty is suffering yourself to be guided to your owu ruin and de- 
 struction as fast as it is possible for them to compass it, to whom you seem 
 so much to hearken. 
 
 " I am not therefore so much surprised, as concerned at the resolution which 
 your Majesty says you have taken, of bringing in the Duke of Shrewsbury. 
 For when people began to be sensible it would be difficult to persuade your 
 Majesty to dissolve a Parliament, which fur two winters together, had given 
 you above six millions a year for the support of a war, upon which your crown 
 depends ; even while that war is still subsisting, they have had the cunning to 
 contrive this proposal to your Majesty, which in its consequence will certainly 
 put you under a necessity of breaking the Parliament, though contrary (I yet 
 believe) to your mind and intention. 
 
 " I beg your Majesty to be persuaded, I do not say this oat of the least pre- 
 judice to the Duke of Shrewsbury. There is no man of whose capacity I have 
 had a better impression, nor with whom I have lived more easily and freely for 
 above twenty years. Your Majesty may please to remember, that at your first 
 coming to the crown, I was desirous he should have bad one of the chief posts 
 in your service; and it would have been happy for your Majesty and the king* 
 dom, if he had accepted that offer : But he thought fit to decline it, and the 
 reasons generally given at that time for his doing so, do not much recom- 
 mend him to your Majesty's service. But I must endeavour to let your Majesty 
 see things as they really are. And to bring him into your service and into your 
 business at this time, just after his being in a public open conjunction in every 
 vote with the whole body of the torics, and in a private, constant correspond- 
 ence and caballing with Mr. Harley in every thing, what consequence can 
 this possibly have, but to make every man that is now in your cabinet coun- 
 cil except to run from it as they 
 would from the plague. And I leave it to your Majesty to judge, what effect 
 this entire change of your ministers will have among your allies abroad, and 
 how well this war is like to be carried on, in their opinion, by those who have 
 all along opposed and obstructed it, and who will like any peace the better, the 
 more it leaves France at liberty, to take their time of imposing the Pretender 
 upon this country. 
 
 " These considerations must certainly make Holland run immediately into a 
 separate peace with France, and make your Majesty lose all the honour, and all 
 the reputation your arms had acquired by the war; and make the kingdom lose 
 all the fruits ol that vast expeuce which they have been at in this war, as well 
 as all the advantage and safety which they had so much need of, and had so 
 fair a prospect of obtaining by it. And can any body imagine that after so 
 great a disappointment to the kingdom, there will not be an enquiry into the 
 causes of it ; and who have been the occasion of so great a change in your 
 Majesty's measures and counsels, which had been so long successful, and gotten 
 
 First Sttp. Vol. VI. * Q
 
 306 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 you so great a name in the world ? I am very much afraid your Majesty will 
 find, when it is too late, that it will be a pretty difficult task for any body to 
 stand against such an enquiry. I am sure if I did not think all these conse- 
 quences inevitable, I would never give your Majesty the trouble and uneasi- 
 ness of laying them before you. But, persuaded as I am that your Majesty will 
 find them so, it is my indispensable duty to do it out of pure faithfulness and 
 zeal for your Majesty's service and honour. Your Majesty's having taken a 
 resolution of so much consequence to all your affairs both at home and abroad, 
 without acquainting the Duke of Marlborough or me with it, till afteryou had 
 taken it, is the least part of my mortification in this whole affair. Though 
 perhaps the world may think the long and faithful services we have constantly 
 and zealously endeavoured to do your Majesty, might have deserved a little 
 more consideration. However for my own part, I most humbly beg leave to 
 assure your Majesty, I will never give the least obstruction to your measures, 
 or to any ministers you shall please to employ. And I must beg further, to 
 make two humble requests to your Majesty, the one, that you will allow me to 
 pass the remainder of my life always out of London, where I may find most 
 ease and quiet. The other, that you would keep this letter and read it again 
 about next Christmas, and then be pleased to make your own judgment, who 
 hath given you the best and most faithful advice, " 1 am," &c. 
 
 I think it is pretty plaiu from the Queen's letter, to which, what I have just 
 now given was an answer, that her new counsellors did not open their whole 
 scheme to her at once. For if they had, they certainly could never have en- 
 gaged her to tell my Lord Godolphin that she hoped he would approve of all her 
 actions. But they judged wisely, that passing on under their direction from 
 one step to another, she would quickly come to a desperate necessity of going 
 as far as they themselves wished. 
 
 About the beginning of June, the design of turning out Lord Sunderland 
 began to be talked of. Lord Marlborough was now abroad at the head of 
 the army. 
 
 As soon as the news of this design reached him, he wrote a very moving let- 
 ter to the Queen, representing the very ill consequences it would necessarily 
 have upon all affairs abroad, to have his son-in-law, against whose fidelity no- 
 thing could be objected, and in whom the allies had so entire a confidence, 
 turned out of her service in the middle of a campaign ; and begging it as a 
 reward of all his past services, that she would at least delay her resolution till 
 the campaign was ended. 1 was likewise urged by some friends to try to say 
 something to divert if possible such a stroke} because it was given out that the 
 Queen would do this chiefly on my account, that I might feel the effects of 
 her displeasure in so sensible and tender a point. No consideration proper to 
 myself, could have induced me to trouble the Queen again, after our last con- 
 versation. But I was overcome by the consideration of Lord Marlborough, 
 Lord Suuderland and the public interest, and wrote in the best manner I could 
 to the Queen June 7th, 1710, begging, for Lord Marlborough's sake, that she 
 would not give him such a blow, of which I dreaded the consequence, putting 
 her in mind of her letter about the Duke upon the victory at Blenheim; and 
 adding, the most solemn assurances, that I had not so much as a wish to remove 
 Mrs. Masham, and that all the noise which had been about an address for that 
 purpose, had been occasioned by Lord Marlborough's discontents at that time 
 which most people thought were just. To this the Queen wrote a very short 
 and harsh answer, complaining that I had broke my promise of not saying any
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 007 
 
 thing of politics, or of Mrs. Mas ham ; and concluding, that it was plain from 
 this ill usage what she was to expect for the future. 
 
 I could not forbear, for my own vindication, to write a second letter, in 
 which I assured her Majesty, that 1 should not have troubled her with the 
 first, but I heard it reported, that the persecution, begun against Lord Marl- 
 borough and his family, was chiefly occasioned by her Majesty's displeasure 
 and aversion to me, as having promoted an address against Mrs. Masham ; that 
 it was only to vindicate myself from that aspersion, that I had presumed to 
 trouble her ; that I could not imagine it could be interpreted as an offence, to 
 vindicate myself from what was now made the pretence for turning out Lord 
 Sunderland, and pushing Lord Marlborough to extremities; that I had noreason 
 to think, that the assuring her Majesty, that I would never have any hand in any 
 thing against Mrs. Masham, could have been construed as an ungrateful speak* 
 ing about her, or called a continuation of ill usage ; that I thought this was 
 rather a complying with her Majesty's inclination, and saying what she could 
 not but approve; that all the politics in my letter was my concern for Lord 
 Marlborough; making it at last my most earnest request, that her Majesty 
 would only defer the blow till the end of the campaign. This, I added, I 
 begged upon my knees, and left her Majesty to judge whether, after such an 
 expression, it was likely that 1 should ever enter into' any thing that courd dis- 
 please her. 
 
 Whether my interfering in this matter hastened the execution of the designt 
 I cannot say. Certain it is that it did not retard it, for Lord Sunderland was 
 presently after dismissed from his office. On which occasion several great 
 men, who wished well to their country, and who feared that my Lord Marl- 
 borough might in disgust quit the service, immediately wrotebim a joint letter, 
 which I shall here insert, in honour both of them and the Duke. 
 
 " June lith, 1710. — My Lord, We should not have given your Grace the 
 trouble of this joint letter, but for the great concern and uneasiness in which 
 we find you, on account of my Lord Sunderland, by your letter of the 20th to 
 my Lord Treasurer, which he has communicated to us. That letter, as mov- 
 ing and as reasonable as it was, has not hindered the seals from being taken 
 this morning from my Lord Sunderland. No wonder then if the utmost 
 endeavours which could be used to prevent it, and the strong arguments which 
 have been made of the ill consequences, that must at: end. such steps both at 
 home and abroad have met with so little success. We find ourselves so much 
 afflicted with this misfortune, that we cannot but be extremely sensible of the 
 great mortification this must give you at this critical juuctnre, when you are 
 every moment hazarding your life in the service of your country, and whilst 
 the fate of Europe depends in so great a degree on your conduct and good 
 success : But we are also as fully convinced that it is impossible for your Grace 
 to quit the service at this time, without the utmost hazard to the whole alliance. 
 And we must therefore conjure you by the glory you have already obtained, 
 by the many services you have done your Queen and country, by the expec- 
 tation you have justly raised in all Europe, and by all that is clear and tender 
 to you at home, whose chief dependance is upon your success, that you would 
 not leave this great work unfinished, but continue at the head of the army. 
 This we look upon as the most necessary step that can be taken to prevent the 
 dissolution of this Parliament. Your Grace's compliance with this our earnest 
 request would be the greatest obligation to us, and all that with well to our 
 country. And you may depend upon it, that the coutrary will be the gr<
 
 308 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 satisfaction to your enemies. We are, my Lord, your Grace's most humble, 
 and obedient servauts, CowperC, Godolphin, Somers, Newcastle, Devon- 
 shire, Orford, HAixirAX, H. Boyle." 
 
 The removal of my Lord Sunderland, who was so nearly allied to the Duke 
 of Marlborough, as it had an immediate effect on the funds and the public 
 credit at home, so it gave an alarm to all the courts concerned in the grand 
 alliance; an event, which brought the Queen's private counsellors under 
 a fresh necessity of deceiving her, and engaged her to promise what they 
 had determined she should not perform. For uot only the strongest assurances 
 were given here, that there was no thought of any other changes, but Mr. 
 Secretary Boyle had orders from the Queen to write to the foreign courts in 
 her name, and assure them, that all fears were groundless, and that she would 
 continue the administration of her affairs in the hands of her present ministry, 
 of whose abilities she had had so long experience. And yet in less than two 
 months after this, and even the very day after the Queen had expressed her 
 desire to my Lord Godolphin himself, that he would continue in her service, 
 she dismissed him; and her letter of order to him to break his staff, was sent 
 by no worthier a messenger than a man in livery, to be left with his Lordship's 
 porter. A proceeding which in all its parts would remain very unaccountable, 
 if the Queen herself had not, to those who expostulated with her, made this 
 undoubtedly true declaration, that she was sorry for it, but could not help it. 
 Unhappy necessity ! that urged her to dismiss a minister of my Lord Godol- 
 phin's experienced abilities and integrity, and to put into his place a person, 
 whom I indeed should be at a loss to describe, but of whom a friend of mine, 
 many years ago, drew the following just character. 
 
 "He was a cunning and a dark man, of too small abilities to do much good, 
 but of all the qualities requisite to do mischief, and to bring on the ruin and 
 destruction of a nation. This mischievous darkness of his Soul was written in 
 his countenance, and plainly legible in a very odd look, disagreeable to every 
 body at first sight, which being joined with a constant, awkward motion or 
 rather agitation of his head and body, betrayed a turbulent dishonesty within, 
 even in the midst of all those familiar airs, jocular bowing and smiling, which 
 he always affected, to cover what could not be covered. He had long ac- 
 customed himself so much <o dissemble his real intentions, and to use an 
 ambiguous and obscure way of speaking, that he could hardly ever be under- 
 stood when he designed it, or be believed, when he never so much desired it. 
 His natural temper led him to so expensive and profuse a way of living, that 
 he had brought himself into great necessities, though he had long enjoyed the 
 advantages of very great and profitable posts. One principal and very expensive 
 piece of his art, in which he seems to have excelled all that went before him, 
 was, to have in pay a great number of spies of all sorts, to let him into what 
 was passing in all considerable families. It was remarkable, that when he 
 came most into favour with the Queen, he was perhaps the only man, in whose 
 ruin the two contending parties would have united, as one in whom there was 
 no foundation to repose any confidence. And that when he came to have 
 the greatest power with the Queen, he had lost all credit every where else." 
 
 The same necessity which forced her Majesty to dismiss my Lord Godolphin 
 from her service, rendered her irreconcileable to me, though by means of one 
 person at court, who happened to be in good favour with her, I made all 
 possible attempts to remove her unjust prejudices against me. I wrote to him 
 long and plain accounts of what had past, justifying myself, and exposing the
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 309 
 
 ingratitude as well as malice of ray enemies ; All which accounts he read to 
 the Queen, but without any effect upon her. She said uot a word to any of 
 these representations, except one, wherein I had set forth a faithfulness and 
 frugality, with which I had served her in my offices ; and had complained of 
 the attempts made by the agents of her uew friends to vilify me, all over the 
 nation, as one who had cheated my mistress of vast sums of money. Her 
 Majesty, on this occasion, was pleased to say, every bod)/ knows, cheating is 
 not the Duchess of Marlborough's crime, 
 
 The same person, to try the Queen further, mentioned my coming to court, 
 as what might be proper, on accouut of some new clothes, which, as groom of 
 the stole, I had by her Majesty's order bought for her. But she presently 
 charged him to advise me, as from himself, not to come. And when after a 
 very successful campaign, the Duke of Marlborough was returned to London, 
 the Queen most readily accepted the resignation, which he carried her from me, 
 of ray offices. The Duchess of Somerset was made groom of the stole, and 
 had the robes; and Mrs. Masham had the privy-purse. 
 
 The Duke of Marlborough, notwithstanding an infinite variety of mortifica- 
 tions, by which it was endeavoured to make him resign his commission, (that 
 there might be a pretence to raise an out-cry against him, as having quitted 
 his Queen's and his country's service, merely because he could not govern in 
 the cabinet, as well as in the field) continued to serve yet another campagin. 
 All his friends here (moved by a true concern for the public) pressed him to 
 it, the confederates called him with the utmost importunity, and Prince Eugene 
 intreated him to come with all the earnestness and passion that could be expres- 
 sed. He went; but his authority was now diminished, and his forces weakened, 
 many of his best regiments being drawn off, some to go moulder in Spain, and 
 others to be sacrificed in the wild expedition to Quebec. On the other hand 
 the French had regained a spirit by the proceedings of their friends here; and 
 they seemed to think themselves secure uow of bringing disgrace upon a gene- 
 ra], who had so often humbled them, and whose very name had been among 
 them for many years a sound of terror. His masterly conduct, and his surprising 
 success, disappointed the hope, both of our foreign and domestic enemies. 
 The latter seemed to repent that they had permitted hi in to make this campaign, 
 the happy event of which must unavoidably render a peace with France, upon 
 French conditions, the more infamous. Yet a peace was so necessary to the 
 preservation of the new ministers' power, that it must be had at any rate. 
 And in order to it, the confidence of the French King must be gained. This 
 confidence could never be hoped for, so long as the Duke of Marlborough was 
 at the head of the army. And therefore, as all the arts of malice and detraction 
 had proved ineffectual to make him resign his post, it was become necessary 
 to remove him from it. But what plausible pretence to remove so able and 
 •o successful a general, while the war was, in appearance, still subsisting ? 
 A frivolous and groundless complaint in parliament about certain perquisites he 
 had claimed, as belonging to his state, must serve the turn. The Queen, in- 
 deed, when he had laid before her what was doing him by the commisioners 
 ef accounts, was pleased to say, she was sure her servants (her new ministers, 
 would not encourage such proceedings. Nevertheless, iu a very short time, her 
 Majesty, once more pressed by an irresistible necessity, made use of that very 
 eomplaiut as a reason for dismissing bim from all his employments. 
 
 To the Queen's letter, importiug this dismission, the Duke returned the fol- 
 lowing answer.
 
 310 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 " Madam, — I am very sensible of the honour your Majesty does me in dis- 
 missing mc from your service by a letter of your own hand, though I find by it 
 that my enemies have been able to prevail with your Majesty to do it in the 
 manner that is most injurious to me. And if their malice and inveteracy 
 against mc had not been more powerful with them than the consideration of 
 your Majesty's honour and justice, they would not have influenced you to im- 
 pute the occasion of my dismission to a false and malicious insinuation contriv- 
 ed by themselves, and made public, when there was no opportunity for me to 
 give iu my answer ; which they must needs be conscious would fully detect the 
 falshood and malice of their aspersions, and not leave them that handle for bring- 
 ing your Majesty to such extremities against pie. 
 
 "But I am much more concerned at an expression in your Majesty's letter 
 which seems to complain of the treatment you had met with. I know not 
 how to understand that word, nor what construction to make of it. I know I 
 have always endeavoured to serve your Majesty fatihfully and zealously, through 
 a great many undeserved mortifications. But if your Majesty does intend by 
 that expression to find fault with my not coming to the cabinet-council, I am 
 very free to acknowledge that my duty to your Majesty and country would 
 not give me leave to join in the counsel of a man, who, in my opinion, puts 
 your Majesty upon all manner of extremities. And it is not my opinion only, 
 but the opinion of all makind that the friendship of France must needs be de- 
 structive to your Majesty : there being in that court a root of enmity irreconcileable 
 to your Majesty s government, and the religion of these kingdoms. 1 wish your 
 Majesty may never find the want of so faithful a servant, as I have always en- 
 deavoured to approve myself to you. I am with the greatest duty and submis- 
 sion, " Madam, Your Majesty's most dutiful and obedient subject, 
 
 " Marlborough." 
 §111. — Thus, my Lord, I have given you a short history of my favour with 
 my Royal Mistress, from its earliest rise to its irrecoverable fall. You have seen 
 with admiration how sincere and how great an affection a Queen was capable 
 of having for a servant who never flattered her And I doubt not but your friend- 
 ship made some conclusions to my advantage, when you observed for how 
 many years I was able to hold my place in her regard, notwithstanding her 
 most real and invariable passion for that phantom which she called the church: 
 That darling phantom which the tories were for ever presenting to her ima- 
 gination, and employed as a Will in the whisp, to bewilder her mind, and entice 
 her, (as she at last unhappily experienced) to the destruction of her quiet and 
 her glory. But I believe you have thought that the most extraordinary thing 
 in the whole fortune of my favour, was its being at last destroyed by a cause 
 in appearance so unequal to the effect, I mean Mrs. Abigail Hill. For I will 
 venture to affirm, that whatever may have been laid to my charge of ill behavi- 
 our to my Mistress in the latter years of my ■service, is all reducible to this one 
 crime, my inveteracy to poor Masham. I have indeed said, that my coustant 
 combating the Queen's inclination to the tories did, in the end, prove the ruin 
 of my credit with her; and this is true, in as much as without that, her Majesty 
 could never been engaged to listen to any insinuations against me. Her passion 
 for the church furnished the sole means by which Mrs. Masham (the machine in 
 the hands of Harley) could take hold of her mind, and bring her by degrees, to 
 look upon that behaviour in me, as rudeness and disrespect, which before had 
 been only sincerity and frankness, and a warmth of zeal for her service. And 
 yet (as you have seen) in that very letter where her Majesty tells me, I have lost
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 311 
 
 her kindness irrecoverably &he declares, that this change is not owing to any fault 
 I have committed. But though the Queen, in her highest discontent with me, 
 and after 1 had been in her service seven and twenty years, had no crime to lay 
 to my charge, except my malice to poor Masham, yet the ready invention of 
 others, who knew nothing of my conduct, but whose interest it was to decry 
 me, could presently find in it abundant matter for accusation. 
 
 The calumnies against me were so gross, and yet so greedily devoured by 
 the credulity of party rage, that I determined to write and publish something 
 in my own justification; the following is the substance of a sort of memorial, 
 which for that purpose I drew up in 1712. I have already related by what 
 means I wis then dissuaded from making it public, and the reasons that now 
 induce me to pursue that design. 
 
 It was spread about in libels, that I had behaved myself unworthily in my 
 offices, and had been unfaithful to the trusts reposed in me; that I had abused 
 my favour with the Queen, by obtaining unreasonable and exorbitant grants to 
 myself; and that, through an insatiable greediness of riches, I had prostituted 
 to sale titles of honour and places of trust. 
 
 As to my conduct with respect to the Robes, this one observation is almost 
 sufficient, that all my accounts of the robes, for the whole nine years in which 
 I served the Queen in that office, were passed in the Exchequer with the 
 greatest regularity; and that, in passing them, I produced acquittances for every 
 sum to the value of twenty shillings paid to any tradesman ; which was such a 
 method of exactness as had never before been used by any master or mistress 
 of the robes. 
 
 Upon my bringing in the first aceoimts of this sort, in order to have them 
 passed, it was said, in a report made to the Treasury from Auditor Harley's 
 office, that no such accounts had ever been brought there before. Mr. Taylor, 
 in the Treasury, and all the clerks of that board, made the like observation. 
 But it is most worthy to be remembered, Mr. Harley, the same Mr. Harley who 
 was afterwards Lord Treasurer, and who theu hired his creatures to misrepre- 
 sent me, throughout all the nation, as no better than a pickpocket, he, I say, 
 upon occasion of his brother's having made an extract from the accounts of 
 former reigns of the yearly expences of the robes, wrote me the following. 
 
 " Thursday, August 8th, 1706. — Madam, I missed the opportunity of paying 
 my duty to your Grace last time at Windsor, which occasions you the trouble 
 of this letter. My brother, having made a state of your Grace's accounts, de- 
 sired that I would receive your pleasure, when you would permit him to wait 
 upon your Grace with it, I perceive your Grace's conduct wilt shine on all oc- 
 casions ; for my brother tells me, he has made a collection of all the accounts 
 which hare been brought in for robes for 46 years, since the year l66o, and by 
 that it will appear, upon the comparison, how much better (to a great value) 
 your Grace has managed for the crown. He will have the honour to present 
 this to your Grace whenever you please to appoint a time to receive it.'' &c. 
 
 ^he yearly expence of the robes in all the reigns before Q. Anne was one year 
 with another above 5040/., and the expence of the four first years of her reign 
 was not«9O0/. But because there is a great difference between the expences for 
 the robes of a queen and those of a king, it will be more equitable to compare 
 my accounts for the robes of Quern Anne with those for Queen Mary, when 
 under the management of Lady Derby, of which, for two years, I procured a 
 copy from the office, It appears that in the first of tho^e two years, the ex- 
 pence of Queen Mary's robca was greater by a thousand pounds than tint of
 
 312 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 Queen Anne for the whole four years mentioned in auditor Harley's collection. 
 For the expence of those four years was no more than ll,56o/. 7s. \d. ; the 
 expence of the first year only of Queen Mary was 12,604/. 12*. 2d. In the se- 
 cond year the expence of Queen Mary's robes was 1 1,131/. 9*. id., being little 
 short of the whole expence of the said four years of Queen Anne. 
 
 After these four years, the expence of the following five years (which make 
 up the whole amount of my service) amounting to 18,972/. 9s. lOd. was more 
 in proportion than that of the said four preceding years. This was chiefly oc- 
 casioned by the extraordinary expence on account of the mourning for the 
 Prince, and the Queen's ordering every thing belonging to the robes of what 
 kind soever to be given away, so that at the end of the mourning all were new 
 at once, and amongst them some very rich clothes, which happened just be- 
 fore I left the office. These two articles necessarily made a considerable in- 
 crease of the ordinary ftxpence, especially as the Queen gaveGOO/. to the maids 
 of honour to buy them mourning. However, the yearly expence of my nine 
 years, taken one with another, is very small in comparison with the two years 
 before-mentioned, when Lady Derby managed Queen Mary's robes. For the 
 sum total paid by the Exchequer on account of the robes in my nine years 
 amounts only to 32,050/. 1*. 3d, from which deduct the coronation expence, 
 1512/. 4*. 4t/., and there will remain S0,5S7/. lfo. llA being 3393/. ls.9d. lg. 
 for the yearly expence during the said nine years. In this sum are included 
 the salaries and other matters belonging to the robes, being about 1400/. p. an. 
 which I always put into my account (because I thought it the fairest way), 
 but which before my time were put into a separate account, that the account 
 of the robes might appear the less. Subtract this 1400/. from the 3393/. Is. gd. 
 Iq. the remainder (the yearly expence of Queen Anne's robes in my nine 
 years) is only 1993/. Is. 9d. Iq. which i3 less than the yearly expence of Queen 
 Mary's robes, according to Lady Derby's account, by the yearly sum of 9874/. 
 18*. lOd. \q. So that it evidently appears that by my economy in the nine 
 years I served her Majesty, I saved her near 90,000/. 
 
 To show, however, how much people were determined to defame me at any 
 rate, and at all adventures, I had the fortune, that while some accused me of 
 being too profuse of the Queen's money, others censured me as being t&o saving 
 ofit, and too hard upon Ihe tradesmen I dealt with. I will therefore give some 
 account of these matters. 
 
 It is very well known, that in the preceding reigns, the tradesmen gave 
 money tp serve the crown, which brought in great sums to the masters of the 
 robes, but at the same time obliged the tradesmen to charge extravagant 
 prices for their goods, a privilege which could hardly be disputed with them, 
 considering the sums they had given for the custom, and the accidents they 
 were then always exposed to by the death of the Prince, or the death or 
 removal of the master of the robes. But the tradesmen whom I made use of 
 had nothing of this to plead; they gave no money to serve the crown, nor 
 were put to any expence, not so much as the customary one of poundage ; they 
 were paid regularly, ran no manner of hazard, and had no more trouble in 
 serving the Queen than in serving a common customer, and therefore I did 
 not think it reasonable that they should be allowed above a shilling or two in 
 the pound extraordinary for their goods. But those who had the honour to 
 see the Queen, and to make her clothes, were allowed more than the double 
 of what they had from the first quality. And this was all I thought myself at 
 liberty to do in an office in which I was eutirely trusted.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 313 
 
 My method to prevent all mistakes or abuses, was always to sigu the trades- 
 inens bills at the same that they delivered their goods. They were paid by 
 Mrs. Thomas, a person of whose honesty I had had long experience, and to 
 whom I had given the employment of chief of the robes, making it worth to 
 her between two and three hundred pounds a year, not by a salary, but by 
 old clothes and other little advantages ; and I had a promise from her, never 
 to take money of any of the tradesmen. It is very certain that she was punctual 
 to this promise, and if any of the tradesmen themselves are still living, they 
 will I am sure bear witness to it. 
 
 I now come to my management of the privy-purse, the yearly allowance for 
 which was 20,000/. not half the sum allowed in Kiug William's time, and 
 indeed very little, considering how great a charge there was fixed upon it by 
 custom, the Queen's bounties, healing gold, and charities, besides the many 
 pensions that were paid out of it. The allowance was augmented to 20,000/. 
 two years before I left the office. But in those two years Mrs. Masham was 
 become the great dispenser of the Queen's money, I ouly bringing to her Ma- 
 jesty the sums that were called for. 
 
 The privy-purse is not subject to any account by law, notwithstanding which 
 I observed the same method with regard to this as with regard to the robes, 
 taking acquittances from all persons to whom I paid any money, and from the 
 Queen herself for all sums paid into her own hands, as likewise a discharge from 
 her Majesty upou every accountgiven in, which discharge was in these words, 
 , " I have examined these accounts, and am satisfied they are right. AnneR." 
 The money of the privy-purse was paid upou my notes, by Mr. Goggs, a 
 goldsmith over- against St. Clement's church, whom I strictly charged never to 
 take any poundage, which used constantly to be taken before my time. But 
 I thought it would be as mean as it was inhuman, to deduct from charities, 
 aud make advantage of the indigence of others, and therefore I broke£that 
 custom. Let any one then judge from the whole, whether I did not put this 
 office into such a method, as rendered it impossible for me to cheat the 
 Queen, even supposing I could at any time have been base enough to desire it. 
 The second charge" against me is, that of abusing my favour with the 
 Queen, by obtaining unreasonable and exorbitant grants to myself. 
 
 I have never been disposed to deny any of the Queen's favours to me ; I 
 have always remembered them with gratitude, and freely spoke of them a* 
 there was occasion -, aud I shall here give a particular account of all the grants 
 and bounties I ever had from her. 
 
 I have in the former part of this relation, taken notice of my being appointed 
 one of the ladies of her bed-chamber, at her own request, upon her marriage 
 with the Prince of Denmark. The salary of this place was 200/. a year, 
 
 I have mentioned also that her Royal Highness, upon the Countess of 
 Clarendon's leaving her to go to Ireland, advanced me to be first Lady of the 
 bed-chamber ; by which promotion I came to have a yearly salary of 400/. 
 
 I have further related, that the Princess soon after her obtaining a settlement 
 by Parliament of 50,000/. a year, believing, that she owed the ease and inde- 
 pendency of her condition to the zeal, industry, and diligence of my Lord 
 
 • The principal of them were Mr. Vernon, Mr. Inrhly, Mr. Sand* upon Lud- 
 gate-bill, and Mr. Alexander in Covent-gardeu, all mercers. Mr*. Devenl, Mrs. 
 Tombes and Mr. Bagshaw, who kept Indian shop, and Mr. Eliot {-iiir.- «ur C eded 
 by his nephew) a lace-rnao in the Strand. 
 
 First Sup. Vol. VI. I It
 
 3U THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 Marlborough and myself upon that occasion, waifcpleased to grant me, of her 
 own motion, an annual pension of 1000/. And I cannot here entirely pass over 
 the intention, which her Royal Highness had of giving us another mark of her 
 favour, when my Lord Marlbourough fell into disgrace with King William. 
 She would have made a new office for him in her court, like that which Lord 
 Berkeley had in her father's. But as soon as I was apprized of this design, I 
 dissuaded her from it ; because I thought it not reasonable on her own account; 
 and besides, as I lived in friendship with Sir Benjamin Bathurst, who would 
 have been hurt by the creation of such an office, I thought this a sufficient 
 reason for declining the offer. 
 
 A little before the Princess came to the crown, my eldest daughter was (o, 
 be married to Lord Godolphin's son, on which occasion her Highness wrote to 
 me in these terms. 
 
 " I have a request to make to my dear Mrs. Freeman. It is, that whenever 
 dear Lady Hariotte marries, you wouid give me leave to give her something 
 to keep me in her thoughts, — and concluded thus, — I beg my poor mite may 
 be accepted, being offered from a heart that is without any reserve with more 
 passion and sincerity my dear Mrs. Freemau's, than any other can be capable of." 
 
 The mite which the Princess here speaks of was 10,000/. the whole portion 
 that was to be paid on my daughter's, marriage. It had always been the 
 custom for the crown to give portions to the daughters of their favourites, but 
 the Princess having but 50,000/. a year, I thought the offer too large for her 
 iucome, and would therefore accept no more than the half of it. 
 
 The like sum of 5000/. the Princess gave to my second daughter when she 
 was married to Lord Sunderland, adding a promise at the same time to take 
 care of all my children. 
 
 I fancy, my Lord, if you consider only the almost unparalleled affection the 
 Queen had for me, you will be little surprised, either at these expressions of 
 it, or those which I am going to relate. And you will certainly be much less 
 so, if you can believe the Queen herself in a matter, where perhaps it would 
 not become me to expatiate, I mean the proofs I had given her of my affec- 
 tionate fidelity in her service, and inviolable attachment to her iuterests and 
 happiness. It would be as endless as it is needless to transcribe all the letters I 
 have from her to this purpose. A few extracts from some of them will be 
 sufficient. 
 
 Oft occasion of something done for the Prince in King William's time, she 
 wrote to me in these terms. 
 
 "I was going to thank your Lord myself for what was done last night con- 
 cerning the Prince's business, it being wholly owing to your and his kindness, 
 or else I am sure it would never have been brought to any effect. But I durst 
 not do it for fear of not being able to express the true sense of my poor heart, 
 and therefore I must desire my dear Mrs. Freeman to say a great deal both for 
 Mr. Morley aud myself: and though we are poor in words, yet be so just as to 
 believe we are truly sensible and most faithfully yours. And as for your faith- 
 ful Morley, be assured she is more, if it be possible, than ever, her dear dear 
 Mrs. Freeman's." 
 
 In another, after complaining to me of being ill served (as indeed she was 
 to a very great degree) she adds, 
 
 "Though it will be impossible for me to have every thing doue to my mind 
 »nle»» 1 could meet with a Mrs. Freeman in every post of my family; but her
 
 1817J ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 315 
 
 fellow I do really believe is not to be found the world over, and I am sure I 
 never can have any friend that will be so dear to me as she is." 
 
 In another (I forget upon what occasion) " I give you millions of 
 
 thanks for all your and Mr. Freeman's kindness, which I am more truly sen. 
 tible of than I can express, and shall never be satisfied with any thing 1 can 
 either do or say in return ; for where one owes' so much, one can never get 
 out of debt: but whilst I have life, I will endeavour to shew my dear Mrs. 
 Freeman, I have a grateful heart that is most passionately and faithfully at her 
 command.'' 
 
 When her Royal Highness was pleased to give the 5000/. I have mentioned 
 on my eldest daughter's marriage, I wrote her a letter full of gratitude and 
 respect. At that time I kept no copies of my letters, having no suspicion that 
 I should ever have occasion for such vouchers, however the Princess's answer 
 will show the tenour of what I wrote, as well as her Highness's sentiments in 
 my regard. 
 
 "My dear Mrs. Freeman has no reason to be uneasy with the thoughts that 
 she can never do enough to deserve my kindness, for she has done more than 
 ever any mortal did to merit another's friendship. And it is very kind in sett- 
 ing so great a value upon so poor an expression as I have made of my truth, 
 which upon my word I am not satisfied with, it coming far short of what my 
 heart is inclined to do. But as long as I live, I must be endeavouring to shew, 
 that never any body had a sincerer passion for another, than I have for dear 
 Mrs. Freeman." 
 
 All these favours I received from the Princess before she came to the crown, 
 soon after which, I had the following letter from her, which as it shews the 
 continuance of her sincere affection for me, will at the same time serve for a 
 voucher that I did not accept the whole that was offered for a portion to my 
 eldest daughter. 
 
 "Friday} Morning. — My Lord Bridgewater being in haste to be married, I 
 'cannot any longer defer telling my dear Mrs. Freeman, what 1 have intended 
 a great while, that I hope she will now give me leave to do what 1 had a mind 
 to when dear Lady Hariotte was married, and let me speak to my Lord Trea- 
 surer about it when I see him," &c. 
 
 This letter was a kind proof that the Queen had not forgot her promise of 
 providing for all my children, which she afterwards fully ptrformed by giving 
 the like portion to my fourth daughther. 
 
 I shall now mention all the grants made to myself during the whole time 
 that 1 served her Majesty. 
 
 The first was the office of ranger of the great and little parks at Windsor. 
 This I esteemed as a great favour, because the lodge in the great park (the same 
 that Mr. May enjoyed many years, and after him the Earl of Portland) is a very 
 agreeable place to live in : and because her Majesty was pleased to give it me 
 of her own accord, remembering that when we used in former days to ride by 
 it, I had ofteu wished for such a place. The lodge in the little park at that 
 time was no better than such as the underkeepers live in, and I gave it to a 
 brother of the Duke of Marlborough's who wan so well pleased with the situa- 
 tion as to lay out five or six thousand pounds upon it ; of which t tie < 
 will have the advantage after one life, as also of between four and five thou- 
 sand pounds that I laid out upon the lodge iu the great park. 
 
 This grant used to be represeuted to the public as worth 40002. ■ year: 
 but all the keepers, and many of the inhabitants of Windsor know, that 1 never 
 made any advantage of it worth mentioning, unless the milk of a few cows
 
 316 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 and a little firing when I was there may be reckoned such. And how indeed 
 can it be imagined, that any other profits could arise from it (without taking 
 away the very allowances of the keepers) when it is remembered, that to an- 
 swer the crown warrants, it is necessary to keep up four or five thousand head 
 of deer iu the park, for which the allowance was but 500/. a year (which 
 however was taken front me some years ago) and that the ranger must be at the 
 expence of making, and sometimes of buying hay for the deer : lhat the keepers 
 wages were payable out of this allowance, with several other expences which 
 in parks belonging to the crown are much greater thanin others ? So that 
 the thing had plainly very little to recommend it, besides the pleasantness of 
 the habitation. 
 
 The next grant, of which by my Lord Godolphin's means I obtained the 
 promise from the Queen, after the Queen dowager's death, was the ground 
 in St. James's Park upon which my house stands. This has been valued by 
 my enemies at 10,000/. how justly let any one determine, who will consider 
 that a certain rent is paid for it to the Exchequer, that the grant was at first 
 but for fifty years, and that the building has cost between forty and fifty thou- 
 sand pounds, of which the Queen never paid one shilling, though many peo- 
 ple have been made to believe otherwise. 
 
 These were the only grants I ever had from the Queen except one, which 
 occasioned the witty comparison that was made between me and the lady's 
 woman, who out of her mistress's pin-money of 26/. put twenty-two into her 
 own pocket. The matter was this. At the Queen's accession to the govern- 
 ment, she used to lament to me, that the crown being impoverished by former 
 grants, she wanted the power her predecessors had enjoyed to reward faithful 
 servants; and she desired me to take out of the privy-purse 2000/. a year, n 
 order to some purchase for my advantage. I made my grateful acknowledg- 
 ments to her Majesty, but as she had provided for my children, and as the of- 
 fices I enjoyed by her favour brought me in more than I wanted, I could not 
 thiuk it reasonable to accept her offer; and I absolutely refused it. The 
 Queen some time after, in two several letters, pressed me to receive this bounty, 
 and she frequently did the same by word of mouth. Nevertheless I constantly 
 declined it; until the time, that, notwithstanding the uncommon regard I had 
 shown to her Majesty's interest and honour in the execution of my trusts, she 
 was pleased to dismiss me from her service. Then indeed it was thought I had 
 no longer the same reason to be scrupulous on this head. By the advice of 
 my friends, I sent the Queen one of her own letters, in which she had pressed 
 me to take the 2000/. a year; and I wrote at the same time to ask her Majesty 
 whether she would allow me to charge in the privy-purse accounts, which I 
 was to send her, that yearly sum from the time of the offer, amounting to 
 18,000/. Her Majesty was pleased to answer, that I might charge it. This 
 therefore I did, inserting in my accounts (which were a kind of memorial) 
 these words : 
 
 " After the Princess came to the crown, she was pleased to write to me to 
 take 2000/. a year out of the privy-purse, and to make no more words of it, and 
 lay it up to do something with it; because, she added, she had not power to 
 do as others had done before her, to reward faithful services. And I might 
 own or conceal it as I liked best; for she did not care who knew what she 
 gave to one she could never reward enough." 
 
 Her Majesty after keeping my accounts a sufficient time to have them care- 
 fully examined, (I suppose by Mr. Harley) returned them tome signed in this 
 manner.
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 317 
 
 n Feb. 1, l7|f. — I have examined these Accounts, and allow of them, 
 
 "Anne R." 
 
 If some persons may be inclined to censure my. conduct in this particular as 
 too interested, yet every body must, I think, be candid enough to own, that it 
 shewed a consciousness of my integrity in the discharge of my trusts, and that 
 I feared no accusation upon that head, even from malice in power. Nay I will 
 venture to say, that impartial judges will not think this part of my behaviour 
 liable to any criticism, when they remember and consider, that by my unpre- 
 cedented fidelity and economy in the discharge of ray offices, I saved to her Ma- 
 jesty not only more than the sum in question, but more than the whole value 
 of all the gratuities lever had from her. For besides the bounties I .have already 
 mentioned, the Queen after her coming to the crown, never made me the pre- 
 sent of a diamond, or of any thing worth taking notice of during the whole 
 time that I was in her favour. 
 
 As to my offices under the Queen they were indeed considerable, and I have 
 ever acknowledged them to be so, amounting to 5600/. a year, deducting onry 
 for taxes aud fees. Kut it is to be remembered, that they were only the same 
 employments that I had executed when she was Princess at the salary of 400/. 
 a year; and it was therefore nothing extraordinary that she should continue 
 me in them when she came to be Queen. And in what manner I discharged 
 these offices, I have already related. 
 
 I come now to the third article of accusation against me, That I prostituted 
 to sale titles of honour and places of trust. 
 
 As for titles of honour, I never was concerned in making any peer but one, 
 and that was my Lord Hervey the present Earl of Bristol. I had made a pro- 
 mise to Sir Thomas Felton, when the Queen came first to the crown, that if 
 her Majesty should ever make any new Lords, I would certainly 'use my inte- 
 rest that Mr. Hervey might be one. And accordingly, though I was retired 
 into the country under the most sensible affliction for the death of my only son, 
 yet when the Queen had resolved to create four peers, Granville, Guernsey, 
 flower and Conway, I had such a regard to my word, that I wrote to Lord 
 Marlborough and Lord Godolphin, that if they did not endeavour to get Mr. 
 Hervey made a peer, I neither would nor could shew my face any more. The 
 thing was done purely at my request, and at a time when affairs at court ran 
 so violently against the whole party of whigs, that Mr. Hervey had laid aside 
 ill hopes of the peerage, and was therefore surprised to the last degree, when 
 a message came to him from the Duke of Marlborough, that he must come on 
 <uch a day by the backstairs, to kiss the Queen's hand for being made a peer. 
 < )n this occasion my Lady Hervey wrote to me in the following terms. 
 
 "March 14, 170a. — Madam. — Mr. Hervey and myself have both so long and 
 justly sacrificed the satsfactiouofour own, to the case and quiet of your Grace's 
 mind, that could you know what incessant importunities we have resisted 
 from the one, you would the easilier forgive the unseasonable interruptions we 
 fear this must at last prove to the other; but the sense of our obligations to 
 your Grace calls too clamorously upon us to be any farther withstood, and 
 therefore we rather venture this intrusion upon yoursolitnde, than to be longer 
 ■silent upon a subject, which requires the earliest endeavours after all returns 
 Hut can be made your Grace by us for It. I know nothing we have so much 
 at heart ( unless it be the due sympathy we feel of your Grace's present con- 
 dition) as how we m:<y iu some sort deserve the great honour htr Majesty Mm
 
 3lb THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. [Jan. 
 
 been so graciously pleased to bestow on us and our family, by your Grace's 
 kind mediation, and how we may ever acquit ourselves of so generous a piece 
 of friendship towards your Grace, which lam very sure we both think the 
 future study of our lives can never enough compensate, unelss your Grace's 
 usual goodness will accept of the most zealous and grateful wills for payment, 
 and then we conclude the chief of those very many, whom you have bound to 
 be your Grace's well wishers must remain, as much if not more indebted to you 
 than I know Mr. Hervey (so qualified) to be as well as. 
 
 " Madam, Your Grace's most obliged, and faithful humble servant, 
 
 "E. Hervey." 
 
 This letter would alone Be a sufficient proof, that the service I then did was 
 not the purchase of money ; but my Lord Bristol is still living, who will vouch 
 for the truth of this account. 
 
 Certain it is, that I might have made considerable profit by this sort of traf- 
 fic, could I have thought it consistent with justice and honour. I was offered 
 6000Z. to get Mr. Coke of Norfolk made a peer. And how easy and inoffen- 
 sive a thing would this have been at that time? For he was a gentleman of au 
 estate equal to the title desired, and was grandson to the Duke of Leeds, and 
 iu that interest which then carried all before it at court. The answer I gave to 
 the proposal was to this effect : 
 
 That I thought her Majesty, the fountain of honour, should never bestow 
 it but upon true merit, and as au encouragement to such persons as were con- 
 siderable enough to be useful to their Prince ; and that the granting the peer- 
 age upon such generous conditions, was the most likely way to oblige those 
 she honoured with it, and strongly engage them to her service ; to which they 
 would look upon themselves as bu,t little bound on account of their titles, if 
 these were the purchase of their own money. 
 
 And as I was never carried by avarice to concern myself in procuring titles of 
 Louour for others, so I shall take occasion to observe here, that ambition had 
 no share iu procuring that new title, which, by her Majesty's favour to my 
 Lord Marlborough, I myself acquired. The following letters will be some 
 proof of it. The first is from my Lord Godolphiu. 
 
 Tuesday Night, Oct. 22. — " By the enclosed address from the House of Lords, 
 which is to be presented to the Queen to-morrow, you will see they take notice 
 ■very thankfully of the benefits they receive from her Majesty's protection, and 
 mention her good successes with better grace for her, in my opinion, than if 
 she had done it herself 
 
 " I shall send a copy of this address to-morrow by the post to my Lord Marl- 
 borough, because I believe it will be a satisfaction to him. I am apt to think 
 Mrs. Morley may say something to you upon this subject, which perhaps you 
 may not like, but I think it must be eudured upon such an occasion, when 
 it is visible to all the world, that it is not done upon your own account." 
 
 My Lord had rightly conjectured ; for I received a letter of the same date 
 with his, from the Queen, upon the same subject. 
 
 St. James's, Thursday 22 Oct. — " I have had this evening the satisfaction of 
 my dear Mrs. Freeman's of yesterday, for which I give you many thanks, and 
 though I think it a long time since I saw you, I do not desire you to come one 
 minute sooner to town than it is easy to you, but will wait with patience for the 
 happy hour, and only beg when you do come you would send for a coach, and 
 not make use of a chaise. Lord Treasurer intends to send you a copy of the 
 address from the House of Lords, which is to be given me to morrow, and that
 
 1817.] ORIGINAL MARLBOROUGH PAPERS. 310 
 
 gives me an opportunity of mentioning a thing to you, that I did not intend to 
 do yet. It is very uneasy to your poor, unfortunate, faithful Morley to think 
 she has so very little in her power to show how truly sensible I am of all my 
 Lord Marlborough's kindness, especially at a time when he deserves all that a 
 rich crown could give. But since there is nothing else at this time, I hope you 
 will give me leave, as soon as he comes, to make him a Duke. I know my dear 
 Mrs. Freeman does not care for any thing of that kind, nor I am not satisfied 
 with it, because it does not enough express the value I have for Mr. Freeman, 
 nor nothing ever can how passionately I am yours, my dear Mrs. Freeman.'* 
 
 The other letter from my Lord Godolphin, as far as it relates to this affair, is 
 in these terms. * 
 
 " Saturdy night. — I give you many thanks for the favour of your letter, 
 which I received this evening. I did easily believe Mrs. Morley's letter would 
 make you uneasy, but having her commands not to speak of it, I durst not say 
 any more, than just to prepare you to submit to what I found by her she was 
 convinced was necessary for the satisfaction of the public. I have waited up- 
 on her this evening to let her see how truly uneasy you were, and have beg- 
 ged of her, when she sees you, not to part till she has made you easy again, 
 either by your submitting to please her, or by her condescending to cure your 
 apprehensions." 
 
 A* these letters from my Lord Godolphiu were written at a time when there 
 could not be even the remotest view of making them public, they shew that 
 in his opinion, at least, I was not ambitious of a higher title, which indeed 1 
 considered as what would serve only to provoke malice, without giving me 
 the least degree of pleasure. 
 
 As to selling Places, which was the last thing I was to clear myself from/I 
 shall now give an account of my conduct with respect to this charge, from the 
 time that I came first into any office at court. 
 
 A little before I succeeded Lady Clarendon in the post of first lady of the 
 bedchamber to the Princess of Denmark, her Highness wrote to me, that she 
 intended to take two news pages of the back-stairs, but that she would not do 
 it till my Lady Clarendon was gone, that I might have the advantage of putt- 
 ing them in, meaning, that I might have the advantage of selling those two 
 places. For it must be remarked, that at that time no person who was in any 
 office at court, with places in his disposal, made any more scruple of selling 
 them, than of receiving his settled salary, or the rents of his estate. It is no 
 great wonder, therefore, that being a young courtier, and uot very rich, and 
 having such an express direction from my mistress, I followed the prevailing 
 custom, and sold those two places. Yet it was not long before I began to 
 condemn in my own mind this practice. There was something I thought that 
 felt wrong in the selling of employments, and from this thought I came pre- 
 sently to a resolution, never more to make any advantage to myself by such 
 means. And when, some time after, the Princess thought proper to part with 
 her Roman catholic servants, three in number, of whom two were pages of 
 the back-stairs, and of which two one had bought his place of me at the 
 time before mentioned, and paid 400/. for it, I gave him back the whole sum : 
 and I gave the like sum to the other Roman catholic page, though he had 
 risen to this employment from being footman, and without money. Nay, I 
 procured for this man, (whose name was Guyn) the continuation of his salary 
 for life, which 1 mention, only that I may speak of his uncommon gratitude: 
 For during five and twenty years aflcwards, I did not set out upon a journey
 
 320 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLK. 
 
 from London, without finding him at my coach side full of his good wishes for 
 my liealth and happiness. 
 
 The first vacancy that happened under the Prince (whose confidence in me 
 was equal to that of the Princess) was of (he place of groom of the bedchamber. 
 This I procured for Mr. Maul, who knowing what was usual in such cases, sent 
 a message to me, desiring leave to make me a present, to which I immediately 
 returned answer, that I was resolved against every thing of that kind. 
 
 Another place that became vacant under the Prince was that of groom of 
 the stole, which being given to rny Lord Delawar, he brought a present of 
 500l. to Mr. Guidot, for me; but Mr. Guidot, who knew my dislike of such 
 Practices, quickly satisfied him that I would not accept of it. I had afterwards 
 many letters from his Lordship, and some but a little before my leaving the 
 court, full of the greatest acknowledgments; and to him I always appealed for 
 the truth of this fact. 
 
 I also refused a present from my Lord Lexington, who employed Mr. 
 Scarborough, to make me the offer, when his Lordship was desirous to be 
 master of the horse to the Prince. 
 
 When the Queen came to the crown, I had every day much greater oppor- 
 tunities than before, of making advantage of her favour, but 1 invariably 
 adhered to the resolulion T had taken : And I doubt not but every candid per- 
 son will be perfectly convinced of this, when I have finished what I have to 
 say upon the subject. 
 
 Had I been disposed to heap up money by the sale of employments, 1 should 
 certainly not have neglected to sell those, which by virtue of my offices were 
 in my own disposal. I might have done it with the greatest ease ; and custom 
 had given me a sort of right to do it: But I could never think of selling my 
 own favour, any more than that of my royal mistress, 
 
 The first places, which I had to dispose of, were those of the three pages of 
 the backstairs; places so considerable, that several grooms of the stole were 
 credibly said to have sold them for a thousand guineas each. But these I gave 
 freely to Mr. Kirk, Mr. Saxton, and Mr. Smith, and purely at the request of 
 three Ladies, the Lady Charlotte Beverwaert, the Lady Fitzharding, and the 
 Countess of Plymouth. 
 
 The other places in my disposal were in the office of the robes — waiters, cof- 
 fer-bearers, groom of the wardrobe, chief of the robes, starcher, sempstress. 
 
 Were the persons I have named above, and those to whom I gave these last 
 mentioned employments, all, or most of them now living, as they were in 
 1712, when this account was first drawn up, their testimony (to which I had 
 there appealed) would have amounted to a positive proof of my integrity and 
 disinterestedness on these occasions. But as this kind of proof cannot now be 
 had, so neither is it wanted, there being still a negative one, which, I am per- 
 suaded, must appear no less strong and irresistible. And it is this. 
 
 My enemies at a time, when they had all power in their hands, when they had 
 raised such a spirit of virulence and malice as would make any thing to my 
 prejudice readily believed, when they both could and would have amply 
 rewarded any person, that was capable of proving the base practices they 
 charged me with, even then I say, all their accusations were general ; they 
 were never able to fix upon me any one particular action, either unjust, 
 mercenary, or even ungenerous in the use I made of my royal mistress's favour, 
 or in the management of my own great offices. Nay, they never pretended 
 to name or to appeal to any one person for a proof of what they laid to my 
 charge. 
 
 But my Lord, all I have hitherto said on this article of accusation, is to sa- 
 tisfy those, who are not acquainted with me. Those who are, will, I am per- 
 suaded, believe me, upon my word, when I affirm, as I here solemnly do, that 
 (excepting the pages' money above-mentioned) I never received the value of 
 one shilling in money or jewels, or in any other form, either directly or indi- 
 rectly, by myself, or by any other person, for procuring any place or prefer- 
 ment, or any title of honour, or any employment in my own disposal, or, in a 
 ,^ord, for doing any favour during my whole life. 
 *20th Jan. 1742. lam, My Lord, &c. 
 
 . Printed by and for J. Dans, 
 
 14, Charlotte-Street , Bloemsbury.
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RE VOLUTION IN PORTUGAL, 
 
 IN THE YEAR 1G40; 
 
 OR, AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR 
 
 asctolt from &p«ii!t, 
 
 AND SETTING THE CROWN ON THE HEAD OF DON JOHN OF BRA- 
 
 GANZA, FATHER TO DON PEDRO, AND CATHERINE QUEEN DOWAGER 
 
 OF ENGLAND. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH OF VERTOT. 
 
 THENCE CONTINUED DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed by W. Green % T. Chaplin, Crane-Court, Fleet-Street, 
 
 FOR J. DA VII, MILITARY CHRONICLE OFFICE, ESSEX-STREET, STRAND; 
 
 AND TO BE HAD OF THE BOOKSELLERS. 
 
 1613.

 
 INTRODUCTORY MEMOIR 
 OiV THE MILITARY TOPOGRAPHY OF PORTUGAL, 
 
 BY GENERAL DUMOURIER. 
 
 THE whole extent of Portugal is about three hundred aud forty British 
 miles in length, and from one hundred and thirty to one hundred aud 
 forty in breadth ; it is therefore live times less than Spain. But the ad r 
 vantages of its situation, the assistance of England, the weakness of its 
 enemy, the. impervious nature of its approaches, and the number of its 
 strong holds, will always preserve it from the ambition of Spain, were all 
 the rest of Europe to remain an indifferent spectator of the conflict. 
 With these weapons, it will always baffle the efforts of the Spaniards. 
 
 Portugal is divided by geographers into six provinces, three of which 
 form the department of the north, viz. Entre Douro e Minho, (between 
 Douro aud Minho) Traz os Mont'es, (behind the mountains) and Beira: 
 the remaining three compose the southern department ; viz Estrema- 
 dura, Alemtejo, (beyond the Tagus) and the kingdom of Algrave. 
 
 Entre Douro e Minho. — The province of Entre Douro e Minho is 
 bounded on the north by Galicia in Spain and the river Minho ; on the 
 east by Traz os Moutes, from which it is separated by the mountains of 
 Santa Caterina and Geres; on the south by Beira, from which it is di- 
 vided by the river Douro ; on the west by the ocean. Its length is 
 above sixty miles from north to south, its width about forty, from east 
 to west. In proportion to its extent, it exceeds every other province iu 
 the number of inhabitants. 
 
 In it are two cities, Braga, the capital, and o Porto; twenty-six towns, 
 or walled burghs; the principal of which are Viana, Guimaraens, Poute 
 de Lima, Villa de Coude, Cauiinha, Monzao, Barcelos, Valenza ; it 
 reckons two cathedral, five collegiate, and more than five hundred parish 
 churches; it is watered by many rivers, which distribute fertility, and 
 are crossed by more than two hundred stone bridges. 
 
 The chief productions are corn, wine, oil, wool, and flax ; living is 
 cheap ; game and fish abound. ; .„., j,^.. 
 
 It is divided into six jurisdictions; r'iz. three royal, called Corregedo- 
 rias, and three feudal, called Ouvidorias. 
 
 Guiinaraens is the first corregedoria, extending over four towns ; its 
 district is lar^e and populous, containing 1*24,000 souls. The chief 
 town stands between the rivers Dave and Yiatla, three leagues from 
 Braga; it was the resideuce of the early kings of Portugal, the birth- 
 place of Alphonsus Henry, who first assumed the regal title. Here is 
 a collegiate church; the canons possess great riches, and belong to the 
 higher class of nobility. \n the fish-market is a ruined church, dedi- 
 
 b
 
 Introductory Memoir. 
 
 cated to St. James, which was in Pagan days the temple of Ceres ; the 
 town contains 5000 inhabitants, and is defended by an ancient castle, 
 built on an eminence. 
 
 The second corregedoria, Viana, consists of nine towns ; the most 
 considerable Moncao and Ponte de Lima. It numbers 98,000 souls. 
 
 Viana is situated at the mouth of the Lima, with a harbour once very 
 practicable, but of late years the sand banks have accumulated, and no 
 vessel of burden can get in ; it is well built, in an agreeable country, 
 with about 7000 inhabitants; Alphonsus III. was the founder in 1253. 
 The castle of St. James, raised on a neck of land, with bastions cut in 
 the rock, defends the entrance of the port. 
 
 Ponte de Lima boasts of great antiquity, attributing its foundation to 
 the Greeks ; it stands on the Lima, ten miles above Viana, and is a neat 
 little town, of about 2000 souls. Moncao was built by Alphonsus III. 
 about nine miles from Valenca, on the Minho ; contains only 700 per- 
 sons ; the fortifications might be made very respectable with moderate 
 repairs. 
 
 The third corregedoria is o Porto (" the Port"), or Oporto, or Porto, 
 in which are one city, three towns, and 100,000 inhabitants ; next to 
 Lisbon Oporto claims* pre-eminence, in point of value, overall Portu- 
 gal ; its port, at the mouth of the Douro, is famous for its traffic, which 
 has drawn to it a great concourse of people, especially within the last 
 thirty years ; the effects of the tremendous earthquake of 1755 were but 
 little felt here ; foreigners swarm at Oporto, and carry on its trade ; the 
 .English are the most numerous. In 173* this place contained only 
 24,000 inhabitants, the number is now nearly double : it is open and 
 unfortified, except towards the sea, where two forts have been built. 
 Living is cheaper than at Lisbon, society more agreeable, After the 
 the earthquake, the court had thoughts of removing hither. The inunda- 
 tions of the Douro frequently cover the quays and low quarters of 
 the city. 
 
 The first ouvidoria is Barcelos, containing seven towns, and 50,000 
 souls. The town of Barcelos gives title of count to the house of Bra- 
 ganca ; it stands nine miles from Braga, and has a collegiate church, 
 but only 15,00 inhabitants 
 
 The ouvidoria of Valenca embraces three towns, of which the prin- 
 cipal one, Valenca, was founded on the Minho by the veteran soldiers of 
 - Viriatus ; it was once regularly fortified, but the works have long been 
 in a state of ruin ; the present minister has directed them to be restored ; 
 Tuy ? the frontier town of Galicia, is not out of cannon shot from Va- 
 lenc^, which gives title of marquis to the house of Vimioso. The popu- 
 lation of the district does not exceed 26,000, that of the town amounts 
 only to 900 souls. 
 
 The ouvidoria of Braga includes that city only, and 34,000 inha- 
 bitants, of whom 12,400 reside at Braga, which is said to have been 
 founded by some Greeks returning from the siege of Troy ; it stands ia
 
 Tntrotluctory Memoir. * m 
 
 a pleasant plaiu, distant seventeen milea from the sea, watered by two 
 rivers; the Cavado on the north, and the Desteon the south side. This 
 city was an important station in the days of ancient Rome, and still shows, 
 <u proofs of its former grandeur, an aqueduct and a ruined amphitheatre; 
 it is well built ; the see of an archbishop, to whom its lordship belougs, 
 who assumes the title of Primate of Spain, as filling the most ancient 
 episcopal chair in the peninsula. Five councils have been holdeu here, 
 and 1 J 4 prelates have worn its mitre, some of which are held in high 
 repute for sanctity and learning; the famous Bartholomew of the myr- 
 tyrs at their head. 
 
 The six jurisdictions of this proviuce contain, according to the last 
 rates, 504,000 inhabitants, who are in easier circumstances in general, a* 
 being more industrious and resolute than those of the other provinces. 
 They are of a handsomer breed, robust, and agile, frank and loyal sub- 
 jects, and esteemed the best foot soldiers in the kingdom. 
 
 Entre Douro e Minho is exposed in time of war to nothing more dan* 
 gerous than slight desultory attacks on the frontiers-, which towards Ga- 
 licia are well covered by the Minho, and cut through with innumerable 
 defiles and impenetrable dells; its people are brave, and animated by a 
 most ardent hatred against the Castilians. There are besides some for- 
 tresses, especially along the banks of the Minho, such as Talenca, Villa- 
 uova, Lapela, Moncao, and Melgusso. Many large streams, that run 
 across the frontier from the deep recesses of the mountains, contribute 
 greatly to the strength of the country ; every river that waters the inner 
 parts of the province (viz. the Lima, Neyva, Cavado, Deste, Dave, and. 
 Grisoner) directs its course from east to west, and consequently forms 
 natural poiuts of defence, and posts which, joined to the steep moun- 
 tains, must render an irruption on this side very difficult and hazardous. 
 Near the source of the Lima towards the north, the entrance is wider, 
 but there also are many excellent posts along the Vazzeas, viz. Tiar, Pa- 
 radela, Forte da Estrica, and Portela de Homem. On the east side, the 
 province is separated from Tras os Montes by the chain of Geres, Santa 
 Caterina, and Maram, which is'very hard to pass, and very easy to defend, 
 by breaking up the ways, making abattis, throwing up breast-works and 
 redoubts ; upon the whole, this proviuce, though tempting from its riches, 
 is in little danger : the Spaniards have never made any great impression 
 upon it; and so wellisit calculated to defend itself, that its safety is entrust- 
 ed to its own militia, except two or three battalions placed in the garii>on 
 of Oporto. Such hitherto has been the arrangement, which has sufficed 
 for the preservation of Oporto agaiust hostile attacks. The badness of 
 the roads, the quantity of wood, and the abruptness of the mountain* 
 that hangover this city, inspire it with confidence of security, and per- 
 haps ought rather to excite apprehensions, if the Spaniards understood 
 the art of making war with light troops. 
 
 Traz os Montes, for Trahs Montes. J — The province of Traz os 
 Montes is so denominated from its situation with regard to Entre Dour*
 
 iv Introductory Memoir. 
 
 e Minho, from which it is disjoined by the ridge of Maram and Geres on 
 the west side ; to the north is Galicia ; to the east the kingdom of Leon, 
 and to the south Beira. Its surface is mountainous and dry, but near 
 the rivers, the narrow slips of plain are populous and fertile. It com- 
 prehends two cities, Braga and Miranda, and fifty towns ; reaches about 
 eighty-six miles from east to west, and between sixty and seventy from 
 north to south ; is divided into two corregedorias and two ouvidorias. 
 
 The corregedoria of Torre d« Mdncorvo contains 26 burghs and 
 45,000 inhabitants. In 1762, the Spaniards placed a detachment here, 
 which did a great deal of mischief. As they marched to attack it, they 
 took it for granted they were to meet with a fortified town, and it was 
 said that a corps of 8000 Portuguese were to defend it. The astonish- 
 ment of the Spaniards equalled their ignorance, when they found Mon- 
 corvo was but a sorry village, that, for the last hundred years, had had 
 neither wall nor gate, nor had it seen a soldier stationed there during all 
 that time. 
 
 The corregedoria of Miranda contains an episcopal city, 12 burghs, 
 and S4,000 souls. Miranda was fortified, but in the ancient style, when 
 the Spaniards came to invest it in 1762; a powder magazine blew up 
 accidentally, tore the castle to pieces, killed GOO men of the garrison 
 and of the town, and laid the place open to the enemy. The same dis- 
 aster had befallen it in the wars for the Spanish succession. It is im- 
 possible to re-establish this fortress to any good effect, as it is commanded 
 by the heights ; yet a post here would be a great barrier against Leon, 
 and be an advantageous outlet for an invasion of Spain with light troop?. 
 The ouvidoria of Bragan^a comprehends a city, 12 towns, and 75,000 
 inhabitants. Braganca is the capital of the province, but the bishop's 
 see has been removed to Miranda ; it stand* in a narrow plain, near the 
 banks of the little river Fervency, only nine miles from Galicia, and 
 Leon. Its founder is said to have been Brigo, the fourth monarch of 
 Spain, in fabulous times ; but it has another full as honourable and 
 more probable. A. colony was settled here by Augustus, and, in honour 
 of his great-uncle, called Julio Briga. It bears the title of duchy, and 
 belongs to the reigning family. Here are some good manufactories of 
 silk, velvet, and grogram. Its walls are antique, defended by sixteen 
 towers ; the castle pretty strong. In point of relative situation to Spain, 
 it resembles Miranda, and contains 2700 inhabitants. In 1762, the 
 Spaniards lost above 4000 soldiers in an hospital they had established here, 
 Chaves is the most considerable town of the province, and the resi- 
 dence of the commander-in-chief of the northern department. Vespa- 
 sian first settled it, and built fine baths here, of which some fragments 
 remain to this day. On the river Tamega is still to be seen a very re- 
 markable bridge, erected by Trajan. There are fortifications, but all 
 difficult to defend, being, as all the rest in the district are, commanded 
 by eminences. The royal family possesses the seignory. It was from 
 Chaves that the Spanish general detached, in 1762* a corps of 3000 vo»
 
 Introductory Memoir. y 
 
 lnnteers, that were to march to Oporto as avaatcouriera of the army ; 
 Alexander Oreilly, now a lieutenant-general in the Spanish service, in 
 high esteem, was pot at their head, and was to huve been supported by 
 other parties. He pushed on as far as Villa Real without meeting with 
 any resistance, hut there he learned that the peasantry was aiming, and 
 that the defiles were dangerous, upon which he turned back, and made a 
 ▼ery disorderly retreat ; at Villa Pou^a, and as far as Chaves, the pea- 
 sants barrassed him exceedingly, and hail the glory »f driving him back 
 with lose and difgrace, though their number did not exceed COO, nor 
 had they a single military man with them. This feat was highly cele- 
 brated in Portugal, and the particulars of it repeated with great pride. 
 The failure in this operation occasioned the retreat of the Sanisb army 
 to Zamora, the sieg« of Almeida, and all the confusion and blunders of 
 the campaign. Portugal was at that time without troops and panic- 
 struck ; had the army advanced rapidly upon Oporto it must have taken 
 it without firing a <_;un. Great r.-inurees would have been found there, 
 both in money, stores, and provisions, and an excellent climate ; the 
 Spanish troops would no1 have perished as they did, with hunger and 
 want of accommodations ; the face of affaire would have been totally 
 changed. 
 
 This province is not worth an attack in a war between Spain and Por- 
 tugal ; it is even dangerous for the Spaniards to penetrate into it, as they 
 found to their cost in the late war; 40,000 men ; :. meed to Chaves, 
 Braganca, and Miranda, without magazines or provision of any sort, and 
 about a fourth of their number died there of sickness, hunger, and 
 want, without a single poiut being carried in favour of the general at- 
 tack upon Portugal. 
 
 Beira. — The province of Beira is the largest in the kingdom ; it bor- 
 ders to the north on Entre-Douro e Minho and Traz os Montes ; to the 
 east on Leon and Spanish Estremadura ; to the south' on the Portuguese 
 Estremadura and Alentejo; and to the west on tlie Atlantic: Its length 
 eighty-two miles, its breadth above one hundred : is divided into six cor- 
 regedorias and two ouvidorias ; contains four bishopricks, viz. Coioibra, 
 Viseu, Guarda, and Lamego ; four cities, and 234 little towns, with 
 5fi0,000 inhabitants : in Rome parts the country is fruitful in wheat and 
 rye, and abounds in game, and sheep, fish, and fruit; in others, an uni- 
 versal sterility reigns. The climate inclines to cold, on account of the 
 quantity of mountains. In some districts near the sea Beira produces 
 excellent wine and oil, as good as that of Andalusia ; the English buy 
 roost of it, as well as its lemons awd oranges. This province is divided 
 into upper ami lower by a lofty ridge, called La Serrade Estrella. 
 
 The, corrcgedoria of Coimbra, contains one city, many burghs, and 
 150,000 souls. Coimbra (Conimbriga) was built by the Romans, about 
 300 years before Christ, on a spot distant one league from th«* present 
 city ; but the Alani having destroyed it, Atnris king of the country raised 
 it anew in 4.15 bank* of the Mondego. Coimbra is celeb:
 
 *i Introductory Memoir. 
 
 for its university, founded by king Oenis, which has seven professorships 
 for divinity, seven for canon law, ten for civil law, seven for physic, one 
 for mathematics, and one for music. The city has a fine bridge over the 
 Mondego, and musters 10,000 inhabitants, besides 4000 students. The 
 bishop is titular Count of Argauil. 
 
 Theouvidoria of Montemoro Velho contains 30,000 inhabitants; the 
 ancients knew it by the name of Medobriga. This town stands on the 
 banks of the Mondego, thirteen miles from Goimbra, and has 4000 inha- 
 bitants. Aveiro, comprised within this district, is a sea-port that improve* 
 daily, and with a little expence, may become excellent: its situation, 
 and the fertility of the environs, have allured it to many strangers, En- 
 glish especially, who carry on a considerable traffic in oil. This is the 
 chief town of the duchy of Aveiro, and reckons 4400 inhabitants. 
 
 The ouvidoria of Feira contains 42,000 souls ; its town, with title of 
 county, is supposed to have been founded by the Austrians, in 1000, at 
 the distance of twelve miles from Oporto. It offers nothing worthy of 
 notice. 
 
 The corregedoria of Viseu includes an episcopal city, and 22 smalt 
 towns, with a population of 95,000 souls. Viseu is situate in the centre of 
 the provinces, between the waters of the Mondego and those of the Vouga; 
 it was founded in the time of Sertorius, by the proconsul D. Brutus, and 
 called Vicontiura. Two towers yet remain, of Roman construction, on 
 which appear the eagle and the names of Flaccusand Frontinius, proba- 
 bly the architects or overseers of the building. But the greatest curiosity 
 is the tomb of the ill-fated Gothic king Rodrigo, who, if we are to credit 
 the groundless legend of the Portuguese, escaped from the battle of Xeres- 
 and the destruction of his empire, became a monk at Viseu, and died long 
 after in dolour of sanctity. 
 
 The corregedoria of Lamego comprehends an episcopal city, 33 towns, 
 and CO, 000 inhabitants. Lamego stands on the Douro, in a plain sur- 
 rounded by mountains. Its origin is carried back to some fugitives of La- 
 conia, 300 years before our sera ; Trajart restored it by the name of Urbs 
 Lamacaenorum. Notwithstanding many disasters, which at various pe- 
 riods have befallen it, the inhabitants, in number 5000, possess consider- 
 able wealth. Here is a great annual fair for horned cattle. 
 
 In the corregedoria of Pinhel are 55 towns and 70,000 inhabitants. 
 The town is fortified after the old fashion, and contains nothing remark- 
 able. Almeida is the principal place of the district, and the strongest 
 fortification in Portugal. It has six royal bastions of stone and as many- 
 ravelins ; that fronting the river Coa, which runs at the distance of a 
 mile, is of a noble extent, and furnished with a cavalier, for the purpose 
 of commanding the circumjacent country : the: t is a good ditch and co- 
 vered way. Nearly in the centre of the town, on a lofty mound, stands 
 a castle, famous for its strength, and magazines bomb-proof; within its 
 walls are wells, and at a small distance a fine spring oi water. The num- 
 ber of souls in the town 25000. The siege and surrender of this place t*
 
 Introductory Memoir. vii 
 
 the Spaniards in 17(^2, caused the loss of a great deal of precious time, 
 provisions, and treasure, without obtaining any important end ; the same 
 thing will always happen when the same plan of a campaign shall be 
 adopted ; for the conquest of this fortress is of no importance with re- 
 gard to the real frontier of Portugal ; the conqueror of Almeida is not 
 more certain of penetrating to the heart of the kingdom, than he was 
 before he took it. An absurd iuveterate prejudice urges us often to sa- 
 crifice men and money before useless ramparts, merely because the an- 
 cestors of our enemies have been such systematic fools as to lbrtity them. 
 
 The corregedoria of Guarda contains an episcopal city, 30 burghs, 
 and 7000 souls. The city of Guarda was founded in 1199, by king 
 Saucho I. near the head of the Mondego, and at the foot of the Seira da 
 Estrella; its walls are of stone, and turreted ; its castle overlooks the 
 plain. Its population "27000 persons. The prelate resides at Castel- 
 branco. The plain of Guarda is much above the level of the whole pro- 
 vince, and commands it completely ; it would be an excellent camp for 
 20,000 men. Lord Galway in his Memoirs decides that it is by far the 
 best post that the Portuguese can take for the defence of Lisbon. It has 
 before it Sabugal, Penamacor, Castelbranco, &c. for advanced stations, 
 commands the defiles that lead from them, and is defended by woods and 
 swamps in front; while the rive* Zezere covers its right flank : thus it 
 would protect all Beira, and the towns both of the Tagus and the Douro. 
 
 The corregedoria of Castelbranco is composed of Ifl burghs, and 
 40,000 inhabitants. The town stands between two streams, the Liria 
 and the Ponzul, fifteen miles distant from the Tagus ; it is fortified 
 with a double wall, seven towers, four gates, and an old castle once for- 
 midable, and contains 4000 inhabitants. Idauha a Nova (New Idanha) 
 Is a burgh, 60 rich and abounding in provisions, that the Spanish army 
 lived upon what it furnished for a whole month. The knights of the 
 order of Christ have the seignory. Penamacor, erected by Saucho I. is 
 dn an eminence thirty-five miles from Almeida, and on the Spanish li- 
 mits ; its castle commands to great advantage the whole range from Cas- 
 telbrauco to the Coa ; but its fine position for defence has not been im- 
 proved by any works : 2500 inhabitants form its population. The con- 
 quest of .Beira can only be achieved with ease through the Portuguese 
 £stremaduraand the plain of Leiria. To an enemy marching from the 
 Tagus towards Coimbra, the province becomes an easy prey, as its na- 
 tural defence of mountains, ravines, and defiles, which guard the frontier, 
 are by this line of march turned and rendered useless. A passage along 
 the banks of the Tagus is easily forced, for there the walls and fortresses 
 are in a state of neglect and ruin. 
 
 The Portuguese, though guided in general by very erroneous princi- 
 ples in their wars with Spain, seem, however, to have blinded their 
 enemies as to the real point of attack ; indeed, to all appearance, they 
 themselves are completely ignorant of it, for they are now working, at an 
 euorrnout expence, and great activity, at the repair of that most useless
 
 vh't Introductory Memoir. 
 
 fortress, Almeida; they are also lavishing great sums upon the fortifica- 
 tions of Eivas, in order to deceive the Spaniards, and induce them still 
 to look upon those as the keys of Portugal ; but they do not endeavour 
 to rind out what other openings the enemy might push through ; a line 
 cf po.3U might, with case and with little expenee, be formed along the 
 mountains and the course of the livers, which, by a very simple method 
 of fortification and defence, would cover Lisbou.and Oporto from insult. 
 • But to state the matter fairly, the Portuguese government is not so much 
 to blame, as it knows the character of the Spaniards, and has reason to 
 think they will always esteem Almeida a place of infinite consequence, 
 and its reduction a sufficient reward for a whole campaign ; that they 
 will always •Commence their operations by the invasion of Beira, and by 
 that prejudice keep the war at a distance from both Lisbon and Oporto, 
 the loss of which would endanger the whole kingdom. 
 
 The reduction of a few places, which at the peace must be restored, 
 whatever men -and money they may have cost you to take and preserve, 
 are nothing to throw into the balance of a negotiation : this truth the 
 French have found out after every German war. In the present state of 
 things, Portugal depends upon Spain's adopting a false, expensive, un- 
 decisive system of warfare — woe to Portugal if Spain should discover its 
 error, and take advantage of Portuguese ignorance and negligence. 
 
 To return to the siege of Almeida. If the Spaniards undertake it, 
 this project detains them far from Lisbon, gives time for decision in the 
 Portuguese cabinet, and for the arrival of English succours. The for- 
 tress, if well defended, may waste a whole campaign, and wheu taken 
 will be of little use, by reason of its distance from the centre of opera- 
 tions ; meanwhile the enemy may take post in the gorges and defiles of 
 Beira, entrench themselves in the fine camp of Guarda, and so ward oft' 
 from Lisbon the blows of war, against which, in fact, they ought prin- 
 cipally to be directed. I even affirm that were all the provinces of Por- 
 tugal to fall into the hands of an invader, if Lisbon and Oporto be not 
 reduced, the aspect of the war would not be more changed, as far as re- 
 gards a negotiation for peace, than if nothing had been done ; I therefore 
 am confident that the surrender of Almeida, instead of promoting, really 
 retarded the progress of the war. After taking that fortress, the remain- 
 der of the campaign was spent in uncertain wanderings and countermar- 
 ches ; the minister desregarded the advice of his general, the Count of 
 Aranda, who, being on the spot, was the best qualified to take a decided 
 part and proper measures. All military men allowed the purity of his 
 intentions, and his prudence, by which alone he repaired the mischiefs 
 occasioned by the disorder in the supplies and hospitals, and enabled the 
 army, by a restoration of health and order, to commence the following 
 campaign under better auspices. His plan was to move against Coimbra, 
 and also seize upon Oporto ; the only way to derive any benefit from the 
 capture of Almeida, and to make amends for the lost time. It is clear 
 that if Aranda could have put this project in execution, the war of Por-
 
 Introductory Memoir. i.t 
 
 tugal would have ended in a very different maimer; but still the Count 
 had discerned only a small part of the only plan capable of finishing the 
 war of Portugal in two months, for lie would have left time for the ene- 
 my to cover Lisbon, and to render the approaches extremely difficult. 
 
 After taking Almeida an army advances into Beira, ai.il there meets with 
 the Serra da Estrella, forming a tremendous barrier before the capital. 
 Then you mustexpect to have to encounter an army of 30,000 Portuguese, 
 and 70(30 British soldiers: what is to be done against such a force, in- 
 trenched among the mountains, where there is no passage for waggons 
 and artillery, especially if you are without maps, scouts, light baggage, 
 medicines, and provisions, Ixtrasssed and surrounded by 30,000 brave 
 and desperate peasants. 
 
 r.stmnailura. — Portuguese Estremadnra is bounded north by Beira; 
 east and south by Alemtcjo; west by the Ocean: is one hundred and 
 twenty miles long, and seventy wick ; divided from east to west by the 
 Tagus, which falls into the sea a little below Lisbon. Its soil the best 
 iu Portugal, produces all its different sorts of fruit ; its commerce very 
 considerable, carried on, in great part, by the Brazil fleet. It contains 
 two cities, 111 towns, and (i6o,000 inhabitant*, comprised in six corrc- 
 gedorias, two ouvidorias, and 4G0 parishes, exclusive of the country of 
 Setuval, which contains a eoiregedoria mid two onvidor'ras. 
 
 The corregedoria of Lisbon comprises only that metropolis and its dis- 
 trict, but reckons -3C0, 000 inhabitants. 
 
 Lisbon is situated like an amphitheatre along the Tagus, upon t-even 
 high hills and intermediate eminences. If you take in the suburbs, its 
 length reaches near four miles, by two in width. Its latitude 38 d. 42 m. 
 50 s. ; its longitude d. 3 m. According to the fables of antiqua-ies, it 
 was built 278 years after the flood, by n grandson of Noah, called Elisa ; 
 then rebuilt by Ulysses, who gave it the name of Ulyssipona, which is 
 htill its appellation iu Latin. It was a muuicipium under the Romans ; 
 and at present is the seat of a patriarch, first instituted in 1708. Its 
 college of canons, who are all dignified with the title of Monsignore, 
 and are chosen from the first families of the kingdom, is extremelv rich. 
 The patriarch, on solemn days ami functions, dresses like the pope, and 
 his canons like cardinals. The city is divided into two towns or sees ; 
 the western governed by the patriarch, and the eastern by an archbishop, 
 who is however subordinate to the patriarch. The number of parishes 
 is thirty-seven, of convents of men thirty-two, and of nuns eighteen. 
 
 The approach to Lisbon from the sea is defended by the forts of St. Ju- 
 lian and Bugio, which cross their fire, and command the bar : the former, 
 which stands high, and w:is built daring the minority of Don Sebastian, 
 is cut out of the solid stone in an irregular style, because it was necessary 
 to conform to the shape of the rocks, but is almost impregnable ; it 
 coioists of five irregular bastions ami a ravelin on the land side, other 
 works and a number of batteries towards the river. South of this castle 
 t» the tower of Bugio, or St. Laurence, placed on a mound of rock and
 
 Introductory Memoir. 
 
 sand to the middle of the river, iu form circular, but of small dimen- 
 sions ; the batteries numerous. Between these two forts runs the bar of 
 Lisbon, crossed in the middle by a bank of stone, called Os Cachopos, 
 which bcigns at the distance of a gun-shot from fort St. John, or St. 
 Julian, and runs up above six miles to the S. S. W. The channel on 
 the north side is called the Corredor, (or Barra Pequena) from its nar- 
 rowness, and is not attempted without a leading wind and the tide. The 
 southern channel, much wider, is called A Carreira da Alcazova. Two 
 miles below Lisbon rises the tower of Bellem, near the beach, where ves- 
 sels are visited by the officers of the customs. Don Manoel erected it 
 by the name of St. Vincent. To the south of it stands the tower of Velha 
 on a rock, its batteries traversing with those of Bellem. There are some 
 lotteries level with the water, but very ill distributed. The situation of 
 the city is extraordinary, and, from its great unevenness, little susceptible 
 of regular embellishments. Since the earthquake, which overwhelmed 
 thirty thousand of its inhabitants, Lisbon is little better than a heap of 
 ruins, of tottering palaces, and burnt churches, resembling the demoli- 
 tion of a fortress blown up with gUBpowder. 
 
 The climate is remarkably pure and salubrious, but subject to violent 
 falls of rain, storms, and earthquakes. The streets are full of filth, and 
 as they are all uneven, hilly, and ill paved, the only vehicles in common 
 vise are calashes, drawn by two mules. The only level space is called the 
 Rocio, and runs along the river side about a mile and a half, being near 
 a mile broad ; here formerly stood the royal palace, overthrown to its very 
 foundations by the earthquake ; the Count d'Oeyras is covering this space 
 once more with splendid edifices, and straight well-paved streets ; it will 
 be ornamented with a broad quay, ah arsenal, and a custom-house. 
 
 The king lives at Bellem, three miles from Lisbon, encamped ia 
 wooden barracks, for he dares not sleep tinder a house of stone ; nor is 
 he to blame ; for there have been earthquakes every year since 1755. 
 And had it not been for the necessity of being near so fine a harbour, 
 and the enormous expence attending a change, the whole court would 
 have been removed to Oporto. 
 
 The port of Lisbon is indisputably one of the finest in Europe; it has 
 a reach of two miles, sheltered from every wind, easy of access for any 
 tonnage, and for any number of ships; nothing is wanting but a com- 
 modious quay for landing and carrying goods : vessels of all nations flock 
 hither, and a prodigious trade is carried on by foreign merchants; most 
 of it is in the hands of the English; and Lisbon in fact may be consi- 
 dered as an English factory, both on account of the number of British 
 subjects resident herein great state aj.d afrluence, and of the influence 
 which the court of St. James's has over the politics of that of Portugal, 
 
 The corregedoria of Torres Vedras contains 1 8 towns and 40,000 souls. 
 This town was an ancient Roman presidium, as its Latin name of Turres 
 Veteres denotes. 
 
 The corregedoria of Alenquer comprises eight burghs and 28,000 in-
 
 Introductory Memoir. »i 
 
 habitants. Alenquer was built by the Alani, and reckons 2000 souls ; it 
 would be an excellent post for a corps of troops to awe or defend Lisbon. 
 
 Thecorregedoria of Leyria is composed of an episcopal city, 21 towns, 
 ond 0*0,000 iuhabilants. Leyria; a bishop's see, stands in a plain near the 
 Lis and Lena, with a strong old castle, and 3600 inhabitants. 
 
 Thecorregedoria of Thomar comprehends 19 towns and 40,000 souls. 
 Thomar was built by Don Galdim Paez, grand-master of the Knights 
 Templars in 1145, a little after the institution of the order of Christ. In 
 1338, King Dennis and Pope John XXII. assigned to the latter order 
 all the possessions belonging to the former, which had been destroyed in 
 1312. The town contains 36*00 inhabitants. 
 
 The oUvidoria -of Abrantes has but two burghs, and 12,000 souls. 
 Abrantes, situated on the right shore of the Tagus, is a very ancient 
 place. In the reign of Augustus it was already a municipium : John V* 
 erected it into a marquisate. It may be considered as the key of the 
 Tagus, and would soon become a considerable place, if the government 
 were to fortify it, and encourage the navigation of the river up into the 
 country. 
 
 Theouvidoria of Onrem is a county, belonging to the reigningbranch, 
 and reckons but seven burghs, and 10,000 souls. Ourem, on an emi- 
 nence, has 1800 inhabitants. 
 
 The corregedoria of Santarem contains fifteen towns and 50. COO souls. 
 Santarem is built in the form of a crescent upon the Tagus, about fifty 
 miles from Lisbon, overlooking a noble plain ; its walls are ancient, with 
 six gates, and an old citadel, to which Alphonso VI. added a pitiful horn- 
 work, without curtain or out-works.- The Romans called this place Sen* 
 labis and Praesidium Julium. It has often been besieged by the Moors, 
 and its plains have frequently been the scenes of victories obtained over 
 them ; often has it been the residence of kings, and now is very rich, con- 
 taining 8000 inhabitants, and a chapter of the order of Avis. 
 
 The county of Setuval, on the left side of the Tagus, comprizes three 
 jurisdictions; the corregedoria of Almada, the ouvidoria of Setuval, ap- 
 pertaining to the order of St. Jago, and the ouvidoria of Azeitao, which 
 belonged to the house of Aveiro; there are in it 20 towns, and -JO.000 
 souls. Setuval, which our sailors have corrupted to St. Ubes, was founded 
 by Alphonso, first king of Portugal, nearly opposite the site of Caetobri- 
 ga, a Roman colony, on the other side of the river Caldao, where they 
 stationed their fleet ; the place is uow occupied by the village of T 
 Setuval exports a great deal of salt, oil, oranges, and wine of excellent 
 quality, the greater part of which goes to England. The town is well 
 built, environed with ancient walls and massy towers ; but from the in- 
 crease of population a second town has been formed beyond this inclosure, 
 and this has been fortified after the modern manner by John IV. with 
 eleven bastions, two demi-bastions, a hofO-work, a fort with four bastions, 
 and another in a pentagon form. The place is commanded by tin rustle 
 of St. Philip, erected by Philip III. of Spain ; in it is a numerous train
 
 x'h Introductory Memoir. 
 
 of artillery, and fine cittern. On the shore, about a mile ofi> i« the tower 
 of Outato, a light-house joined to a small redoubt, called As Vieiras. 
 There are 1100 inhabitants, many of them in aiHuent circumstances: its 
 red wine is equal in repute to that of Oporto, and its muscadine wine is- 
 most exquisite. 
 
 The Portuguese Estremadura ought to be, in all wars, a primary ob- 
 ject with the Spamards ; this fertile province can supply an abundance 
 of provisions for an array* that would die of hunger in any other part of 
 Portugal. The Tagus facilitates the carnage of stores and ammunition 
 to Lisbon, which is the point whither Spain must tend, when she means 
 to make peace, to indemnify herself for her losses by sea, and treat upon, 
 a perfect equality with her inveterate foes. Her own weakness even, 
 and the fear of not succeeding in the other points of attack, ought to 
 spirit her up to a vigorous assault on this quarter : this plan of warfare 
 must be rapid, without baggage, and without sieges ' t the event of a bat- 
 tle w doubly hazardous for the enemy ; contributions in kind would feed 
 the army, and those imposed in specie upon Lisbon would cover the ex- 
 pence of the campaign ; but the attack must be resolute and steadv, the 
 country well explored, and the manceuvres executed with decision and 
 promptitude. This province, however, is susceptible of a strong de- 
 fence, by reason of its great unevenness of surface, and of the multitude 
 of good positions that may be taken to protect the capital. Villa Velha 
 and Abrantes are known to be important posts, but the Portuguese have 
 never yet attempted a stand there. The plain of Santarein and the 
 heights of Alenquer may be occupied to great advantage, as a means of 
 defence, and the campaign may be rendered bloody and indecisive by 
 desultory engagements. Even the metropolis, though an open place, 
 may be defended inch by inch, if the Portuguese be resolute ; and its 
 conquest may become a work of bloodshed and difficulty. 
 
 Alemtejo.— The, proviuce of Alemtejo borders to the north upon the 
 Portuguese Estremadura and a part of Beira ; to the east upon Spanish 
 Estremadura ; to the south upon the Algarve ; and to the west upon the 
 Atlantic and part of Portuguese Estremadura. It is one hundred and 
 forty miles long, by eighty wide. Its soil varies greatly as to its produc- 
 tions ; in some parts it is surprisingly fruitful, and in others mountain- 
 ous, sandy, or burnt up and desert. The climate very unhealthy, especially 
 in summer, on account of the vast quantity of stagnant w aters, and the 
 want of springs and rivers. Its greatest products are corn, wine, lemons, 
 citrous, and oranges ; it has quarries of fine stone, and many sorts of rich 
 marbles, such as the white of Estremoz, the green of Borba and Villa 
 Vicosa, the red and white of Setuval and Arabida ; the clays of Monte- 
 mor o Novo and Estremoz, much employed in pottery ware. It is quite 
 covered with fortified places, and has always been the theatre of war when 
 theCastiliaus have invaded Portugal, and frequently the scene of their de- 
 feats. It contaias four cities, upwards of 100 burghs, and about 280,000 
 inhabitants ; of which the archbishopric of Evora possessess 215,000,
 
 Introductory Memoir. xiii 
 
 the bishopric of Elvas 40,000, and the bishopric of Portalegre 25,000. 
 It is divided into eight jurisdictions. 
 
 The corregedoriu of Evora contains one city and twelve burghs. It ig 
 a place of great antiquity, and was the abode of the famous Yiriutus and 
 Sertorius, the latter of whom added towers to its walls, and caused its 
 celebrated aqueduct to be erected, called Agoa de Praia. John III. 
 made it the place of his residence, and strengthened it with modern for- 
 tifications, it is surrounded with twelve bastions and two demi-ba>ri- 
 ons ; to the north it litis also a square fort, composed of four bastions 
 and as many ravelins, through which passes the aqueduct of Sertorius. 
 The archbishop of Evora, Don de Saldanha, is the chief judge of the 
 kingdom, whose revenues exceed 200,000 crusades per annum. This 
 city, which contiiius 12,000 inhabitants, was taken by Don Juan of Au- 
 stria, son of Philip III. in lGG3,and retaken by the Portuguese, who 
 defeated that general at Ameixal. Jistremoz is the residence of the go- 
 vernor of Alenofejo; it is a very pretty towM, situate in a very fertile 
 country : it is surrounded by ten bastions, three demi-bastions, several 
 ravelins, and a covered way. The castle is very ancient, but it has been 
 strengthened by four bastions and two demi-bastions ; it is, however, 
 commanded on the south by an hill, upon which a square fort, called 
 Saint Joseph, has been constructed, with four bastions and a ravelin, 
 covered by a tenaille towards the country. To the north there is another 
 height at a considerable distance from the place, defended by a redoubt, 
 called Santa Barbara. Nevertheless, with all this appearaneeof strength, 
 Estremoz is incapable of defeuce, from the ancient, decayed, and ill-con- 
 structed state of its fortifications. It contains near 10,000 inhabitants. 
 
 The ouvidoria of Beja comprehends a city, and three towns or burghs ; 
 it is situate about nine miles from Evora, and about two from the Guu- 
 diana, in a fertile and cheerful country. Julius Caesar gave it the name 
 of Pax Julia : it contains 5000 inhabitants. Moura is within a short mile 
 of the Guadiaua: its fortifications were demolished by the Spaniards in 
 the wiir of the succession, and they have since received little or no re- 
 parations, particularly the castle. 
 
 The ouvidoria of Campo do Ourique contains fifteen burghs. Ourique 
 is remarkable for little else than the victory which Alphonso Henriquez, 
 first king of Portugal, obtained over five Moorish kings or governors, 
 His army consisted of no more than three thousand men, by whom, and 
 the revelations of an inspired crucifix, he was proclaimed king on the field 
 of battle, it belongs to the order of St. James. 
 
 The ouvidoria of V 7 ilia Vicosa belongs to the house of Bniganza, and 
 contains twelve burghs; Villa Vicosa is ninteen miles to the west of Elvas, 
 and situate in a very fertile plain : it is but indifferently fortified, though 
 famous for a battle gained by the Marquis of Marialva and the Count of 
 Schomberg, against the Marquis of Caranceue, in which the Spaniards 
 lost 15,000 men. Here is a fine palare, and a beautiful park stocked m ith 
 deer, belonging to the Braganza family.
 
 xiv Introductory Memoir* 
 
 The corregedoria of Elvas consists of an episcopal city and six burghs. 
 Elvas is situate fourteen miles to the west of Badajoz. Though its po- 
 sition is elevated, it is commanded by several heights, of which the two 
 nearest to the town have been fortified. Its origin is attributed to the 
 Gauls, about the year of the world 3009. The fortifications are not very 
 important ; they consist of four royal bastions, as many demi-bastions, 
 and a redan. On its south side is fort La Lippe, which the general of 
 that name began in \7G3, and whose works are nearly finished : it is not 
 well calculated to defend the place, and demands a very strong garrison* 
 Here is a very beautiful aqueduct, the maintenance of which is attended 
 with great ex pence. This town was besieged in 1658, by Don Louis de 
 Haro ; but the Count Cantanhede came to its relief, forced the lines of 
 the Castilians, killed 0000 of their men, and took a thousand prisoners, 
 with their artillery, ammunition, and baggage. 
 
 Oiiveuza is situate on the left side of the Guadiana. Its situation, 
 seven miles from the river, is pleasant, particularly that of the castle; it 
 is very populous, and contains near 5000 inhabitants. Campo Mavor, 
 situate opposite to Alburcpierque and Badajoz, is a place of considerable 
 importance to this province. Count Sehomberg, the saviour of Portugal, 
 strengthened this place with a well-constructed fort; but the fortifica- 
 tions, and a part of the town, were destroyed 1 6th September, 1732, by 
 the blowing up of a powder magazine ; which unfortunate event has 
 greatly weakened as well as dispeopled the place, though the works have 
 been in some measure repaired. At the close of the campaign of 17()2» 
 the Spaniards, in order to retrieve their reputation, ordered a considerable 
 detachment to take Campo Mayor; but General Don Gregorio de 
 Muniara, the present minister of war, who commanded that expedition, 
 having failed in arriving before it till it was broad day-light, did not 
 think proper to hazard an attack, and retired without attempting any 
 thing. 
 
 The corregedoria of Portalegre consists of one episcopal city and lg 
 burghs. Portalegre is situate on a gentle elevation, fifteen miles from 
 Spain: its fortilicetions are ancient and incapable of defence. It con- 
 tains between 5 and 6000 inhabitants. Arronches is between Portalegre 
 and Campo Mayor, at an equal distance from them both. It owes its 
 foundation to the first kings of Portugal, and is fortified in the ancient 
 manner. 
 
 The ouvidoria of Crato contains twelve burghs. Crato belongs to a 
 priory of the order of Malta, and is inclosed by walls. 
 
 The ouvidoria of Avis is composed of seventeen burghs. The town is 
 situated on a river of the same name, and forms a triangle with Arayoloz 
 and Estremoz. It is the principal place of the order of Av:« ■■, which was 
 first founded at Evora ; it has but few inhabitants, and is surrounded 
 with ancient walls. Its territory extends several miles, and belongs to 
 the order.
 
 Introductory Memoir. xr 
 
 Alemtejo has been the perpetual theatre of triumph to the Portuguese, 
 and defeat to the Spaniards ; nor could it be otherwise. The Spaniards 
 formerly maintained the ill-founded opinion that Alemtejo offered a 
 passage to Lisbo.n, because it is the post-road. The Tagus, furnished 
 with an army to oppose the passage, cannot be crossed ; an army which 
 enters Alemtejo cannot extend its hostilities beyond that province, or at 
 most to Algarve. But the conquest of them both would effect nothing 
 of importance, and can never give a shock to the Portuguese monarchy, 
 whose strength is to be found in Lisbon, Oporto, and America. The 
 strong places of Alemtejo are not in a state to make any vigorous defence ; 
 but, besides the expence employed and time lost in taking them, the 
 climate is so fatal, that an army, in spite of every precaution, and the 
 utmost exertions of medical assistance, must necessarily fall a prey to 
 hunger, thirst, and epidemic diseases. The Portuguese cannot wish for 
 a more fortunate circumstance, in a war with Spain, than that their ene- 
 mies may commence and push on their operations in this province. 
 
 Algarve. — The kingdom of Algarve is bounded on the north by the 
 province of Alemtejo ; on the east it borders on Andalusia ; and to the 
 6outh and west is terminated by the sea. It* length is about ninety 
 miles, and its breadth from twenty to twenty-five. It was conquered by 
 Saucho II. and has since belonged to the crown of Portugal, notwith- 
 standing the ill-founded claims of Spain. It was afterwards retaken by 
 the Moors, but Alphonso 111. reunited it altogether to his dominions, by 
 the capture of Faro. The length of coast from Cape St. Vincent to Al- 
 meria, with the opposite shores of Africa, comprising Ceuta and Tan- 
 gier, then in the possession of the kings of Portugal, were named Al- 
 garve ; and on this account the sovereigns of Portugal have preserved 
 the title of King of Algarve on this side, and beyond the sea in Africa. 
 This small country possesses an uncommon degree of fertility, and is 
 capable of nourishing four times the number of its present inhabitants. 
 It produces grain, wine, oil, and abundance of fruits, as figs, grapes, 
 and sweet almonds, in which it carries on a considerable trade. The 
 tunny fishery has been more extensive than it is at present, but it still 
 continues to form a principal revenue of this kingdom. It contains four 
 cities, twelve burghs, sixty villages, and 65,000 inhabitants, divided in- 
 to two corregedorias, and one ouvidoria. 
 
 The corregedoria of Lagos comprehends seven burghs and one city. 
 Lagos is situated on the south-east shore of Algarve, at twenty-four miles 
 from cape Saint Vincent. Its bay is secure from winds at N." N. E. and 
 is capable of receiving the larg. st ships (though it is not without rocks), 
 and the entrance is protected by a battery of cannon. Tweuty miles of 
 the coast from Lagos to Sagres are defended by five forts. This town 
 was first built by the Carthaginians : it is fortified in an irregular man- 
 ner, but possesses a good citadel called Pinhao, which is th. residence of 
 the governors and captains general of this kingdom. Lagos contains 
 2B00 inhabitants. Villa Nova de Portimao is nine miles to the east of
 
 xvi Introductory Memoir. 
 
 Lagos, and is seated on a river which forms a spacious and secure har- 
 bour, above a mile broad, and three fathoms deep ; but the entrance is 
 dangerous, and requires the assistance of a pilot. This river is navigable 
 to Sylves, with bouts only, though it is at no greater distance than eight 
 miles. Each side of the bar is defended by a fort : on the west is that 
 called St. Catherine's, and on the east is St. John's. These two towns 
 contain together about 4000 souls. 
 
 The corregedoria of Tavira comprises a city and three burghs. Tavira 
 is seated on a bay of the same name, about seventeen miles from Faro, 
 and fifteen from Ayanionte, a frontier town of Andalusia. The bar is 
 low and irregular, and the channel at the entrauce is five fathoms i)eep. 
 The harbour is protected by two forts, and the place contains about 5000 
 inhabitants. It is divided into two towns by the river Scqua, over which 
 there is a fine stone bridge. Louie is a small town eight miles N. by 
 W, of Faro, of an ancient appearance, and contains upwards of 4000 
 souls. Alcoutim is situated at sixteen miles from Castromarim, opposite 
 San Lucar de Guadiana, and contains only 1000 inhabitants. Jt is the 
 last town in Algarve on the side of Andalusia. 
 
 Theouvidoriaof Faro comprehends two cities, of which one is episcopal, 
 a single burgh, and a few villages. Faro is distant seventeen miles from 
 Tavira, and thirteen from the fortress of Quarteira, which defends the 
 coast. Its bar is narrow and variable. Its fortifications are modern, but 
 were very much injured by the last earthquake, which made great de- 
 vastation in Algarve. The bishopric of Sylves was transferred to Faro in 
 1580, and the town itself was burned in 1596 by the English. It con- 
 tains at present 7'JOO inhabitants, and possesses a considerable trade, 
 many foreign merchants being established there. Three times every 
 month a packet-boat arrives there from Gibraltar, for the benefit of the 
 English. At about three miles north between Faro and Louie, there is 
 a village called Estoy, built on the ruins of the ancient Ossobona. 
 
 The kingdom of Algarve is almost impenetrable to the Spaniards ; 
 nor indeed would an entrance into it be attended with any advantage. 
 In the various wars, therefore, between the two nations it has remained 
 undisturbed, holding forth to the invader no other temptation but in- 
 ternal wretchedness. Its sea coast might be invaded, and its tunny 
 fishery ruined ; but, in general, the inhabitants of Cadiz and the coast 
 of Andalusia have, in that respect more to lose than to gain. The coast 
 might be made to furnish good seamen, if the government encouraged 
 such a design. But, after all, this province is of littte importance or 
 utility to the Portuguese monarchy, though it is dignified with the pom- 
 pous title of a kingdom. 
 
 THE ARMY.— Defects of the Portuguese army. — The Portuguese 
 army has been in a most contemptible state for a century to the period of 
 the war of 1762. In consequence of fifty years of peace, a most de-» 
 structive earthquake, several famines, and a most abominable conspiracy, 
 it had been totally neglected, and was sunk into the most wretched con-
 
 Introduclory Memoir. xvit 
 
 ditiou. It was composed of from '8 to 10,000 men, of a class inferior 
 to peasants; without uniforms, without arms, begging alms or assassinat- 
 ing for a livelihood ; and the officers of these troops were servants, who 
 mounted behind the carriages, or served at the tables of their masters, 
 when they were not on duty. In the war of 1762, the Count de Lippe, 
 •et about reforming the whole of it. 
 
 The Count de Lippe has rendered au essential service to Portugal, in 
 new modelling its army ; but he remained there too short a time to carry 
 his reform into effect ; besides, he did not make a proper choice of offi- 
 cers to finish the work which he had begun. 
 
 When war was declared in l/G-2, Portugal finding itself without offi- 
 cers, and without soldiers, the government employed every means to en- 
 gage foreign officers in its service. Instead of applying to the King of 
 Prussia, or the Dutch, for a body of able and tried officers ; instead of 
 holding forth adequate renin Derations to military men of any nation, the 
 Portuguese government introduced into its army a great number of fo- 
 reigners, whose vices and ignorance tended to increase the disorder and 
 pusillanimous spirit which prevailed in it. This evil was cured by a very 
 violent remedy. The minister, having dissembled his resentment at 
 these abuses during the war, which were so evident, that they even forced 
 'themselves upon his observation, employed an expedient as fatal as the 
 abu-cs themselves, by persecuting and driving out of the kingdom every 
 foreign officer without distinction. As to the Portuguese officers, their 
 pay does not enable them to live better than the common soldiers, whose 
 comrades and relations they are. The subaltern posts are filled from 
 among the inferior classes ; and their hatred of foreigners, arising from 
 their having one-half more pay than themselves, prevents their associat- 
 ing with, or receiving any improvement from them; aud hence it is that 
 they remain in iguorauce aud wretchedness. 
 
 The Portuguese soldier is obedient, patient, robust, lively, and dex- 
 terous ; but he is, at the same time, idle, filthy, and disposed to find, 
 fault with every thing : but he is capable, when properly attended to, of 
 doing credit to his character. His aversion to the Spaniards should be 
 encouraged, but he should be made to comprehened, that he cannot 
 gain any advantage over the superior numbers of that natiou,Jbut by su- 
 perior discipline. The mutual contempt which these nations entertain for 
 each other, arises from their ignorance aud their presumption. It is very 
 extraordinary, when it is their mutual interest to know each other, that 
 their reciprocal aversion should operate so powerfully as to prevent any 
 useful communication between them. Hence it is that a war betweeu 
 Spain and Portugal, will consist of little more than groping about iu 
 the dark, because neither the one nor the other have maps, or guides, 
 or spies. 
 
 These defects of the military establishments in Portugal might have 
 been easily corrected by the Couut de Lippe. Hut to attain such au 
 object, a full pu*er und ihe exercise of a rigid discipline was iudispen- 
 
 d
 
 Introductory Memoir. 
 
 sable. It would be also necessary to make the appointments ot the Portu- . 
 guese officers equal to those of the foreign officers, in order to dissipate 
 the grovelling jealousies and eontempt that subsist between them, and 
 to make talents the oidy distinction ; at the same time to encourage the 
 foreign officers, who live in a continual state of suspicion and distrust, 
 by making them equal sharers in the favour of government, and attach- 
 ing them to the country by solid establishments. In short, it would be 
 the best policy to reward diligence by attaching to it; honour as well as 
 emolument, and tn punish indolence by disgrace and the loss of fortune. 
 
 STATE OF THE ARMY. — Llfautry, cavalry, light troops, ar- 
 tillery, and fortifications. — The state of the Portuguese army, indepen- 
 dent of its marine and its colonies, consists of 33 battalions, containing 
 G(>',000 infantry, and 26 squadrons, which compose about 4000 cavalry. 
 The peasantry also form a militia of upwards of 100,000 men, who 
 serve without pay, but engage with great fury, and are very formidable 
 to the Spaniards, by tlieir manner of lighting ; as, from the ignorance 
 of their generals, the ueglect of their officers, and the want of discipline 
 in the soldiers, the latter are ever exposed to ambuscades, assassinations, 
 and sudden attacks. 
 
 The Portuguese army is in a tolerable state of discipline : it marches 
 and manreuvers well ; but it ought more frequently to be drawn out ints 
 encampments, that the little manceuvers of exercise might be applied 
 to the great\>perations of war. The battalions are composed of seven com- 
 panies, one of which consists of grenadiers, of 140 men each. This 
 formation is imperfect, according to the rules of tactics, as it is not capa- 
 ble of square divisions, without confusion. There are many other faults 
 in its evolutions, the greater part of which proceed from the same prin- 
 ciple. Neither are the troops accustomed to remove earth, to practise 
 the manoeuvres of attack and defence, as well as the art of fortification ; 
 and all this is essential in a country like Portugal, where war must be 
 on the defensive, and carried on in detail. The infantry of the north is 
 very superior in discipline, as well as in stature, to that of the south, 
 especially of the capital and of Elvas. 
 
 The cavalry is well mounted on horses from Andalusia, Beira, and 
 •Tra? os Montes ; which are of a moderate height, like those of the Spa- 
 nish cavalry ; but they are all geldings. 
 
 It is a problem which experience alone can resolve, whether the geld* 
 ing or the stone-horse is best qualified for the service of cavalry ; and 
 if the quiet disposition of the one is equal, in point of effect, to the ar- 
 dent spirit of the other. The Spanish cavalry is the only one in Europe 
 which consists of stone-horses, and it is of acknowledged excellence s 
 but it may be doubted whether it possesses sufficient solidity to support 
 a line of infantry. Cavalry should possess these four qualities ; order, 
 Solidity, force, and swiftness, The Spanish cavalry are famous for the 
 two latter, and the Portuguese possess the two former, 
 
 Por'.igal maintains twelve squadrons of cuirassiers in pretty good con* 
 dition and discipline. Their breast-plates give them two incontestable
 
 Introductory Memoir. xix 
 
 advantages ; though the Spaniards are of a different opinion; as they 
 never make use of them. The first is, that they afford protection to the 
 Soldier : and secondly, they give him an idea of his superiority over 
 troop* who are not clad in such defensive armour. The Portuguese 
 dragoons, however, will never equal those of Spain. 
 
 It is a great advantage to this cavalry to keep always in close union 
 with the infautry, aud never to engage alone in the plains of Alemtejo, 
 uud still less in those of Estremadura, because there is great reason to 
 conjecture that it would fail in an engagement with Spanish cavalry. It* 
 mast advantageous place is in the Hue, where it would be able to support 
 the infautry ; and in buttle it is better calculated to maintain its ranks, 
 to cover a retreat, or protect the forage. It would execute with less ac- 
 tivity, but with more certainty, the great manoeuvres as well as the de- 
 tail of its service. The squadron has the same defect as in Spain, in 
 being composed of four companies which require too many officers, unci 
 renders the establishment expensive, 
 
 The Portuguese cavalry has this advantage over that of Spain, that it 
 is exercised in tiring, and accustomed to leap hedges and ditches in squa- 
 drons ; a manoeuvre which theSpaniards can scarcely believe ; butVhich 
 they could execute better than any other cavalry, if they were exer- 
 cised in it. 
 
 There is but one regiment of light dragoons, of about 12,000 men, 
 very ill exercised, and of course incapable of eryjagjog in that kind of 
 war for which they are designed. The colonel, though a ;;ood officer, is 
 ■not sufficiency active to conduct Tight troops. Colonel Louis Hollarcl 
 is the only officer capable of that seryice in Portugal. It (6, neverthe- 
 less, indispensable to have a body of from 5 to (JQOO light troops in a war 
 with Snain, which being defensive, the only attacks that the Pur •guese 
 can make must be by way of incursion. I 
 
 The artillery is composed of three battalions, but in a very bad state of 
 discipline. The cannon are ill made and clumsy. The minister had 
 the good fortune to engage two excellent founders, brought up under 
 the famous Maritz; but the prevailing prejudice against foreigners has 
 got the better of actual want, and, inconsequence of ill treatment, they 
 have been obliged to desert from the service. There are no field pieces, 
 nor any small cannon, to accompany the infantry ; which would be of 
 the greatest use in such a country as Portugal, where there i-, a post at 
 every step. There are three colonels of artillery ; Colouel York, an 
 Englishman, who contributed so much to the taking of the Havannah ; 
 Colonel Macbean, a Scotchman, who distinguished himself in the allied 
 army iu Westphalia ; and Lieutenant-Colonel llollard, a Swiss, butrwho 
 has beeu both in the service of Prussia aud Denmark, aud is we'd ktmwu 
 by his valour and services. He is the only person capable of putting 
 the artillery of Portugal upon a good footing; though lie would be gjty» 
 ployed more essentially in forming a body of light troops. 
 
 The corps of engineers is ill formed, and extremely ignorant; they can
 
 sx Introductory Memoir. 
 
 do little more than rule paper and page a register. Nevertheless there 
 are two eugineers of great reputation among them ; Funck, a Swede, 
 who served with distinction under Marshal Saxe, and Miron, a Swiss, a 
 brave and most excellent officer ; who was menaced with a trial, for having 
 attempted to restore the fortifications of Almeida, and to defend it against 
 the Spaniards, in J7G2. But the cowardice of the governor served as 
 his justification. The School of Engineers is in a very backward stale, 
 and in 1 766, its most forward scholars had tiot got beyond the second 
 book of Euclid. 
 
 The Portuguese might avail themselves of their foreign engineers to 
 . procure correct maps of their country, in which they are totally defici- 
 ent ; at least they might obtain topographical surveys of the chains oF 
 mountains, of rivers, valleys, and frontier plains, that every post might be 
 known in case of war. Is is said that the Count de Lippe made himself 
 well acquainted with the country which he passed through in 1762, and 
 that he was actually engaged in making maps of it. General Fraser has, 
 since that time, made a tour through the northern division of the king- 
 dom ; but he had only draftsmen with him, and I much doubt whether 
 he viewed it with the eye of a master. Colonel Funek has also been em- 
 ployed to make designs of the frontiers ; and he presented to the minister 
 a plan of general fortification, which is suppooed to have been accepted'. 
 
 Generals, the Staff, Officers, Sec the Subsistence, the Minister of War. 
 — The Count de Lippe is the restorer of the military art in this country. 
 He is equally amiable, witty, learned, brave, and virtuous. He is inti- 
 mately acquainted with the sublime parts of war, well skilled in tactics, 
 and a good engineer. He will acquire an high degree of reputation, at 
 the head of the Portuguese troops, if he will cease to neglect them, and 
 return again to re-establish those parts of the army which have fallen into 
 disorder since his absence, and to complete the work which he began v 
 with an equal degree of zeal and success. 
 
 The second general is an old Portuguese devotee, the Count Baron of 
 Arcos : he lets every thing go to destruction, because he is incapable of 
 applying a remedy to any thing. 
 
 The first lieutenant-general is a Scotch gentleman, Simon Fraser, the 
 son of Lord Lovat. He is young, and served only two years in Canada, 
 as colonel of a regiment of Scotch Highlanders, after having been a bar- 
 rister at law during the former part of his life. He has a great share of 
 ambition, undaunted courage, a great deal of presumption,. and very mo-* 
 derate talents. 
 
 There are two field- marshals of distinguished character: a German, 
 named Bohm, a creature of the Count de Lippe, a brave and well-in- 
 formed officer, but rather too much of a courtier ; and a Scotchman, 
 named Macklean, a brave and ancient officer, and an excellent com- 
 mander of infantry. The rest of the staff are Portuguese, with little or 
 tto military qualifications, and those whose names are scarcely known.
 
 Introductory Memoir. 
 
 xit 
 
 The court of Lisbon, therefore, ought to procure better, and fix them in 
 its service by just and honourable treatment. 
 
 There are some colonels, lieutenant-colonels, and majors, who are good 
 officers, but they are almost all of them strangers. Colonel Smith, an 
 .Englishman, passes for a good engineer, as well as commander of caval- 
 ry ; Macdontiell, Fitzgerald, Campbell, Forbes, and Chauucey, are good 
 officers. There are also some Portuguese noblemen, of whom there are 
 great hopes, from their zeal and their talents : they are the Marquis de 
 Lav radio, the Counts de Prado, and d* Aponte, Deluis de Miranda, 
 Pinto, Acunha, &c. 
 
 There is no staff in the Portuguese army, nor that of Spain. The post 
 of major-general of the army was held by a Scotchman, named Preston, 
 who retired from the service at the time of the unfortunate affair of Colo- 
 nel (iraveron. This post has been supplied by two inspectors of the 
 troops. The employment of quarter-master-general is very difficult to 
 fulfil : it is his business to issue all the orders ; to provide for every un- 
 dertaking, whether it relates to military operations, or to subsistence ; 
 to arrange, direct, and conduct the passage and movements of the troops, 
 to-form maps, and to keep all the archives of the war. There is neither 
 in Spain nor Portugal, companies of guides, nor a train tut waggons laden 
 with pontoons, planks, &c. There is no military board, nor any fixed 
 regulations for provision or forage. The great number of places, and 
 the small extent of the theatre of war in Portugal, render this defect less 
 likely to be felt ; at the same time the troops always run some risk of 
 dying with hunger. 
 
 A commissary named Ferrari, lately passed from the service of Spr.ia 
 into that of Portugal, who regulated the making of bread for the troops, 
 so as to gain 33 per cent, for the government ; and in case of a future 
 war, he will, probably, be appointed commissary-general of the army. 
 
 The scarcity ef forage will always prevent the Portuguese from keep- 
 ing the field, and maintaining a large bodrj of cavalry ; and this circum- 
 stance proceeds from a defective state of agriculture. Nevertheless, the 
 supplies for a Portuguese army might be easily collected in two or three 
 strong places in the back parts, from whence they might be drawn with 
 convenience and safety. 
 
 The military hospitals form no concern of the king, as a community 
 of monks always charge themselves with that branch of military admi- 
 nistration. But regular and fixed hospitals would be more serviceable, 
 *nd might be contrived. 
 
 One of the principal objects to the due regulation of subsistence du- 
 ring war, is the manner of conducting it, at least, to the present time. 
 As soon as the Spaniards enter Portugal, the kintj publishes a declara- 
 tion, by which he enjoiii3 his subjects to fall upon the invaders, and the 
 national hatred excites them to execute this ordinance. The Spanish 
 army always pushes on ; the villages are depopulated, and their inhabi- 
 tants fall back upon the capital. The peusauts arrive there in cr<
 
 xxii Introductory Memoir. 
 
 with their wives and children ; so that the king, who should have nothing 
 more than his army to maintain, finds, at the end of two or three months 
 of the campaign, two or three hundred thousand additional mouths to 
 feed. Another resulting evil is, that the court of Madrid avails itself of 
 the famine which is occasioned by its invading army, induces the Portu- 
 guese peasants by kind treatment to abandon their own country, or trans- 
 port them by force into different provinces of Spain, with their wives, 
 children, and cattle. 
 
 To remedy this evil, it would be necessary to regulate the number of 
 militia in time of war, and to prohibit any peasants to resist the enemy, 
 to abandon their villages, or to disobey the conqueror, to whom they, of 
 •course, belong, till the force of arms, or returning peace, delivers them 
 from a foreign yoke. But whatever the Spaniards may say to the con- 
 trary, this war of the peasantry is by no means important, but to igno- 
 rant and undisciplined troops. The burning of two or three villages, 
 and the hanging of as many monks or curates, or principal persons in the 
 parish, quickly puts a stop to the indiscreet and barbarous fury of the 
 country people. 
 
 A king of Portugal, who has found the means of regulating his ex- 
 pences by his revenue, will be able to sustain a war, upon equal if not 
 superior terms against Spain. The article of subsistence is the principal 
 And most expensive ; every attention therefore should be given to thin 
 fundamental object. Established magazines, and economy in the dis- 
 pensation of them, form the basis and strength of that defence, which ij» 
 required of this little kingdom. 
 
 The war department is not under 'proper regulations, and its official 
 proceedings are dilatory. The advanced age of the Count d'Oeyras is 
 a public inconvenience. He is continually occupied in various less im- 
 portant objects, to which he sacrifices his precious time. The minister 
 ■of war is Don Louis d'Acunha; a man of honour, but of little credit, 
 and who does nothing. He is scarcely known by one half of the military 
 officers. All the real business is in the hands of a confidential person, 
 and secretary of Count d' Oeyrafr, Don Miguel d' Arriaga, he is a man 
 of great merit, integrity, and understanding ; but he is only the echo of 
 the count, and that minister being of a dilatory character, no advantage 
 is derived from his superiutendanee, so that the administration of the- 
 army is everv year becoming worse and worse. It is divided into two de- 
 partments ; that of the north, which comprehends the three provinces of 
 Entre JVlinho e Douro, Traz os Montes, and Beira ; and that of thf 
 south, which embraces Estremadura, Alemtejo, and Algarve. 
 
 Topography, Rivers, Mountains, and Fortified Places.— Topography, 
 or a knowledge of the position of places ; of the course and currrent of 
 rivers; of the extent and inclination of chains of mountains ; and the si- 
 tuation of fortified places, is the first branch of military science, and a 
 necessary part of the detail of a kingdom in a state of war. An enemy 
 must be acquaiuted with theae natural or artificial barriers, either to avptd
 
 Introiluctory Memoir. xsiii 
 
 or surmouut them ; while the citizen ought to know them still better, to 
 employ them as the means of defence. But this grand and leading branch 
 of the science of war, is not duly considered by many nations, particu- 
 larly those of Spain and Portugal* who have not carried on one single 
 scientific campaign against each other, since the foundation of their re- 
 spective kingdoms. 
 
 Portugal is watered by four principal rivers, which may serve to direct 
 both its offensive and defensive operations. One of these rivers, the 
 duadiana, which runs from theeast to the south-west and thesouth ; en- 
 ters into Portugal between Xerutnena and Olivenca, in Almetejo, and 
 serves, in its course, as a natural ditch to that province and the little 
 kingdom of Algarve, dividing the latter from Andalusia. Though the 
 Ciuadiaua is a considerable river, it cannot be employed to any purposes 
 of utility in the present war, from the small importance of the provinces 
 through which it flows, and because it is incapable of being navigated by 
 boats for more than thirty-six mile9,fiom Mertola to the sea. The other 
 rivers run from east lowest. The Miuho divides a part of tialieia from 
 a part of Entre Minho e Douro ; but it does not serve as the least defence 
 to the latter province, which may be attacked without crossing this river. 
 The Douro, coming from the kingdom of Leon, enters Portugal ; and, 
 after dividing it, empties itself into the sea, near the city of Oporto. It 
 is navagable by boats from Lamego, a course of above fifty miles ; its 
 banks are rich, and it may be rendered very serviceable if that place 
 should be the object of military operations. But the most important ri- 
 ver of Portugal, the key of Lisbon, and the nursing mother of those ar- 
 mies which enter into that kingdom, is the Tagus. For about seventy- 
 two miles from Alcantara to Abrantes, its course is interrupted by rocks 
 and falls, and consequently incapable ff navigation : but from Abrantes 
 to the sea, which is ninety miles; it is navigable by vessels of consider- 
 able burden, which may couvey all the necessary supplies of war. Its 
 right bank, though mountainous, is very abundant in provisions and cat- 
 tle, and is covered with villages ; while the left is marshy and barren. 
 Prom Santarem, upon the right bank, to Lisbon, a distance of fifty 
 Utiles, the declivity is so great, that the iirst of these towns commands 
 the latter, and is the key of the country. Several small rivers discharge 
 themselves into the Tagus ; the principal of which are the Llga, (which 
 divides Beira from Spain) the Ponsul, the Laca, the Zezere, and the Rio 
 Mayo. The state of the country increases the means of defence, and the 
 ihfliculties of attack. All th^se small rivers, which descend from the 
 mountains of Heira are verv unequal and dMMNMM m their course ; 
 sometimes they appear only as shallow brooks and sometime* as rapid 
 torrent*, which inundate the adjoining country. The Count de Lippe, 
 in 17b2, beiiii; encamped ut Puuhete, after tlie march of the Spaniard* 
 towards Villa Velha, and having the Zezere, with its bridges, in his rear ; 
 this rirer, in consequence of violent ruins, was so greatly increased, that 
 the bridges were broken down, and he found himself inclosed, without 
 resource, between the Tagus and the Zezere,
 
 xxiv Introductory Memoir. 
 
 The province of Beira lias not so many strong places as Alenitejo ; 
 "but it is nevertheless almost impenetrable. The town of Almeida, taken 
 in 1/G-, possesses considerable strength, and it will be still stronger 
 from the repair of its works now carrying on by Colonel Fnnek. But 
 this town does not cover Lisbon, and serves only to guard the entrance 
 into the upper Beira, which the Spanish army cau have no inducement 
 to obtain. 
 
 The province of Traz os Moutes has no strong places that are capable 
 of defence. But the Spaniards well know, by fatal experience, the con- 
 sequence of carrying their arms into a province, at once barren, moun- 
 tainous, and difficult of access. Its strong places have been constructed 
 in low situations, which are commanded on all sides, such as Miranda, 
 Outeiro, Braganca, and Chaves. This province is intersected by rivers, 
 hollow ways, and mountains : particulaily that of Maroni, which cover* 
 TDporto, Braga, and the province of Entre'Minho e Douro. 
 
 Entre Minho e Douro, possesses two principal places, Valenca and 
 Moncao, which are but ill fortified, but whose condition will be imme- 
 diately improved on a new plan. It is full of small forts and ancient 
 eastles, the remains of former wars, which may serve as posts to check 
 an attempt of the enemy to penetrate to Oporto. That city is entirely 
 open and very opulent, and while it is the only object of an invasion on 
 that side, is well worth an attempt. At the mouth of the Minho is the 
 small town of Caminha, a regular fortification, but commanded on all 
 sides. A chef d'osuvre of scientific infatuation. 
 
 The strongest and most important place in the southern division, or 
 the left side of the Tagus, and indeed of all Portugal, is Elvas ; because 
 the Spaniards cannot penetrate into Alemtejo and leave this place be-, 
 hind them: as well as Almeida, it requires so numerous a garrison, as to 
 prove an inconvenient dimunition of the strength of the army. It is art 
 ancient place, with irregular bastions, and a cordon commanded by two 
 mountains, upon which have been constructed the forts La Lippe and 
 St. Lucia. 
 
 The leading object of the Portuguese, in a war with Spain, should be 
 to cover both sides of the Tagus ; and for this purpose Castello de Vide 
 on the left bank presents an excellent position. 
 
 The sea coast is defended by Setuval and the fort Sagres, at the point 
 of Cape St. Vincent. Algatve is impenetrable, and the islands of Ta- 
 \ira, behind which ships in time of war may be secure from privateers, 
 are fortified, though they received considerable injury from the great 
 earthquake. Estremoz, as well as Evoraand Beja, have no defence but 
 the, old walls with which they are invested. 
 
 Portugal has about 15 or 20 strong places, and not more than 8 or 
 10,00G men to garrison them, without disabling its army from keeping 
 the field. 
 
 The army of Portugal is more respectable than the Spaniards imagine, 
 because they judge from the condition in which they saw it during the 
 last war.
 
 
 THE INTRODUCTION. 
 
 AMONG the principal events of this last age, none deserves our at- 
 iention more than the revolt of Portugal, in 10'40. The unanimity, 
 zeal, and secrecy, with which this conspiracy was carried on for a long 
 time, between persons of different ages, sexes, and qualities ; the ardour 
 for recovering their liberties, which animated them to encounter difficul- 
 ties, in appearance iusuperable ; and lastly, the complete success., aiuj 
 the little blood lost in the execution of this mighty enterprize, make it 
 trqly admirable and surprising. 
 
 This work was written in French, not very long since, hy the Abbot 
 Vcrtnt, since author of the History of the Revolutions of Sweden ; both 
 which works have been received with the approbation of the public. 
 The materials out of which he compiled this volume, are for the most 
 part * printed accounts, journals, gazettes, and the relations cf persons 
 who were at Lisbon when this Drama was acted. Most of these are in- 
 deed ill enough written, but have received a life and lustre since they 
 have been touched by his incomparable pen. I might, in this place, 
 commend the vivacity, politeness, and fidelity, with which this work is 
 written ; but I shall rather chuse to give the reader a view of the state 
 of affairs which led to the revolution which is the subject of it. 
 
 Portugal was first erected in the year 1139 into a kingdom by AI- 
 phnnso I. who, after he had defeated the Moors, refused to pay that ho- 
 mage to Spain which his father had. After him Alphonso III. his great 
 grandson, hud Algarva given him in dowry with the princess Beatrix, 
 <!aughter to Alphonso the tenth king orCastile, which still gives a title 
 to the heir apparent of the crown. Thus Portugal continued an inde- 
 pendent kingdom, governed by its own princes, till the brave Sebastiau 
 unfortunately perished in the battle of Alcazar, Aug. 4, 13/8, without 
 leaving any issue behind him. The cardiual Dom Henry, his great un- 
 cle, succeeded to the throne, whose reign lasted but sixteen months. 
 After his death, divers princes and princesses pretended to the crown. 
 Catherine, dutchess of Braganza, Philip II. king of Spain, the duke of 
 Parma, the duke of Savoy, and Dom Antonio, grand prior of Crete, 
 were all descended from Dom Emanuel, father of the cardinal king, but 
 in different degrees: there were only the dutchess of Braganza, and the 
 king of Spain in the same degree, and nearest the crown. Catherine 
 was daughter to the Infant Edward, and Philip was son to the empress 
 Elizabeth, both children to Dom Emanue'. The grand prior was only 
 natural son to the infant Dom Lewis, second son of Dom Emanuel, but 
 his party gave out, there was a secret marriage between that prince and 
 
 * Portugal rcstanrado de Menezes Caet. Paisarcl. Lusitania reparatade Macr- 
 do, Mcrcure Francois de Renandot Siry, ft Recuil de relations extraordinaire*.
 
 iv The Introduction. 
 
 his mother. Catherine de Medicis, queen of France, sent a deputation 
 to the states, to represent her title as descended from Alphonso III. 
 king of Portugal, and Maud countess of Bolonia. The pope too put in, 
 and drew an advantage from king Henry's dying a cardinal ; but all 
 these pretensions were little considered. All were agreed, and the most 
 able lawyers had determined, that the apparent right was in the dutchess 
 of Braganza, not only because the laws of the kingdom exclude fo- 
 reigners from succeeding to the crown ; but likewise by the right of li- 
 neal descent, as daugther of the infant Edward, whose title could not be 
 disputed by the empress Elizabeth his sister, mother to the king of Spain, 
 And doubtless, this dutchess would have been acknowledged as queen 
 of Portugal, had she had the power necessary to assert her rightful 
 pretensions,
 
 THE 
 
 HISTORY OF PORTUGAL, 
 
 rSOM THE REVOLUTION IN THE YEAR lG40 TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 TFIE Spaniards had been near* threescore years in possession of tli^ 
 crown of Portugal. Philip the second, king of Spain, after the death 
 of Henry cardinal-king, had forced it from the house of Braganza, by 
 the help of a formidable army, the best argument to support a bad title. 
 This kingdom was by degrees becom^'a province of Spain, and the Por- 
 tuguese seemed for ever to despair of shaking off their chains. The 
 great men did not dare to appear in a splendor suitable to their rank, or 
 demand a due respect, for fear of raising jealousies in the Spanish minis- 
 ters, at a time when the consideration of a man's wealth, family, or merit, 
 were enough to render him suspected, and expose him to ill usage. The 
 gentry were banished to their country seats, and the people oppn 
 with excessive taxes. 
 
 It was a maxim with the Conde Duke d' Olivarez, first minister to 
 Philip the fourth, king of Spain, that new conquests ought to be ex- 
 hausted. He knew very well the ancient and natural antipathy of these 
 neighbouring nations must render the Spanish government hateful to the 
 Portuguese ; and that nation could never tamely see all places in the state 
 filled with strangers, or fellows of mean extraction, whose only merit was 
 their entire devotion to the court. For this reason he thought the best 
 way to establish his master's power, was, to exclude the nobility and gentry 
 from all employs and public trust, and by insensibly impoverishing the 
 people, to leave them incapable of attempting any alteration in the state. 
 Besides this, he judged it necessary to drain the kingdom of the flower 
 of their youth, and the best who could bear arms, and to employ them in 
 foreign wars, to prevent such dangerous people from disturbing the re- 
 pose of the government. 
 
 This conduct, which possibly might have succeeded, if it had been 
 carried to a certain pitch ; being strained too high, had a quite contrary 
 effect, which proceeded partly from the distress in which the court was 
 at that time, and partly from the temper then of the first minister, natu- 
 rally stiff and inflexible. They began now to disregard nil me: 
 with Portugal, disdaining to use the ordinary pretences for raising money 
 on a people. In short, they seemed more to exact a contribution in an 
 enemy's country, than a just imposition on subjects. The Portu- 
 having nothing more to lose, and despairing to see an end or mitigation 
 of their misery, as long as they continued in their present condition, be- 
 
 * Since the year 1581.
 
 TflE HISTORY OF rORTT T GAL. 
 
 gaii now to think of freeing themselves from the severity of their cruel 
 masters, which they had ever esteemed usurpers, and intolerable tyrants. - 
 
 Margaret, duchess of Mantua, governed Portugal at that time in qua- 
 lity of vice-queen ; but this was but a glittering title which the court has 
 given to a very limited power. The secret councils, and the great ma- 
 nagement of affairs, were entrusted in the hands of Moguel Vasconcellos, 
 a Portuguese, who had the character of secretary of state to the vice- 
 queen, but was indeed an absolute and independent minister. 
 
 This man received his orders from the Conde duke, whose creature he 
 •was, with whom he had ingratiated, and made himself necessary by asin- 
 gular art he had of drawing perpetually considerable sums out of Portu- 
 gal ; and an intriguing wit, which enabled him to accomplish his private 
 designs. lie had the art of raising feuds and animosities among the great 
 men of the kingdom, which he would craftily foment by his favour, and 
 affected distinctions, by which he was sure to please and engage those who 
 received them, and to create spite and envy in the rest. While these 
 divisions continued, he concluded all was safe, persuading himself the 
 contending parties would be wholly employed in satisfying their resent- 
 ments, and not have leisure to attempt any thing against the settled 
 government. 
 
 There was no man in Portugal besides the duke of Braganza, who 
 could give the Spaniards the least disquiet. This prince was of a mild 
 and" sweet temper, a lover of ease ; more a man of good sense, than quick- 
 ness of wit. . In business he went to the main point ; and easily made 
 himself master of what he applied himself to, but seldom cared for appli- 
 cation. Duke Theodosius his father, a hot and violent man, had laboured 
 to infuse into him an hereditary hate to the Spaniards, whom he looked 
 on as usurpers of a crown which belonged to his family, and used all pos- 
 sible means to till his breast with the ambition of regaining his right, and 
 all the heat and courage which is necessary for so great and hazardous 
 an enterprize. 
 
 Dom John had indeed imbibed the sentiments of his father, not to so 
 high a degree, but in such a manner as suited his calm and moderate 
 temper. He hated the Spaniards, but not so as to be in pain to revenge 
 the injury. He had ambition, and did not despair of re-ascending the 
 throne of his ancestors ; but in this he did not shew so much impatience 
 as duke Theodosius had done ; he contented himself with a distant pros- 
 pect of a crown, without hazarding the repose of his life, and a certain 
 fortune, which was already the greatest that could consist with the con- 
 dition of a subject. 
 
 In short, it is most certain, if he had been precisely what duke Theo- 
 dosius wished him, he had been less fit to obtain what he designed him 
 for. The Conde duke observed him with so strict an eye, that if his 
 manner of living had not been entirely the effect of his natural inclina- 
 tion, that vigilant minister would have soon descryed it; and this must 
 have been fatal to his ease and fortune. The court of Spain would never
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 have entrusted him with so large a power, or suffered him to lead an un- 
 molested life in the heart of his country. 
 
 The most refined politics could never have taught so wise a conduct 
 towards the Spaniards, as the bent of his genius, his birth, his fortunes, 
 his title to the crown ; but by the laws of politics it is ever a crime 
 to be formidable. This he knew well enough*, and saw plainly there was 
 but one way for him to take : and this his inclination, as well as reason. 
 led him to. There was but one way to lessen his offence, and that was 
 to render himself less feared. To this end he concerned himself in no 
 manner of business, and seemed wholly bent on his diversion and plea- 
 sure. He acted very well this part ; and at Villavveiosu, the ordinary 
 residence of the dukes of Braganza, there was nothing but hunting- 
 matches, entertainments; and all those about hiimwere a sort of people 
 proper to make the pleasures of a delicious country relish. In short, 
 nature and fortune seemed to conspire ; one to give him all the qualities 
 proper for the present state of affairs; and the other to dispose the state of 
 affairs to display his natural qualities. 
 
 These did not shine enough to give the Spaniards grounds to fear he 
 would attempt to make himself king ; but they appeared solid enough 
 for the Portuguese to hope for a mild and easy government of themselves, 
 should they re-place him on the throne of his ancestors. 
 
 His conduct did not give the least jealousy, till a certain accident 
 alarmed the first minister. 
 
 The people of Evora being oppressed with new taxes, and reduced to 
 despair, rose ; and, in the heat of the tumult, some of their leaders be- 
 gan to exclaim against the Spanish tyranny, and declared publicly for 
 the house of Braganza. This accideut made the court sensible how 
 much they had mistaken their interest, in leaving so rich and potent * 
 family, whose rights to the crown were so clear* in the midst of a con- 
 quered country. 
 
 For this consideration the council of Spain resolved to secure the duke 
 of Braganza, or at least to send him out of Portugal. In the first plaice 
 they offered him the government of Milan ; which he refused, pretending 
 his frequent indisposition ; that he had not a sufficient knowledge of 
 the affairs of Italy to acquit himself in a post of so much difficulty 
 and weight. 
 
 , The minister seemed to approve his reasons, but looked out for some 
 other means to bring him into court. The king's marching to suppress 
 the revolt in Catalonia-, was the matter which afforded the next pretence. 
 Upon this occasion he writes to him to come at the head of the nobility 
 of his country, to join the troops of Castile in so glorious an expedition, 
 where the king commanded in person. But the duke, who had a just 
 suspicion of whatever came from court, soon discovered this artifice, and 
 excused himself from this attendance ; pretending, that his birth ami 
 quality obliged him to an extraordinary expencc, and his fortunes weir 
 not in a condition to support it.
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 France and Spain were at that time engaged in a war, and the French 
 fleet had been cut oft' the coast of Portugal ; and this occasion gave that 
 minister a fair colour to cover his design. It was necessary to appoint 
 some general to command the forces which were designed for the de- 
 fence of the coasts, and preventing the French from making a descent. 
 He sent the duke, therefore, a commission for this purpose, which was so 
 rilled with compliments, and intrusted him with so unlimited a power to 
 encrease or make alteration in all garrisons, and dispose of vessels in the 
 ports at his discretion, that by so absolute a confidence he seemed to de- 
 liver the whole kingdom into his hands. But this fair appearance only 
 concealed the snare ; and at the same time he sent secret orders to Dom 
 Lopez Ozono, who commanded the Spanish fleet, to put into one of the 
 ports, near where the duke should happen to be, upon pretence of being 
 driven in by stress of weather, and then to invite him. to some entertain- 
 ment, and when he was aboard to bring him into Spaiu. But fate or- 
 dered matlers quite otherwise; and the Spanish admiral being surprised 
 with a tempest, lost several of his ships ; and the rest were so dispersed, 
 that he could not land with them in Portugal. 
 
 The ill success of this project did not dismay the Conde duke ; he im- 
 puted the duke of Bragauza's escape wholly to chance and fortune, con- 
 cluding, that all things must necessarily have answered his desires, if 
 Dom Lopez had arrived in the ports of that kingdom according to his 
 instructions. And, therefore, he invents a new trick, and writes to that 
 prince in the most obliging manner he could imagine, filling his letter 
 with the highest expressions of confidence, as if he had been a partner 
 with himself in thcministry and government. In this letter he complains 
 of the misfortune of the fleet', aud how sensible he was of the loss they 
 had sustained, at a time when the enemies were so formidable at sea ; 
 that being unhappily deprived of the naval strength, which should have 
 guarded their coasts, the king wished he would take an exact review of 
 all the forts and harbours of that kingdom, which might be exposed to 
 the insults of the French. And with this he sent an order for forty 
 thousand ducats for the defraying his expences, and raising more forces 
 in case it should be needful. 
 
 At the same time the governors of the citadels, most of whom were 
 Spaniards, had secret orders sent to secure his person, when a favourable 
 occasion should present, and send him into Spain. 
 
 The duke of Bragauza reflecting on these high marks of confidence; 
 and how litlle agreeable this was to the usual conduct of that minister, 
 began to suspect the sincerity of his iutentions, which, in the end, caused 
 the author to fall into that snare which he laid for another. The prince, 
 therefore, writes back to assure him, that he accepted with abundance of. 
 joy the command which the king had given him; that he hoped by his 
 application, and zeal for his service, he should justify his choice, and shew 
 himself worthy of the favour he had so graciously conferred on him. 
 
 And now having a nearer prospect than before of re-mounting the 
 throne of his ancestor**, he made use of all the power he was invested with
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 9 
 
 ■ •r — ■ ■ -■ ~ : — - - 
 
 to put liis friends into all posts and employs where they might one day 
 be useful to him. He expended the Spanish monies in making new 
 creatures; and when lie visited the forts, it was always with great attend- 
 ance, which made them despair of seizing his person. 
 
 The whole court of Spain began to murmur that a trust of so high a 
 nature should be lodged 111 him, the king only being privy to the reasons 
 of this conduct. Every one began to rail at the conde duke, as allied to 
 thehou^- of lJragan^a, urging, that it was 1 he last imprudence to make a 
 a person general of the forces in Portugal, who had so great pretensions 
 to the crown of that kingdom ; that this was in elfect to put him in a 
 condition to assert his title, and turn his arms against his lawful sove- 
 reign. This served only to confirm the king in his resolution, who ap- 
 proved the design better when he found the people did not discern the 
 secret of it. in the mean time the duke of Braganza, by virtue of his 
 new employment, traversed all parts of Portugal ; in which progress he 
 laid the foundations of his restoration. His equipage was magnificent, 
 and drew the eyes of the people wherever he came. He heard all who 
 < ;:me to him with great mildness and sweetness of temper. He kept the 
 soldiers from committing the least disorder ; frequently extolled the offi- 
 cers, winning them by all the recompences which were in his power to 
 bestow. His free deportment charmed the nobility ; all of whom he re- 
 ceived with obliging distinctions, according tq their merit and quality : 
 In short, he dispensed his favours wherever he came, and won more by 
 hopes of future benefits than present ; and all who were about him began 
 to esteem it the greatest happiness which could bet'al them, that so noble a 
 prince should be restored to the throne. 
 
 The party who adhered to his interest, omitted nothing which might 
 conduce to establish his reputation. Among these, none laboured more 
 effectually than Pinto Ribeuro, comptroller of his household, to set all 
 machines on work, and form a scheme for the advancement of his master. 
 This man had all the qualities proper for a business of this nature : He 
 was active, vigilant, had great experience in business, and a violent 
 passion for the restoration of the duke ; doubtless Haltering himself with 
 the hopes of having a large share in the ministry, whenever he should 
 bring this to pass. The prince had in private assured him, that he would 
 lay hold of any fair occasion to place himself in the throne, but was re- 
 solved not to hazard this at all adventures, as a man who had nothing to 
 lose ; that he might manage the people, and gain as many creatures as h<« 
 could, provided himself did not appear to have any share in what he did. 
 
 Pinto had for a long time laboured with great industry to observe who 
 were disaffected, and to encrease the number, For this purpose he pri- 
 vately raued murmurs against the present government ; sometimes railing 
 against the government with a great deal of warmth, at other times with 
 more reserve, according to the character or humour of tin? persons he wus 
 with. He would frequently remind people of quality of the honourable 
 posts their families had formerly enjoyed when Portugal was governed bv 
 its natural princes, But nothing exasperated the nobility more, than 
 
 B
 
 10 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 the summons which the king had sent them to attend him into Catalonia. 
 Pinto inveighed against this expedition, representing it as a sort of ba- 
 nishment; urging, that they must not hope to return without great dif- 
 iiculties ; that, besides a vast expenee, they must endure the hateful inso- 
 lence of the Spaniards; that the court of Spain had a private interest to 
 destroy the bravest men, or expose them in all places where there was 
 most danger, and least glory to be obtained. 
 
 If he happened to be among citizens or merchants, he exclaimed against 
 the injustice of the Spaniards, who had ruined Lisbon and the whole 
 country of Portugal, by transferring the trade of the Indies to Cadiz ; 
 he entertained them with nothing else but discourses of the extreme mi' 
 very they were reduced to by so tyrannical a government : extolling the 
 Hollanders and Catalonians, who had nobly delivered themselves. In the 
 last place, he suggested to the clergy how they had violated the privileges 
 and immunities of the church : that the most considerable dignities and 
 benefices, which ought to be a recompence to the merit and capacity of 
 the Portuguese, were become a prey to foreigners. 
 
 In company of those whom he knew to be disaffected, lie would ever 
 turn his discourse to his master's humour and manner of living. Here 
 lie would complain of that idle life in which he seemed to be buried, ex- 
 pressing his great regret, that the only person who was able to remedy 
 their grievances, should shew so little affection to his country, or concern 
 for his honour; and observing these discourses to make an impression on 
 them, he pushed matters so far, as to flatter some with the glorious title 
 of the asserters of the liberty of their country, raising their indignation 
 at the ill treatment of the Spaniard, and to give others hopes of advancing 
 their fortunes by a revolution. 
 
 In short, he managed the temper of the people with so great skill, that 
 being well assured of divers privately, he procured a meeting of the nobi- 
 lity, with the archbishop of Lisbon at their head. 
 
 This prelate was descended of one of the best houses (D' Acugna) in 
 that kingdom ; was a man of learning, an able statesman, and beloved by 
 the people, but hated by the Spaniards, whom he hated no less, because 
 they had preferred the archbishop of Braga, (Dom Sebastian de Mattos 
 de Noroguia), a creature of the vice-queen, whom they had made presi- 
 dent of the chamber of Opaco, and given a share in the administration 
 of affairs. 
 
 Dom Miguel d' Almeida was one of the most considerable members of 
 this company. This was a venerable old gentleman, who had gained a 
 mighty esteem by his worth. He placed his glory in preferring the inte- 
 rest of his country to his fortunes, and could not without indignation see 
 it enslaved by usurpers. He persisted in this sense his whole life with 
 great bravery and resolution, and neither the advice of his friends, or the 
 intreaties of his relations could ever induce him to go to the palace, nor 
 make his court to the Spanish ministeis. The steadiness of his conduct 
 had created some jealousy of him, and determined Pinto to pitch on him 
 to make his declaration to, being well assured he should not hazard any
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. n 
 
 thin» in making u confidence with a man of such a character, and cm.- 
 who was able to bring so great a number of the nobility over to bis party. 
 Dom Antonio d' Almada, an intimate friend to the archbishop w.i-> 
 there, and Dom Lewis his son ; Dom Lewis d' Acugna, nephew to that 
 prelate, and married to the daughter of Dom Antonio d' Almada, the 
 master of the horse ; Mello, Dom George's brother ; Pedro Mendoza, 
 Dom Rodrigo de Saa, high chamberlain, and divers officers of the royal 
 family, whose places were become empty titles, since Portugal had lost 
 her natural kings. 
 
 At this meeting the archbishop, who was naturally eloquent, displayed 
 the calamitous state of that kingdom ; he represented to them, how Philip 
 the second, to secure his conquest, had destroyed an infinite number of 
 the nobility : that he had not spared the church, witness the famous brief 
 of absolution (Conestagio) which he had obtained of the pope for the 
 massacre of two thousand priests and religious persons, whom he had put 
 to death to secure his usurpation : That since those dismal times, the Spa- 
 niards had not changed their measures: That they had taken oil' a great 
 many worthy persons for no other crime, than their love to their country : 
 That no man present had his life or estate secure to him : That the great 
 men were excluded from the government, destitute of employ, and neg- 
 lected : That the church had been filled with a scandalous clergy, since 
 Vasconcellos had bestowed benefices as rewards on Lis creatures : That 
 the people were oppressed with taxes; the country wanted hands to till 
 it, and the cities were desolate, being exhausted by those forces which 
 were sent into Catalonia: That these orders to summon the nobility un- 
 der a pretence of attending the king, were the last shift the minister could 
 use to take oft* the remains of those gentlemen whom lie conceived might 
 be an obstacle to his pernicious designs : That the least misfortune which 
 could befal them, must be a tedious bauUhment, and they must mm 
 away their lives in the heart of Castile, while new colonies were possessed 
 of their estates at home : That for his part, in this deplorable state of 
 things, he bhould cliuse to die, rather than see the entire ruin and de- 
 struction of his country, if he had not some hopes that so many worth} 
 persons were not met together to no purpose. 
 
 This speech revived in the company the uneasy memory of tho^e griev- 
 ances they had so long laboured under. Every one was earnest to give 
 some instances of the cruelties of Vasconcellos; some had lost their 
 estates by his injustice, others had been turned out of their hereditary 
 places and governments to make room for his creatures ; divers of them 
 had for a long time groaned in prison to satisfy the jealousy of the Spa- 
 nish ministers; some were concerned for the loss of their father*, bro- 
 thers, friends detained at Madrid, or sent into Catalonia as hostages for 
 ihe fidelity of their countrymen. In short, there was no one in this pub- 
 lic cause who had not some private injury to revenge. The expedition 
 into Catalonia incensed them, and raised their indignation to the Ust de- 
 gree. They saw plainly this did not proceed from any necessity, which 
 constrained the Spaniards to make u-;e of their Quittance but a design
 
 12 THK HISTORY OF PORTUGAL". 
 
 _, . _- , . . i. • i i .1 ■■■' . . » ■ , 
 
 of that court to ruin them by so long a march. These considerations, 
 joined with the hopes of revenging so many affronts as they had received, 
 determined them, and made them resolve to take all proper measures to 
 throw off a yoke which they found too heavy to bear ; and being deprived 
 of all hopes of mitigating their unhappy condition, they reproached their 
 patience as a baseness and meanness of spirit, and unanimously agreed 
 there was a necessity of driving out the Spaniard, but were divided what 
 form of government they ought to prefer. 
 
 One part of the company were for a republic, like that of Holland; 
 another part were inclined to have a king ; and of this number some pro- 
 posed the duke of Braganza, others the marquis de Yillareal, and others 
 the duke d' Aveiro, all three princes of the royal blood of Portugal, each 
 delivering his mind as his fancy or interest led him. But the archbishop, 
 who was devoted to the house of Braganza, dextrously using the autho- 
 rity of his character, made a remonstrance, not without some vehemence ; 
 alledging, that the choice of government was not arbitrary: That they 
 could not in conscience break that oath of fidelity which they had taken 
 to Spain, except it were to do justice to the rightful heir of that crown, 
 which all the world knew was the duke of Braganza ; and, therefore, they 
 must resolve to acknowledge him as their king, or forever remain under 
 the dominion of Spain. In the next place he desired them to reflect on 
 the power, the great wealth, and the vast number of vassals of that prince, 
 on whom one third of that kingdom depended ; urging, they could never 
 hope to drive out the Spaniards, unless they had him at their head ; and 
 that to engage him in an affair of this nature, they must offer him the 
 crown, whose right was indubitable, as being the first prince of the 
 blood. From thence he passed to his good qualities, extolling his pru- 
 dence, wisdom, and especially the sweetness of his temper, and his obli- 
 ging behaviour. In short, he gave so happy a turn to this matter, that 
 they all declared for him as their king, and agreed, that nothing should be 
 wanting that could engage him in this design. Thus the company broke 
 up, having first agreed on the time and place where they should meet 
 again, to consider of the best means to bring the matter to a speedy and 
 successful issue. 
 
 Pinto seeing them thus disposed in favour of his master, writ privately 
 to him to come into the neighbourhood of Lisbon, for the encouraging 
 the conspirators by his presence, and taking precise measures with them 
 for the execution of that design. This crafty man put in motion all the 
 wheels in that affair, without appearing to be any farther concerned than 
 a private person, acted by a zeal for the public service. He seemed to 
 doubt whether his master would enter into it, upon the account of his na- 
 tural aversion to all hazardous undertakings, which require application 
 and attendance. He started some difficulties, which served only to re- 
 move all suspicion of any understanding between him and his master; 
 and yet were such as tended rather to excite their ardour, than discou- 
 rage them.
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. l» 
 
 Upon the advice which Pinto gave, the duke some days after left Yilla- 
 viciosa, and came to Almada, a castle near Lisbon, under colour of visit- 
 ing the forts of that kingdom. His equipage was very magnificent, and 
 he had a vast train, composed of men of quality, and officers of the army ; 
 which more resembled a king tubing possession of his kingdom, than of 
 a governor of a province visiting the places under his care and inspection. 
 Being near Li»bon, he could not dispense with paying his duty to the 
 vice-queen. When he entered the great court of the palace, all the ave* 
 nues were filled with an infinite number of people, who crowded to see 
 him pass along, and most of the nobility came to his house to wait on him. 
 It was a general holy-day throughout the town, and all people were over- 
 joyed to see him ; there seemed only to want a herald to proclaim him 
 king, or resolution enough in himself to put the crown on his head. 
 
 But this prince was too wise, and had too much experience to trust stf 
 important a concern to the sallies of a fickle and inconstant multitude ; 
 he very well understood the vast difference between those vain shouts 
 which the people soon quit, and those steady motions which are neces- 
 sary to support an enterprise of that nature. Thus after he had taken 
 his leave of the vice-queen, he retired to Almada, without going to Bra- 
 ganza-house, or passing through the city, to prevent making the Spani- 
 ards uneasy, who were already too much alarmed at the transports of 
 the people. 
 
 Pinto did not fail to observe to his friends the fear and caution which 
 his master used ; urging, that they ought to improve the opportunity of 
 his stay at Almada, to break the matter to him, and to use some sort of 
 violence to engage hirn to accept of the crown, which was at tlu8 time ab- 
 solutely necessary for the public good. The conspirators approving this 
 advice, appointed him to obtain of his master some favourable occasion 
 for making this proposition: he accepted this commission without much 
 difficulty, and the Duke of Braganza agreed to an interview, on condi- 
 tion that only three of the conspirators should meet him, not judging it 
 proper to explain himself to more. 
 
 So Miguel d'Almeida, Antonio d'Almada, and Mendoza, came to him 
 that night; and being introduced privately into his closet, d'Almada, 
 who spoke for the rest, made a lively representation of the unhappy state 
 of that kingdom, where persons of all conditions were exposed to the in- 
 justice and cruelty of the Castiltiaus; Adding, that himself, with all his 
 greatness, was not seeure from their attempts: that he was too discern- 
 ing a person not to observe tlie industry which the prime miuister used 
 to destroy him : that there was no other refuge to escape his ill dei 
 except the throne : that in order to put him into that, he kad commission 
 to ofier him the services of a considerable number of persons of rank, 
 who would sacrifice their lives and fortunes with pleasure for his i 
 rests, and to deliver their country from its insnlmt masters. 
 
 In the next place he told him, the time of Charles the fifth and Philip 
 the second was past, when the Spaniards were tl: I I'urope, 
 
 and gave laws to their neighbours : that thi« monarchy which had for-
 
 14 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 nierly conceived such vast designs, could now scarce preserve her ancient, 
 territory, was attacked, and often beat by the French and Hollanders : 
 that Catalonia alone employed her utmost strength : that she was desti- 
 tute of troops and money, and governed by a weak prince, who himself 
 was governed by a minister hateful to the kingdom. He wished him to 
 consider the alliance and protection which he might expect from those 
 princes in Europe who were eternal enemies to the house of Austria : 
 that Holland and Catalonia shewed what assistance he might expect 
 from a great minister (Cardinal Richelieu), whose mighty genius seemed 
 bent to ruin that house : that the sea opened a way for receiving all ne- 
 cessary supplies. In short, that the kingdom being emptied of the Cas- 
 tillian garrisons, which the king had been forced to draw out of Portugal, 
 to increase his army in Catalonia, he could never hope for a more favour- 
 able juncture to assert his right, and free his country from tyranny and 
 slaver}'. 
 
 It may easily be thought this discourse was very well relished by the 
 duke of Braganza ; but he with that coldness, which was natural to him, 
 so ordered the expressions of his reply to the deputies, that he seemed 
 neither to lessen or encrease their hopes. 
 
 He told them, that he was of their opinion : That the Spaniards had 
 reduced the kingdom to a deplorable state : That himself was not exempt 
 from danger ; Tir-.t he could never enough commend their zeal for their 
 country ; and that he was in particular very much obliged to them for 
 the favourable regard they had for his interest : but after all, he doubted 
 if the time was yet come, to think of such violent remedies as they pro- 
 posed, which always had very bad consequences, if the event did not iall 
 out as was projected. 
 
 To this answer (for a more positive one he would not give) he added so 
 many caresses and obliging thanks to each man in particular, that they 
 went away satisfied that their message was well received ; but that they 
 must expect the prince would make no more advances in the matter, than 
 by giving his consent when things should be in a condition to put the 
 success out of doubt. 
 
 After the deputies were gone, he agreed with Pinto what new measures 
 were best to be taken, and so went back to Villa-viciosa; and now he be- 
 gan to feel a disquiet of mind, which hindered him from relishing the* 
 pleasures of a private life. - 
 
 As soon as he was returned, he communicated to the duchess, his wife, 
 the propositions which had been made to him. This princess was of 
 Spanish extraction, and sister to the duke of Medina Sidonia, a grandee 
 of Spain, and a governor of Andalusia. She had by nature a strong in- 
 clination to whatever was great and noble, which in time was grown up to 
 a boundless passion for glory. The old duke finding mighty things were 
 to be expected from her wit and courage, had taken care to improve the 
 gifts of nature by a suitable education. He placed about her the fitest 
 persons to inspire ambition into her breast, which the world regards as 
 something noble, and the chief virtue of a prince. She learned several
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. is 
 
 tongues with a great deal of ease, but nothing could come near that 
 wondrous sweetness with which she expressed herself in her natural lan- 
 guage. In the sound of her voice, and in every word she spoke, was u 
 cecret charm, which ravished all who heard her. Her air was noble, 
 great, and free, full of majestic sweetness, which at the same time in- 
 spired love and respect into those who were about her. 
 
 She took the Portuguese air with so much ease, she seemed bom at 
 Lisbon. In the first place, she was careful to win the esteem of her hus- 
 band, which she perfectly well did by the austerity of her life, by a solid 
 devotion, and a perfect compliance to his relish. She waved those plea- 
 sures which are the ordinary amusement of persons of her quality and 
 age, and seemed to employ her leisure hours in those things which might 
 embellish her mind, or improve her judgment. 
 
 The duke of Braganza was transported with the happiness of enjoying 
 so finished a woman : lie had an infinite esteem lor her, and an entire 
 confidence in her : He never undertook any thing without consulting 
 with her, and therefore had a care not to engage in an affair of this kind 
 without her advice and opinion. 
 
 He discovered to her the plan of the conspiracy, the names of the 
 persons privy to it, their zeal and warmth, and every particular thaf had 
 passed at Lisbon, and the conference at Almada. He added, that on the 
 news of the expedition into Catalonia, he plainly saw that the nobility 
 would revolt, rather than be compelled to leave their country: That, it 
 was to be feared, upon his refusal, they would look out for another head : 
 That notwithstanding, he could not forbear confessing, that the danger 
 of the enterprise startled him : That as often as he had thought of this 
 design at a distance, the flattering idea of greatness had made an agree- 
 able impression on hi* mind ; but now he was upon the point of putting 
 this in execution, and running all the risks of so hazardous an underta- 
 king, he could not look without dread on the danger which he and his 
 whole family were about to throw themselves into. That the fickle humour 
 of the multitude was not much to be relied on, the edge of whose cou- 
 rage is taken off by the least difficulty, and they easily disperse by every 
 blast of wind. That it was not sufficient for him to have the nobility on 
 his side, unless they were supported by the great men of the kingdom, 
 but very far from hoping they would come over to his interest. He could 
 not but foresee they would be the most cruel of his enemies ; the natural 
 pride of mankind never suffering them to make a master of one who has 
 once been their equal. 
 
 These considerations, with several others; as the power of Spain, the 
 small assurance of foreign assistance, balanced his passion for govern* 
 ment. But the duchess, who had a greater firmness of mind, and a more 
 lively ambition, closed wholly with the conspiracy. The view of so great 
 an undertaking, served only to excite her courage, and rouse up her ar- 
 dent thirst after greatness. She represented to her husband with a great 
 deal of vehemence, the undoubted rights which he had to the cr. 
 That in the deplorable state to which the Castilliaus had reduced Portu-
 
 16 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 ■ - ■ — ' ' . ... 
 
 gal, a man of his rank and quality could not dispense with remaining any 
 longer indifferent: That his children and posterity would reproach his 
 memory with a pusillanimity beneath his blood, it' he should lose so fa- 
 vourable an opportunity. After this she exaggerated to that prince the 
 sweetness of reigning in a country where he could not obey without fear; 
 the charms of a crown, and the facility of seizing it: That in case he 
 should miss of that foreign aid which had been offered to him, he was 
 potent enough to expel the Spaniards, especially at this juncture, when 
 there was a revolt in Catalonia. In fine, she so skilfully shewed him the 
 crown on its most glittering side, that she determined him. But in this 
 she agreed with him, to let the number of the conspirators encrease, be- 
 fore he declared himself more positively, and not to appear publicly in 
 this matter till the moment of its execution. 
 
 All this while the court was not without some disquiet. The extraor- 
 dinary marks of joy which the people of Lisbon had shewn on the duke 
 of Braganza's appearing amongst them, had made a great impression on 
 the minister. He began to suspect private clubs were held in that city ; 
 and some rumours, which commonly precede great events, exceedingly 
 encreased his uneasiness. 
 
 The king held several councils on this occasion; in which it was re- 
 solved, that for the effectual defeating the Portuguese hopes of a revolt, 
 the duke of Braganza, the only person whom they had occasion to fear, 
 should forthwith be sent for to Madrid. For this purpose the conde 
 duke sent a courtier to him, with this message ; that the king had a mind 
 to be informed from himself, and confer with him concerning the state of 
 the troops and garrisons in Portugal: That he was mightily wished for 
 at court by his friends ; and that he could not doubt he should be re- 
 ceived in a manner suitable to his birth and merit. 
 
 No clap of thunder could have surprised him more than this news. The 
 earnestness and different pretences they made use of to draw him out of 
 Portugal, confirmed his suspicion that they had a design on his person, 
 and were resolved to take him off. They had left pretended employs and 
 false caresses, and were now come to positive orders, which would soon 
 be followed by force and violence in case of disobedience. This put him 
 into a panic fear, imagining he was betrayed ; the usual fate of those who 
 have great projects in their head, who still believe the world u busy in 
 observing their steps, and guesses at the secret of them. Thus did that 
 diffident prinee perplex himself, thinking he was now plunged in an 
 ocean of trouble. 
 
 However, to gain time, and have leisure to give the conspirators notice 
 of his danger, by the advice of his wife, he sent a gentleman of his house, 
 a person of great address and fidelity, to Madrid, to assure the minister 
 he would suddenly attend the king. To this man he gave secret instruc- 
 tions, to invent from time to time different pretences to excuse his delay, 
 hoping to prevent the storm by bringing the conspiracy to ripeness. As 
 soon as this gentleman was at Madrid, he assured the king and first mi- 
 nister, that his master followed him. He took a great house, which lie
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 17 
 
 furnished very richly, autl retained a great number of servants, giving 
 them liveries by way of advance, laying out very considerable sums of 
 money every day. In short, he omitted nothing to make them believe 
 the prince would come immediately, and appear at court in all the splen- 
 dor becoming a person of Ins rank. 
 
 Some few days after, he feigned to have received advice, that he was 
 very ill. At last, finding this would not hold longer, he presented a me- 
 morial to the first minister, praying in the name of the duke his master, 
 the king would assign his precedence in the court. 
 
 He thought this would take up some time to adjust, and meet with 
 opposition from the great men, who would intervene to maintain their 
 rights: But the minister, who began to suspect these delays, soon re- 
 moved all difficulties, and engaged the king to declare in his favour, in 
 every point for his honour; so desirous he was to draw him out of Por- 
 tugal, and see him at Madrid. 
 
 The conspirators no sooner understood the orders which the duke had 
 received from court, than fearing he should obey them they sent Mendoza 
 to confirm him and engage him more strictly to their party. They made 
 choice of this gentleman, because being governor of a place near Villa- 
 viciosa, the pretence of going to his government covered the secret inten- 
 tion of this journey from the Spaniards. He took an opportunity of 
 meeting that prince a hunting j they struck into a wood, and stopping 
 in a private place, Meudoza laid before him the danger which he exposed 
 himself to by going to court: That he would absolutely ruin the hopes 
 of the nobility and people by putting himself with too rash a confidence 
 into the hands of his enemies : That there were a great number of well- 
 qualified gentlemen who were resolved to sacrifice their lives and fortunes 
 for his service : That they only expected notice from hi in when they 
 should appear: That the critical minute was now come when he must 
 chuse either to die or wear a crown : That it was hazardous to make any 
 further delays ; and he must not doubt an affair of so great importance, 
 which was entrusted in so many hands, must needs at length come to the 
 knowledge of the Spaniards. The duke replied, that he was of his mind, 
 that he might assure his friends that he was resolved to put himself at 
 their head. 
 
 Mendoza returned post to Lisbon, acquainted his friends with the suc- 
 cess of his voyage ; and that toe prince desired Pinto might come to him: 
 Him they sent away instantly with necessary instructions to inform the 
 duke of the scheme and ways by which they intended to put their pro- 
 ject in execution. When Pinto came, he acquainted him in what con- 
 fusion the court at Lisbon was ; the vice-queen made high complaints 
 of the insolence and pride of Yasconeellos ; that she could no longer en- 
 dure that all the dispatches from Spain should be addressed to him, while 
 site being invested with a glittering title, had no real authority. This 
 complaint was the more to be regarded, because that princess was a per- 
 son of great merit, and every way capable of discharging the extent of her 
 trust ; but iudeed the greatness of her genius, and her other good qua- 
 
 c
 
 13 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 lities, were the principal reason why she had so inconsiderable a share in 
 the government allowed her. 
 
 Pinto observed to his master how this misunderstanding favoured his 
 designs, and that he could not lay hold of a fairer occaison than these di- 
 t visions at court, which would not give the Spanish ministers leave to ob- 
 serve the steps he should take. 
 
 The duke, who perceived the strength of his reasons, found himself 
 likewise pressed by that gentleman whom he sent to Madrid. He re- 
 ceived letters from him. every day, assuring him, that he could not find 
 new colours for his absence, or delude the minister, who would not any 
 longer hear his excuses. Thus seeing he had no time to lose, he resolved 
 to rise without delay. And uow to gain time for the disposing his affairs, 
 he commanded his agent to represent to the Conde duke d' Olivarez, that 
 he should have been at Madrid before that time, if he had had money 
 enough to bear the expences of his journey, and enable him to make a 
 figure suitable to his quality and character; and that as soon as he could 
 raise the necessary funds, he would instantly come away for the court. 
 
 When lie had sent the dispatch, he took Pinto with him into the du- 
 chess's apartment, to consider of the most proper means to put their de- 
 sign in execution. And after some debate, the duke resolved on this, 
 that it was necessary to secure Lisbon, which being the capital, was the 
 spring which moved the whole kingdom : That on the same day that 
 city should declare for him, he would cause himself to be proclaimed 
 king of Portugal, in all the cities of his dependance : That those of his 
 friends, who were governors of forts, should do the same in all places 
 where they commanded, and the conspirators should raise the people in 
 all the towns and villages which belonged to them ; that so this general 
 insurrection diffusing itself like a conflagration through every part of the 
 kingdom, the Spaniards might not know whither to bend their arms : 
 That he would fling his own regiment into the town of Elvas, the gover- 
 nor of which was at his devotion : That as for the manner of seizing Lis- 
 bon, he could not prescribe any thing, that action depending wholly on 
 the time, and other circumstances when they should attempt it : That, 
 however, he was of the opinion, they ought to make the first attacks on 
 the palace, and secure the person of the vice-queen, and the rest of the 
 Spaniards, who might serve as hostages for the surrender of the citadel, 
 which otherwise might very much incommode the town after they were 
 masters of it. 
 
 • He gave two letters of credence, one to d' Almeida, and the other to 
 Mendoza; in which he signified to them, that he had entrusted the 
 bearer with his intentions ; he only added, that he hoped they would be 
 faithful to the assurances they had given him, and act with courage and 
 vigour in the work they were about to undertake. After this, the duke 
 sent Pinto to Lisbon, having first given him the highest marks of confi- 
 dence, he should enjoy the same place in his affection, after a revolution, 
 that he now had. 
 
 As soon as he came to Lisbon, he delivered his letters to d' Almeida
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. ig 
 
 and Mendoza, who sent immediately to Le Mos and Coree, whom Pinto 
 had formerly brought over to his master's interest. These were two rich 
 citizens, who had a mighty authority with the people ; they had passed 
 through most of the offices of the city, and had a great number of work- 
 men who depended on them. These men had taken a great deal of pains 
 to foment and cherish in the minds of the townsmen an aversion to the 
 Spaniards, by rumours they daily spread of taxes intended to be raised 
 the beginning of the next year. They had discharged several of their 
 workmen, especially the most mutinous, pretending the badness of trade 
 would not sutler them to employ them, they could not keep them any 
 longer ; while their real intent wa9 by necessity and starving, to prepare 
 them for an insurrection. And the better to accomplish their ends, they 
 supplied these starving wretches from time to time, keepiug them at 
 their devotion. Besides this, these men held a private correspondence 
 with-the principal persons in all parts of the town ; By the help of which, 
 they assured the conspirators, that upon notice given the night before 
 the execution, they would engage to raise the people at any hour they 
 should assign. 
 
 Pinto being thus assured of the inferior people, began to look to the 
 other conspirators, whom he urged to be ready upon the first alarm, de- 
 siring they would secure their friends under pretence of some private 
 quarrel, without making them privy to the design in which they should 
 be employed. In this conduct he gave proof of an extraordinary pru- 
 dence, there being abundance of people who have courage and resolution, 
 when the sword is in their hands, who are not able in cold blood to bear 
 the weight of so important a secret. 
 
 Thus finding every one firm, undaunted, and impatient to be revenged 
 on the Spaniards, he conferred with d' Almeida, Mendoza d' Ahnada, 
 and Mello; who finding all things in such a condition as they wished, 
 agreed on Saturday (1st Dec. 1C40) the first of December for the ex«- 
 ecution. They gave notice to the duke of Braganza of this resolve, 
 that so he might cause himself to be proclaimed king in the province of 
 Alenteio, which almost entirely depended on him ; and agreed before the 
 company broke up, to have another meeting (25th of November) to take 
 the last measures for the action. 
 
 The 25th of November, at night, they met at Braganza-house, as they 
 had agreed. They found they could account on a huudred and fifty 
 gentlemen, the most part of which were the heads of their families, with 
 all their domestics, and about two hundred citizens and tradesmen ; and 
 they concluded by the interest of these they should bring the greatest 
 part of the people over to them. 
 
 The death of Vasconcellos was resolved on as a victim due to the re- 
 sentment of the Portuguese, and some proposed to treat the archbishop 
 of Braga after the same manner. They represented him as a man whose 
 great abilities rendered him formidable : That it was not to be thought 
 he could stand as an unconcerned spectator in this public confusion ; 
 That possibly he might put himself at the head of the Spaniards, and
 
 eo THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 their creatures; and whilst they were busy in making themselves masters 
 of the palace, he might throw himself into the citadel, or come to the as- 
 sistance of the vice-queen, to whom all the world knew he was devoted : 
 That in an affair of this nature it was a great imprudence to leave 
 enemies behind them : That such a conduct might possibly give them 
 occasion to repent severely of their ill-timed and mistaken pity. 
 
 These reasons drew the greatest part of the company to consent to his 
 death ; and this prelate had ' suffered the same fate as Vasconcellos, if 
 Dom Miguel d' Almeida had not taken his part. He remonstrated to 
 the conspirators, that the death of a man of his character, and in so high 
 a dignity, would render them odious to all the world : That such an ac- 
 tion would draw on the duke of Braganza the hatred of the clergy and 
 inquisition, a race of men formidable to the greatest princes, and add the 
 reproach of an excommunicated person to that of rebel and usurper: 
 That the prince himself would be deeply affected to see his accession to 
 the throne blemished by so bloody an action : that himself would have 
 an eye over him, and take effectual care to prevent his undertaking any 
 thing to -the prejudice of the public interest. In short he spoke so much 
 in his favour, that he obtained the life of that prelate, of his friends, who 
 could not refuse any thing to a man of his worth. 
 
 Nothing farther remained to be adjusted, but the order they should 
 inarch in, and the manner of making the firft attack. At last it was re- 
 solved to throw themselves in four different parties, into so many several 
 parts of the palace, and make themselves masters of the several avenues ; 
 to cut off all communication, and prevent the Spaniards from bringing 
 any assistance. That Dom Miguel d' Almeida should attack the Ger- 
 man guard before the palace-gates : that the great master of the horse, 
 Mello, his brother, and Dom Estean d' Acugnaat the head of the towns- 
 men, should surprize a Spanish company which kept guard every day 
 before the fort : that Feillo d' Menezes, Emanuel Saa, the great cham- 
 berlain, should make themselves master of Vasconcellos's apartment, 
 •whom they forthwith should dispatch : that Dom Antonio d' Almada, 
 Mendoza, Dom Carlos Norogna, and Antonio deSalsania, should secure 
 the person of the vice-queen, and all the Spaniards in the palace to serve 
 as hostages if there should be occasion : that whilst each one was busy in 
 making themselves masters of the posts assigned them, some few horse 
 should be detached away, who, with some principal citizens should pro- 
 claim Dom John duke of Braganza, king of Portugal : that when the 
 multitudewas drawn into the streets, they should throw themselves where 
 any opposition should happen to be made. Thus they broke up with a 
 resolution to meet on Saturday the first of December, some at Dom 
 Miguel d' Almeida's, and others at d' Almada's and Mendoza's houses, 
 where the conspirators were to arm themselves. 
 
 While the friends of the duke of Braganza were thus busy at Lisbon 
 in advancing his affairs, he himself was employed in securing the pro- 
 vinces ; the first minister alarmed by these delays, dispatched away a 
 courier, with express orders for hitn. to come immediately to court, and
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. si 
 
 to prevent his making any pretence of want of money, he sent with hira 
 an order for ten thousand ducats on the royal treasury. 
 
 This was plain and intelligible language. The duke could not defer 
 his journey without justly rendering himself suspected : he could not 
 with any colour of reason disppnse with obeying the king's message; 
 and had grounds to conclude, that all farther delays would soon bring 
 some unwelcome orders from Madrid, which would break all his mea- 
 sures, and ruin his enterprise. And therefore, to make an appearance of 
 complying with the king's pressing commands, he ordered the greatest 
 part of his household to set forward for Madrid. 
 
 He gave all necessary orders during his absence : he dispatched away 
 a gentleman at the same time to the vice-queen, to give her notice of his 
 departure. He writ to the first minister to assure him, that he would be 
 at court within eight days at farthest ; and to have all things represented 
 to the best advantage, he bribed the courier with a sum, under a pre* 
 tence of a gratuity for his care and dispatch in bringing the king's orders 
 to him. At the same time he acquainted the conspirators with these fresh 
 orders, laying before them the necessity of putting their designs in 
 execution on the day which was agreed on, for fear of being prevented] 
 by the Spaniards. 
 
 But there was an obstacle which hindered them from attempting any 
 thing so suddenly. There was a man of quality at Lisbon, who shewed 
 on all occasions a violent hatred of the Spanish government. He would - 
 ever be railing against them, calling them tyrants and usurpers, and de- 
 claiming against their injustice audoppression ; aboveall, he would ever be 
 venting his spleen on the expedition into Catalonia, and making a thou- 
 sand dismal prognostics on it. D'Almada having frequently conversed 
 with him, did not believe any man could more heartily wish the prosperity 
 of Portugal, or would be more transported to hear of any designs on 
 foot for the effectual restoring of its liberty. But, gods ! how he was 
 astonished, when taking him aside, to acquaint him with this conspiracy I 
 he found him as fearful and backward in action, as he had appeared daring 
 in words. He began now to excuse himself from having any share in 
 this matter, or being concerned in this plot, pretending there was no 
 good grounds to proceed on; and the same person, who so bold and 
 brave when the thing was remote, was now become timorous, and scared 
 at the prospect of the lea»t danger; Where, says heto d'Almada, are 
 those forces which are necessary to support a design of this nature? 
 what army have you to oppose the Spanish troops, which will be poured 
 into the country upon the first motion of this kind? what great men. 
 have you to appear at the head of you ? Or, have they a fund sufficient 
 to bear the expence of a civil war ? 1 am afraid, that instead of restoring 
 the liberties of Portugal, your attempt will only prove destructive to it, 
 and furnish the Spaniards with u pretence, which they have long sought 
 for, to accomplish the ruin of this kingdom. 
 
 D'Almada, who expected nothing !*•«•» than expressions of this kind.
 
 22 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 enraged to find he had trusted his secret in so ill hands, gave no other 
 answer ; but drawing his sword, his eyes sparkling with rage, replied, 
 False man ! either thou shalt take my life, together with my secret, or 
 I will - make thee an example for having thus surprized my credulity by 
 thy lies and imposture. The other, who always held it prudent to avoid 
 the danger which was nearest, at the sight of a drawn sword consented 
 to all that d'Almada had proposed, and offered to enter into the conspi- 
 racy, finding reasons to invalidate those he first gave ; he swore with re- 
 peated oaths again to keep the secret inviolably : in short, he forgot no- 
 thing that might persuade d'Almada, that it was neither courage, nor 
 want of resentment against the Spaniards, which had* kept him from 
 agreeing to the proposal as soon as he had made it. 
 
 However, d'Almada did not dare to rely on his oaths and assurances, 
 but was mightily disturbed at this accident ; and keeping a watchful 
 eye on this man, he gave notice to the conspirators of this adventure. 
 The alarm was soon spread, and,several reflections were made on the levity 
 and inconstancy of this man ; and they began to fear, that the view of 
 danger, or the hopes of a great recompence, should induce him to 
 prove treacherous in spite of all their care for prevention. On this con- 
 sideration they resolved to defer the execution of their plot, and obliged 
 Pinto to write to his master to forbear till he received farther news from 
 them. But Pinto, who very well knew of what importance it is to defer 
 the day in matters of this nature, wrote privately to that prince to have n» 
 regard to his letter, as proceeding only from a panic fear in the con- 
 spirators, which would certainly vanish before the messenger could arrive 
 at Villa-viciosa. 
 
 And so it happened ; for the next morning finding evey one continue 
 unshaken, they began to be ashamed of taking so hot an alarm ; and he 
 who was the chief cause of this uneasiness being a little better settled (ei- 
 ther by a greater generosity of temper, or apprehension of the bad con- 
 sequence of accusing so many great men) they resolved to adhere to the 
 day first agreed on. But scarcely was this difficulty over, when another 
 arose, which did not create less disquiet amongst them. - 
 
 Pinto had taken care to place divers of the conspirators about the palace 
 to observe all that passed. These, as they appeared to walk idly up and 
 down, the night before the execution, which was to begin with the death 
 of Vasconcellos, saw that minister embark on the Tago. 
 
 None besides the conspirators could have drawn any conclusion from 
 this, since a thousand several occasions, in which they had not the least 
 share, might carry him over the river. But their jealousy was so great, 
 that an alarm was instantly spread amongst them. They immediately 
 coucluded this crafty, politic minister, who had his spies in every cor- 
 ner, had discovered something of their plot. They made no doubt his 
 going over the water was with design to send some of the troops which 
 quartered in the neighbouring villages ijjto the town. The images of the 
 most terrible punishments, and the horrors of death presented themselves
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. ' 23 
 
 := _ =3 
 
 to their imaginations ; they fancied their houses surrounded with officers 
 of justice ; and some began to think of flying into Africa or England to 
 escape the cruelty of the Spaniards. They passed away part of the 
 night under these terrible apprehensions, as it were between life and 
 death, when some of the conspirators, who kept about the court, came 
 to inform them, that the secretary was returned with hautboys sounding 
 before him, he only having been at an entertainmant on the other side of 
 the water. This news put an end to all their anxious thoughts, and 
 made them all joyful ; and so each man departed, being well assured 
 there was nothing stirring in the palace, and that all there slept in a pro- 
 found security, not once dreaming of the* next day's action. 
 
 It was very late when they parted ; and from that time, to the minute 
 of the execution, there were but a few hours of night, notwithstanding 
 a considerrble accident happened in that space ; which shews us how 
 full of uncertainty and hazard all enterprizes are, where the fear of pu- 
 nishment, or the hope of reward, may tempt men to be treacherous and 
 faithless. George Mello, brother to the master of the horse, most com- 
 monly lodged at the house of one of his relations, in one of the sub- 
 urbs, at a small distance from the city. This gentleman thought that 
 the minute of the plot breaking out being now at hand, his relation, 
 who had for a long time been his intimate friend, might justly reproach 
 him if be should conceal a matter of that importance from him, in which 
 the other was equally concerned with himself for the common good of 
 his country : That he could easily engage him in the conspiracy, and 
 bring him with him to the rendezvous. Upon this consideration, as soon 
 as he was returned 'to his lodging, he goes up to his kinsman's chamber, 
 and taking him into his closet, communicates the enterprize to him, urg- 
 ing him to join with so many worthy persons, and to behave himself like 
 a man of honour, and a true Portuguese. The other was surprized with 
 so strange a piece of new» ; however he strove to shew a sort of joy to 
 find his country was upon the point of recovering its liberty. He thanked 
 Mello for the confidence he had honoured him with, and assured him, he 
 should esteem it a happiness to expose his life, and be admitted to have a 
 share of danger with so many brave men in so just and glorious a cause. 
 After this they parted to take a repose of some few hours ; Mello was 
 scarcely in his chamber before he began to repent of his excessive confi- 
 dence, and to blame himself for having put the fate of so many worthy 
 men into the hands of a person he was not entirely assured of. He 
 thought he discovered in his eyes and countenance a secret uneasinc - s , 
 and the marks of surprize and apprehension at the prospect of so dange- 
 rous an enterprize. In short, he was afraid the fear of punishment, 
 and the hopes of a certain reward, might prevail with him to make a 
 discovery. 
 
 Full of these tormenting reflections he walked about his chamber ; 
 when hearing a sort of muttering noise, and several persons talking low, 
 he opened his window to hear what they said : and by the help of a dim-
 
 24 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 light he discovered his kinsman at the door, ready to mount on horse- 
 back. At this being fired with rage, he soon came down ; and running 
 with his drawn sword at him, demanded, what made him out of doors at 
 that time of night ? what his business was, and whither he was going ? 
 The other beng exceedingly surprized, endeavoured to give several in- 
 different reasons; but Mello threatened to kill him, constrained him to 
 return again into his chamber, and took the keys along with him, and 
 kept him under his eye till the time of action, and then brought him with 
 him to meet the other conspirators. 
 
 At length the day was come when the event was to determine whether 
 the duke of Braganza deserved the title of king, and deliverer of his 
 country, or that of rebel and enemy of the state. 
 
 The conspirators came early to the house of Dom Miguel d' Almeida, 
 and the other gentlemen, where they were to arm themselves. They all 
 appeared there with so much resolution and confidence, they seemed to 
 go to a certain victory. It was remarkable, that in so great a number of 
 clergymen, citizens, and gentlemen, all actuated by different interests, not 
 one man out of the whole number failed in his word and honour: every 
 one was impatient for the moment of execution, as if he had been chief, 
 and author of the enterprize, and expected the crown for the recompence 
 of the dangers which he exposed himself to. Divers ladies coveted a 
 share in this glorious exploit ; and history has preserved the memory of 
 Dona Philippa de Villenas, who armed both her sons with her own hands; 
 and after she had put on their cuirasses, Go, my children, says she, put 
 an end to tyranny, and revenge yourselves of your enemies ; and be 
 assured, that if your attempt fail of success, your mother will not survive 
 one moment the misfortune of so many brave men. 
 
 All being thus armed, made their way to the palace, and divers of 
 them went in chairs to conceal their number and arms. They divided 
 themselves into four bodies, as was agreed, Waiting with a great deal of 
 impatience till the clock struck eight, which was the precise moment of 
 execution. Never did time seem so long ; the fear of having their num- 
 ber observed, or that the early hour they appeared before the palace, 
 might give the secretary any suspicion, made them very uneasy. At 
 length it struck eight o'clock, and Pinto having fired a pistol, they all 
 took the signal. 
 
 Each man charged briskly in the post assigned him, Dom Miguel 
 d' Almeida, with his party, fell on the German guard, who being unpro- 
 vided, and destitute of arms, were soon'defeated, and that almost without 
 making any resistance. 
 
 The master of the horse, Mello his brother, and Dom Estevan 
 d' Acugna, attacked the Spanish company, which lay before that part of 
 the palace which is called the fort. In this he was sustained by those 
 townsmen who were concerned with him. These men, with their swords 
 in their hands, forced the corps de garde where the Spaniards were re- 
 trenched. But none made a more considerable figure than a priest of 
 the town, -who marched at the head of the conspirators, with a crucifix in
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. zq 
 
 one hand, ami a sword in the other, exhorting the people to cut their 
 enemies in pieces, and chargiug the Spaniards himself with the utmost 
 fury. All fled before him ; for appearing armed, with an object that re- 
 ligion teaches us to revere, no person dared to hurt him. Thus, after a 
 slight resistance, the S|>anish officer #nd his soldiers were forced to sub- 
 mit, and save their lives, by crying as the restdid, God save the duke of 
 Braganzu, king of Portugal. 
 
 Pinto having thus made his nay to the palace, put himself at the head 
 of those who attacked the apartments, of Vasconcellos. He marched with 
 so mud) assurance and resolution, that happening to meet one of hi/; 
 friends, who asked him, trembling, where he was goiug with that number 
 of armed men, and what he was about to do ? Nothing, replied he, smil- 
 ing, but to dethrone a tyrant, and restore a lawful prince. 
 
 h\ entering the secretary's apartment they met Francisco Soarez 
 d' Albergeria, the civil lieutenant (corrigidor de civil), who was going out 
 of his lodgings. This magistrate thinking the tumult only proceeded 
 from a quarrel, offered to interpose his authority, to end the fray. But 
 hearing them cry on all sides, God save the duke of Braganza, he 
 thought the honour and duty of his place obliged him to cry, God save 
 the king of Spain and Portugal, which cost him his life ; one of the con- 
 spirators shot him instantly dead, proud to have this occasion to punish 
 his ill-timed loyalty. 
 
 Antonio Correa, first commissioner of the secretary, ran out upon the 
 first noise. This man was the common instrument of his cruelties ; and 
 after the example of his master, treated the nobility with great contempt. 
 Dora Antonio de Menezes, plunged his dagger in his breast. This blow 
 could not make the wretch sensible his power was at an eud, but imagine 
 ing in this assault they had mistaken him for another, he turned in a rage 
 to Menezes, crying, dogs, how dare you strike at me: the other without 
 replying, redoubled his thrusts, and laid him on the ground, weltering in 
 his blood. However, these wounds did not prove mortal, and he escaped 
 at that time, to lose his life after with more ignominy, by the hands of 
 the common executioner. 
 
 The conspirators having thus treated the commissary, who had stopt 
 them for a small while on the stairs, forced into the secretary's chamber. 
 He had then with hiin Diego Garcez Palleia, a captaiu of foot, who 
 seeing such a multitude of people enter armed and enraged mistrusted a 
 design on the life of Vasconcellos. Though he had no obligation to that 
 minister, the generosity of his temper made him throw himself out of 
 the door, with his sword in his hand, to dispute the entry of the conspi- 
 rators, and give the secretary time to make his escape, but receiving a 
 hurt in his arm, and being disabled from holding his sword, and opprest 
 by the multitude, he threw himself out of the window, and had the good 
 luck to escape with life. 
 
 Immediately the conspirators rushed in a crowd into the secretary's 
 lodgiugs, they searched for him every where, overturned the beds, opened 
 the coffers, every one was eager to have the honour of the first blow. 
 
 D
 
 26 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 ^__ s. , ..... 
 
 However, all this while he was no where to be found, and the con- 
 spirators were reduced to despair, and enraged to think he should escape 
 their vengeance, till an old woman servant being threatened with death, 
 pointed to a wall in which several arms were hid, and here they found him 
 buried in paper. 
 
 The consternation he was in at the apprehension of immediate death,. 
 which he saw before him, would not suffer him to speak the least word. 
 Dom Rodrigo de Saa gave him the first shot with a pistol, after which, 
 the rest of the conspirators stabbed him, and threw his body out of the 
 window, crying, the tyrant is dispatched, God preserve our liberty, and 
 TJom John, king of Portugal. 
 
 The crowd about the palace, seeing them throw out the body, received 
 it with great shouts and acclamations. Every one offered some indignity 
 to the lifeless trunk, as if by this means they hoped to revenge the op- 
 pression of their country and give a blow to tyranny. 
 
 This was the fate of Michael Vasconcellos, a Portugueze by birth, but 
 an enemy to his country, and a Spaniard by his inclination. He had by 
 nature an admirable genius for business, was a man of great ability and 
 application, of a marvellous industry, fruitful in inventing new methods 
 of drawing money from the people, and, by consequence, void of all 
 pity, inflexible and rigorous, even to cruelty : he had no regard to kin- 
 dred, friends, or other considerations: no man had any ascendant over 
 him, he was insensible to all pleasures, and incapable of being touched 
 with any remose of conscience : he had heaped together immense wealth, 
 by his place, part of which was plundered in the heat of the sedition, the 
 people pretending to do themselves right for the damages they sustained 
 during his ministry 1 . 
 
 Pinto, without losing time, marched to join the other confederates, 
 who were ordered. to make themselves masters of the palace, and seize 
 the person of the vice-queen : he found that this was done already, and 
 that all parts of their design had been crowned with equal success. In 
 short, those who were appointed to attack the apartment of the princess, 
 presenting themselves before the gates, and the furious multitude threaten- 
 ing to set fire to them, if they did not forthwith open them, the vice- 
 queen, attended with her maids of honour, and the archbishop of Braga, 
 presented herself at her chamber-door, flattering herself that her presence 
 would appease the nobility, and oblige the people to withdraw. Gentle- 
 men, said 6he, advancing towards the principal of the conspirators, the 
 secretary has justly drawn on himself the odium of the people, and your 
 indignation, by his haughty and insoleut carriage ; and now his death 
 has delivered you from so hateful a minister, methinks your resentment 
 ought to be satisfied ? Consider, gentlemen, these disorders may as hither- 
 to be imputed to your hatred against the secretary ; but if you persist 
 any longer in this tumultuous manner, you will be guilty of rebellion, 
 and render me unable to make any defence for you to the king. 
 
 Dom Antonio de Menezes, replied, that it was a folly to think, that so
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. » 27 
 
 ■ . . . 1 
 
 many people of rank had appeared in awns to take away the life of a 
 wretch, who ought to have lost it by the hands of the common hangman ; 
 That they were met together to restore the duke of Bragatiza to a crown, 
 that rightfully belonged to him, and had been usurped by strangers, 
 and they would sacrifice their lives with pleasure, to replace him 011 the 
 throne. She was about to reply, and interpose tho king's authority, but 
 d'Almeida fearing that any longer parley might abate the heat of the 
 conspirators, interrupted her, telling her in short, Portugal owned no 
 other king than the duke of Braganza, and the conspirators immediately 
 gave u shout, each striving to out-vie the other, — God save Don John, 
 King of Portugal. 
 
 The vice-queen, seeing the torrent had broke all bounds, thought she 
 should find more obedience in the city, and that her presence would 
 have more iufiueuce on the people and townsmen, when the conspirators 
 were not there to encourage them. But as she offered to go down, Don 
 Carlos Norogna intreated her to keep in her chamber, assuring her she 
 should be served with the same respect, as if she had still the command 
 of the kingdom, telling her, he did not judge it by any means convenient 
 to expose the person of so great a princess to the insults of the multitude, 
 who were all in tumult, and full of zeal for their liberty. She soon un- 
 derstood she was his prisoner, and, vexed, demanded in a disdainful man- 
 ner, Aud what can the mob do to me ? To which Norogna replied, in a 
 very great passion, Nothing, madam, but throw your highness out of 
 the windows. 
 
 The archbishop of Braga was incensed at these words of Norogna, and, 
 snatching a sword from a soldier near him, attempted iu an outrageous, 
 manner to throw himself through the conspirators, to kill him, and re- 
 venge the affront done to the vice-queen ; but Dom Miguel d'Almeida 
 embracing him, conjured him to consider the danger to which he ex- 
 posed himself, and taking him aside by force, told him, his life had not 
 cost nothing : that he had a great deal of difficulty in obtaining it from 
 the conspirator*, to whom his person was odious euough, that he had no 
 farther need to exasperate them by a piece of bravery so ill-timed, and 
 «o little agreeable to a person of his character. By this means he w::n 
 persuaded to withdraw, and dissemble his passion, hoping time would 
 give him a more favourable occasion of shewing his resentment, and his 
 devotion to the interest of Spain. 
 
 The rest of the conspirators secured the Spaniards, who were either 
 in the palace or the city : they seized on the marquess de la Pueiba, 
 jnajor-domo to the vice-queen, and eldest brother to the marquess de 
 Leganez, Dom Didaco Cardevas, — major-general, Dom Fernant de 
 Castro, — inteudant of the marine ; the marquess de Bainetto, gentleman 
 usher to the vice-queen, and several sea-ofiicers who were in the port. 
 All this was done with as little disturbance as if they had boon appre- 
 hended by orders from the king of Spain. No man stirred to assist them, 
 and themselves were not iu a condition to resist, being for the most part 
 takon in their beds.
 
 &, ^ THE HISTOKY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 In the next place, Antonio de Saldania, at the head of his friends with 
 a vast crowd following him, went up to the sovereign chamber of justice ; 
 he made a short speech to the company, displaying the happiness of Por- 
 tugal, that now had regained her natural lord : telling them, that ty- 
 ranny was now at an end : that the laws would be re-established, and 
 justice have its ancient course, under the government of so wise and just 
 a prince. This speech was received with a general applause, and an- 
 swered by loud acclamations ; and all decrees made in the king of Spain's 
 name were changed, and stiled, By the Authority, and in the Name of 
 XJom Juan, King of Portugal. 
 
 Whilst this gentleman obliged the chamber of justice to own the duke 
 of Braganza for their king, Dom Gaston Contingo set free those whom 
 the severity of the Spanish ministers had confined. These poor men pass- 
 ing in one moment from a gloomy dungeon, and the continual fear of 
 death, to the delightful view of the liberty of their country, transported 
 with gratitude, and dreading the return of their chains, made up a new 
 company, who did not shew less ardour to establish the throne of the 
 duke of Braganza, than the body of the nobility, who formed the first 
 design. 
 
 In the midst of this general gladness, which the success of the enter- 
 prize gave the conspirators, Pinto, and several of the chief were extremely 
 uneasy. The Spaniards were still in the citadel, from whence they could 
 batter the town, and soon give them occasion to repent of their hasty 
 joy : besides, this was a port where the king of Spain could re-enter the 
 city at pleasure ; therefore, thinking they had done nothing till they were 
 masters of the place, they went to the vice-queen, and demanded an or- 
 der from her for the governor to put that into their hands. 
 
 She rejected the proposition with scorn, reproaching them with their 
 rebellion, and asking them disdainfully, if they intended to make her aii 
 accomplice. D'Almeida, mad at her refusal, all on fire, and his eyes 
 sparkling with rage, swore that if she did not sign this order, without 
 farther delay, he would instantly stab all the Spaniards they had in cus- 
 tody. The princess, surprised at the passion of the man, and fearing so 
 many people of quality might lose their lives, thought the governor 
 knew his duty too well to pay obedience to an order which he must needs 
 see was extorted by force, and upon this consideration she signed it, but 
 this had a very different effect from what she imagined. The Spanish 
 governor, Dom Louis del Campo, a man of small resolution, seeing so 
 many of the conspirators in arms, and followed by a vast crowd of people, 
 who threatened to tear him and the whole garrison in pieces, if he did 
 instantly surrender, was glad to come off so cheaply, and have so good a 
 pretence to cover his cowardice, surrendered the citadel, and tamely de- 
 livered it into their hands. The conspirators having thus secured all 
 aides, dispatched away Mendoza and the master of the horse to the duke 
 of Braganza, to carry him the news, and to assure him from the city, that 
 their was nothing wanting to complete their joy, but the presence of 
 their king.
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 However, this was not equally desired by all persons. The great men 
 of the kingdom could not see his elevation without a secret envy, and 
 most of the nobility (who Irad no share io the conspiracy) were 6ilent, 
 waking for the hfctfe before they would declare their sentiments. Nay, 
 some proceeded so far as to question, whether that prince would own an 
 action which would infallibly have such terrible consequences. Above 
 all the rest, the creatures of Spain -were in a strange consternation, not a 
 man of them daring to stir, for fear of irritating the people, furious with 
 their new liberty, and everyone kept himself close at home, till time 
 should shew what they had to fear or hope from the designs of the duke 
 of Bragauz:). 
 
 But his friends, who were well informed of his intentions, pursued 
 their way. They met at the palace to give orders, till their new mas- 
 ter should arrive, and unanimously declared the archbishop of Lis- 
 bon, president of the council, and lieutenant-general for the king. Hfe 
 excused himself at first, representing to them, that the present state 
 of the kingdom required a general, rather than a man of his character, 
 in such a post. But at length, pretending to comply with the importu- 
 nity of his friends, he consented to take upon him the signing of the or- 
 ders, provided the archbishop of Braga were appointed for his colleague 
 in the management of business, and all dispatches till the king's arrival. 
 
 By this device, that crafty and politic prelate hoped, under colour of 
 shaving an authority with him, to render the other an accomplice and 
 criminal in the eyes of the Spaniards, if he accepted the offer ; or ra 
 case he refused, to ruin him with the king, and render him odious to the 
 people, and all Portugal, as a declared enemy of that kingdom. 
 
 The archbishop of Braga perceived the snare laid for him, but beino- 
 wholly devoted to the Spaniards, and in the interests of the vice-queen, 
 he refused peremptorily to have any share in the government. So the 
 archbishop of Lisbon had it alone, and Dom Miguel d'Almeida, Pedro 
 Mendoza, and Dom Antonio d'Almada were appointed as counsellors of 
 state to assist him. 
 
 One of the first cares of this governor, was to seize the three great Spa- 
 nish galleons in the port of Lisbon. Fortius purpose several barks were 
 fitted out, into which the youth of the city threw themselves: the\ 
 covered an eager desire to gain honour in this exploit, but little oppo- 
 sition was made, the officers and greatest part of the soldiers being s< 
 in the city, at the time when the conspiracy broke out. 
 
 The same evening he dispatched couriers to exhort the people to give- 
 thanks to Cod for the recovery of their liberty, with orders to the magis- 
 trates of each city to proclaim the duke of Braganza, king of Portugal, 
 and secure all the Spaniards they could find. Iu short, he made all pre- 
 parations at Lisbon, for the magnificent reception of their nc.v ma 
 The archbishop gave notice to the vice-queen, that it would he 
 ent sh<- iliouli! leave the palace, and make room for the king and hi, 
 hoosehold, and ordered an apartment to be prepared for her nj
 
 30 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 house of Xabregas, at one end of the town. The princess left the palace 
 as soon as she received this message, but with a haughty uir, not speak- 
 ing one word, and past through the city thither. And now, far from a 
 crowd of courtiers attending her, she had scarce any of her domestic ser- 
 vants with her, only the archbishop of Braga, steady to her interests, 
 gave her public marks of it on this occasion, at a time when he could not 
 do it without an apparent hazard of his life. 
 
 In the mean time the duke of Braganza endured great convulsions of 
 mind, reflecting on his uncertain destiny, and at once his breast was filled 
 with all the various images with which hope can flatter, or fear torment 
 a doubtful mind. The distance of Villa-viciosa, which is thirty leagues 
 from Lisbon, prevented his being informed of what passed so soon as he 
 earnestly wished. All he knew was, that his life and fortune lay at stake, 
 and that critical minute must decide his fate. He had resolved at first, 
 as was noted above, to raise all the cities under his dependancies, but 
 after he judged it better to expect news from Lisbon, and act his part 
 conformably to what should pass there.' 
 
 There only remained the kingdom of Algarba, and the city and cita- 
 del of Elvas, which he could retire to, if success failed in the capital 
 city ; and, if the plot should miscarry, he thought he should easily ex- 
 cuse himself from having a share in it, at a time when the Spaniards 
 would be glad to have him innocent. 
 
 He had planted several couriers on the road to Lisbon ; and though 
 he expected news every hour, he had past the whole day, and a great 
 part of the night in disturbance, till at length Mendoza and Mello, with 
 extreme diligence, arrived at Yilla-vieiosa. They threw themselves in- 
 stantly at the prince's feet, and by this respectful action, and the joy 
 which shone in their face, they discovered to him, sooner than they could 
 by 'any expressions that he was king of Portugal. 
 
 They would have given him an exact account of the success of their en- 
 terprize ; but the prince, without giving them time to enter into the par- 
 ticulars of this affair, couducted them, with some impatience, into the 
 duchess's apartment. These two lords complimented her in the same 
 manner as if she had been already upon the throne, and assured her of 
 the hearty wishes of her subjects ; and as a mark they owned her for their 
 sovereign, they treated her with the title of Her Majesty, which was the 
 more agreeable, since the kings of Portugal, before that time, had only 
 taken that of Highness. 
 
 It is easy to jugde how mighty was the joy of the prince and princess, 
 if we reflect on the great uneasiness they were freed from, and the high 
 station they were raised to. The castle resounded with acclamations, 
 and the news spread itself every where in a moment. And the same day 
 he was proclaimed king of Portugal, in all the cities of his dependancies. 
 Alphonso de Mello did as much in the city of Elvas, whole crowds came 
 in to pay their duty to the new king ; and probably these first homages, 
 though paid in a confused and disorderly manner, did not less please 
 that prince, than those after on a public day of ceremony.
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 31 
 
 The king set forward for Lisbon, with the same equipage, which 
 seemed designed for the court of Spain. He was accompanied by the 
 marquis de Ferara, his kinsman, the Count de Vimiosa, and a great 
 number of persons of quality which met him there. 
 
 He left the queen his wife at Villa Viciosa, to keep the province firm 
 to his obedience. He found the ways lined on both sides, with an infi- 
 nite number of people, which Hocked to see him, and had the pleasure 
 to hear the shouts of the people, wishing his prosperity, and loading 
 the Spaniards with all the curses they could invent. The whole body 
 of the nobility, the great officers of the Crown, and the first magistrates, 
 went out in several bodies to receive him, at a great distance from Lisbon, 
 and he entered the city, amidst the acclamations and applause of the 
 people, followed by a numerous and magnificent court, filled with joy. 
 At night were several fireworks jn divers public places of the town. 
 Each citizen had one before his door, aud the windows shone with au 
 infinity of caudles and flambeaux, that the whole city seemed one flame, 
 which madt a Spaniard say, that prince was very fortunate, to gain so 
 fitir a kingdom for a bonfire. 
 
 The insurrection at Lisbon was instantly followed by the general re- 
 volt of the whole kiugnom, and the revolution was so speedy and general, 
 that each city seemed to have a plot ripe for execution, after the example 
 of their capital. Couriers arrived hourly with advice, that cities, and 
 entire provinces, had expelled the Spaniards, and submitted to the king. 
 The governors of the other places had not more resolution than him of 
 Lisbon, and either for want of troops, or other warlike provisions, or for 
 want of courage, they went on shamefully, and for the most part without 
 once firing. Every one feared the fate of Vasconcellos, and nothing ap- 
 peared so terrible as an enraged multitude. In short, they fled like so 
 many criminals escaped out of prison, and not one Spaniard was to be 
 seen in the whole kingdom, except those who were detained; and all 
 this iu less than a fortnight's time. 
 
 Doiu Fernand de la Cueva, governor of the citadel of Sir Juan, at 
 the mouth of the Tago, was the only person who made some resistance, 
 and pretended to keep the place for the king his master. This garrison, 
 composed only of Spaniards, and commanded by brave officers, made a 
 vigorous opposition, upon the first approaches of the Portuguese. To 
 reduce this place, they thought it necessary to besiege it in form ; and 
 for this purpose brought their cannon down from Lisbon ; the trenches 
 uere opened, and they made their advances a* far as the counterscarp, 
 notwithstanding the continual fire, and frequent sallies of the besieged; 
 but a treaty being the safest and shortest way to gain the place, the 
 king, in fine, made the governor such advantageous offers, that he had not 
 power to stand out any longer. He was dazzled with the great sums 
 offered, and having a commend of the order of Christ, which the king 
 promised to confer on him. In short, tin? articles were agreed on, and 
 the pLic surrendered, notwithstanding the endeavours of the officers to
 
 32 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 the contrary, who refused to sign the capitulation ; of this number was 
 Doin Rodrigo de Chalon, a young gentleman of Andalusia, of great 
 valour, who commanded a Spanish Terce in that place, and offered to 
 hold out three weeks longer, till they should receive aid from Spain, 
 which they had intelligence was put to sea, under the command of the 
 Duke of Maqueda. 
 
 The king thought it best not to defer his coronation any longer, to 
 confirm his authority, and render his person more august to the people. 
 The ceremony was observed on the 15th of December, with all possible 
 magnificeuce. The duke d'Aveiro, the marquis de Villareal/the duke 
 de Camino, his son, the count de Monsano, and the rest of the great 
 men of the kingdom assisted at the solemnity. The archbishop of 
 Lisbon, at the head of his clergy, accompanied by several bishops, re- 
 ceived him at the gate of the cathedral, and he was solemnly acknow- 
 ledged king of Portugal by all the states of the kingdom, who took the 
 oath of fidelity to him. 
 
 A few days after the queen arrived with a numerous train. The 
 whole court went a great way out of town to meet her ; the officers who 
 were appointed to compose her household were gone before, and the king 
 himself went out of Lisbon to receive her. This prince omitted no mag- 
 nificence which might become his new dignity, or might give the world a 
 mark, how much he thought she contributed to place the crown on his 
 head. It was remarkable, that in so great a change she was not in the 
 least embarrassed, but sxipported her new character with so much grace 
 and majesty, that she seemed born in a throne. 
 
 Thus was that great enterprize happily finished, which may be ac- 
 counted a miracle, considering the vast number, and different characters 
 of persons entrusted with the secret. No cement could ever have made so 
 firm an union, but that hatred to the Spanish government, an antipathy 
 as ancient as the monarchy itself, arising from the perpetual wars, fre- 
 quent between neighbouring states, and after fomented by the concur- 
 rence of both nations in discovering the Indies, and their difference in 
 matters of trade. 
 
 The news of the revolt was soon brought to the court of Spain. The 
 minister was enraged to tiud all his measures broken, and so fair a king- 
 dom lost beyond all hopes of retrieving. The king, his master, had no 
 occasion for new business : he found difficulties enough to defend him- 
 self against the united arms of France and Holland; but above all, the 
 revolt in Catalonia was of dangerous consequence, and created in his 
 mind a thousand anxious cares. 
 
 All the court knew how things went, and the king was the only man 
 who remained ignorant, and no one dared inform him, dreading the dis- 
 pleasure of the minister, who would never have pardoned an offence of 
 this nature. At last, this affair making too much noise to be concealed 
 any longer, the Conde duke fearing some of his enemies should attempt 
 to relate the matter to his disadvantage, resolved to disclose it to the
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTCGAU 33 
 
 king. But knowing the temper of that prince, he thought to give this 
 such a turn, that he should not know the extent of his loss ; and for 
 this end, coming to him with a seeming openness and assurance. Sir, 
 says he, I bring your majesty a piece of good news, your majesty is 
 just now become master of a fair duchy, and a large estate. How so ? 
 replied the king, all surprized. I shall explain myself, says the minister, 
 the duke of Braganza, has been lately giddy, and suffered himself to b*» 
 seduced by the populace, and proclaimed king of Portugal. By this 
 act all his estate is confiscated, and your majesty may reunite it to your 
 revenue ; and by the extinction of that family, enjoy that kingdom, 
 without fearing any disturbance for the future. 
 
 Notwithstanding this prince was a very weak man, he was not so 
 dazzled with these magnificent hopes, but he saw this was no easy mat- 
 ter. But not daring to see with other eyes than those of his minister, he 
 only replied coldly, that he hoped he would use all diligence to suppress 
 this rebellion, which if let alone might have dangerous consequences. 
 
 The king of Portugal neglected nothing which might establish his new 
 greatness. Immediately alter his arrival at Lisbon, he named for gover- 
 nors of the frontier places, men of the most approved valour, fidelity, 
 and experience ; all which had orders to depart strait, with all the soldiers 
 they could get together ; and to use all possible diligence to put their 
 several forts in a posture of defence. He delivered out commissions for 
 raising men, and immediately after his coronation, called a convention 
 of the states of the kingdom. 
 
 In this assembly, to prevent all doubts, he caused his title to be ex- 
 amined, and, by a solemn act, was acknowledged to be the true and 
 rightful king of Portugal, as descended by the princess his mother, from 
 the infant Edward, son to king Emanuel, to the exclusion of the king 
 of Spain, who was descended from the same king by a daughter, who 
 was farther, by the fundamental laws of the kingdom, disabled, by be- 
 ing married to a foreign prince. 
 
 He declared to this general assembly of the states, that he would content 
 himself with his patrimonial estate, for the support of his houshold, and 
 would reserve the royal revenue for the necessities of the kingdom, and 
 to make the people relish the sweetness of his government, he abolished 
 all imposts, which the Spaniards had laid on them. 
 
 He filled all the most considerable posts and employs in the state with 
 those conspirators which had shewn the greatest ardour in this revolution. 
 Pinto had no share in this promotion, the prince not thinking hisauthority 
 well enough settled to place one of his domestics of a mean extraction, 
 in any principal place. Notwithstanding this, his power with the king 
 and people was not less ; and without the title of a minister, or secretary 
 of state, he performed the office, by the great confidence the king had 
 in him. 
 
 Having thus given all the good orders imaginable, within the kingdom, 
 he bent his thoughts next to foreign princes. He dispatched able ambas- 
 
 E
 
 34 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 sudors to procure himself to be owned, to make alliances, and raise new 
 enemies to the house of Austria. He made a league offensive and 
 defensive with the Hollanders and Catalonians, and obtained assu- 
 rance of the protection of France. The king of Spain discovered his 
 weakness, by attempting nothing considerable on the frontiers of Portu- 
 gal all the campaign, probably because the revolt in Catalonia employed 
 all his strength. All his attempts were unsuccessful, and his troops still 
 came off with disadvantage. Some time after news came that Goa, and 
 other places, under the dominion of the Portuguese in the Indies, Africa, 
 and Peru, had followed the general revolution of the kingdon ; every 
 thing seemed to promise the king of Portugal a series of success, and 
 a kingdom quiet at home, and victorious abroad. But observe the un- 
 certainty of human greatness, how this prince, in the midst of his pros* 
 perities, and the caresses of fortune, was upon the point of perishing, 
 and losing at once his life and crown by a horrid conspiracy, silently 
 formed in Lisbon, within the walls of his own court. 
 
 The archbishop of Braga was, as 1 related before, wholly devoted to 
 the court af Spain, and one of their ministers in Portugal. He plainly 
 saw he could never hope to be restored till the Spanish government should 
 be re-established 5 besides, he was afraid the king, who seemed at first 
 to have some respect to his character, in forbearing to seize him with the 
 rest of the Spanish ministers, might nevertheless do it when his authority 
 tvas better settled. But the most potent motive that put him upon any 
 considerable action, was his zeal for the vice-queen. He could not en- 
 dure to see that princess in prison in a place where he thought she had 
 a. right to reign ; but above all, he was exasperated to be refused admit- 
 tance to her, which was denied him, and divers other persons of quality, 
 when it was found she only made use of this liberty to inspire rebellion 
 to her. This proceeding seemed to him tyrannical, and an intolerable 
 hardship ; and he could not but represent to himself, that princess every 
 moment demanding her liberty from him, as a just return for those fa- 
 vours he had received from her. These reflections kindled a rage in the 
 breast of this prelate; and made him resolve to employ all means to ex- 
 press his gratitude, and revenge her on her enemies. And considering it 
 would be difficult to surprize or corrupt the guards set over her, ke 
 resolved to go directly to the spring, and by killing the king, to restore 
 at once, that princess her liberty, and her former authority. 
 
 Having concluded on this desigu, he applied himself to find means to 
 to put his project in execution as soon as possible, fearing he should not 
 long continue in his place of president of the palace, and be obliged to 
 retire to Braga. He concluded strait, he must take a different step from 
 that which the king had taken. He never hoped to gain the people, by 
 reason of their natural hatred to the Spaniards ; on the other side, (he 
 restoring of the king being the work of the nobility, it was certain they 
 would never engage in a conspiracy of this kind, he plainly found he
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 3.5 
 
 could only apply himself to tlie great men, who were not concerned in 
 this revolution, and uneasy at the duke of Braganza's fortune. And 
 therefore having first secured protection of the minister of Spain., he 
 cast his eyes on the marquess of Villareal. 
 
 He represented to that prince, that the new king being of a timorous 
 and diffident temper, would lay hold of all opportunities to ruin, or at 
 least diminish the greatness of his family, to secure the crown to his 
 own posterity. That he, and the duke d'Aveiro, both of the blood royal 
 of Portugal, had no employs conferred on them, whiUt all places of profit 
 And trust in the kingdom, were given as a recompence to a parcel of sedi- 
 tious fellows. That all men of honour were concerned to see him thus 
 contemptuously used. That he must consume his life in a mean in- 
 activity, and be buried in the solitude of his country seat. That he 
 ought consider his high birth and fortunes rendered him too great to be 
 a subject to so petty a king. That lie had lost in the king of Spain, a 
 master who had several kingdoms and governments in his disposal ; and 
 was able to give him an employment suitable to the greatness of his 
 condition. 
 
 Seeing this discourse made an impression on the mind of that prince ; 
 he added, that he had order from the court of Spain to promise him the 
 vice-royalty of Portugal, as the reward of his fidelity : however, this was 
 not in any manner the intention of that prelate, who aimed at nothin<- 
 more than the liberty and restoration of the duchess of Mantua; but 
 more powerful motives were necessary to engage the marquis de Villareal. 
 The considerations which the archbishop laid before him, prevailed with 
 him to be the head of the conspiracy, with the duke of Camino his son. 
 
 The archbishop being well assured of these two princes, engaged the 
 grand inquisitor, his intimate friend. This man was of great consequence 
 to the archbishop's design, because with him he brought in all the offi- 
 cers of the inquisition, a race of men which have ever been more formid- 
 able to honest men, than rascals, and bear a great sway amongst the 
 Portuguese. He laboured to convince him it was his duty, reminding 
 him of his oath of fidelity to the king of Spain, which he pretended Iih 
 ought not to break in favour of a rebel : farther he urged, it could not 
 be his interest to adhere to the new king, since neither of them could 
 hope long to enjoy their places, uuder a prince who conferred all em- 
 ploys on his own creatures, 
 
 He spent some more mouths in gaining over more conspirators : the 
 principal of which were the commissary La Crusada, the count d' Ar- 
 mamar, nephew to the archbishop ; the count de Bal!er:iis, Doin Au- 
 gustin Emanuel, Antonio Correa, the same commissary of Vasconcellos, 
 whom MiMH-zt's had given divers stabs on the breaking out of the plot ; 
 Lorenzo Pidez Carabler keeper of the royal treasury, all creatures of 
 the Spaniards, to whom they owed their places and fortunes, which they 
 could not hope to retain long, without the return of the Spanish go- 
 
 .ninent. 
 
 The Jews, who are very numerous at Lisbon, and live there, by
 
 a6 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 * ■ - - ' ' < m 
 
 making an outward shew of the Christian religion, had a share in this 
 conspiracy. The king had lately refused very considerable sums, which 
 they had offered him to put a stop to the proceedings of the inquisition, 
 and to obtain a permission for the public profession of their religion. 
 The archbishop craftily made use of their resentment to engage them in 
 this enterprize. He had private conferences with several of the chiefs of 
 the party, who dreaded to think they had thus unseasonably declared 
 themselves ; and by this means exposed themselves to the severities of 
 the inquisition. 
 
 This crafty prelate improved the confusion they were in to his advan- 
 tage, and immediately assured them of his protection with the grand in- 
 quisitor, whom they all knew to be at his devotion. In the next place, 
 lie endeavoured to raise a jealousy, insinuating, that a prince who af- 
 fected bigotry, would certainly drive them out of Portugal, and promised 
 them liberty of conscience, and a synagogue in the kingdom, if they 
 would contribute to the restoration of the late government. 
 
 So violent was the passion of the archbishop, he did not blush to use 
 the assistance of the enemies of Jesus Christ, to dethrone his rightful 
 prince ; and perhaps this was the first time the inquisition ever acted in 
 concert with the synagogue. 
 
 The conspirators, after various projects, at last resolved on this, which 
 was the sense of the archbishop, and had been agreed between him and 
 the prime minister of Spain : that in the dead of the night, of the fifth of 
 August, the Jews should set fire to the four corners of the palace ; and 
 at the same time to several of the houses in different parts of the city, to 
 keep the people employed in quenching those next their own dwellings. 
 That the conspirators should throw themselves into the palace, under co- 
 lour of assisting to extinguish the fire ; and in the midst of that hurry 
 and confusion which attends accidents of this kind, they should thrust in 
 near the king's person, and stab him. That the duke of Camino should, 
 in the mean time, secure the queen, and the young princes, just as the 
 princess of Mantua had before been, as hostages for the surrender of the 
 citadel. That preparations should be made to fire those vessels which 
 were in the harbour. That the archbishop, and the grand inquisitor, 
 with all his officers, should march through the city to appease the peo- 
 ple and prevent any commotion by the dread of the inquisition : and that 
 the marquis de Villareal should take upon him the government, till far- 
 ther orders should arrive from Spain. 
 
 But having no assurance the people would declare for them, they 
 needed troops to support this action. To this end it was agreed to solicit 
 the conde duke to send a considerable fleet on the coasts, to be ready to 
 enter the harbour at the moment the conspiracy should be put in action. 
 That upon the first notice of the success, he should give orders to all the 
 troops on the frontiers to march directly to Lisbon, to make head against 
 all opposition. 
 But the conspirators found great difficulty in settling this necessary
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 37 
 
 correspondence with the prime minister. As soon as the king was in- 
 formed the vice-queen had wrote to Madrid, he had placed so strict a guard 
 on the frontiers, that no person could ge out of the kingdom without his 
 express leave; and it was not judged safe to corrupt the guards, for fear 
 they should prove treacherous, and deliver the letters up, or disclose the 
 practices used to corrupt them. 
 
 At length being pressedwith the necessity of acquainting the Spanish 
 minister with their intentions, without which, all the measures they 
 should take would be in vain ; and doubtful what way to effect this, 
 they cast their eyes on a rich merchant of Lisbon, who was treasurer of 
 the Douane, who, upon the account of his great dealings in several parts 
 of Europe, had a permission to write into Castile. This man, named 
 Hueze, made a public profession of the Christian religion, but was one 
 of those whom the Portuguese call new Christians, who are suspected to 
 observe in private the Jewish rights. They offered him a very great sum 
 of money to engage in this affair. This joined with the importunity of 
 the Jews, who were in the secret of this conspiracy, determined him ; he 
 accepted their offers, and undertook to have their letters delivered to the 
 conde duke d' Olivarez. 
 
 He nddressed his packet to the Marquis d' Aiamonte, governor of the 
 first frontier place in Spain, not doubting they were safe as soon as out 
 of the dominion of Portugal. 
 
 This marquis, who had a private interest in the affairs of Portugal, 
 being nearly allied to the queen, surprised to find letters with the great 
 seal of the inquisitiou affixed to them, and addressed to the first minister 
 of Spain, instantly opened them, fearing they might contain some parti- 
 culars of his private correspondence with the king and queen of Portu- 
 gal, notwithstanding the late revolution, but found in them, to his no 
 small amazement, the project and plan of a conspiracy, which was ripe 
 lor execution, and aimed to destroy him and the whole rnyul family. 
 
 He sent the packet back to the king of Portugal. His surprise was 
 unspeakable, to find, upon opening the letters, that princes nearly allied 
 to him, an archbishop, ami several of tlie chief men in his court, who 
 shewed the greatest joy at his elevation, should so soon conspire to de- 
 prive him at once of his life and crown. 
 
 lie summoned a council privately, and some days after acted accord- 
 ing to the resolutions then taken. The fifth of August was the day when 
 the plot was to be put iu execution, about eleven o'clock at night, the 
 particulars of which were set down in the intercepted papers. The same 
 day the king ordered all the troops quartered in the neighbouring vil- 
 lages, to march into Lisbon, under a pretence of a general review in the 
 great court of the palace. He gave privately, with his own hand, several 
 billets sealed, to those about him, in whom he most confided, with strict 
 orders not to open them till noon, and then to execute punctually, the 
 orders contained in them. In the next place, taking the archbishop, and 
 the marquis de Villareal into his closet, under pretence of commuuicut-
 
 38 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 ing some business to them, be secured them without noise, about noon, 
 and a captain, of the guards seized on the duke of Camino, in the great 
 square. Those who received the billets, opening them, found orders to 
 seize some of the conspirators, and commit thcnf to such and such pri- 
 sons, and to set a guard on them till farther orders. These measures 
 were so well taken, and so punctually executed, that in less than an 
 hour's time, the whole forty-seven were seized, no one having notice to 
 make his escape. 
 
 The noise of this plot being spread throughthe town, the people flocked 
 to the palace in great crouds, demanding the traitors to be delivered to 
 them. Though the king was pleased to see the affection of his new sub- 
 jects ; yet this unusual concourse made him a little uneasy. He feared 
 these popular tumults might grow frequent, which he looked on as no 
 better than seditious assemblies. So having thanked the people for their 
 concern for his person, and assured them justice should be done, he 
 ordered the magistrates to disperse them. 
 
 However, lest the heat of the people should abate, who easily pass 
 from the most violent fury and rage, to sentiments of pity and compas- 
 sion, this prince gave out, the conspirators had a design to assassinate 
 him, and the whole royal family, to set the city on fire, and seize what 
 escaped the flames as their plunder: and to prevent all conspiracies for 
 the future, and to discharge their vengeance, they had resolved to people 
 the town with a colony of Spaniards, and to send the citizens to the 
 mines in America, and bury them alive in that abyss, which had swal- 
 lowed a world of people. 
 
 In the next place, he appointed judges out of the supreme court of 
 judicature, for the trial of the conspirators ; to these he added, two of 
 the grandees of the kingdom, upon the account of the archbishop of 
 Braga, the marquess of Villareal, and the duke of Camino. 
 
 The king ordered the commissioners not to make use of the letters 
 which he put into their hands, if they could convict the plotters without 
 them, for fear the court of Spain should come to know by what means 
 the) f came to fall into his hands. But there was-no need to employ them 
 to discover the truth. Baeze contradicted himself in almost all the ques- 
 tions which were put to him ; and this wretch, on the first torture, con- 
 fessed his guilt, and disclosed the whole plan of the conspiracy. He 
 ewned they had a design to kill the king ; that the office of the inquisi- 
 tion was full of arms, and they only waited the Conde duke's answer for 
 the execution of their designs. 
 
 Most part of the other plotters being put to the question, their depo- 
 sitions were agreeable to those of the Jew. The archbishop, the grand 
 inquisitor, the marquis de Villareal, and the duke of Camino confessed 
 their guilt, to avoid the torture, The judges condemned the two last to 
 be beheaded, and the rest to be hanged and quartered and reserved the 
 sentence of the churchmen for the king. 
 
 The king summoned a council immediately, and told his ministers,
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 39 
 
 he feared the punishment of so many persons of rank, though they 
 were guilty, might have bad consequences. That the chief conspirators 
 being of several of the first houses of the kingdom, their kindred would 
 be so many secret enemies of the government, and the desire to revenge 
 their death, would be the unhappy source of perpetual plots. That the 
 death of count Egmont in Flanders, and of the Guises in Fiance, had 
 both fatal consequences ; that to pardon some, and inflict a less severe 
 punishment than death, would win the hearts.of all persons, and oblige 
 them, their relations and friends, to act by motives of gratitude. That 
 however his private opinion was for mildness, he had assembled them to 
 have their sense, and resolved to proceed as they judged best. 
 
 The marquis de Ferrara was for having them executed without delay. 
 He asserted with vehemence, that a prince on these occasions, ought to 
 hear nothing but justice; tlwt mildness was dangerous, and to pardon 
 criminals of this kind, would be thought a weakness in a prince, pro- 
 ceeding more from a fear of their powerful friends, than a natural good- 
 ness : that impunity would bring the present government into contempt, 
 and encourage their friends to deliver them out of prison, and possibly 
 to push matters further. That an example of severity was necessary upon 
 his accession to the crow n, to deter others from the like attempt. That this 
 offence was not only against the king's person, but against the state, and 
 a design to subvert the government. That he ought to consider more 
 the justice he owed his people, than his inclination to clemency, at a time 
 when the preservation of his person, and the public safety, were in- 
 seprable. 
 
 All the council being of the same opinion, the king yielded, and the 
 sentence wa3 executed the next day. The archbishop of Lisbon inter- 
 ceded for the life of his friends, and solicited the queen, with all the 
 assurance of a man, who thought nothing could be refused to his services. 
 But the queen, who understood very well the necessity of impartial justice, 
 how much a distinction of this nature would exasperate the friends of 
 the rest, only replied, with atone which shewed her inflexible resolution, 
 My lord, the greatest favour I can grant you, is to forget that you ever 
 spoke tome of this matter. 
 
 The king fearing to draw the court of Rome on him, and being will- 
 ing to make use of the good grace of the holy father, that he might own 
 him as king, changed the punishment of the archbishop of Bragg, and 
 the grand inquisitor, into a perpetual prison. The archbishop died of 
 grief, because his design had miscarried. The vice-queen was delivered 
 to the Spaniards; and the first minister of Suain seeing clandestine wavs 
 unable to destroy the king of Portugal, was resolved to attack him by 
 open force. But this too was still unsuccessful. This prince kept a 
 considerable number of troops on his frontier, commanded by the beat 
 generals, and composed of a great number of foreign officers and volun- 
 teers, whom his bounty had draw n into his service. Besides this, he had 
 the dexterity to make pensioners in the very council of Spain, who served
 
 40 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 him effectually, and disposed matters so, that those generals who were 
 ordered to attack Portugal, were never in a condition to attempt any thins 
 considerable to its prejudice. Thus he reigned seventeen years, the delight 
 of his subjects, and the terror of Spain. After his death, the queen, a 
 princess of courage and great skill in the affairs of government, gloriously 
 kept the crown and fortune for her children. She shone with full splen- 
 dor on the throne, during the whole time of her regency, and shewed all 
 those qualities in their brightest lustre, which made her one of the most 
 illustrious princesses that ever reigned. The conduct and the art of go- 
 vernment were her chiefest care, and her constaut study. She applied 
 herself with great assiduity, to unmask the several characters, and guess 
 by the most nice and fine outsides, the most concealed intentions; and if 
 at any time she happened to be deceived, she would trace the several steps 
 to find the original mistake. By her extraordinary diligence she had at- 
 tained to great skill and judgment ; the Spanish* historians as well as the 
 Portuguese, do her the justice to own, she' could seethe naked hearts of 
 her courtiers, though veiled with the most artful dissimulation. In short, 
 where there appeared any thing great or glorious to attempt, she wanted 
 neither courage to conquer all difficulties, or wit to find means to obtain 
 what she desired; and there was nothing farther to be wished for in this 
 matchless woman, except a more true notion. of real greatness, or higher 
 motives than fame and glory. 
 
 The court of Spain thinking the regency the most favourable oppor- 
 tunity to regain their lost power In Portugal, bent the force of their 
 arms on that kingdom. The pensioners of the king, in the councils of 
 Madrid, who had hitherto diverted the storm, were dead, and the regent 
 had no way left but to prepare for war. She obtained of the princes, 
 her allies, the best generals, and the most experienced officers. The 
 weight of affairs did not make any impression on her. Her capacity, wit, 
 and steady courage, were proof against all adventure;?. Nothing but the 
 throne she filled could have ever shewn the great genius of this princess, 
 wise in her counsels, impenetrable in her designs, rigid and inflexible in 
 maintaining every point of her just authority. The people had a great 
 affection to her government. Fear and respect kept the great men of 
 the kingdom in a perfect submission. Never troops were in better con- 
 dition, or better disciplined : her orders were executed as punctually as 
 if she had been at the head of her army in person. Every one kuew of- 
 fences to the prejudice of the qneen's affairs were never pardoned. All 
 men were diligent in doing their duty : she would know every thing, read 
 all dispatches, and nothing escaped her care and providence. 
 
 To conclude, she put every thing in so good order, in the time of her 
 regency, that king Alphonso, her son, upon his entering into the govern- 
 ment, found the kingdom in a condition to maintain a war against Spain, 
 
 * Ad haec politicas artes, bonos et malos Regiminis dolos, dominationis arcana, 
 humani latibula ingenii non modo intelligere Mulier, sed et pertractare quoque 
 et provehere tam Natura quam Discipliua mirificc iustiucta fuit. Caetan Passsar 
 de Bello Lusitan.
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 41 
 
 with advantage, his generals won great battles, and ever heat their ene- 
 mies ; so that some time after the abdication of that prince, Spain, \\t-a- 
 ried with so fruitless and expensive a war, was constrained to desire peace 
 of Dora Pedro, h'w brother, then reigning, and own him rightful king 
 of Portugal, and that crown, independent.* 
 
 John IV. although he took the field, was no general himself, hut ho 
 had tin; judgment to elect and to promote men of merit ; and, in the war 
 with Spain which followed the restoration of the monarch) ', we find he- 
 roes who would have done honour to the times of his great ancestor, John 
 I. No sooner was John proclaimed and crowned, than he proceeded to 
 repair the fortifications of the frontier towns, and to put garrisons in 
 them, taking care, at the same time, not to be the first to commit any 
 act of hostility. 
 
 During the greater part of the years 1G41-2, the war on the part of the 
 King of Portugal was confined to the defence of the frontiers. The Spa- 
 niards, however, soon obliged him to take the field. A Portuguese army 
 of 12,000 infantry, 2000 cavalry, with 2Q pieces of artillery, and two 
 mortars, under the Count of Obidos, assembled at Elvas on the 6th Sep- 
 tember, 1643. This army entered Spanish Estrernadura, besieged and. 
 took Villa Verde, and afterwards laid siege to Badajoz ; but, after taking 
 two or three outworks, the Count judged it prudent to raise the siege, 
 and retire towards Villa Verde. The King no sooner heard of the siege 
 being raised, than he deprived the Count of the command, and gave it 
 to Mutliias de Albuquerque. Albuquerque followed up the intentions 
 of the Count of Obidos ; and, after destroying some villages, he besieged 
 and took Alconchil, Figueria de Vargus, and Villa Novo del Fresno. 
 
 While the grand army was employed in this victorious career, the de* 
 tached troops in other parts were net less successful. The Count of 
 Castello Milhor, who commanded in the north, took Salvaterra, and va- 
 rious towns in Galicia. The troops in the province of Beira, under Don 
 Alvaro de Abranches, the Count de Serem, Don Rodrigo de Castro, and 
 Don Sanchos Mauuel, were universally successful, so that, during the 
 whole of John's reign, the Spaniards, instead of making progress, lost 
 ground considerably. And that party in the nation, which was so far lost 
 to all honourable and patriotic feeling, as to wish their couutry a proviuce 
 of Spain, was completely annihilated. 
 
 During the usurpation of the crown of Portugal by the Philips, th« 
 Dutch had got a footing in India, as well as in America, and had taken 
 possession of some of the principal colonies of the Portuguese. No sup- 
 port whatever was sent from the mother country to these colonies. In- 
 deed, the court of Spain favoured, as much as possible, the successes of 
 the Dutch in both continents, from an idea that, by lessening the domi- 
 
 * Vertot's History of Portugal (or the revolution of 1G40) ends with the preceding 
 ftntenoe. Tin- continuation is from other authorities, the principal of which are 
 " Tin- Present State of Portugal and of the Portuguese Army," hy Dr. Halliday \ 
 " Elliot's State of Portugal ," and "A Brief Historic Memoir by Gcueral D», 
 mourier." 
 
 \ F
 
 42 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 nions and the consequence of the nation, there was the less probability 
 of its ever again becoming an independent state. No sooner was the re- 
 volution known in the colonies, than it was received with the utmost de- 
 monstrations of joy, and the King was unanimously proclaimed in almost 
 every settlement. The war was carried ou against the Dutch with re- 
 doubled vigour, and with some success, until a peace between the two 
 bowers put an end to these contests. In Africa the Portuguese defended 
 their colonies against the united efforts of the Moors and Dutch witli the 
 greatest bravery, but with considerable loss, until the peace between 
 John and the United States relieved them also from that powerful adver- 
 sary. King John IV. died at Lisbon on the 6th of November 1656, in 
 the 52d year of his age, and l6th of his reign. The Queen was left Re- 
 gent of the kingdom, and governess of the young King ; but Affonso 
 VI. was far different from the Affonsos of other times, and seemed to 
 have nothing but the name, in common with his illustrious ancestors. 
 Addicted to secret vices from his earliest years, he was debilitated both 
 iu body and mind, and perfectly incapable of directing the councils of a 
 great nation. The Queen mother was at every pains to place wise and 
 virtuous counsellors around her son ; but those only who favoured his 
 passions and his vices, and who were of the lowest character, could have 
 any influence on his conduct. 
 
 The King of Spain, taking advantage of the confusion which naturally 
 followed the death of John, and the irregular conduct of the young Af- 
 fonso, carried on the war with great vigour, but with indifferent success. 
 In lCo7 the Portuguese were rather unfortunate in the Aleutejo. In 
 1658 Badajoz was besieged for six months by the army under John 
 Mendes de Vasconcelles ; but, after taking the fort of St. Michael, he 
 was obliged to retire to Elvas. Philip, having collected together an army 
 of 14,000 infantry and 5000 cavalry, with a powerful train of artillery, 
 proceeded to invest Elvas. 
 
 The Spanish army sat down before Elvas on the 22d of October, and 
 it was not till the month of January 1 659 that a sufficient force could be 
 brought together for its relief. During this period, the garrison suffered 
 every misery, and at one time lost nearly 300 a day from disease. The 
 Count de Cantanhede was able to take the field with an army which did 
 not (after all this delay) amount to more than 8000 infantry, anci about 
 3000 cavalry and seveu pieces of artillery. On the 13th of .January, 
 the army came iu sight of the Spanish lines. Early in the moruing of the 
 14th a detachment was sent from the Spanish camp to reconnoitre the 
 Portuguese army ; it was found to be jn apparently the greatest security, 
 not even under arms. The officer, on his return, informed the Spanish 
 general, Don Louis D'Aro, that there was no danger of an attack that 
 day ; and in consequence, the cavalry and additional t/oops which had 
 marched to that part of the lines which which was opposite the Portu- 
 guese camp, were withdrawn. 
 
 The Count de Cantanhede had given his orders the night before fos
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 43 
 
 the attack, and only waited for the clearing up of a thick mist to form 
 his army. About eight o'clock the whole were put in motion. The for- 
 lorn hope, consisting of about 1000 infantry chosen from the whole ar- 
 my, was commanded by Diogo Gouias de Figueredo. These were fol- 
 lowed by an advanced guard of 3000 infantry and 1200 cavalry, under 
 the command of the Count of Misquitella, Andrew de Albuquerque, 
 and Lieutenant-general Achim de Tamarcourt. One half of the cavalry 
 was placed on the flanks of this advanced guard ; the reserve consisted of 
 2000 infantry. After a short but appropriate speech, the Count de Can- 
 tanhede took his station in the front of the main body of the army, and 
 gave orders to advance. As soon as the movements of the army were 
 perceived from the city, every disposition was made by the governor Don 
 Sanchus Manuel, to take a part iu the approaching engagement. 
 
 The Spanish troops were scattered in the trenches and completely off 
 their guard, so that, when the advance arrived at their hue, they fouud 
 only a ftw battalions to oppose them, and these in the greatest confusion ; 
 and, although the Duke of St. Germains and the Spanish generals made 
 every effort to collect their troops, and although they did make several 
 desperate efforts to recover their lost ground, yet the Portuguese, led on 
 by their brave officers, overcame every difficulty, and in a short time were 
 masters of every part of the lines. 
 
 The remains of the Spanish army retired to Badajoz, but their loss 
 was most severe; for, of the 14,000 infantry and 3000 cavalry which 
 Don Lewis D' Aro had under his command at the beginning of the en- 
 gagement, he could only muster, next day at Badajoz,. about 5000 in- 
 fantry and 1300 cavalry. The whole artillery, many stands of colours, 
 about 5000 prisoners, and the whole of the baggage of the Spanish army, 
 were among the fruits of this victory. It was dearly bought, however,, 
 on the part of the Portuguese, by the loss of Andrew de Albuquerque, 
 one of the most distinguished officers of that period, and who fell mor- 
 tally wouuded while directing the assault of one of the enemy's fortified, 
 posts. Fernanda de Silveira, who fell in this action, deserves also to be 
 mentioned. He was one of those who had sustained the honour of his 
 country, while serving as a captain of cavalry with the Spanish armies m 
 Flanders, and who had equally distinguished himself since the restMts- 
 tidn, in the defence of his native soil, as well as iu the defence of the co- 
 lonies in America. 
 
 This important victory was most joyfully received by the Queen 
 Regent and the nation, aud, if I may so express myself, it gave a death- 
 blow to the hopes of Spain. The Count of Cantanhede, to whose judg- 
 ment and valour the victory was in a great measure owing, was called to 
 court as soon as circumstances would permit, and was received both by 
 the Queen and the young King, with the most flattering assurance of 
 their gratitude ana regard. The troops of Portugal were equally suc- 
 cessful iu the other provinces ; but the great want of men iu the nation, 
 an also a want of mouey, obliged the Queen to have recourse to Frauce
 
 Xi THE HISTORY OF PORT tf GAL. 
 
 for support; and notwithstanding some difficulties experienced in the 
 first instance, a body of troops was sent to Portugal, under the command 
 of the Earls of Schombergaud Inchiquin, the former a German, and the 
 latter Irish. A strong body of troops was also sent from England,- at 
 first under the command of Lord Inchiquin ; but afterwards, the whole 
 were put under" the orders of Schomberg* 
 
 Disgusted beyond measure with the conduct of the young King, the 
 Queen resigned the regency, and retired altogether from public life. In. 
 1662, France having concluded a peace with Spain, her troops were with- 
 drawn from Portugal ; and Philip determined to carry on the war with 
 more fury than ever. In 1663, a powerful army entered the Alentejo, took 
 and destroyed Evora, and many of the principal towns in that province, 
 and even threatened to sit down before the capital of the kingdom. The 
 Earl of Schomberg and Count of Villa Flor, were most incessantly en- 
 giged in the formation of an army that might afford some hopes of put- 
 ting a stop to the career of the enemy. This they were fortunate enough 
 to accomplish, for after the battle of Amexial, in which the Spaniard* 
 lost upwards of 10,000, killed, wounded, and prisoners, and many of 
 the first nobility of the kingdom, they were obliged to retire from Por- 
 tugal altogether. Philip", enraged at this defeat, removed the Duke of 
 Austria from the command of the army, aud having spent nearly two 
 years in organizing another army, he again ordered it to enter Portugal 
 by the Alentejo. The Spanish troops penetrated to Villa Vicosa ; but 
 the brave Cantanhede, now Marquis of Marialva, who commanded the 
 Portuguese army, coining up with them, another and decisive victory was 
 obtained near a place called Montes Claros. The Spaniards lost about 
 4000 killed, 6000 prisoners, 14 pieces of artillery, 86 stands of colour?, 
 and 1500 horses. 
 
 Notwithstanding these victories obtained by the valour of the army, 
 the conduct and weakness of the king seemed to threaten the nation with 
 ruin ; and it came to such a height, that the Prince Don Pedro, the 
 King's brother, and third sou of John IV. was unanimously called upon 
 to take the management of the public affairs. The King was in a man- 
 ner compelled to constitute his brother Regent, which he did, by sign- 
 ing a paper already prepared, on the 23d of November 1667. On the- 
 27th of January Don Pedro was sworn Regent and heir to the crown, 
 and immediately took upon him the reins of government. 
 
 Through the mediation of Charles II. who had married Catherine the 
 daughter of John IV. and sister to the King and Regent, a peace was 
 at last concluded between the courts of Spain and Portugal. This peace, 
 which was effected by the Earl of Sandwich on the part of the King of 
 England, was signed at Lisbon on the 23d of February 1668, by the 
 Marquis of Elich on the part of Charles, who had succeeded his father, 
 Philip IV. on the throue of Spain, and by the Duke of Cadaval, the 
 Marquises of Marialva, Niza, and Govea, and the Count of Miranda, on 
 the part of the Regent of Portugal. This peace continued uninter- 
 rupted for thirty-six years, aud although it increased the internal power
 
 The history of Portugal. m 
 
 und wealth of the nation, it almost put an en end to the military glory 
 of Portugal. 
 
 In the beginning of the 18th century, when the succession to the 
 crown of Spain was disputed, Don Pedro, who had been proclaimed 
 King on the death of his brother in l6'83, was induced to enter into what 
 was called the grand alliance in favour of Charles, son of the Emperor 
 Leopold I. An army of 25,000 infantry, and 3000 cavalry, was raised 
 de novo in Portugal, for there was scarce a soldier existing who knew what 
 war was. Thirteen thousand of these troops were paid by the allies. 
 
 The command of the province of Estremadura was given to the Duke 
 of Cadaval ; that of Beira to the Marquis das Minas ; Tras os Montes to 
 the Count of Alvor; Alentejo to the Count of Galveas, and Algarve to 
 the Count of Avintes. 
 
 Portugal became the theatre of the war, for Philip V., grandson of 
 Louis XIV. of France, who had been named by Charles II. as his suc- 
 cessor, entered the province of Beira with a powerful army, passed through 
 Castello Branco, crossed the Tagus at Villa Velha, took Portalegre, Cas- 
 tello de Vide, and other places in the Alentejo, without meeting with the 
 smallest resistance. The Marquis das Minas, though not able to face tha 
 army of Philip, entered Spain as soon as it hud left the province of Be- 
 ira, took and destroyed the town of Fuentes de Ginaldo, then a rich and 
 flourishing place. He also took Monsanto, and dispersed a few troops 
 under Don Francisco de Ronquilho. The Count of Galveas also made 
 some exertions to carry the war into Spain, but was only able to destroy 
 a few villages. 
 
 On the 28th of March 1704, the King of Portugal left Lisbon with 
 Charles III. and joined the army at Almeida. The British troops were 
 commanded by the Earl of Galway, the Portuguese by the Marquis da» 
 Minas. On the arrival of the two sovereigns, the allied army was put in 
 motion, with the view of crossing the Agueda ; but this fhey were un- 
 able to accomplish, as they were opposed by a powerful army under the 
 Duke of Berwick, who was generalissimo of the French and Spanish 
 forces. After giving directions for the armies to take the field early in 
 summer, the two Kings returned to Lisbon. 
 
 In 1705, a powerful fleet and army arrived from England, under the 
 Earl of Peterborough, which, after leaving thirteen ships in the Tagus, 
 proceeded with Charles to Catalonia. In the autumn of this year, the 
 Marquis das Minas laid siege to Badajoz, but was unable to take it. 
 Charles III. however, or rather the English army, took Barcelona. In 
 the March following, the allied army entered Spain in force, under the 
 Marquis das Minas ; several towns were taken, and the army under the 
 Duke of Berwick, in an affair near Brozas, was obliged to retire. Al- 
 cantara, after a blockade of six days, yielded to the allies. From Al- 
 cantara the Marquis proceeded to Placentia, which, notwithstanding 
 that it was defended by the Duke of Berwick, was also taken posv 
 ef, as were the cities of Cidade Uodrigo aad Salamanca.
 
 4t> THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 On the 27th .or June, the allied army entered Madrid, where the Mar- 
 quis proclaimed Charles King of Spain with great pomp. Had (Charles 
 pushed on at this time with the troops under the Earl of Peterborough, 
 and arrived at Madrid in person, he might have secured the crown of 
 Spain. But the time which ought to have been otherwise employed, 
 was spent in vain pomp and parade, and in listening to the opinions of 
 councils of war. The province of Estremadura and Old Castile had 
 acknowledged the power of Charles, as also the kingdom of Leon; and 
 Clement XL even acknowledged his right, which had hitherto been 
 denied. The Emperor of Morocco congratulated the King of Portugal 
 on the success of his arms ; but the delays of Charles, and the increas- 
 ing power of the army under Philip, obliged the Marquis das Minas t© 
 quit Madrid. 
 
 The army under Charles and the Earl of Peterborough, joined that 
 under the Marquis das Minas and Lord Gal way, on the 8th of August, 
 when Peterborough was deprived of his command, and the Lord Gal way 
 appointed his successor ; but, finding it impossible to attack the enemy 
 with advantage, they retired upon Valencia, crossing the Tagus at Fu- 
 entes de Puena. They were followed by the Duke of Berwick, but no 
 action took place, as the Duke carefully avoided a general engagement. 
 
 On the 25th of April 1707, the Duke of Berwick found himself in a 
 favourable position near Almanza, and by a well-executed stratagem, he 
 brought the allies to an engagement. The battle was long and bloody, 
 and the allies were severely beaten, for not less than thirteen regiments 
 •were taken prisoners. This victory gave a complete turn to the affairs of 
 Philip, and in a manner secured to him the quiet possession of the crown 
 of Spain. 
 
 On the 7th of July 1708,. John V. who had succeeded his father, Don 
 Pedro, married the Archduchess Maria of Austria, daughter of the Em- 
 peror Leopold ; and though the courts of England and France endea- 
 voured to draw him off from the alliance with Charles III. yet John re- 
 ■niained firm to his engagement with his brother-in-law, and the war was 
 continued. In 1709, a Spanish army was known to be encamped in the 
 plains near Badajoz, and the Marquis of Fronteira, who commanded the 
 the allies at Elvas, resolved (on some false information) to attack their 
 camp. The Spaniards were equally successful in this engagement. 
 Lord Gahvay, and two British regiments, were taken prisoners, and the 
 allies obliged to retire with great, loss. If we except the battle of Can- 
 dasnos, Philip was successful in every engagement during the following 
 year. Miranda was taken possession of, as well as several other places ; 
 and though some of these were recovered, the allies were for the most 
 part unsuccessful. At last, the death of I eopold called Charles to the 
 throne of Austria, and Europe, wearied of the war, began to think of a 
 genprai peace. Plenipotentiaries from the several nations met at Utrecht 
 in 1713, and on the 6th of April 1716, the peace, which was there 
 effected, was proclaimed in Lisbon.
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 47 
 
 Previous, however, to the general peace, the army of Philip, under 
 the Marquis of Baz, laid siege to Campo Maior; and if we consider the 
 immense force which was brought against this small place, and the brave 
 defence which it made, we shall find it equalled by i'ew in the history of 
 the world. Stephen de Gama, the governor of Campo Maior, is worthy 
 r*f being recorded with the Pereiras, Menezes, and Albuquerques of old. 
 The enemy's breaching battery is said to have thrown eight hundred shot 
 daily. The trenches were opened on the 4th of October, the breach 
 was practicable on the 24thj but though the place was assaulted, the 
 enemy were tepulsed. 
 
 The impossibility of continuing to defend the breaches, and the im- 
 practicability of repairing them, suggested to Pedro Masearenh'as, who 
 commanded the troops, the idea of stopping them up with brush-wood. 
 On a second assault being attempted, this brush-wood set on fire, and it 
 threw the enemy's troops into such confusion, that, after a severe loss, 
 they were a second time driven back, and finally obliged to raise 
 the siege. 
 
 During the peace which succeeded the treaty of Utrecht, the Portu- 
 guese nation increased in wealth, and John, who had received the title 
 of Faithful from Benedict XIV. found sufficient occupation in build- 
 ing the palace of Mafra, and other religious houses, and in framing laws 
 for the government of his kingdom. 
 
 In 173.-5, some dispute having arisen between the courts of Spain and 
 Portugal, about the possession of the colony of Sacramento in America, 
 an immense army was raised by John, but it never came into action, as 
 the dispute was amicably adjusted through the mediation of England 
 and Italy ; and the peace continued uninterrupted during the rest of 
 his days. 
 
 On the 31st of July 1750, Joseph I. succeeded his father on the 
 throne of Portugal. The first twelve years of this reign offer ifoth'ing 
 to the military reader ; and the long period of forty-seven years peace, 
 had in a great measure changed the very nature of the people. 
 
 In the spring of 17C-2, the advance of a Spanish army into Portugal, 
 excited considerable alarm in the nation, and the King became sensible 
 of the impolicy of neglecting his military force. John V. had corrected 
 some flagrant abuses during the continuance of the war at the com- 
 mencement of his reign, and had published a code of regulations, which 
 are still in existence, but even these had fallen into disuse in many re- 
 spects ; the army was therefore ill organised, and worse officered. 
 
 Six British regiments of infantry, a regiment of light dragoon*, and 
 eight companies of artillery, were sent by this country to assist in repell- 
 ing the French and Spanish armies who threatened to invade Portugal; 
 and the Count of Schambourg Lippe, an officer who had been educated 
 in the school of Frederick of Prussia, was invited by the court of Lisbon 
 to take the command of the army. The command of th« British I 
 was also intrusted to Lippe ; and, with the commission of Marshal-Geuei
 
 48 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 ral, the organization of the army, and direction of the war, was in a 
 great measure committed to him. 
 
 lathe month of July, the combined armies of France and Spain were 
 collected in the neighbourhood of Cidade Rodrigo, to the amount of 
 42,000 men, with a train of artillery of 93 pieces. Lippe, who had not 
 been above three months in the country, found himself obliged to take 
 the field against this powerful and well-organised force. But as it was 
 necessary to leave some troops in the north, to watch the motions of the 
 Spaniards in Galicia, as also garrisons in most of the frontier towns, the 
 army under his command, including the British force already mentioned, 
 did not exceed fourteen or fifteen thousand men. 
 
 The advance of the enemy's army crossed the Coa on the 23d of July, 
 and took possession of the Castle of Rodrigo without firing a shot. On 
 this movement Lippe collected his army near Abrantes, that it might be 
 ready to act according to circumstances. Almeida was besieged by the 
 enemy, and though there was little probability of its being able to stand 
 against so superior a force, yet the Count determined to make a diversion 
 in its favour, and if possible delay its fall. Lieutenant-general Town- 
 6end was dispatched into upper Beira, with seven regiments of Portu- 
 guese infantry, one British regiment, and two regiments of Portuguese 
 cavalry, and the first position which he took up was at Viseu ; other 
 small detachments were sent to Celerico and Guarda. But the fall of 
 Almeida, through the cowardice of the governor, rendered these mea- 
 sures of little effect. 
 
 Two days after the fall of Almeida, the enemy advanced some leagues 
 on the road to Celerico, but soon broke off to the left, and marched 
 upon Sabugal and Penamacor, while a considerable column took the 
 road of Alcantara for Spain. As soon as Lippe was apprized of these 
 movements, four British regiments were marched to the Ponte de Mur- 
 cella, to secure a junction with General Townsend, and the rest of the 
 troops were placed in eschellons of brigades between the Tagus and 
 the Mondega, and ready to be removed to any point. The castle of 
 Celerico was abandoned two days after the fall of Almeida, and taken 
 possession of by the enemy, so that the route to Coimbra or Oporto was 
 completely open to him. 
 
 During the march of the enemy's troops upon Sabugal, a skirmish 
 took place with their advance, in which the Portuguese regiment of 
 volunteer cavalry suffered some loss, and was driven back. The gover- 
 nor of Salvaterra, notwithstanding the most positive orders to defend it 
 to the last, thought proper to capitulate before the enemy came within 
 sight of the place. The commandant of Segura did the same, which 
 laid the road to Castello Branco completely open. But, instead of 
 moving upon Coimbra or Oporto, the whole of the enemy's force was 
 united at Castello Branco, about the middle of September. As Count 
 Lippe presumed the enemy was intent upon entering the Alentejo, he 
 drew off his troops from the Ponte de Murcella, and took up a position
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 4$ 
 
 near Abrantes ; while General Townsend, who had got to the neighbour- 
 hood of Pinhel, was directed to fall back upon the Tagus, in order to 
 join the main body of the army. Lord Lennox was left with a small 
 force in the neighbourhood of Almeida ; and Townsend, taking the route 
 of Celerico and Ponte de Murcella, joined the army. When Lippe 
 observed, that instead of marching by Alcantara, the combined armies 
 were collected at Castello Branco, he supposed that the Count d' Arada 
 intended to pursue the route which had been taken by Philip V. when 
 lie entered Portugal in the beginning of the succession war, and that he 
 would attempt to cross the Tagus at Villa Velha ; and he was convinced 
 that, if this route was followed, the whole of the frontier towns of the 
 Alentejo must inevitably fall into the hands of the enemy, and with them 
 the whole of that province, as well as the kingdom of Algane, while, 
 with his small, ill-organised, and still worse-disciplined army, lie was 
 perfectly unable to offer any opposition in the field. As, however, the 
 nature of the country offered some difficulties, and the enemy were com* 
 pelled, in a manner, to cross the Tagus at Villa Velha, if determined to 
 enter the Alentejo. General Burgoyne, who had been detached on a 
 secret service, and who had taken a major-general, several officers, and 
 about 200 men from the enemy, in an unexpected attack which he made 
 upon Valenca, was directed to occupy the south bank of the river at this 
 point, and at the same time to observe their movements on the river, so 
 us to secure his right. General Burgoyne fortified his position on the 
 banks of the Tagus, and took advantage of the ground in his favour to 
 erect batteries, which in some measure commanded the road to the bridge* 
 The old Castle of Villa Veiha was taken possession of and fortified, and 
 the Count of St Jago, with 1000 infantry, 200 cavalry, and 8 pieces of 
 cannon, occupied the pass of Alvito, and commanded the road which 
 leads by Sobreira Formosa, while the army under the commander-in- 
 chief was encamped near the village of Masan, with the view of being 
 near to support the posts in the mountains. 
 
 The Count Arada sent about 0*00 men from the army at Castello 
 Branco, to make a reconuoissance in the direction of Villa Yeilia, and 
 take up a position in front of General Burgoyne; another body of about 
 4000 encamped on the heights of Sarzedos and Montegarde, in front of 
 the Count of St Jago ; while a third corps, of between 2000 and 3000, 
 encamped in front of the pass of St. Simon, which was occupied by a ma- 
 jor and 300 of the allied army. The enemy, after repeated trials, being 
 convinced of the difficulty of forcing General Burgoyne from his position, 
 resolved to open the roads by the mountains, with the view of marching 
 upon Abrantes. The Count of La Torre, who commanded tht em 
 advance, ordered 000 men to cross the river Alvito, with an intention of 
 outflanking the troops under the Count of St Jago on their left ; while 
 another strong detachment marched upon St Simon, and drove in tliut 
 advanced post of the allies. 
 
 After considerable opposition, the enemy got pos-e-sion of the height* 
 
 G
 
 f* TllL HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 of Villa Velha, which obliged Count Lippe to withdraw his small force 
 from that position j but, on the appearance of the enemy in front of St 
 Simon, the Count of St Jago was reinforced with two additional battalions 
 of Portuguese infantry. 
 
 The officer who commanded the castle of Villa Velha surrendered with 
 his garrison, although it was in his power to have crowed the river, and 
 joined General Burgoyne. After gaining possession of these heights, 
 the enemy advanced in that direction with a corps (>000 men, which ren- 
 dered it necessary to withdraw the advanced post at Moita, which was 
 outflanked ; and a strong force appearing in front of St. Simon, Lord 
 Loudon was detached with four British regiments to take a position in 
 front of Sobreira Formosa, so as to secure the retreat of St. Jago. 
 
 On the 3d of October, Count Lippc ordered the troops to be withdrawn 
 from the Alvito. Lord Loudon's brigade was directed to remain upou 
 the heights of Falhadas until the Portuguese troop* had reached Sobreira 
 Formosa, and then, after destroyingthe works which had been constructed 
 by the count of St. Jago, to retire also. The rear-guard, which was 
 composed of the grenadier companies of Lord Loudon's brigade, and 
 iifty men from each regiment, and twenty-four Portuguese, with fifty 
 British dragoons, was attacked about five o'clock in the afternoon by the 
 enemy's advance, and almost the whole of the cavalry -horses were killed 
 or wounded ; but, upou bringing up the whole of the brigade to the sup- 
 port of the rear-guard, the enemy retired from the heights, aHd did not 
 attempt any thing further during the retreat. 
 
 The six thousand men which, after the fall of the heights of Villa 
 Velha, had crossed the mountains at Porta Cabrao, left six pieces of can- 
 non near the passage of the Tagns, with a guard of 100 horse, and 200 
 provincial grenadiers, which they deemed sufficient, as the river was con- 
 sidered impassable. General Burgoyne, observing the carelessness and 
 inattention of these troops, directed Colonel Lee, with a detachment of 
 '250 British grenadiers, and 50 dragoons, to pass the Tagus at a ford a 
 little above the enemy's position, and endeavour to destroy the guns, or 
 bring them off". Colonel Lee performed this duty with great judgment. 
 The enemy were taken completely unawares, a great number were killed, 
 and (J officers, 36 dragoons, with O'O artillery-mules, taken. A consider- 
 able quantity of stores and provisions was destroyed, and four of the 
 guns spiked. 
 
 On the 5th of October, the grand army advanced three leagues, and 
 the head-quarters of the Count d 1 Aranda was in Sarzedas. The advance, 
 under the Count de la Torre, took up a position in front of Sobreira For- 
 mosa, and 1000 men were kept constantly at work repairing the roads. 
 Lippe had directed the Count of St. Jago to drive the country during his- 
 retreat through the Lower Beira, and every thing that could not be car- 
 ried oft' was destroyed ; so that the enemy now found himself in a desert, 
 without being able to procure either provisions, cars, or peasants to assist 
 them ; the inhabitants had abandoned their villages, and carried off every
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. ,-,i 
 
 thing. The army had to be supplied with even* necessary from Spain. 
 The soldiers were harassed with fatigue in making- roads, and the ca\ airy- 
 horses destroyed in conducting provisions, &c. 
 
 General Townsend was detached with his division to join Lord Lennox, 
 who was in the neighbourhood of Guarda, and who was ordered to ad- 
 vance upon Belmont, with the view of cutting off the communication 
 with Almeida and Cidade Rodrigo. The army under General Townsend, 
 when united with that under Lord Lennox, amounted to fourteen bat- 
 talions of infantry, and two regiments of cavalry, but was represented as 
 consisting of JO, 000 men ; and a rumour was spread, that a large force 
 had arrived from Kngland. To give countenance to these reports, which 
 spies were paid to circulate, General Townsend had no sooner arrived 
 from Pinhel at Codos, about a league from St. Domingo, and after a 
 march of fifty leagues, than he counter-marched through the moun- 
 tains, and appeared in the lieira, performing, with his troops, another 
 march of forty leagues. " Which duty," says the Count Lippe, 
 ** was punctually and skilfully performed by General Townsend, a a well 
 by tlie great abilities of that officer, as by the patience and perseverance 
 of the Portuguese soldiers, who, notwithstanding the destruction of 
 their shoes, marched with the greatest alacrity and pleasure over the 
 rocky mountains, leaving very visible marks of their bleeding feet upon 
 the stones." l 
 
 While Townsend was manoeuvring in this maimer, the allied army, un- 
 der the commander-in-chief, broke up from the encampment at Masam, 
 and moved towards the left upon St. Domingo, and the head-quarters 
 were for some days at Sardoal ; but, at last, Lippe determined to take 
 up a position on the Sierras of Lercas and Sta Clara, with his left upon 
 the river Codos, near its junction with the Ze/ere, and his right upon the 
 Tagus, near the mouth of the rivers Frio and Codeiro, and thus await 
 the enemy, should he attempt to advance so far. 
 
 To those acquainted with the country, the importance of this strong 
 position must be obvious ; but to such of my readers as have only the 
 map to consult, it may be proper to observe, that every road which led to 
 Abrantes was guarded. The nature of the country rendered the cavalry 
 arm perfectly useless, and with regard to artillery, every advantage was 
 on the side of the allies ; while the difficult nature of the detiles through 
 which the enemy's infantry must pits, rendered them in some measure 
 defensible by the small army under Lippe. 
 
 General liurgoyue remained on the south side of the Tagus, and the 
 communication with him was kept up by a chain of posts. The alarm 
 excited in the rear of the enemy by the troops under Genera) Townsend, 
 kept a considerable body of their troops engaged. On the 15th of Oct. 
 the Count d'Aranda began to withdraw his advanced posts, and in a few 
 days he. retired with the whole army to his former position at Castello 
 BranCO. Lieutenant-general Townsend had pasted I'nndao, and had 
 hi* advance-guard in Lardoza in the Lower Bcira, which obliged the
 
 52 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 
 
 Spauiah General to detach a strong body French troops to observe hit 
 motions. After a halt of some days at Castello Branco, the enemy's ca- 
 valry, and a strong bo;iy of infantry, took the road for Spain, crossing the 
 Tagus it Alcantara. As soon as the enemy began to retire upon Cas- 
 tello Branco, Major-general Fraser was sent with four regiments of in- 
 fantry, and two of cavalry, by the road of Sobreira Formosa, with direc- 
 tions to attack his rear as often as he could do so with advantage. Ge- 
 neral Bnrgoyne advanced between Nisa and Montalvoa, while General 
 Townsend occupied Penamacor and Monsanto. 
 
 Notwithstanding the retreat of his cavalry, and a body of infantry, the 
 Count d'Aranda kept his head-quarters at Castello Branco, and about 
 twenty-eight battalions of French and Spanish infantry, and ten squad- 
 rons of cavalry, and sixteen pieces of artillery, were retained with him. 
 Count Lippe, with his small army, determined to attack this force 5 but, 
 owing to some mismanagement, the troops could not get together in time, 
 and d'Aranda retreated at leisure, leaving his sick and wounded in the 
 hospital at Castello Branco, with a letter, recommending them to the at- 
 tention of the allied army. 
 
 This retreat of the enemy in the month of November, after so many 
 and difficult movements, together with the ruin of their numerous cavalry, 
 made it evident that the campaigu was at an and, "Hi that they had re, 
 tired to winter-quarters. Under these circumstances, (fount Lippe per- 
 mitted his troops to enter into quarters. General Towusend's division 
 was quartered in the Lower Reira ; the British troops in Sardoal and its 
 neighbourhood, with a part of the Portuguese army, but the greater part 
 of the Portuguese regiments were cantoned in the Alentejo ; while Ge- 
 neral Burgoyne's division formed a corps of observation between Nisa and 
 Portalegre. Reinforcements were sent to the different frontier garrisons, 
 and British officers were for the most part appointed governors. Major- 
 general Clarke was made governor of Elvas ; Colonel Vaughan, who hael 
 distinguished himself in India, was appointed governor of Arronches ; 
 and a Lieuteuant-colonel Sharpe, who commanded the 2d regiment of 
 Elvas, now the 17th infantry, was sent to assist the Marquis de Prado, an 
 old Spanish nobleman in the service of Portugal, who was governor of 
 Campo Maior. 
 
 Count Lippe was deceived by the retreat of the enemy, and was guilty 
 of an error in allowing his troops to disperse into quarters ; for, had thu 
 enemy been aware of this oversight, they might have taken possession of 
 the Alentejo without a blow. Lippe, however, being on the alert, soon 
 collected his army in the neighbourhood of Fustios; and the brave defence 
 of Marvao, which was garrisoned by a few troops under a Captain Brown, 
 gave the commander-in-chief time to make his arrangements. General 
 Bnrgoyne occupied the heights of Castello de Vide and Marvao, while 
 the enemy was encamped in the neighbourhood of Yalenca, Nine regi- 
 ments were marched to Portalegre, and every exertion made to defend the 
 frontiers. The position in front of Portalegre, and in the neighbourhood
 
 THE HISTORY OF PORTUGAL. 53 
 
 of Valeria, was chosen with great judgment, and the enemy's advance 
 was expected as an event that would in some measure decide the fate of 
 the campaign* 
 
 The first place which the enemy attempted to take was Marvao. This 
 «mall town was attacked by a corps of 4000 or 5000 men, but the firm- 
 ness of Captain Brown not only saved the place, but obliged the enemy 
 to retire with considerable loss. Oguela, another small fort, was next 
 attempted, but here the bravery of Captain Braz de Carvalho and hi* 
 fcrnall garrison was equally conspicuous, as the enemy were driven from 
 before the place with considerable loss and obliged to abandon the attempt. 
 The resistance which the Spaniards met with in these small places, had 
 a visible effect upon their movements, and convinced them that any at- 
 tempt upon the Alentejo, would require both active and decisive mea- 
 sures, which the lateness of the season in some measure would not admit 
 of. On the 15th of November, therefore, the whole of their force re- 
 tired into Spanish Estremadura, to take up their winter-quarters, and 
 Portugal, with the exception of Almeida and Chaves, was freed from the 
 enemy. 
 
 On the ( 22d of November, a Spanish Major-general arrived at the head- 
 quarters of Count Lippe, with the news of the signing of the prelimi- 
 naries of peace at Fountainbleau on the 3d curt, and proposing, on the 
 part of the Count d'Aranda, a suspension of arms. Major-general Craw- 
 ford was dispatched by Lippe with his answer to the Spanish comman- 
 der-in-chief, agreeing to the suspension, which put an end to the campaign 
 v4>f 170 l 2, and also to the war. 
 
 FINIS.
 
 PERSONAL ADVENTURES 
 
 AND 
 
 TRAVELS 
 
 OF 
 
 FOUIl YEARS AND A HALF 
 
 IN THE 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 By MR. JOHN DA VIS. 
 
 BEING TRAVELS IN SEARCH OF INDEPENDENCE AND 
 SETTLEMENT. 
 
 Invent Portuin. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed by W. M'DowiO, Femberton Row, Gouih Squir«, NattttrMb 
 
 fo* J. davis, military chronicle office, 14, charlotte street, blooaisbury; 
 
 ANU TO BE HAD OF THE BOOKSELLERS. 
 
 1817.
 
 TRAVELS, &c 
 
 Voyage from Bristol to Neiv York. 
 
 HAVING formed the resolution of visiting the United States, 
 I repaired from Salisbury to Bristol, with a view of embarking 
 on board a snow of two hundred tons, which lay at the quay, and 
 was bound to New York. The captain had purposed to sail the 
 20th of the same month, but it was not before January 7th of the 
 new year, that the vessel moved from the wharf, when the spring- 
 tide enabled her to proceed down the river. 
 
 For my passage, which was in the steerage, I had paid seven 
 guineas to the merchants who chartered the vessel, and my nae'ss, 
 which was with two young gentlemen of my acquaintance, cost 
 me only three pounds more. But, with this money, besides pro- 
 visions, we purchased a stove, which, during the voyage, was a 
 treasure to us. It not only fortified us against the cold, but we 
 cooked our victuals upon it ; and the drawer which was designed 
 to hold the ashes, made an admirable oven. 
 
 The cabin was by no means an enviable place. It offered nei- 
 ther accommodation nor society. Its passengers consisted of an 
 Unitarian priest and family, and two itinerant merchants. The 
 steerage group was composed of a good, jolly, Somersetshire 
 farmer and his housekeeper, who were going to settle in Penn- 
 sylvania, of the two young gentlemen I have already mentioned, 
 and myself. Having repeatedly crossed the equator, and doubled 
 the Cape of Good Hope, there is no occasion for me to say, thafc 
 the ocean was familiar to me ; and that, while the other passen- 
 gers were sick and dejected, I was in health and good spirits. To 
 the roll of the vessel 1 was fully accustomed ; but my companions 
 not having gotten their sea legs on board, tumbled grievously 
 about the decks. The library which I had brought with me, con-
 
 4 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 sistcd of nearly three hundred volumes, and would have endeared 
 me to any place. 
 
 The Two Brothers was a miserably sailing tub, and her passage 
 a most tedious one. Head winds constantly prevailed, and 
 scarcely a week elapsed without our lying-to more than once. 
 To scud her was impracticable, as she would not steer small, and 
 several times the captain thought she was going to founder. Her 
 cargo, which consisted of mill-stones and old iron, made her 
 strain so with rolling, that incessant pumping could hardly keep 
 her free. She seemed to be fitted out by the parish ; there was 
 not a rope on board strong enough to hang a cat with. She had 
 only one suit of sails, not a single spar, and her cordage was old. 
 If a sail was split by the wind, there was no other alternative 
 but to mend it ; and when, after being out six weeks, we had 
 sprung our fore-top mast, we were compelled to reef it. The 
 same day, I remember, we fell in with a schooner from New 
 York, which we spoke. It was on the 18th of February. She 
 was bound to St. Sebastian. The seamen being employed, I vo- 
 lunteered my services to pull an oar on board her, which were 
 readily accepted. Her captain received us politely, and regaled 
 us with some cider. She had left port only a fortnight ; but it 
 took the ill-fated Two Brothers a month to get thither. We 
 parted with regret. The captain of her was of a social, friendly 
 disposition. As to our own skipper, he was passionately fond of 
 visiting every vessel that he saw on the passage. If an old salt- 
 fish schooner hove in sight, he clamoured for his boarding-boots, 
 and swore he would go to her if it were only to obtain a pint of 
 molasses. Once, having hailed a vessel, he was justly rebuked. 
 He told the captain of her he would hoist out his boat and go to 
 see him ; but the man not approving, I suppose, his physiog- 
 nomy, hauled aft his sheets and bore round up before the wind. 
 The skipper had contracted these habits during the American 
 war, when he commanded a small privateer; and he could not in 
 his old age reclaim the foibles of his youth. 
 
 On the 8th of March, we saw the Isles of Sile, and three days 
 after weathered the breakers of Nantucket; from whence, coast- 
 ing to the southward, we made Long Island, and ran up to Sandy 
 Hook. The wind subsiding, we let go our anchor, and the next 
 morning, at an early hour, I accompanied the captain and two of 
 the cabin passengers on shore. It was Sunday, March 18th. 
 
 On the parched spot, very properly called Sandy Hook, we 
 found only one human habitation, which was a public house. 
 The family consisted of an old woman, wife to the landlord, two 
 young girls of homely appearance, a negro man and boy. While
 
 IN AMERICA. 
 
 breakfast was preparing, I ascended, with my companions, the 
 light-house, which stood on the point of the Hook. It was lofty, 
 and well furnished with lamps. On viewing the land round the 
 dwelling of our host, I could not help thinking that he might 
 justly exclaim with Selkirk : 
 
 I'm monarch of all I survey. 
 
 My right, there is none to dispute, 
 From the centre all ronnd to the sea, 
 
 I am lord of the fowl and the brute. 
 
 The morning passed away not unpleasantly. The vivacity of 
 the captain enlivened our breakfast, which was prolonged nearly 
 till noon j nor do I think we should have then risen from table, 
 had not the mate, who was left in charge of the snow, like a good 
 seaman, hove short, and loosened his sails in readiness to avail 
 himself of the breeze which had sprung up in our favour. The 
 captain, therefore, clamoured for the bill, and finished his last 
 bowl of grog with the favourite toast of " Here's to the wind 
 that blows, the ship that goes, and the lass that loves a sailor." 
 
 In our progress to the town, we passed a British frigate lying 
 at anchor. It was sunset, and the roll of the spirit-stirring drum 
 brought to my recollection those scenes, that pomp, pride, and 
 circumstance of glorious war, that makes ambition virtue*. We 
 moored our vessel to one of the wharfs, and I rejoiced to find 
 myself on a kindred shore. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Pursuits at Neio- York. Interview with Mr. Burr. A walk t& 
 Philadelphia. A Tribute to James Logan. Yellow Fever 
 desolating the City. Embark for South- Carolina. 
 
 UPON my landing at New- York, my first care was to deliver a 
 letter of recommendation which I had been favoured with by a 
 friend to a merchant in the city. I was now to become the ar- 
 chitect of my own fortune. Though on a kindred shore, I had 
 not even an acquaintance to whom I could communicate my pro- 
 jects. But I was not long depressed by melancholy reflections, 
 for I found a friend in a man, who, having himself been unfortu- 
 nate, could feel for another in adversity. This was Mr. Caritat, 
 the bookseller, who inquired into my views, and promised to 
 
 * Shakespeare.
 
 6 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 — I ■'- - I f.. 1 - .■■■■■■.. ', . L - l 
 
 assist me j and until he could do it effectually, that I might lose 
 no time, gave me an immediate literary employment, in the trans- 
 lation of Bonaparte's Italian campaign. " It is a pity," said he, 
 " that in this money-making country you should lose any time j 
 I have just imported this book, I will pay you two hundred dol- 
 lars for its translation." 
 
 I procured a lodging with a young man, who called himself a 
 physician, in Ferry-street, a melancholy alley impervious to the 
 sun. Doctor de Bow, however, in huge gilt letters, adorned the 
 entrance of the house. Of the medical skill of the doctor I cannot 
 pretend to judge ; but he had little or no practice. He was a 
 pleasant man, and read the Life of Don Quixote whilst I was 
 toiling at my translation. The original was an octavo of four 
 hundred pages, but the emolument was a powerful incentive to 
 my literary industry ; and I prosecuted my translation with so 
 much diligence, that on the fourth of June it was ushered into 
 the literary world. 
 
 About this period, my friend the doctor relinquished his house, 
 and rented a little medicinal shop of a Major Howe, who was 
 agreeably situated in Cherry-street. As the major took boarders, 
 I accompanied the doctor to his house, determined to eat, drink, 
 and be merry over my two hundred dollars. With some of the 
 well-stamped coin I purchased a few dozen of Madeira, and when 
 the noontide heat had abated, I quaffed the delicious liquor with 
 the major and the doctor under a tree in the garden. Major 
 Howe, after carrying arms through the revolutionary war, in- 
 stead of reposing upon the laurels he had acquired, was compel- 
 led to open a boarding-house in New York, for the maintenance of 
 his wife and children. He was a member of the Cincinnati, and 
 not a little proud of Jiis eagle. But I thought the motto to his 
 badge of " Omnia reliquit servare Rempublicam," was not very 
 appropriate ; for it is notorious that few Americans had much to 
 leave when they accepted commissions in the army. " Victor ad 
 aratrum redit" would have been better. 
 
 My translation introduced me to the acquaintance of some dis- 
 tinguished characters in New-York, and among others, to the 
 celebrated Colonel Burr, who was in the late election chosen for 
 the office of vice-president of the United States. I found Mr. 
 Burr at breakfast, reading my translation over his coffee. He 
 received me with the civility of a well-bred man ; and I disco- 
 vered that he was not less skilled in elegant literature, than in 
 the science of graciousness and attraction. He introduced me to 
 his daughter, whom he has educated with uncommon care. At 
 the same time that she dances with more grace than any young
 
 IN AMERICA. 
 
 lady of New- York, Miss Theodosia Burr speaks French and Ita- 
 lian with facility, is perfectly conversant with the writers of the 
 Augustan age, and not unacquainted with the language of the 
 father of poetry. Martel, a Frenchman, has dedicated a volume 
 of his productions to Miss Burr, with the Horatian epithet of 
 " dulec decus." 
 
 My occupations at New- York, however agreeable, did not re- 
 press my desire to explore the continent before me ; and I 
 thought it best to travel while I had some crowns left in my 
 purse. I felt regret at the thought of separating from the doctor, 
 whom I was attached to from habit; but the doctor soon relieved 
 me by saying, he would accompany me whithersoever I went; 
 that no man loved travelling better than he, and that he would 
 convert his medicines into money, to defray his expenses on the 
 road. 
 
 But tell me, said the doctor, are you fond of walking ? I as- 
 sured him no person could be more so. Then, resumed he, let us 
 each provide ourselves with a good cudgel, and begin our journey 
 on foot. I will put a case of instruments into my pocket, and 
 you can slip into your's the campaign of Buonaparte in Italy. 
 
 But whither, replied I, do you propose to go ; and what, I be- 
 seech you is the object of your travelling ? To see the world, 
 assuredly, said he ; to eat, drink, and laugh away care on the 
 road. How, doctor, said I, would you approve of a walk to Phi- 
 ladelphia? I should like it of all things, said the doctor. In our 
 way to it, we should go through the place of my birth ; you have 
 heard, I guess, of Hackinsac ; and at Philadelphia 1 could get 
 somebody to introduce me to the great Dr. Rush. All we have 
 to do is, to send on our trunks in the coach, and trudge after 
 them on foot. 
 
 Our resolution was no sooner taken than executed. The doc- 
 tor got an apothecary, who lived opposite, to purchase what few 
 drugs were contained in his painted drawers ; and having dis- 
 patched our trunks forward by the coach, we began our journey 
 to Philadelphia. 
 
 Having crossed the Hudson, which separates York-Island from 
 the shore of the Jerseys, we were landed at a tavern* delightfully 
 situated on the bank of the river. The doctor having once re- 
 duced a fractured leg for the landlord, proposed dining at the 
 tavern : he will certainly charge us nothing, said he, for I once 
 reduced his leg, when the tibia and fibula were both badly frac- 
 tured. It was a nice case, and I will put him in mind of it. 
 
 * Every public-house in the Uuited States, however contemptible, is dignified bj 
 the name of Tavern.
 
 9 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 But you charged him ! Doctor ! did you not, said I. No mat- 
 ter for that, replied he. I should have been expelled from the 
 college of whigs, had I not put in my claim. 
 
 I represented to the doctor that no man who respected himself 
 would become an eleemosynary" guest at the table of another, 
 when he had money to defray his wants. That to remind ano- 
 ther of past services, discovered a want of humanity ; and that a 
 mean action, though it may not torment the mind at the moment 
 it was done, never fails afterwards to bring compunction: for the 
 remembrance of it will present itself like a spectre to the ima- 
 gination. 
 
 The landlord of the tavern was a portly man, who in the mid- 
 dle of the day was dressed in a loose night-gown and mocossins* j 
 he recognized the doctor, whom he shook heartily by the hand, 
 and turning to a man in company said, " they may talk of Dr. 
 Rush, or Dr. Mitchell, but 1 maintain Dr. De Bow is the greatest 
 doctor of them all." 
 
 It was difficult to refrain from laughing aloud; but the speech 
 of the landlord inspired the doctor with very different emotions : 
 he made an inclination of his head, adjusted his spectacles, and 
 assumed a profound look that assented to the justness of the re- 
 mark. 
 
 What, geutlemen, said the landlord, would you chuse for your 
 dinner ? It is now the hottest part of the day, and if you are walk- 
 ing to Newark, you will find the evening more pleasant. How 
 comes on trade, doctor, at New- York } I warrant you have got 
 your share. 
 
 Why, Mr. Clinch, replied the doctor, I cannot complain. There 
 have been several cases of fever to which I was called. And the 
 patients were right, said Mr. Clinch, for they could not have 
 called a better doctor had they sent over the four quarters of the 
 globe for him. Well, it is true, God sends this country fevers, 
 but he also sends us doctors who are able to cure them. It is 
 like the State I was born in : Virginia is infested with snakes, but 
 it abounds with roots to cure their bite. Come walk in, gentle- 
 men, walk in. I will get dinner ready directly. 
 
 Our dinner was a miserable one ; but the landlord seasoned his 
 dishes with flattery, and the doctor found it very palatable. We 
 went forward in the cool ; nor did my friend hesitate to pay his 
 club towards two dollars for our repast : it was high, the doctor 
 whispered, but continued he, when a man's consequence is known 
 at a tavern, it always inflames the bill. 
 
 It was our original design to have gone through Hackinsac, a 
 
 * Mocossins are Indian shoes, made of deer-skin.
 
 IN AMERICA. 9 
 
 little village that claimed the honour of my companion's nativity; 
 but it was getting late, the road to it was circuitous, and we wish- 
 ed much that night to travel to Elizabeth Town. The doctor 
 consoled himself for not visiting his family, by observing, that no 
 man was a prophet at home. 
 
 We did not long stop at Newark, but prosecuted our walk, after 
 taking shelter from a shower of fain in one of its sylvan habita- 
 tions. The sun, which had been obscured, again gladdened the 
 plains; and the birds which had ceased awhile singing, again 
 renewed their harmony. 
 
 We reached Elizabeth Town a little while after the stage-coach. 
 My companion being somewhat fatigued, retired early to bed, 
 but I devoted great part of the night to the refined pleasures of 
 reading and reflection. There is no life so unsettled but a lover 
 of reading will find leisure for the acquisition of knowledge, an 
 acquisition that depends not on either seasons or place. 
 
 When I went to bed there was little sleep to be obtained ; for a 
 huge mastiff in the yard, notwithstanding the doctor put his head 
 out of the window and vociferated to him repeatedly, did not 
 remit barking the whole of the night. We therefore rose Without 
 being called, and pursued our journey to Prince-town, a place 
 more famous for its college than its learning. 
 
 The road from Prince Town to Trenton offers little matter for 
 speculation. I know that in some places there were battles 
 fought between the British and their revolted colonists ; but the 
 recollection of it tends to no use, and, 1 am sure, it cannot be 
 pleasing. 
 
 At Trenton, the doctor who was afflicted with sore eyes, de- 
 clined proceeding any farther. It was to no purpose that I ex- 
 postulated with him on the folly of his conduct, and urged that 
 we had not many more miles to travel. The son of Paracelsus 
 was inexorable, and it only remained for me to perform the last 
 office of friendship, which was to tie a bandage over his eyes, and 
 lead him blindfolded to his room ; in our way to which, happen- 
 ing to stumble, the doctor comically enough observed, " When 
 the blind leads the blind, they shall both of them fall." 
 
 From Trenton I was conveyed over the Delaware in the 
 ferry-boat, and walked about a mile along th? bank, when 
 the coach to Philadelphia overtook me. Finding the road dusty, 
 I complied with the invitation of the driver to get into the 
 vehicle. At Bristol we took up two young women, clad^ in the 
 habit of quakers, whom I soon, however, discovered to be girls of 
 the town; and who, under pretence of shewiug me a letter, dis- 
 covered .their address.
 
 10 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 a t 
 
 A spacious road conducted us to Philadelphia, which we enter- 
 ed at Front-street. I had expected to be charmed with its ani- 
 mation, but a melancholy silence prevailed in the streets, the 
 principal houses were abandoned, and none but French people 
 were to be found seeking pleasure in society. 
 
 The coach stopped at the sign of the Sorrell-horse, in Second- 
 street, where I beard only lamentations over the yellow-fever, 
 which had displayed itself in Water-street, and was spreading its 
 contagion. 
 
 It costs no more to go to a good tavern than a bad one ; and I 
 removed my trunks, which I found at the stage-office, to the 
 French hotel in the same street. Mr. Pecquet received me with 
 a bowing mien, and called Jeannette for the passe-partout to 
 shew me his apartments. He exercised all his eloquence to make 
 me lodge in his hotel. He observed, that his house was not like 
 an American house j that he did not in summer put twelve beds 
 in one room ; but that every lodger had a room to himself, and, 
 Monsieur, added he very solemnly, " Ici il ne sera pas necessaire 
 de sortir de votre lit, comme chez les Americains, pour aller a la 
 fenetre, car Jeannette n'oublie jamais de mettre un pot de cham- 
 bre sous le lit." 
 
 Monsieur Pecquet assured me his dinners were of a superior 
 kind, and finding 1 was an Englishman, observed with a bow, 
 that he could furnish me with the best porter brewed in the city 
 of Philadelphia. 
 
 Such professions as these, what unhoused traveller could resist ? 
 I commended Monsieur Pecquet on his mode of living, recipro- 
 crated compliments with him, chose the chamber I thought the 
 coolest, and the same night found myself at supper with a dozen 
 French ladies and gentlemen, who could not utter a word of 
 English, and with whom I drank copious libations of that porter 
 which my host had enlarged upon with such elegance of declama- 
 tion. 
 
 My first visit was to the library. A bust of Dr. Franklin stands 
 over the door, whose head it is to be lamented, the librarian can- 
 not place ou his own shoulders. Of the two rooms, the Frank- 
 linian library is confined to books in the English language, but 
 the Loganian library comprehends every, classical work in the 
 ancient and modern languages. I contemplated with reverence 
 the portrait of James Logan, which graces the room. I could 
 not repress my exclamations. As I am only a stranger, said I, 
 in this country, I atfect no enthusiasm on beholding the statues 
 of her generals and statesmen. I have left a church filled with 
 -them on the shore of Albion that have a prior claim to such feel-
 
 IN AMBRICA. 11 
 
 ing. But I here behold the portrait of a man whom I consider s6 
 great a benefactor to literature, that he is scarcely less illustrious 
 than its munificent patrons of Italy ; his soul has certainly been 
 admitted to the company of the congenial spirits of a Cosmo, and 
 Lorenzo of Medicis. The Greek and Roman authors, forgotten <m 
 their native banks of the Ilyssus and Tiber, delight, by the kind- 
 ness of a Logan, the votaries to learning on those of the Delaware. 
 
 James Logan was born in Scotland, about the year 1674. He 
 was one of the people called quakers, and accompanied William 
 Perm in his last voyage to Pennsylvania. For many years of his 
 life he was employed in public business, and rose to the offices of 
 chief-justice and governor of the province; but he felt always an 
 ardour of study, and by husbanding his leisure, found time to 
 write several treatises in Latin, of which one, on the Generation 
 of Plants, was translated iuto English by Dr. Fothergill. 
 
 Being " declined in the vale of years," Mr. Logan withdrew 
 from the tumult of public business, to the solitude of his country- 
 seat, near German-town, where he found tranquillity among his 
 books, and corresponded with the most distinguished literary 
 characters of Europe. He also made a version of Cicero de Se- 
 nectutc, which was published with notes by the late Dr. Frank- 
 lin. Whether Franklin was qualified to write annotations on 
 Tully's noble treatise, will admit of some doubt; for the genius 
 of Franklin was rather scientific than classical. 
 
 Mr. Logan died in 1751, at the venerable age of seventy-seven ; 
 leuving his library, which he had been fifty years collecting, to 
 the people of Pennsylvania ; a monument of his ardour for the 
 promotion of literature*. 
 
 It was at this library that during three successive afternoons I 
 enjoyed that calm and pure delight which books afford. But on 
 the fourth 1 found access denied, and that the librarian had fled 
 
 * The following extract from Mr. Logan's will, cannot fail to interest the curious in 
 literature. 
 
 " In my library, which I have left to the city of Philadelphia, lor the advancement 
 and facilitating of classical learning, are above 100 volumes of authors in folio, all in 
 Greek, with mostly their versions. All the Roman Classics without exception. All 
 the whole Greek mathematicians, viz. Archimedes, Euclid, Ptolemy, both his Geogra- 
 phy and Almagest, which I had in Greek (with Theon's Commentary, in folio, above 
 70(1 pages) frcm any learned friend Fabricius, who published fourteen volumes of hit 
 Bibliothcque Grecque in quarto, in which, after he had finished his account of Ptolemy, 
 on ray inquiring of him at Hamburgh in 1772. how I should find it, having long sought 
 for it in vain ill England ; he sent it me our of his own library, telling me it was so 
 scarce, that neither prayers nor price could purchase it: besides, there are many of the 
 most valuable Latin authors, and a great number of modern mathematicians, with all 
 (he three editions of Newton, Dr. Wallis, Halley, Sec. 
 
 " Jams* Looa.n."
 
 12 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ■ t ^m ^— — ■■■■ y i r r I i r . ■ ■ ,—■■.■■,■■ ■ ■^■ ■w n^imi., . rt^Hwnm. -■■■■ ■« 
 
 from the yellow fever, which bred consternation through the city. 
 
 Of the fever I may say, that it momentarily became more de- 
 structive, Sorrow sat on every brow, and nothing was to be 
 seen but coffins carried through the streets unattended by 
 mourners. Indeed it was not a time to practise modes of sorrow, 
 or adjust the funeral rites ; but the multitude thought only of 
 escaping from the pestilence that wasted at noon-day, and walk- 
 ed in darkness. 
 
 This was a period to reflect on the vanity of human life, and the 
 mutability of human affairs. Philadelphia, which in the spring 
 was a scene of mirth and riot, was in the summer converted to a 
 sepulchre for the inhabitants. The courts of law were shut, and 
 no subtile lawyer could obtain a client j the door of the tavern 
 was closed, and the drunkard was without strength to lift the 
 bowl to his lips : no theatre invited the idle to behold the mimic 
 monarch strut his hour upon the stage ; the dice lay neglected on 
 the gaming-table, nor did the dancing-room rerecho with the 
 steps of the dancer : man was now humbled ! Death was whett- 
 ing his arrows, and the graves were open. All jollity was fled. 
 The hospital cart moved slowly on where the chariot before had 
 rolled its rapid wheels ; and the coffin makers were either nailing 
 up the coffins of the dead, or giving dreadful note of preparation 
 by framing others for the dying, where lately the mind at ease 
 had poured forth its tranquillity in songs ; where the loud laugh 
 had reverberated, and where the animating sound of music had 
 stolen on the ear. — In this scene of consternation, the negroes 
 were the only people who could be prevailed on to assist the 
 dying, and inter those who were no more. Their motive was ob- 
 vious; they plundered the dead of their effects, and adorned 
 themselves in the spoils of the camp of the king of terrors. It 
 was remarked to me by a lady of Philadelphia, that the negroes 
 were never so well clad as after the yellow fever. 
 
 I had been a week at Philadelphia, without hearing any tidings 
 of my friend the doctor, when walking one evening past the 
 Franklin's- head, I recognised him conversing with a stranger 
 in the front room. The physician had arrived only that even- 
 ing. He had staid six days at Trenton, leading a pleasant, con- 
 valescent life ; from whence he had written me a letter, which I 
 found afterwards at the post-office. We were rejoiced to meet 
 each other, and the better to exchange minds, I accompanied the 
 doctor into Arch -street, where taking possession of the porch of 
 an abandoned dwelling, we sat conversing till a late hour. The 
 most gloomy imagination cannot conceive a scene more dismal 
 than the street before us : every house was deserted by those who
 
 IN AMERICA. 13 
 
 ••■•■.-.., ;:■■■ i , , . ■ ■;■ sssmm 
 
 had strength to seek a less baneful atmosphere ; unless where 
 parental fondness prevailed over self-love. Nothing was heard 
 but either the groans of the dying, the lamentations of the sur- 
 vivors, the hammers of the coffin-makers, or the howling of the 
 domestic animals, which those who fled from the pestilence had 
 left behind, in the precipitancy of their flight. A poor cat came 
 to the porch where I was sitting with the doctor, and demon- 
 strated her joy by the caresses of fondness. An old negro- woman 
 was passing at the same moment with some pepper-pot* on her 
 head. With this we fed the cat that was nearly reduced to a ske- 
 leton ; and prompted by a desire to know the sentiments of the 
 old negro-woman, we asked her the news. God help us, cried, 
 the poor creature, very bad news. Buckra die in heaps. By and 
 bye nobody live to buy pepper-pot, and old black woman die too. 
 
 Finding all. business suspended at Philadelphia, and the atmos- 
 phere becoming hourly more noisome, we judged it prudent to 
 leave the city witiiout delay ; and finding a vessel at the wharfs 
 ready to sale for Charleston, in South Carolina, we agreed for the 
 passage, and put our luggage on board. 
 
 Having taken leave 01 Monsieur Pecquet, whose excellent din- 
 ners hair*enhanccd him in the opinion of the doctor, we on the 
 22d of September, 179b, went on board, and bade adieu to Phila- 
 delphia, which was become a Golgotha. 
 
 The vessel having hauled out into the stream, we weighed with 
 a fair wind, and shaped our course down the serpentine, but 
 beautiful river of the Delaware. Our cfibin was elegant, and the 
 fare delicious. 1 observed the doctor's eyes brighten at the first 
 dinner we made on board, who expressed to me a hope that we 
 might be a month on the passage, as he wished to eat out the 
 money the captain had charged him. 
 
 The first night the man at the helm fell asleep, and the* tide 
 hove the vessel into a corn-field, opposite Wilmington ; so that 
 when we went upon deck in the morning, we found our situation 
 quite pastoral. We floated again with the flood-tide, and at noon 
 let go our anchor before Newcastle. 
 
 It took us two days to clear the Capes. The banks of the De- 
 laware had been extolled to me as the most beautiful in the 
 world ; but I thought them inferior to those of the Thames. 
 
 We were now at sea, bounding on the waves of the Atlantic. 
 Of our passengers, the most agreeable was an old French gentle- 
 man from St. Domingo. Monsieur Lartigue, to the most perfect 
 good-breeding, joined great knowledge of mankind, and at the 
 age of sixty had lost none of his natural gaiety. It was impossi- 
 
 • Tripe seasoned with pepper.
 
 14 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ble to be dejected in the company of such a man. If any person 
 sung on board, he would immediately begin capering ; and when 
 the rest were silent, he never failed to sing himself. 
 
 Nothing very remarkable happened in our passage, unless it be 
 worthy of record, that one morning the captain suffered his fears 
 to get the better of his reason, and mistook a Virginian sloop for 
 a French privateer ; and another day the mate having caught a 
 dolphin, Mr. Lartigue exclaimed, " II faut qu'il soit ragouti." 
 
 After a passage of five days, we came to an anchor in Rebellion 
 Roads, from which we could piainly discern the spires and houses 
 of Charleston; and the following day we stood towards Fort 
 Johnson, which no vessels are suffered to pass without being ex- 
 amined. 
 
 Here the port physician came on board, with orders for us to 
 perform quarantine a fortnight, to the great joy of the doctor, 
 who had not yet eaten half of what he wished to eat on board. 
 Monsieur Lartigue had abundantly stocked himself with comfi- 
 tures and wine; and 1 doubt not but the doctor still remembers 
 the poignancy of his preserved cherries, and the zest of his claret. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Projects at Charleston. TJie Erudition of a Professor. A New 
 and desirable Acquaintance. College Toils. A Journey on 
 foot from Charleston to Coosohatchie. 
 
 I LANDED at Charleston with Dr. De Bow, who had clad him- 
 self in his black suit, and though a young man, wore a monstrous 
 pair of spectacles on his nose. Adieu jollity ! adieu laughter ! 
 the doctor was without an acquaintance on a strange shore, and 
 he had no other friend but his solemnity to recommend him. It 
 was to no purpose that I endeavoured to provoke him to laugh- 
 ter by my remarks ; the physician would not even relax his risible 
 muscles into a smile. 
 
 The doctor was right. In a few days he contrived to hire part 
 of a house in Union-street ; obtained credit for a considerable 
 quantity of drugs ; and only wanted a chariot to equal the best 
 physician in Charleston. 
 
 The doctor was in possession of a voluble tongue ; and I fur- 
 nished him with a few Latin phrases, which he dealt out to his 
 hearers with an air of profound learning. He generally concluded 
 his speeches with " Nullius addictus jurare in verba magistri !"
 
 IN AMERICA. 15 
 
 Wishing for some daily pursuit, I advertised in one of the pa- 
 pers for the place of tutor in a respectable family ; not omitting 
 to observe, that the advertiser was the translator of " Buona- 
 parte's Campaign in Italy." The editor of the Gazette assured 
 me of an hundred applications ; and that early the next morning 
 1 should not be without some. His predictions were verified ; 
 for the following day, on calling at the office, I found a note left 
 from a planter, who lived a mile from the town, desiring me to 
 visit him that afternoon at his house. I went thither accordingly ; 
 but finding that the house and family, though in the first style of 
 opulence, promised but little enjoyment, 1 declined the terms 
 offered, and returned as I went. 
 
 My walk back to Charleston was along the shore of the Atlan- 
 tic, whose waves naturally associated the idea of a home I des- 
 paired ever again to behold. Sorrow always begets in me a dis- 
 position for poetry ; and the reflexions that obtruded themselves 
 in my lonely walk, produced a little ode. 
 
 ODE ON HOME. 
 DEAR native soil ! where once ray feet 
 
 Were wont thy flow'ry paths to roam. 
 And where my heart would joyful beat, 
 
 From India's climes restor'd to home; 
 Ah ! shall I e'er behold you more, 
 
 And cheer again a parent's eye? 
 A wand'rer from thy blissful shore, 
 
 Thro' endless troubles doom'd to sigh? 
 
 Or shall I, pensive and forlorn, 
 
 Of penury be yet the prey, 
 Long from thy grateful bosom torn, 
 
 Without a friend to guide my way? 
 Hard is the hapless wand'rer's fate. 
 
 Tho' blest with magic power of song; 
 Successive woes his steps await, 
 
 Unheeded by the worldly throng. 
 
 It was not long before my advertisement brought me other ap- 
 plications. The principal of Charleston-college honoured me 
 with a letter, desiring me to wait on him at his house. 
 
 I found Mr. Drone in his study, consulting with great solemnity 
 a ponderous lexicon. And, to be brief, he engaged me as an 
 assistant to his college for three months. 
 
 I was about to take leave, when the principal tutor entered the 
 room, to whom he introduced me. Mr. George taught the Greek 
 and Latin classics at the college, and was not less distinguished 
 by his genius than his erudition. On surveying my new acquaint- 
 ance, I could not but think that he deserved a better oftiee than
 
 16 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 that of a Gerund-grinder. Nature seemed to have set her seal 
 on him to give the world assurance of a man. On our further 
 acquaintance, he laughed at the starch gravity of the professor. 
 Peace, said he, to all such ! Old Duffey, my first school- master iu 
 Roscommon, concealed more learniug under the coarseness of his 
 brogue, than this man will ever display with all his declamation. 
 
 Two young men, of similar pursuits, soon become acquainted. 
 The day of my introduction to Mr. George, we exchanged thoughts 
 without restraint; and during three months that 1 continued at 
 Charleston, we were inseparable companions, fn six weeks, 
 however, I grew thoroughly weary of my new office. The pro- 
 fessor complained that I was always last in the college ; and I 
 replied, by desiring my discharge. 
 
 I was now dismissed from the college; but I was under no 
 solicitude for my future life. A planter of the name of Brisbane, 
 had politely invited me to his plantation, to partake with him and 
 his neighbours, the diversion of hunting during the winter : and 
 another of the name of Drayton, the owner of immense forests, 
 had applied to me to live in his family, and undertake the tuition 
 of his children. Of these proposals, the first flattered my love of 
 ease, but the other seemed most lucrative. I was not long held 
 in suspense which of the two to choose ; but I preferred profit to 
 pleasure. 
 
 The winters of Carolina, however piercing to a native, who 
 during the summer months may be said to bask rather than 
 breathe, are mild to an Englishman accustomed to the frosts of 
 his island. In the month of November, my engagement led me 
 to Coosohatchie, an insignificant village about seventy-eight 
 miles from Charleston ; for the plantation of Mr. Drayton was in 
 the neighbouring woods. The serenity of the weather invited 
 the traveller to walk, and, at an early hour of the morning, I 
 departed on foot from Charleston, having the preceding evening 
 taken leave of Mr. George. 
 
 The foot-traveller need not be ashamed of his mode of jour- 
 neying. To travel on foot, is to travel like Plato and Pythagoras; 
 and to these examples may be added the not less illustrious ones 
 of Goldsmith and Rousseau. The rambles of the antient sages 
 are at this distance of time uncertain ; but it is well known that 
 Goldsmith made the tour of Europe on foot, and that Rousseau 
 walked, from choice, through a great part of Italy. 
 
 An agreeable walk of ten miles, brought me to the bank of 
 Ashley river, whore I breakfasted in a decent public-house, with 
 the landlord and his family. Having crossed the ferry, I resumed 
 my journey through a country wluch was one continued forest.
 
 IN AMERICA. 17 
 
 Tall trees of pine, planted by the hand of nature in regular rows, 
 bordered the road I travelled, and I saw no other animals, but 
 now and then a flock of deer, which ceasing awhile to browse, 
 looked up at me with symptoms of wonder rather than fear. 
 
 " Along these lonely regions, here retir'd, 
 From little scenes of art, great nature dwells 
 In awful solitude, and nought is seen 
 But the wild herds that own no master's stall." 
 
 At three in the afternoon I reached Jackson-borough, the only 
 town on the road from Charleston to Coosohatchie. Though a 
 foot- traveller, I was received at the tavern with much respect ; 
 the landlord ushered me into a room which afforded the largest 
 fire I had ever seen in my travels: yet the landlord, rubbing his 
 hands, complained it was cold, and exclaimed against his ne- 
 groes for keeping so bad a fire. Here, Syphax, said he, be quick 
 and bring more wood : you have made, you rascal, a Charleston 
 fire : fetch a stout back-log, or I'll make a back-log of you. 
 
 The exclamations of the landlord brought his wife into the 
 room. She curtsied, and made many eloquent apologies for the 
 badness of the fire; but added, that her waiting man, Will, had 
 run away, and having whipped Syphax till his back was raw, she 
 was willing to try what gentle means would do. 
 
 A dinner of venison, and a pint of Madeira, made me forget 
 that 1 had walked thirty miles ; and it being little more than four 
 o'clock, I proceeded forward on my journey. The vapours of a 
 Spanish segar promoted thought, and I was lamenting the ine- 
 quality of conditions in the world, when night overtook me. 
 
 I now redoubled my pace, not without the apprehension that 
 I should have to seek my lodgings in some tree, to avoid the 
 beasts that prowled nightly in the woods ; but the moon, which 
 rose to direct me in my path, alleviated my perturbation, and in 
 another hour, I descried the blaze of a friendly fire through the 
 casements of a log-house. Imaginary are worse than real cala- 
 mities ; and the apprehension of sleeping in the woods, was by 
 far more paiuful than the actual experience of it would have 
 been. The same Being who sends trials, can also inspire forti- 
 tude. 
 
 The place 1 had reached was Asheepo, a hamlet consisting of 
 three or more log-houses j and the inhabitants of every sex and 
 age had collected round a huge elephant, which was journeying 
 with his master to Savannah. 
 
 Fortune had therefore brought me into unexpected company, 
 and I could not but admire the docility of the elephant, who in 
 solemn majesty received the gifts of the children with his trunk. 
 
 B
 
 
 IS TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 But not so the monkey. This man of Lord Monboddo was in- 
 flamed with rage at the boys and girls ; nor could the rebukes of 
 his master calm the transports of his fury . 
 
 I entered the log-house which accommodated travellers. An 
 old negro-man had squatted himself before the fire. Well, old 
 man, said I, why don't you go out to look at the elephant ? Hie ! 
 Massa, he calf ! In fact, the elephant came from Asia, and the 
 negro from Africa, where he had seen the same species of animal, 
 but of much greater magnitude. 
 
 Travelling, says Shakespeare, acquaints a man with strange 
 bed-fellows ; and there being only one bed in the log-house, I 
 slept that night with the elephant-driver. Mr. Owen was a na- 
 tive of Wales, but he had been a great traveller, and carried a 
 
 map of his travels in his pocket Nothing shortens a journey 
 
 more than good company on the road ; so I departed after break- 
 fast from Asheepo, with Mr. Owen, his elephant, and his monkey. 
 Towards noon, however, I was left to journey alone. The ele- 
 phant, however docile, would not travel without his dinner; and 
 Mr. Owen halted under a pine-tree, to feed the mute companion 
 of his toils. 
 
 For my own part, 1 dined at a solitary log-house in the woods, 
 upon exquisite venison. My host was a small planter, who cul- 
 tivated a little rice, and maintained a wife and four children with 
 his rifled-barrel gun. He had been overseer to a CoLFishborne, 
 and owned half a dozen negroes ; but he observed to me " his 
 property was running about at large," for four of them had ab- 
 sconded. 
 
 As I purposed to make Pocotaligo the end of my day's journey, 
 I walked forward at a moderate pace; but towards evening, I was 
 aroused from the reveries into which my walking had plunged 
 me, by a conflagration in the woods. On either side of the road 
 the trees were in flames, which extending to their branches, as- 
 sumed an appearance both terrific and grotesque. Through these 
 woods, " belching flames and rolling smoke," I had to travel 
 nearly a mile, when the sound_ of the negro's axe chopping of 
 wood, announced that I was near Pocotaligo. 
 
 At Pocotaligo I learned, that the conflagration in the woods 
 arose from the carelessness of some back- wood men, who having 
 neglected to extinguish their fires, the flames had extended in 
 succession to the herbage and the trees. 
 
 1 was somewhat surprised on entering the tavern at Pocotaligo, 
 to behold sixteen or more chairs placed round a table which was 
 covered with the choicest dishes ; but my surprise ceased, when 
 the Savannah and Charleston stage-coaches stopped at the door,
 
 IN AMERICA. 19 
 
 and the passengers flocked to the fire before which I was sitting. 
 In the Charleston coach came a party of comedians. Of these 
 itinerant heroes, the greater part were my countrymen ; and as I 
 was not travelling to see Englishmen, but Americans, I was not 
 sorry when they retired to bed. 
 
 I was in a worse condition at Pocotaligo than Asheepo ; for at 
 Pocotaligo the beds were so small, that they would hold only re- 
 spectively one person. - But I pity the traveller who takes um- 
 brage against America because its houses of entertainment cannot 
 always accommodate him to his wishes. I seated myself in a 
 nook of the chimney, called for wine and segars, and either at- 
 tended to the conversation of the negro-girls who had spread their 
 blankets on the floor, or entertained myself with the half-formed 
 notions of the landlord and coachman, who had brought their 
 chairs to the fire, and were disputing on politics. 
 
 Early in the morning, I resumed my journey in the coach that 
 was proceeding to Savannah ; 1 had but a short distance more to 
 go; for Coosohatchie is only ten miles from Pocotaligo. In jour- 
 neying through America, the Indian names of places have always 
 awakened in my breast a train of reflection ; a single word will 
 speak volumes to a speculative mind ; and the names of Pocota- 
 ligo, and Coosohatchie, and Occoquan, have pictured to my fancy 
 the havoc of time, the decay and succession of generations, toge- 
 ther with the final extirpation of savage nations, who, unconsci- 
 ous of the existence of another people, dreamt not of invasions 
 from foreign enemies. 
 
 I was put down at the post-office of Coosohatchie. The post- 
 master was risen, expecting the mail. He invited me to partake 
 of a fire he had just kindled, before which a negro-boy was 
 feeding a sickly infant, whom the man always addressed by the 
 Homeric title of " my son." 
 
 I sat with the post-master an hour, when I sought out the 
 village tavern, where with some trouble I knocked up a miserable 
 negress, who, on my entrance, resumed her slumbers on an old 
 pug spread before the embers of the kitchen fire, and snored in 
 oblivion of all care. After all, I know not whether those whose 
 condition wears the appearance of wretchedness, are not greater 
 favourites of nature than the opulent. Nothing comes amiss to 
 the slave, he will find repose on the flint, when sleep fljes the eye- 
 lids of his master on a bed of down. I seated myself in a nook 
 of the chimney till day-light, when the landlord came down; and 
 not long after, a servant was announced with horses, to conduct 
 me to the house of Mr. Drayton. 
 
 An hour's ride through a forest of stately pines, brought me
 
 20 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ■ ■. . ■ "T : •j-L™ i .... ,." ■, •*:■,,,!.■ 
 
 to the plantation, where I was received with much affability, by 
 Mr. Drayton and his lady, and where 1 was doomed to pass the 
 winter in the woods of Carolina. 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 Memoir of my Life in the Woods of South Carolina. — Ocean 
 Plantation. Poetry delightful in Solitude. Walks in the 
 Woods. Family of Mr Drayton. Midnight Lucubrations. 
 Sketches of Natural History. Deer-hunting. Remarks on 
 Slaves and Slavery. Militia of Coosohatchie District. A 
 School groupe. Journey into Georgia. 
 
 DEEP in the bosom of a lofty wood, 
 Near Coosohatchie's slow revolving flood, 
 Where the blithe mocking-bird repeats the lay 
 Of all the choir that warble from the spray ; 
 Where the soft fawn, and not less tim'rous hind. 
 Beset by dogs, outstrip in speed the wind ; 
 Where the grim wolf, at silent close of day, 
 With hunger bold, comes near the house for prey ; 
 Along the road, near yonder fields of corn, 
 Where the soft dove resorts at early morn, 
 There would my breast with love of nature glow, 
 And oft my thoughts in tuneful numbers flow; 
 While friendly George, by ev'ry muse beiov'd, 
 Sniil'd his assent, and all my lays approv'd. 
 
 About half-way on the road from Charleston to Savannah, is 
 situated a little village called Coosohatchie, consisting of a black- 
 smith's shop, a court-house, and a jail. A small river rolls its 
 turbid water near the place, on whose dismal banks are to be 
 found many vestiges of the Indians that once inhabited them ; 
 and in the immeasurable forests of the neighbourhood, (compre- 
 hended within the district of Coosohatchie), are several scattered 
 plantations of cotton and of rice, whose stubborn soil the poor 
 negro moistens with his tears, and 
 
 Whose sore task 
 Does not divide the Sunday from the week. 
 
 It was on one of these plantations that I passed the winter of 
 1798, and the spring of the following year. 
 
 I lived in the family of Mr. Drayton, of whose children I had 
 undertaken the tuition, and enjoyed every comfort that opulence 
 could bestow. 
 
 To form an idea of Ocean Plantation, let the reader picture to
 
 IN AMERICA. 21 
 
 his imagination an avenue of several miles, leading from the Sa- 
 vannah road, through a continued forest, to a wooden-house, 
 encompassed by rice-grounds, corn and cotton-fields. On the 
 right, a kitchen and other offices : on the left, a stable and coach- 
 house : a little farther a row of negro-huts, a barn and yard : the 
 view of the eye bounded by lofty woods of pine, oak, and hickory. 
 
 The solitude of the woods I found at first rather dreary j but 
 the polite attention of an elegant family, a sparkling fire in my 
 room every night, and a horse always at my command, recon- 
 ciled me to my situation ; and my impulse to sacrifice to the 
 muses, which had been repressed by a wandering life, was once 
 more awakened by the scenery of the woods of Carolina. 
 
 I indulged in the composition of lyric poetry, and when I had 
 produced an ode, transmitted it to Freneau, at Charleston, who 
 published it in his gazette. The following was one of my first 
 productions. 
 
 Horace, Book I. Ode 5. Imitated. 
 " Quis multa gracilis te puer in rosa, &c." 
 TO PYRRIIA. 
 What essenc'd youth, on bed of blushing roses, 
 i Dissolves away within thy glowing arms? 
 
 Or with soft languor on thy breast reposes, 
 
 Deeply enamour'd of thy witching charms? 
 For whom do now, with wantonness and care, 
 Thy golden locks in graceful ringlets wave? 
 What swain now listens to thy vows of air? 
 
 For whom dotli now thy fragrant bosom heave? 
 Alas! how often shall he curse the hour, 
 
 Who, all confiding in thy winning wiles. 
 With sudden darkness views the heavens lower, 
 
 And finds, too late, the treach'ry of thy smiles! 
 Wretched are they, who, by thy beauty won, 
 
 Believe thee not less amiable than kind: 
 No more deluded, I thy charms disown. 
 And give thy vows, indignant, to the wind. 
 
 I now cultivated the lighter ode, and the time passed pleasant- 
 ly as I sacrificed to the laurelled-god in the woods of Carolina. 
 The common names of common towns, of Boston, New- York, 
 and Philadelphia, awaken no curiosity, because every traveller has 
 described them j but Coosohatchie, which has scarce ever reached 
 the ear of an European, appealed to my fancy, both from its Indian 
 derivation, and the wildness of its situation. I therefore re- 
 joiced at the chance which brought me to a new spot ; and 1 
 envied not other travellers the magnificence of their cities. 
 
 The country near Coosohatchie exhibited with the coming 
 spring a new and enchanting prospect. The borders of the
 
 22 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 forests were covered with the blossoms of the dog-wood, of which 
 the white flowers caught the eye from every part ; and often was 
 to be seen the red-bud tree, which purpled the adjacent woods 
 with its luxuriant branches ; while, not unfrequently, shrubs of 
 jessamine, intermixed with the woodbine, lined the road for se- 
 veral miles. The feathered choir began to warble their strains, 
 and from every tree was heard the song of the red-bird, of which 
 the pauses were filled by the mocking-bird, who either imitated 
 the note with exquisite precision, or poured forth a ravishing 
 melody of its own. 
 
 I commonly devoted my Sundays to the pleasure of exploring 
 the country, and cheered by a serene sky, and smiling landscape, 
 felt my breast awakened to the most rapturous sensations. I 
 lifted my heart to that Supreme Being, whose agency is every 
 where confessed ; and whom I traced in the verdure of the earth, 
 the foliage of the trees, and the water of the stream. I have ever 
 been of opinion, that God can be as well propitiated in a field 
 as a temple ; that he is not to be conciliated by empty protesta-. 
 tions, but grateful feelings; and that the heart can be devout 
 when the tongue is silent. Yet there is always something want- 
 ing to sublunary felicity, and I confess, I felt very sensibly the 
 privation of those hills which so agreeably diversify the country 
 of Europe. I would exclaim in the animated language of Rous- 
 seau, " Jamais pays de plaine, quelque. beau qu'l fut, ne parut 
 tel a mes yeux. II me faut des torrens, des rochers, des sapins, 
 des bois noirs, des chemins raboteux a monter et a descendre, des 
 precipices a mes cote's qui me fassent bien peur* \" 
 
 In my walk to Coosohatchie 1 parsed here and there a planta- 
 tion, but to have called on its owner without a previous intro- 
 duction, would have been a breach of that etiquette which, has 
 its source from the depravity of great cities, but has not failed to 
 find its way into the woods of America. When I first beheld a 
 fine lady drawn by four horses through the woods of Carolina in 
 her coach, and a train of servants following the vehicle, clad in a 
 magnificent livery, I looked up with sorrow at that luxury and 
 refinement, which are hastening with rapid strides to change the 
 pure and sylvan scenes of nature into a theatre of pride and os- 
 tentation. When Venus enchanted iEneas with her presence in 
 the woods, she was not attired in the dress of the ladies of queen 
 Dido's court ; but, huntress like., had hung from her shoulders a 
 bow, and was otherwise equipped for the toils of the chase. 
 
 On coming to Coosohatchie, I repaired to the post-office, which 
 never failed to give me an epistle from my beloved and Uterary 
 
 * Confessions, Tom. 2.
 
 IN AMERICA. 23 
 
 friend Mr. George ; who enlightened me with his knowledge, en- 
 livened me with his wit, and consoled me with his reflections. I 
 shall not expatiate on our genuine, disinterested friendship. He 
 has consecrated to it a monument in his poem of the u Wan- 
 derer." What but the heart could have dictated the following 
 passage ? 
 
 " Here doora'd to pant beneath a torrid sky, 
 And cast to happier climes a wishful eve; 
 No friend had I my sorrows to deplore, 
 With whom te pass the sympathetic hour! 
 For many a stream, aud many a waste divide, 
 These lonely shores from Coosohatchie's tide ! " 
 
 I remember, with lively pleasure, my residence in the woods of 
 South Carolina. Enjoying health in its plenitude, yet young 
 enough to receive new impressions ; cultivating daily my taste by 
 the study of polite literature; blest with the friendship of a 
 George, and living in the bosom of a family unruffled by domes 
 tic cares ; how could I be otherwise than happy, and how can I 
 refrain from the pleasure of retrospection. 
 
 Coosojiatchie ! thou shalt not be unknown, if, by what elo- 
 quence nature has given me, I can call forth corresponding 
 emotions in the breast of my reader to those which my own felt 
 when wandering silently through thy woods. 
 
 My pupils in the woods of Coosohatchie, consisted of a boy 
 and two young ladies. William Henry was an interesting lad of 
 fourteen, ingenuous of disposition, and a stranger to fear. He 
 was fond to excess of the chace. His heart danced with joy at 
 the mention of a deer ; and he blew his horn, called together his 
 dogs, and hooped and hallooed in the woods, with an animation 
 that would have done honour to a veteran sportsman. O ! for 
 the muse of an Ovid, to describe the dogs of this young Actseon. 
 There were Sweetlips, and Ringwood, and Music, and Smoker, 
 whose barking was enough to frighten the wood nymphs to their 
 caves — His eldest sister, Maria, though not a regular beauty, 
 was remarkable for her dark eyes and white teeth, and, what was 
 not less captivating, an amiable temper. She was grateful to me 
 for my instruction, and imposed silence on her brother wheu I 
 invoked the muse in school. But it was difficult to controul her 
 little sister Sally, whom in sport and wantonness they called Ti- 
 bousa. This little girl was distinguished by the languish of her 
 blue eyes, from which, however, she could dart fire when William 
 offended her. Sally was a charming girl, whose beauty promised 
 
 to equal that of her mother. That I passed, many happy hours 
 
 in watching and assisting the progress of the minds of these
 
 24 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 young people, I feel no repugnance to acknowledge. My long 
 residence in a country where " honour and shame from no con- 
 dition rise," has placed me above the ridiculous pride of disown- 
 ing the situation of a tutor. 
 
 Though the plantation of Mr. Drayton was immense, his 
 dwelling was only a log-house ; a temporary fabric, built to reside 
 in during the winter. But his table was sumptuous, and an ele- 
 gance of manners presided at it that might have vied with the 
 highest circles of polished Europe. I make the eulogium, or 
 rather, exhibit the character of Mr. Drayton, in one word, by- 
 saying, he was a gentleman ; for under that portraiture I compre- 
 hend whatever there is of honour. Nor can 1 refrain from speak- 
 ing in panegyric terms of his lady, whose beauty and elegance 
 were her least qualities ; for she was a tender mother, a sincere 
 friend, and walked humbly with her God. She was indeed 
 deserving the solicitude of her husband, who would " not suffer 
 the winds of heaven to visit her face too roughly." 
 
 It is usual in Carolina to sit an hour at table after supper ; at 
 least, it was our custom in the woods of Coosohatchie. It was 
 then I related my adventures to Mr. and Mrs. Drayton, in the 
 eastern section of the globe, who not only endured my tales, but 
 were elated with my successes, and depressed by my misfortunes. 
 
 About ten I withdrew to my chamber and my books, where I 
 found a sparkling fire of wood, and where I meditated, smoked 
 segars, and was lost in my own musings. The silence of the 
 night invited meditation ; but often was, I to be seen at three in 
 the morning sitting before my chamber fire, surrounded like 
 Magliabechi by my papers and my books. My study was Latin, 
 and my recreation, the Confessions of the eloquent citizen of 
 Geneva. 
 
 But I was not without company. A merry cricket in my chim- 
 ney corner never failed to cheer me with his song. -_A cricket is 
 not to be contemned. It is related by Buffon that they are sold 
 publicly in the Asiatic markets ; and it is recorded of Scaliger, 
 that he kept several in a box. I remember an ode which I con- 
 secrated to my midnight companion. 
 
 ODE TO A CRICKET. 
 Little guest, with merry throat, 
 
 That chirpest by my taper's light, 
 Come, prolong thy blithsome note, 
 
 Welcome visitant of night- 
 Here enjoy a calm retreat, 
 
 In my chimney safely dwell, 
 No rude hand lUy haunt shall beat, 
 
 Or chase tbee from thy lonely cell.
 
 IN AMERICA. 23 
 
 ae: 
 
 Come, recount me all thy woes, 
 
 While around us sighs the gale ; 
 Or, rejoic'd to find repose, 
 
 Charm me with thy merry tale. 
 
 Say, what passion moves thy breast: 
 
 Does some flame employ thy care ? 
 Perhaps with love thou art opprcst, 
 
 A mournful victim to despair. 
 
 Shelter'd from the wint'ry wind, 
 
 Live and sing, and banish care; 
 Here protection thou shall find, 
 
 Sympathy has brought thee here. 
 
 The country in our neighbourhood consisted of lofty forests of 
 pine, oak, and hickory. Well might I have exclaimed in the 
 words of my poetical friend : 
 
 " Around an endless wild of forests lies, 
 And pines on pines for ever meet the eyes! " 
 
 The land, as I have before suggested, was perfectly level. Not 
 the smallest acclivity was visible, and therefore no valley rejoiced 
 the sight with its verdure. 
 
 The staple commodity of the state is rice, but cotton is now 
 eagerly cultivated where the soil is adapted to the purpose. The 
 culture of indigo is nearly relinquished. It attains more perfec- 
 tion in the East-Indies, which can amply supply the markets of 
 Europe. It is to the crop of cotton that the planter looks for the 
 augmentation of his wealth. Of cotton there are two kinds; the 
 sea-island, and inland. The first is the most valuable. The 
 ground is hoed for planting the latter part of March ; but as 
 frosts are not unfrequent the beginning of April, it is judicious 
 not to plant before that time. Cotton is of a very tender nature. 
 A frost, or even a chilling wind, has power to destroy the rising 
 plant, and compel the planter to begin anew his toil. 
 
 The winds in autumn are so tempestuous, that they tear up the 
 largest trees by the roots. Homer, some thousand years ago, 
 witnessed a similar scene : 
 
 " Leaves, arms and trees aloft in air are blown, 
 The broad oaks crackle, and the sy Ivans groan; 
 Tin* way and that, the rattling thicket bends. 
 And the whole forest in one crash descends." 
 
 Of the feathered race, the mocking-bird first claims my notice. 
 It is perfectly domestic, and sings frequently for hours on the 
 roof of a log-house. It is held sacred by the natives. Even chil- 
 dren respect the bird whose imitative powers arc so delightful. 
 
 I heard the mocking-bird for the first time on the first day of 
 
 1
 
 26 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 March. It was warbling, close to my window, from a tree called 
 by some the pride of India, and by others the poison-berry tree. 
 Its song was faint, resembling that of birds hailing the rising-sun ; 
 but it became stronger as the spring advanced. The premices of 
 this mocking songster could not but delight me; and I ad- 
 dressed the bird in an irregular ode, which Mrs. Drayton did me 
 the honour to approve. 
 
 ODE TO THE MOCKING-BIRD. 
 
 Swbet bird, whose imitative strain, 
 Of all thy race can counterfeit the note, 
 
 And with a burthen'd heart complain, 
 Or to the song of joy attune the throat ; 
 
 To thee I touch the string, 
 While at my casement, from the neighb'ring tree, 
 
 Thou hail'st the coming spring, 
 And plaintive pour'st thy voice, or mock'st with merry glee, 
 
 Thou briug'st to my mind, 
 
 The characters we find 
 Amid the motley scenes of human life; 
 
 How very few appear 
 
 The garb of truth to wear, 
 But with a borrow'd voice, conceal a heart of strife. 
 
 Sure then, with wisdom fraught, 
 
 Thou art by nature taught, 
 Dissembled joy in others to deride; 
 
 And when the mournful heart 
 
 Assumes a sprightly part, 
 To note the cheat, and with thy mocking chide. 
 
 But when, with midnight song, 
 
 Thou sing'st the woods among, 
 And softer feelings in the breast awake *j 
 
 Sure then thy rolling note 
 
 Does sympathy denote, 
 And shews thou can'st of others' grief partake. 
 
 Pour out thy lengthen' d strain, 
 
 With woe and grief complain, 
 And blend thy sorrows in the mournful lay ; 
 
 Thy moving tale reveal, 
 
 Make me soft pity feel, 
 I love in silent woe to pass the day. 
 
 The humming-bird was often caught in the bells of flowers. 
 It is remarkable for its variegated plumage of scarlet, green, and 
 gold. 
 
 The whip-poor-will, is heard after the last frost, when, towards 
 night, it fills the woods with its melancholy cry of " Whip poor 
 
 • Put for awak'st.
 
 IN' AMERICA. 27 
 
 - -J 
 
 Will ! Whip poor Will ! " 1 remember to have seen mention 
 made of this bird in a Latin poem, written by an early colonist. 
 
 " Hie Avis repetens. Whip! Whip! Will, voce jocosa, 
 Quae tots verno tempore nocte canit." 
 
 The note of the red-bird is imitated with nice precision by the 
 mocking-bird ; but there is a bird called the loggerhead that will 
 not bear passively its taunts. His cry resembles " Clink, clink, 
 clank;" which, should the mocking-bird presume to imitate, he 
 flies and attacks the mimic for his insolence. But this only in- 
 curs a repetition of the offence ; so true is it, that among birds as 
 well as men, anger serves only to sharpen the edge of ridicule. 
 It is observable, that the loggerhead is known to suck the eggs 
 of the mocking-bird, and devour the young ones in the nest. 
 
 Eagles were often seen on the plantation. The rencounter 
 between one of them and a fish-hawk is curious. When the fish- 
 hawk has seiz'd his prey, his object is to get above the eagle ; but 
 when unable to succeed, the king of birds darts on him fiercely, 
 at whose approach the hawk, with a horrid cry, lets fall the fish, 
 which the eagle catches in his beak before it descends to the 
 ground. *> 
 
 The woods abound with deer, the hunting of which forms the 
 chief diversion of the planters. I never failed to accompany my 
 neighbours in their parties, but I cannot say that I derived much 
 pleasure from standing several hours behind a tree. 
 
 This mode of hunting, is, perhaps, not generally known. On 
 riding to a convenient spot in the woods, the hunters dismount, 
 take their stands at certain distances, hitch their horses to a tree, 
 and prepare their guns, — while a couple of negroes lead the 
 beagles into the thickest of the forest. The barking of the dogs 
 announces that the deer are dislodged, and on whatever side 
 they run, the sportmen fire at them from their lurking-places. 
 The first day two bucks passed near my tree. I had heard the 
 cry of the dogs, and put my gun on a whole cock. The first 
 buck glided by me with the rapidity of lightning ; but the second 
 I wounded with my fire, as was evident from his twitching his 
 tail between his legs in the agony of pain. I heard Col. Pastcll 
 exclaim from the next tree, after discharging his piece, " By 
 heaven, that fellow is wounded, let us mount and follow him ; he 
 cannot run far." I accompanied the venerable colonel through the 
 woods, and in a few minutes, directed by the scent of a beagle, 
 we reached the spot where the deer had fallen. It was a noble 
 buck, and we dined on it like kings. 
 
 Fatal accidents sometimes attend the hunters in the woods. 
 Two brothers a few years ago, having taken their respective
 
 28 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 stands behind a tree, the elder fired at a deer which the dogs had 
 started ; but, his shot being diverted by a fence, it flew off and 
 lodged in the body of his brother. The deer passing on, the 
 wounded brother discharged his gun which had been prepared, 
 killed the animal, and staggering a few paces, expired himself. 
 This disaster was related to me by Colonel Pastell and his son, 
 Major Warley, and Captain Pelotte, who lived on the neighbour- 
 ing plantations, and composed our hunting party. 
 
 After killing half a dozen deer, we assembled by appointment 
 at some planter's house, whither the mothers, and wives, and 
 daughters of the hunters had got before us in their carriages. A 
 dinner of venison, killed the preceding hunt, smoked before us, 
 the richest Madeira sparkled in the glass, and we forgot, in our 
 hilarity, there was any other habitation for man but that of the 
 woods. 
 
 In this hunting-party was always to be found my pupil, Wil- 
 liam Henry, who gallopped through the woods, however thick or 
 intricate; summoned his beagles, after the toil of the chase, with 
 his horn ; caressed the dog that had been the most eager in pur- 
 suit of the deer, and 'expressed his hope there would be good 
 weather to hunt again the following Saturday. 
 
 I did not repress this ardour in my pupil. I beheld it with sa- 
 tisfaction ; for the man doomed to pass every winter in the 
 woods, would find his life very irksome, could he not partake, 
 with his neighbours, in the diversions they afford. 
 
 " Ludere qui nescit, campestribus abstinet arrais, 
 
 Indoctusque pila?, discive, trochive quiescit, 
 
 Ne spissae risum tollant impune coronas. " Hon. 
 
 Wolves were sometimes heard on the plantation in the night ; 
 and, when incited by hunger, would attack a calf and devour it. 
 One night, however, some wolves endeavouring tosieze on a calf, 
 the dam defended her offspring with such determined resolution, 
 that the hungry assailants were compelled to retreat with the tail 
 only of the calf, which one of them had bitten off. 
 
 Wild cats are very common and mischievous in the woods. 
 When a sow is ready to litter, she is always enclosed with a fence 
 or rails, for, otherwise, the wild cats would devour the pigs. 
 
 I generally accompanied my pupil into the woods in his shoot- 
 ing excursions, determined both to make havoc among birds and 
 beasts of every description. Sometimes we fired in volleys at the 
 flocks of doves that frequent the corn-fields; sometimes we dis- 
 charged our pieces at the wild geese, whose empty cackling be- 
 trayed them ; and once we brought down some paroquets, that 
 were directing their course over our heads to Georgia. Nor was
 
 IN AMERICA. 29 
 
 it an undelightful task to fire at the squirrels on the tops of the 
 highest trees, who, however artful, could seldom elude the shot 
 of my eager companion. 
 
 The affability and tenderness of this charming family in the 
 bosom of the woods, will be ever cherished in my breast, and 
 long recorded, 1 hope, in this page. My wants were always anti- 
 cipated. The family library was transported without entreaty 
 into my chamber; paper, and the apparatus for writing, were 
 placed on my table ; and once having lamented that my stock of 
 segars was nearly exhausted, a negro was dispatched seventy 
 miles to Charleston, for a supply of the best Spanish. 
 
 I conclude my description of this elegant family, with an obser- 
 vation that will apply to every other that I have been domesti- 
 cated in, on the western continent ; that cheerfulness and quiet 
 always predominated, and that 1 never saw a brow clouded, or a 
 lip opeued in anger. 
 
 One diminution to the happiness of an European in the woods 
 of Carolina, is the reflection that every want is supplied him by 
 slaves. The negroes on the plantation, including house-servants 
 and childFen, amounted to a hundred ; of whom the average price 
 being respectively seventy pounds, made them aggregately worth 
 seven thousand to their possessor. 
 
 Two families lived in one hut, and such was their unconquer- 
 able propensity to steal, that they pilfered from each other. I 
 have heard masters lament this defect in their negroes. But 
 what else can be expected from man in so degraded a condition, 
 that among the ancients the same word implied both a slave and 
 a thief. 
 
 Since the introduction of the culture of cotton in the state of 
 South Carolina, the race of negroes has increased. Both men 
 and women work in the field, and the labour of the rice planta- 
 tion formerly prevented the pregnant negress from bringing forth 
 a long-lived offspring. It may be established as a maxim, that, 
 on a plantation where there are many children, the work has 
 been moderate. 
 
 It may be incredible to some, that the children of the most dis- 
 tinguished families in Carolina, are suckled by negro- women. 
 Each child has its momma, whose gestures and accent it will ne- 
 cessarily copy, for children we all know are imitative beings! It 
 is not unusual to hear an elegant lady say, " Richard always 
 grieves when Quashcebaw is whipped, because she suckled him!" 
 If Rousseau in his Emile eould inveigh against the French mo- 
 ther, who consigned her child to a woman of her own colour to 
 Ruckle, how would his indignation have been raised, to behold a
 
 30 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 smiling babe tugging with its roseate lips at a dug of a size and 
 colour to affright a satyr ? 
 
 Before I quit the woods of Coosohatchie, it will be expected 
 from me to fill the imagination of my reader with " the vengeful 
 terrors of the rattle-snake," that meditates destruction to the un- 
 wary. Were I really pleased with such tales, I would not con- 
 tent myself with the story of the fascinating power of a rattle- 
 snake over birds, but relate how a negro was once irresistibly 
 charmed and devoured. 
 
 Vegetation is singularly quick iu the woods of Carolina. Of 
 flowers, the jessamine and woodbine grow wild; but the former 
 differs widely from that known by the same name in England, 
 being of a straw colour, and having large bells. Violets perfume 
 the woods and roads with their fragrance. 
 
 In bogs, and marshy situations, is found the singular plant 
 called the fly-catcher by the natives, and, 1 believe, dionae mus- 
 cipula by botanists. Its jointed leaves are furnished with two 
 rows of strong prickles, of which the surfaces are covered with a 
 quantity of minute glands that secrete a sweet liquor, which al- 
 lures the flies. When these parts are touched by the legs of a 
 fly, the two lobes of the leaf immediately rise, the rows of pric- 
 kles compress themselves, and squeeze the unwary insect to 
 death. But a straw or pin introduced between the lobes will 
 excite the same motions. 
 
 The honey of the bees in Carolina is exquisitely delicious, and 
 these insects are very sagacious in chusing their retreats. They 
 seek lodgings in the upper part of the trunk of the loftiest tree ; 
 but here their nests cannot elude the searching eyes of the ne- 
 groes and children. The tree is either scaled or cut down, the 
 bees are tumbled from their honeyed domes, and their treasures 
 rifled. 
 
 It appears to me that in Carolina, the simplicity of the first 
 colonists is obliterated, and that the present inhabitants strive to 
 exceed each other in the vanities of life. Slight circumstances 
 often mark the manners of a people. In the opulent families', 
 there is always a negro placed on the look-out, to announce the 
 coming of any visitant ; and the moment a carriage, or horseman, 
 is descried, each negro changes his every day garb for a magnifi- 
 cent suit of livery. As the negroes wear no shirts, this is quickly 
 effectcd ; and in a few moments a ragged fellow is metamor- 
 phosed into a spruce footman. And woe to them should they 
 neglect it ; for their master would think himself disgraced, and 
 Sambo and Cuffy incur a severe flogging. 
 
 I n Carolina, the legislative and executive powers of the house
 
 IN AMERICA. 31 
 
 belong to the mistress, the master has little or nothing to do 
 with the administration ; he is a monument of uxoriousness and 
 passive endurance. The negroes are not without tne discernment 
 to perceive thisj and when the husband resolves to flog them, 
 they often throw themselves at the feet of the wife, and supplicate 
 her mediation. But the ladies of Carolina, and particularly those 
 of Charleston, have little tenderness for their slaves ; on the con- 
 trary, they send both their men-slaves and women-slaves, for 
 the most venial trespass, to a hellish mansion, called the sugar- 
 house : here a man employs inferior agents to scourge the poor 
 negroes : a shilling for a dozen lashes is the charge : the man or 
 woman, is stripped naked to the waist; a redoubtable whip at 
 every lash flays the back of the culprit, who, agonized at every 
 pore, rends the air with his cries. 
 
 Mrs. Drayton informed me, that a lady of Charleston once ob- 
 served to her, that she thought it abominably dear to pay a 
 shilling for a dozen lashes, and, that having many slaves, she 
 would bargain with the man at the sugar-house to flog them by 
 the yearl 
 
 It has been observed by Mr. Jefferson, that negroes secreting 
 little by the kidnies, but much by the pores, exhale a strong 
 effluvia*. But great is the power of habit, and in the hottest 
 day of summer, when the thermometer in the shade has risen to 
 a hundred, I have visited a dinner-party of ladies and gentlemen, 
 surrounded by a tribe of lusty negro-men and women. I leave 
 ray reader to draw the inference. 
 
 An Englishman cannot but draw a proud comparison between 
 his own country and Carolina. He feels with a glow of enthu- 
 siasm the force of the poet's exclamation : 
 
 " Slates cannot breathe in England! 
 They touch our country, and their shackles Tail; 
 That's noble, and bespeaks a nation proud 
 And jealous of their rights." 
 
 It is, indeed, grating to an Englishman to mingle with society 
 in Carolina; for the people, however well-bred in other respects, 
 have no delicacy before a stranger in what relates to their slaves. 
 These wretches are execrated for every involuntary offence ; but 
 negroes endure execrations without emotion, for they say, 
 " when mossa curse, he break no bone." But every master 
 docs not confine himself to oaths ; and I have heard a man say, 
 " By heaven, my negurs talk the worst English of any in Caro- 
 lina: that boy just now called a bason a round-something: take 
 him to the driver ! let him have a dozen ! " 
 
 * Vide, notes ou Virginia.
 
 32 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ' "' "if 
 
 Exposed to such wanton cruelty, the negroes frequently run 
 away ; they flee into the woods, where they are wet with the 
 rains of heaven, and embrace the rock for want of a shelter. Life 
 must be supported ; hunger incites to depredation, and the poor 
 wretches are often shot like the beasts of prey. When taken, the 
 men are put in irons, and the boys have their necks encircled with 
 a " pot-hook." 
 
 The Charleston papers abound with advertisements for fugitive 
 slaves. I have a curious advertisement now before me. " Stop 
 the runaway ! Fifty dollars rewards ! Whereas my waiting fellow, 
 Will, having eloped from me last Saturday, without any provo- 
 cation, (it being known that I am a humane master) the above 
 reward will be paid to any one who will lodge the aforesaid slave 
 in some jail, or deliver him to me on my plantation at Liberty 
 Hall. Will may be known by the incisions of the whip on 
 his back; and I suspect has taken the road to Coosohatchie, 
 where he has a wife and five children, whom I sold last week to 
 Mr. Gillespie A. Levi." 
 
 No climate can be hotter than that of South Carolina and 
 Georgia. In the piazza of a house at Charleston, when a breeze 
 has prevailed, and there has been no other building near to re- 
 flect the heat of the sun, I have known the mercury in Fahren- 
 heit's thermometer to stand at 101. In the night it did not sink 
 below 89. 
 
 Animal heat I ascertained to be less than the heat of the wea- 
 ther. By confining the thermometer to the hottest part of my 
 body, I found the mercury subside from 101 to 96. In fact, 1 
 never could raise the thermometer higher than 96 by animal heat*. 
 
 In a voyage to the East-Indies, I kept a regular account of the 
 height of the thermometer, both in the sun and the shade. My 
 journal is now before me. At eight in the morning, when our 
 ship was on the equator, the thermometer in the shade was only 
 77 degrees ; and the same day in the sun at noon it was 99 f. 
 
 It may be advanced that the pavements of Charleston, and the 
 situation of Savannah, which is built on a sandy eminence, may 
 augment the heat of the weather; but be that as it may, it is, I 
 think, incontrovertible, that no two places on the earth are hot- 
 ter than Savannah and Charleston. I do not remember that 
 the thermometer in the shade at Batavia exceeded 101. 
 
 • Boerhave fixed the rital heat at only 92 degrees; but both Sir Isaac Newton, and 
 Fahrenheit have made it 96. 
 
 t I have found, since making these observations, that from nearly 4000 experiments, 
 made at Madras, the medium height of the thermometer was 80, y. The general greatest 
 height, 87, 1 ; and the least, 75. 5. The extreme difference, 11, half.
 
 IN AMERICA. 33 
 
 But if the heat of the weather in the southernmost states be 
 excessive, not less sudden are its changes. In fact, so variable is 
 the weather, that one day not unfrequently exhibits the vicissi- 
 tudes of the four seasons. The remark of an early colonist is 
 more than poetically true. 
 
 " Hie adeo inconstant est, et variabile caelum, 
 Una ut non raro est asstus hiemsque die." 
 
 I have known one day the mercury to stand at 85 ; and the 
 next, it has sunk to 39. 
 
 But it is from the middle of June to the middle of September, 
 that the excessive heats prevail. It is then the debilitating qua- 
 lity of the weather consigns the languid lady to her sopha, who, 
 if she lets fall her pocket-handkerchief, has not strength to pick 
 it up, but calls to one of her black girls, who is all life and vigour. 
 Hence there is a proportion of good and evil in every condition ; 
 for a negro-girl is not more a slave to her mistress, than her mis- 
 tress to a sopha ; and the one riots in health, while the other has 
 every faculty enervated. 
 
 Negroes are remarkably tolerant of heat. A negro in the 
 hottest month will court a fire. 
 
 From the black there is an easy transition to the white man. 
 Society in Carolina exhibits not that unrestrained intercourse 
 which characterises English manner*. And this remark will 
 apply throughout the States of the Union. The English have 
 been called reserved ; and an American who forms his notions of 
 their manners from Addison and Steele, entertains a contempti- 
 ble opinion of the cheerfulness that prevails in the nook-shotten 
 isle of Albion. 
 
 But let the cheerfulness of both countries be fairly weighed, 
 and I believe the scale will preponderate in favour of the English. 
 That quality termed humour, is not indigenous to America. The 
 pleasantries of a droll would not relax the risible muscles of a 
 party of Americans, however disposed to be merry; the wag 
 would feel no encouragement from the surrounding countenances, 
 to exert his laughter-moving powers ; but like the tyrant in 
 the tragedy, he would be compelled to swallow the poison that 
 was prepared for another. 
 
 Cotton in Carolina, and horse-racing in Virginia, are the pre- 
 vailing topics of conversation : these reduce every understanding 
 to a level, and to these Americans return from the ebullitions of 
 the humourist, as the eye weary of contemplating the sun, re- 
 joices to behold the verdure. * 
 
 Captain Pelotte, who, I have observed, composed one of our 
 huntiug-party, having invited me to the review of the militia of 
 
 p
 
 34 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ■ . i ■ i. n i ' i 
 
 Coosohatchie district, I rode with him to the muster-field, near 
 Bee's-Creek, where his troop was assembled. It was a pleasant 
 spot of thirty acres, belonging to a school-master, who educated 
 the children of the families in the neighbourhood. 
 
 There is scarcely any contemplation more pleasing than the 
 sight of a flock of boys and girls just let loose from school. Those 
 whom nature designed for an active enterprising life, will con" 
 tend for being foremost to cross the threshold of the school-door; 
 while others of a more wary temper, keep remote from the strife. 
 
 A throng of boys and girls was just released from the confine- 
 ment of the school, as I reached Bee's-Creek with Captain, 
 Peiotte. Our horses and they were mutually acquainted. The 
 beasts pricked up their ears, and some of the children saluted 
 them byname; while some, regardless of both the horses and 
 their riders, were earnestly pursuing butterflies ; some stooping to 
 gather flowers ; some chaunting songs, and all taking the road 
 that led to the muster-field. If ever 1 felt the nature that breathes 
 through Shenstone's School poem, it was on beholding this band 
 of little men and little women. 
 
 " And now Dan PIiobdus gains the middle sky, 
 ; And Liberty uubars her prison- door, 
 
 And like a rushing torrent, out thej fly, 
 
 And now the giassy cirque is cover'd o'er 
 Willi bowt'rous revel rout, and wild uproar; 
 
 A thousand ways in wanton rings they run, 
 Heav'n shield their short-liv'd pastimes, I implore! 
 
 For well may Freedom, erst so dearly won, 
 Be to Columbia's sons more gladsome than the sun ! " 
 
 Captain Peiotte having reviewed his soldiers, marched them 
 triumphantly, round a huge oak that grew in the centre of the 
 parade, animated by the sound of the spirit-stirring drum ; and 
 afterwards laid siege to a dinner of venison in the open air, to 
 which I gave my assistance. It was a republican meal. Cap- 
 tains, lieutenants, and privates, all sat down together at table, 
 and mingled in familiar converse. But the troop devoured such 
 an enormous quantity of rice, that I was more than once inclined 
 to believe they had emigrated from China. 
 
 On the 7th of April, 1799, I accepted the invitation of a Mr. 
 Wilson, who was visiting the family at Ocean, to accompany him 
 to Savannah ; glad with the opportunity to extend my travels 
 into Georgia, and not less happy to cultivate his acquaintance. 
 
 We left Ocean plantation at eight in the morning. Mr. Wilson 
 drove himself in a sulky, and I rode on horseback, followed by a 
 servant on another.
 
 IN AMERICA. 35 
 
 Our journey offered nothing to the view but an uncultivated 
 tract, or one continued pine-barren ; for Priesburg is a village 
 composed of only three houses, and Bamazoba can boast only 
 the same number of plantations. 
 
 Having refreshed ourselves in the house of Mrs. Hayward's 
 overseer (the lady was gone to Charleston), we waded from Bar- 
 nazoba, through mud and mire, to the mouth of a creek, where 
 we embarked with a couple of negroes in a canoe, and were 
 paddled into a small river that empties itself into that of Savan- 
 nah. Again we landed, and walked about a mile to another plan- 
 tation, of which the white people were absent, but the negroes 
 remained. Here we launched a large canoe, and were rowed to 
 my companion's plantation ; dining on the water in our passage 
 thither. The negroes of the plantation beheld the coming of Mr. 
 Wilson with joy j old and young of both sexes came to the land- 
 ing-place to welcome his approach. The canoe Was in a moment 
 run high and dry upon the beach, and the air resounded with 
 acclamations. 
 
 We left the plantation in a four-oared canoe, and were rowed 
 with velocity up the beautiful river of Savannah. Quantities of 
 alligators were basking in the sun on both shores. They brought 
 to my recollection the happy description of AriostO; 
 
 " Vive sub lito e dentro a la Riviera, 
 Ei corpi umani sun le sue vivande, 
 De le persone misere e incaute, 
 Di Viandanti e d' infelice name." 
 
 This animal (says the poet) lives on the river and its banks ; 
 preying on human flesh : the bodies of unwary travellers, of pas j 
 sengers, and of sailors. 
 
 We landed at Yamacraw, the name given by the Indians to the 
 spot on which part of Savannah is built; and after ploughing 
 through one or two streets of sand, we reached Dillon's board- 
 ing-house, where we were obligingly received, and comfortably 
 accommodated. There was a large party at supper, composed 
 principally of cotton manufacturers from Manchester, whose con- 
 versation operated on me like a dose of opium. Cotton ! Cotton! 
 Cotton! was their never-ceasing topic. Oh! how many travel- 
 lers would have devoured up their discourse ; for my part I fell 
 asleep, and nodded till a negro offered to light me to my room. 
 
 Savannah is built on a sandy eminence. Let the English rea- 
 der picture to himself a town erected on the cliffs of Dover, and 
 he will behold Savannah. But the streets are so insupportably 
 sandy, that every inhabitant wears goggles over his eyes, which
 
 36 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 give the people an appearance of being in masquerade. When 
 the wind is violent, Savannah is a desart scene. 
 
 Having purchased a little edition of Mrs. Smith's sonnets, my 
 delight was to ascend the eminence which commands the view of 
 the river, and read my book undisturbed. With my pencil I 
 wrote on my tablets the following sonnet to the author. 
 
 SONNET TO CHARLOTTE SMITH. 
 
 Blest Poetess! who tell'st so soft thy woe, 
 I love to ponder o'er thy mournful lay, 
 In climes remote, where wan, forlorn, and slow, 
 To the wash'd strand [ bend my listless way. 
 
 Now, on Savannah's cliffs I wayward read, 
 In joy of grief, thy pity-moving strain, 
 While smiles afar the variegated mead, 
 And not a wave disturbs the tranquil main. 
 
 Like thee, the Muse has from my infant hours. 
 With smiles alluring won me to the grove ; , 
 Snatch'd, in a playful mood, some scatter'd flow'ra 
 To deck my head, gay emblems of her love : 
 
 But mine of light, deceitful hues are made, 
 While thine of bloom perennial ne'er will fade. 
 
 The llth of April, I returned with Mr. Wilson to the woods of 
 Coosohatchie, which I found Mr. Drayton and family about to 
 leave to their original tenants of racoons, squirrels, and opos- 
 sums. 
 
 My table was covered with letters from my friend. Mr. George 
 had left the college of Charleston, for a seminary less famous, but 
 more profitable, at George-town, at the confluence of the rivers 
 Winyaw and Waccamaw. There, in concert with his uncle, an 
 episcopal minister, he enjoyed society > and indulged in his fa- 
 vourite studies.
 
 rS AMERICA. 37 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 Picture of a Family travelling through the Woods. Terror in- 
 spired by two Snakes, and the gallantry of an American Boy. 
 Residence at Ashley River. Removal to Sullivan's Island*. 
 Literary Projects. Anecdotes of Goldsmith. A Journey on 
 Foot from Charleston to George-town. Elegy over the Grave 
 of a Stranger in the Woods of Owendaio. Reception at George- 
 town. Death of General Washington Jimrney back to 
 
 Charleston. Embark for New -York. Incidents of the Voyage. 
 
 IT was in the month of May, 1799, that Mr. Drayton and hU 
 family exchanged the savage woods of Coosohatchie, for the po- 
 liter residence of their mansion on Ashley river. In our migra- 
 tion we formed quite a procession. Mr. Drayton occupied the 
 coach with his lady and youngest daughter; and 1 advanced next 
 with my fair pupil in a chair, followed by William Henry, on a 
 prancing nag, and half a dozen negro fellows, indiiferently 
 mounted, but wearing the laced livery of an opulent master. 
 Thus hemmed in by the coach before, a troop of horsemen be- 
 hind, and impenetrable woods on both sides, I could not refrain 
 from whispering in the ear of my companion, that her friend* 
 had put it out of my power to run away with her that day. 
 
 About three in the afternoon, our journey being suspended by 
 the heat of the weather, we stopped to eat a cold dinner, in a 
 kind of lodge that had been erected by some hunters on the road- 
 side, and which now hospitably accommodated a family travelling 
 through the woods. 
 
 Here we took possession of the benches round the table to 
 enjoy our repast ; turning the horses loose to seek the shade; 
 and cooling our wine in a spring that murmured near the spot. 
 William Henry, having snatched a morsel, got ready his fowling* 
 piece, to penetrate the woods in search of wild turkies; and 
 while we were rallying him on his passion for shooting, the cry 
 from a negro of a rattle-snake ! disturbed our tranquillity. The 
 snake was soon visible to every eye, dragging its slow length 
 along the root of a large tree, and directing its attention to a 
 bird, which chattered and fluttered from above, and seemed irre- 
 sistibly disposed to fall into his distended jaws. London, a negro 
 servant, had snatched up a log, and was advancing to strike the 
 monster a blow on the head, when a black snake, hastening fu-
 
 38 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 riously to the spot, immediately gave battle to the rattle-snake, 
 and suspended, by his unexpected appearance, the power of the 
 negro's arm. We now thought we had got into a nest of snakes, 
 and the girls were screaming with fright, when William Henry, 
 taking an unerring aim with his gun, shot the rattle-snake, in the 
 act of repulsing his enemy. The black snake, without a mo- 
 ment's procrastination, returned into the woods, and profiting by 
 his example, we all pursued our journey, except William Henry, 
 who stopped with a negro to take out the rattles of the mon- 
 ster he had killed. My pupil presented me with these rattles, 
 which I carried for three years in my pocket, and finally gave 
 them to the son of a Mr. Andrews, of Warminster, who had emi- 
 grated to Baltimore, and had been to me singularly obliging. 
 
 We stopped a few days at Stono, where we were kindly receiv- 
 ed by Mr. Wilson, my late travelling companion into Georgia. I 
 expected that William Henry would receive the applauses of his 
 friends for the presence of mind he had displayed in killing the 
 rattle-snake ; but when the youngest sister recited the story to 
 the family, they heard her without emotion, and only smiled at 
 it as a trifling incident. 
 
 In the venerable mansion at Ashley river, I again directed 
 the iniellectual progress of my interesting pupils, and, enlarged 
 the imagination of William, by putting Pope's version of the 
 Odyssey into his hands, which I found among other books that 
 composed the family library. He had before read the Iliad ; but 
 neither Patroclus slain by Hector, nor Hector falling beneath 
 the avenging arm of Achilles, imparted half the rapture which 
 Ulysses inspired, with his companions in the cave of Poly- 
 phemus. 
 
 The garden of Mr. Drayton's mansion led to the bank of Ash- 
 ley river, which, after a rapid course of twenty miles, discharged 
 itself into the Atlantic. The river was not wanting in pictu- 
 resqueness, and, once, while stretched at my ease on its banks, I 
 meditated an ode. 
 
 ODE ON ASHLEY RIVER. 
 
 On gentle Ashley's winding flood, 
 
 Enjoying philosophic rest; 
 I court the calm, umbrageous wood, 
 
 No more with baleful care opprest. 
 
 Or, on its banks supinely laid, 
 
 The distant mead and field survey, 
 Where branching laurels Ibrin a shade 
 
 To keep me from the solar ray.
 
 IN AMERICA. 39 
 
 While flows the limpid stream along, 
 
 With q«ick meanders through the grove, 
 And from each bird is heard the song 
 
 Of careless gaiety and love. 
 
 And when the moon, with lustre bright, 
 
 Around me throws her silver beam, 
 I catch new transport from the sight, 
 
 And view her shadow in the stream. 
 
 While Whip-poor-will repeats his tale. 
 
 That echoes from the boundless plain; 
 And Mithsome to tin- passing gale. 
 
 The Mocking-bird pours out his strain. 
 
 Hence with a calm, contented mind 
 
 Sweet pleasure cones without alloy; 
 Our own felicity we fihd — 
 
 ' 1 is from the heart springs genuine joy. 
 
 An elder brother of Mr. Drayton was our neighbour on the 
 river ; he occupied, perhaps, the largest house and gardens in 
 the United States of America. Indeed, I was now breathing the 
 politest atmosphere in America; for our constant visitants were 
 the highest people in the state, and possessed of more house ser- 
 vants, than there are inhabitants at Occoquan. These people 
 never moved but in a carriage, lolled on sophas instead of sitting 
 on chairs, and were always attended by their negroes to fan them 
 with a peacock's feather. Such manners were ill-suited to an 
 Englishman who loved his ease; and whenever their carriages 
 were announced, I always took my gun, and went into the woods. 
 
 From Ashley river, after a short residence, we removed to 
 Charleston, which was full of visitors from the woods, and ex- 
 hibited a motley seene. Here was to be perceived a coach, 
 without a glass to exclude the dust, driven by a black fellow, not 
 less proud of the livery of luxury, than the people within the 
 vehicle were of a suit made in the fashion. There was to be dis- 
 covered a Carolinian buck, who had left off essences and powder, 
 and, in what related to his hair, resembled an ancient Roman ; 
 but in the distribution of his dress, was just introducing that 
 fashion in Charleston, which was giving way in succession to 
 another in London. But he had an advantage over his trans- 
 atlantic rival ; he not only owned the horse he rode, but the 
 servant who followed. To be brief, such is the pride of the peo- 
 ple of Charleston, that no person is seen on foot unless it be a 
 mechauic. He who is without horses and slaves, iucurs always 
 contempt. 
 
 1 found my friend, Dr. De Bow, in high repute at Charleston, 
 and not without the hope that lrj should soon keep his carriage.
 
 40 TRAVELS,. &e. 
 
 He entreated I would lend him my assistance to write an essay 
 on the croup. I begged to be excused, by professing my utter 
 unacquaintancc with the mode of treating the disease. The doc- 
 tor was here interrupted by a negro-boy, who called him to 
 attend his master in the last stage of the yellow-fever. The doc- 
 tor immediately slipped on a black coat and snatching up his 
 gold-headed-cane, followed the negro down stairs. 
 
 The doctor being gone, it was not possible to do justice to the 
 treatise on the croup ; but finding myself disposed to write some- 
 thing, I addressed my friend in an ode. The doctor was about 
 to embark for the Havannah, as surgeon of a ship ; and his ap- 
 proaching voyage furnished me with a hint. 
 
 ODE TO WILLIAM DE BOW, M. D. 
 Since on the ocean's boundless deep, 
 
 Once more impell'd by fate yon go. 
 The Muse the trembling wire would sweep, 
 
 And soft invoke each gale to blow. 
 
 Long has it been our doom to roam, 
 
 With hearts by friendship's cement bound. 
 
 (The world at large our only home) 
 O'er many a wide expanse of ground. 
 
 At Philadelphia's sad confine, 
 
 Where death stalk'd round with aspect wild. 
 
 We saw the widow vainly pine. 
 
 And heard the mother mourn her child : 
 
 While desolation mark'd the scene 
 
 And groans of dying fill'd each gale, 
 Where dance no mote rejorc'd the green, 
 
 Nor song re-echo'd 1 from the dale. 
 
 May no such griefs again demand 
 
 The sigh of pity from thy breast, 
 But jocund pleasure's mirthful band. 
 
 Sooth ev'ry baleful care to rest. 
 
 Then festive let thy moments flow, 
 
 While round thee roars the briny flood; 
 May ev'ry breeae auspicious blow, 
 
 And nought provoke the wat'ry god. 
 
 Having leisure for some literary undertaking, I issued a pro* 
 spectus for the publication of two Vogages to the East-Indies. 
 The work was to be comprised in an octavo volume, and deliver- 
 ed to subscribers for two dollars. Mr. Drayton, without hesita- 
 tion, subscribed for ten copies j and in a few weeks, I could boast 
 a long list of subscribers from the circles of fashion. 
 
 To avoid the fever, which every summer commits its ravages at 
 Charleston, Mr. Drayton removed with his family in July, to a
 
 IN AMERICA. 41 
 
 convenient house on Sullivan's island. The front windows com- 
 manded a view of the Atlantic, whose waves broke with fury not 
 a hundred yards from the door. It is almost superfluous to ob- 
 serve, that Sullivan's island lies opposite to Charleston at the 
 distance of eight miles. 
 
 In the garden on our premises, I took possession of a neat lit- 
 tle box, which served me for a seminary, and house of repose* 
 
 Here I was gratified with the company of Mr. George, who 
 came to visit me from George-town. Not more joyous was the 
 meeting of Flaccus and Maro, at the Appian Way : 
 
 " O! qui complexus, et gaudia quanta fuerunt! " 
 
 He was received with every elegance of urbanity by Mr. and Mrs. 
 Drayton ; but he compared our situation to iEueas among the 
 Greeks'; " vadimus immixti Danais haud numiue nostro." So 
 natural is it for a wit to ridicule his host. 
 
 Passage-boats are always to be procured from Sullivan's island 
 to Charleston, and I was introduced by my friend to an Irish 
 clergyman, of the name of Best, who was attached to Mr. George, 
 partly from his being an Irishman, and partly from esteem for 
 his attainments. 
 
 Mr. Best communicated to me a few anecdotes relative to 
 Goldsmith, which I minuted down in his presence. 
 
 " The Deserted Village," said he, " relates to scenes in which 
 Goldsmith was an actor. Auburn is a poetical name for the vil- 
 lage of Lissoy, in the county of Westmeath Barony, Kilkenny 
 West. The name of the school master was Paddy Burns. I re- 
 member him well. He was indeed a man severe to view. A 
 woman called Walsey Cruse, kept the alehouse. 
 
 " Imagination fondly stops to trace 
 . The parlour-splendors of the festive place." 
 
 " I have been oftea in the house. 
 
 " The hawthorn-bush was remarkably large, and stood oppo- 
 site the alehouse. I was once riding with Brady, titular Bishop 
 ofArdagh, when he observed to me, Ma foy, Best, this huge, 
 overgrown bush, is mightily in the way ; I will order it to be cut 
 down. What, Sir, said 1, cut down Goldsmith's hawthorn-bush, 
 that supplies so beautiful an image in the Deserted Village ! Ma 
 foy ! exclaimed the bishop, is that the hawthorn-bush 1 Then 
 ever let it be sacred to the edge of the axe, and evil to him that 
 would cut from it a branch." 
 
 Mr. Best also related to me some anecdotes that would serve to 
 illustrate the Traveller, which I regret are not preserved, for the 
 Traveller is a poem that is ever read with new rapture. The 
 
 c
 
 42 , TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 — •- • ' . - ■■''■' -'" *■* 
 
 mind can scarcely refrain from picturing Goldsmith in the capa- 
 city of an adventurer; travelling with an expansion to his mental 
 powers, and feeling the impulse of his poetical genius ; observing 
 with a philosophic eye the mingled scenes before him, and fram- 
 ing from their diversity the subject of his poem. 
 
 The stone of Sisyphus calling my friend back to George-town, 
 I was once more left to the tuition of William Henry, and his sis- 
 ters. My pupil was not, 1 believe, content with his insular situa- 
 tion, but sighed for the woods, his dogs, and his gun. Man 
 laughs at the sports of children, but even their most trifling pas- 
 times form his most serious occupations ; and their drums, and 
 rattles, and hobby-horses, are but the emblems and mockery of 
 the business of mature age. 
 
 No families are more migratory than those of Carolina. From 
 Sullivan's island we went again to the mansion on Ashley river, 
 where I had invitations to hunt, to feast, aud to dance. But no- 
 thing could soothe the despondency I felt on the approaching 
 return of Mr. Drayton to the woods of Coosohatchie. He guessed 
 the cause of my woe-begone looks, and, rather than be deprived 
 of my services, politely offered to pass the winter on the banks 
 of Ashley river : nay, he even proposed to send his son, when the 
 war terminated, to make with me the tour of the continent of 
 Europe. There are few men that in my situation would have 
 resisted such allurements ; but 1 dreaded the tainted atmosphere 
 that had dispatched so many of my countrymen to the house ap- 
 pointed for all living ; and, filled with apprehension, I left this 
 charming family in whose bosom 1 had been so kindly cherished, 
 to seek another climate, and brave again the rigours of adversity. 
 
 The 15th of December, 1799, I rode from Ashley river to 
 Charleston, with the design of proceeding to George-town, and 
 visiting the academic bowers of my friend. I had again deter* 
 mined to travel on foot, and enjoy the meditations produced 
 from walking and smoking amidst the awful solitude of the 
 woods. Having provided myself with a pouch of Havanuah 
 segars, and put a poem into my pocket, which Mr. George had 
 composed over the grave of a stranger on the road, I crossed the 
 ferry at Cooper's river, and began my journey from a spot that 
 retains the aboriginal name of Hobcaw. 
 
 In travelling through an endless tract of pines, a man can find 
 few objects to describe, but he may have some reflections to de- 
 liver. I was journeying through endless forests, that, once in- 
 habited by numerous , races of Indians, were now without any 
 individual of their original possessors ; for the diseases and lux- 
 uries introduced by the colonists, had exterminated the greater
 
 IN AMERICA. 
 
 number, and the few wretches that survived, had sought a new 
 country beyond the rivers and mountains. 
 
 For the first fifteen miles of my journey, I encountered no 
 human being but a way-faring German ; and heard no sound but 
 that of the wood-pecker, and the noise of the negroe's axe felling 
 trees. There was no other object to employ the sight, and no 
 other noise to disturb the repose of the desert. 
 
 I supped and slept at a solitary tavern, kept by young Mr. 
 Dubusk, whose three sisters might have sat to a painter for the 
 Graces. Finding my young landlord companionable, I asked him 
 why he did not pull down the sign of General Washington, that 
 was over his door, and put up the portrait of his youngest sister. 
 That, said he, would be a want of modesty : and, besides, if Je- 
 mima is really handsome, she can want no effigy ; for go >d wine, 
 as we landlords say, requires no bush. We drew our chairs near 
 the fire after supper, when Mr. Dubusk did his utmost to enter- 
 tain me. He related, that only a few nights before, some sparks 
 had put a link into his bed, which, by the moon-light through 
 his window, his apprehension magnified into a black snake. And 
 is a native of Carolina, afraid of a snake ? said 1 — Not, said he, 
 if I meet him on the road, or in the woods. I wish I had as 
 many acres of land as I have killed rattlesnakes in this country. 
 My plantation would be a wide one. Mr. Dubusk was some- 
 what a wag. Being called on after supper to sing the patriotic 
 song of Hail Columbia; he parodied it with much drollery. 
 
 Hail Columbia! happy hind! 
 Full of pines, and burning sand! 
 
 At this I was surprised : for Hail Columbia exacts not less reve- 
 rence in America, than Rule Britannia in England. 
 
 The next morning, Mr. Dubusk walked with me a few miles on 
 my road; but my companion having business at a plantation in 
 the woods, I was soon left to pursue my journey alone through 
 the sand. My sight was still bounded by the same prospect as 
 ever. I could only distinguish before me a road that seemed 
 endless, and mossy forests on each border of it. An European 
 gazes with wonder at the long and beautiful moss, that, spreading 
 itself from the branches of one tree to those of another, extends 
 through whole forests*. 
 
 It was now eight in the morning; the weather was mild, and I 
 walked vigorously forward, " chewing the cud of sweet and bitter 
 fancy." 
 
 * This raos* when it becomes dead serves manj useful purposes. The negroes 
 carrj it to Charleston, where it is bought to stuff ruattrusses, and chair-bottoms. The 
 hunters always use it for wadding to their guns.
 
 44 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 At Darr's tavern I found nobody but a negro- woman, who was 
 suckling her child, and quieting its clamours by appropriating, 
 instead of a common rattle, the rattles of a snake. 
 
 As Mr. Darr was gone out, I was glad to obtain a plate 
 of mush*, which having eaten, sans milk, sans sugar, and even 
 sa?v> molasses, I gave the good woman a piece of silver, and again 
 pursued my journey. 
 
 A wuik of eight more miles brought me to Owendaw bridge, 
 and, taking a small path that led into the woods, I sought for 
 the grave pf a stranger, of whom tradition has preserved no re- 
 membrance; and whose narrow-house I at length discovered 
 under a large and stately pine. I suppress the reflections which 
 filled my breast on beholding it. Mr. George had anticipated me 
 in a poem, which I meditated over the grave, in all the luxury of 
 melancholy. 
 
 ELEGY OVER THE GRAVE OF AN UNKNOWN, IN THE WOODS OP 
 
 OWENDAW. 
 
 Now while the sun in ocean rolls the day. 
 
 Pensive I view where yonder trees display 
 
 The lonely heap of earth where here unmoum'd, 
 
 Beneath the pine the stranger lies inurn'd. 
 
 Near these green reeds that shade the passing wave. 
 
 The grass proclaims the long neglected grave, 
 
 Where dark and drear the mossy forests rise, ■ 
 
 And nature hides her form from mortal eyes; 
 
 Where never print of human step is found, 
 
 Nor ever sun-beam cheers the gloomy ground, 
 
 But towering pines the light of heaven preclude, 
 
 And cedars wave in endless solitude; 
 
 Where stretch'd amid the leaves, the branching hind 
 
 Hears the tall cypress murmur to the wind. 
 
 All now unknown, if here this space of dust 
 
 Enclose the ashes of the base or just; 
 
 Nor wept by friendship, nor enroll'd by fame, 
 
 Without a tqmb, and e'en without a name. 
 
 80 rests amid these over-arching woods, 
 
 Some hapless corse, regardless of the floods, 
 
 Which oft around with angry deluge sweep, 
 
 And roll the wrecks of ages to the deep. 
 
 Those warring passions struggling to be free, 
 
 Those eyes that once the blaze of heaven could see; 
 
 That hand from which, perhaps, the brave retir'd ; 
 
 That heart which once the breath of life inspir'd, 
 
 Now shut for ever from the face of day, 
 
 Claim but at last this narrow spot of clay. 
 
 Unhappy dust, no memory remains 
 
 Of what of thee once trod these gloomy plains, 
 
 * Indian meal boiled.
 
 IN AMERICA. 45 
 
 Whether some wish, that fires the human breast. 
 
 Of gl»ry, or of wealth, was here suppresl; 
 
 Or great, or humble, was thy former lot, 
 
 To all unknown, by all the world forgot! 
 
 But what is friendship, or exalted fame, 
 
 Which time may wound, or Envy's eye may blame ? 
 
 Alike the lofty and the low must lie, 
 
 Alike the hero and the slave must die ; 
 
 A few short years their names from earth shall sweep, 
 
 Unfelt as drops when mingling with the deep. 
 
 For thee no tomb arrests the passing eye. 
 
 No muse implores the tributary sigh, 
 
 Nor weeping sire shall hither press to mourn, 
 
 Nor frantic spouse invoke thee from thine urn; 
 
 But here unwept, beneath this gloomy pine, 
 
 Eternal nights of solitude are thine. 
 
 So when conflicting clouds, in thunder driven, 
 
 Shake to its base the firmament of heaven, 
 
 Prone on the earth the lofty cedar lies. 
 
 Unseen, and in an unknown valley dies: 
 
 So falls the towering pride of mortal states, 
 
 So perish all the glories of the great. 
 
 In vain with hope to distant realms we run, 
 
 Some bliss to share, or misery to shun. 
 
 In vain the man with narrow bosom flies, 
 
 Where meanness triumphs, and where honour dies; 
 
 And fills the sable bark with sordid ore, 
 
 To swell the pomps that curse a guilty shore; 
 
 Pursu'd by fate through every realm aud sea, 
 
 He falls at last unwept, unknown, like thee. 
 
 Pursuing my journey, in somewhat a dejected mood, I cross- 
 ed over Owendaw- bridge, and walked forward at a moderate 
 rate. In fact, I regulated my pace by the sun, which was de- 
 scending behind me in the woods, and at which I occasionally 
 looked back. 
 
 About night-fall 1 reached Mr. Mac Gregor's tavern, of whicK 
 the proximity was announced by the axe of the negro chopping 
 wood. No sound can be more delightful than this to the foot- 
 traveller in America, when night has cast its shadows over the 
 face of the country. It not only informs him that he is near some 
 human habitation j but associates the welcome image of a warm 
 fire-side, and an invigorating supper. 
 
 The house of Mr. Mac Gregor was agreeably situated on the 
 river Santce. But it was filled with the planters and young 
 women from the neighbouring woods, who had assembled to 
 celebrate their Christmas festival ; for it was, I discovered, the 
 anniversary of the day that gave birth to our Redeemer. Strange !
 
 46 TRAVELS, &C 
 
 ■g X H *"* ~— ~— ^— — ■■■■iii ,, | __ 
 
 that I should regard time so little, as not to know, that its inau- 
 dible and noiseless feet had stolen through another year. 
 
 The party was, however, taking time by the forelock. They 
 had formed a dance, but could not begin it for want of their mu- 
 sician, whom they expected with impatience. Hang that Or- 
 pheus ! exclaimed one af the young men, who held by the hand a 
 little girl of true virginal beauty, with fair hair floating over her 
 shoulders ; curse that Orpheus \ said he ; he has got drunk again, 
 and has lost himself in the woods ! Mac Gregor, lend me your 
 horn j I'll go a little way, and blow to him. He snatched up the 
 horn, and slipping on his great coat, was about to sally into the 
 woods to seek for the lost Orpheus, when the little girl whose 
 hand he had let go, anticipating his design, clung fondly round 
 him, and burst into a violent flood of tears. 
 
 Woman ! all conquering woman ! thou art every where the 
 same; and thy empire over man is every where confest. Whe- 
 ther in the polished cities of Europe, or among the rude forests 
 of America, thou canst practise the same arts, and inspire the 
 same tenderness ! 
 
 The ferocity of Jack was softened by the mournful distraction 
 of Barbara. It was a ludicrous spectacle. Jack in the towering 
 height and breadth of his body, could scarcely, I think, be infe- 
 rior to Sampson ; he would have slain with his nervous arm a 
 whole host of enemies. Yet here he was killed himself by only 
 one glance from a virgin eye, that was brimful of tears ; for some 
 minutes his speech was suspended, and the giant could only look 
 and sigh unutterable things. Oh ! for the chissel of a Praxiteles, 
 to represent this tender damsel ; the most seducing object that 
 love could employ to extend the limits of his empire. Insensibi- 
 lity itself would have fallen at the feet of so sweet a creature. 
 
 At length Jack recovered the use of his faculties. He laid 
 down the horn ; and, patching Barbara in his arms, smacked her 
 lips with such ardour, that he seemed to be tearing up kisses by 
 the roots. 
 
 The girls in company blushed, or held down their heads, but 
 the men fell into a roar of such loud and obstinate laughter, that, 
 like the peal of Homer's gods, I thought it inextinguishable. 
 
 Mr. Mac Gregor now took the horn, and, going to the door, 
 began to blow it with vehemence, and then to exclaim Orpheus ! 
 Yo ho ! Orpheus ! Must I come and look for my old snow-ball ? 
 
 At length a voice was heard to reply, Who call Orpheus ? That 
 Mossa Mac Gregee ? Here Orpheus come ! Here he come him- 
 self!
 
 IN AMERICA. 47 
 
 It was not long before Orpheus made his appearance, in the 
 shape of an old Guinea negro, scraping discord on a fiddle, reel- 
 ing about from side to side, and grinning in the pride of his 
 heart. 
 
 Each man now seized his partner, Orpheus struck up a jig, and 
 down the dance went Jack and Barbara, with light, though un- 
 tutored steps. Not being for any of their ambling, and finding 
 that amidst such riot no sleep was to be had, I summoned a 
 negro, and was paddled in a canoe, through Push-and-go creek, 
 to the opposite bank of Santee river. The whip-poor-will, on 
 my landing, was heard from the woods ; and, in prosecuting my 
 walk, 1 meditated a sonnet to the bird. 
 
 SONNET TO THE WHIP-POOR-WILL. 
 Poor, plaintive bird! whose melancholy lay 
 Suits the despondence of my troubled breast, 
 I hail thy coming at the close of day, 
 When all thy tribe are hush'd in balmy rest. 
 
 Wisely thou shunn'st the gay, tumultuous throng 
 Whose mingled voices empty joys denote, 
 And for the sober night reserv'st thy song, 
 When echo from the woods repeats thy note. 
 
 Pensive, at silent night, I love to roam, 
 Where elves and ffciries tread the dewy green. 
 While the clear moon, beneath the azure dome. 
 Sheds a soft lustre o'er the sylvan scene. 
 
 And hear thee tell thy moving tale of woe, 
 To the bright empress of the Silver Bow, 
 
 I had now not to walk through woods, but over ground that 
 had been cleared by the industry of the husbandman. But 1 had 
 scarce proceeded half a mile, when a party of horsemen, and girls 
 double-mounted, came ambling over the plain ; and all seemed 
 to ask, with one voice, if the boat was at the ferry, I informed 
 them, that I had crossed Santee river in a canoe, which, I be- 
 lieved, was at the ferry, but that, far from embarking their party, 
 it would not hold a third of them. 
 
 Then you came, said one of the men, through Push-and-go 
 creek ? 
 
 I replied in the affirmative. 
 
 The devil take Mac Gregor, cried he. There are no snakes in 
 South Carolina if I am not up to him for this. 1 hope Orpheus 
 has not been able to rind his way through the woods ! 
 
 I told them, that if by Orpheus he meant a drunken negro, 
 
 who scraped upon the fiddle, he had not only reached the house, 
 
 but put all the company in motion.
 
 48 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 And now my friends, said I, let me ask you if there be any 
 house on the road where 1 shall be likely to obtain a lodging? 
 
 Are you for George-town ? said one of the men. Yes ! 
 
 Then, rejoined he, it is hard saying ; for there is no house in 
 the main-road between this and the Run * ; and the run is so 
 high, from the freshes, that you will not be able to ford it. We 
 did not cross the run ; we live this side of it away there (point- 
 ing with his hand), among the back- woods. 
 
 Nothing can give more poignancy to the misfortunes of a tra- 
 veller, than for him to repine at them. I therefore walked for- 
 ward with a decisive step, and whistled a merry tune as I brushed 
 the dew with my feet. 
 
 In about half an hour, I reached a solitary mud-hut, which 
 stood adjoining to a wood. A little smoke rose from the chim- 
 ney, but not a mouse was stirring near the dwelling. But from 
 the woods was heard the cry of the whip-poor-will, and the 
 croaking of the bull-frogs. 
 
 I peeped through a chink in the wall of this lonely hut. I 
 could distinguish an old negro-man and negro-woman, huddled 
 together, like Darby and Joan, before the embers of an expiring 
 fire, and passing from one to another the stump of an old pipe. 
 I tapped at the door. Please God Almighty ! said the old woman j 
 who knock at our door this time of night ? Why I thought no- 
 body was awake but whip-poor-will ! 
 
 Open the door, said the old man, very calmly, 'tis mayhap 
 some negur man that has run away, and is now come out of the 
 woods to beg a hoe-cake, or a bit of hominy. 
 
 Lack-a-day ! you don't say so, replied the old woman. Some 
 poor runaway, without a bit of victuals to keep life and soul to- 
 gether. Well ! there's a whole hoe-cake in the platter. That's 
 lucky, for true ! 
 
 The old woman came to the door, but, starting back on behold- 
 ing me, exclaimed, Hie ! this not negur ! This one gentleman ! 
 
 Let my page record the hospitality of this poor black woman 
 and her husband. They proffered me their provisions, and help- 
 ed me to the sweetest draught of water I ever remember to have 
 drunk. They proposed to spread a blanket for me before the 
 fire, and supply me out of their garments with a pillow for my 
 head. In a word, though their faces were black, their hearts 
 were not insensible. 
 
 1 could not overcome my prejudices. I felt the fulness of their 
 humanity ; but, my heart harboured that pride, which courted 
 
 * A stream that crosses a road is called a Run iu the southern States. After a 
 heavy rain, the freshes (floods) render these runs for some tiiue impassable.
 
 IN AMERICA. 49 
 
 the rigours of the night, rather than descend to become the guest 
 of an African slave. I declined their offer with acknowledg- 
 ments, and prosecuted my walk into the woods. 
 
 1 had walked about three miles, lighted forward by the moon, 
 and admonished of the lateness of the hour by the appearance of 
 the morning star, when the barking of dogs, and the voices of 
 men at a distance, tilled me with the hope that 1 was approaching 
 some village. My heart caught new pleasure, and I redoubled 
 my pace ; but in a few minutes, instead of entering a village, 1 
 found myself among a crowd of waggons and waggoners, who, 
 having their journey suspended by a run of water which had 
 overflowed its banks, were preparing to encamp on the side of 
 the road. Of these some were backing their waggons, some un- 
 harnessing their cattle, and some kindling a fire. 
 
 On coming to the bank of the stream, I asked a man, who was 
 splitting wood, whether there was any canoe to carry travellers 
 across the run. 
 
 Indeed, I don't know, said he. 
 
 How is that ? cried another waggoner, approaching the spot. 
 If the stranger is willing to go to the expense of a canoe, I'll hew 
 him one out of the stump of a tree in less than half an hour. 1 
 have tools in my waggon. 
 
 Sir, replied I, I think it will be more adviseable to tarry here 
 till the floods are subsided. But, is there no tavern near here ? 
 
 There is not a grog-shop, said the man, between this and 
 George-town. But if you chuse to drink some whiskey, I have 
 got a demi-john in my waggon. Come, don't make yourself 
 strange because I drive a waggon. 
 
 Sir, said I, it was my anxiety to obtain a lodging that made me 
 ask after a tavern; I did not want liquor. But as you are polite 
 enough to welcome me to your jorum of whiskey, 1 shall be 
 happy to pledge you. 
 
 The fellow now went to his waggon, and, taking out a small 
 demi-john of whiskey, returned to the place where I stood, fol- 
 lowed by the whole of his fraternity. Come, said he, here's a 
 good market for our tobacco ! And after taking a long draught, 
 which called a profound sigh from his lungs, he handed me the 
 demi-john, of which having drauk, I passed it in succession to 
 my neighbour. 
 
 No man is more tenacious of etiquette than I. For two per- 
 *ons to become acquainted, the laws of good-breeding exact the 
 introduction of a third. This third person 1 had now found in 
 the demi-john of whiskey, and so without any further ceremony, 
 
 ■
 
 50 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 I accompanied the gentlemen waggoners to their fire, and squat- 
 ted myself before the blaze. 
 
 The man whom I had pledged, I very soon discovered to be 
 the chief of the gang ; for his mien was more lofty, and his speech 
 more imperious than that of the rest. Holla ! Ralph Noggin ! 
 
 cried he Turn the horses out loose with their bells on, that we 
 
 may find them again in the woods. And do you hear, get the 
 pig out of the big waggon, that we may barbecue him while there's 
 a slow fire. 
 
 This motion of the waggoner was, I thought, not a bad one j 
 my hunger seconded it in secret ; and I began to entertain a 
 higher opinion of the company I had got into. 
 
 Having barbecued the pig, each man drew forth his knife, and 
 helped himself to a portion. 1 was invited to do the same, but, 
 when I had laid hands on a savoury morsel, it was difficult to 
 retain it, for a dog, that accompanied the waggons, placed him- 
 self before me in a menacing attitude, and every time I put ti 
 piece of meat into my mouth, the cur gnashed his teeth, and re- 
 buked me with an angry bark. At length, I was relieved from 
 the importunities of the dog, by the politeness of a waggoner, 
 who, snatching up his whip, cracked it over the dog's back with 
 such violence, that the animal slunk his tail between his hind 
 legs, and ran howling into the woods with a most tragical tone; 
 a tone that suspended for some minutes the bellowing of the bull- 
 frogs, and the cry of the whip-poor-will. 
 
 • My companions having satisfied their hunger, they soon fell 
 asleep ; and it was not very long before I followed the example. 
 My bed was composed of leaves, and I had no other canopy but 
 the skies ; but, in two watchful voyages to the East-Indies, 1 had 
 often snored on the hard deck, and repose in the open air was 
 a thing I had been used to. 
 
 About sun-rise I awoke, refreshed beyond measure with three 
 hours sound sleep. Some of my companions were awake, but 
 others were yet snoring. At length, they all rose and shook 
 themselves, and the chief of the party had expressed it to be his 
 opinion, that the run would not go down before noon. 
 
 About noon the water went down, and my companions, who 
 had previously harnessed their cattle, crossed without any obsta- 
 cle to the opposite bank. I followed on a led horse, which they 
 did not judge prudent to fasten to a waggon, and which took me 
 over in safety. I then dismounted, and, having shaken each of 
 the party by the hand, pursued my journey on foot. The sun, 
 which in the early part of the morning had been obscured, now
 
 IN AMERICA. 51 
 
 gladdened the plains ; and, as I journeyed onward, 1 sent forth in 
 concert with the creation a prayer to that Universal Lord, at 
 whose altar of praise and thansgiving, all religions, though by 
 different paths, assemble j and ultimately unite in one centre of 
 adoration. 
 
 A walk of ten miles brought me within sight of George-town, 
 which exhibited an agreeable coup d'ceil, as 1 approached the 
 bank of Sampit river. The opening of Waccamaw bay, at the 
 confluence of Sampit, Black, and Pedee rivers, brought to my 
 mind the happy description which my friend Mr. George had 
 given the world of it ; who is not less exact than felicitous in the 
 combination of his images. 
 
 " Hete as you enter from the winding wood, 
 The wand'ring eye beholds the confluent flood. 
 Where the wide waves of Waccamaw o'erfluw. 
 And gloomy wflds an endless prospect shew: 
 Where roll the placid streams from Sampit's source, 
 And Winyaws waves with slow meanders course, 
 Through many a tainted marsh and gloomy wood, 
 The dark abodes of dreary solitude." 
 
 1 felt no little exultation in reflecting that it was the author of 
 this description, whom I was about to visit j that he expected 
 with solicitude my coming, and that I should be received by him 
 with transports. I crossed the river Sampit in the ferry-boat, 
 and rejoiced to find myself in the company of my friend. But I 
 did not find him at his studies. Mr. George was neither com- 
 posing the Moeonian verse, the plaintive elegy, nor soothing son- 
 net. In profane prose, he was at dinner, and such was the un- 
 classical condition of my appetite from a walk of fourteen miles, 
 that a welcome to a turkey and chine was greater music to my 
 car, than the softest verses my friend could have produced from 
 his invocations of the morning. 
 
 It is only those who know what friendship is, that can form a 
 just estimate of the happiness I enjoyed in the company of Mr. 
 George. In a public party he was somewhat reserved j but in the 
 unrestrained interchange of his mind with a friend, no man could 
 be more pleasant. 
 
 The old lady at the boarding-house informed me, that she 
 hardly knew what to make of Mr. George; sometimes he would 
 be sociable, and chat round the parlour fire with the rest of her 
 boarders ; but that oftener he shut himself up in his chamber, 
 wandered alone in the woods, and was overheard talking to him- 
 self. Alas ! for the simplicity of the woman ! She little knew the 
 enjoyments of a cultivated mind, or the delight a poet felt in
 
 52 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 courting the silence of solitude, and muttering his wayward fan- 
 cies, as he roved through the fields. 
 
 It, however, appeared to me, that Mr. George was not so ena- 
 moured of the muses, but that he had an eye for a fair creature, 
 who lived within a few doors of his lodgings. He manifested, I 
 thought, strong symptoms of being in love. 
 
 The academy at George-town, is under the direction of Mr. 
 Spierin, an Irish clergyman of the episcopal persuasion ; a man 
 profoundly versed in the languages of Greece and Rome, not un- 
 conversant with the delicacies of the English, and a powerful 
 preacher. 
 
 During my visit to George-town, the melancholy tidings were 
 brought of the death of General Washington. The inhabitants of 
 the town were crowding to the ball-room at the moment the cou- 
 rier brought the dispatch. But the death of so great a man, con- 
 verted their hilarity into sorrow ; the eye of many a female, 
 which, but a moment before had sparkled with pleasure, was now 
 brimful of tears; and they all cast off their garments of gladness, 
 and clothed themselves with sackcloth. 
 
 The following Sunday, the men, women, and children, testi- 
 fied their veneration for the father of their country, by walking 
 in procession to the church, where Mr. Spierin delivered a fu- 
 neral oration. Never was there a discourse more moving. Tears 
 flowed from every eye ; and lamentations burst from every lip. 
 
 1 look back with pleasure and satisfaction on the time I passed 
 Avith my friend, at the confluence of the rivers Waccamaw and 
 Winyaw. Our conversation was commonly on the writers of the 
 Augustan age, and I corrected many errors I had imbibed by so- 
 litary study. The taste of Mr. George had been formed on the 
 polished models of antiquity; to these he always recurred as to 
 the standards of elegant composition. It is recorded, I believe, 
 of Euler, that he could repeat the whole of the Mne\d by heart; 
 but the memory of Mr. George had not only digested the iEneid, 
 but also the Georgics and Eclogues. 
 
 But the moment was approaching that called me to another 
 climate. I .found a schooner lying at the wharfs of George-town, 
 that was bound to New York, and thither I had formed the reso- 
 lution of going. To this resolution I was particularly determined 
 by the projects of Mr. George; who, disgusted with the society at 
 
 George-town the eternal discourse of the inhabitants about 
 
 their negroes and cotton-fields ; and the innovations of the trus- 
 tees on his mode of tuition, had come to the determination of 
 seeking another people, and opening a school of his own. 
 
 When 1, therefore, waved my hand on board the vessel to my
 
 IN AMERICA. 53 
 
 friend, who stood on the wharf with the calm inhabitants of Wac- 
 camaw, my heart was rather elated with joy at the expectation of 
 soon meeting him at New York, than depressed with sorrowful 
 emotions to separate from him at George-town. 
 
 Heaven prosper you, my dear fellow, said Mr. George. But 
 your impending gales of wind, and rolling of the vessel, will ex- 
 cite little sympathy, because I shall reflect you are again in your 
 own element. Yet shall 1 never cease exclaiming, " Sic te diva 
 potens Cypri," &e. till you give me a missive that acquaints mc 
 with your safe landing. Adieu ! I will soon shake you by the 
 hand again in a region less unhealthy, less inhospitable, and less 
 un classical. 
 
 The sails of the vessel were now distended by a breeze that 
 was both favourable and fresh. We shaped our course out of the 
 harbour; the waves roared around the bark ; and in half an hour, 
 she appeared to the eye of the beholder from land, a white speck 
 only on the ocean. The wind changed off cape Hattcrass to the 
 north-east, from which quarter it blew a tremendous gale. We 
 lay-to in a most miserable condition, wet, sick, and unable to 
 cook any food. I now sighed for Coosohatchie, the company of 
 my pupils, and my walks in the woods ; but my ambition of travel 
 struggled over my weakness, and I sought refuge in jollity with 
 my portly companion. 
 
 The next morning, the sun shone down the sky-light into the 
 cabin. The gale having abated, we prosecuted our voyage, and 
 on the morning of the 5th of February 1800, saw the high land of 
 the Jerseys. As the day advanced, wc could distinguish the 
 light-house on Sandy- Hook, and with a pleasant breeze were 
 wafted to the wharfs of New York. 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Engagements at Netv York. An American Autlior. Mr. George 
 arrives at Neio York. Epistolary Correspondence. A Visit to 
 Long Island. Journey to the City of Washington. 
 
 MY first care on returning to New York, was to deliver a letter I 
 had been favoured with from Mr. Spierin, to his friend bishop 
 Moore. I waited on the bishop most opportunely, for the pre- 
 ceding day he had l>een aj plied to by an opulent merchant to 
 procure a tutor for his children, and 1 was a tutor by trade. 
 The bishop introduced me to Mr. Ludlow and his lady, who
 
 54 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 received me with some formality ; but whose conversation I 
 thought interesting, because they offered me a handsome salary 
 to educate their children. In the woods of Carolina, I had re- 
 ceived eighty guineas a year ; but Mr. Ludlow proposed a hun- 
 dred. . 
 
 I therefore exchanged my lodgings with Major Howe, for an 
 elegant structure in Broad Way, and took possession of a cham- 
 ber that was worthy to lodge a prince. My pupils were few for 
 the salary 1 enjoyed, being only three boys, Robert, Ferdinand, 
 and Edward. 
 
 I pass over common occurrences to embrace again Mr. George, 
 who had left the academy at George-town, and, like a true poet, 
 was without a settled habitation. I procured him lodgings under 
 the roof of Major Howe : and, the better to enjoy a freedom 
 from interruption, I took my friend to King's little tavern, near 
 the Presbyterian church, where we chatted and laughed till mid- 
 night. 
 
 1 introduced Mr. George to Col. Burr, whom I bad not neglect- 
 ed ; and I also presented him to bishop Moore, who had procured 
 me a salary of a hundred guineas. I have ever felt the highest 
 veneration for the dignified office of prelate. There are many of 
 different feelings. But as the English soldier detested a French- 
 man because he wore wooden shoes ; so many cannot endure a 
 bishop, because he wears lawn sleeves. 
 
 It was the custom of Mr. Ludlow every summer to exchange 
 the tumult of the city, for the quiet of his rural retreat; or, in 
 other words, to remove his family from New York, to a place 
 called West Chester. But knowing that Mr. George was in some 
 solicitude for his future support, and being myself engaged by 
 Caritat, on liberal terms, to compile a volume of modern poetry*, 
 I presented my friend to the family, extolled the multiplicity of 
 his attainments, and resigned to him my place. In truth I was 
 weary of setting boys their copies, and I wanted some remission 
 to my fatigue. 
 
 Mr. George a few days after followed the family into their re- 
 treat, which he has described, together with the state of his own 
 feelings, in a familiar epistle. 
 
 " No prospect can be more enchanting than that from our 
 
 * This volume of modern poetry was to be a royal octavo, of one thousand pages. It 
 was to contain all the poems o( all the modern poets. Caritat made a voyage to Eng- 
 land with no other purpose than to collect all their works. He bought up all the modern 
 poetry that London could furnish; and when I say this, I need not observe, that the 
 ship which contained his cargo drew a great depth of water. The pumps were kept 
 constantly going.
 
 IN AMERICA. 55 
 
 mansion. Two tufted islands at a distance, leave a vista between 
 them, through which gleam the turrets of New York, rising like 
 a new creation from the sea. 
 
 " But my time rolls heavily along. Let casuists reason as they 
 will ; a vigorous mind can derive no satisfaction from retirement. 
 It is only on the great theatre of the world that we can be sensi- 
 ble of the pleasures of existence. The solitary mind is its own 
 sepulchre; and where variety is unknown, or the passions are 
 suppressed, the noblest energies are lost for want of objects. 
 
 " 1 have again read over your epistles from Coosohatchie, and 
 am now travelling with you through the swamps of Pocotaligo, 
 and the woods of Asheepoo. There is certainly a pleasure in re- 
 tracing our former footsteps, and pursuing our adventures through 
 the wilds of Carolina. I can now behold you sitting with the 
 driver on the front seat, and smoking your segar, while the soli- 
 tary vehicle rolls slowly through the forests. 
 
 " Women know not what to be at. This evening they were 
 contending who should first take the telescope to look at the full 
 moon, which arose from the distant hills with unusual beauty. 
 The telescope was brought, and I shewed each lady hi regular 
 succession, the polar hemisphere, together with the constellations 
 of Arcturus and Orion ; repeating at the same time their descrip- 
 tion from the eighteenth Iliad. 
 
 " I went down to the Sound to swim awhile ago, and, during 
 my stay in the water, some fellow threw in my shirt; so I came 
 up like one of Falstaff's men. This lamentable accident brought 
 the servants about me ; and the gardener's wife made no scruple 
 to lend me one of her husband's shirts. 
 
 " I knew not when I entered on the office of tutor in this fa- 
 mily, that one part of my duty would be, to teach my pupils to 
 swim. Is not this a work of supererogation ? However, I never 
 fail to duck most fervently, these enemies to silence and reflec- 
 tion." 
 
 Some symptoms of the yellow fever appearing in New York, 
 spread universal consternation ; and the subscribers to the volume 
 of modern poetry not coming in crowds with their subscription- 
 money, the compilation of it was postponed. Being now without 
 any determined employment, I had nothing to detain me in the 
 town; and transporting my books and baggage over to Long 
 island, I was fortunate enough to procure lodgings at Newtown, 
 under the roof of the episcopal minister, Mr. Vandyke. He was 
 a garrulous valetudinary old creature, who would have been ex- 
 cellent company for the ciders that viewed the Grecian forces 
 from the battlements of Troy.
 
 56 TRAVBLS, &G. 
 
 *" I i ,■,-'■■_ ...■■■■ ... . . 
 
 The parsonage-house was not unpleasantly situated. The 
 porch was shaded by a couple of huge locust-trees, and accom- 
 modated with a long bench. Here I often sat with my host, who, 
 like parson Adams, always wore his cassoc ; but he did not read 
 iEschylus. Alas ! the old gentleman was not descended from the 
 family of the Medici ; nor would learning have ever been indebt- 
 ed to him for its revival. 
 
 Mr. Vandyke was at least sixty ; yet if a colt, a pig, or any 
 other quadruped entered his paddock, he sprang from his seat 
 with more than youthful agility, and vociferously chased the in- 
 truder from his domain. I could not but smile to behold him 
 running after a pig, and mingling his cries with those of the 
 animal ! 
 
 It would be ungrateful were I not to enumerate the friends I 
 found in Long island. — Mr. Titus, who lived on a creek that 
 communicated with the Sound, both feasted and caressed me ; he 
 was a worthy old gentleman ; and at his house, as in the days be- 
 fore the flood, they were eating and drinking, marrying and giv- 
 ing in marriage. 
 
 Farmer Moore, brother to bishop Moore, of New York, always 
 entertained me with a hearty welcome. Every one acknowledged 
 his daughter was charming: 
 
 " A maiden never bold; 
 Of spirit so still and quiet, that her motion 
 Blush'd at itself." 
 
 Indeed the manners of the whole family were worthy of the 
 golden age. 
 
 Mr. Remsen, who lived with more magnificence on the river- 
 side, opposite Flushing, gave me sumptuous dinners, and Madeira 
 after each repast. His lady was not without elegance ; but his 
 two daughters were lovely. 
 
 Nor in enumerating the belles of Newtown, ought I to omit 
 Mrs. Dungan, and Miss Townshend. 
 
 From Mr. Remsen's dwelling on the water-side, the mansion 
 of Mr. Ludlow could be clearly distinguished, lifting its proud 
 turrets above the shore in West Chester. I had been invited, 
 both by the family and my friend to visit the " new house;" and 
 having, on a serene day, dined with Mr. Remsen, I was paddled 
 in a canoe from his landing-place to the opposite shore. 
 
 The little boys shouted with joy as the canoe approached their 
 wharf, and George, abandoning a poem he was composing, flew 
 to my embrace. 
 
 \ was ushered into the parlour. Every thing breathed splen- 
 dour. A turkey carpet covered the floor, and the richest sophas-
 
 IN AMERICA. 57 
 
 invited repose. Negus was served up in a golden cup, by a servant 
 clad in a magnificent liver}' ; and every fruit of the season was 
 placed on the side-board. The room was soon filled by the fa- 
 mily, all eager to receive me and do the honours of the house. 
 
 I could not but be delighted with the joy expressed by the 
 children ; they either clung round my knees, or ran to bring the 
 letters I had written them, that I might perceive with what care 
 they had preserved my epistles. 
 
 After continuing three days with my friend, he accompanied 
 me from West Chester in a passage-boat to New York. 
 
 At New York, we experienced an oblivion of care at King's 
 little tavern, next to the presbyterian church; which, from the jol- 
 lity that resounded in every room on a Sunday, brought to recol- 
 lection the proverb, that " the nearer to church the further from 
 heaven." Here, however, we smoked segars, and forgot we were 
 tutors. 
 
 The following day, I prevalied on Mr. George to visit New- 
 town, and I introduced him to my friends. We dined with Mr. 
 Remsen, from whose house he departed for West Chester in a 
 canoe. 1 awaited in the piazza the return of the canoe, chatting 
 most delectably with Miss Eliza Remsen, over a cup of tea 
 administered by her fair hands. The canoe returned, and brought 
 me a note from my friend. 
 
 " I, thank God, found none of the family at home on my ar- 
 rival ; so I can walk about the house without feeling my depends 
 ance." 
 
 Mr. George only remained with Mr. Ludlow till his quarter 
 expired, when it was concerted by every party, that 1 should re- 
 sume the place. But he was not long unemployed ; for the in- 
 habitants of Newtown, being in want of a teacher, converted a 
 spare dwelling into a school, aud engaged my friend on liberal 
 terms to educate their children. 
 
 Mr. George was now in Long Island, and I had received a Ivery 
 polite letter from Mrs. Ludlow, who entreated me to hasten my 
 return to her family. I obeyed her orders with alacrity. 
 
 I therefore drove Mr. George in a chair to the waterside, and 
 at the house of Mr. Berian, hired a canoe to cross the Sound. 
 After an hour's rowing, the boatman reached West Chester, and 
 landed me at Mr. Ludlow'3. Of the family the children were 
 only at home, who received me with every demonstration of joy ; 
 but not long after, Mrs. Ludlow returned in her chariot, whose 
 elegant and conciliating manners soon reconciled me to my si- 
 tuation. 
 
 1 sent my friend his trunks by the return of the canoe, and a
 
 5S TItAVlJLS, &C. 
 
 - . — - ' ■ , . . ' ■ ■, „x 
 
 short note produced from the impulse of the moment. In a few 
 days I was favoured with an epistle from Mr. George. 
 
 " After your departure from Berian's in the canoe, I resumed 
 my station with the old fellow on the porch ; here I awaited with 
 impatience the return of the boat with my trunk. Berian I found 
 to be a plain, honest, sensible, old navigator, and 1 drank tea 
 with him. 
 
 " At night-fall the boat returned with my trunk and a letter 
 from my beloved companion in adversity ; it is only by the ab- 
 sence of persons that are dear to us, that we can estimate truly 
 their value ; and I now began sensibly to feel the privation of 
 your company. I left Berian's at seven ; the night was very 
 dark, and the moon (though considerably above the horizon) 
 was entirely obscured by clouds. I was in no small danger of 
 breaking my neck over the rocks which obstructed my passage, 
 but my horse not being of a disposition to run away with his bur- 
 den, I escaped the danger of an overthrow. After opening and 
 shutting several gates that impeded my journey, and passing over 
 many rocky hills, I descended to the shore, of which the waves 
 were covered by a thick mist, that obscured their agitation, and 
 rendered their fury more awful ; the tide had usurped much of 
 the road, and the left wheel of the chair rolled through the water. 
 Hence, after travelling along " the beached verge of the salt 
 flood," I ascended a high hill, and turning into a different road 
 from that through which you were my companion, I drove into 
 a thick spreadihg wood of oak : here I was fearful of entirely losing 1 
 my way through the trees ; but the clouds dispersed, and the 
 moon arose to light me on my journey. At nine I reached the 
 parson's, where I found the family peaceably occupied with their 
 needles ; they received me with kindness, but the rustic silence 
 which prevailed among them, and the tedious reverberations of 
 the clock, compelled me to retire to my room, where I indulged 
 myself in uninterrupted reflection, and in pondering over your 
 curious epistle." 
 
 A few days afterwards I received a second letter from Mr. 
 George. 
 
 " In this out-of-the- world village, I live neither pleasing, nor 
 pleased; for a rustic cannot receive much gratification from the 
 society of a man of letters; and surely the man of letters cannot 
 derive any pleasure from the company of a rustic. It is only by 
 a collision of minds of the same tendency, that inquietude can 
 be soothed, and the intellect invigorated." 
 
 " My condition is, however, more tolerable than it was. Here 
 I have no mincing imperatrix to say to me, c Mr. George, my
 
 IN AMERICA. . r )9 
 
 children do nothing, I must insist, Sir, you will be more atten- 
 tive to Bobby aiid Neddy.' Deo Gratias ! O thou eater of broken 
 meats ! Thou lilly-livered, supper-serviceable rogue of a tutor ! 
 Avaunt ! 
 
 " I was lately at New York. But I went not to pay my re 
 spects to members of congress, but with the hope of encounter- 
 ing the friend of my heart, and the companion of my adversity. 
 
 " I slept at Howe's, and during the night was perpetually an- 
 noyed with the cry of fire ! fire! As the noise increased, I arose 
 with not less trepidation than jEneas, when he ascended to the 
 top of old Anchises' palace : 
 
 " Et jam proxirans ardet 
 Ucalogon." 
 
 " But here, as in all modern conflagrations, (whether real or 
 poetic), there was more smoke than fire, and more consternation 
 than danger; so I slunk again to slumber, from which not even 
 the ghost of Hector could have awakened me. 
 
 " Shall you exchange soon the dull walks of West Chester, for 
 the animated streets of New York ? Come over, I beseech you, 
 and enable me once more to exclaim with rapture, Vixi." 
 
 With the first frost, the family of Mr. Ludlow removed from 
 the solitude of West Chester, to the gaieties of New York ; and I 
 again took possession of a room boasting every convenience of 
 accommodation, where I could prosecute, without disturbance, 
 my lucubrations till a late hour. The library of Caritat supplied 
 me with every book in the French and my own idiom ; and be- 
 fore a cheerful fire, I could pass nights of rapture in the acquisi- 
 sition of elegant and useful knowledge. The emoluments I had 
 derived from the publication of a little novel, induced me to un- 
 dertake another, which 1 was resolved to make more voluminous ; 
 for Americans expect quantity in a book not less eagerly than in 
 other bargains. 
 
 But the time was approaching, when I hud every reason to 
 flatter my expectation with exchanging the muses' bower for the 
 garden of the Hesperides. Colonel Burr had been elected to the 
 place of Vice-President of the United States, and Colonel Bun- 
 was my friend. He had just returned from the city of Washing- 
 Ion, and with the most condescending urbanity, did me the ho- 
 nour to call on me at Mr. Ludlow's. Col. Burr observed, that 
 " Mr. Gallatin having expressed a desire to procure a secretary 
 who was skilled in composition, he had recommended me as a 
 person qualified to undertake the office, and was happy to have 
 it in his power to acknowledge by any service, the sensible plea- 
 sure he had received from my literary productions."
 
 60 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 1 • ... ■ .. ^. 
 
 My pupils could be hardly persuaded I was about to leave thein, 
 till I bade them farewell ; they shed many tears; but their grief, 
 however violent, was of transient duration ; for before I had 
 walked half way down the street, 1 beheld them return to their 
 ball-playing with more alacrity than ever. 
 
 I journeyed delightfully from New York to Philadelphia, and 
 thence to Washington. My finances were good, and 1 was going 
 to a place where I had only to extend my arms and catch the 
 golden shower. Let the gloomy moralist insist on the position, 
 that life is rather to be endured than enjoyed ; but hope itself is 
 happiness, and he who has the knack of practising it, cannot be 
 long a victim to melancholy, though he find himself cheated daily 
 by new disappointments. 
 
 I travelled in the coach, and was put down, with another pas- 
 senger, to stop the night, at a tavern, built on a bank of the 
 river Susquehannah. It was delightfully situated, commanding 
 the prospect of Chesapeak bay, and the little town of Havre de 
 Grace. The accommodations at the tavern were elegant, and 
 a mulatto girl waited at supper, whose beauty entitled her to a 
 better office than that of brushing away flies from the guests with 
 a peacock's feather. 
 
 I repined at being waked before it was light by the horn of the 
 driver ; but I was repaid for the disturbance of my morning 
 slumbers by the spectacle of the rising sun. His first rays gilded 
 the herbage, yet humid with the dews of night; and the carol of 
 the mocking-bird, though faint, saluted the return of day. * 
 
 We prosecuted our journey to Baltimore in charming spirits; 
 a happy constitution of temper made every place alike to my com- 
 panion ; and his advance in years seemed only to have brought 
 with them a higher relish for life. 
 
 The next morning I resumed my journey for the city of Wash- 
 ington, passing in my way thither, through no place of any note, 
 unless it be a little town called Bladensburgh, built on the water 
 of the eastern branch of the Potomac. 
 
 I obtained accommodations at the Washington tavern, which 
 stands o posite the treasury. At this tavern I took my meals at 
 the public table, where, there was every day to be found a num- 
 ber of clerks, employed at the diffcreut offices under Govern- 
 ment ; together with about half a dozen Virginians, and a few 
 New England men. 
 
 Bear witness, ye powers, with what visions of greatness I feast- 
 ed my imagination, as I walked from the tavern to the treasury. 
 
 Mr. Gallatin heard the object of my mission with patience ; 
 when he with the utmost composure observed, that " the orga-
 
 IN AMERICA. 61 
 
 nization of the offices in the treasury, under the preceding admi- 
 nistration, had been too complicated, and that far from having 
 any place to give away, the employments of inferior diplomatic 
 agency were yet to be diminished. Yet be was sorry, very sorry, 
 I should travel so far to encounter disappointment." 
 
 I replied; that I had not travelled to no purpose, for I had not 
 only seen the city of Washington, but also Mr. Gallatin j and 
 making him a very low bow, I again walked down the treasury 
 stairs ! 
 
 Finding a schooner at George-town ready to sail for Alexan- 
 dria, I put my trunk on board of her, and left without regret the 
 imperial city. 
 
 The wind being contrary, we had to work down the Potomac. 
 The river here is very beautiful. Mason's island forms ono 
 continued garden ; hut what particularly catches the eye is the 
 Capitol, rising with sacred majesty above the woods. 
 
 Our boat turned well to windward, and iu an hour we landed 
 at the widow Bull's house, which may be considered half-way to 
 Alexandria. Mere having quaffed and smoked together under 
 the shade of a spreading locust tree, we once more committed 
 ourselves to the waters of the Potomac. 
 
 In approaching Alexandria, we passed a house on our right, 
 in which the Paphian goddess had erected an altar, Some dam- 
 sels were bathing before the door, who practised every allure- 
 ment to make us land ; but we treated their invitations with the 
 insolence of contempt. Oh ! modesty ! what charms does a 
 woman lose when she renounces thee. 
 
 It was easier landing at Alexandria in America, than Alexan- 
 dria in Egypt; and I fouud elegant accommodations atGadesby's 
 hotel. It is observable that Gadesby keeps the best house of en- 
 tertainment in the United States. 
 
 It was the middle of July when I landed at Alexandria, and 
 the heat was excessive. The acrimony of the bilious humours 
 was consequently excited, and the diarrhoea and dyseutery pre- 
 vailed among the inhabitants ; yet the taverns were frequented, 
 for Americans, to preserve health, adopt the Brownonian system, 
 of keeping up the excitement. 
 
 The splendour of Gadesby's hotel not suiting my finances, I 
 removed to a public house kept by a Dutchman, whose Frow was 
 a curious creature. 
 
 To what slight causes docs a man owe some of the principal 
 events of his life. I had i een a fortnight at Alexandria, when, 
 in consequence of a short advertisement 1 had put in the gazette, 
 a gentleman was deputed to wait on inc from a quaker, on the
 
 62 TRAVELS, &.C. 
 
 banks of the Occoquan, who wanted a tutor for his children. He 
 expressed the earnest desire Mr. Ellicott had to engage me in his 
 family, and lavished his eloquence on the romantic beauties of 
 the river Occoquan, and the stupendous mountains that nodded 
 over its banks. 
 
 The following evening I left Alexandria on horseback, to visit 
 the abode of Mr. Ellicott. But 1 had scarce ridden a couple of 
 miles, when a violent storm of rain overtook me, and I sought 
 shelter in a shop by the way-side. 
 
 It was six o'clock before the rain subsided, and I was in sus- 
 pense whether to return to Alexandria, or prosecute my journey, 
 when my host informed me, that only two miles further lived a 
 very honest farmer, who accommodated travellers with a bed. 
 His name was Violet. 
 
 1 pursued my journey, but, after riding two miles, instead of 
 reaching the farm of Mr. Violet, my horse stopped before the 
 door of a log-house, built on the brow of a hill. The man of the 
 house was sitting under an awning of dried boughs, smoking in 
 silence his pipe ; and his wife occupied a chair by his side, warb- 
 ling her lyrics over the circling wheel. 
 
 The sky now indicated there was no time to be lost. I there- 
 fore put spurs to my nag, and departed at a gallop. It was not 
 quite twilight, and my situation brought to my recollection a pas- 
 sage in the poet of nature. 
 
 " The west 3'et glimmers with some streaks of dajr: 
 Now spurs the lated traveller apace, 
 To gain the timely inn. 
 
 But I had scarce proceeded a mile when a storm of rain, light- 
 ning, and thunder, gave me some solicitude for my night's lodg- 
 ing ; I could perceive no house ; and the only alternative left, 
 was to scour along the road, while the tempest howled wildly 
 from the woods on both sides. 
 
 At length, I descried a light, which I flattered myself blazed 
 from the window of Mr. Violet's house j but instead of dismount- 
 ing at the portico of a mansion that vied in magnificence with 
 Gadesby's hotel, I found myself before the door of a miserable 
 log- house. 
 
 The log-house was not empty. A mulatto girl of seventeen, 
 was sitting in one corner in dalliance with a white youth of about 
 thirty-five, who discovered no confusion at my unexpected en- 
 trance. But the olive dulcinea was less confident in her aspect, 
 and played the woman to perfection. One while she endeavour- 
 ed to conceal her face from view, another, she repulsed the ca-
 
 IN AMERICA. 6? 
 
 resses of her lover, and anon she clung to him as if seeking his 
 protection. 
 
 After a short stay, I mounted my horse, and no longer inter- 
 rupted their innocent amour. The tempest was over, a beautiful 
 night succeeded ; and the moon with unusual lustre lighted me 
 on my way. As I looked towards the silver orb, I exclaimed in 
 the words of the most pathetic of writers, 
 
 " For me ! pale eye of evening ! thy 10ft light 
 Leads to uo happy home '. " 
 
 But I was waked from my musing by the barking of the dogs at 
 Colchester, and having crossed the bridge which is built over the 
 Occoquan, I alighted at the door of Mr. Gordon's tavern. 
 
 Having ordered supper, I gazed with rapture on the Occoquan 
 river, which ran close to the house, aud, gradually enlarging, 
 emptied itself into the capacious bosom of the Potomac. The 
 fishermen on the shore were hauling their seine, and the sails of 
 a little bark, stemming the waves, were distended by the breeze 
 of night. The sea-boy was lolling over the bow, and the helms- 
 man was warbling a song to his absent fair. 
 
 The next day I proceeded to Occoquan ; but so steep and 
 craggy was the road, that I found it almost inaccessible. On 
 descending the last hill, I was nearly stunned by the noise of two 
 huge mills, whose roar, without any hyperbolical aggravation, is 
 scarcely inferior to that of the great falls of the Potomac, or the 
 cataract of Niagara. My horse would not advance, and I was 
 myself lost in astonishment. 
 
 On crossing a little bridge, I came within view of the settle- 
 ment, which is romantic beyond conception. A beautiful river 
 rolls its stream along mountains that rise abruptly from its bank, 
 while on the opposite rocky shore, which appears to have been 
 formed by a volcano, are seen two mills enveloped in foam, and 
 here and there a dwelling which has vast masses of stone for it* 
 foundation. The eye for some time is arrested by the uncom- 
 mon scene ; but it is soon relieved by a beautiful landscape that 
 bounds the horizon. In a word, all the riches of nature are 
 brought together in this spot, but without confusion. 
 
 .Mr. Kllicott and his wife received me with an unaffected sim- 
 plicity of manners, whom I was happy to catch just as they were, 
 going to dinner. An exquisite Virginia ham smoked on the board, 
 and two damsels supplied the guests with boiled Indiau corn, 
 
 which they had gathered with their own hands Friend lillicott, 
 
 uncorrupted by the refinement of modern manners, hud put his 
 hat to its right use, lor it covered his head. It was to no pur- 
 pose that I bent my body, aud made a lumdred grimaces. Mor-
 
 64 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 decai would not bow to Hamen, nor would friend Ellicott un- 
 cover his head to the Cham of Tartary. 
 
 Our agreement was soon made. Quakers are men of few 
 words. Friend Ellicott engaged me to educate his children for 
 a quarter of a year. He wanted them taught reading, writing, 
 and arithmetic. Delightful task ! As to Latin, or French, he 
 considered the study of either language an abuse of time; and 
 very calmly desired me not to say another word about it. 
 
 CHAP. VI. 
 
 Memoir of my Life on the banks of the Occoquan. Descrijjtion of 
 Occoquan Settlement. Evening at Occoquan, an Ode. Morn- 
 ing at Occoquan, an Ode. A Party of Indians visit Occoquan. 
 Speech of a Warrior. A War-dance, and scene of riotous In- 
 toxication. A Disquisition of the Moral Character of the 
 Indians. Story of Captain Smith and Pocahontas. The Dis- 
 pute between Buffbn and Jefferson on the subject of Beards 
 satisfactorily decided. The Midnight Orgies of the White. 
 Man of America dramatized, Sfc. . 
 
 Lu! the moon its lustre lends, 
 Gilding ev'ry wood and lawn; 
 And the miller's heart distends 
 On the bants of Occoquan! 
 
 IN the Bull-Run Mountains rises a river, which retains the In- 
 dian name of Occoquan, and after a course of sixty miles, falls 
 into the Potomac, near the little town of Colchester. In Ame- 
 rica, there are few or no rivers without falls ; and at those of 
 Occoquan, are erected a couple of mills, which by the easy and 
 safe navigation of the Potomac, the richness of the adjacent 
 country, and the healthfulness of the climate, induced the pro- 
 prietor to project the plan of a city, and invite strangers to build 
 on it ; but his visions were never realized, and Occoquan consists 
 only of a house built on a rock, three others on the river-side, 
 and half a dozen log-huts scattered at some distance. 
 
 Yet no place can be more romantic than the view of Occoquan 
 to a stranger, after crossing the rustic bridge, which has been 
 constructed by the inhabitants across its stream. He contem- 
 plates a river urging its course along mountains that lose them- 
 selves among the clouds ; he beholds vessels taking on board 
 flour under the foam of the mills, and others deeply laden expand-
 
 IN AMERICA. 65 
 
 ing their sails to the breeze ; while every face wears contentment, 
 every gale wafts health, and echo from the rocks multiplies the 
 voices of the waggoners calling to their teams. 
 
 It is pleasant, says Juvenal, to be master of a house, thoagh it 
 stand not on more ground than a lizard would occupy. The 
 school-house at Occoquan was entirely my own. It was a little 
 brick structure, situated about three hundred yards from the 
 house on the rock. The front casements looked upon the Occo- 
 quan river, and cammanded the variegated prospect of hill and 
 dale. 
 
 It is so seldom an author gets a house, that it should ex- 
 cite no wonder if he loves to describe it. Pliny has described his 
 house so minutely in one of his elaborate epistles, that he appears 
 to be putting it up for sale; and Pope luxuriates in the strain that 
 treats of his thickets being pierced, his grotto entered, his cha- 
 riot stopped, and his barge boarded ; that posterity may not be 
 ignorant of the extent of his possessions. 
 
 I mingled seldom with the people of Occoquan, but, shut up 
 in my profound habitation, sought an oblivion of care in writing, 
 reading, and tobacco. Often when the moonlight slept upon the 
 mountain near my dwelling, have I walked before my door, and 
 gazed in silent rapture on the orb of night, whose beams trem- 
 bled on the stream that gave motion to the mill; while the tall 
 bark was seen dancing on the waves at a distance, and the mock- 
 ing-bird in a saddeued strain was heard from the woods. It was 
 during one of these nights, that, recalling the images of the even- 
 ing, I combined them in an ode : 
 
 EVENING AT OCCOQUAN.— AN ODE. 
 
 Slow the solemn sun descends, 
 Ev'ning's eye comes rolling on; 
 Glad the weary stranger bends 
 To the banks of Occoquan ! 
 
 Now the cricket on the hearth. 
 Chirping, tells his merry tale; 
 Now the owlet ventures forth, 
 Moping to the sighing gale. 
 
 Still the busy mill goes round, 
 While the miller plies his care; 
 And the rock* send back the sound, 
 Wafted by taw balmy air. 
 
 Lo! the moon with lustre bright, 
 In the stream beholds her face; 
 Shedding glory o'er the night, 
 As she runs her lofty race. 
 
 I
 
 66 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ■ - - ■ ■ ■ ' - -,.....' . i i — 
 
 See ! the bark along the shore, 
 Larger to the prospect grow; 
 While the sea-bo; bending o'er, 
 Chides the talking waves below. 
 
 Now the mocking songster's strain 
 Fills the pauses of her brood; 
 And her plaints the ear detain, 
 Echoing from the distant wood. 
 
 Hanging o'er the mountain's brow, 
 Lo ! the cattle herbage find ; 
 While in slumber sweet below, 
 Peaceful rests the village hind. 
 
 Now the student seeks his cell, 
 Nor regrets the day is gone ; 
 But with silence loves to dwell. 
 On the bauks of Occoquan! 
 
 I was never one of those who sleep well at night. All hours 
 are of equal value, and the tranquillity of the night invites to 
 study. Hence, 1 have been frequently compelled to change my 
 lodgings where the good woman of the house was in fear that 
 her curtains might catch fire, and set the dwelling in a blaze. 
 
 But the houses in Virginia are not very superb. The people 
 were never under any solicitude for the habitation 1 occupied ; 
 and had it been burnt to the ground, a few boards and a propor- 
 tionate number of shingles would soon have constructed another. 
 I never yet occupied a house that was not exempt from taxes ; it 
 was always valued by the tax-gatherers below a hundred dollars 
 (about 20/ sterling), and, by an act of Assembly, for a house not 
 worth a hundred dollars there is no tax to pay. 
 
 From the platform of my house at Occoquan, there was a sub- 
 terraneous passage which led to a kind of kitchen. In this under- 
 ground apartment dwelt Rachel, a negro-woman, who was left a 
 widow with eleven children; but her numerous offspring were all 
 provided for. Mr. Carter, to whom the whole family belonged, 
 had taken upon him this benevolent office; for he had sold one 
 to Mr. A, another to Mr. B, a third to Mr. C, a fourth to Mr. D, 
 and so on, nearly half round the alphabet. 
 
 The student who values his health will practise study and ex- 
 ercise alternately. After reading a scene in Hamlet, 1 took a 
 few strides across the room, and amused myself by repeating a 
 part of his soliloquies. Such, for example, as 
 
 " How weary, flat, stale, and unprofitable 
 Seem to me all the uses of this world ! " 
 
 Rachel, who dwelt underneath, marvelled greatly at the noise. 
 Her penetration made her immediately conclude, that I was bu-
 
 IN AMERICA. 67 
 
 sied in praying; and in the morning my character was establish- 
 ed for religion. " Ah ! " said the old woman to her gaping au- 
 ditors; " they may talk of this parson, or that parson, or the 
 other parson, but our new coolmossa beats them all by a heap. 
 Why 'tis as true as the mill is now going round, that he walks 
 up and down, and prays the whole night long!" 
 
 Rachel, without carrying about her the mockery of woe, mourn* 
 ed very sensibly her husband. Let my page record the words of 
 her affliction. 
 
 " I was reared at Port Tobacco. A heap of likely young fel- 
 lows courted me, but I refused them all for the head coachman 
 of counsellor Carter. He was a good husband ; he made me the 
 mother of eleven children. Woe to Rachel when he died. Oh! 
 how I clap my hands and cry ! but he's gone to the great Jeho- 
 vah. 1 shall never forget it; 'twas at the pulling of corn-time. 
 The poor creature was a little out of his head. He asked me if 
 the corn was in tassel. In tassel, says I ! God help you, you had 
 some yesterday for dinner. But he changed the discourse, and 
 he talked of the hymn-book, and parson Wems, and Powheek 
 church. It was as good as any sarment ! Dear sweet honey! He 
 was a friend to the gospel ; he loved the Church of England, and 
 nobody can say they ever saw him go to the Quaker-meeting. 
 Alack! Alack! My poor husband died the next morning; I knew 
 his time was come; the whip-poor-will cried all night by the 
 house, and I could not drive him away. God help us! Die 
 come in every part of the world; Virginia, Maryland : black man ! 
 white man ! all one day or another get their mouth full of yellow 
 clay!" 
 
 Occoquan scarcely supplied more literature than Ovid's place 
 of banishment on the black sea. But at Clearmount, near Fau- 
 qier court-house, lived a French gentleman of the name of Ge- 
 rardine, whose reputation for the belles lettres, induced me to 
 write to him from my solitude. I chose the French language for 
 the vehicle of my thoughts, and enclosed in the letter the little 
 book of poems I had published at New-York. The answer of 
 Mr. Gerardine discovers an elegant mind. 
 " Monsieur, 
 
 *' Dans cette solitude ou les muses se font si rarement entendre, 
 vous conceverez aise"ment que 1'envoi de vos jolis poemes a du 
 exciter a la fois la surprize et le plaisir. Je compare votre pre- 
 sent inattcndu I un joii parterre dans un desert inculte et sau- 
 vage, dont 1'email se seroit offcrt continuellement a ma vue. 
 
 " Continuez, Monsieur, k caresser les muses avec Horace et 
 Anacreon ; le terns reprendra ses alies, vos hemes en couleront
 
 68 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 phis doucement, et vous ajouterez de nouvelles fleurs a" la guir- 
 lande poetique dont vous etes deja couronnec. Ovide chantoit 
 encore sar les bords lontaines on la tyrannie d'Auguste 1' avoit 
 enchainee, et vous avez celebre" Coosohatchie. 
 
 " Je me suis fait un devoir de repondre a votre lettre obligeante 
 dans une langue que vous ecrivez si bien, et que sans 1' envoi de 
 ce que vous appellez trop modestement vos bagatelles, je vous 
 eusse assure"ment pris pour un de mes compatriotes. 
 " J'ai l'honneur d'etre, Monsieur, 
 " Votre tres obeissant, trfcs humble Serviteur, 
 
 " C. Gkrardine." 
 
 It was now I felt the bliss of having an enlightened friend to 
 whom I could pour out my soul on paper, and enjoy the inter- 
 course of spirit without the mediation of an earthly frame. My 
 friendship with Mr. George was still unimpaired, and I consider 
 it no small felicity that I have been able to preserve so many of 
 his letters amidst the casualties to which the life of a wanderer is 
 subject. The gloom of my solitude at Occoquan, was cheered by 
 the sincerity of his friendship. 
 
 " An epistle from Ovid among the Getse to his friend at Rome, 
 could not have imparted half the delight that your letter from Oc- 
 coquan has given the companion of your adversity at New York. 
 I had long expected a missive from f the city in the woods*,' and 
 could only ascribe your silence to the distraction of business in 
 your new office of secretary's secretary; when suddenly is 
 brought me a letter, dated at a place, which, however acute my 
 researches into the geography of America, I never heard men- 
 tioned before, I thank you for the ode you did me the favour to 
 enclose, it is an happy imitation of Cunningham's manner ; but 
 the images are more pleasing, from having the grace of novelty 
 to recommend them. Nor should I neglect to observe how much 
 you have shewn your skill in making the word Occoquan the 
 burden of your exordial and concluding stanzas; a practice never 
 to be dispensed with in local poetry, as, without it, the poem 
 would have no particular application, were the title to be lost. 
 
 " Occoquan, from your description of it, must be a delightful 
 spot, and in prophetic language I would declare, that your abode 
 on the banks of that river will make the stream classical in the 
 annals of literary history. 
 
 " Let us continue, without failure, to write to each other. It 
 will give life to our friendship, and soften the rigours' of existence. 
 Whatever we write, must partake much of the spirit of the plaees 
 in which we live; but sentiments may arise from solitary reflec- 
 
 • Washington.
 
 IN AMERICA. 69 
 
 tion, which the multitudinous (a word you taught me) uproar of 
 a city would rather suppress than excite." 
 
 They who delight in walking, must, during the summer in 
 Virginia, embrace the night. The fierceness of the sun would 
 suspend the steps of the hardiest traveller; but amidst the fresh- 
 ncss of the night, he breathes only odours in journeying through 
 the woods. 
 
 No walk could be more delightful than that from Occoquan to 
 Colchester, when the moon was above the mountains. You tra- 
 verse the bank of a placid stream over which impend rocks, in 
 some places bare, but more frequently covered with an odorifer- 
 ous plant that regales the traveller with its fragrance. 
 
 So serpentine is the course of the river, that the mountains, 
 which rise from its bank, may be said to form an amphitheatre; 
 and nature seems to have designed the spot for the haunt only of 
 fairies : for here grow flowers of purple dye, and here the snake 
 throws her enamelled skin. But into what regions, however ap- 
 parently inaccessible, has not adventurous man penetrated ? The 
 awful repose of the night is disturbed by the clack of two huge 
 mills, which drown the song and echoes of the mocking-bird, 
 who nightly tells his sorrows to the listening moon. 
 
 After clambering over mountains almost inaccessible to human 
 toil, you come to the junction of the Occoquan with the noble 
 river of the Potomac. Having slept one night at a house on its 
 banks, I rose with the sun, and journeyed leisurely to the mills, 
 catching refreshment from a light air that stirred the leaves of 
 the trees. The morning was beautiful, and my walk produced a 
 little ode, which will serve as a counterpart to that I have already 
 inserted. 
 
 MORNING AT OCCOQUAN.— AN ODE. 
 
 In the barn the cock proclaims 
 Thai the East is streak'd with gold; 
 Strutting round the feather'd dames, 
 Who the light with joy behold. 
 
 Sweet! Oh! sweet the breath of morn! 
 Sweet the mocking songster's strain; 
 Where the waring stalks of corn 
 Bend beneath the ripeu'U grain. 
 
 I.o! the martins now forsake, 
 For awhile their tender brood; 
 And the swallow skims the lake. 
 Each in search of winged food.
 
 70 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 See tlie colt <ge chimneys smoke, 
 See the distant turrets gleam j 
 Lo! the farmer to the yoke, 
 Pairs his meek submissive team. 
 
 Here no negro tills the ground, 
 Trembling, weeping, woeful-wan ; 
 Liberty is ever found, 
 On the banks of Occoquan ! 
 
 On the north bank of the Occoquan is a pile of stones, which 
 indicates that an Indian warrior is interred underneath. The 
 Indians from the back settlements, in travelling to the northward, 
 never fail to leave the main road, and visit the grave of their de- 
 parted hero. If a stone be thrown down, they religiously restore 
 it to the pile; and, sitting round the rude monument, they me- 
 ditate profoundly; catching, perhaps, a local emotion from the 
 place. 
 
 A party of Indians, while I was at Occoquan, turned from the 
 common road into the woods, to visit this grave on the bank of 
 the river. 
 
 The party was composed of an elderly chief, twelve young war 
 captains, and a couple of squaws. Of the women, the youngest 
 was an interesting girl of seventeen ; remarkably well shaped, and 
 possessed of a profusion of hair, which in colour was raven black. 
 She appeared such another object as the mind images Pocahontas 
 to have been. The people of Occoquan, with more curiosity than 
 breeding, assembled round the party ; but they appeared to be 
 wholly indifferent to their gaze; the men amused themselves by 
 chopping the ground with their tomahawks, and the women were 
 busied in making a garment for the chief. 
 
 Among the whites was a young man of gigantic stature; he 
 was, perhaps, a head taller than any of the rest of the company. 
 The old Indian could not but remark the lofty stature of the man ; 
 he seemed to eye him involuntarily; and, at length, rising from 
 the ground, he went up to the giant stranger, and shook him by 
 the hand. This raised a loud laugh from all the lookers-on; but 
 the Indians still maintained an inflexible gravity. 
 
 When I saw the squaws a second time, they were just come 
 from their toilet. Woman throughout the world delights ever in 
 finery; the great art is to suit the colours to the complexion. 
 
 The youngest girl would have attracted notice in any circle 
 of Europe. She had fastened to her long dark hair a profusion of 
 ribbons, which the bounty of the people of Occoquan had heaped 
 upon her; and, the tresses of this Indian beauty, which before
 
 IN AMERICA. 71 
 
 had been confined round her head, now rioted luxuriantly down 
 her shoulders and back. The adjustment of her dress one would 
 have thought she had learned from some English female of fa- 
 shion; for she had left it so open before, that the most inatten- 
 tive eye could not but discover the rise and fall of a bosom just 
 beginning to fill. 
 
 The covering of this young woman's feet rivetted the eye of 
 the stranger with its novelty and splendour. Nothing could be 
 more delicate than her mocassins. They were each of them 
 formed of a single piece of leather, having the seams ornamented 
 with beads and porcupine quills; while a string of scarlet ribbon 
 confined the mocassin round the instep, and made every other 
 part of it sit close to the foot. The mocassin was of a bright 
 yellow, and made from the skin of a deer, which had been killed 
 by the arrow of one of the Indian youths. 
 
 About eight miles from the Occoquan mills is a house of wor- 
 ship, called Powheek church ; a name it derives from a run* that 
 flows near its walls. Hither I rode on Sundays and joined the 
 congregation of parson Wcms, a minister of the episcopal per- 
 suasion, who was cheerful in his mien, that he might win men to 
 religion. 
 
 A Virginian church-yard on a Sunday, resembles rather a race 
 gro .iici than a sepulchral ground ; the ladies come to it in carri- 
 ages, and the men, after dismounting from their horses, make 
 them fast to the trees. But the steeples to the Virginian churches 
 were designed not for utility, but ornament ; for the bell is al- 
 ways suspended to a tree a few yards from the church. It is also 
 observable, that the gate to the church-yard is ever carefully 
 locked by the sexton, who retires last; so that had Hervey and 
 Gray been born in America, the preacher of peace could not have 
 indulged in his meditations among the tombs ; nor the poet pro- 
 duced the elegy that has secured him immortality. 
 
 Wonder and ignorance are ever reciprocal. I was confounded 
 on first entering the church-yard at Powheek to hear 
 
 " Steed threaten steed with high and boastful neigh." 
 
 Nor was I less stunned with the rattling of carriage- wheels, the 
 cracking of whips, and the vociferations of the geutlemen to the 
 negroes who accompanied them. But the discourse of parson 
 Wems calmed every perturbation ; for he preached the great doc- 
 trines of salvation, as one who had experienced their power. It 
 was easy to discover that he felt what he said ; and indeed so 
 uniform was his piety, that he might have applied to himself the 
 
 * A Run is the American fur a rivulet.
 
 7$ TRAVELS, &C 
 
 words of the prophet: " My mouth shall be telling of the right- 
 eousness and saivation of Christ all the day long; for I know no 
 end thereof." 
 
 Of the congregation at Powheek church, about one half was 
 composed of white people, and the other of negroes. Among 
 many of the negroes were to be discovered the most satisfying 
 evidences of sincere piety; an artless simplicity; and an earnest 
 endeavour to know and to do the will of God. After church I made 
 my salutations to parson Wems, and having turned the discourse 
 to divine worship, 1 asked him his opinion of the piety of the 
 blacks. " Sir," said he, " no people in this country prize the 
 sabbath more seriously than the trampled-upon negroes. They 
 are swift to hear; they seem to hear as for their lives. They are 
 wakeful, serious, reverent, and attentive; and gladly embrace op- 
 portunities of hearing the Scriptures. 
 
 I had been three months at Occoquan, when I so often caught 
 myself stretching, yawning, and exhibiting other symptoms of 
 ennui, in my chair, that I began to be of opinion it was time to 
 change my residence. My condition was growing irksome. 
 There was no light airy vision of a female disciple with expres- 
 sive dark eyes to consider my instructions oracular; but 1 was 
 surrounded by a throng of oafs, who read their lessons with the 
 same tone that Punch makes when he squeaks through a comb. 
 
 I therefore resigned my place to an old drunken Irishman of 
 the name of Burbridge, who was travelling the country on foot 
 in search of an academy; and whom friend Ellicott made no 
 scruple to engage, though, when the fellow addressed him, he 
 was so drunk that he could with difficulty stand on his legs. 
 
 I remonstrated with friend Ellicott on the impropriety of em- 
 ploying a sot to educate his children. " Friend," said he, " of 
 all the school-masters I ever employed, none taught my children 
 to write so good a hand as a man who was constantly in a state 
 that bordered on intoxication. They learned more of him in one 
 month, than of any other in a quarter. I will make trial of Bur- 
 bridge."
 
 IN AMERICA. 73 
 
 CHAP. IX. 
 
 Return from Occoquan to Neiv - York. Visit to Mr. George on 
 Long Island. Meditations among the Tombs. I go to Balti- 
 more. An exchange of Letters ivith the Vict- President. A 
 Walk to Washington. Congress assembled. Debates. Po- 
 liteness of the Vice-President. A Journey on Foot into Vir- 
 ginia by the Great Falls of the Potomac. Get benighted. A 
 hospitable Reception at a Log-house in the Woods. A Cast-a- 
 ivay Sailor restored to the bosom of his Family. The Story of 
 Jack Strangeways. 
 
 IT was not without emotion that I quitted the banks of the Oc- 
 coquan; those banks on which I had passed so many tranquil 
 hours in study and meditation. I was about to exchange the 
 quiet of solitude for the tumult of the world ; and was posting I 
 knew not whither, without any object to my journeying. 
 
 I pass over the common occurrences of the road to Washing- 
 ton; the contributions levied on my purse by the landlords of 
 Alexandria, and those of the imperial city ; but at Baltimore an 
 accident happened, which I have still, under every combination 
 of circumstance, in my memory's eye. 
 
 I had left Peck's tavern in the stage-coach at a very early hour 
 of the morning, when before we had proceeded half way down 
 Market-street, one of the fore- wheels came off. The driver, on 
 whose presence of mind the safety of the passengers depended, 
 deserted his post in the moment of danger, and leaped from his 
 seat. The horses being without any check, accelerated their 
 pace, and I can only compare their speed to the rapidity of light- 
 ning. This was an awful moment. I expected even - moment 
 to be dashed in pieces; and determined to make one effort for 
 my life, I leaped from the carriage into the street; an example 
 that was soon followed by two other passengers. In my eager- 
 ness to clear the wheels, I leaped further than wa3 necessary, and 
 received a bruise in my forehead: but one of the other passen- 
 gers was mangled by the flints in the roud. 
 
 On looking up I could perceive nothing but a flame before me, 
 produced by the horses whose shoes struck fire as they flew; I 
 followed the carriage with the third passenger, who had escaped 
 unhurt, solicitous to know the fate of a sailor and a boy whom 
 we had left in the coach. We overtook it at Chiuquopiu-hill, 
 where the horses in their ascent had slackened their pace; and 
 
 L
 
 74 , TRAVELS, &C 
 
 found the sailor and the boy holding the panting cattle by the 
 reins. I congratulated them on their escape, but when I asked 
 the sailor, Why he had not jumped from the carriage? " Avast 
 there," said the tar, " more people are lost by taking to the 
 boat, than sticking by the wreck j I always stick to the wreck!" 
 
 A fresh coach and horses conveyed us to Chester, where I sup- 
 ped with Monsieur Pichon, ambassador from France to America; 
 and the next morning arrived at Philadelphia to breakfast. 
 
 I sojourned a week at Philadelphia, collecting what money was 
 due to me for the sale of my novel. 
 
 From Philadelphia I travelled to New- York, partly by water, 
 and partly by land. In the passage-boat to Burlington was a 
 sweet girl of seventeen, whose voice was music; and who ob- 
 served that the Pennsylvania shore of the Delaware, was much 
 more pleasant than the Jersey side. 
 
 We got to Burlington a little before the going down of the sun. 
 It is built on the Delaware. A fellow-passenger was going to 
 Canada, and was accompanied on the road with two waggons 
 loaded with bale goods. 
 
 From Amboy, which terminated our land travelling, we em- 
 barked for New York, where 1 found a kind reception at the 
 house of Major Howe. The next day I hastened on the wings 
 of friendship to Mr. George, who was still employed on Long 
 Island in his sublime academy. 
 
 I found him walking and meditating near the Dutch church. 
 He received me with transports. We repaired to his house, 
 where I recounted to him my adventures; but he was impatient 
 of my recital, and eagerly changed the subject to Homer, whose 
 Iliad he made his manual. Nor did he forget to inquire if I had 
 multiplied my wealth by school-keeping at Occoquan; rightly re- 
 flecting, that the man who wants money, wants every thing. 
 
 My friend did not hear a word that 1 answered. He sat stu- 
 dious and abstracted. You haVe approved, said he, my elegy 
 over the grave of a stranger in the woods of Owendaw. I have 
 made an epitaph on a similar subject. 
 
 " Like a tree in a valley unknown, 
 
 Tn a region of Grangers I fell; 
 No bosom ray fate to bemoan, 
 
 No' friend my sad story to tell." 
 
 I did not fail to visit my old friends on JLong Island. Parson 
 Vandyke was afflicted with the jaundice, but his wife was still as 
 notable and narrative as ever. Farmer Titus had lost none of 
 his accustomed hospitality; nor was farmer Moore less kind to 
 the stranger within his gates. Mr. Remsen continued to regale
 
 IN AMERICA. 75 
 
 his guests with Madeira, and his sons were increasing their ideas 
 under the tuition of my literary friend. Nor were the daughters 
 of these worthy people less lovely, or less amiable. Joy be to 
 Newtown; joy to its rosy damsels j and may heaven preserve 
 their charms from decay ! 
 
 I remained a week on Long Island, enjoying a renovation of 
 intellectual felicity with Mr. George, when impatient of being 
 without any determined pursuit, I again departed for the south- 
 ward. It was Sept. 21, 1801; a day I shall ever remember in 
 the annals of my lite, as it was a day of separation from a more 
 than fraternal friend, whom I have never since seen. 
 
 I embarked in the passage- boat, for Ambby, from whence I 
 travelled in the stage-coach to Burlington, with a sea-faring mau, 
 and an Indian trader. 
 
 Resuming our journey, a few miles brought us to Peuhausen- 
 creek, remarkable for its circular form, and transparent stream; 
 and a little beyond it we stopped at a public-house, where a very 
 pretty lively young woman was rocking her babe to sleep. Our 
 journey was now soon terminated, for in another hour we reached 
 the Jersey bank of the Delaware, and were conducted in a large 
 boat across the river to Philadelphia, where I separated without 
 regret from my ruffian companions. I was received into the house 
 of Madame de Floriau, in whose company I wanted no domestic 
 entertainment. 
 
 The name of Madame de Florian announces her to be a French 
 woman. She lived in North third-street, with her two daugh- 
 ters, of whom one was between seventeen and eighteen, the 
 other, three years younger, and a son of five. My introduction 
 to this family was curious. 
 
 At Fouquet's gardens, rambling one afternoon in the shade, 
 puffing volcanoes of smoke from my segar, and indulging the 
 most splendid reveries ; I suddenly came upon Madame de Flo- 
 rian and her two daughters, who were drinking peaceably their 
 coffee in one of the alcoves, while the little boy was fondling a 
 lap-dog on the grass. 
 
 The spectacle of this interesting groupe suspended my steps, 
 which being observed by the child, the little rogue danced to- 
 wards me, and insisted upon having my segar. 
 
 The mother and sisters rebuked the child, but I instantly de- 
 livered my segar to him, and bowing, was about to pursue my 
 ramble round the gardens, when Madame de Florian, with that 
 grace of manner so peculiar to a French woman, accosted me 
 with " Peut etre, Monsieur nous fera l'houeur de prendre une 
 tasse de caffe?"
 
 76 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 I bowed my acquiescence, and seated myself next the eldest 
 daughter, who welcomed my approach with a smile of enchant- 
 ment. And now all that I had read of a Mahometan paradise 
 rushed into my mind. The garden of Monsieur Fouquet was 
 the blissful region, and Mademoiselle de Florian the houri. 
 
 It is to Mademoiselle de Florian and a few other of her coun- 
 trywomen, that the young ladies of Philadelphia owe their pre- 
 sent graceful mien. The revolution in France produced a revo- 
 lution in the walk of the Philadelphia damsels. Formerly the 
 American ladies did not sacrifice to elegance in their walk; or, 
 more properly speaking, they were without a model to form 
 themselves upon. But when the revolution drove so many of 
 the Gallic damsels to the banks of the Delaware, the American 
 girls blushed at their own awkwardness ; and each strove to copy 
 that swimming air, that nonchalance, that ease and apparent 
 unconsciousness of being observed, which characterized the 
 French young ladies as they passed through the streets. Men 
 
 and women ran to their windows and involuntarily exclaimed 
 
 Look at that girl! How beautifully she walks! An American 
 girl commonly throws me into a fit of profound thought, a French 
 girl, on the contrary, banishes all abstraction from my thoughts. 
 
 I accompanied Madame de Florian and her family home ; nor 
 did I discover without secret rapture, that this lady took board- 
 ers. She confined her number to two; there was nobody now 
 in the house but one old gentleman, for a young officer who had 
 lately occupied line chambre garnie, was gone to Saint Domingo. 
 There was consequently space left for another, but how to get 
 possession of this enviable spot without an introduction was the 
 rub. At length, the present lodger made his appearance in the 
 shape of Monsieur Lartigue, — whom I had accompanied once 
 from Philadelphia to Charleston in the packet. 
 
 I desired Mons. Lartigue to introduce me to Madame de Flo- 
 rian and her daughters ; their countenances brightened, my pro- 
 posal of becoming a lodger was accepted with, " You do us 
 honour!" and when the porter brought my trunks, I heard 
 Adelaide direct him what room to carry them into, with a kind 
 of Saint-Preuxish emotion. 
 
 Month of happiness that I passed under the same roof with 
 Adelaide de Florian! Happiness never to return beneath the 
 cloudy sky that now frowns on me as I look towards it. 
 
 At the Indian Queen in Fifth street, (every sign in the United 
 States, is cither an Indian queen, or a spread eagle), I sometimes 
 lounged away an hour with some young men from Charleston, 
 " Where do you board," they all asked me, With a French
 
 IN AMERICA. 77 
 
 lady " Some Creole, I suppose Why not take your quarters 
 
 up here? I hate French customs. They never drink tea unless 
 they are sick." 
 
 And what were the customs of these young gentlemen who 
 plumed themselves upon their knowledge of mankind, and their 
 travelled air? When not engaged with eating, they were sitting 
 in the street before the door of the Indian queen, drinking punch 
 cooled with ice, and obscured in volumes of tobacco-smoke. It 
 is true, their discourse did not turn on bullocks. But they were 
 either laughing over their nocturnal adventures in Mulatto-alley, 
 at Charleston; or recommending to each other the different bro- 
 thels at Philadelphia. Nor was the stream of their conversation 
 ever diverted, unless some young lady (who, finding the pave- 
 ment blockaded by their chairs, was compelled to walk in the 
 carriage-road), called forth the exclamation of " That's a fine 
 girl ! So is that coming up the street now. There are no snakes 
 if Philadelphia does not beat Charleston hollow ! See there again, 
 at the tailor's window. Harry! I'll go over and get measured 
 for a coat to-morrow." 
 
 Not being able to obtain any employment at Philadelphia, I 
 thought it best to embark for Baltimore, and 1 took my passage 
 in the Newcastle packet. The wind was fair, the sky serene, the 
 water smooth, and we passed Chester and Wilmington with great 
 rapidity. 
 
 A good dinner on board the packet, and the conversation of a 
 motley groupe, enlivened my spirits; and I provoked the laugh- 
 ter of the master of a ship lying at Newcastle, whose fore-top 
 sail was loose, and whose destination was London. How my 
 heart danced at the sound of that name! How my fancy conjured 
 up the Thames, and the spires of the city to my view ! How de- 
 lectably did I behold myself seated in the bosom of my friends, 
 and how appalled was I when these illusions vanished, and I per- 
 ceived before me the shores of Pennsylvania and New- Jersey ! 
 
 We landed at Newcastle, and were bounded in two coaches to 
 French-town, which is a journey of sixteen miles. We stopj>ed 
 to bait our cattle at Glasgow, and at Frcifch-town found a surly 
 landlord, and sorry. accommodations, Our number was sixteen; 
 and for sixteen passengers there were only six beds; hence the 
 large beds lodged three, and the small beds two passengers. For 
 my part, there being a good fire, I proposed to sit up all night 
 and make an Indian file with our feet to the fender; but sleep 
 overcame me, and I retired to bed. It is not unworthy of re- 
 mark, that the landlord would not suffer cards to be played in 
 his house; and that the negro-girl, who waited at supper, wear-
 
 78 , TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ing a man's hat ; a Quaker in company aspired to be witty by 
 calling her Caesar. 
 
 The following morning we all embarked again for Baltimore; 
 and on the passage an American diverted the company by pro- 
 ducing a favourite cat that he had taken from the landlord, (who 
 had refused him a pack of cards) and making the poor animal 
 eat a yard or more of tobacco. His method was ingenious. He 
 placed the cat over a chair, and confining forcibly her feet, un- 
 twisted a roll of tobacco ; the cat in the agony of pain snapped 
 at any thing that was offered her, and the mountebank traveller 
 ministered his tobacco. 
 
 We dined again on the water. Among the passengers was a 
 pretty, modest, blushing maiden of fifteen, whose manners were 
 not inelegant; but it is somewhat curious that whenever she 
 wanted the salt, or mustard, she begged some one to shove it 
 to her. 
 
 Pool's Island is half-way to Baltimore, which we passed about 
 noon: but in the evening we got round Fell's Point, and at eight 
 secured our vessel at Bowly's wharf; having Federal-hill on our 
 opposite side. 
 
 The true use of speech, is not to express our wants, but to 
 conceal them; and in conformity with this maxim, I kept it a 
 profound secret on my landing at Baltimore, that I had very little 
 money left in my pocket. I accompanied with affected gaiety a 
 young fellow to the city of Strasburgh, who told me he always 
 lodged there, and extolled the house for its convenience, and the 
 landlord for his civility. 
 
 Mr. Wyant received us with a smile of welcome, and supper 
 being ready, ushered us into a room, where twenty guests were 
 sitting at table, who appeared to be mutes; for no man uttered a 
 syllable, but each seemed by his looks to have just come out from 
 the cave of Trophonius. 
 
 I had advertised in the Baltimore paper for the place of do- 
 mestic tutor, and one morning, while I was standing before the 
 door of the City of Strasburgh, the bar-keeper brought me a note 
 very carefully sealed. I eagerly took it from his hand impressed 
 with an idea that it was sent me by some opulent merchant who 
 wanted an instructor for his children ; when on opening the note, 
 it produced what Rabelais calls the most gloomy of all moments, 
 the payment of a landlord's reckoning. 
 
 " Sir, — According to the custom of the house, Mr. Wyant has 
 requested me to send in your bill. — To eight days board, at 
 
 9s. Ad 3/. 14*, 8rf. 
 
 " I am, for Mr. Wyant, John Kellen."
 
 IN AMERICA. 79 
 
 I had been informed that Mr. Burr was at the Federal city, 
 forty-three miles from Baltimore. 1 wrote to him by the post, 
 and the next mail brought me an answer. Mr. Burr required 
 of me an estimate of the expenses of my late travels, which he 
 proposed immediately to reimburse. 
 
 I retired to my room, and computed my unavoidable expenses 
 on the road, from the day I crossed the Hudson, till I descended 
 the treasury stairs at the imperial city. The answer of the vice- 
 president will show, that he did not think himself overcharged. 
 
 Dear Sir, — You men of letters are the worst calculators in the 
 world. I am persuaded I only discharge a just debt, when I en- 
 close double your amount. 
 
 Accept the assurances of my regard, 
 
 Aaron Burr. 
 At this letter my pride took alarm. It produced from me an 
 answer, and a restitution of half the bills. 
 
 Being proffered a situation in a part of Virginia I'had not visit- 
 ed, and having it in my power to journey at my leisure by the 
 friendship of the vice-president, I departed without regret from 
 Baltimore, on foot and alone. 
 
 It was the latter part of March when I left the once flourishing 
 town of Baltimore, aud again directed my steps towards the im- 
 perial city. 
 
 I arrived at Elk-Ridge landing, where I supped at a genteel 
 tavern with the hostess and her sister, who are remarkable for the 
 elegance of their manners. I found the " Old Manor-house" of 
 Charlotte Smith lying on the table, of which the concluding part 
 seemed to have been well read. 
 
 The next day I resumed my walk; refreshing myself at Spur- 
 rier's, dining at Dent's, and sleeping at Drummond's, three 
 public-houses on the road which the traveller passes in succession. 
 The next morning proceeding forward, I reached Bladensburgh 
 before the going down of the sun; and at night-fall to my great 
 satisfaction 1 entered the imperial city. 
 
 Congress was assembled at Washington, and I was constant in 
 my attendance on the Senate and the House of Representatives. 
 The senate chamber is by far the most superb room in the capitol, 
 but the house of representatives is a detached and temporary 
 building. Yet, 1 loved best to visit the house of representatives; 
 there seemed to be so much energy and freedom of debate. It is 
 unknown I presume to few of my readers that the Vice-president 
 of the United States is President of the senate. Mr. Burr was 
 presiding in the chair, and no man knew better the routine of thQ 
 house, or how to acquit himself with more dignity than he.
 
 80 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 I watched an opportunity to make the vice-president my salu- 
 tations as he came out of the Capitol. I remembered the advice 
 which old Polonius gave his son when he was about to travel, and 
 I was then travelling myself. — 
 
 " The friends thou hast, and their adoption try'd, 
 Grapple them to thj soul with hooks of steel." 
 
 The vice-president demonstrated no little pleasure to see me, 
 and his chariot being at the steps of the Capitol, he took me home 
 with him to dine. 1 forget how many members of congress were 
 present at the dinner; but, though republicans, I did not think 
 they had all an equal voice, for some spoke much louder than 
 others. 
 
 The most eloquent in debate was Mr. Randolph. He spoke 
 full an hour for the repeal of the tax on domestic distilled liquors; 
 that is, whiskey, and peach and apple brandy. At the conclusion 
 
 of the debate the speaker very solemnly exclaimed " They who 
 
 are for the repeal are to say aye ! and they who are against it are 
 to say no." The affirmative monosyllable immediately resound- 
 ed from every quarter of the building. Aye ! Aye ! Aye ! followed 
 in rapid succession ; upon which the speaker with much gravity 
 proclaimed, " The ayes have it ! The bill has passed ! " 
 
 Having amused myself a- few days at the imperial city, I rose 
 with the sun, and pursued my journey along the banks of the Po- 
 tomac. About nine in the morning I reached the bridge at the 
 Little Falls. 
 
 Near the bridge at the Little Falls my journey was suspended 
 by the rain, and I found a reception in the tavern of Mr. Slimner, 
 a German, who at the age of threescore was smitten by a young 
 English woman, whom he had taken for his wife, and who had 
 brought him a child. 
 
 The rain not remitting its violence, I was obliged to pass the 
 night under the roof of this fond couple, whom I, however, left 
 at an early hour the next morning to prosecute my journey; pur- 
 posing to take the more circuitous road of the Great Falls of the 
 Potomac. 
 
 About noon I reached the cross roads, and taking to the right, 
 I could every minute hear more distinctly the roar of the Great 
 Falls. At length I came to a spacious stream called " Difficult 
 Run;" an appellation derived from the difficulty in crossing it. 
 But no place could be more romantic. 
 
 I was in suspense whether to ford this run, or wait for a guide 
 on its bank, when 1 descried two boys on the opposite shore who 
 obeyed my call with alacrity; leaping from rock to rock, till 
 they reached the spot where I stood. With the assistance of a
 
 IN AMERICA. 81 
 
 pole they conducted me to the opposite bank, where I learned 
 that one of my young guides was called Basil Hurdle, and the 
 other Jack Miller. 
 
 I beheld the course of a large river abruptly obstructed by 
 rocks, over which it was breaking with a tremendous roar; while 
 the foam of the water seemed ascending to the clouds, and the 
 shores that confined it to tremble at the convolution. I gazed 
 for some time in silent awe at this war of elements, when having 
 recovered from my admiration, I could not help exclaiming to 
 the Great Maker of heaven and of earth, " Lord! What is man 
 that thou art mindful of him, or the son of man, that thou re- 
 gardest him ! " 
 
 A little below the Falls, on the bank of the Potomac, stand a 
 few scattered buildings, which form a kind of hamlet called 
 Charlotteville. The first settler in this savage wilderness was 
 the lady of General Lee, from whose Christian name the place 
 takes its appellation * 
 
 At a house of entertainment kept by widow Myers, 1 was ac- 
 commodated with a supper and a bed. This buxom widow was 
 by persuasion a methodist, and possessed of considerable pro- 
 perty. 
 
 On leaving the Great Falls of the Potomac, I was followed by a 
 dog, whose attendance 1 rather encouraged than repulsed. 1 was 
 tired of travelling alone, and I wanted a companion. An Euro- 
 pean who has confined his travels to his own country, can have 
 but a very imperfect idea of the forest scenery of America I 
 never remember to have felt a more perfect exemption from 
 care than in my journey from the Potomac Falls. I rioted iti 
 health, and I walked forward " oblitus meorum et obliviscendus 
 ab illis." I embraced the universe as my country, and it was 
 wholly indifferent to me where I terminated my pilgrimage; for 
 whether I ended my days in the wilds of the Potomac, or the 
 close of Salisbury, " the earth and its bands would have been 
 about me for ever." 
 
 I ate my dinner in a log-house on the road. It was kept by a 
 small planter of the name of Homer. Such a tavern would have 
 raised the thunder and lightning of anger in some of my brother- 
 travellers. But in a country where every private-house is a tem- 
 ple of hospitality, and open alike to travellers of every descrip- 
 tion, ought it to excite surprise that so few good taverns are to 
 be found. 
 
 Leaving the hut of Mr. Homer, I walked vigorously forwards 
 indulgiug the hope I should get to Frying-Pan before night. But 
 before dusk, 1 found myself bewildered in the woods, whose so- 
 
 M
 
 B2 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ■ " ■ ' ■ ■ ■ .. . — i ■ 
 
 litude was rendered more melancholy from the cry of the owl. 
 1 had given myself up for lost, and was taking a flint from my 
 pocket to kindle a fire, and pass the night under a tree, when the 
 sound of the axe chopping wood rejoiced my hearing. Not more 
 delightful was sleep ever to the weary, or water to the thirsty, 
 than the sound to my ear. 
 
 Guided by the noise of the axe, I got to a tobacco plantation ; 
 but I had scarce leaped the fence when a couple of huge dogs as- 
 sailed me, barking, advancing and retreating, all in a breath. 
 "Now, thought I, if these curs were to devour me, what an igno- 
 minious death would terminate my pilgrimage on earth. Fear is 
 not only an ignoble, but dangerous passion ; and had I turned and 
 endeavoured to escape from these blood hounds, it is a hundred 
 to one but I had been seized in that part where honour is said to 
 be lodged. 
 
 I, therefore, stood my ground, and called lustily to the house. 
 My cry was not unheard ; the door was opened, and a lad ad- 
 vanced with a light, which he had fixed in a calabash. 
 The way, my friend, if you please, to Frying- Pan. 
 " Frying-Pan ! "Tis a difficult road, Sir, in the dark. You 
 must keep along the worm-fence, (i. e. crooked), till you come 
 to a barn. You must then take the path that leads into the 
 woods, till you come to the track of the wheel ; then cross right 
 over into the next wood." 
 
 My friend, will you favour me with a glass of water. This was 
 answered by a hearty invitation into the house. 
 
 On entering the log-house, I found a man sitting with his wife 
 and five children, before a blazing fire of wood. Hospitality is 
 the prominent feature in the character of a Virginian ; and I had 
 a presentiment that I was housed for the night. When I had 
 drunk my water, which tasted the more delicious, from being 
 administered to me by a fine girl of seventeen, I rose to depart; 
 but the man of the house accosted me, saying, " Be content* l 1 
 pray you, and tarry here all night ; the day is grown to an end : 
 to-morrow I will send my son to put you in the way." 
 
 The children now considered me as one of the family, and, 
 moving their chairs, made room for me to come within their 
 circle. 
 
 Supper (that is tea) was now got ready; nor was it without a 
 grateful emotion that I beheld the mother of this worthy family 
 unlock her Sunday cupboard, and hand her eldest daughter part 
 of a loaf of sugar to break for the repast. 
 
 Wilmot, the eldest son, now departed. I discovered afterwards, 
 that he was courting the daughter of Mr. Strangeways' neighbour,
 
 m AMERICA. 83 
 
 whom he never failed to visit after the labour of the day. It was 
 plain he was a lover, by the care he took in adorning his person. 
 
 After supper we again drew round the fire I had for some 
 
 time perceived an unusual blaze in the chimney j but supposing 
 it to come from an oven, I said not a word. At length the good 
 woman exclaimed, The plague! there's our chimney on tire- 
 again. We must pull down the rubbish, or we shall get no peace. 
 
 Mr. Strangeways now rose with great composure, and seizing 
 a large staff, went out to the back of the chimney, where he 
 raked away the rubbish; while Mary, catching up a gourd, filled 
 it thrice with water, and helped to extinguish the conflagration. 
 
 As the night advanced, I could uot but meditate upon the 
 place my worthy host designed for my repose. 1 formed a hun- 
 dred conjectures, he surely would not cherish me in the bosom 
 of his numerous family ? And yet I could perceive only one room 
 in the house. 
 
 There were three beds in the room. Of these I discovered that 
 the back one belonged to the two eldest girls; for while Mr. 
 Strangeways, his wife, and I were yawning in concert over the 
 fire, I perceived Mary, from the corner of my eye, steal softly to 
 her nest, and slip in under the clothes; an example that was 
 quickly followed by Eliza, who, with equal archness, crept in by 
 her side. 
 
 At length Mr. Strangeways asked me if I was willing to go to 
 bed, and, upon my replying in the affirmative, he fetched a ladder 
 from an out-house into the room, and having placed it against 
 the wall, he ascended a few steps, and opened a trap-door in the 
 rafters, which I had not perceived led to a cock-loft. 
 
 Did you ever mount a ship's ladder, said Mr. Strangeways? 
 
 I replied, that 1 had a thousand. 
 
 Then, said he, be kind enough to follow me. 
 
 I followed, without betraying the least emotiou of surprise ; 
 none but a rustic would have uttered an exclamation at the no- 
 velty of the stair-case. I found a decent bed in the room appro- 
 priated to my reception ; and when Mr. Strantreways had opened 
 and closed the shutter of the window; the worthy man bade me 
 a good night, and left me to my repose. I soon fell asleep. 
 
 1 rose the next morning with the sun, and descended my lad- 
 der. The family were all stirring. The father and sons were at 
 the plough, the mother was getting ready breakfast, and the two 
 girls were at their spinning-wheels. The sound of these instru- 
 ments was not quite so harmonious as that of a piano ; but I 
 know not whether a woodland nymph giving rapid motion to her 
 ij inning-wheel, be not a more captivating object than a haughty
 
 84 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 town-dame running her fingers disdainfully over the keys of a 
 harpsichord. 
 
 The morning was ushered in with rain, which continued 
 throughout the day. I therefore continued housed, and op- 
 posed but feebly Mr. Strangeways' invitation to tarry another 
 night under his roof. I passed the day in talking with Mary. 
 
 We had breakfasted next morning, and the old man had gone 
 to cultivate his tobacco, when I rose to go. The mother and 
 Mary were the only tenants of the log-house. I wish, said the 
 worthy woman, that my son was here. The gentleman will 
 never find his way out of the woods. My daughter, put on your 
 bonnet, aud shew the gentleman the way to the main-road. Mary 
 rose with alacrity, she slipped on her bonnet; and, having taken 
 a parting look at the glass, conducted me through the plantation. 
 I gave the little wood-nymph my arm, and we walked forward 
 together. The mocking-bird was singing j his song never ap- 
 peared to me so sweet before. 
 
 At length, after walking half a mile, we emerged from the 
 wood, and reached the track of the wheel. And now Mary, said 
 I, farewell. And let my advice go with you. Confide not for 
 ornament in the rings that hang to thy ears, but in the virtue 
 that dwells in thy bosom. For when thou art deceived, though 
 thou clothest thyself in crimson, though thou deckest thee with 
 the ornaments of gold, though thou rentest thy face with painting, 
 in vain shalt thou be fair. 
 
 After walking a mile and a half, I met a boy sauntering along, 
 and whistling, probably, for want of thought. How far, my boy, 
 said J, is it to Frying-Pan ? You be in the Pan now, replied the 
 oaf. I be, be I, said I. Very well. 
 
 Frying-Pan is composed of four log-huts and a meeting-house. 
 It took its name from a curious circumstance. Some Indians 
 having encamped on the run, missed their frying-pan in the 
 morning, and hence the name was conferred on the place. 
 
 I did not deign to stop at Frying-Pan, but prosecuted my walk 
 to the next hamlet; where in the piazza of Mr. Thornton's ta- 
 vern, I found a party of gentlemen from the neighbouring plan- 
 tations carousing over a bowl of toddy, and smoking segars. No 
 people could exceed these men in politeness. On my ascending 
 the steps to the piazza every countenance seemed to say, This 
 man has a double claim to our attention; for he is a stranger in 
 the place. A gentleman is in every country the same. 
 
 My pilgrimage was now nearly at an end ; for Mr. Ball's plan- 
 tation was only distant eight miles.
 
 IN AMERICA. 85 
 
 CHAP. X. 
 
 Memoir of my Life in the Woods of Virginia. Reception at 
 Pohoke. An old Field- School. A Fair Disciple. Evening 
 Scene on a Plantation. Story of Dick the Negro, fyc. 8fc. 
 
 THE rugged and dreary road from the last hamlet to Newmar- 
 ket in Prince William county, is bordered by gloomy woods, 
 where the natives of the State cultivate on their plantations 
 Indian corn, wheat, tobacco, and rye. 
 
 Having come to Bull-Run, I stopped at a kind of waggoner's 
 tavern on its border, to inquire the way to the plantation. Old 
 Flowers, the landlord, reeled out of his log-hut, but was too 
 much intoxicated to make a coherent reply; so, giving my steed 
 his head, I was all passive to his motions, till overtaking an old 
 negro-man, I demanded the road to Mr. Ball's. The old negro 
 was clad in rags, if rags can be called clothing; he was a squalid 
 figure of sixty, and halted as he walked ; he was grunting some- 
 what in the manner of an old hog at an approaching shower of 
 rain; and he carried a hickory stick in his right hand, with which 
 he was driving the cattle home from pasture. 
 
 The conversation of the negro held me engaged till we got to 
 the plantation ; I then gave him my horse, and walked through 
 the garden to the house. 
 
 Mr. Ball received me with undissembled accents of joy; he 
 said he had long expected my coming, and was gratified at last. 
 A nod to a mulatto boy placed refreshments on the side-board, 
 and in a few minutes the family assembled to take a peep at the 
 schoolmaster. 
 
 The first impression made by Mr. Ball, decided that he was a 
 gentleman; and I was not a little delighted with the suavity of 
 his manners, and elegance of his conversation. 
 
 When the children withdrew, I entered on the terms of my 
 proposed engagement, and presented to him a letter which I had 
 been honoured with from Mr. Jefferson. 1 knew my host to be 
 a Virginian who favoured the administration, and thought a letter 
 from the President would operate upon him like witchcraft. But 
 I was unacquainted with my man. Mr. Ball was not to be biass- 
 ed by the whistling of a name; he read my letter more from 
 complaisance than any motive of curiosity; observed, that a 
 man's conduct could alone decide his character; congratulated 
 himself upon the acquisition of a man of letters iu his family; 
 and offered to engage me for a twelvemonth, at a salary of a hun-
 
 86 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 dred guineas. I acknowledged the honour he did me, and en- 
 gaged with him for a quarter of a year. 
 
 The following day every farmer came from the neighbourhood 
 to the house, who had any children to send to my academy, for 
 such they did me the honour to term the log-hut in which I was 
 to teach. Each man brought his son or his daughter, and no 
 price was too great for the services I was to render their chil- 
 dren. 
 
 I now opened what some called an academy*, and others an 
 Old Field school ; and, however it may be thought that content 
 was never felt within the walls of a seminar}-, I, for my part, ex- 
 perienced an exemption from care, and was not such a fool as to 
 measure the happiness of my condition by what others thought 
 of it. 
 
 II w r as pleasurable to behold my pupils enter the school over 
 which I presided; for they were not composed only of truant 
 boys, but some of the fairest damsels in the country. Two sis- 
 ters generally rode on one horse to the school-door, and I was 
 not so great a pedagogue as to refuse them my assistance to dis- 
 mount from their steeds. A running-footman of the negro-tribe, 
 who followed with their food in a basket, took care of the beast ; 
 and after being saluted by the young ladies with the curtsies of 
 the morning, I proceeded to instruct them, with gentle exhorta- 
 tions to diligence of study. 
 
 Of the boys 1 cannot speak in very encomiastic terms; but they 
 were, perhaps like all other school-boys, that is, more disposed to 
 play truant, than enlighten their minds. The most important 
 knowledge to an American, after that of himself, is the geography 
 of his country. I, therefore, put into the hands of my boys a 
 proper book. 
 
 Among my male students was. a New Jersey gentleman of 
 thirty, whose object was to be initiated in the language of Cicero 
 
 * It is worth the while to describe the academy I occupied on Mr. Ball's planta- 
 tion. It had one room and a half. It stood on blocks about two feet and a half 
 above the ground, where was free access to the hogs, the dogs, and the poultry. It 
 had no ceiling; nor was the roof lathed or plastered; but covered with shingles. 
 Hence, when it rained, like the nephew of old Elwes, 1 moved my bed (for I slept in 
 my academy) to the most comfortable corner. It had one window, but no glass or 
 shutter. In the night to remedy this, the mulatto wench who waited on me, contrived 
 very ingeniously to place a square board against the window with one hand, and fix 
 the rail of a broken down fence against it with the other. In the morning, when I 
 returned from breakfasting in the " great house," (my scholars being collected), I 
 gave the rail a forcible kick with my foot, and down tumbled the board with an awful 
 foar. "Is not my window," said I to Virginia, " of a very curious construction?" 
 ■" Indeed, indeed, Sir," replied my fair disciple, " I think it is a mighty noisy one,"
 
 IN AMERICA. 37 
 
 and Virgil. Such was the affectation or simplicity of this man, 
 that he expressed his fears the English students would interrupt 
 his acquirement of Latin. Not knowing whether to storm or 
 laugh, I advised him to retire with his books into Maddison's 
 cave. 
 
 1 never saw slavery wear so contented an aspect as on Pohoke 
 plantation. The work of the slaves was light, and punishment 
 never inflicted. A negro, who had run away, being brought 
 back by a person who recognized him, he was asked by Mr. Ball 
 the reason of his elopement. Because, said the fellow, I was 
 born to travel. This man I presume was a predestinarian. On 
 the Sabbath the negroes were at liberty to visit their neighbours. 
 
 Of my female students there was none equal in capacity to 
 Virginia. The mind of this fair creature was susceptible of every 
 culture 5 but it had been neglected, and I opened to her worlds 
 of sentiment and knowledge. 
 
 Geography was one of our favourite studies. The greatest 
 trifler can scarce inspect a map without learning something; but 
 my lovely pupil always rose from it with a considerable accession 
 of knowledge. Imparting such new ideas was no undelightful 
 employment, and 1 often addressed my rose of May in an appro- 
 priate ode. 
 
 ODE TO VIRGINIA, LOOKING OVER A MAP. 
 
 Powerful as the magic wand, 
 Displaying far each distant land, 
 Is that angel-hand to me, 
 When it points each realm and sea. 
 
 Plac'd in geographic mood, 
 Smiling, shew the pictur'd flood. 
 Where along the Red Sea sea-coast, 
 Waves o'erwhelm'd the Egyptian host. 
 
 Again the imag'd scene survey, 
 The rolling Hellespontic Sea; 
 Whence the Persian from the shore, 
 Proudly pass'd his millions o'er. 
 
 See! that little isle afar 
 Of Salamis renowu'd in war; 
 Swelling high the trump of faoia 
 With glory and eternal shame. 
 
 And behold to nearer view, 
 Hare thy own lov'd country too; 
 Virginia! which produc'd to me, 
 A pupil fair and bright lika thee' 
 
 1 frequently protracted the studies of the children till one, or
 
 88 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 half past one o'clock; a practice that did not fail to call forth the 
 exclamations both of the white and the black people. Upon my 
 word, Mr. Ball would say, this gentleman is diligent; and aunt 
 Patty the negro cook would remark, " He good cool-mossa that ; 
 he not like old Hodgkinson and old Harris, who let the boys out 
 before twelve. He deserve good wages ! " 
 
 My recreation after school in the evening was to sit and medi- 
 tate before my door, in the open air, while the vapours of a 
 friendly pipe administered to my philosophy. In silent gravity I 
 listened to the negro calling to his steers returning from labour, 
 or contemplated the family groupe on the grass-plat before the 
 dwelling-house, of whom the father was tuning his violin, the 
 mother and daughters at their needles, and the boys running and 
 tumbling in harmless mirth upon the green. Before me was an 
 immense forest of stately trees; the cat was sitting on the barn- 
 door; the fire-fly was on the wing, and the whip-poor-will in 
 lengthened cries was hailing the return of night. 
 
 I was now, perhaps, called to supper, and enjoyed the society 
 of Mr. Ball and his family till the hour of their repose, when 1 
 returned to my log-hut, and resumed my pipe before the door. 
 
 A skilful chymist will endeavour to extract good from every 
 substance, and I declined not the conversation of a man because 
 his face differed in colour from my own. Old Dick, the negro, 
 whom I had met on the road, never failed to visit my cell in the 
 evening, and the purpose of his visit was to obtain a dram of 
 whiskey. Dick said that it comforted him, and I never withheld 
 my comfort from him. 
 
 As I considered old Dick a much greater philosopher than 
 many of his white brethren who have written volumes on re- 
 signation under misfortunes, but could never bear the tooth-ache 
 patiently; I always put him upon talking about himself, and one 
 evening when he came to see me, I desired he would relate to me 
 the story of his life. 
 
 STORY OF DICK THE NEGRO, 
 
 " I was born at a plantation on the Rappahannoc river. It' 
 was the pulling of corn time, when 'squire Musgrove was gover- 
 nor of Virginia. 1 have no mixed blood in my veins; I am no 
 half and half breed; no chesnUt sorrel of a mulatto; but my fa- 
 ther and mother both came over from Guinea. 
 
 " When 1 was old enough to work, I was put to look after the 
 horses. 'Squire Sutherland had a son who rode every fall to 
 look at a plantation on James river, which was under the care of 
 an overseer. Young master could not go without somebody on
 
 IN AMERICA. 89 
 
 another horse to carry his saddle-bags, and I was made his 
 groom. 
 
 " This young chap, Sir, (here Dick winked his left eye), was 
 a trimmer. The first thing he did on getting out of bed was to 
 call for a julep*; and I honestly date my own love of whiskey 
 from mixing and tasting my young master's juleps. But this 
 Was not all. He was always upon the scent after game, and 
 mighty jic&ou* when he got among the negur wenches. He used 
 to say, that a likely negur wench was fit to be a queen ; and I 
 forget how many queens he had among the girls on the two 
 plantations. 
 
 " The young 'squire did not live long. He was for a short 
 life and a merry one. He was killed by a drunken negur man, 
 who found him over ficious with his wife. The negur man was 
 hanged alive upon a gibbet. It was the middle of summer; the 
 sun was full upon him; the negur lolled out his tongue, his eyes 
 seemed starting from their sockets, and for three long days his 
 only cry was water ! water ! water ! 
 
 " The old gentleman took on to grieve mightily at the death 
 of his son ; he wished that he had sent him to Britain for his 
 education; but after- wit is of no use; and be followed his son to 
 that place where master and man, planter and slave, must all at 
 last lie down together. 
 
 " The plantation and negurs now fell to the lot of a second 
 •on, who had gone to Edinburgh to learn the trade of a doctor. 
 He was not like 'squire Tommy, he seemed to be carved out of 
 different wood. The first thing he did on his return from Bri- 
 tain, was to free all the old negur people on the plantation, and 
 settle each on a patch of land. He tended the sick himself, gave 
 them medicine, healed their wounds, and encouraged every man, 
 woman, and child, to go to a meeting-house, that every Sunday 
 was opened between our plantation and Fredericksburgh. Every 
 thing took a change. The young wenches, who, in master Tom- 
 my's time, used to put on their drops, and their bracelets, and 
 ogle their eyes, now looked down like modest young women, and 
 carried their gewgaws in their pockets till they got clear out of 
 the woods. He encouraged matrimony on the plantation, by 
 settling each couple in a log-house, on a wholesome patch of 
 land; hired a schoolmaster to teach the children, and to every 
 one that could say his letters, gave a Testament with cuts. This 
 made me bold to marry, and I looked out sharp for a wife. I 
 had before quenched my thirst at any dirty puddle; but a stream 
 
 * A dram «f spirituous liquor that has mint steeped in it, taken by Virginians of a 
 norning.
 
 90 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 that I was to drink at constant I thought should be pure, and I 
 
 made my court to a wholesome girl, who had never bored her 
 ears, and went constantly to meeting. 
 
 " She was daughter to old Solomon the carter, and by moon- 
 light I used to play my banger under her window, and sing a 
 Guinea love-song that my mother had taught me. But I found 
 that there was another besides myself whose mouth watered after 
 the fruit. Cuffey, one of the crop hands, came one night upon 
 the same errand. I am but a little man, and Cuffey was above 
 my pitch; for he was six foot two inches high, with a chew of 
 tobacco clapped above that. But I was not to be scared because 
 he was a big man, and 1 was a little one; I carried a good heart, 
 and a good heart is every thing in love. 
 
 " Cuffey, says I, what part of the play is you acting? Does 
 you come after Sal? May be, says he, I does. Then, says 1, 
 here's have at you boy ; and I reckoned to fix him by getting the 
 finger of one hand into his ear, and the knuckles of the other into 
 his eye*. But the whore-son was too strong for me, and after 
 knocking me down upon the grass, he began to stamp upon me, 
 and ax me if I had yet got enough. But Dick was not to be 
 scared; and getting his great toe into my mouth, I bit it off and 
 swallowed it. Cuffey now let go his hold, and it was my turn to 
 ax Cuffey if he had got enough. Cuffey told me he had, and I 
 walked away to the quarter f. 
 
 " My master the next day heard of my battle with Cuffey. He 
 said that 1 ought to live among painters and wolves, and sold me 
 to a Georgia man for two hundred dollars. My new master was 
 the devil. He made me travel with him hand-cuffed to Savan- 
 nah; where he disposed Of me to a tavern-keeper for three hun- 
 dred dollars. 
 
 . . " I was the only man-servant in the tavern, and I did the 
 work of half a dozen. I went to bed at midnight, and was up an 
 hour before sun. I looked after the horses, waited at table, and 
 worked like a new negur. But I got plenty of spirits, and that I 
 believe helped me. 
 
 " The war now broke out, and in one single year I changed 
 masters a dozen times. But I knowed I had to work, and one 
 master to me was just as good as another. When the war ended, 
 I was slave to 'squire Fielding, at Annapolis, in Maryland. 1 was 
 grown quite steady, and I married a house-servant, who brought 
 me a child every year. I have altogether had three wives, and 
 am the father of twelve children; begot in lawful wedlock: but 
 this you shall hear. 
 
 * This is what is called gouging. t The ptace of abode for the negroes.
 
 IN AMERICA. 91 
 
 " My wife dying of a flux, I was left to the management of 
 my children ; but my master soon saved me that trouble, for di- 
 rectly they were strong enough to handle a hoe, he sold the boys 
 to Mr. Randolph of Fairfax, and the girls to 'squire Barclay of 
 Port Tobacco. It was a hard trial to part with my little ones, 
 for I loved them like a father; bnt there was no help for it, and 
 it was the case of thousands besides myself. 
 
 u When a man has been used to a wife, he finds it mighty 
 lonesome to be without one; so I married a young girl who lived 
 house-servant to a tavern-keeper at Elk Ridge landing. It is a 
 good twenty-five miles from Annapolis to the landing place ; but 
 a negur never tire when he go to see his sweetheart, and after 
 work on Saturday night, I would start for Elk Ridge, and get to 
 my wife before the supper was put away. 
 
 " I was not perfectly satisfied with my new wife; I had some 
 suspection that she gave her company, when I was away, to a 
 young mulatto fellow. If her children had not been right black 
 and ugly like myself, 1 should have suspected her vartue long be- 
 fore I had a real cause. It troubled me to be tricked by a young 
 girl, but I stripped her of all her clothing. Fine feathers make 
 fine birds; and I laughed to think how she would look the next 
 Sunday. 
 
 " I now said to myself that it was right foolish for an old man 
 to expect constancy from a young girl, and I wished that my firsfr 
 wife had not got her mouth full of yellow clay. 
 
 " My master at Annapolis being made a bankrupt, there \va» 
 an execution lodged against his negurs. I was sent to Alexander*, 
 and knocked down at vendue to old 'squire Keg worth. I was 
 put to work at the hoc, 1 was up an hour before sun, and work- 
 ed naked till after dark. I had no food but homoi-y, and for 
 fifteen months, did not put a morsel of any meat in my mouth, 
 but the flesh of a possum or a racoon that I killed in the woods. 
 This was rather hard for an old man, but 1 knovved there was no 
 help for it. 
 
 " 'Squire Kegworth was a wicked one; he beat master Tom- 
 my. He would talk of setting us free; you are not, he would 
 say, slaves for life, but only for ninety-nine years. The 'squire 
 was never married ; but an old negur woman kept house, who. 
 governed both him and the plantation. 
 
 " Hard work would not have hurt me, but I never could get 
 any liquor. This was desperate, and my only comfort was the 
 stump of an old pipe that belonged to my first wife. This was a 
 poor comfort without a little drap of whiskey now and dan ; and 
 
 • Alexandria.
 
 92 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 ; _ ■ _._ -— , ■ 'r 
 
 I was laying a plan to run away, and travel through the wilder- 
 ness of Kentucky, when the old 'squire died. 
 
 " 1 was now once more put up at vendue, and as good luck 
 would have it, I was bid for by 'squire Ball. Nobody would bid 
 against him, because my head was grey, my back covered with 
 stripes, and I was lame of the left leg by the malice of an over- 
 seer who stuck a pitch-fork into my ham. But 'squire Ball knew 
 I was trusty; and though self-praise is no praise, he has not a 
 negur on the plantation that wishes him better than I; or a 
 young man that would work for him with a more willing heart." 
 
 Such is the history of the life and slavery of Dick the negro, as 
 he delivered it to me word for word. It will, perhaps, exhibit 
 a better picture of the condition of negroes in America, than any 
 elaborate dissertation on the subject. But it aspires to more cre- 
 dit than the mere gratification of curiosity. It will enable the 
 reader to form a comparison of his own state with that of ano- 
 ther, and teach him the unmanly grief of repining at the common 
 casualties of life, when so many thousands of his fellow-creatures 
 toil out with cheerfulness a wretched life under the imprecations 
 and scourgings of an imperious task-master. 
 
 Mr. Bali was son-in-law to counsellor Carter, of Baltimore, 
 who had formerly resided in the woods of Virginia, and emanci- 
 pated the whole of his negroes, except those whom he had given 
 with the marriage-portion of his daughter. Of this he afterwards 
 repented, and in a fit of religious enthusiasm, wrote a serious 
 letter to Mr. Ball, exhorting him to free his negroes, or he would 
 assuredly go to hell. Mr. Ball, whose property consisted in his 
 slaves, and whose family was annually augmenting, entertained 
 different notions; and with much brevity returned answer to the 
 old gentleman's letter, " Sir, I will run the chance." 
 
 Had I known my own happiness 1 should have remained in 
 this situation, but I again became restless. I took a respectful 
 leave of Mr. Ball, and once more seized my staff, and walked to 
 Baltimore. It was a killing circumstance to separate from Vir- 
 ginia; but who shall presume to contend against fate. 
 
 I still, and shall ever, behold Virginia in my fancy's eye. I be- 
 hold her fair form among the trees. I contemplate her holding 
 her handkerchief to her eyes. I still hear a tender adieu ! faulter- 
 ing on her lips ; and the sob that choked her utterance still knocks 
 against my heart. 
 
 " Pii^'llida ;imo ante alias; nam rae discec!erc flevit."
 
 W AMERICA. 98 
 
 CHAP. XI. 
 
 Voyage from Baltimore in Maryland, to Cowes in the 
 Isle of Wight. 
 
 I EMBARKED August 3, 1802, in the good ship Olive, Captain 
 Norman, lying at Baltimore, for Cowes in the Isle of Wight. It 
 was by the merest fortune that I now returned to England ; and 
 that I did not travel four years and a half more in the United 
 States of America. But Captain Norman politely accepted a 
 draft for my passage across the Atlantic; or more properly speak- 
 ing, took my word for the payment of twenty guineas. 
 
 Proceeding down the Chesapeak, we passed the Potomac, the 
 Rappahannock, York, and James rivers, and shaped our course 
 through the promontories of the bay. 
 
 Having taken our departure from Cape Henry, we kept in a di- 
 rection to catch the Gulph stream. It is of great importance in 
 a navigation across the Atlantic, to be acquainted with the Florida 
 current; for by keeping in it when bound eastward, the voyage is 
 shortened; and by avoiding it when returning to the westward 
 is it equally facilitated. A thermometer would ascertain whether 
 a vessel is in the gulph stream better than any other means that 
 can be devised ; for the water in the stream is always warmer 
 than the air. By a comparison, therefore, with a thermometer 
 between the temperature of the water and that of the air, it 
 would be determined, beyond all doubt, whether a ship was in 
 the Gulph. 
 
 I was now upon the wide ocean again ; than whose unstable 
 waters, there cannot be a more perfect emblem of the unsettled 
 condition of human life. Trouble follows trouble, like wave roll- 
 ing after wave. 
 
 My spirit was not, however, much troubled during the voyage. 
 Indeed, for the first week, the beautiful vision of Virginia lived 
 unimpaired in my thoughts. I, therefore, suspect that my gaiety 
 was at first somewhat forced. 
 
 They on board the good ship Olive who were fond of fish, in- 
 dulged the hope, that on the banks of Newfoundland they would 
 only have to let down their hooks and lines into the sea, and pull 
 up a multitude of fifth** They, however, toiled all night, and 
 caught no fish. In fact, I believe they swore too much to catch 
 any. 
 
 A favourable gale wafted us over the banks ; a gale so fair that
 
 94 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 we knew not on which side to carry our spanker-boom. Several 
 of our ship's company were Englishmen, and these Englishmen 
 had all of them mistresses at Cowes. This circumstance con- 
 spired with the breeze, to carry us over the bank with the rapi- 
 dity of lightning. For the damsels at Cowes, impatient of the 
 coming of the Olive, had taken hold of a tow-rope which we had 
 thrown to them for the purpose ; and they were now pulling our 
 ship towards Cowes hand over hand. 
 
 Sept. 13, 1802. At an early hour of the morning we made the 
 land. It was the Isles of Scilly. The seven southernmost of 
 them were in sight. Every face brightened into joy but that of 
 the steward — more persecutions! — in the night some malicious 
 person or persons had thrown his boots overboard, and he pre- 
 ferred his complaint to the chief-mate. " They have thrown my 
 
 boots overboard, Mr. Llewellyn," cried the steward " So 
 
 much the better/' replied the mate. " We shall now have a 
 fair wind all the way up channel." 
 
 The Scilly Islands are twenty-seven in number. They lie at 
 about the distance of thirty miles from Cornwall, and are thought 
 to have been once joined by an isthmus to the main land. Be- 
 held at sea, they appear like old castles and churches, over which 
 the waves are flying in perpetual succession. Of these islands 
 the largest is St. Mary's. It is about nine miles in circumfer- 
 ence. 
 
 Thus I am now within 262 miles of home, for I count the jour- 
 ney nothing from the Isle of Wight to Salisbury. I came upon 
 deck in the night to see the motion of the vessel, and to com- 
 mune with Virginia, and my own heart. The moon is gazing at 
 her face in the water, our sails are reflected on the deep, and the 
 repose of the night is disturbed only by the roar of the ocean, 
 whose talking waves the sea-boy chides as he lolls over the bow, 
 I recalled the past scenes of my life in America. But every other 
 gave way to the cal m of my log-house in the woods, the melody 
 of the mocking-bird, and the beauty, innocence, and simplicity 
 of Virginia. And now too I felt the advantage of having edu- 
 cated myself. For what can smooth the flight of time more, 
 whether journeying over land or traversing the ocean, than me- 
 ditation upon past studies, and the recollection of moral truths? 
 
 While my fancy was thus on the wing, a tumultuous noise was 
 heard in the wake of the ship, and I jumped aft with Mr. Adams 
 to discover the cause. In the afternoon the ship's doctor (i. e. 
 the cook) had baited his shark-hook with some pork, and thrown 
 it overboard. A shark had now swallowed the pork-bait, and in 
 swallowing the pork-bait, he unwittingly swallowed at the same
 
 IN AMERICA. 95 
 
 time an enormous iron hook, and about seven links of an iron 
 chain. 
 
 The morning soon arrived, and the rosy blushes of Aurora, as- 
 sociated in my mind that glowing suffusion which I had so often 
 witnessed in the countenance of Virginia. The British shore was 
 rising like a new creation from the water; the country clocks 
 were tolling, and the cocks crowing on the coast. 
 
 Sept. 14. We have had a decent run this day along the British 
 coast, and it was no undelightfnl employment to look through 
 the glass at the towns, villages, and green fields, which project- 
 ing into the water, seemed to court its translucent flood. Here 
 and there the surf breaking partially on the shore, heightened the 
 beauty of the scene. 
 
 Having passed the Start, we hauled up for the Race of Portland, 
 one of the most remarkable promontories on the coast. 
 
 The passengers have been the whole of the day upon deck, 
 expressing their impatience to imprint the shore with their feet. 
 Illusion all ! The shore will bring them no accession of happiness. 
 If they could leave their cares and vexations behind them in the 
 ship's hold, it would be something; but they will not have to go 
 many miles on land to detect the fallaciousness of that hope 
 which points to happiness by change of place. 
 
 A seventy-four gun ship has been working down channel, in 
 company with a frigate. Long may England smile in the sweet 
 exultation of conscious safety, while she has ships ready to cruise 
 and heroes to command them ! 
 
 At night not being very remote from the island, we shortened 
 sail and hove to, being in want of light. Let this circumstance 
 impress on the minds of my readers the necessity of attending to 
 the words of the Lord of Life: " Work while ye have light; the 
 night cometh when no man can work! " Soon will the night of 
 darkness, the long night of death, overtake us all; when happy 
 will be they who have not been unmindful of employing the light 
 while it remained, in the work of their master. 
 
 We made sail with the rising sun, and no pilot coming off, un- 
 dertook to seek our port without one. The flood-tide had made. 
 We did not know it was necessary to keep upon the shingles, and 
 the girls treacherously letting go the tow-rope, the good ship 
 Olive lost her way through the water, and every body expected 
 she would come with her broadside upon the needle-rock. Thus 
 the good ship Olive was on the brink of losing her life by a 
 needle! 
 
 And now, when we had escaped the disgrace of being discom-
 
 96 TRAVELS, &C. 
 
 fited by a bare needle, a pilot came off. He took us into Cowes 
 road, where we had nothing more to fear from needles or pins. 
 
 We made the Olive fast by the nose; hoisted out her boats; 
 squared our yards by the lifts and braces; ran up our sixteen 
 stripes and sixteen patches to the mizen-peak ; swept the deck* 
 down fore and aft; and then called all hands to splice the main- 
 brace. 
 
 Had I been an ambassador or a consul, . I could not have left 
 the good ship Olive with more eclat. The two mates manned 
 the side for me, and the ship's company lying out upon the yards, 
 gave me three hearty cheers. 
 
 And thus I landed again in England after an absence of four 
 years, eight months, and seven days; having travelled on foot 
 because I could not afford a horse, through the States of New 
 York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, Maryland, and 
 Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia; under whose shifting 
 skies I escaped the pestilence and famine; for which, and all thy 
 •ther mercies, make me truly thankful, O Lord, my God ! 
 
 th* end. 
 
 TT". M'Dowall, Printer, Pemberton Row, 
 London.
 
 THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 35trtoartt 2£ottt f^eiHbert, 
 
 CHERBURY, 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 A PREFATORY MEMOIR. 
 
 (Being the Supplement, for April, IS 17, to the Sixth Volume of the Xew 
 Series of the Royal Military Chronicle.) 
 
 ILon&on : 
 
 PRINTED BY AND FOR J. DAVIS, MILITARY CHRONICLE AND MILITARY 
 
 CLASSICS OFFICE, 14, CHARLOTTE-STREET, BLOOMSDURY, AND 
 
 TO BE HAD OF ALL THE BOOKSELLERS. — 1817.
 
 ACCOUNT 
 
 or 
 
 LORD HERBERT 
 
 AND 
 
 preface 
 
 By the EARL of ORFOllD. 
 
 The Public are much indebted to me for giving them this Lifc(aMauuscript 
 in my possession). The Writer excelled most men of his time in most capacities. 
 As a soldier, he wou the esteem of those great captains, the Prince of Orange, 
 and the Constable de Montmorency. As a knight, his chivalry was drawn from 
 the purest founts of the Fairy Queen. Had he been ambitious, the beauty of 
 his person would have carried him as far as any gentle knight can aspire to go. 
 As a public minister, he supported the dignity of his country, even when its 
 prince disgraced it ; and that he was qualified to write its annals, as well as to 
 ennoble them, this history, by his own hand, will prove. 
 
 The MS. was in great danger of being lost to the world. Henry Lord Her- 
 bert, grandson of the author, died in 1691, without issue, and by his will, left 
 his estate to Francis Herbert, of Oakly-park, father of the present Earl of Powis, 
 his sister's son. At Lymore, in Montgomeryshire, the chief seat of the family 
 after Cromwell had demolished Montgomery castle, was preserved the original 
 manuscript. Upon the marriage of Henry Lord Herbert with a daughter of 
 Francis Earl of Bradford, Lymore, with a considerable part of the estate 
 thereabouts, was allotted for her jointure. 
 
 After his decease, Lady Herbert usually resided there ; she died in 1714. 
 The MS. could not then be found ; yet while she lived there, it was known 
 to have been in her hands. Some years afterwards, it was discovered at 
 Lymore, among some old papers, in very bad condition, several leaves being 
 torn out, and others stained to such a degree as to make it scarcely legible.
 
 ACCOUNT or LORD HERBERT, &c. 
 
 Under these circumstances, inquiry was made of the Herberts of Ribbisford, 
 descended from Sir Henry Herbert, a younger brother of the author-lord, in 
 relation to a duplicate of the memoirs, which was confidently said to be in 
 their custody. It was allowed that such a duplicate had existed ; but no one 
 could recollect what was become of it. At last, about the year 17S7, this 
 book was sent to the Earl of Powis, by a gentleman, whose father had pur- 
 chased an estate of Henry Herbert of Ribbisford, son of Sir Henry Herbert 
 above-mentioned, in whom was revived in 1694 the title of Chirbury, which 
 had extinguished in 1691. By him, after the sale of the estate, some few 
 books, pictures, and other things, were left in the house, and remained there 
 to 1737. This mauuscript was amongst them ; which not only by the contents, 
 as far as it was possible to collate it with the original, but by the similitude 
 of the writing, appeared to be the duplicate so much sought after. 
 
 Being written when Lord Herbert was past sixty, the work was probably 
 never completed. The spelling is, in general, given as in the manuscript, 
 but some obvious mistakes it was necessary to correct, and a few notes have 
 been added, to point out the most remarkable persons mentioned in the text. 
 The style is remarkably good for that age ; which, coming between the nervous 
 and expressive manliness of the preceding century, and the purity of the present 
 standard, partook of neither.
 
 LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 EDWARD LORD HERBERT, 
 
 OF CHERBURY. 
 
 I Do believe, that if all my ancestors had set down their lives in writ- 
 ing, and left them to posterity, many documents necessary to be known 
 of those who both participate of their natural inclinations and humour*, 
 and must in all probability run a not much different course, might have 
 been given for their instruction: and certainly it will be found much 
 better for men to guide themselves by such observations as their father, 
 grandfather, and great-grandfather, might have delivered to them, than 
 by those vulgar rules and examples, which cannot in all points so exactly 
 agree unto them. Therefore whether their life were private, and con- 
 tained only precepts necessary to treat with their children, servants, 
 tenants, kinsmen, and neighbours, or employed abroad in the university, 
 or study of the law, or in the court, or in the camp, their heirs might 
 have benefited themselves more by them than by any else ; for which 
 reason I have thought fit to relate to my posterity those passages of my 
 life, which I conceive may best declare me, and be most useful to them. 
 In the delivery of which, I profess to write with all truth and sincerity, 
 as scorning ever to deceive or speak false to any ; and therefore detest- 
 ing it much more where I am under obligation of speaking to those so 
 near me: and if this be one reason for taking my pen in hand at this 
 time, so as my age is now past threescore, it will be fit to recollect my 
 former actions, and examine what had beeu done well or ill, to the intent 
 I may both reform that which was amiss, and so make my peace with 
 God, as also comfort myself in those thingl which, through God's great 
 grace and favour, have been done according to the rules of conscience, 
 virtue, and honour. Before yet I bring myself to this account, it will 
 be necessary 1 say somewhat concerning my ancestors, as far as the notice 
 of them is come to me in any credible way ; of whom yet I cannot say 
 much, since 1 was but eight years old when my grandfather died, and 
 that my father lived but about four years after, and that for the rest I 
 have lived for the most part from home, it is impossible 1 should have 
 that entire knowledge of their actions which might inform metufficiently ; 
 I shall only, therefore, relate the more known and undoubted parts of 
 their lives.
 
 6 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 My father was Richard Herbert, Esq. son to Edward Herbert, Esq. 
 and grandchild to Sir Richard Herbert, Knight, who was a younger son 
 of Sir Richard Herbert of Colebrook, in Monmouthshire, of all whom 
 I shall say a little. And first of my father, whom I remember to have 
 been black-haired and bearded, as all my ancestors of his side are said 
 to have been, of a manly or somewhat stern look, but withal very hand- 
 some and compact in his limbs, and of a great courage, whereof he gave 
 proof, when he was so barbarously assaulted by many men in the church- 
 yard at Lanervil, at what time he' would have apprehended a man who 
 denied to appear 10 justice; for, defending himself against them all, by 
 the help only of one John ap Howell Corbet, he chaced his adversaries, 
 until a villain, coming behind him, did, over the shoulders of others, 
 wound him on the head behind with a forest-bill until he fell down, 
 though recovering himself again, notwithstanding his skull was cut 
 through to the pia mater of the bain, he saw his adversaries fly away, 
 and after walked home to his house at Llyssyn, where, after he was 
 cured, he offered a single combat to the chief of the family, by whose 
 procurement it was thought the mischief was committed ; but he dis- 
 claiming wholly the action as not done by his consent, which he offered 
 to testify by oath, and the villain himself flying into Ireland, whence he 
 never returned, my father desisted from prosecuting the business any 
 farther in that kind, and attained, notwithstanding the said hurt, that 
 h^lth and strength, that he returned to his former exercises in a country 
 life, and became the father of many children. As for his integrity in his 
 places of deputy lieutenant of the county, justice of the peace, and 
 castos rotulurum, which he, as my grandfather before him, held, it is so 
 memorable to this day, that it was said his enemies appealed to him for 
 justice, which they also found on all occasions. His learning was not 
 vulgar, as understanding well the Latin tongue, and being well versed 
 in history. My grandfather was of a various life; beginning first at 
 court, where, after he had spent most part of his means, he became a 
 soldier, and made his fortune with his sword at the siege of St. Quintens 
 in France, and other wars, both in the north, and in the rebellions 
 happening in the times of King Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary, 
 with so good success, that he not only came off* still with the better, but 
 got so much money and wealth, as enabled him to buy the greatest part 
 of that livelihood which is descended to me ; although yet 1 hold some 
 lands which his mother, the Lady Anne Herbert, purchased, as appears 
 by the deeds made to her by that name, which I can shew ; and might 
 have held more, which my grandfather sold under foot at an under value 
 in his youth, and might have been recovered by my father, "had my 
 grandfather suffered him. My grandfather was noted to be a great 
 enemy to the outlaws and thieves of his time, who robbed in great num- 
 bers in the mountains of Montgomeryshire, for the suppressing of whom 
 he went often, both day and night, to the places where they were ; con- 
 cerning which, though many particulars have been told me, I shall 
 mention one only. Some outlaws being lodged iu an alehouse upon the
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 7 
 
 hills of Llandinam, ray grandfather and a few servants coming to apprehend 
 fhem, the principal outlaw shot an arrow against ray grandfather, which 
 stuck in the pummel of his saddle; whereupon my grandfather coming 
 up to him with his sword in his hand, and taking him prisoner, he 
 shewed him the said arrow, bidding him look what he had done ; whereof 
 the outlaw was no farther sensible, than to say he was sorry he left his 
 better bow at home, which he conceived would have carried his shot to 
 his body; but the outlaw, being brought to justice, suffered for it. 
 My grandfather's power was so great in the country, that divers ances- 
 tors of the better families now in Montgomeryshire were his servants, and 
 raised by him. He delighted much in hospitality; as having a very 
 long table twice covered every meal with the best meats that could be 
 gotten, and a very great saniily. It was an ordiuary saying in the 
 country at that time, when they saw any fowl rise, " Fly where thou 
 wilt, thou wilt light at Blackball ;" which was a low building, but of 
 great capacity, my grandfather erected in his age; his father and him- 
 self, in former times, having lived in Montgomery castle. Notwith- 
 standing yet these expences at home, he brought up his children well, 
 married his daughters to the better sort of persons near him, and bring- 
 ing up his younger sons at the university ; from whence his son Matthew 
 went to the Low Country wars ; and, after some time spent there, came 
 home, and lived in the country at Dolegeog, upon a house and fair 
 living, which my grandfather bestowed upon him. His son also, Charlet 
 Herbert, after he had past some time in the Low Countries, likewise 
 returned home, and was after married to an inheretrix, whose eldest 
 son, called Sir Edward Herbert, Knight, is the king's attorney-general. 
 His son, George, who wa9 of New College, in Oxford, wai very learned, 
 and of a pious life, died in a middle age of a dropsy. Notwithstanding 
 all which occasions of expence, my grandfather purchased much lands, 
 without doing any thing unjustly or hardly ; as may be collected by an 
 offer I have publicly made divers time, having given my bailiff in charge 
 to proclaim to the country, that if any lands were gotten by evil means, 
 or so much as hardly, they should be compounded for or restored again; 
 but to this day, never any man yet complained to me in this kind. He 
 dud at the age of fourscore, or thereabouts, and was buried in Mont- 
 gomery church, without having any monument made for him, which 
 yet for my father is there set up in a fair manner. My great-grand- 
 father, Sir Richard Herbert, was steward, in the time of King Henry 
 the Eighth, of the lordships and marches of North Wales, East Wales, 
 uud Cardiganshire, and had power, in a marshal law, to execute offen- 
 ders ; in the using thereof he was so just, that he acquired himself a 
 singular reputation ; as may appear upon the records of that time, kept 
 111 the Paper-chamber at Whitehall, some touch whereof I have made in 
 my History of Henry the Eighth : of him I can say little more, than 
 that he likewise was a geat suppressor of rebels, thieves, and outlaws, 
 uud that he was just and conscionable ; for if a false or cruel person had 
 that power committed to his hands, he would have raised a great fortune
 
 8 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 out of it, whereof he left little, save what his father gave him, unto 
 posterity*. He lieth buried likewise in Montgomery ; the upper monu- 
 ment of the two placed in the chancel being erected for him. My 
 great-grandfather, Sir Richard Herbert of Colebrook, was that incom- 
 parable hero, who (in the History of Hall and Grafton, as it appears) 
 twice passed through a great army of northern men alone, with his poleax 
 in his hand, and returned without any mortal hurt, which is more than 
 is famed of Amadis de Gaul, or the Knight of the Sun. I shall, be- 
 sides this relation of Sir Richard Herbert's prowess in the battle at 
 Banbury, or Edgcot-hill, being the place where the late battle was 
 fought, deliver some traditions concerning him, which I have received 
 from good hands ; one is, that the said Sir Richard Herbert being em- 
 ployed, together with his brother William, Earl of Pembroke, to reduce 
 certain rebels in North Wales, Sir Richard Herbert besieged a principal 
 person of them at Harlech castle, in Merionethshire; the captain of this 
 place had been a soldier in the wars of France ; whereupon he said, he 
 had kept a castle in France so long, that he made the old women in 
 Wales talk of him ; and that he would keep the castle so long, that he 
 would make the old women in France talk of him : And indeed, as the 
 the place was almost impregnable but by famine, Sir Richard Herbert 
 was constrained to take him in by composition ; he surrendered himself 
 upon condition, that Sir Richard Herbert should do what he could to 
 save his life; which being accepted, Sir Richard brought him to King 
 Edward IV. desiring his highness to give him a pardon, since he yielded 
 up a place of importance, which he might have kept longer upon this 
 hope. But the king replying to Sir Richard Herbert, that he had no 
 power by his commission to pardon any, and therefore might, after the 
 representation hereof -to his majesty, safe deliver him up to justice; Sir 
 Richard Herbert answered, he had not yet doue the best he could for 
 him ; and therefore most humbly desired his highness to do one of two 
 things — either to put him again in the castle where he was, and com- 
 maud some other to take him out; or, if his highness would not do so, 
 to take his life for the said captain's, that being the last proof he could 
 give that he used his uttermost endeavour to save the said captain's life. 
 The king finding himself urged thus far, gave Sir Richard Herbert 
 the life of the said captain, but withal he bestowed no other reward for 
 his service. The other history is, that Sir Richard Herbert, together 
 with his brother the Earl of Pembroke, being in Anglesea, apprehending 
 there seven brothers, which had done many mischiefs and murders; in 
 these times the Earl of Pembroke thinking it fit to root out so wicked 
 a progeny, commanded them all to be hanged ; whereupon the mother 
 of them coming to the Earl of Pembroke, upon her knees desired him 
 to pardon two, or at leastwise one of her said sons, affirming, that the 
 rest were sufficient to satisfy justice or example, which request Sir 
 Richard Herbert seconded ; but the earl finding them all equally 
 guilty, said, he could make no distinction betwixt them, and therefore 
 commanded them to be executed together ; at which the mother was so
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 9 
 
 aggrieved, that, with a pair of woollen beads on her arras, (for so the 
 relation goeth,) sfe, on her knees, cursed him, praying God's mischief 
 might fall to him in the first battle he should make. Theeail after thU, 
 comiug with his brother tu Edgcot-field, as is before set down, after he 
 had put his men in order to fight, found his brother, Sir Richard Her- 
 bert, in the head of his men, leaning upon his pole-ax in a kind of sad 
 or pensive manner ; whereupon the earl said, What ! doth thy great 
 body (for he was higher by the head than any one in the army) apprehend 
 any thing that thou art *o melancholy, or art thou weary with marching, 
 that thou doeat lean thus upou thy pole-ax? Sir Richard Herbert re- 
 plied, that he was neither of both, whereof he should see the proof 
 presently ; only 1 cannot but apprehend on yojr part, lest the curse of 
 the woman with the woollen beads fall upon you. This Sir Richard 
 Herbert lieth buried in Abergaveny, in a sumptuous monument for those 
 times, which still remains; whereas his brother, the Earl of Pembroke, 
 being buried in Tintirne Abbey, his monument, together with the 
 church, lie now wholly defaced and ruined. This Ear! of Pembroke 
 had a younger son, which had a daughter which married the eldest sou 
 of the Earl of Worcester, who carried away the fair castle of Ragland, 
 with many thousand pounds yearly, from the heir-male of that house, 
 which was the second son of the said Earl of Pembroke, and ancestor of 
 the family of St. Gillians, whose daughter and heir I after married, 
 as shall be told iu its place. And here it is very remarkable, t!»at the 
 younger sons of the said Earl of Pembroke, ami Sir R. Herbert, left 
 their posterity after them, who, in the person of myself and my wife, 
 united both houses again ; which is the more memorable, that when the 
 said Earl of Pembroke and Sir R. Herbert were taken prisoners in de- 
 fending the just cause of Edward IV. at the battle abovesaid, the earl 
 never entreated that his own life might be saved, but his brother's, as it 
 appears by the said history. So that joining of both houses together in 
 my posterity, ought to produce a perpetual obligation of friendship and 
 mutual love in them one to another, since by these two brothers, so brave 
 an example thereof was given, as seeming not to live or die but for 
 one another. 
 
 My mother was Magdaleu Newport, daughter of Sir Richard New- 
 port and Margaret his wife, daughter and heir of Sir Thomas Bromley, 
 one of the privy council and executor of King Henry the Eighth, who, 
 surviving her husband, gave rare testimonies of an incomparable piety to 
 God, and love to her children, as being most assiduous and devout in 
 her daily both private and public prayers, and so careful to provide for 
 her posterity, that though it were in her power to give her estate (which 
 was very great) to whom she would, yet she continued still unmarried 
 and so provident for them that, after she had bestowed all her daughters, 
 with sufficient portions, upou very good neighbouring families, she 
 delivered up her estate and care of housekeeping to her eldest son Frun- 
 cis, when now she had for many years kept hospitality with that plenty 
 and order as exceeded all either of her couutry or time ; for, besides 
 
 B
 
 1^ LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 abundance of provision and good cheer for guests, which her son Sir Fran- 
 cis Newport continued, she used ever day after dinner to distribute with 
 her own hands to the poor, who resorted to her in great numbers, alms 
 in money, to every oue of them more or less, as she thought they needed 
 it. By these ancestors I am descended of Talbot, Devoreux, Gray, 
 Corbet, and many other noble families, as may be seen in their matches, 
 extant in the many fair coats the Newports bear. I could say much 
 more of my ancestors of that side likewise, but that I should exceed my 
 proposed scope : I shall, therefore, only say somewhat more of my 
 mother, my brothers, and sisters. And for my mother, after she lived 
 most virtuously and lovingly with her husband for many years, she, af- 
 ter his death, erected a fair monument for him in Montgomery church ; 
 brought up her childem carefully, and put them in good courses for 
 making their fortunes, and briefly was that woman Dr. Donne hath 
 described iia his funeral sermon of her printed. The names of her chil- 
 dren were, Edward, Richard, William, Charles, George, Henry, Thomas ; 
 her daughters were, Elizabeth, Margaret, Frances: of all whom I will 
 say a little before I begin a narration of my own life, so I may pursue 
 my intended purpose the more entirely. My brother Richard, after be 
 had been brought up in learning, went to the Low Countries, where he 
 continued many years with much reputation, both in the wars and for 
 fighting single duels, which were many; insomuch, that between both, 
 he carried, as I have been told, the scars of four-and-twenty wounds 
 upon him to his grave, and lieth buried in Bergenopzoom. My brother 
 William, being brought up likewise in learning, went afterwards to the 
 wars in Denmark, where fighting a single combat, and having his sword 
 broken, he not only defended himself, with that piece which remained, 
 but, closing with his adversary, threw him down, and so held him until 
 company came in ; and then went to the wars in the Low Countries, but 
 lived not long after. My brother Charles was fellow of New College in 
 Oxford, where he died young, after he had given great hopes of himself 
 every way. My brother George* was so excellent a scholar, that he was 
 made the public orator of the University in Cambridge ; some of whose 
 English works are extant; which, though they be rare in their kind, yet 
 are far short of expressing those perfections he had in the Greek and 
 Latin tongue, and all divine and human literature; his life was most 
 holy and exemplary ; insomuch, that about Salisbury, where he lived 
 beneficed for many years, he was little less than sainted. He was 
 not exempt from passion and choler, being infirmities to which all our 
 race is subject, but that excepted, without reproach in his sictions. Henry, 
 
 * He had studied foreign languages, in hopes of rising to be secretary of state ; 
 but being disappointed in his views at court, he took orders, became prebend 
 of Lincoln, and rector of Bemerton, near Salisbury. He died between 1630 
 and 1640. His poems were printed at London 1635, under the title of "The 
 Temple ;" and his " Priest to the Temple," in 1652. Lord Bacon dedicated to 
 him a Translation of some Psalms into English verse V. General Diet.
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. ll 
 
 after he had been brought up in learning, as the other brothers were, 
 was sent by his friends into France, where he attained the language of 
 that country in uiHch perfection ; after which time he came to court, and 
 was made gentlemen of the king's* privy chamber, and master of the 
 revels; by which means, as also by a good marriage, he attained to great 
 fortunes, for himself and posterity to eujoy. He also hath given several 
 proofs of his courage in duels, and otherwise ; being no less dexterous in 
 the ways of the court, as having gotten much by it. My brother Thomas 
 was a posthumous, as being horn some weeks after his fathers' death. 
 He also, being brought up >i while at school, was sent as a page to Sir 
 Edward Cecil,* lord-general of his majesty's auxiliary forces to the 
 princes in Germany, and was particularly at the siege of Juliers, A. D. 
 IfilO, where he shewed such forwardness, as no man in that great army 
 before him was more adventurous on all occasions. Being returned from 
 thence, he went to the East Indies, under the command of Captain 
 Joseph, who, in his way thither, meeting with a great Spanish ship, wa9 
 unfortunately killed in fight with them ; whereupon, his men being (lis- 
 heartened, my brother Thomas encouraged them to revenge the loss, and 
 renewed the fight in that manner, (as Sir John Smyth, governor of the 
 Ka*t India Company, told me at several times,) that they forced the 
 Spauish ship to run a-ground, where the English shot her through and 
 through so often, that she run herself a-ground, and was left wholly 
 unserviceable. After which time, he, with the rest of the fleet, came to 
 Suratte, and from thence, went with the merchants to the Great Mogul; 
 where, after he had staid about a twelvemonth, he returned with the same 
 fleet back again to England. After this, he went in the navy which 
 King James sent to Argier, under the command of Sir Robert Mansel, 
 where our men being in great want of money and victuals, and many 
 ships scattering themselves to try whether they could obtain a prize, 
 whereby to relieve the whole fleet; it was his hap to meet a ship, which 
 he took, and in it, to the value of eighteen hundred pounds, which, it was 
 thought, saved the whole fleet from perishing. He conducted, also, 
 Count Mausfelt to the Low Countries, in one of the king's ships, being 
 unfortunately cast away not far from the shore, the count, together with 
 his company, saved themselves in a long-boat, or shalop, the benefit 
 whereof my said brother refused to take for the present, as resolved to 
 assist the master of the ship, who endeavoured by all means to clear the 
 ship from the danger; but finding it impossible, he was the last man 
 that saved himself in the long boat ; the master thereof yet refusing to 
 come away, so that he perished together with the ship. After this, he 
 commanded one of the ships that were to bring the prince from Spain; 
 where, upon his return, there being a fight between the Low Country- 
 men and the Dunkirkers, the prince, who thought it was not for his dig- 
 nity to suffer them to fight in his presence, commanded some of his ships 
 
 • Afterwards Viscount Wimbledon. See an account of him in "The Hoy a I 
 and Noble Authors."
 
 12 ■ LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 to part them : whereupon my said brother, with some other ships, got 
 betwixt them on either side, and shot so long, that both parties were glad 
 to desist. After he had brought the prince safely home, he was appointed 
 to go with one of the kings ships to the Narrow Seas. He also fought 
 divers times with great courage and success, with divers men in single 
 fight, sometimes hurting and disarming his adversary, and sometimes dri- 
 ving him away. After all these proofs given of himself, he expected 
 some great command ; but finding himself, as he thought, undervalued, 
 he retired to a private and melancholy life, being much discontented to 
 find others preferred to him ; in which sullen humour having lived many 
 years, he died and was buried in London, in St Martin's near Charing 
 Cross ; so that of all my brothers none survives but Henry. 
 
 Elizabeth, my eldest sister, was married to Sir Henry Jones of Albe- 
 marles, who had by her one son and two daughters ; the latter end of 
 her time was the most sickly and miserable that hath been known in our 
 times; while, for the space of about fourteen years, she languished and 
 pined away to skin and bones, and at last died in London, and lieth 
 buried in a church called near Cheapside. Margaret was 
 
 married to John Vaughan, son and heir to Owen Vaughan of Llwydiart ; 
 by which match some former differences betwixt our house and that were 
 appeased and reconciled. He had by her three daughters and heirs, 
 Dorothy, Magdalen, and Katherine; of which the two latter only sur- 
 vive. The estate of the Vaughans yet went to the heirs-male, although 
 not so clearly but that the entail which carried the said lands was ques- 
 tioned. Frances, my youngest sister, was married to Sir John Brown, 
 Knight, in Lincolnshire, who had by her divers children ; the eldest son 
 of whom, although young, fought divers duels, in one of which it was 
 his fortune to kill one Lee, of a great family in Lancashire. I could say 
 mauy things more concerning all these, but it is not my purpose to par- 
 ticularize their lives. 1 have related only some passages concerning them 
 to the best of my memory, being assured I have not failed much in my 
 relation of them. I shall now come to myself. 
 
 I was born at Eyton, in Shropshire, [being a house which, together 
 with fair lands, descended upon the Newports by my said grandmother,] 
 between the hours of twelve and one of the clock in the morning ; my 
 infancy was very sickly, ray head continually purging itself very much 
 by the ears ; whereupon also it was so long before 1 began to speak, that 
 many thought I should be ever dumb. 1 remember this defluction at 
 at my ears continued in that violeuce, that my friends did not think fit to 
 teach me so much as my alphabet until I was seven years old, at which 
 time my defluction ceased, and left me free of the disease my ancestors 
 were subject unto, being the epilepsy. My schoolmaster in the house 
 of my said lady grandmother began then to teach me the alphabet, and 
 afterwards grammar, and other books commonly read in schools; iu 
 which 1 profited so much, that upon this theme Audaces fortuna juvat, 
 1 made an oration of a sheet of paper, and fifty or sixty verses in the 
 apace of one day. I remember in that time I was corrected sometimes
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. W 
 
 for going to cuffs with two school-fellows being both elder than myself, 
 hut never for telling a lie or any other fault ; my natural disposition and 
 inclination being so contrary to all falsehood, that being demanded whe- 
 ther 1 had committed any fault whereof I might be justly suspected, I 
 did use ever to confess it freely, and thereupon choosing rather to suffer 
 correction than to stain my mind with telling a lie, which I did judge 
 then, no time could ever deface ; and 1 can aGirm to all the world truly, 
 that, from my first infancy to this hour, I told not willingly any thing 
 that was false, my soul naturally having an antipathy to lying and deceit. 
 After I had attained the age of nine, during all which time I lived in 
 my said lady grandmother's house at Eton, ray parents thought fit to 
 send me to some place where 1 might learn the Welch tongue, as be- 
 lieving it necessary to enable me to treat with those of my friends and 
 tenants who understood no other language; whereupon I was recom- 
 mended to Mr. Edward Thelwall, of Place-ward in Denghbyshire. 
 This gentleman I must remember with honour, as having of himself ac- 
 quired the exact knowledge of Greek, Latin, French, Italian, and Spa- 
 nish, and all other learning, having for that purpose neither gone be- 
 yond seas, nor so much as had the benefit of any universities. Besides, 
 fie was of that rare temper in governing his choler, that 1 never saw him 
 angry during the time of my stay there, and have heard so much of him 
 for many years before. When occasion of offence was given him, I have 
 seen him redden in the face, and after remain for a while silent, but when 
 he spake, his words were so calm and gentle, that 1 found he had digested 
 his choler, though yet I confess I could never attain that perfection, as 
 being subject ever to choler and passion more than I ought, and generally 
 to speak my mind freeiy, and indeed rather to imitate those, who, hav- 
 ing tire within doors, choose rather to give it vent than suffer it to bum 
 the house. I commend yet much more the manner of Mr. Thelwall ; 
 and certainly, he that can forbear speaking for somewhile, will remit 
 much of his passion ; but as I could not learn much of him in this kind, 
 so I did as little profit in learning the Welch, or any other of those lan- 
 guages that worthy gentleman understood, as having a tertian ague for 
 the most part of nine mouths, which was all the time I staid in bis house, 
 (laving recovered my strength again, I was sent, being about the age of 
 ten, to be taught by one Mr. Newton at Didlebury in Shropshire, where, 
 in the space of less than two years, I not only recovered all I had lost in 
 my sickness, but attained to the knowledge of the Greek tongue and 
 logic, in so much, that at twelve years old my parents thought fit to 
 send me to Oxford to University College, wheie I remember to have 
 disputed at my first coming in logic, and to have made in Greek the 
 exercises required in that college, oftener than in Latin. I had not been 
 many mouths in the University, but news was brought me of my father's 
 death, his sicknesi* being a lethargy, caros, or coma vigilans, which con- 
 tinued long upon him; he seemed at last to die without much pain, 
 though in his senses. Upon opinion given by physicians that his disease 
 was mortal, toy mother thought fit so send for me home, and presently
 
 14 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 after my father's death, to desire her brother Sir Francis Newport to 
 haste to London to obtain my wardship for his and her use jointly, which 
 he obtained. Shortly after 1 was sent again to my studies in Oxford, 
 where I had not been long but that an overture for a match with the 
 daughter and heir of Sir William Herbert of St. Gillians was made, the 
 occasion whereof was this : Sir William Herhert heing heir-male to the 
 old Earl of Pembroke aboviementioned by a younger son of his, (for the 
 eldest son had a daughter, who carried away those great possessions the 
 Earl of Worcester now holds in Monmouthshire, as 1 said before,) having 
 one only daughter surviving, made a will, whereby he estated all his pos- 
 sessions in Monmouthshire and Ireland upon his said daughter, upon 
 condition she married one of the surname of Herbert, otherwise the said 
 lands to descend to the heirs-male of the said Sir William ; and his daugh- 
 ter to have only a small portion out of the lands he had in Anglesey and 
 Carnarvonshire; his lands being thus settled, Sir William died shortly 
 afterwards. He was a man much conversant with books, and especially 
 given to the study of divinity, in so much, that he writ an Exposition upon 
 the Revelations, which is printed ; though seme thought lie was as far 
 from finding the sense thereof as he was from attaining the philosopher' s 
 stone, which was another part of his study : howsoever, he was very under- 
 standing in all other things, he was noted yet to be of a very high mind; 
 but I can say little of him, as having never seen his person, nor otherwise 
 had much information concerning him. Eiis daughter and heir, called 
 Mary, after her father died, continued unmarried until she was one-and- 
 twenty ; none of the Herberts appearing in all that time, who, either in age 
 or fortune, was fit to match her. About this time I had attained the age of 
 fifteen, and a match at last being proposed, yet, notwithstanding the dis- 
 parity of years betwixt us, upon the eight-and-twentieth of February 
 1598, in the house of Eton, where the same man, vicar of 
 married my father and mother, christened and married me, I espoused 
 her. Not long after my marriage I went again to Oxford, together with 
 my wife and mother, who took a house, and lived for some certain time 
 there; and now, having a due remedy for that lasciviousness to which 
 youth is naturally inclined, I followed my book more close than ever, in 
 which course I continued until I attained about the age of eighteen, 
 when my mother took a house in London, between which place and 
 Montgomery Castle I passed my time till 1 came to the age of one-and- 
 twenty, having in that space divers children, I having now none remain- 
 ing but Beatrice, Richard, and Edward. During this time of living in 
 the University, or at home, I did, without any master or teacher, attain 
 the knowledge of the French, Italian, and Spanish languages, by the 
 help of some books in Latin or English translated into those idioms, and 
 the dictionaries of those several languages ; I attained also to sing my 
 part at first sight in music, and to play on the lute with very little or 
 almost no teaching. My intention in learning languages being to make 
 myself a citizen of the world as far as it were possible ; and my learning 
 of music was for this end, that 1 might entertain myself at home, and
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. * 15 
 
 together refresh ray mind after my studies, to which I was exceedingly 
 inclined, and that I might not need the company of young men, in 
 whom I observed in those times much ill example and debauchery. 
 
 Being gotten thus far into my age, I shall give some observations con- 
 cerning ordinary education, even from the first infancy till the departure 
 from the University ; as being desirous, together with the narration of 
 my life, to deliver such rules as 1 conceive may be useful to my posterity. 
 
 When children go to school, they should have one to attend them, 
 who may take care of their manners, as well as the school-master doth 
 of their learning ; for among boys all vice is easily learned ; and here I 
 could wish it constantly observed, that neither the master should correct 
 him for faults of his manners, nor his governor for manners for the faults 
 in his learning. After the alphabet is taught, I like well the shortest 
 and clearest grammars, and such books into which all the Greek and 
 Latin words are severally contrived, in which kind one Comenus hath 
 given an example : this being done, it would be much better to proceed 
 with Greek authors than with Latin ; for as it is as easy to learn at first 
 the one as the other, it would be much better to give the first impres- 
 sions into the child's memory of those things which are more rare than 
 usual : therefore I would have them begin at Greek first, and the rather 
 that there is not that art in the world wherein the Greeks have not ex- 
 celled and gone before others ; so that when you look upon philosophy, 
 astronomy, mathematics, medicine, and briefly all learning, the Greeks 
 have exceeded all nations. When he shall be ready to goto the univer- 
 sity, it will be fit also his governor for manners go along with him ; it 
 being the frail nature of youth, as they grow to ripeness in age, to be 
 more capable of doing ill, unless their manners be well guided, and 
 themselves by degrees habituated in virtue, with which if once they ac- 
 quaint themselves, they will find more pleasure in it than ever they can 
 do in vice; since every body loves virtuous persons, whereas the vicious 
 do scarce love one another. For this purpose, it will be necessary that 
 you keep the company of grave, learned men, who are of good reputa- 
 tion, and hear rather what they say, and follow what they do, than fol- 
 low the examples of young, wild, and rash persons; and certainly of 
 those two parts which are to be acquired in youth, whereof one is good- 
 ness and virtuous manners, the other learning aud knowledge, I shall so 
 much prefer the first before the second, as I shall ever think virtue ac- 
 companied with ordinary discretion, will make his way better both to 
 happiness in this world and the next, than any puff'd knowledge which 
 which would cause him to be insolent and vain-glorious, or minister, as 
 it were, arms aud advantages to him for doing a mischief; so that it is 
 pity that wicked dispositions should have knowledge to acuate their ill 
 intentions, or courage to maintain them ; that fortitude which should 
 defend all a man's virtues, being never well employed to defend his 
 humours, passions, or vices. I do not approve for elder brothers that 
 course of study which is ordinary used in the university, which is, if their 
 parents perchance intend they shall stay there four or five years, to em-
 
 ifr LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 ploy the said time as if they meant to proceed masters of art and doctors 
 in some science; for which purpose, their tutors commonly spend much 
 time in teaching them the subtilties of logic, which, as it is usually prac- 
 tised, enables them for little more than to be excellent wranglers, which 
 art, though it may be tolerable in a mercenary lawyer, I can by no meant 
 commend in a sober and well-governed gentleman. I approve much 
 those parts of logic which teach men to deduce their proofs from firm 
 and undoubted principles, and show men to distinguish betwixt truth 
 and falsehood, and help them to discover fallacies, sophisms, and that 
 which the schoolmen call vicious arguments, concerning which I shall 
 not here enter into a long discourse. So much of logic as may serve for 
 this purpose being acquired, some good sum of philosophy may be 
 learned, which may teach him both the ground of the Platonic and 
 Aristotelian philosophy. After which it will not be amiss to read the 
 Idea Medicince Philosophies, written bySevernius Danus, there being 
 many things considerable concerning the Paracelsian principles written 
 in that book, which are not to be found in former writers; it will not be 
 amiss also to read over Franciscus Patricius, and Tilesius, who have 
 examined and controverted the ordinary Peripatetic doctrine; all which 
 may be performed in one year, that term being enough for philosophy, 
 as I conceive, and six months for logic, for I am confident a man may 
 have quickly more than he needs of these two arts. These being at- 
 tained, it will be requisite to study Geography with exactness, so much 
 as may teach a man the situation of all countries in the whole world, to- 
 gether with which, it will be fit to learn something concerning the go- 
 vernments, manners, religions, either ancient or new, as also the interests 
 of states, and relations in amity, or strength in which they stand to their 
 neighbours ; it will be necessary also, at the same time, to learn the use 
 of the celestial globe, the studies of both globes being complicated and 
 joined together. It will be also fit to learn arithmetic and geometry in 
 some good measure, but especially arithmetic, it being most useful for 
 many purposes, and, among the rest, for keeping accounts, whereof here 
 is much use. As for the knowledge of lines, superficies, and bodies, 
 though it be a science of much certainty and demonstration, it is not 
 much useful for a gentleman, unless it be to understand fortifications, 
 the knowledge whereof is worthy of those who intend the wars ; though 
 yet he must remember, that whatsoever art doth in way of defence, art 
 likewise, in way of assailing, can destroy. This study hath cost me 
 much labour, but yet 1 could never find how any place could be so for- 
 tified, but there were means, in certain opposite lines, to prevent or sub- 
 vert all that could be done in that kind. It will become a gentleman to 
 have some knowledge in medicine, especially the diagnostic part, where- 
 by he may take timely notice of a disease, and by that means timely 
 prevent it, as also the prognostic part, whereby he may judge of the 
 symptoms either increasing or decreasing in the disease, as also concern- 
 ing the crisis or indication thereof. This art will get a gentleman not 
 only much knowledge, but much credit; since seeing any sick body, he
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 17 
 
 will be able to tell, in all human probability, whether he shall recover, 
 or if he shall die of the disease, to tell what signs shall be before, and 
 what the conclusion will be ; it will become him also to know not only 
 the ingredients, but doses, of certain cathartic or purging, emetic or 
 vomitive medicines, specific or choleric, melancholic, or phlegmatic con- 
 stitutions, phlebotomy being only necessary for those who abound in 
 blood. Besides, I would have a gentleman know how to make these 
 medicines himself, and afterwards prepare them with hit own bauds; it 
 being the manner of apothecaries so frequently to put in thesuccedanea, 
 that no man is sure to find with them medicines made with the true drugs 
 which ought to enter into the composition when it is exotic or rare; or 
 when they are extant in the shop, no man can be assured that the said 
 drugs are not rotten, or that they have not lost their natural force and 
 virtue. I have studied this art very much also, and have, in cases of ex- 
 tremity, ministered physic with that success which is strange, whereof I 
 shall give two or three examples : Richard Griffiths of Sutton, my ser- 
 vant, being sick of a malignant pestilent fever, and tried in vain all our 
 country physician? could do, and his water at last stinking so grievously, 
 which physicians note to be u sign of extension of natural heat, and con- 
 sequently of present death, I was intreated to see him, when as yet he 
 had neither eaten, drank, slept, or known any body for the space of six 
 or seven days ; wnereupon demanding whether the physicians had given 
 him over, and it being answered unto me that they bad, I said it would 
 not be amisa to give him the quantity of anhasle-nut of a certain rare re- 
 ceipt which I had, assuring, that if any thing in the world could recover 
 him, that would ; of which I was so confident, that I would come the 
 next day at four of the clock in the afternoon unto him, and at that time 
 I doubted not but they should find signs of amendment, provided they 
 should put the doses 1 gave them, being about the bigness of a nut, 
 down his throat ; which being done with much difficulty, I came the 
 morrow after at the hour appointed, when, to the wonder of his family, 
 he knew me, and asked for some broth, and not long after recovered. 
 My cousin, Athelston Owen, also of Rhue Sayson, having an hydroce- 
 phale also in that extremity, that his eyes began to start out of his head, 
 and his tongue to come out of his mouth, and his whole head finally ex- 
 ceeding its natural proportion, insomuch that his physicians likewise left 
 him ; I prescribed to, him the decoction of two diuretic roots, which after 
 he had drank four or five days, he urined in that abundance that his 
 head by degrees returned to its ancient figure, and all other signs of 
 health appeared ; whereupon also he wrote a letter to me, that he was 
 so suddenly and perfectly restored to his former health, that it seemed 
 more like a miracle than a cure ; for those are the very words in the let- 
 ter he sent me. I cured a great lady in London of an issue of blood, 
 when all the physicians had given her over, with so easy a medicine, that 
 the lady herself was astonished to find the effects thereof. 1 could give 
 more examples in this kind, but these shall suffice ; I will for the rest 
 deliver a rale I conceive for finding out the best receipts not only for 
 
 C
 
 18 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 curiug all inward but outward hurts, such as are ulcers, tumours, con- 
 tusions, wounds, and the like : you must look upon all pharmacopoeia* 
 or antidotaries of several countries, of which sort I have in my library 
 the Pharmacopceia Londinensis, Parisiensis, Amstelodamen$is t that of 
 Quercsetau, Bauderoni, Renadeus, Valerius Scordus, Pharmacopceia 
 Coloniensis, Augustana, Venetiana, Vononiensis, Florentina, Romans, 
 JVIessauensis ; in some of which are told not only what the receipts there 
 >et down are good for, but the doses of them. The rule I here give is, 
 that what all the said dispensatories, antidotaries, or pharmacopoeias pre- 
 scribe as effectual for overcoming a disease, is certainly good ; for as they 
 are set forth by the authority of the physicians of these several countries, 
 what they all ordain must necessarily be effectual : but they who will fol- 
 low my advice, shall find in that little 6hort antidotary called Amsteloda- 
 mensis, not long since put forth, almost all that is necessary to be known 
 in curing of diseases, wounds, &c. There is a book called Aurora Me- 
 dicorum, very fit to be read in this kind. Among writers of physic, I do 
 especially commend, Hippocrates and Galen. I conceive it is a fine 
 study, and worthy a gentleman to be a good botanist, that so he may 
 know the nature of all herbs and plants, being our fellow creatures, and 
 made for the use of man ; for which purpose it will be fit for him to cull 
 out of some good herbal all the icones together, with the descriptions of 
 them, and to lay by themselves all such as grow in England, and after- 
 wards to select again such as usually grow by the highway-side, in mea- 
 dows, by rivers, or in marshes, or in corn-fields, or in dry and mountain- 
 ous places, or on rocks, walls, or in shady places, such as grow by the 
 sea-sjde; for this being done, and the said icones being ordinarily carried 
 by themselves, or by their servants, one may presently find out every 
 herb he meets withal, especially if the said flowers be truly coloured. 
 Afterwards it wijl not be amiss to distinguish by themselves such herbs 
 as are in gardens, and are exotics, and are transplanted hither. 
 
 Having thus passed over all human literature, it will be fit to say 
 something of moral learning. As for these, it would not be inconvenient 
 to begin with Aristotle's Morals, above all I recommend to my posterity 
 an attentive perusal of the Holy Scriptures, there being none that can 
 justly hope of an union with the supreme God, that doth not come as 
 near to him in this life in virtue and goodness as he can ; so that if human 
 frailty do interrupt this union, by committing faults that make him in- 
 capable of his everlasting happiness, it will be fit, by a serious repentance, 
 to expiate and emaculate those faults, and for the rest, trust to the mercy 
 of God his Creator, Redeemer, and Preserver, who being our Father, 
 and knowing well in what a weak condition through infirmities we are, 
 will, I doubt not, commiserate those transgressions we commit when they 
 are doue without desire to offend his Divine Majesty, and together rec- 
 tify our understanding through his grace ; since we commonly sin through 
 no other cause, but that we mistook a true good for that which was only 
 apparent, and so were deceived, by making an undue election in the 
 objects proposed to us ; wherein, though it will be fit for every man to
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 19 
 
 confess that he hath offended an infinite Majesty and Power, yet, as upon 
 better consideration, he finds he did not mean infinitely to offend, there 
 wilt be just reason to believe that God will not inflict an infinite punish- 
 ment upon him if he be truly penitent, so that his justice may be satis- 
 fied, if not with man's repentauce, yet at least with some temporal 
 punishment here or hereafter, such as may he proportionable to the of- 
 fence ; though i cannot deny but when man would infinitely offend God 
 in a despiteful and contemptuous way, it will be but just that he suffer 
 an iufinite punishment: but 1 hope none are so wicked as to sin thus 
 purposedly, and with so high a hand against the eternal Majesty of God. 
 
 It would be fit that some time be spent in learning rhetoric or oratory, 
 to the intent that upon all occasions you may express yourself with 
 eloquence and grace; for, as it is not enough for a man to have a dia- 
 mond unless it is polished and cut out into its due angles ; so it will not 
 be sufficient for a man to have a great understanding in all matters, un- 
 less the said understanding be not only polished and clear, but underset 
 and holpen a little with those figures, tropes, and colours which rhetoric 
 affords, where there is use of persuasiou. I can by no means yet com- 
 meud an affected eloquence, there being nothing so pedantical, or indeed 
 that would give more suspicion that the truth is not intended, than to 
 use overmuch the common forms prescribed in schools. It is well said 
 by them, that there are two parts of eloquence necessary and recomraend- 
 able; one is, to speak hard things plainly, so that when a knotty or 
 intricate business, having no method or coherence in its parts, shall be 
 presented, it will be a singular part of oratory to take those parts asunder, 
 set them together aptly, and so exhibit them to the understanding. And 
 this part of rhetoric I much commend to every body ; there being no 
 true use of speech, but to make things clear, perspicuous, and manifest, 
 which otherwise would be perplexed, doubtful, and obscure. 
 
 The other part of oratory is to speak common things ingeniously or 
 wittily : there being no little vigour and force added to words, when 
 they are delivered in a neat unci fine way, and somewhat out of the or- 
 dinary road, common and dull language relishing more of the clown 
 than the gentleman. But hereiu also affectation must be avoided ; it 
 being better for a man by a native and clear eloquence to express him- 
 self, than by those words which may smell either of the lamp or inkhorn ; 
 so that, in general, one may observe, that men who fortify and uphold 
 their speeches with strong and evident reasons, have ever operated more 
 on the minds of the auditors, than those who have made rhetorical 
 excursions. Aristotle hath written a book of rhetoric, a work in my 
 opinion not inferior to his best pieces, whom therefore with Cicero de 
 Oratore, as also Quintilian, you may read for your instruction how to 
 speak ; neither of which two yet I can think so exact in their orations, 
 but that a middle style will be of more efficacy, Cicero io my opinion, 
 being too long and tedious, Quintiliau too short and concise.
 
 20 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 Having thus by moral philosophy enabled yourself to all that wisdom 
 and goodness which is requisite to direct you in all your particular 
 actions, it will be fit now to think how you are to behave yourself as a 
 public person, or member of the commonwealth and kingdom wherein 
 you live ; as also to look into those principles and grounds upon which 
 government is framed, it being manifest in nature that the wise doth 
 easily govern the foolish, and the strong master the weak, so that he that 
 could attain most wisdom and power, would quickly rule his fellows. 
 
 The exercises I chiefly used and most recommend to my posterity, 
 were riding the great horse and fencing, iu which arts 1 had excellent 
 masters, English, French and Italian. As for dancing, I could never 
 find leisure enough to learn it, as employing my mind always in acquir- 
 ing of some art or science more useful. 
 
 The manner of fighting a duel on horseback I was taught thus. We 
 had each of us a reasonable stiff riding rod in our hands, about the 
 length of a sword, and so rid one against the other, he as the more expert 
 sat still to pass me and then to get behind me, and after to turn with 
 his right hand upon my left side with his rod, that so he might hit me 
 with the point thereof in the body ; and he that can do this handsomely, 
 is sure to overcome his adversary, it being impossible to bring his sword 
 about enough to defend himself or offend the assailant ; and to get this 
 advantage, which they call in French, gagner la crouppe, nothing is so 
 useful as to make a horse to go only sideward until his adversary be past 
 him, 6ince he will by this means avoid his adversary's blow or thrust, 
 aad on a sudden get on the left hand of his adversary in the manner I 
 formerly related. 
 
 To make a horse fit for the wars, and embolden him against all terrors, 
 these inventions are useful, to beat a drum out of the stable first, and 
 then give him his provender, then beat a drum in the stable by degrees, 
 and then give him his provender upon the drum. When he is acquainted 
 herewith sufficiently, you must shoot off a pistol out of the stable, before 
 he hath his provender; then you may shoot off a pistol in the stable, 
 and so by degrees bring it as near to him as you can till he be acquaint' 
 ed with the pistol, likewise remembering still after every shot to give 
 him more provender. You shall do well also to use your horse to swim- 
 ming ; which you may do, either by trailing him after you at the tail of a 
 boat, in a good river, holding him by the the head at the length of the 
 bridles, or by putting a good swimmer in a linen waistcoat and breeches 
 upon him. 
 
 It will befit for a gentleman also to learn to swim, unless he be given 
 to Cramps and convulsions ; howbeit, I must confess, in my own particular, 
 that I cannot swim ; for as I was once in danger of drowning, by learn- 
 ing to swim, my mother, upon her blessing, charged me never to learn 
 hwimraing, telling me further, that she had heard of more drowned than 
 saved by it: which reason, though it did not prevail with me, yet her 
 commandment did. It will be good also for a gentleman to learn to leap, 
 wrestle, and vault on horseback; they being all of them qualities of
 
 LIFE OF LOKD HERBERT. 21 
 
 great use. I do much approve likewise of shooting in the long bow, as 
 beiug both an healthful exercise and useful for the wars, notwithstanding 
 all that our firemen speak against it ; for bring an hundred archers 
 against so many musqueteers, 1 say if the archer comes within his dis- 
 tance, he will not only make two shoots, but two hits for one. 
 
 When I had attained the age betwixt eighteen or nineteen years, my 
 mother, together with myself and wife, removed up to London, where 
 we took house, and kept a greater family than became either my mother's 
 widow's estate, or such young beginners as we were ; especially, since 
 six brothers and three sisters were to be provided for, my father having 
 either made no will, or such an imperfect one, that it was not proved. 
 My mother, although she had all my father's leases and goods, which 
 were of great value, yet she desired me to undertake that burden of 
 providing for my brothers and sisters ; which, to gratify my mother, as 
 well as those so near me, I was voluntarily content to provide thus far, a& 
 to give my six brothers thirty pounds a piece yearly, during their lives, 
 and my three sisters one thousand pound a-piece, which portions married 
 them to those 1 have abovementioned. My younger sister, indeed might 
 have been married to a far greater fortune, had not the overthwartuess of 
 some neighbours interrupted it. 
 
 About the year of our Lord 1600 I came to London, shorty after 
 which the attempt of the Earl of Essex, related in our history, followed; 
 which I had rather were seen in the writers of that argument than here, 
 Not long after this, curiosity, rather than ambition, brought me to court; 
 and, as it was the manner of those times for all men to kneel down before 
 the great Queen Elizabeth, who then reigned, 1 was likewise upon my 
 knees iu the Presence Chamber, when she passed by the Chapel at 
 Whitehall. As soon as she saw me, she stopped, and, swearing her 
 usual oath, demanded, who is this ? Every body there present looked 
 upon me, but no man knew me, until Sir James Croft, a pensioner, 
 finding the Queen stayed, returned back and told who 1 was, and that 
 1 had married Sir William Herbert of St Gillian's daughter. The 
 Queen hereupon looked attentively upon me, and swearing again her 
 ordinary oath, said it is pity he was married so young, and thereupon 
 gave her hand to kiss twice, both times gently clapping me on the cheek. 
 1 remember little more of myself, but that, from that time until King 
 James's coming to the crown, I had a sou which died shortly afterwards, 
 and that I attended my studies seriously ; the more 1 learnt out of my 
 books adding still a desire to know more. 
 
 King James being now acknowledged King, and coming towards 
 London, 1 thought fit to meet his Majesty at Burley, near Stamford. 
 Shortly after I was made Knight of the Bath, with the usual ceremonies 
 belonging to that ancient order. 1 could tell how much my person was 
 commended by the lords and ladies that came to see the solemnity theu 
 used; but I shall flatter myself too much if 1 believed it. 
 
 I must not forget yet the ancient custom, being that some principal 
 ptfrson was to put on the right spur of those the King had appointed to
 
 aa LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 receive that dignity. The Earl of Shrewsbury, seeing ray esquire there 
 with my spur in his hand, voluntarily came to me, and said, cousin, I 
 believe you will be a good knight and therefore I will put on your spur; 
 whereupon, after my most humble thanks for so great a favour, 1 held 
 up my leg against the wall, and he put on my spur. 
 
 There is another custom likewise, that the knights the first day wear 
 the gown of some religious order, and the night following to be bathed ; 
 after which they take an oath never to sit in place where injustice should 
 be done, but they shall right it to the uttermost of their power ; and 
 particularly ladies and gentlewomen that shall be wronged in their 
 honour, if they demand assistance, and many other points, not unlike 
 the romances of knight errantry. 
 
 The second day to wear robes of crimson taffety (in which habit I 
 am painted in my study,) and so to ride from St. James's to Whitehall,, 
 with our esquires before us ; and the third day to wear a gown of purple 
 sattin, upon the left sleeve whereof is fastened certain strings weaved of 
 white silk and gold tied in a knot, and tassels to it of the same, which 
 all the knights are obliged to wear until they have done something famous 
 in arms, or until some lady of honour take it off, and fasten it on her 
 sleeve, saying, I will answer he shall prove a good knight. I had not 
 long worn this string, but a principal lady of the court, and, certainly, 
 iu most men's opinion, the handsomest, took mine off, and said she 
 would pledge her honour for mine. I do not name this lady, because 
 some passages happened afterwards which oblige me to silence; though 
 nothing could be justly said to her prejudice or wrong. 
 
 Shortly after this 1 intended to go with Charles, Earl of Nottingham, 
 the Lord Admiral, who went to Spain to take the King's oath for con- 
 firmation of the articles of peace betwixt the two crowns. Howbeit, by 
 the industry of some near me, who desired to stay me at home, I was 
 hindered ; and, instead of going that voyage, was made sheriff of Mont- 
 gomeryshire, concerning which I will say no more, but that I bestowed 
 the place of under sheriff, as also other places in my gifts freely, with- 
 out either taking gift or reward ; which custom also I have observed 
 throughout the whole course of my life ; in so much that when I was 
 ambassador in France, and might have had great presents, which former 
 ambassadors accepted, for doing lawful courtesies to merchants and 
 others, yet no gratuity, upon what terms soever, could ever be fastened 
 upon me. • 
 
 This public duty did not hinder me yet to follow my beloved studies 
 in a country life for the most part; although sometimes also I resorted 
 to court, without yet that I had any ambition there, and much less was 
 tainted with those corrupt delights incident to the times. For, living 
 with my wife in all conjugal loyalty for the space of about ten years 
 after my marriage, I wholly declined the allurements and temptations 
 whatsoever, which might incline me to violate my marriage bed. 
 
 About the year 1608, my f wo daughters, called Beatrice and Flo- 
 rence, who lived not yet long after, and one son Richard being born,
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 23 
 
 and come to so much maturity, that, although in their mere childhood, 
 
 they gave no little hopes of themselves for the future time, I called them 
 
 all before ray wife, demanding, how she liked them, to which she 
 
 answering, well; I demanded then, whether she was willing to do so 
 
 much for them as I would ? whereupon, she replying, demanded what 
 
 I meant by that. I told her, that, for my part, I was but young for a 
 
 man, and she not old for a woman ; that our lives were in the hands of 
 
 God ; that, if he pleased to call either of us away, that party which 
 
 remained might marr) again, and have children by sqme other, to which 
 
 our estates might be disposed ; for preventing whereof, I thought fit to 
 
 motion to her, that if she would assure upon the son any quantity of 
 
 lands from three hundred pounds a-year to one thousand, I would do 
 
 the like. But my wife not approving hereof, answered, in these express 
 
 words, that she would not draw the cradle upon her head; whereupon, 
 
 1 desiring her to advise better upon the business, and to take some tew 
 
 days respite for that purpose, she seemed to depart from me not very 
 
 well contented. About a week or ten days afterwards, I demanded 
 
 again what she thought concerning the motion I made; to which yet she 
 
 said no more, but that she thought she had already answered me 
 
 sufficiently to the point. I told her then, that I should make another 
 
 motion her ; which was, that in regard 1 was too young to go beyond 
 
 sea before I married her, she now would give me leave for a while to see 
 
 foreign countries; howbeit, if she would assure her lauds as 1 would 
 
 mine, in the manner above mentioned, I would never depart from her. 
 
 She answered, that I knew her mind before concerning that point, yet 
 
 that she should be sorry I went beyond sea ; nevertheless, if 1 would 
 
 needs go, she could not help it. This, whether a licence taken or given, 
 
 served my turn to prepare without delay, for a journey beyond sea, that 
 
 so I might satisfy that curiosity I long since had to see foreign countries. 
 
 So that I might leave my wife so little discontented as I could, I left her 
 
 not only posterity to renew the family of the Herberts of St. Gillian's 
 
 according to her father's desire to inherit his lands, but the rents of all 
 
 the lands she brought with her ; reserving mine own partly to pay my 
 
 brothers and sisters portions, aud defraying my charges abroad. Upon 
 
 which terms, though I was sorry to leave ray wife, as having lived most 
 
 honestly with her all this time, I thought it no such unjust ambition, to 
 
 attain the knowledge of foreign countries ; especially, since 1 had in 
 
 great part already attained the languages, and that I intended not to 
 
 spend any long time out of my country. 
 
 Before I departed yet, I left her with child of a son, christened afterwards 
 by the name of Edward ; and now coming to court, I obtained a licence 
 to go beyond sea, taking with me for my companion Mr. Aurelian 
 Townsend, a gentleman that spoke the languages of French, Italian, 
 and Spanish, in great perfection, aud a man to wait in my chamber, who 
 •poke French, two lackeys, and three horses. Coming thus to Dover, 
 aud passing the seas thence to Calais, I journied without any memor- 
 able adventure, until I came to Fauxbourg St. Germans in Paris, where
 
 g4 LIFE OF LOUD HERBERT. 
 
 Sir George Carew, then ambassador for the King, lived ; I was kindly 
 received by him, and often invited to his table. Next to his house dwelt 
 the Duke of Ventadour, who had married a daughter of Monsieur de 
 Montmorency, Grand Constable de France. Many visits being exchanged 
 between the duches9 and the lady of our ambassador, it pleased the 
 duchess to invite me to her father's house, at the castle of Merlou, 
 being about twenty-four miles from Paris; and here I found much wel- 
 come from that brave old General, who being informed of my name, 
 said he well knew of what family 1 was; telling, the first notice he had 
 of the Herberts was at the siege of St. Qui ntence, where my grandfather, 
 with a command of foot under William Earl of Pembroke, was. 
 Passing two or three days here, it happened one evening, that a daughter 
 of the Duchess, of about ten or eleven yeajs of age, going one evening 
 from the castle to walk in the meadows, myself, with divers French 
 gentlemen, attended her and some gentlewomen that were with her. 
 This young lady wearing a knot of ribband on her head, a French 
 chevalier took it suddenly, and fastened it to his hatband. The young 
 lady, offended herewith, demands her ribband, but he refusing to restore 
 it, the young lady, addressing herself to me, said, Monsieur, 1 pray 
 get my ribband from that gentleman ; hereupon, going towards him, 
 I courteously, with my hat in my hand, desired him to do me the honour, 
 that I may deliver the lady her ribband or bouquet again; but he 
 roughly answering me, do you think I will give it you, when I have 
 refused it to her ? I replied, nay then, sir, I will make you restore it by 
 force ; whereupon also putting on my hat and reaching at his, he to save 
 himself ran away, and, after a long course in the meadow, rinding that 
 T had almost overtook him, he turned short, and running to the young 
 lady, was about to put the ribband on her hand, when I, seizing upon 
 bis arm, said to the young lady, it was I that gave it. Pardon me, 
 quoth she, it is he that gives it me. I said then, Madam, I will not 
 contradict you ; but if he dare say, that I did not constrain him to give 
 it, I will fight with him. The French gentleman answered nothing 
 thereunto for the present, and so conducted the young lady again to the 
 castle. The next day I desired Mr. Aurelian Townsend to tell the 
 French cavalier, that either he must confess that I constrained him to 
 restore the ribband, or fight with me ; but the gentleman seeing him 
 unwilling to accept of this challenge, went out from the place, where- 
 upon, I following him, some of the gentlemen that belonged to the 
 Constable taking notice hereof, acquainted him therewith, who sending 
 for the French cavalier, checked him well for his sauciness, in taking the 
 ribband away from his grandchild, and afterwards bid him depart his 
 house; and this was all that I ever heard of the gentleman, with whom 
 I proceeded in that manner, because I thought myself obliged thereunto 
 by the oath taken when I was" made knight of the Bath, as I formerly 
 related upon this occasion. 
 
 I mu?t remember also, that three other times I engaged myself to 
 challenge men to fight with me, who I conceived had injured ladies and
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 25 
 
 gentlewomen ; one was in defence of my cousin Sir Francis Newport's 
 daughter, who was married to John Barker of Hamon, whose younger 
 brother and heir f *********** 
 *********** sent him a challenge, 
 which to this day he never answered ; and would have beaten him after- 
 wards, but that I wus hindered by my uncle Sir Francis Newport. 
 
 I had another occasion to challenge one Captain Vaughan, who I 
 conceived offered some injury to my sister the Lady Jones of Abarmarlas. 
 I sent him a challenge, which he accepted, the place between us being 
 appointed beyond Greenwich, with seconds on both sides. Hereupon, 
 I coming to the King's Head in Greenwich, with intention the next 
 morning to be in the place, I found the house beset with at least an 
 hundred persons, partly sent by the Lords of the Privy Council, who 
 gave orders to apprehend me. I hearing thereof, desired my servant to 
 bring my horses as far as he could from my lodging, but yet within sight 
 of me ; which being done, and all this company coming to lay hold on 
 me, I and my second, who was my cousin, James Price of Hanachly, 
 sallied out of the doors, with our swords drawn, and, in spite of that 
 multitude, made our way to our horses, where my servant very honestly 
 opposing himself against those who would have laid hands upon us, 
 while we got up on horseback, was himself laid hold on by them, and evil 
 treated ; which I perceiving, rid back again, and with ray sword in my 
 hand rescued him, and afterwards seeing him get on horseback, charged 
 them to go any where rather than to follow me. Riding afterwards with 
 my second to the place appointed, I found nobody there, which, as I 
 heard afterwards, happened, because the Lords of the Council, taking 
 notice of this difference, apprehended him, and charged him in his 
 Majesty's name not to fight with me ; since otherwise I believed he would 
 not have failed. 
 
 The third that 1 questioned in this kind was a Scotch gentleman, who 
 taking a ribband in the like manner from Mrs Middlemore, a maid of 
 honour, as was done from the young lady abovementioned, in a back 
 room behind Queen Anne's lodgings in Greenwich ; she likewise desired 
 me to get her said ribband ; T repaired, as formerly, to him in a courteous 
 manner to demand it, but he refusing as the French cavalier did, I 
 caught him by the neck, and had almost thrown him down, when com- 
 pany came in and parted us. I offered likewise to fight with this gentle- 
 man, and came to the place appointed by Hyde Park ; but this also was 
 interrupted by order of the Lords of the Council, and I never heard 
 more of him. 
 
 These passages, though different in time, I have related here together; 
 both for the similitude of argument, and that it may appear how strictly 
 1 held myself to my oath of knighthood ; since, for the rest I can truly 
 say, that, though I have lived in the armies and courts of the greatest 
 
 t This space is left blank, because there is certainly something wanting in 
 the original. 
 
 D
 
 26 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 princes iu Christendom, yet I never had a quarrel with man for my own 
 sake ; so that although in mine own nature I wa6 ever choleric and hasty, 
 yet I never without occasion quarrelled with any body, and as little did 
 any body attempt to give me offence, as having as clear a reputation for 
 my courage as whosoever of my time. For my friends often I have 
 hazarded myself; but never yet drew my sword for my own sake singly, 
 as hating ever the doing of injury, contenting myself only to resent them 
 when they were offered me. After this digression I shall return to my 
 history. 
 
 That brave Constable in France testifying now more than formerly 
 bis regard of me, at his departure from Merlou to his fair house at 
 Chantilly, five or six miles distant, said, he left that castle to be com- 
 manded by me, as also his forests and chaces, which were well stored 
 with wild boar and stag; and that I might hunt them when I pleased. 
 He told me also, that if I would learn to ride the great horse, he had a 
 stable there of some fifty, the best and choicest as was thought in France ; 
 and that his escuyer, called Monsieur de Disancour, not inferior to 
 Pluvenel or Labrove, should teach me. I did with great thankfulness 
 accept his offer, as being very much addicted to the exercise of riding 
 great horses ; and, as for hunting in his forests, Ttold him I should use 
 it sparingly, as being desirous to preserve his game. He commanded 
 also his escuyer to keep a table for me, and his pages to attend me, the 
 chief of whom was Monsieur de Mention, who proving to be one of the 
 best horsemen in France, keeps now an academy in Paris; and here I 
 shall recount a little passage betwixt him and his master, that the incli- 
 nation of the French at that time may appear ; there being scarce any 
 man thought worth the looking on, that had not killed some other in duel. 
 
 Mennon desiring to marry a niece of Monsieur Disancour, who it was 
 thought should be his heir, was thus answered by him : " Friend, it is 
 not time yet to marry; 1 will tell you what you must do. If you will 
 be a brave man, you must first kill in single combat two or three men* 
 then afterwards marry and engender two or three children, so the world 
 will neither have got nor lost by you ;" of which strange counsel Disan- 
 cour was no otherwise the author than as he had been an example at least 
 of the former part ; it being his fortune to have fought three or four brave 
 duels in his time. 
 
 And now, as every morning I mounted the great horse, so in the 
 afternoon I many times went a hunting, the manner of which was this : 
 The Duke of Montmorency having giveu orders to the tenants of the 
 town of Merlou, and some villages adjoining, to attend me when 1 went 
 a hunting, they, upon my summons, usually repaired to those woods 
 where 1 intended to find my game, with drums and muskets, to the 
 number of sixty or eighty, and sometimes one hundred or more persons ; 
 they entering the wood on that side with that noise, discharging their 
 pieces and beating their said drums, we on the other side of the said 
 wood having placed mastiffs and greyhounds to the number of twenty or 
 thirty, which Monsieur de Montmorency kept near his castle, expected
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 27 
 
 those beasts they should force out of the wood. If ^tngs or wild boars 
 came forth, we commonly spared them, puisuingonly the wolves, which 
 were there in great number, of wtiich are found two sorts ; the mastiff 
 wolf, thick and short, though he could not indeed run fast, yet would 
 fight with our dogs; the greyhound wolf, long and swift, who many 
 times escaped our best dogs, although when he was overtaken, easily 
 killed by us, without making much resistance. Of both these sorts I 
 killed divers with ray sword, while I stayed there. 
 
 Oue time also it was my fortune to kill a wild boar in this manner. 
 The boar being roused from his den, fled before our dogs for a good 
 space; but finding them press him hard, turner! his head against our 
 dogs, and hurt three or four of them very dangerously : I rame on 
 horseback up to him, and with my sword thrust him twice or thrice with- 
 out entering his skin, the hlade being not so stiff as it should be. The 
 boar hereupon turned my horse; which I perceiving, rid a little out of 
 the way, leaving my horse with my lackey, returned with my sword 
 against the boar, who by this time had hurt more dogs, and here hap- 
 pened a pretty kind of fight; for, when I thrust at the boar sometimes 
 with my sword, which in some places I made enter, the boar would run 
 at me, whose tusks yet by stepping a little out of the way 1 avoided, but 
 he then turning upon me, the dogs came in, and drew him ofT, so that 
 he fell upon them, which I perceiving, ran at the boar with my sword 
 again, which made him turn upon me, but then the dogs pulled him 
 from me again, while so relieving one another by turns, we killed the boar. 
 At this chace Monsieur Disancour and Mennon were present, as also Mr. 
 Townsend ; yet so as they did endeavour rather to withdraw me from, 
 than assist me in the danger. Of which boar some part being well sea- 
 soned and larded, 1 presented to my uncle Sir Francis Newport in Shrop- 
 shire, and found most excellent meat. 
 
 Thus having pa$t a whole summer, partly in these exercises, and 
 partly in visits of the Duke of Montmorency at his fair house in Chan- 
 tilly ; which, for its extraordinary fairness and situation, I shall here 
 describe. 
 
 A little river descending from some higher grounds in a country which 
 was almost all his own, and falling at last upon a rock in the middle of 
 a valley, which to keep its way forwards, it must on one or other side 
 thereof have decliued. Some of the ancestors of fche Montmorencies, 
 to ease the river of this labour, made divers channels through this rock 
 to give it a free passage, dividing the rock by that means into little is- 
 lands, upon which he built a great strong castle, joined together with 
 bridges, and sumptuously furnished with haugings of silk and gold, 
 rare pictures, and statues ; all which buildings united as 1 formerly told, 
 were encompassed about with water, which was paved with stone, (those 
 which were used in building of the house were drawu from thence.) One 
 might see the huge carps, pike, and trouts, which were kept in several 
 divisions, gliding along the waters very easily ; yet nothing in my opi- 
 nion added so much to the glory of this castle as a forest adjoining close
 
 28 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 to it, and upon a level with the house. For being of a very large ex- 
 tent, and set thick both with tall trees and underwood, the whole forest, 
 which was replenished with wild boar, stag, and roe deer, was cut out 
 into long walks every way ; so that, although the dogs might follow their 
 chace through the thickets, the huntsmen might ride along the said 
 walks, and meet or overtake their game in some one of them, they being 
 cut with that art, that they led to all the parts in the said forest; and 
 here also I have hunted the wild boar divers times, both then and after- 
 wards, when his son, the Duke of Montmorency, succeeded him in the 
 possession of that incomparable place. 
 
 And there I cannot but remember the directions the old constable 
 gave me to return to his castle out of this admirable labyrinth ; telling 
 me I should look upon what side the trees were roughest and hardest, 
 which being fouod, I might be confident that part stood northward, 
 which being observed, 1 might easily find the east, as being on the right 
 hand ; and so guide my way home. 
 
 How much this house, together with the forest, hath been valued by 
 great princes, may appear by two little narratives I shall here insert. 
 Charles V. the great emperor, parsing in the time of Fransoy I. from 
 Spain into the Low Countries, by the way of France, was entertained 
 for some time in this house, by a duke of Montmorency, who was like- 
 wise constable de France; after he had taken this palace into his consi- 
 deration, with the forests adjoining, said he would willingly give one of 
 his provinces in the Low Countries for such a place ; there being, as he 
 thought, no where such a situation. 
 
 Henry IV. also was desirous of this house, and offered to exchange 
 any of his houses, with much more lands than his estate thereabouts 
 was worth ; to which the Duke of Montmorency made this wary answer ; 
 Sieur, la maison est d vous, mats que je sois le concierge; which in 
 English sounds thus ; Sir, the house is yours, but give me leave to keep 
 it for you. 
 
 When I had been at Merlou about some eight months, and attained, 
 as was thought, the knowledge of horsemanship, I came to the Duke 
 of Montmorency at* St. llee, and, after due thanks for his favours, 
 took my leave of him to go to Paris ; whereupon, the good old prince 
 embracing me, and calling me son, bid me farewell, assuring me never- 
 theless he should be glad of any occasion hereafter to testify his love and 
 esteem for me ; telling me further, he should come to Paris himself 
 shortly, where he hoped to see me. From hence 1 returned to Merlou, 
 where I gave Monsieur Disaticour such a present as abundantly requited 
 the charges of my diet, and the pains of his teaching. Being now ready 
 to set forth, a gentleman from the Duke of Montmorency came to me, 
 and told me his master would not let me go without giving me a pre- 
 sent, which I might keep as an earnest of his affection ; whereupon also 
 a genet, for which the Duke had sent expressly into Spain, and which 
 cost him there five hundred crowns, as I was told, was brought to me. 
 
 * Sic orig» But it is probably a blunder of the transcriber for Chantilly,
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 29 
 
 The greatness of this gift, together with other courtesies received, did 
 not a little trouble me, as not knowing then how to requite them. I 
 would have given my horses 1 had there, which were of great value to 
 him, but that 1 thought them too mean a present, but the Duke also 
 suspecting that I meant to do so, prevented me ; saying, that as I loved 
 him, I should think upon no requital, while 1 stayed in France, but 
 when I came into England, if 1 sent him a mare that ambled naturally, 
 I should much gratify him ; I told the messenger I should strive both 
 that way, and every way else to declare my thankfulness, and so dismis- 
 sed the messenger with a good reward. 
 
 Coming now to Paris, through the recommendation of the Lord Am- 
 bassador, I was received to the house of that incomparable scholar Isaac 
 Cawsjabon, by whose learned conversation I much benefited myself, be- 
 sides I did apply myself much to know the use of my arms, and to ride 
 the great horse, playing on the lute, and singing according to the rules 
 of the French masters. 
 
 Sometimes also I went to the court of the French king, Henry IV. 
 who upon information of me in the garden at the Thuilleries, received 
 me with all courtesy, embracing me in his arms, and holding me some 
 while there. I went sometimes also to the court of Queen Margaret at 
 the Hostel, called by her name; and here 1 saw many balls or masks, 
 in all which it pleased that Queen publicly to place me next to her chair, 
 not without the wonder of some, and the envy of another who was wont 
 to have that favour. I shall recount one accident which happened while 
 I was there. 
 
 All things being ready for the ball, and every one being in their place, 
 and I myself next to the Queen, expecting when the dancers would 
 come in, one knocked at the door somewhat louder than became, as I 
 thought, a very civil person ; when he came in, 1 remember there was a 
 sudden whisper among the ladies, saying, c'est Monsieur Balagny, or, 
 it is Monsieur Balagny; whereupon also I saw the ladies and gentlewo- 
 men one after another invite him to sit near them, and, which is more, 
 when one lady had his company a while, another would say, you have 
 enjoyed him long enough, 1 must have him now ; at which bold civility 
 of theirs, though I were astonished, yet it added unto my wonder, that 
 his person could not be thought at most but ordinary handsome ; hit 
 hair, which was cut very short, half grey, his doublet but of sackcloth 
 cut to his shirt, and his breeches only of plain grey cloth; informing 
 myself by some standers-by who he was, 1 was told that he was one of 
 the gallantest men in the world, us having killed eight or nine men iu 
 single fight, and that for this reason the ladies made so much of him, it 
 being the manner of all Frenchwomen to cherish gallant men, as think- 
 iug they could not make so much of any else with the safety of their 
 honour. This cavalier, though his head was half grey, he had not yet 
 attained the age of thirty years, whom I have thought fit to remember 
 more particularly here, because of some passages that happened afterwards 
 betwixt him and me, at the siege of Juliers, as I shall tell in its place.
 
 30 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 Having passed thus all the winter, until about the latter end of Jan* 
 uary, without any such memorable accident as I shall think fit to set 
 down particularly, I took my leave of the French king, Queen Margaret, 
 and the nobles and ladies in both courts ; at which time the princess of 
 Conti desired me to carry a scarf into England, and present to Queen 
 Anne on her part, which being accepted, myself and Sir Thomas Lucy 
 (whose second I had been twice in France, against two cavaliers of our 
 nation, who yet were hindered to fight with us in the field, where we 
 attended them) we came on our way as far as Dieppe in Normandy, and 
 there took ship about the beginning of February, when so furious a 
 storm arose, that with very great danger we were at sea all nignt; the 
 master of our ship lost both the use of his compass and his reason ; for 
 not knowing whither he was carried by the tempest, all the help he had 
 was by the lightnings, which, together with the thunder very frequently 
 that night, terrified him, yet gave the advantage sometimes to discover 
 whether we were upon our coast, to which he thought by the course of 
 his glasses we were near approached ; and now towards day we found 
 ourselves, by great providence of God, within view of Dover, to which 
 the master of our ship did make. The men of Dover rising betimes in 
 the morning to see whether any ship were coming towards them, were in 
 great numbers upon the shore, as believing the tempest, which had 
 thrown down barns and trees near the town, might give them the benefit 
 of some wreck, if perchance any ship were driven thitherwards ; we com- 
 ing thus in extreme danger straight upon the pier of Dover, which 
 stands out in the sea, our ship was unfortunately split against it ; the 
 master said, mes amies, nous sommes perdus; or, my friends, we are cast 
 away ; when myself who heard the ship crack against the pier, and then 
 found by the master's words it was lime for every one to save themselves, 
 if they could, got out of my cabin (though very sea-sick), and climbing 
 up the mast a little way, drew my sword and flourished it; they at Do- 
 ver, having this sign given them, adventured in a shallop of six oars to 
 relieve us, which being come with great danger to the side of our ship, I 
 got into it first with my sword in my hand, and called for Sir Thomas 
 Lucy, saying, that if any man offered to get in before him, I should re- 
 sist him with my sword ; whereupon a faithful servant of his taking Sir 
 Thomas Lucy out of the cabin, who was half dead of sea-sickness, put 
 him iuto my arms, whom after I had received, I bid the shallop make 
 away for the shore, and the rather that I saw another shallop coming to 
 relieve us ; when a post from France, who carried letters, finding the ship 
 ftill rent more and more, adventured to leap from the top of our ship 
 into the shallop, were falling fortunately on some of the stronger timber 
 of the boat, and not on the planks, which he must needs have broken, 
 and so sunk us had he fallen upon them, escaped together with us two 
 unto the land ; I must confess myself, as also the seamen that were in 
 the shallop, thought once to have killed hirn for this desperate attempt ; 
 but finding no harm followed, we escaped together unto the land, from 
 whence we sent more shallops, and so made means to save both men and
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 31 
 
 horses that were in ^he ship, which yet itself was wholly split ami cast 
 away, insomuch that in pity to the master, Sir Thomas Lucy and my- 
 self gave thirty pounds towards his loss, which yet was not so great as 
 we thought, since the tide now ebbing, he recovered the broken parts of 
 
 his ship. 
 
 Coming thus to London, and afterwards to court, I kissed his majes- 
 ty's hand, and acquainted him with some particulars concerning France. 
 As to the present I had to deliver to the Princess of Conty, I thought 
 fit rather to send it by one of the ladies that attended her, than to pre- 
 sume to demand audience of her in person : but her majesty not satisfied 
 herewith, commauded me to attend her, and demanded divers questions 
 of me concerning that princess and the courts in France, saying she 
 would speak more at large with me at some other time ; for which pur- 
 pose she commanded me to wait on her often, wishing me to advise her 
 what present she might return back again. 
 
 Howbeit, not many weeks after, I returned to my wife and family 
 again, where I passed some time, partly in my studies, and partly riding 
 the great horse, of which I had a stable well furnished. No horse yet 
 was so dear to me as the genet 1 brought from France, whose love 1 had 
 so gotten, that he would suffer none else to ride him, nor indeed any 
 man to come near him, when I was upon him, as being in his nature a 
 most furious horse ; his true picture may be seen in the chapel chamber 
 in my house, where I am painted riding upon him, and this motto by me, 
 Metotum bonitas botuun suprema 
 Reddas ; me intrepidum dabo vel ipse, 
 
 This horse as soon as ever I came to the stable would neigh, and 
 when I drew nearer would lick my hands, and (when I suffered him) 
 my cheek, but yet would permit nobody to come near his heels at the 
 same time. Sir Thomas Lucy would have given me 200/. for this 
 horse, which, though I would not accept, yet 1 left the horse with 
 him when 1 went to the Low Countries, who not long after died. The 
 occasion of my going thither was thus: hearing that a war about the 
 title of Cleave, Juliers, and some*other provinces betwixt the Low- 
 Countries and Germany, should be made by the several pretenders to 
 it, and that the French king himself would come with a great army 
 iuto those parts; it was now the year of our Lord 1610, when my Lord 
 Chandois and myself resolved to take shipping for the Low-Countries, 
 and from thence to pass to the city of Juliers, which the Prince of Orange 
 resolved to besiege ; making all haste thither, we found the siege 
 newly begun; the Low-Country army assisted by 4000 English under 
 the command of Sir Edward Cecill. We had not been long there, when 
 the Marshal de Chartres, instead of Henry IV. who was killed by that 
 villain Ravalliac, came with a brave French army thither, iu which Mon- 
 sieur Balagny, I formerly mentioned, was a colonel. 
 
 My Lord Chandois lodged himself in the quarter where Sir Horace 
 Vere was; I went and quartered with Sir Edward Cecill, where I was 
 lodged next to him iu a hut I made there, goin \et bot^ by day arid
 
 S2 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 night to the trenches ; we making our approaches to the town on one 
 side, and the French on the other. Our line9 were drawn towards the 
 point of a bulwark of the citadel or castle, thought to be one of the best 
 fortifications in Christendom, and encompassed about with a deep wet 
 ditch, we lost many men in making these approaches, the town and cas- 
 tle being very well provided both with great and small shot, and a garri- 
 son in it of about 4000 men, besides the burghers ; Sir Edward Cecill 
 (who was a very active general), used often during the siege, to go in 
 person in the night time, to try whether he could find any centinels 
 perdues; and for this purpose still desired me to accompany him; in 
 performing whereof, both of us did much hazard our lives, for the first 
 centinel retiring to the second, and the second to the third, three shots 
 were commonly made at us, before we could do any thing, though after- 
 wards chasing them with our swords almost unto their guards, we had 
 some sport in the pursuit of them. 
 
 One day Sir Edward Cecill and myself coming to the approaches that 
 Monsieur de Balagny had made towards a bulwark or bastion of that 
 city, Monsieur de Balagny, in the presence of Sir Edward Cecill and 
 divers English and French captains then present, said, Monsieur, on 
 dit, que vous etes un des plus braves de votre nation, et je suis Balagny, 
 allons voir qui faira le mieux ; they say you are one of the bravest of 
 your nation, and I am Balagny, let us see who will do best ; whereupou 
 leaping suddenly out of the trenches with his sword drawn, I did in the 
 like manner as suddenly follow him, both of us in the mean while striv- 
 ing who should be foremost, which being perceived by those of the 
 bulwark and cortine opposite to us, three or four hundred shot at least, 
 great and small, were made against us. Our running on forwards in 
 emulation of each other, was the cause that all the shots fell betwixt us 
 and the trench from which we sallied. When Monsieur Balagny, finding 
 such a storm of bullets, said, Par Dieu ilfait Men chaud, it is very 
 hot here. I answered briefly thus: Vous en ires primier, autrementjc 
 rCiray jamais ; you shall go first, or else 1 will never go ; hereupon he 
 ran with all speed, and somewhat crouching towards the trenches, 1 
 followed after leisurely and upright, and yet came within the trenches 
 before they on the bulwark or cortine could charge again; which pas- 
 sage afterwards being related to the Prince of Orange, he said it was a 
 strange bravado of Balagny, and that we went to an unavoidable death. 
 
 I could relate divers things of note concerning myself, during the 
 siege; but do forbear, lest I should relish too much of vanity : it shall 
 suffice, that my passage over the ditch unto the wall, first of all the na- 
 tions there, is set down by William Crofts, master of arts, and soldier, 
 who hath written and printed the history of the Low-Countries. 
 
 There happened during this siege a particular quarrel betwixt me and 
 the Lord of Walden, eldest son to the Earl of [Suffolk, Lord Treasurer 
 of England at that time, which I do but unwillingly relate, in regard of 
 the great esteem I have of that noble family ; r howbeit, to avoid misreports, 
 1 have thought fit to set it down truly. That Lord having been invited
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 33 
 
 to a feast in Sir Horace Vere's quarters, where, (after the Low-Country 
 manner) there was liberal drinking, returned not long after to Sir Ed- 
 ward Cecill's quarters, at which time I speaking merrily to him, upou 
 some slight occasion, he took that offence at me, which he would not 
 have done at another time, insomuch that he came towards me in a 
 violent manner, which I perceiving, did more than half-way meet him ; 
 bat the company were so vigilant upon us, that before auy blow past 
 we were separated ; howbeit, because he made towards me, I thought 
 fit the next day to send him a challenge, telling him, that if he had any 
 thing to say to me, 1 would meet him in such a place as no man should 
 interrupt us. Shortly after this Sir Thomas Payton came to me on his 
 part, and told me my Lord would fight with me on horseback with single 
 sword; and, said he, I will be his second; where is yours ? I replied, 
 that neither his Lordship nor myself brought over any great horses with 
 us; that I knew he might much better borrow one than myself: how- 
 beit, as soon as he shewed me the place, he should find me there on 
 horseback or on foot ; whereupon both of us riding together upou two 
 geldings to the side of a wood, Payton said he chose that place, and the 
 time, break of day the next morning : I told him I would fail neither 
 place nor time, though I knew not where to get a better horse than the 
 nag 1 rid on ; and as for a second, I shall trust to your nobleness, who, 
 1 know, will see fair play betwixt us, though you come on his side; but 
 he urging me again to provide a second, 1 told him 1 could promise for 
 none but myself, and that if I spoke to any of my friends in the army 
 to this purpose, I doubted lest the business might be discovered and 
 prevented. 
 
 He was no sooner gone from me, but night drer on, myself resolving 
 in the mean time to rest under a fair oak all night ; after this, tying my 
 horse by the bridle unto another tree, I had not now rested two hours, 
 when I found some fires nearer to me than I thought was possible in so 
 solitary a place, whereupon also having the curiosity to see the reason 
 hereof, I got on horseback again, and had not rode very far, when by 
 the talk of the soldiers there, I found I was in the Scotch quarter, where 
 finding in a stable a very fair horse of service, I desired to know whether 
 he might be bought for any reasonable sum of money ; hut a soldier 
 replying it was their captain's, Sir James Areskiu's chief horse, I de- 
 manded for Sir James, but the soldier answering he was not within the 
 quarter, I demanded then for his lieutenant, whereupon the soldier 
 courteously desired him to come tome; this lieutenant was called Mont- 
 gomery, and had the reputation of a gallant man ; 1 told him that I 
 would very fain buy a horse, and, if it were possible, the horse I saw 
 but a little before; but he telling me none was to be sold there, [ 
 offered to leave in his hands 100 pieces, if he would lend me a good 
 horse for a day or two, he to restore me the money again when 1 de- 
 livered him the horse in good plight, and did besides bring him some 
 present as gratuity. 
 
 E
 
 34 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 The lieutenant, though he did not know me, suspected I had some 
 private quarrel, and that I desired this horse to fight on, and thereupon 
 told me, Sir, whosoever you are, you seem to be a person of worth, and 
 you shall have the best horse in the stable ; and if you have a quarrel 
 and want a second, I offer myself to serve you upon another horse, and 
 if you will let me go along with you upon these terms, I will ask no 
 pawn of you for the horse. I told him I would use no second, aud I 
 desired him to accept 100 pieces, which I had there about me, in pawn 
 for the horse, and that he should hear from me shortly again ; and that 
 though I did not take his noble offer of coming along with me, I should 
 evermore rest much obliged to him; whereupon giving him my purse 
 with the money in it, I got upon his horse, and left ray nag besides 
 with him. 
 
 Riding thus away about twelve o'clock at night to the wood from 
 whence I came, I alighted from my horse and rested there till morning ; 
 the day now breaking I got on horseback, and attended the Lord of 
 Waldeu with his second. The first person that appeared was a footman, 
 who I heard afterwards was sent by the Lady of Walden, who as soon as 
 he saw me, ran back again with all speed ; I meant once to pursue him, 
 but that I thought it better at least to keep my place. About two hours 
 after Sir William St. Leiger, now lord president Munster, came to me, 
 and told me he knew the cause of my being there, and that the business 
 was discovered by the Lord Walden's rising so early that morning, and 
 the suspicion that he meant to fight with me, and had Sir Thomas Payton 
 with him, and that he would ride to him, and that there were thirty or 
 forty sent after us, to hinder us from meeting ; shortly after many more 
 came to the place where I was, and told me I must not fight, and that 
 they were sent for the same purpose, and that it was to no purpose to 
 stay there, ami thence rode to seek the Lord of Walden ; I stayed yet 
 two hours longer, but finding still more company came in, rode back 
 again to the Scotch quarters, and delivered the horse back again, and 
 received my money and nag from Lieutenant Montgomery, and so with- 
 drew myself to the French quarters, till I did find some convenient time 
 to send again to the Lord Walden. 
 
 Being among the French, I remembered myself of the bravado of 
 Monsieur Balagny, and coming to him told him, I knew how brave a 
 man he was, and that as he had put me to one trial of daring, when I 
 was last with him in his trenches, I would put him to another ; sa\ ine 
 I heard he had a fair mistress, and that the scarf he wore was her gift, 
 and that I would maintain I had a worthier mistress than he, and that 
 I would do as much for her sake as he, or any else durst do for his ; 
 Balagny hereupon looking merrily upon me, said, If we shall try who 
 is the abler man to serve his mistress, let both of us get two wenches, 
 and he that doth his business best, let him be the braver man; and that 
 for his part, he had no mind to fight on that quarrel ; I looking hereupon 
 somewhat disdainfully on him, said he spoke more like a paillard than a 
 cavalier ; to which he answering nothing, I rid my ways, and afterwards
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 3f 
 
 went to Monsieur Terant, a French gentleman that belonged to the Duke 
 of Montmorency, formerly mentioned ; who telling me he had a quarrel 
 with another gentleman, I offered to be his second, but he saying he 
 was provided already, I rode thence to the English quarters, attending 
 some fit occasion to send again to the Lord Walden. I came no sooner 
 thither, but I found Sir Thomas Sommerset with eleven or twelve more 
 in the head of the English, who were then drawing forth in a body or 
 squadron, who seeing me on horse back, with a footman only that at- 
 tended me, gave me some affronting words, for my quarrelling with the 
 Lord of Walden ; whereupon I alighted, and giving my horse to my 
 lacquey, drew ray sword, which he no sooner saw, but he drew his, and 
 also all the company with him ; 1 running hereupon amongst them, put 
 by some of their thrusts, and making towards him in particular, put by 
 a thrust of his, and had certainly run him through, but that one Lieu- 
 tenant Prichard, at that instant, taking me by the shoulder, turned me 
 aside; but I, recovering myself again^ran at him a second time, which 
 he perceiving, retired himself with the company to the tents which were 
 near, though not so fast but 1 hurt one Proger, and some others also 
 that were with him; but they being all at last got within the tents, I 
 finding now nothing else to be done, got to my horse again, having 
 received only a slight hurt on the outside of my ribs, and two thrusts, 
 the one through the skirts of my doublet, and the other through my 
 breeches, and about eighteen nicks upon ray sword and hilt, and so rode 
 to the trenches before Juliers, where our soldiers were. 
 
 Not long after this, the town being now surrendered, and every body 
 preparing to go their ways, I sent again a gentleman to the Lord of 
 Walden to offer him the meeting with my sword ; but this was avoided 
 not very handsomely by him (contrary to what Sir Henry Rich, now Earl 
 of Holland, persuaded him.) 
 
 After having taken lesJve of his Excellency Sir Edward Cecill, I 
 thought fit to return on my way homewards as far as Dusseldorp. I had 
 been scarce two hours in my lodgings when one Lieutenant Hamilton 
 brought a letter from Sir James Areskin (who was then in town likewise) 
 unto me, the effect whereof was, that in regard his Lieutenant Montgo- 
 mery had told him that I had the said James Areskin's consent for bor- 
 rowing his horse, he did desire me to do one of two things, which was, 
 either to disavow the said words, which he thought in his conscience I 
 never spake, or if I would justify them, then to appoint time and place 
 to fight with him. Having considered a while what I was to do in this 
 case, I told Lieutenant Hamilton that I thought myself bound iu ho- 
 nour to accept the more noble part of his proposition, which was to fight 
 with him, when yet perchance it might be easy enough for me to say 
 that I had his horse upon other terms than was affirmed ; whereupon also 
 giving Lieutenaut Hamilton the length of my sword, 1 told him that as 
 soon as ever he had matched it, I would fight with him, wishiug him 
 further to make haste, since I desired to end the business as speedily as 
 could be. Lieutenant Hamilton hereupon returning back, met iu a cross
 
 36 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 street (1 know uot by what miraculous adventure) Lieutenant Montgo- 
 mery, conveying diverse of the hurt and maimed soldiers at the siege of 
 St. Juliers unto that town, to be lodged and dressed by the chirurgeons 
 there; Hamilton hereupon calling to Montgomery, told him the effects 
 of his captain's letter, together with. my answer, which Montgomery no 
 sootier heard, but he replied, (as Hamilton told me afterwards,) I see 
 that noble gentleman chooseth rather to fight than to contradict me ; but 
 my telling a lie must not be an, occasion why either my captain or he 
 should hazard their lives : I will alight from my horse, and tell my 
 captain presently how all that matter past ; whereupon also he relating 
 the business about borrowing the horse, in that manner I formerly set 
 down, which as soou as Sir James Areskin heard, he sent Lieutenant 
 Hamilton to me presently again, to tell me he was satisfied how the busi- 
 ness past, and that he had nothing to say to me, but that he was my 
 most humble servant, and was sorry he ever questioned me in that manner. 
 
 Some occasions detaining me in Dusseldorp, the next day Lieutenant 
 Montgomery came to me, and told me he was in danger of losing his 
 place, and desired me to make means to his excellency the Prince of 
 Orange that he might not be cashiered, or else that he was undone ; I told 
 him that either I would keep him in his place, or take him as my com- 
 panion and friend, and allow him sufficient means till I could provide 
 him another as good as it ; which he taking very kindly, but desiring 
 chiefly he might go with my letter to the Prince of Orange, I obtained 
 at last he should be restored to his place again. 
 
 And now taking boat, I passed along the river of Rhine to the Low 
 Countries, where after some stay, I went to Antwerp and Brussels; and 
 having passed some time in the court there, went from thence to Calais, 
 where taking ship I arrived at Dover, and so went to London. 1 had 
 scarce been two days there, when the Lords of the Council sending for 
 me, ended the difference betwixt the Lord of Walden and myself. And 
 now, if I may say it without vanity, 1 was in great esteem both in court 
 and city; many of the greatest desiring my company, though yet before 
 that time I had no acquaintance with them. Richard Earl of Dorset, 
 to whom otherwise I was a stranger, one day invited me to Dorset-house, 
 where bringing me into his gallery, and shewing me many pictures, he 
 at last brought me to a frame covered with green taffeta, and asked me 
 who I thought was there ; and therewithal presently drawing the curtain, 
 shewed me my own picture; whereupon demanding how his Lordship 
 came to have it, he answered, that he had heard so many brave things of 
 me, that he got a copy of a picture which one Larkin a painter drew for 
 me, the original whereof 1 intended before my departure to the Low 
 Countries for Sir Thomas Lucy. But not only the Earl of Dorset, but 
 a* greater person than I will here nominate, got another copy from Lar- 
 kin, and placing it afterwards in her cabinet (without that ever I knew 
 
 * This was certainly Queen Anne, as appears from the very respectful terms 
 in which he speaks of her a little farther, and from other passages, when he 
 mentions the secret and dangerous enemies he had on this account.
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 37 
 
 any such thing was done) gave occasion to those that saw it after her 
 death, of more discourse than 1 could have wished ; and indeed I may 
 truly say, that taking of my picture was fatal to me, for more reasons 
 than 1 shall think fit to deliver. 
 
 There was a lady also, wife to Sir John Ayres knight, who, finding 
 some means to get a copy of ray picture from Larkin, gave it to Mr. * 
 Isaac the painter in Blackfriars, and desired him to draw it in little after 
 his manner ; which heiug done, she caused it to be set in gold and en- 
 amelled, and so wore it about her neck so low that she hid it under her 
 breasts, which I conceive coming afterwards to the knowledge of Sir 
 John Ayres, gave him more cause of jealousy than needed, had he known 
 how innocent I was from pretending to any thing which might wrong 
 him or his lady ; since I could not so much as imagine that either she 
 had my picture, or that she bare more than ordinary affection to me. 
 It is true, that as she had a place in court, and attended Queen Anne, 
 and was beside of an excellent wit, and discourse, she had made herself 
 a considerable person ; howbeit little more thau common civility ever 
 passed betwixt us, though I confess I thiuk no man was welcomer to her 
 when I came, for which I shall allege this passage: 
 
 Coming one day into her chamber, I saw her through the curtains 
 lying upon her bed with a wax caudle in one hand, and the picture I 
 formerly mentioned in the other. I coming thereupon somewhat boldly to 
 her, she blew out the candle, and hid the picture from me ; myself there- 
 upon beiug curious to know what that was she held in her hand, got the 
 candle to be lighted again, by means whereof I found it was my picture 
 she looked upon with more earnestness and passion than I could have 
 easily believed, especilly since myself was not engaged in any affection 
 towards her: I could willingly have omitted this passage, but that it 
 was the beginning of a bloody history which followed : Howsoever, yet 
 I must before God clear her honour. And now in court a great person 
 sent for me divers times to attend her, which summons though I obeyed, 
 yet God knoweth I declined coming to her as much as conveniently I 
 could, without incurring her displeasure; and this 1 did not only for 
 very honest reasons, but, to speak ingenuously, because that affection 
 passed betwixt me and another lady (who I believe was the fairest of her 
 time) as nothing could divert it. I had not been long in London, when 
 a violent burning fever seized upon me, which brought me almost to my 
 death, though at last 1 did by slow degrees recover my health ; being 
 thus upon my amendment, the Lord Lisle, afterwards Earl of Leicester, 
 sent me word, that Sir John Ayres intended to kill me in my bed, and 
 wished me to keep a guard upon my chamber and person ; the same 
 advertisement was confirmed by Lucy Countess of Bedford, and the 
 Lady Hobby shortly after. Hereupon I thought fit to entreat Sir Wil- 
 liam Herbert, now Lord Powis, to go to Sir John Ayres, and tell him, 
 that 1 marvelled much at the information given me by these gerat per- 
 sons, and that 1 could not imagine any sufficient ground hereof; how- 
 
 • Isaac Oliver.
 
 38 ~ LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 beit, if he bail any thing to say to me in a fair and noble way, I would 
 give him the meeting as soon as I had got strength enougli to stand 
 upon my legs ; Sir William hereupon brought me so ambiguous and 
 doubtful au answer from him, that whatsoever he meant, he would 
 not declare yet his intention, which was really, as 1 found afterwards, to 
 kill me any way that he could, since, as he said, though falsely, I had 
 whored his wife. Finding no means thus to surprise me, he sent me a 
 letter to this effect; that he desired to meet me somewhere, and that it 
 might so fall out as 1 might return quietly again. To this I replied, 
 that if he desired to fight with me upon equal terms, I should, upon as- 
 surance of the field and fair play, give him meeting when he did any 
 way specify the cause, and that I did not think fit to come to him upon 
 any other terms, having been sufficiently informed of his plots to as- 
 sassinate me. 
 
 After this, finding he could take no advantage against me, then in a 
 treacherous way he resolved to assassinate me in this manner ; hearing I 
 was to come to Whitehall on horseback with two lacqueys only, he at- 
 tended my coming back in a place called Scotland-yard, at the hither 
 end of Whitehall, as you come to it from the Strand, hiding himself 
 here with four men armed on purpose to kill me. I took horse at White- 
 hall-gate, and passing by that place, he being armed with a sword and 
 dagger, without giving me so much as the least warning, ran at me 
 furiously, but instead of me wounded my horse in the brisket, as far as 
 his sword could enter for the bone; my horse hereupon starting aside, 
 he ran him again in the shoulder, which though it made the horse more 
 timorous, yet gave me time to draw my sword. His men thereupon en- 
 compassed me, and wounded my horse in three places more; this made 
 my horse kick and fling in that manner as his men durst not come near 
 me; which advantage I took to strike at Sir John Ayres with all my 
 force, but he warded the blow both with his sword and dagger ; instead 
 of doing him harm, I broke my sword within a foot of the hilt. Here- 
 upon some passenger that knew me, and observing my horse bleeding 
 in so many places, and so many men assaulting me, and my sword 
 broken, cried to me several times, ride away, ride away ; but I, scorn- 
 ing a base flight upon what terms soever, iustead thereof alighted as 
 well as I could from my horse. I had no sooner put one foot upon the 
 ground, but Sir John Ayres pursuing me, made at my horse again, 
 which the horse perceiving, pressed on me on the side I alighted, in that 
 manner that he threw me down, so that I remaiued flat upon the ground, 
 only one foot hanging in the stirrup, with that piece of a sword in my 
 right hand. Sir Johu Ayres hereupou ran about the horse, and was 
 thrusting his sword into me, when I, finding myself in this danger, did 
 with both my arms reaching at his legs pull them towards me, till he fell 
 down backwards on his head ; one of my footmen hereupon, who was a lit- 
 tle Shropshire boy, freed my foot out of the stirrup, the other, which was 
 a great fellow, having run away as soon as he saw the first assault. This 
 gave me time to get upon my legs, and to put myself in the best pos-
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 3d 
 
 ture 1 could with that poor remnant of a weapon. Sir John Ayres by 
 this time likewise was got up, standing betwixt me and some part of 
 Whitehall, witli two men on each side of him, and his brother behind 
 him, with at least twenty or thirty persons of his friends, or attendants 
 of the Earl of Suffolk. Observing thus a body of men standing in op- 
 position against me, though to speak truly I saw no swords drawn but 
 by Sir John Ayres and his men, I tan violently against Sir John Ayres; 
 but he, knowing my sword had no point, held his sword and dagger 
 over his head, as believing I could strike rather than thrust, which I no 
 sooner perceived but I put a home thrust to the middle of his breast, 
 that I threw him down with so much force, that his head fell first to the 
 ground, and his heels upwards. His men hereupon assaulted me, when 
 one Mr. Mansel, a Glamorganshire gentleman, rinding so many set 
 against me alone, closed with one of them ; a Scotch gentleman also 
 closing with another, took him oil' also. All I could well do to those 
 two which remained was to ward their thrusts, which I did with that re- 
 solution that I got ground upon them. Sir John Ayres was now got up 
 a third time, when I making towards him with intention to close, think- 
 ing that there was otherwise no safety for me, put by a thrust of his with 
 ray left hand, and so coming within him, received a stab with his dagger 
 on my right side, which ran down my ribs as far as my hip, which I 
 feeling, did with my right elbow force his hand, together with the hilt 
 of the dagger, so near the upper part of my right side, that I made him 
 leave hold. The dagger now sticking in me, Sir Henry Cary, after- 
 wards Lord of Faulk land and Lord Deputy of Ireland, rinding the dag- 
 ger thus in my body, snatched it out. This while 1 being closed with 
 Sir John Ayres, hurt him on the head, and threw him down a third 
 time, when kneeling on the ground and bestriding him, I struck at him 
 as hard as I could with my piece of a sword, and wounded him in 
 four several places, and did almost cut off his left hand ; his two men 
 this while struck at me, but it pleased God even miraculously to defehd 
 me; for when I lifted up my sword to strike at Sir John Ayres, I bore 
 off their blows half a dozen times. His friends now finding him in this 
 danger, took him by the bead and shoulders, and drew him from betwixt 
 my legs, and carryed him along with them through Whitehall, at the 
 stairs whereof he took boat. Sir Herbert Croft (as he told me afterwards) 
 met him upon the water vomiting all the way, which 1 believe was 
 caused by the violence of the first thrust I gave him. His servants 
 brother, and friends, being now retired also, I remained master of the 
 place and his weapons ; having first wrested his dagger from him, and 
 afterwards struck his sword out of his hand. 
 
 This being done, I retired to a friend's house in the Strand, where ( 
 sent for a surgeon, who searching my wound on the right side, and find- 
 ing it not to be mortal, cured me in the space of some ten days, during 
 which time I received many noble visits and messages from some of the 
 best in the kingdom. Being now fully recovered of my hurts, I desired 
 Sir Robert Harley - to go to Sir John Ayres, and tell him, that though 
 * Knight of the Bath and Master of the Mint.
 
 40 , LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 1 thought he had not so much honour left in him, that 1 could be any 
 way ambitious to get it, yet that 1 desired to see him in the field with 
 his sword in his hand : the answer that he sent me was, that I had whored 
 his wife, and that he would kill me with a musket out of a window. 
 
 The lords of the privy council, who had first sent for my sword, that 
 they might see the little fragment of a weapon with which I had so 
 behaved myself, as perchance the like had not been heard in any credible 
 way, did afterwards command both him and me to appear before them ; 
 but I absenting myself on purpose, sent one Humphrey Hill with a 
 challenge to him in an ordinary, which he refusing to receive, Humphrey 
 Hill put it upon the point of his sword, and so let it fall before him and 
 the company then present. 
 
 The lords of the privy council had now taken order to apprehend Sir 
 John Ayres ; when I, finding nothing else to be done, submitted myself 
 likewise to them. Sir John Ayres had now published every where, that 
 the ground of his jealousy, and consequently of his assaulting me, was 
 drawn from the confession of his wife the Lady Ayres. She, to vindicate 
 her honour, as well as to free roe from this accusation, sent a letter to 
 her aunt the Lady Crook, to this purpose : That her husbaud Sir John 
 Ayres did lie falsely, in saying that I ever whored her ; but most falsely 
 of all did lie' when he said he had it from her confession, for she had ne- 
 ver said any such thing. 
 
 This letter the Lady Crook presented to me most opportunely as I 
 was going to the council table before the lords, who having examined 
 Sir John Ayres concerning the cause of his quarrel against me, found 
 him still persist in his wife's confession of the fact; and now he being 
 withdrawn, I was sent for, when then the Duke of Lennox, afterwards 
 .of Richmond, telling me that was the ground of his quarrel, and the 
 only excuse he had for assaulting me in that manner ; 1 desired his 
 lordship to peruse the letter, which I told him was given me as I came 
 into the room. The letter being publicly read by a clerk of the council, 
 the Duke of Lennox then said, that he' thought Sir John Ayres the 
 most miserable man living; for his wife had not only given him the lie, 
 as he found by her letter, but his father had disinherited him for attempt- 
 ing to kill me in that barbarous fashion, which was most true, as I found 
 afterwards. For the rest, that I might content myself with what I had 
 done, it being more almost than could be believed, but that I had so '■ 
 many witnesses thereof; for all which reasons, he commanded me, in 
 in the name of his majesty and all their lordships, not to send any more 
 to Sir John Ayres, nor to receive any message from him, in the way of 
 fighting, which commandment I observed. Howbeit I must not omit to 
 tell, that some years afterwards Sir John Ayres returning from Ireland by 
 Beaumaris, where I then was, some of my servants and followers broke 
 open the doors of the house where he was, and would, I believe, have cut 
 him into pieces, but that I hearing thereof, came suddenly to the house 
 and recalled them, sending him word also, that I scorned to give him the 
 usage he gave me, and that I would set him free out of the town ;, which
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 41 
 
 courtesy of mine, as I was told afterwards, he did thankfully acknowledge. 
 About a month after that Sir John Ayres attempted to assassinate me, the 
 news thereof was carried, I know not how, to the Duke of Montmorency, 
 who presently dispatched a gentleman with a letter to me, which I keep, 
 and a kind offer, that if I would come unto him, I should be used as his 
 son ; neither bad this gentleman, as I know of, any other business in 
 England. I was told besides by this gentleman, that the duke heard I 
 had greater and more enemies than did publicly declare themselves, 
 which indeed was true, and that he doubted I might have a mischief before 
 I was aware. 
 
 My answer hereunto by letter was, That I rendered most humble 
 thanks for his great fuvour in sending to me; that no enemies, how great 
 or many soever, could force me out of the kingdom ; but if ever there 
 were occasion to serve him in particular, I should not fail to come; for 
 performance whereof, it happening there were some overtures of a civil 
 war in France the next year, I sent over a French gentleman who attended 
 me unto the Duke of Montmorency, expressly to tell him, that if he 
 had occasiou to use my service in the designed war, I would bring over 
 100 horse at my own cost and charges to him, which that good old duke 
 and constable took so kindly, that, as the duchess of Antedor,* his 
 daughter told me afterwards, when I was ambassador, there were few days 
 till the last of his life that he did not speak of me with much affection. 
 
 I can say little more memorable concerning myself from the year 
 l6ll, when I was hurt, until the year of our Lord 1614, than that I 
 past my time sometimes in the court, where (I protest before God) I had 
 more favours than 1 desired, and sometimes in the country, without any 
 memorable accident ; but only that it happened one time going from St. 
 Gillian's to Abergaveney, in the way to Montgomery Castle, Richard 
 Griffiths, a servant of mine, being come near a bridge over Husk, not 
 far from the town, thought fit to water his horse, but the river being 
 deep and strong in that place where he entered it, he was carried down 
 the stream. My servants that were before me seeing this, cried aloud 
 Dick Griffiths was drowning, which I no sooner heard, but I put spurs 
 to my horse, and coming up to the place, where I saw him as high as 
 his middle in water, leapt into the river a little below him, and swim- 
 ming up to him, bore him up with one of my hands, and brought him 
 unto the middle of the river, where (through God's great providence) 
 was a bank of sand. Coming hither, not without some difficulty, we 
 rested ourselves, and advised whether it were better to return back unto 
 the side from whence we came, or to go on forwards ; but Dick Grif- 
 fiths saying we were sure to swim if we returned back, and that perchance 
 the river might be shallow the other way, I followed his counsel, and put- 
 ting my horse below him, bore him up in the manner I did formerly, 
 and swimming through the river, brought him safe to the other sifle. 
 The horse I rode upon 1 remember cost me 40/. and was the same horse 
 which Sir John Ayres hurt under me, and did swim excellently well, 
 carrying me and his buck above water; whereas that little nag upon 
 ¥ * Ventadour. *
 
 42 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 which Richard Griffiths rid, swam so low, that he must needs have 
 drowned, if [ had not supported him. 
 
 I will tell one history more of this horse,' which I bought of ray cousin 
 Fowler of the Grange, because it is memorable. I was passing over a 
 bridge not far from Colebrook, which had no barrier on the one side, 
 and a hole in the bridge not far from the middle ; ray horse, although 
 lusty, yet being very timorous, and seeing besides but very little on the 
 right eye, started so much at the hole, that upon a sudden he had put 
 half his body lengthways over the side of the bridge, and was ready to 
 fall into the river, with his fore-foot and hinder-foot on the right side, 
 when I, foreseeing the danger I was in if I fell down, clapt my left foot, 
 together with the stirrup and spur, flat-long to the left side, and so 
 made him leap upon all four into the river, whence, after some three or 
 four plunges, he brought me to land. 
 
 The year 1614 was now entering, when 1 understood that the Low- 
 Country and Spanish army would be in the field that year ; thiB made 
 me resolve to offer my service to the Prince of Orange, who upon my 
 coming did much welcome me, not suffering me almost to eat any where 
 but at his table, and carrying me abroad the afternoon in his coach, to 
 partake of those entertainments he delighted in when there was no press- 
 ing occasion. The Low-Country army being now ready, his excellency 
 prepared to go into the field ; in the way to which he took me in his 
 coach, and sometimes in a waggon after the Low-Country fashion, to 
 the great envy of the English and French chief commanders, who ex- 
 pected that honour. Being now arrived near Emerick, one with a most 
 humble petition came from a monastery of nuns, most humbly desiring 
 that the soldiers might not violate their honour nor their monastery, 
 whereupon I was a most humble suitor to his excellency to spare them, 
 which he granted ; but, said he, we will go and see them ourselves ; and 
 thus his excellency, and I and Sir Charles Morgan only, not long after 
 going to the monastery, found it deserted in great part. Having put a 
 guard upon this mouastery, his excellency marched with his army on till 
 we came near the city of Emerick, which upon summoning yielded. And 
 now leaving a garrison here, we resolved to march towards Rice;* this 
 place having the Spanish army, under the command of Monsieur Spi- 
 nola on the one side, and the Low-Country army on the other, being 
 able to resist neither, sent word to both armies, that whichsoever came 
 first should have the place. Spinola hereupon sent word to his excel- 
 lency, that if we intended to take Rice, he would give him battle in a 
 plain near before the town. His excellency, nothing astonished hereat, 
 marched on, his pioneers making his way for his army still, through 
 hedges and ditches, till he came to that hedge and ditch which was next 
 the plain ; and here drawing his men into battle, resolved to attend the 
 coming of Spinola into the field. While his men were putting in order, 
 I was so desirous to see whether Spinola with his army appeared, I leapt 
 over a great hedge and ditch, attended ouly with one footman, purposing 
 to change a pisjtol-shot or two with the first I met. I found thus some eio* 
 * Rees,in the Duchy of Cleve, near Emerick,
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 4J 
 
 gle horse in the field, who, perceiving me to come on, rid away as fast as 
 they could, believing perchance that more would follow me ; having thus 
 passed to the further end of the field, aud finding no shew of the enemy, 
 I returued back that I might inform his. excellency there was no hope of 
 fighting as I could perceive. I the mean time, his excelleucy having 
 prepared all things for battle, sent out five or six scouts to discover whe- 
 ther the enemy were come according to promise; these men finding me 
 now coming towards them, thought I was one of the enemies, which be- 
 ing perceived by me, and I as little knowing at that time who they were, 
 rode up with my sword in my hand, and pistol, to encounter them ; and 
 now being come within reasonable distance, one of the persons there that 
 knew me told his fellows who I was, whereupon I passed quietly to his 
 excellency and told him what 1 had done, and that I found no appear- 
 ance of an army : his excellency then caused the hedge and ditch before 
 him to be levelled, and marched in front with his army into the middle 
 of the field, from whence sending some of his forces to summon the town, 
 it yielded without resistance. 
 
 Our army made that haste to come to the place appointed for the 
 battle, that all our baggage and provision were left behind, in so much 
 that I was without any meat, but what my footman spared me out of his 
 pocket; and my lodging that night was no better, for extreme rain 
 falling at that time in the open field, I had no shelter, hut was glad to 
 get ou the top of a waggon which had straw in it, and to cover myself 
 with my cloak as well as I could, and so eudure that stormy night. 
 Morning being come, and no enemy appearing, 1 went to the town of 
 Rice, into which his excellency having now put a garrison, inarched on 
 with the rest of his army towards Wezel, before which Spinola with his 
 army lay, and in the way entrenched himself strongly, and attended 
 Spinola' s motions. For the rest, nothing memorable happened after 
 this, betwixt those two great generals for the space of many weeks. 
 
 I must yet not omit with thankfulness to remember a favour his 
 excellency did me at this time; for a soldier having killed his fellow 
 soldier, in the quarter where they were lodged, which is an unpardonable 
 fault, insomuch that no man would speak for him ; the poor fellow comes 
 to me, and desires me to beg his life of his excellency ; whereupon 1 
 demanded whether he had ever heard of a man pardoned ip this kind, 
 aud he saying no, I told him it was iu vaiu then for me to speak; wheu 
 the poor fellow writhing his neck a little, said, Sir, but were it not better 
 you shall cast away a few words, than I lose my life ? This piece of 
 eloquence moved me so much, that I went straight to his excelleucy, 
 and told him what the poor fellow had said, desiring him to excuse me, 
 if upou these terms I took the boldness to speak for him. There was 
 present at that time the Earl of Southampton, as also Sir Edward Cecil!, 
 and Sir Horace Vere, as also Monsieur de Chastillon, and divers other 
 French commanders; to whom his excelleucy turning himself said in 
 French, Do you see this cavalier ? with all that courage you know, hath 
 yet that good nature to pray for the life of a poor soldier ; though 1 had
 
 44 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 never pardoned any before in this kind, yet 1 will pardon this at his 
 request; so commanding him to be brought me, and disposed of as I 
 thought fit, whom therefore 1 released and set free. 
 
 It was so far advanced in autumn, both armies thought of retiring 
 themselves into their garrisons, when a trumpeter comes from the Spanish 
 army to ours, with a challenge from a Spanish cavalier to this effect, 
 That if any cavalier in our army would fight a single combat for the 
 sake of his mistress, the said Spaniard would meet him, upon assurance 
 of the camp in our army. This challenge being brought early in the 
 morning, was accepted by nobody till about ten or eleven of the clock, 
 when the report thereof coming to me, I went straight to his excellency, 
 and told him I desired to accept the challenge. His excellency there- 
 upon looking earnestly upon me, told me he was an old soldier, and 
 that he had observed two sorts of men who used to send challenges in 
 this kind ; one was of those who, having lost perchance some part of 
 their honour in the field against the enemy, would recover it again by a 
 single fight. The other was of those who sent it only to discover whether 
 our army had in it men affected to give trial of themselves in this kind ; 
 howbeit, if this man was a person, without exception to be taken against 
 him, he said there was none he knew, upon whom he would sooner 
 venture the honour of his army than myself; and this also he spoke be- 
 fore divers of the English and French commanders I formerly nominated. 
 Hereupon, by his excellency's permission, 1 sent a trumpet to the Spanish 
 army with this answer, That if the person who would be sent were a 
 cavalier without reproach, I would answer him with such weapons as we 
 should agree upon, in the place he offered; but my trumpeter was 
 scarcely arrived, as I believe, at the Spanish army, when another 
 trumpeter came to ours from Spinola, saying the challenge was made 
 without his consent, and that therefore he would not permit it. This 
 message being brought to his excellency, with whom I then was, he said 
 to me presently, this is strange; they send a challenge hither, and when 
 they have done, recal it. 1 should be glad if I knew the true causes of 
 it. Sir, said I, if you will give me leave, I will go to their army, and 
 muke the like challenge, as they sent hither ; it may be some scruple is 
 made concerning the place appointed, being in your excellency's camp, 
 and therefore I shall offer them the combat in their own : his excellency 
 said, I should never have persuaded you to this course, but since you 
 voluntarily offer it, I must not deny that which you think to be for your 
 honour. Hereupon taking my leave of him, and desiring Sir Hum- 
 phrey Tufton, a brave gentleman, to bear me company, thus we two 
 attended only with two lackies, rode straight towards the Spanish camp 
 before Wezel ; coming thither without any disturbance, by the way I 
 was demanded by the guard at the entering into their camp, with whom 
 I would speak ; I told them with the Duke of Newbourg; whereupon 
 a soldier was presently sent with us to conduct us to the Duke of New- 
 bourg's tent, who remembering me well, since he saw me at the siege of 
 Juliers, very kindly embraced me, and therewithal! demanding the cause
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 45 
 
 nf my coming thither; I told him the effect thereof in the manner I 
 formerly 6et down : to which he replied only, he would acquaint the 
 Marquis S»inola therewith ; who coming shortly after to the Duke of 
 Newbourg's'tent, with a great train of commanders and captains follow- 
 ing him, he no sooner entered, but he turned to me and said, that he 
 knew well the cause of my coming, and that the same reasons which 
 made him forbid the Spanish cavalier to 6ght a combat in the Prince of 
 Orange's camp, did make him forbid it in his, and that I should be 
 better welcome to him than I would be, and thereupon intreated me to 
 come and dine with him ; I finding nothing else to be done, did kindly 
 accept the offer, aud so attended him to his tent, where a brave diuner 
 being put upon his table, he placed the Duke of Newbourg uppermost 
 at one end of the table, and myself at the other, himself sitting below 
 us, presenting with his own hand still the best of that meat his carver 
 offered him ; he demanded of me then in Italan, I)i che moriva Sigr. 
 Francisco Vere; of what died Sir Francis Vere ? I told him, Per aver 
 niente a /are, because he had nothing to do ; Spinola replied, E basta 
 per un Generale, and it is enough to kill a general ; and indeed that 
 brave commander, Sir Francis Vere, died not in time of war but of peace. 
 Taking my leave now of the Marquis Spinola, I told him that if ever 
 he did lead an army against the infidels, I should adventure to be the 
 first man that would die in that quarrel, and together demanded leave 
 of him to see his army, which he granting, I took leave of him, and did 
 at leisure view it; observing the difference in the proceedings bttwixt 
 the Low Country army and fortifications, as well as I could ; and so 
 returning shortly after to his excellency, related to him the success of my 
 journey. It happened about this time that Sir Henry Wotton mediated 
 a peace by the king's command, who coming for that purpose to Wezel, 
 I took occasion to go along with him into Spinola's army, whence after 
 a night's stay, I went on an extreme rainy day through the woods to 
 Kysarswert, to the great wonder of mine host, who said all men were 
 robbed or killed that went that way. From hence I went to Cullin, 
 where, among other things, I saw the monastery of St Herbert ; from 
 hence I went to Hydelberg, where I saw the Prince and Princess Palatine* 
 from whom having received much good usage, 1 went to Ulme, and so 
 to Augsbourg, where extraordinary honour was done me ; for coming 
 into an inn where an ambassador from Brussels lay, the town sent twenty 
 great flaggons of wine thither, whereof they gaveeleven to the ambassador, 
 and nine to me ; and withall some such compliments that 1 found my 
 fame had prevented my coming thither. From hence 1 went through 
 Switzerland to Trent, and from thence to Venice, where I was received 
 by the English ambassador, Sir Dndley Carlton, with much honour ; 
 among other favours shewed me, 1 was brought to see a nun in Murano, 
 who being an admirable beauty, and together singing extremely well, 
 was thought one of the rarities not only of that place but of the time • 
 we came to a room opposite unto the cloyster, whence the coming on the 
 other side of the grate betwixt us, sung so extremely well, that when she
 
 46 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 departed, neither my lord ambassador nor his lady, who were then present, 
 could find as much as a word of fitting language to return her, for the 
 extraordinary music she gave ut; when 1, being ashamed that she should 
 go back without some testimony of her beauty and her voice, said in 
 Italian, Moria pur quando vuol, non bisogna mutar ni voce ui facia per 
 esser un angelo ; die whensoever you will, you will neither need to change 
 voice, nor face, to be an angel: these words it seemed were fatal, for 
 going thence to Rome, and returning shortly afterwards, I heard she was 
 dead in the mean time. 
 
 From Venice, after some stay, I went to Florence, where I met the 
 Earl of Oxford and Sir Benjamin Rudier : having seen the rarities of 
 this places likewise, and particularly that rare chapel made for the house 
 of Medici, beautified on all the inside with a coarser kind of precious 
 stone, as also that nail which was at one end iron, and the other gold, 
 made so by vertue of a tincture into which it was put. J went to Siena, 
 and from thence a little before the Christmas holidays to Rome. I was 
 no sooner alighted at my inn, but I went straight to the English college, 
 where demanding for the regent or master thereof, a grave person not 
 long after appeared at the door, to whom I spake in this manner: Sir, I 
 need not tell you my country when you hear my language ; I come not 
 here to study controversies, but to see the antiquities of the place ; if 
 without scandal to the religion in which I was born and bred up, I may 
 take this liberty, I should be glad to spend some convenient time here • 
 if not, my horse is yet unsaddled, and myself willing to go out of town. 
 The answer returned by him to me was, that he never heard any body 
 before me profess himself of any other religion than what was used in 
 Rome ; for his part, he approved much my freedom, as collecting there- 
 by I was a person of honour ; for the rest that he could give me no 
 warrant for my stay there, howbeit that experience did teach that those 
 men who gave no affronts to the Roman Catholic religion, received none; 
 whereupon also he demanded my name. I telling him I was called Sir 
 Edward Herbert, he replied, that he had heard men oftentimes speak of 
 me both for learning and courage, and presently invited me to dinner ; 
 I told him that I took his courteous offer as an argument of his affection; 
 that 1 desired him to excuse me, if I did not accept it; the uttermost 
 liberty I had (as the times then were in England) being already taken 
 in coming to that city only, lest they should think me a factious person; 
 I thought fit to tell him that I conceived the points agreed upon on both 
 sides are greater bonds of amity betwixt us, than that the points disagreed 
 on could break them ; that for my part I loved every body that was of a 
 pious and virtuous life, and thought the errors on what side soever, were 
 more worthy pity than hate ; and having declared myself thus far, I took 
 my leave of him courteously, and spent about a month's time in seeing 
 the antiquities of that place, which first found means to establish so great 
 an empire over the persons of men, and afterwards over their consciences. 
 The articles of confession and absolving sinners being a greater arcanum
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. tf 
 
 imperii for governing the world, than all the arts invented by statists 
 formerly were. 
 
 After I had seen Rome sufficiently, I went to Tivoli, anciently called 
 Tiber, and saw the fair palace and garden there, as also Frascati, an- 
 ciently called Tusculauum. After that I returned to Rome, and saw 
 the Pope in consistory, which being done, when the Pope being now 
 ready to give his blessing, I departed thence suddenly ; which gave such 
 a suspicion of me, that some were sent to apprehend me, bat I going a 
 bye way escaped them, and went to my inn to take horse, where I had 
 not been now half an hour, when the master or regent of the English 
 college telling me that I was accused in the Inquisition, and that I couUl 
 stay no longer with any safety, I took this warning very kindly ; howbeit 
 I did only for the present change my lodging, and a day or two after- 
 wards took horse, and went out of Rome towards Siena, and from thence 
 to Florence. I saw Sir Robert Dudley, who had the title of Earl or 
 Duke of Northumberland given him by the emperor, and handsome 
 Mrs. Sudel, whom he carried with him out of England, and was there 
 taken for his wife. I was invited by them to a great feast the night be- 
 fore I went out of town; taking my leave of them both, I prepared for 
 my journey the next morning ; when I was ready to depart, a messenger 
 came to me, and told me if I would accept the same pension Sir Robert 
 Dudley had, being two thousand ducats per annum, the duke would 
 entertain me for his service in the war against the Turks. This offer, 
 whether procured by the means of Sir Robert Dudley, Mrs. Sudel, or 
 Sigr. Loty, my ancient friend, I know not, being thankfully acknow- 
 ledged as a great honour, was yet refused by me, my intention being to 
 serve his excellency in the Low Country war. 
 
 After I had stayed a while, from hence I went by Ferrara and Bologna 
 towards Padua, in which university having spent some time to hear the 
 learned readers, and particularly Cremonini, I left my English horse* 
 and Scotch saddles there, for on them I rid all the way from the Low 
 Countries, I went by boat to Venice. The lord ambassador, Sir Dudley 
 Carlton, by this time had a command to reside awhile in the court of 
 the Duke of Savoy, wherewith also his lordship acquainted me, demand- 
 ing whether I would go thither; this offer was gladly accepted by me, 
 both as I was desirous to see that court, and that it was in the way to 
 the Low Country, where I meant to see the war the summer ensuing. 
 
 Coming thus in the coach with my lord ambassador to Milan, the go- 
 vernor thereof invited my lord ambassador to his house, and sometimes 
 feasted him during his stay there. Here I heard that famous nun sing- 
 ing to the organ in this manner ; unother nun beginning first to sing, 
 performed her part so well, that we gave her much applause for her ex- 
 cellent art and voice ; only we thought she did sing somewhat lower than 
 other women usually did ; hereupon also being ready to depart, we heard 
 suddenly, for we saw nobody, that nun which was so famous, sing aa 
 eighth higher than the other had done ; her voice was the sweetest, strong- 
 est, and clearest, that ever I heard, in the using whereof also she shewed 
 that art as ravished us into admiration.
 
 4& LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 From Milan we went to Novara, as I remember, where we were enter- 
 tained by the governor, being a Spaniard, with one of the most sump- 
 tuous feasts that ever 1 saw, being but of nine dishes, in three several 
 services ; the first whereof was, three ollas podridas, consisting of all 
 choice boiled meats, placed in three large silver chargers, which took 
 up the length of a great table; the meat in it being heightened up 
 artificially, pyramid wise, to a sparrow which was on the top. The se- 
 cond service was like the former of roast meat, in which all manner of 
 fowl from the pheasant and partridge, to other fowl less than them, were 
 heightened up to a lark. The third was in sweetmeats dry of all sorts, 
 heightened in like manner to a round comfit. •• 
 
 From hence we went to Vercelly, a town of the Duke of Savoy's, 
 frontier to the Spaniard, with whom the duke was then in war ; from 
 whence, passing by places of least note, we came to Turin, where the 
 Duke of Savoy's court was. After 1 had refreshed myself here some 
 two or three days, I took leave of my lord ambassador with intention to 
 goto the Low Countries, and was now upon the way thither, as far as 
 the foot of Mount Cenis, when the Count Scarnafigi came to m« from 
 the duke,* and brought a letter to this effect : That the duke had heard 
 I wasa cavalier of great worth, and desirous to see the wars, and that if I 
 would serve him 1 should make my own conditions. Finding so courte- 
 ous an invitation, I returned back, and was lodged by the Duke of 
 Savoy in a chamber furnished with silk and gold hangings, and a very 
 rich bed, and defrayed at the duke's charges in the English ambassador's 
 house. The duke also confirmed unto me what the Count Scarnafigi 
 had said, and together bestowed divers compliments on me. I told his 
 highness, that when 1 knew in what service he pleased to employ me, he 
 should find me ready to testify the sense L had of his princely invitation. 
 
 It was now in the time of Carnival, when the duke, who loved the 
 company of ladies and dancing as much as any prince whosoever, made 
 divers masks and balls, in which his own daughters, among divers other 
 ladies, danced ; and here it was his manner to place me always with his 
 own hand near some fair lady, wishing us both to entertain each other 
 with some discourse, which was a great favour among the Italians. He 
 did many other ways also declare the great esteem he had of me without 
 coming to any particular, the time of the year for going into the field 
 being not yet come ; only he exercised his men often, and made them 
 ready for his occasions in the spring. 
 
 The duke at last resolving to use ray service, thought fit to send me 
 to Languedoc in France, to conduct 4000 men of the reformed religion, 
 who had promised their assistance in his war, unto Piedmont. 1 wil- 
 lingly accepted this offer ; so taking my leave of the duke, and bestow- 
 ing about 70 or 80/. among his officers, for the kind entertainment I had 
 received, I took my leave also of my lord ambassador, and Sir Albertus 
 Moreton, who was likewise employed there, and prepared for my jour- 
 
 * Charles Emanuel.
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 45 
 
 rtey, for more expedition of which I was desired to go post. An old 
 Scotch knight of the Sandelands hearing this, desired to borrow my 
 horses as far as Heydelberg, which I granted, on condition that he would 
 use them well by the way, and give them good keeping at that place 
 afterwards. 
 
 The Count Scarnafigi was commanded to bear me company in this 
 journey, and to carry with him some jewels, which he was to pawn in 
 Lions in France, and with the money gotten for them pay the soldiers 
 above nominated ; for though the duke had put extreme taxations on 
 his people, insomuch that they paid not only a certain sum for every 
 horse, ox, cow, or sheep that they kept, but afterwards for every chim- 
 ney ; and, finally, every single person by the poll, which amounted to 
 a pistole, or 1 4s. a-head or person, yet he wanted money ; at which 1 
 did not so much wonder as at the patience of his subjects, of whom I de- 
 manded how they could bear their taxations ? I have heard some of them 
 answer, We are not so much offended with the duke for what he takes 
 from us, as thankful for what he leaves us. 
 
 The Count Scarnaiigi and I, now setting forth, rid post all day with- 
 out eating or drinking by the way, the count telling me still we should 
 come to a good inn at night. It was now twilight when the count and 1 
 came near a solitary iun, on the top of a mountain ; the hostess hearing 
 the noise of hoises, came out with a child new born on her left arm, 
 and a rush candle in her hand : she presently knowing the Count de 
 Scarnafigi, told him, Ah, Signior, you are come in a very ill time, the 
 duke's soldiers have been here to-day, and have left me nothing. 1 
 looked sadly upon the count, when he coming near to me whispered me 
 in the ear, and said, It may be she thinks we will use her as the soldiers 
 have done ; go you into the house, and see whether you can find any 
 thing ; I will go round about the house, and perhaps I shall meet with 
 some duck, hen, or chicken ; entering thus into the house, I found for 
 all other furniture of it, the end of an old form, the hostess came towards 
 me with a rush candle, and said, I protest before God that is true which 
 I told the count, here is nothing to eat; but you are a gentleman, me- 
 thiuks it is a pity you should want ; if you please I will give you some 
 milk out of my breasts, into a wooden dish I have here. This unexpected 
 kindness made that impression on me, that 1 remember I was never so 
 tenderly sensible of any thing. My answer was, God forbid I should 
 take away the milk from the child 1 see in thy arms ; howbeit, I shall 
 take it all my life for the greatest piece of charity that ever I heard of; 
 and therewithal, giving her a pistole, or a piece of gold of 14s., Scarna- 
 figi and I got ou horseback again and rid another post, and came to an 
 iun where we fouud very course cheer, yet hunger made us relish it. 
 
 In this journey I remember 1 went over Mount Gabelet by night, be- 
 ing carried down that precipice in a chair, a guide that went before bring- 
 ing a bottle of straw with him, and kindling pieces of it from time to 
 time, that we might see our way. Being at the bottom of a hill, 1 got 
 on horseback and rid to Burgoine, resolving to rest there awhile; and 
 
 G
 
 56 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 the rather, to speak truly, that I had heard divers say, and particularly 
 Sir John Finnet aud Sir Richard Newport, that the host's daughter 
 there was the handsomest woman that ever they saw in their lives. Com- 
 ing to the inn, the Count Scarnafigi wished me to rest two or three hours, 
 and he would go before to Lyons to prepare business for my journey to 
 Languedoc. The host's daughter being not within, I told her father 
 aud mother that I desieed only to see their daughter, as having heard her 
 spoken of in England with so much advantage, that divers told me they 
 thought her the handsomest creature that ever they saw. They answered 
 she was gone to a marriage, and should be presently sent for, wishing 
 Rie in the mean while to take some rest upon a bed, for they saw I needed 
 it. Waking now about two hours afterwards, I found her sitting by me, 
 attending when I would open mine eyes. I shall touch a little of her 
 description ; Her hair being of a shining black, was naturally curled in 
 that order that a curious woman would have dressed it, for one curl rising 
 by degrees above another, and every bout tied with a small ribband of a 
 naccarine, or the colour that the Kuights of the Bath wear, gave a very 
 graceful mixture, while it was bound up in this manner from the point 
 of her shoulder to the crown of her head ; her eyes, which were round 
 and black, seemed to be models of her whole beauty, and in some sort 
 of her air, while a kind of light or flame came from them not unlike that 
 which the ribband that tied up her hair exhibited; I do not remember 
 ever to have seen a prettier mouth, or whiter teeth ; briefly, all her out- 
 ward parts seemed to become each other, neither was there any thing 
 that could be misliked, unless one should say her complexion was too 
 brown, which yet from the shadow was heightened with a good blood in 
 her cheeks. Her gown was a green Turkey grogram, cut all into panes 
 or slashes, from the shoulder and sleeves unto the foot, and tied up at 
 the distance of about a hand's-breadth every where with the same rib- 
 band, with which her hair was bound : so that her attire seemed as bizare 
 as her person. I am too long in describing an host's daughter, howbeit 
 I thought I might better speak of her than of divers other beauties, held 
 to be the best and fairest of the time, whom I have often seen. In con- 
 clusion, after about an hour's stay, I departed thence, without offering 
 so much as the least incivility; and indeed, after so much weariness, it 
 was enough that her sight alone did somewhat refresh me. 
 
 From hence 1 went straight to Lyons. Entering the gate, the guards 
 there, after their usual manner, demanded of me who I was, whence 1 
 came, and whither I went? to which, while I answered, I observed one 
 of them look very attentively upon me, and again upon a paper he had 
 in his hand ; this having been done divers times, bred in me a suspicion 
 that there was no good meaning in it, and I was not deceived in my con- 
 jecture; for the Queen-mother of France having newly made an edict, 
 that no soldiers should be raised in France, the Marquis de Rambouillet, 
 French ambassador at Turin, sent word of my employment to the Mar- 
 quis de St Chaumont, then governor of Lyons, as also a description of 
 my person. This edict was so severe, as they who raised any men were
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. fi 
 
 to lose their heads. In this unfortunate conjuncture of affairs, nothing 
 fell out so well on my part, as that I had not raised as yet any men ; 
 howbeit, the guards requiring me to come before the governor, I went 
 with them to a church where he was at vespers ; this while I walked in the 
 lower part of the church little imagining what danger I was in had 1 levied 
 any men. I had not walked there long, when a single person came to 
 me, apparelled in a black stuff' suit without any attendants upon him, 
 when I, supposing this person to be any man rather than the governor, 
 saluted him without much ceremony. His first question was, whence 
 I came ? I answered, from Turin. He demanded then, whither I would 
 go ? I answered, I was not yet resolved. His third question was, what 
 news at Turin ? to which I answered, that I had no news to tell, as sup- 
 posing him to be only some busy or inquisitive person. The marquis 
 hereupon called one of the guards that conducted me thither, and after 
 he had whispered something in his ear, wished me to go along with him, 
 which I did willingly, as believing this man would bring me to the 
 governor. This man silently leading me out of the church, brought me 
 to a fair house, into which I was no sooner entered, but he told me I 
 was commanded to prison there by him 1 saw in the church, who was 
 the governor ; I replied, I did not know him to be governor, nor that 
 that was a prison, and that if I were out of it again, neither the governor 
 nor all the town could bring me to it alive. The master of the house 
 hereupon spoke me very fair, and told me he would conduct me to a 
 better chamber than any 1 could find in an inn, and thereupon eouduted 
 me to a very handsome lodging not far from the river. I had not been 
 here half an hour when Sir Edward Sackville (now Earl of Dorset) 
 hearing only that an Englishman was committed, sent to know who I 
 was, and why I was imprisoned : The governor not knowing whether to 
 lay the fault upon my short answers to him, or my commission to levy 
 men contrary to the queen's edict, made him so doubtful an answer, 
 (after he had a little touched upon both) as he dismissed him unsatisfied. 
 
 Sir Edward Sackville hereupon coming to the house where 1 was, as 
 soon as ever he saw me embraced me, saying Ned Herbert, what doest thou 
 here ? 1 answered, Ned Sackville, lam glad to see you, but I protest I 
 know not why I am here. He again said, hast thou raised any men yet for 
 the Duke of Savoy ? I replied, not so much as one; then, said he, I will 
 warrant thee, though I must tell thee the governor is much offended at 
 thy behaviour and language in the church; (I replied it was impossible 
 for me to imagine him to be governor that came without a guard, and 
 in such mean clothes as he then wore.) I will go to him again, and tell 
 him what you say, and doubt not but you shall be suddenly freed. Here- 
 upon returning to the governor, he told of what family 1 was, and of 
 what condition, and that I had raised no men, and that 1 knew him no! 
 to be governor; whereupon the marquis wished him to go back, that he 
 would come in person to free me out of the house. 
 
 This message being brought me by Sir Edward Sackville, I returned 
 this answer only : That is was enough if he sent order to free uie. While
 
 52 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 these messages past, and a company of handsome young men and women, 
 out of I know not what civility, brought music under the window and 
 danced before me, looking often up to see me ; but Sir Edward Sackville 
 being now returned with order to free me, I 'only gave them thanks out 
 of the window, and so went along with them to the governor. Being 
 come into a great hall where his lady was, and a large train of gentle- 
 women and other persons, the governor, with his hat in his hand, demanded 
 of me whether I knew him? when his noble lady, answering for me, said, 
 how could he know you, when you were in the church alone, and in this 
 habit, being for the rest wholly a stranger to you ? which civility of hers, 
 though I did not presently take notice of it, I did afterwards most thank- 
 fully acknowledge when I was ambassador in France. The governor's 
 next questions were the very same he made when he met me in the 
 church ; to which I made the very same answers before them all, 
 concluding that as I did not know him, he could think it no incongruity 
 if I answered in those terms: the governor yet was not satisfied herewith, 
 and his noble lady taking my part again, gave him those reasons for my 
 answering him in that manner, that they silenced him from speaking 
 any further. The governor turning back, I likewise, after an humble 
 obeisance made to his lady, returned with Sir Edward Sackville to my f 
 lodgings. 
 
 This night I passed as quietly as I could, but the next morning advised 
 with him what I was to do ; I told him I had received a great affront, 
 and that I intended to send him a challenge, in such courteous language, 
 that he could not refuse it : Sir Edward Sackville by all means dissuaded 
 me from it ; by which X perceived I was not to expect his assistance 
 therein, and indeed the next day he went out of town. 
 
 Being alone now, I thought on nothing more than how to send him a 
 challeuge, which at last I penned to this effect : That whereas he had 
 given me great offence, without a cause, I thought myself bound as a 
 gentleman to resent it, and therefore desired to see him with his sword 
 in his hand in any place he should appoint; and hoped he would not 
 interpose his authority as an excuse for not complying with his honour 
 on this occasion, and that so I rested his humble servant. . 
 
 Finding nobody in town for two or three days by whom I might send 
 this challenge, I resolved for my last means to deliver it in person, and 
 observe how he took it, intending to right myself as I could, when I 
 1 found he stood upon his authority. 
 
 This night it happened that Monsieur Terant, formerly mentioned, 
 came to the town ; this gentleman knowing me well, and remembering 
 our acquaintance both at France and Juliers, wished there were some 
 occasion for him to serve me; 1 presently hereupon, taking the chal- 
 lenge out of my pocket, told him he would oblige me extremely if he 
 were pleased to deliver it, and that I hoped he might do it without dau- 
 ger, since I knew the French to be so brave a nation, that they would 
 never refuse or dislike any thing that was done in an honourable and 
 Worthy way.
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 58 
 
 Terant took the challenge from me, and after he had read it, told me 
 that the language was civil and discreet; nevertheless he thought the 
 governor would not return me that answer 1 expected; howsoever, said 
 he, I will deliver it. Returning thns to my inn, and intending to sleep 
 quieter that night than I had done three nights before ; about one of the 
 clock after midnight, I heard a great noise at my door, which awakened 
 me, certain persons knocking so hard as if they woold break it; besides, 
 through the chinks thereof I saw light. This made me presently rise in 
 my shirt, when, drawing my sword, I weut to the door, and demanded 
 who they were; and together told them that if they came to make 
 me prisoner, I would rather die with my sword in my hand ; and 
 therewithal opening the door, I found upon the stairs half a dozen 
 men armed with halberts, whom 1 no sooner prepared to resist, but the 
 chief of them told me, that they came not to me from the governor, but 
 from my good friend the Duke of Montmorency, son to the duke I for- 
 merly mentioned, and that he came to town late that night, in his way 
 from Languedoc (of which he was governor) to Paris ; and that he 
 desired me, if I loved him, to rise presently and come to him, assuring 
 me further that this was most true ; hereupon wishing them to retire 
 themselves, I drest myself, and went with them. They conducted me 
 to the great hall of the governor, where the Duke of Montmorency, and 
 divers other cavaliers, had been dancing with the ladies ; I went presently 
 to the Duke of Montmorency, who, taking me a little aside, told me 
 that he had heard of the passages betwixt the governor and me, and that 
 1 had sent him a challenge ; howbeit, that he conceived men in his place 
 were not bound to answer as private persons for those things they did by 
 virtue of their office; nevertheless, that I should have satisfaction in as 
 ample manner as I could reasonably desire. Hereupon, bringing me 
 with him to the governor, he freely told me that he was sorry for what 
 was done, and desired me to take this for satisfaction ; the Duke of 
 Montmorency hereupon said presently, Cest assez ; it is enough. I then 
 turning to him, demanded whether he would have taken this satisfac- 
 tion in the like case ? He said, yes. After this, turning to the governor, 
 1 demanded the same question, to which he answered, that he would 
 have taken the same tatisfaction, and less too. I kissing my hand, gave 
 it him, who embraced me, and so this business ended. 
 
 After some compliments past between the Duke of Montmorency, 
 who remembered the great love his father bore me, which he desired to 
 continue in his person, and putting me in mind also of our being edu- 
 cated together for a while, demanded whether I would go with him to 
 Paris ? I told him that I was engaged to the Low Countries, but that 
 wheresoever I was I should be his most humble servant. 
 
 My employment with the Duke of Savoy in Languedoc being thus 
 ended, I went from Lyons to Geneva, where I found also my fame had 
 prevented my coming; for the next morning after my arrival, the state 
 faking notice of me, sent a messenger in their name to congratulate my 
 being there, and presented me with tome flaggons of wine, desiring me
 
 54 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 (if 1 staid there auy while) to see their fortifications, and give my opinion 
 of them ; which I did, and told them I thought they were weakest where 
 they thought themselves the strongest; which was on the hilly part, 
 where indeed they had made great fortifications ; yet as it is a rule in 
 war, that whatsoever may be made by art, may be destroyed by art again, 
 1 conceived they had need to fear the approach of an enemy on that part 
 rather than any other. They replied, that divers great soldiers had told 
 them the same ; and that they would give the best order they could to 
 serve themselves on that side. 
 
 Having rested here some while to take physic (my health being a little 
 broken with long travel) I departed after a fortnight's stay, to Basil, 
 where taking a boat upon the river, I came at length to Strasbourg, and 
 from thence went to Heydelbourg, where I was received again by the 
 Prince Elector and princess with much kindness, and viewed at leisure 
 the fair library there, the gardens, and other rarities of that place ; and 
 here I found my horses I lent to Sandi lands in good plight, which I then 
 bestowed upou some servants of the prince, in way of retribution for my 
 welcome thither. From hence Sir George Calvert and myself went by 
 water, for the most part to the Low-Countries, where taking leave of 
 each other, I went straight to his excellency, who did extraordinarily 
 welcome me, insomuch that it was observed that he did never outwardly 
 make so much of any one as myself. 
 
 It happened this summer that the Low-Country army was uot drawn 
 into the field, so that the Prince of Orange past his time at playing at 
 chess with me after dinner; or in going to Reswick with him to see his 
 great horses ; or in making love; in which also he used me as his com- 
 panion, yet so that I was at any time from him, I did by his good leave 
 endeavour to raise a troop of horse for the Duke of Savoy's service, as 
 having obtained a commission to that purpose for my brother William, 
 then an officer in the Low-Country. Having these men in readiness, I 
 sent word to the Count Scarnafigi thereof, who was now ambassador 
 in Englaud, telling him, that if he would send money, my brother was 
 ready to go. 
 
 Scaruafigi answered me, that he expected money in England and that 
 as soon as he received it, he would send over so much as would pay an 
 hundred horse. But a peace betwixt him and the Spaniard being con- 
 cluded not long after at Asti, the whole charge of keeping this horse fell 
 upon me, without ever to this day receiving any recom pence. 
 
 Winter now approaching, aud nothing more to be done for that year, 
 I went to the Brill to take shipping for England. Sir Edward Conway, 
 who was then governer at that place, and afterwards secretary of state, 
 taking notice of my being there, came to me, and invited me every day 
 to come to him, while I attended only for a wind; which serving at last 
 for my journey, Sir Edward Conway conducted me to the ship, into 
 which as soon as I was entered he caused six pieces of ordnance to be 
 discharged for my farewell. I was scarce gone a league into the sea, 
 when the wind turned contrary, aud forced jne back again. Returning
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 5$ 
 
 thus to the Brill, Sir Edward Conway welcomed me as before ; and now, 
 after some three or fcir days, the wiud serving, he conducted me a<min 
 to the ship, and bestowed six volleys of ordnance upon me. I was now 
 about halfway to England, when a most cruel storm arose, which tore 
 our sails and spent our masts, insomuch that the master of our ship gave 
 us all for lost, as the wind was extreme high, and together contrary ; 
 we were carried at last, though with much difficulty, back again to the 
 Brill, where Sir Edward Conway did congratulate my escape ; saying, 
 he believed certainly, that (considering the weather) I must needs be 
 cast away. 
 
 After some stuy here with my former welcome, the wind being now 
 fair, I was conducted again to my ship by Sir Edward Conway, and the 
 »me volleys of shot given me, and was now scarce out of the haven, 
 when the wind again turned contrary, and drove me back. This made 
 me resolve to try my fortune here no longer; hiring a small bark, there- 
 fore, I went to the sluice, and from thence to Ostend, where finding 
 Company, I went to Brussels. In the inn where I lay, here an ordinary 
 was kept, to which divers noblemen and principal officers of the Spanish 
 army resorted : sitting among these at dinner, the next day after my 
 arrival, no man knowing me, or informing himself who I was, they fell 
 into discourse of divers matters, in Italian, Spanish, and French; and 
 at last three of them, one after another, began to speak of king James, 
 my master, in a very scornful manner; I thought with myself then, that 
 if I was a base fellow, I need not take any notice thereof, since no man 
 knew me to be an Englishman, or that 1 did so much as understand 
 their language ; but my heart burning within me, I puttiug off my hat, 
 arose from the table, and turning myself to those that sat at the upper 
 end, who had said nothing to the king my master's prejudice, I told 
 them in Italian, Son Inglese ; I am an Englishman ; and should be un- 
 worthy to live if I suffered these words to be spoken of the King my 
 master; and therewithal turning myself to those who had injured the 
 king, I said, you have spoken falsely, and I will fight with you all. 
 Those at the upper end of the table, finding I had so much reason on 
 ray part, did sharply check those I questioned, and, to be brief, made 
 them ask the king's forgiveness, wherewith also the king's health being 
 drank round about the table, 1 departed thence toDuukirk, and thence 
 to Graveling, where I saw, though unknown, an English gentlewoman 
 enter into a nunnery there. I went thence to Calais ; it was now extreme 
 foul weather, and I could find no master of a ship willing to adventure 
 to sea; howbeit, my impatience was such, that 1 demanded of a poor 
 fisherman there whether he would go ? he answered, his ship was worse 
 than any in the haven, as being open above, and without any deck, be- 
 sides, that it was old ; but, saitb he, 1 care for my life as little as you 
 do, and if you will go, my boat is at your service. 
 
 I was now scarce out of the haven, when a high grown sea had almost 
 overwhelmed us, the waves coming in very fast into our ship, which we 
 laded out again the best we could ; notwithstanding which, we expected
 
 56 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 every minute to be cast away : it pleased God yet before we were gone 
 six leagues into the sea, to cease the tempest, and give us a fair passage 
 over to the Downs, where, after giving God thanks for niy delivery 
 from this most needless danger that ever I did run, I went to London. 
 I had not been here ten days when a quartain ague seized ou me, which 
 held me for a year and a half without intermission, and a year and a 
 half longer at spring and fall : the good days I had during all this sick- 
 ness, 1 employed in study, the ill being spent in as sharp and long tits 
 as I think ever any man endured, which brought me at last to be so lean 
 and yellow, that scarce any man did know me. It happened during this 
 sickness, that 1 walked abroad one day towards Whitehall, where, 
 meeting with one Emerson, who spoke very disgraceful words of Sir 
 Robert Harley, being then my dear friend, my weakness could not 
 hinder me to be sensible of my friend's dishonour; shaking him there- 
 fore by a long beard he wore, 1 stept a little aside, and drew my sword 
 in the street ; Captain Thomas Scriven, a friend of mine, being not far 
 on one side, and divers friends of his v ou the other side. All that saw me 
 wondered how I could go, being so weak and consumed as I was, but 
 much more that I would offer to fight ; howsoever, Emerson, instead of 
 drawing his sword, ran away into Suffolk house, and afterwards informed 
 the lords of the council of what I had done; who not long after sending 
 for me, did not so much reprehend my taking part with my friend, as 
 that I would adventure to fight, being in such a bad condition of health. 
 Before I came wholly out of my sickness, Sir George Villiers, afterwards 
 Duke of Buckingham, came into the king's favour : this cavalier meeting 
 me accidentally at the Lady Stanhope's house, came to me, and told me 
 he had heard so much of my worth, as he would think himself happy if, 
 by his credit with the king, he could do me any service ; I humbly 
 thanked him, but told him, that for the present 1 had need of nothing 
 so much as of health, but that if ever I had ambition, I should take the 
 boldness to make my address by him. 
 
 I was no sooner perfectly recovered of this long sickness, but the Earl 
 of Oxford and myself resolved to raise two regiments for the service of 
 the Venetians. While we were making ready for this journey, the king 
 having an occasion to send an ambassador into France, required Sir 
 George Villiers to present him with the names of the fittest men for that 
 employment that he knew; whereupon eighteen names, among which 
 mine was, being written in a paper, were presented to him ; the king 
 presently chose me, yet so as he desired first to have the approbation of 
 bis privy council, who, confirming his majesty's choice, sent a messenger 
 to my house among gardens, near the Old Exchange, requiring me to 
 come presently to them. Myself little knowing then the honour intended 
 me, asked the messenger whether I had done any fault, that the lords 
 sent for me so suddenly ? wishing him to tell the Lords that I was going 
 to dinner, and would afterwards attend them. I had scarce dined when 
 another messenger was sent ; this made me hasten to Whitehall, where 
 I was no sooner come, but the lords saluted me by the name of lord
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 57 
 
 of lord ambassador of France ; I told their lordships thereupon, that I 
 was glad it was no worse, and that I doubted, that by their speedy send- 
 ing for me, some complaint, though false, might be made against me. 
 
 My first commission was to renew the oath of alliance betwixt the two 
 crowns, for which purpose I was extraordinary ambassador, which bein'g 
 done, I was to reside there as ordinary. I had received now about six 
 or seven hundred pounds, towards the charges of my journey, and locked 
 it in certan coffers in my house ; when the night following, about one of 
 the clock, I could hear divers men speak and knock at the door, in that 
 part of the house where none did lie but myself, my wife, and her atten- 
 dants, my servants being lodged in another house not far off: as soon as 
 I heard the noise, I suspected presently they came to rob me of my 
 money ; howsoever, I thought fit to rise, and go to the window to know 
 who they were; the first word I heard was, Darest thou come down, 
 Welchman ? which I no sooner heard, but, taking a sword in one hand, 
 and a little target in the other, I did in my shirt run down stairs, open 
 the doors suddenly, and charged ten or twelve of them with that fury 
 that they ran away, some throwing away their halberts, others hurting 
 their fellows to make them go faster in a narrow way they were to pass ; 
 in which disordered manner 1 drove them to the middle of the street by 
 the Exchange, where finding my bare feet hurt by the stones 1 trod on, 
 I thought fit to return home, and leave them to their flight. My ser- 
 vants, hearing the noise, by this time were got up, and demanded 
 whether I would have them pursue those rogues that fled away ; but I 
 answering that I thought they were out of their reach, we returned 
 home together. 
 
 While 1 was preparing myself for my journey, it happened that I 
 passing through the Inner Temple one day, and encountering Sir Robert 
 Vanghan in this country, some harsh words past betwixt us, which oc- 
 casioned him, at the persuasion of others whom I will not nominate, to 
 send me a challenge ; this was brought me at my house in Blackfriars, 
 by Captain Charles Price, upon a Sunday, about one of the clock in 
 the afternoon. When I had read it, I told Charles Price that I did or- 
 dinarily bestow this day in devotion, nevertheless that 1 would meet 
 Sir Robert Vaughan presently, and gave him thereupon the length of 
 my sword, demanding whether he brought any second with him ; to 
 which Charles Price replying that he would be in the field with him, I 
 told my brother, Sir Henry Herbert then present, thereof, who readily 
 offering himself to be my second, nothing was wanting now but the place 
 to be agreed upon betwixt us, which was not far from the waterside near 
 Chelsea. 
 
 My brother and I taking boat presently, came to the place, where, 
 after we had staid about two hours in vain, 1 desired my brother to go 
 to Sir Robert Vaughan's lodging, and tell him that I now attended his 
 coming a great while, and that I desired him to come away speedily; 
 hereupon my brother went, and after a wliile, returning back again, he 
 told me they were not ready yet : 1 attended then about an hour and 
 
 H
 
 58 fclFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 an half longer, but as he did not come, I sent my brother a second time 
 to call him away, and to tell him I catched cold, nevertheless that I 
 would stay there till sun-set. My brother yet could not bring him 
 along, but returned himself to the place, where we staid together till 
 half an hour after sun-set, and then returned home. 
 
 The next day the Earl of Worcester, by the king's command, forbid 
 me to receive any message or letter from Sir Robert Vaughan, and ad- 
 vertised me withal, that the kiug had given him charge to end the 
 business betwixt us, for which purpose he desired me to come before 
 him the next day about two o'clock ; at which time, after the Earl had 
 told me, that being now made ambassador, and a public person, I ought 
 not to entertain private quarrels; after which, without much ado, he 
 ended the business betwixt Sir Robert Vaughan and myself. It was 
 thought by some, that this would make me lose my place, I being un- 
 der so great an obligation to the king for my employment in France; 
 but Sir George Villiers, afterwards duke of Buckingham, told me he 
 would warrant me for this one time, but I must do so no more. 
 
 I was now almost ready for my journey, and had received already as 
 choice a company of gentlemen for my attendants, as I think ever fol- 
 lowed an ambassador ; when some of my private friends told me, that I 
 was not to trust so much to my pay from the exchequer, but that it was 
 necessary for me to take letters of credit with me, for as much money as 
 I could well procure. Informing myself hereupon who had furnished 
 thelast ambassador, I was told Monsieur Savage, a Frenchman : com- 
 ing to his house, I demanded whether he would help me with monies in 
 France, as he had done the last ambassador ; he said he did not know 
 me, but would inform himself better who 1 was. Departing thus from 
 him, I went to Sigr. Burlamacchi, a man of great credit in those times, 
 and demanded of him the same; his answer was, that he knew me to 
 be a man of honour, and I had kept my word with every body ; where- 
 upon also going to his study, gave me a letter of credence to one Mon- 
 sieur de Langherac in Paris, for 20001. sterling. I then demanded what 
 security he expected for this money ? He said, he would have nothing 
 but my promise; I told him he had put a great obligation upon me, 
 and that I would strive to acquit myself of it the best I could. 
 
 Having now a good sum of money in my coffers, and this letter of 
 credit, I made ready for my journey : the day I went out of London I 
 remember was the same in which Queen Anne was carried to burial, 
 which was a sad spectacle to all that had occasion to honour her. My 
 first night's journey was to Gravesend, where being at supper in my 
 inn, Monsieur Savage formerly mentioned came to me, and told me, 
 that whereas I had spoken to him for a letter of credit, he had made 
 one which he thought would be to my contentment. I demanded to 
 whom it was directed ; he said to Monsieur Tallemant and Rambouillet, 
 in Paris ; I asked then what they were worth ? he said, above one hun- 
 dred thousand pounds sterling. I demanded for how much this letter 
 of credit was ? he said, for as much as I should have ueed of: I asked
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 59 
 
 what security he required ? lie said, nothing but my word, which he 
 had heard was inviolable. 
 
 From Gravesend, by easy journeys 1 went to Dover, where I took ship- 
 ping;, with a train of a hundred and odtl persons, and arrived shortly after 
 at Calais, where I remember my cheer wat» twice as good as at Dover, and 
 my reckoning half as cheap. From whence 1 went to Boulogne, Monstre- 
 ville, Abbeville, Amiens, and in two days thence, to St. Dennis near 
 Paris, where 1 was met with a great train of coaches that were sent to 
 receive me, as also by the master of the ceremonies, and Monsieur 
 Mention, my fellow scholar, with Monsieur Disancour, who then kept an 
 academy, and brought with him a brave company of gentlemen on great 
 horses, to attend me into town. 
 
 it was now somewhat late when I entered Paris, upon a Saturday night ; 
 I was but newly settled in my lodging, when a secretary of the Spanish 
 ambassador there told me that his lord desired to have first audience 
 from me, and therefore requested he might see me the next morning; I 
 replied, it was a day I gave wholly to devotion, and therefore intreated 
 him to stay till some more convenient time: the secretary replied, that 
 his master did hold it no less holy ; howbeit, that his respect to me was 
 such, that he would prefer the desire he had to serve me before all other 
 considerations; howsoever I put him off till Monday following. 
 
 Not long after, I took a house in Fauxbourg St. Germains Rue 
 Tournon, which cost me 200/. sterling yearly ; having furnished the 
 house richly, and lodged all my train, I prepared for a journey to Tours 
 and Touraine, where the French court then was: being come hither in 
 extreme hot weather, I demanded audience of the king and queen, which 
 being granted, I did assure the king of the great affection the king my 
 master bore him, not only out of the ancient alliance betwixt the two 
 crowns, but because Henry the Fourth and the king my master had 
 stipulated with each other, that whensoever any one of them died, the 
 survivor should take care of the other's child: I assured him further, 
 that no charge was so much imposed upon me by my instructions, as 
 that I should do good offices betwixt both kingdoms; and therefore that 
 it were a great fault in me, if I behaved myself otherwise than with all 
 re«pect to his majesty : this being done I presented to the king a letter 
 of credence from the king my master: the king assured me of a reci- 
 procal affection to the king my master, and of my particular welcome to 
 his court : his words were never many,' as being so extreme a stutterer, 
 that he would sometimes hold his tongue out of his mouth a good while 
 before he could speak so much as one word ; he had besides a double 
 row of teeth, and was observed seldom or never to spit or blow his nose, 
 or to sweat much, though he were very laborious, and almost indefatigable 
 in his exercises of hunting and hawking, to which he was much addicted ; 
 neither did it hinder him, though he was burst in his body, as we call it, 
 or herniosus ; for he was noted in those sports, though oftentimes ou foot, 
 to tire not only his courtiers, but even his lackies, being equally iusemiible 
 as was thought, either of heat or cold : his understanding and natural
 
 60 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 parts were as good as could be expected in one that was brought up in so 
 much ignorance, which was on purpose so done that he might be the 
 longer governed; howbeit, he acquired in time a great knowledge in 
 affairs, as conversing for the most part with wise and active persons. He 
 was noted to have two qualities incident to all who were ignorantly 
 brought up — suspicion and dissimulation ; for as ignorant persons walk 
 bo much in the dark, they cannot be exempt from fear of stumbling ; 
 and as they are likewise deprived of, or deficient in those true principles 
 by which they should govern both public aud private actions in a wise, 
 solid, and demonstrative way, they strive commonly to supply these im- 
 perfections with covert arts, which though it may be sometimes excusable 
 in necessitous persons, and be indeed frequent among those who negociate 
 in small matters, yet condemnable ko princes, who, proceeding upon 
 foundations of reason and strength, ought not to submit themselves to 
 such poor helps : howbeit, I must observe, that neither his fears did take 
 away his courage, when there was occasion to use it, nor his dissimulation 
 extend itself to the doing of private mischiefs to his aubjects, either of 
 one or the other religion ; his favourite was one Monsieur de Luynes, 
 who in his non-age gained much upon the king, by making hawks fly at 
 all little birds in his gardens, and by making some of those little birds 
 again catch butter-flies ; and had the king used him for no other purpose 
 he might have been tolerated ; but as, when the king came to a riper age, 
 the government of public affairs was drawn chiefly from his counsels, not 
 a few errors were committed. 
 
 The queen-mother, princes, and nobles of that kingdom, repined that 
 his advices to the king should be so prevalent, which also at last caused 
 a civil war in that kingdom. How unfit this man was for the credit he 
 had with the king may be argued by this; that when there was question 
 made about some business in Bohemia, he demanded whether it was 
 an inland country, or lay upon the sea? And thus much for the present 
 of the king and his favourite. 
 
 After my audieuce with the king, I had another from the queen, be- 
 ing sister to the king of Spain ; 1 had little to say unto her but some 
 compliments on the king my master's part ; but such compliments 
 as her sex and quality were capable of. This queen was exceedingly 
 fair, like those of the house of Austria, and together of so mild and 
 good a condition, she was never noted to have done ill offices to any, 
 but to have mediated as much as possible for her, in satisfaction of 
 those who had any suit to the king, as far as their cause would bear. 
 She had now been married divers years without having any children, 
 though so ripe for them, that nothing seemed to be wanting on her 
 part. I remember her the more particularly, that she shewed publicly 
 at my audiences that favour to me, as not only my servants, but 
 divers others took notice of it. After this my first audience, 1 went to 
 see Monsieur de Luynes, and the principal ministers of state, as also 
 the princes and princesses, and ladies then in court, and particularly the 
 princess of Conti, from whom I carried the scarf formerly mentioned ;
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. -Gl- 
 
 and this is as much as I shall declare iu this place concerning my nego- 
 ciation with the king and state, my purpose being, if God sends me life, 
 to set them forth apart, as having the copies of all my dispatches in a 
 great trunk, in my house in London ; and considering that in that time 
 of my stay there, there were diver* civil wars in that country, and that 
 the prince, now king, passed with my Lord of Buckingham, unci others, 
 through France into Spain ; and the business of the Elector Palatine in 
 Bohemia, aud the battle of Prague, and divers other memorable acci- 
 dents, both of state and war, happened during the time of my employ- 
 ment ; I conceive a narration of them may be worth the seeing, to them 
 who have it not from a better hand ; I shall ouly therefore relate here, 
 as they come into my memory, certain little passages, which may serve 
 iu some part to declare the history of my life. 
 
 Coming back from Tours to Paris, I gave the best order I could con« 
 cerning the expences of my house, family, and stable, that 1 might settle 
 all things as near as was possible in a certain course, allowing, according 
 to the manner of France, so many pounds of beef, mutton, veal, and 
 pork, and so much also in turkeys, capons, pheasants, partridges, and all 
 other fowls, as also pies aud tarts, after the French manner, and after all 
 this, a dozen dishes of sweetmeats every rneal constantly. The ordering 
 of these things was the heavier to me, that my wife flatly refused to 
 come over into France, as being now entered into a dropsy, which also 
 had kept her without children for many years: I was constrained there- 
 fore to make use of a steward, who was understanding aud diligent, but 
 no very honest man ; my chief secretary was William Boswell, now the 
 king's agent in the Low-Countries; my secretary for the French tongue 
 was one Monsieur Ozier, who afterwards was the king's ageut in France. 
 The gentleman of my horse was Monsieur de Meny, who afterwards 
 commanded a thousand horse, in the wars of Germany, and proved a 
 very gallant gentleman. Mr. Crofts was one of my principal gentlemen, 
 and afterwards made the king's cup-bearer ; and Thomas Caage, that 
 excellent wit, the king's carver ; Edmund Taverner, whom I made my 
 under secretary, was afterwards chief secretary to the lord chamberlain ; 
 and one Mr. Smith, secretary to the Earl of Northumberland ; I nomi- 
 nate these, and could many more, that came to very good fortunes 
 afterwards, because I may verify that which I said before concerning the 
 gentlemeu that attended me. 
 
 When 1 came to Paris, the English and French were in very ill intel- 
 ligence with each other, insomuch that one Buckly coming then to me, 
 said he was assaulted aud hurt upon Pontneuf, only because he was au 
 Englishman : nevertheless, after I had been in Paris about a month, alt 
 the English were so welcome thither, that no other nation was so accept- 
 able amongst them, insomuch, that my gentlemen having a quarrel with 
 some debauched French, who in their drunkenness quarrelled with them, 
 divers principal gentlemeu of that nation offered themselves to assist my 
 people with their swards, 
 
 It happened one day that my cousin, Oliver Herbert, and George 
 Kidney, being gentlemen who attended me, and Henry Whittinghaoi,
 
 62 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 my butler, bad a quarrel with some French, upon I know not what frivo- 
 lous occasion. It happened my cousin, Oliver Herbert, had for his op- 
 posite a fencer, belonging to the Prince of Conde, who was dangerously 
 hurt by him in divers places ; but as the house, or hostel, of the Prince 
 of Conde was not far off, and himself well beloved in those quarters, the 
 French in great multitudes arising, drove away the three above mention- 
 ed into my house, pursuing them within the gates ; I perceiving this at a 
 window, rau out with my sword, which the people no sooner saw, but 
 they fled again as fast as ever they entered. Howsoever, the Prince of 
 Conde, his fencer, was in that danger of his life, that Oliver Herbert was 
 forced to fly France, which, that he might do the better, I paid the said 
 fencer 200 crowns, or 60l. Sterling, for his hurt and cures. 
 
 The plague now being hot in Paris, I desired the Duke of Mont- 
 moreucy to lend me the castle of Merlou, where 1 lived in the time of 
 his most noble father, which he willingly granted. Removing thither, 
 I enjoyed that sweet place and country, wherein I found a few that wel- 
 comed me out of their ancient acquaintance. 
 
 On the one side me was the Baron de Montaterre, of the reformed re- 
 ligion, and Monsieur de Bouteville on the other, who, though young at 
 that time, proved afterwards to be that brave cavalier which all France 
 did so much celebrate. In both their castles likewise, were ladies of 
 much beauty and, discretion, and particularly a sister of Bouteville, 
 thought to be one of the chief perfections of the time, whose company 
 yielded some divertisement, when my public occasions did suffer it. 
 
 Winter being now come, 1 returned to my house in Paris, and pre- 
 pared for renewing the oath of alliance betwixt the two crowns, for 
 which, as 1 said formerly, I had an extraordinary commission ; never- 
 theless the king put off the business to as long a time as he well could. 
 In the mean while Prince Henry of Nassau, brother to Prince Maurice, 
 coming to Paris, was met and much welcomed by me, as being obliged 
 to him no less than to his brother in the Low-Countries. This prince, 
 and all his train, were feasted by me at Paris with one hundred dishes, 
 costing, as 1 remember, in all 100/. 
 
 The French king at last resolving upon a day for performing the 
 ceremony betwixt the two crowns above mentioned, myself and all my 
 train put ourselves into that sumptuous equipage, that I remember it 
 cost me, one way or other, above 1000/. And truly the magnificence 
 of it was such, as a little French book was presently printed thereof. 
 This being done, I resided here in the quality of an ordinary ambassador. 
 
 And now I shall mention some particular passages concerning my- 
 self. I spent my time much in the visits of the princes, council of state, 
 and great persons of the French kingdom, who did ever punctually re- 
 quite my visits. The like I did also to the chief ambassadors there, 
 among whom the Venetian, Low-Country, Savoy, and the united 
 . princes in Germany, ambassadors, did bear me that respect, that they 
 usually met in my house, and advised together concerning all the great 
 affairs of that time. All our endeavours yet could not hinder, but that
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 63 
 
 the Spaniard both publicly prevailed in his attempts abroad, and pri- 
 vately did corrupt divers of the principal ministers of state in this king- 
 dom. I came todiscover this by the means of an Italian, who returned 
 over, by letters of exchange, the monies the Spanish ambassador re- 
 ceived for his occasions in France : for I perceived that when the said 
 Italian was to receive any extraordinary great sum for the Spanish am- 
 bassador's use, the whole face of affairs was presently changed, insomuch 
 that neither my reasons, nor the ambassadors above mentioned, how 
 valid soever, could prevail : though yet afterwards we found means to- 
 gether, to reduce affairs to their former train ; until some other new 
 great sum coining to the Spanish ambassador's hand, and from thence 
 to the aforesaid ministers of state, altered all. Howbeit divers visits 
 passed betwixt the Spanish ambassador and myself; in one of which he 
 told me, that though our interests were divers, yet we might continue 
 friendship in our particular persons; for, said he, it can be no occasion 
 of offence betwixt us, that each of us strive the best he can to serve the 
 king his master. 1 disliked not his reasons, though yet I could not 
 omit to tell him, that I would maintain the dignity of the king my 
 master the best I could : and this I said, because the Spanish ambas- 
 sador had taken place of the English, in the time of Henry IV., in this 
 fashion :— they both meeting in an antichamber to the secretary of state, 
 the Spanish ambassador, leaning to the wall in that posture that he took 
 the hand of the English ambassador, said publicly, I hold this place in 
 the right of the king my master; which small punctilio being not re- 
 sented by our ambassador at that time, gave the Spaniard occasion to 
 brag, that he had taken the hand from our ambassador. This made me 
 more watchful to regain the honour which the Spaniard pretended to 
 have gotten herein ; so that though the ambassador, in his visits, often 
 repeated the Words above mentioned, being in Spanish, Que cada una 
 haga lo que pudiere por su amo, Let every man do the best he can for 
 his master, I attended the occasion to right my master. It happened 
 one day, that both of us going to the French king for our several affairs, 
 the Spanish ambassador, between Paris and Estampes, being upon his 
 way before me in his coach, with a train of about sixteen or eighteen 
 persons on horseback, 1 following him in my coach, with about ten or 
 twelve horse, found that either I must go the Spanish pace, which is 
 slow, or if I hasted to pass him, that I must hazard the suffering of 
 some affront like unto that our former ambassador received ; proposing 
 hereupon to my gentlemen the whole business, I told them that I meant 
 to redeem the honour of the king my master some way or other, de- 
 manding further, whether they would assist me ? which they promising, 
 I bid the coachman drive on. The Spanish ambassador seeing me ap- 
 proach, and imagining what my intention was, sent a gentleman to me, 
 to tell me he desired to salute me; which I accepting, the gentleman 
 returned to the ambassador, who, alighting from his coach, attended me 
 in the middle of the highway; which being perceived by me, I alighted 
 also, when, some extravagant compliments having passed betwixt us, the
 
 64 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 Spanish ambassador took his leave of me, went to a dry ditch not far off, 
 upon pretence of making water, but indeed to hold the upper hand of 
 me while I passed by in my coach ; which being observed by me, I left 
 my coach, and getting upon a spare horse I had there, rode into the said 
 dry ditch, and telling him aloud, that I knew well why he stood there, 
 bid him afterwards get to his coach, for I must ride that way : the 
 Spanish ambassador, who understood me well, went to his coach grumb- 
 ling and discontented, though yet neither he nor his train did any more 
 than look one upon another, in a confused manner : my coach this while 
 passing by the ambassador on the same side I was, 1 shortly after left my 
 horse and got into it. It happened this while, that one of my coach 
 horses having lost a shoe, I thought fit to stay at a smith's forge, about a 
 quarter of a mile before; this shoe could not be put on so soon, but that 
 the Spanish ambassador overtook us, and might indeed have passed us, 
 but that he thought 1 would give him another affront. Attending, there- 
 fore, the smith's leisure, he staid in the highway, to our no little admi- 
 ration, until my horse was shoed. We continued our journey to Es- 
 tampes, the Spanish ambassador following us still at a good distance. 
 
 Among the visits I rendered to the grandees of France, one of the 
 principal I made was to that brave general the Duke of Lesdigueres, who 
 was now grown very old and deaf. His first words to me were, Monsieur, 
 you must do me the honour to speak high, for I am deaf; my answer 
 to him was, You was born to command and not to obey ; it is enough if 
 others have ears to hear you. This compliment took him much, and in- 
 deed I have a manuscripts of his military precepts and observations, 
 which I value at a great price. 
 
 I shall relate now some things concerning myself, which though they 
 may seem scarcely credible, yet, before God, are true: I had been now 
 in France about a year and an half, when my tailor, Andrew Henly of 
 Basil, who now lives in Blackfryars, demanded of me half a yard of 
 satin, to make me a suit, more than I was accustomed to give; of which 
 1 required a reason, saying I was not fatter now than when I came to 
 France. He answered, it was true, but you are taller ;»whereunto, when 
 I would give no credit, he brought his old measures, and made it appear 
 that they did not reach to their just places. 
 
 I weighed myself in balances often with men lower than myself by the 
 head, and in their bodies slenderer, and yet was found lighter than they, 
 as Sir Jahn Davers, knight, and Richard Griffiths, now living, can 
 witness, with whom I have been weighed, I had also, and have still, a 
 pulse on the crown of my head. It is well known to those that wait in 
 my chamber, that the shirts, waistcoats, and other garments I wear next 
 my body, are sweet, beyond what either easily can be believed, or hath 
 been observed in any else, which sweetness also was found to be in my 
 breath above others, before I used to take tobacco, which, towards my 
 latter time, I was forced to take against certain rheums and catarrhs that 
 trouble me, which yet did not taint my breath for any long time; I 
 scarce ever felt cold in my life, though yet so subject to catarrhs, that
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 63 
 
 I think no man ever was more obnoxious to it ; all which I do in a 
 familiar way mention to my posterity, though otherwise they might be 
 thought scarce worth the writing. 
 
 The effect of my being sent into France by the king my master, being 
 to hold all good intelligence betwixt both crowns, my employment was 
 both noble and pleasing. Besides the times I spent in treaties and 
 negociation, I had either with the ministers of state in France, or foreign 
 ambassadors residing in Paris, I had spare time not only for my book, 
 but for visits to divers grandees, for little more ends than obtaining 
 some intelligence of the affairs of that kingdom and civil conversation, 
 for which their free, generous, and cheerful company was no little 
 motive. 
 
 It happened one day, that I being ready to return from the Thuilleries, 
 abought eight of the clock in the summer, with intention to write a dis- 
 patch to the king about some intelligence I had received there, the queen 
 attended with her principal ladies, without so much as one cavalier, did 
 enter the garden ; I staid on one side of an alley, there to do my reverence 
 to her and the rest, and so return to my house, when the queen perceiving 
 me, staid a while, as if she expected 1 should attend her ; but as I stirred 
 not more thau to give her that respect I owed her, the Princess of Conti, 
 who was next, called me to her, and said I must go along with her, but 
 I excusing myself upon occasion of a present dispatch which I was to 
 make unto his majesty, the Duchess of Antador, who followed her, 
 came to me, and said I must not refuse her; whereupon, leading her 
 by her arms, according to the manner of that country, the Princess of 
 Conti, offended that I had denied her that civility which I had yielded 
 to another, took me off, after she had demanded the consent of the 
 duchess ; but the queen then also staying, I left the princess, and, with 
 all due humility, went to the queen, and led her by the arms walking 
 thus to a place in the garden where some orange trees grew, and here 
 discoursing with her majesty bare-headed, gome small shot fell on both 
 our heads : the occasion whereof was this ; the king being in the garden, 
 and shooting at a bird in the air, which he did with much perfection, the 
 descent of his shot fell just upon us; the queen was much startled here- 
 with, when I, coming nearer to her, demanded whether she had received 
 any harm ; to which she answering no, and therewith taking two or 
 three small pellets from her hair, it was thought fit to send a gardener to 
 the king, to tell him that her majesty was there, and that he should 
 shoot no more that way, which was no sooner heard among the nobles 
 that attended him, but many of them leaving him, came to the queen 
 and ladies, among whom wus Monsieur le Grand, who, finding the 
 queen still discoursing with me, stole behind her, and letting fall gently 
 some comfits he had in his pocket upon the queen's hair, gave ber oc- 
 casion to apprehend that some shot had fallen on her agaiu ; turning 
 hereupon to Monsieur le Grand, I said that 1 marvelled that so old a 
 courtier as he was could find no means to entertain ladies but by making 
 
 1
 
 66 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 them afraid ; but the queen shortly after returning to her lodging, I 
 took my leave of her and came home. 
 
 It fell out one day that the prince of Conde coming to my house, some 
 speech happened concerning the king my master, in whom, though he 
 acknowledged much learning, knowledge, clemency, and divers other 
 virtues, yet he said he had heard that the king was much given to curs- 
 ing ; I answered that it was out of his gentleness ; hut the prince demand- 
 ing how cursing could be a gentleness ? I replied, yes, for though he 
 could punish men himself, yet he left them to God to punish ; which 
 defence of the king my master was afterwards much celebrated in the 
 French court. 
 
 Monsieur de Luines continuing still the king's favourite, advised him 
 to war against his subjects of the reformed religion in F ranee. This 
 counsel, though approved by the young king, was yet disliked by other 
 grave and wise persons about him, and particularly by the chancellor 
 Sillery, and the president Jannin, who thought, better to have a peace 
 which had two religions, than a war that had none. Howbeit, the design 
 of Luines was applauded, not only by the Jesuit party io France, but by 
 some princes, and other martial persons, insomuch that the Duke of 
 Guise coming to see me one day, said, that they should never be happy 
 in France, until those of the religion were rooted out: I answered, that 
 I wondered to hear him say so; and the Duke demanding why, I replied, 
 that whensoever those of the religion were put down, the turn of the 
 great persons, and governors of provinces of that kingdom, would be 
 next; and that, though the present king were a good prince, yet that 
 their successors may be otherwise, and that men did not know how soon 
 princes might prove tyrants, when they had nothing to fear. 
 
 The king having now assembled an army, and made some progress 
 against those of the religion, I had instruction sent me from the king my 
 master to mediate a peace, and if I could not prevail therein, to use 
 souie such words as may both argue his majesty's care of them of the 
 religion, and together, to let the French king know, that he would not 
 permit their total ruin and extirpation. The king was now going to lay 
 siege to St. Jean d'Angley, when myself was newly recovered of a fever 
 at Paris, in which, besides the help of many able physicians, I had the 
 comfort of divers visits from many principal grandees of France, and 
 particularly the princess of Conti, who would sit by my bedside two or 
 three hours, and with cheerful discourse entertain me, though yet I was 
 brought so low, that I could scarce return any thing by way of answer 
 but thanks. The command yet which I received from the king my 
 master quickened me, insomuch, that by slow degrees I went into my 
 coach, together with my train, towards St Jean d'Angely. Being arrived 
 within a small distance of that place, I found by divers circumstance?, 
 that the effect of my negociation had been discovered from England, and 
 that I was not welcome thither, howbeit, having obtained an audience from 
 the king, I exposed what I had in charge to say to him, to which yet 1 
 received no other answer but that 1 should go to M. de Luines, by whom
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. C7 
 
 I should know his majesty's intention. Repairing thus to him, I did 
 find outwardly good reception, though yet 1 did not know how cunningly 
 he proceeded to betray and frustrate my endeavours for those of the 
 religion; for, hiding a gentleman, called Monsieur Ariuud, behind the 
 hangings in his chamber, who was then of the religion, but had promised 
 a revolt to the king's side, this gentleman, as he himself confessed after- 
 wards to the earl of Carlisle, had in charge to relate unto those of the 
 religion, how little help they might expect from me, when he should tell 
 them the answers which Monsieur de Luines made me. Sitting thus in 
 a chair before Monsieur de Luines, he demanded the effect of my busi- 
 ness; I answered, that the king my master commauded me to mediate a 
 peace betwixt his majesty and his subjects of the religion, and that I 
 desired to do it in all those fair and equal terms, which might stand with 
 the honour of France, and the good intelligence betwixt the two king- 
 doms ; to which he returned this rude answer ouly, What hath the king 
 your master to do with our actions ? why doth he meddle with our affairs? 
 My reply was, that the king my master ought not to give an account of 
 the reason which induced him hereunto, and for me it was enough to 
 obey him ; howbeit, if he did ask me in more gentle terms, 1 should do 
 the best I could to give him satisfaction ; to which, though he answered 
 no more than the word bien, or well, 1, pursuing my instruction, said, 
 that the king my master, according to the mutual stipulation betwixt 
 Henry the Fourth and himself, that the survivor of either of them should 
 procure the tranquillity and peace of the other's estate, had sent this 
 message ; and that he had not only testified this his pious inclination 
 heretofore, in the late civil wars of France, but was desirous on this 
 occasion also to show how much he stood affected to the good of the 
 kingdom ; besides, he hoped that when peace was established here, that 
 the French king might be the more easily disposed to assist the palatine, 
 who was an ancient friend and ally of the French crown. His reply to 
 this was, We will have none of your advices : whereupon I said, that 1 
 took those words for an answer, and was sorry ouly they did not under- 
 stand sufficiently the affection and good will of the king my master ; and 
 since they rejected it upou those terms, I had in charge to tell him, that 
 we knew very well what we had to do. Luines seeming offended here- 
 with, said, Nous ne vous craignons pas, or, we are not afraid of you. I 
 replied hereupon, that if you hud said you had not loved us, 1 should 
 have believed you, but should have returned you another answer; in the- 
 mean while, that 1 had no more to say thau what I told him formerly,, 
 which was, that we knew what we had to do. This, though somewhat 
 less than was in my instructions, so angered him, that in much passion 
 he said, Par Dieu, si vous n'cties Monsieur rAmbassadeur,je vaus trait- 
 terois d'wu' autre sorte ; by God, if you were not Monsieur Ambassador, 
 1 would use you after another fashion. My answer was, that as I was un 
 ambassador, so I was also a gentleman; and therewithal^ laying my 
 hand upon the hilt of my sword, told him, there was Uit^t whicn should , 
 make him au answer, and so arose from my chair ; to wyncii Monsieur
 
 68 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 de Luines made no reply, but, arising likewise from his chair, offered 
 civilly to accompany me to the door ; but I telling him there was no 
 occasion for him to use ceremony, after so rude an entertainment, I 
 departed from him. From thence returning to my lodging, I spent 
 three or four days afterwards in seeing the manner of the French discipline, 
 in making approaches to towns ; at that time I remember, that going 
 in my coach within reach of cannon, those in the town imagining me to 
 be an enemy, made many shots against me, which so affrighted my coach- 
 man, that he durst drive no farther ; whereupon alighting, 1 bid him put 
 the horses out of danger ; and notwithstanding many more shots made 
 against me, went on foot to the trenches, where one Seaton, a Scotchman, 
 conducting me, shewed me their works, in which I found little differing 
 from tlie Low Country manner. Having satisfied myself in this manner, 
 I thought fit to take my leave of the king, being at Cognac,*the city of 
 St Jean d'Angely being now surrendered unto him. Coming thus to a 
 village not far from Cognac, about ten of the clock at night, I found all 
 the lodgings possessed by soldiers ; so that alighting in the market place 
 I sent my servants to the inns to get some provision, who bringing me 
 only six rye loaves, which I was doubtful whether I should bestow on 
 myself and company, or on my horses, Monsieur de Ponts, a French 
 nobleman of the religion, attended with a brave train, hearing of my 
 being there, offered me lodging in his castle near adjoining : 1 told him 
 it was a great courtesy at that time, yet I could not with my honour 
 accept it, since I knew it would endanger him ; howbeit, if he would 
 procure roe lodging in the town, I should take it kindly ; whereupon 
 sending his servants round about the town, he found at last in the house 
 of one of his tenants, a chamber, to which, when he had conducted me, 
 and together gotten some little accommodation for myself and horses, I 
 desired him to depart to his lodgings, he being then in a place which his 
 enemies the king's soldiers, had possessed. All which was not so silently 
 carried, but that the said nobleman was accused afterwards at the French 
 court, upon suspicion of holding correspondence^with me, whereof it was 
 my fortune to clear him. 
 
 Coming next day to Cognac, the Mareschal de St. Geran, my noble 
 friend, privately met me, and said I was not in a place of surety there, 
 as having offended Monsieur de Luines, who was the king's favourite, 
 desiring me withal to advise what I had to do : I told him I was in a 
 place of surety wheresoever I had a sword by my side ; and that 1 in- 
 tended to demand audience of the king ; which also being obtained, I, 
 found not so cold a reception as I thought to meet with, insomuch 
 that I parted with his majesty, to all outward appearance, in very 
 good terms. 
 
 From hence returning to Paris shortly after, 1 found myself welcome 
 to all those ministers of state there, and noblemen, who either envied the 
 greatness, or loved not the insolencies of Monsieur de Luines; by whom 
 also 1 was told, that the said Luines had intended to send a brother of 
 his into England with an embassy, the effect whereof should be chiefly
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 69 
 
 to complain against me, and to obtain that 1 should be repealed ; and 
 that he intended to relate the passages betwixt us at St. Jean d'Angely 
 iu a much different manner from that I reported, and that he would 
 charge me with giving the first offence. After thanks for this adver- 
 tisement, I told them my relation of the business betwixt us, in the 
 manner 1 delivered, was true, and that I would justify it with my sword ; 
 at which they being nothing scandalized, wished me good fortune. 
 
 The ambassador into England following shortly after, with a huge 
 train, in a sumptuous manner, and an accusation framed against me, I 
 was sent for home, of which 1 was glad, my payment being so ill, that 
 I was run far into debt with my merchant, who had assisted me now 
 with 3 or 40001. more than I was able at the present to discharge. 
 Coming thus to court, the duke of Buckingham, who was then my 
 noble friend, informed me at large of the objections represented by tl>e 
 French ambassador, to which wheu I had made my defence in the manner 
 above related, ] added, that I was ready to make good all that I had 
 said with my sword ; and shortly after, 1 did, in the presence of his 
 majesty and the duke of Buckingham, humbly desire leave to seod a 
 trumpet to Monsieur de Luines, to offer him the combat, upon term* 
 that passed betwixt us ; which was not permitted, otherwise than that 
 they would take my offer into consideration. Howsoever, notice being 
 publickly takeu of this my desire, much occasion of speech was given, 
 every man that heard thereof much favouring me; but the duke of 
 Luines death following shortly after, the business betwixt us was ended, 
 and 1 commanded to return to my former charge in France. 1 did not 
 yet presently go, as finding much difficulty to obtain the monies due to 
 me from the exchequer, and therewith, as also by my own revenues, to 
 satisfy my creditors in France. The Earl of Carlise this while being 
 employed extraordinary ambassador to France, brought home a confir- 
 mation of the passages betwixt Monsieur de Luines and myself; Monsieur 
 de Arnaud, who stood behind the hangings, as above related, having 
 verified all 1 said, insomuch, that the king my master was well satisfied 
 of my truth. 
 
 Having by this time cleared all my debts, when demanding new in- 
 structions from the king my master, the Earl of Carlisle brought me 
 this message, that his majesty had that experience of my abilities and 
 fidelity, that he would give roe no instructions, but leave all things to 
 my discretion, as knowing I would proceed with that circumspection, as 
 ] should be better able to discern, upon emergent occasions, what was fit 
 to be done, than that I should need to attend directions from hence, 
 which besides that they would be slow, might perchance be not so pro- 
 per, or correspondent to the conjuncture of the great affairs then in agita- 
 tion, both in France and Germany, and other parts of Christendom, and 
 that these things, therefore, must be left to my vigilance, prudence, and 
 fidelity. Whereupon I told his lordship, that I took this as a singular 
 expression of the trust his majesty reposed in me ; howbeit, that I de- 
 sired his lordship to pardon me, if I said 1 had herein only received *
 
 7o LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 greater power and latitude to err, and that I durst not trust my judg- 
 ment so far as that I would presume to answer for all events, iu such fac- 
 tious and turbulent times, and therefore again did humbly desire new 
 instructions, which I promised punctually to follow. The Earl of Car- 
 lisle returning hereupon to the king, brought me yet no other answer 
 back than that I formerly mentioned, and that his majesty did so much 
 confide iu me, that he would limit me with no other instructions, but 
 refer all to my discretion, promising together, that if matters proceeded 
 not as well as might be wished, he would attribute the default to any 
 thing rather than to my not performing my duty. 
 
 Finding his majesty thus resolved, I humbly took leave of him and 
 my friends at court, and went to Monsieur Savage; when demanding of 
 him new letters of credit, his answer was, he could not furnish me as he 
 had before, there being no limited sum expressed there, but that I should 
 have as much as 1 needed. 
 
 Coming thus to Paris, I found myself welcomed by all the principal 
 persons, nobody that I found there being either offended with the pas- 
 sages betwixt me and Monsieur de Luines, or that were sorry for his 
 death, in which number the queen's majesty seemed the most eminent 
 person, as one who long since had hated him : whereupon also, I cannot 
 but remember this passage, that iu an audience I had one day from the 
 queen, 1 demanded of her how far she would have assisted me with her 
 good offices against Luines ? she replied, that what cause soever she might 
 have to hate him, either by reason or by force, they would have made 
 ber to be of his side ; to which I answered in Spanish, No ay feurce 
 por las a reynas ; there is no force for queens; at which she smiled. 
 
 About this time, the Duke de Crouy, employed from Brussels to the 
 French court, coming to see me, said, by way of rhodomontade, as 
 though he would not speak of our isles, yet he saw all the rest of the 
 world must bow under the Spaniard ; to which 1 answered, God be 
 thanked they are not yet come to that pass, or when they were, they 
 have this yet to comfort them, that a,t worst they should be but the same 
 which you are now. 
 
 It happened one day that the agent from Brussels, and ambassador 
 from the Low-Countries, came to. see me, immediately one after the 
 other, to whom 1 said familiarly, that 1 thought that the inhabitants of 
 the parts of the seventeen provinces, which were under the Spaniards, 
 might be compared to horses in a stable, which, as they were finely cur- 
 ried, dressed, and fed, so they were well ridden also, spurred, and galled ; 
 and that I thought the Low-Country men were like to horses at grass, 
 which, though they wanted so good keeping as the other had, yet might 
 leap, kick, and fling, as much as \\}ty would ; which freedom of mine 
 displeased neither. 
 
 About this time, the French being jealous that the king my master 
 would match the prince, his son, with the king of Spain's sister, and to- 
 gether relinquish his alliance with, prance, myself^ who did endeavour 
 nothing more than to hold all good, intelligence betwixt the two crowns
 
 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 71 
 
 had enough to do. The Count de Gondomor passing now from Spain 
 into England, came to see me at Paris, about ten of the clock in the 
 morning, when, after some compliments, he told me that he was to go 
 towards England the next morning, and that he desired my coach to ac- 
 company him out of town; I told him, after a free and merry manner, 
 he should not have ray coach, and that if he demanded it, it was not be- 
 cause lie needed coaches, the pope's nuntio, the emperor's ambassador, 
 the duke of Bavaria's agent, and others, having coaches enough to fur- 
 nish him, but because he would put a jealousy betwixt me and the French, 
 as if I inclined more to the Spanish side than to their's. Gondomor 
 then looking merrily upon me, said I will dine with you jet ; I told him, 
 by his good favour, he should not dine with me at that time, and that 
 when I would entertain the ambassador of so great a king as his, it 
 should not be upon my ordinary, but that I would make him a feast 
 worthy of so great a person. Gondomor hereupon said, he esteemed me 
 much, and that he meant only to put a trick upon me, which he found 
 I had discovered, and that bethought that an Englishman had not knovn 
 how to avoid handsomely a trick put upon him under shew of civility. 
 
 This Gondomor being an able person, and dexterous in his negocia- 
 tions, had 60 prevailed with king James, that his majesty resolved to 
 pursue his treaty with Spain, and for that purpose, to send his son Prince 
 Charles in person to conclude the match. It was at last resolved, that 
 be, attended with the Marquis of Buckingham, and Sir Francis Cotting- 
 ton, his secretary, and Endimion Porter, and Mr. Grimes, gentleman of 
 the horse to the marquis, should pass in a disguised and private manner 
 through France to Madrid ; these live passing, though not without some 
 difficulty, from Dover to Boulogne, where taking post horses, they came 
 to Paris, and lodged at an inn in Rue St. Jacques, where it was advised 
 amongst them whether they should send for me to attend them ; after 
 some dispute, it was concluded in the negative, since, as one there ob- 
 jected, if 1 came alone in the quality of a private person, I must go on 
 foot through the streets ; and because I was a person generally known, 
 might be followed by someone or other, who would discover whither my 
 private visit tended, besides, that those in the inn must needs take notice 
 of my coining in that manner ; on the other side, if I came publicly with 
 ray usual train, the gentlemen with me must needs take notice of the 
 prince and Marquis of Buckingham, and consequently might divulge 
 it, which was thought not to stand with the prince's safety, who endea- 
 voured to keep his journey as secret as possible; howbeit, the prince 
 spent the day following his arrival in seeing the French court, and city 
 of Paris, without that any body did know his person, but a maid that 
 had sold linen heretofore in London, who seeing him pass by, said, cer- 
 tainly this is the Prince of Wales, but withal suffered him to hold his 
 way, and presumed not to follow him : the next day after, they took post 
 horses, and held their way towards Bayonne, a city frontier to Spain. 
 
 I shall not enter into a narration of the passages occurring in the 
 Spanish court, upon his htghness's arrival thither, though they were well
 
 72 LIFE OF LORD HERBERT. 
 
 known to me for the most part, by the information the French queen 
 was pleased to give me, who, among other things, told me that her 
 sister did wish well unto the prince. 
 
 New propositions being now made, and other counsels thereupon 
 given, the prince taking his leave of the Spanish court, came to St. 
 Andrews in Spain, where, shipping himself, with his train, arrived 
 safely at Portsmouth, about the beginning of October, \6-23 ; the news 
 whereof being shortly brought into France, the Duke of Guise came to 
 me, and said he found the Spaniards were not so able men as he thought, 
 since they had neither married the prince in their country, nor done any 
 thing to break his match elsewhere ; I answered, that the prince was 
 more dexterous than that any secret practice of theirs could be put upon 
 him ; and as for violence, 1 thought the Spaniard durst not offer it. 
 
 My book, De veritate prout distinguitur a verisimili, et d /also, 
 having been begun by me in England, and formed there in all its 
 principal parts, was, about this time finished, all the spare hours which 
 I could get from my visits and negotiations, being employed to perfect 
 this work, which was no sooner done, but that 1 communicated it to 
 Hugo Grotius, that great scholar, who, having escaped his prison in the 
 Low Countries, came into France, and whs much welcomed hy me and 
 Monsieur Tieleners also, one of the greatest scholars of his time, wIig, 
 after they had perused it, and given it more commendations than is fit 
 for me to repeat, exhorted me earnestly to print and publish it ; how- 
 beit, as the frame of my whole book was so different from any thing 
 which had been written heretofore, 1 found 1 must either renomice the 
 authority of all that had written formerly concerning the method of 
 finding out truth, and consequently insist upon my own way, or hazard 
 myself to a general censure, concerning the whole argument of my book ; 
 I must confess it did not a little animate me, that the two great persons 
 above mentioned did so highly value it, yet as I knew it would meet 
 with much opposition, I did consider whether it was not better for me 
 a while to suppress it. Being thus doubtful in my chamber, one fair 
 day in the summer, my casement being opened towards the south, the 
 sun shining clear, and no wind stirriug, 1 took my book, De Veritate, 
 in my hand, and, kneeling on my knees, devoutly said these words, 
 
 thou eternal God, Author of the light which now shines upon me, 
 and Giver of all inward illuminations, I do beseech thee, of thy infinite 
 goodness, to pardon a greater request than a sinner ought to make ; I 
 am not satisfied enough whether 1 shall publish this book, De Veritate ; 
 if it be for thy glory, I beseech thee give me some sigh from heaven; if 
 not, I shall suppress it. 
 
 1 had no sooner spoken there words, but a loud though yet gentle noise 
 came from the heavens, for it was like nothing on earth, which did so 
 comfort and cheer me, that I took my petition as granted, and that I 
 had the sign I demanded, whereupon also I resolved to print my book. 
 
 And now I sent, my book to be printed in Paris, at my own cost and 
 charges, without suffering it to be divulged to others than to such as I 
 thought might be worthy readers of it ; though afterwards reprinting it 
 in England, 1 not only dispersed it among the prime scholars of Europe, 
 but was sent to not only from the nearest but furthest parts of Christen- 
 dom, to desire the sight of my book, for which they promised any thing 
 I should desire by way of return ; but hereof more amply in its place. 
 
 The treaty of a match with Fiance continuing still, it was thought fit 
 for the concluding thereof, that the Earl of Carlisle and the Earl of 
 Holland should be sent extraordinary ambassadors to France. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 Printed by and for J. Davis, 
 14, Charlotte-Street , Bldomsbury.
 
 
 MEMOIRS- 
 
 OF 
 
 CAPTAIN GEORGE CARLETON, 
 
 AN ENGLISH OFFICER: 
 
 INCLUDING 
 
 \ 
 ANECDOTES OF THE WAR IN SPAIN UNDER THE EARL OF PETER- 
 BOROUGH; AND MANY INTERESTING PARTICULARS RELATING 
 TO THE MANNERS OF THE SPANIARDS IN THE BEGINNING OP 
 THE LAST CENTURY. 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED BY AND FOR J. DAVIS, 38, ESSEX-STREET, STRAND; 
 AND TO BE HAD OF ALL THE BOOKSELLERS. 
 
 1811.
 
 

 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 of 
 
 CAPTAIN CARLETON. 
 
 In the year 1672, war being proclaimed with Holland, it was 
 looked upon, among nobility and gentry, as a blemish, not to 
 bttend the duke of Vork aboard the fleet, who was then declared 
 admiral. With many others, I, at that time about twenty years 
 of age, entered myself a volunteer on board the London, com- 
 manded by sir Edward Sprage, vice-admiral r>f the red. 
 
 The fleet set sail from the buoy off the Nore, about the be- 
 ginning of May, in order to join the French fleet, then at anchor 
 in St. Helen's road, under the command of the count de Estree. 
 But in executing this design; we had a very narrow 'escape ; for de 
 Ruyter, the admiral of the Dutch fleet, having notice of our in- 
 tentions, waited to have intercepted us at the mouth of the river, 
 but, by the assistance of a great fog, we passed Dover before he 
 was aware of it; and thus he miscarried, with the poor advantage 
 6f taking only one small tender. ' 
 
 A day or two after the joining of the English and the French, 
 We sailed directly towards the Dutch coast, where we soon got 
 sight of their fleet ; a sand called the Galloper lying between. 
 The Dutch seemed willing there to expect an attact from us ; 
 but in regard the Charles man of war had been lost on those 
 rands the war before, and that our ships drawing more water 
 than those of the enemy, an engagement might be rendered 
 very disadvantageous, it was resolved in a council of war, to avoid, 
 coming to a battle for the present, and to sail directly for Sole- 
 bay, which was accordingly put in execution. - 
 
 We had not been in Solebay above four or five day?", when do 
 Ruyter, hearing of it, made his signal for sailing, in order to sur- 
 prise us; and he had certainly had his aim, had there been any 
 breeze of wind to favour him. But though they made use of all 
 their sails, there was so little air stirring, that we could see their 
 fleet making towards us long before they came up ; notwithstand- 
 ing which, our admirals found difficulty enough to form their ships 
 into a line of battle, so as to be ready to receive the enemy. 
 
 It \\iis about four in the morning of the 28th of May, being 
 Tuesday in Whitsun week, when we first made the discovery; and 
 about eight the same morning, the blue squadron, under the com- 
 mand of the earl of Sandwich, began to engage with admiral Van, 
 Ghent, who commanded the Amsterdam squadron ; and about 
 nine the whole fleets were under a general engagement. The 
 fight lasted till ten at night, and with equal fury ou all sides, the 
 French excepted, who appeared stationed there rather as spectators 
 than parties, and as unwilling to be too much upon the offensive 
 #or fear of offending themselves. 
 VOL. II. A
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 During the fight the English admiral had two ships disabled 
 under him, and was obliged, about four in the afternoon, to re- 
 move himself a third time into the London, where he remained 
 all the rest of the fight, and till next morning. Nevertheless, on 
 his entrance upon the London, which was the ship I was in, and on 
 our hoisting the standard, de Ruyter and her squadron seemed to 
 double their fire upon her, as if they resolved to blow her out of 
 the water. Notwithstanding all which, the duke of York remained 
 all the time upon quarter-deck ; and as the bullets plenti- 
 fully whizzed around him, would often rub his hands, and cry, 
 " Sprage, Sprage, they follow us still !" I am very sensible 
 latter times have not been over favourable in their sentiments of 
 that unfortunate prince's valour; yet I cannot omit the doing a 
 piece of justice to his memory, in relating a matter of fact,, of 
 which* my own eyes were witnesses, and saying, that if intrepidity 
 and undauntedness may be reckoned any parts of courage, no 
 mau in the fleet better deserved the title of courageous, or be- 
 haved himself with more gallantry, than he did, 
 
 The English lost the Royal James, commanded by the earl of 
 Sandwich, which about twelve (after the strenuous endeavours of 
 her sailors to disengage her from two-Dutch fire-ships placed on 
 her, one athwart her hawsers, the other on her starboard side) took 
 fire, blew up, and perished, and with her a great many brave 
 gentlemen, as well as sailors ; and amongst the rest the earl him- 
 self, concerning whom 1 shall further add, that in my passage 
 from Harwich to the Brill, a year or two after, the master of the 
 packet boat told me, that, having observed a great flock of gull* 
 hovering in one particular part of the sea, he ordered his boat to- 
 rnake up to it, when, discovering a corpse, the sailors would have 
 returned it to the sea, as the corpse of a Dutchman, but keeping it 
 , in his boat it proved to be that of the earl of Sandwich. There, 
 were found about him between twenty and thirty guineas, some 
 •ilver, and his gold watch ; restoring which to his lady, she kept 
 the watch, but rewarded their honesty with all the gold and silver. 
 This was the only ship the English lost in this long engage- 
 ment. For although the Katharine was taken, and her com- 
 mander, sir John Chicheley, made prisoner, her sailors, soon after 
 finding the opportunity they had watched for, seized all the Dutch,- 
 tailors who had been put in upon them, and brought the ship 
 back to our own fleet, together with all the Dutchmen, prisoners? 
 for which, as they deserved, they were well rewarded. This is 
 {he same ship which the earl of Mulgrave (afterwards duke of 
 Buckingham) commanded the next sea tight, and has caused to? 
 be painted in his house in St. James's park. 
 
 1-must not omit one very remarkable occurrence which hap- 
 pened i uthe 'ship. There was a gentleman aboard her, a volunteer, 
 of a very fine estate, generally known by the name of Hodge 
 Vaughari. This person received, in the beginning of the fight, a
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton, 
 
 considerable wound, which the great confusion during the battle 
 would not give them leave to inquire into; so he was carried out 
 of the way, and disposed of in the hold. They had some hog* 
 aboard, which the sailor, under whose care they were, had ne- 
 glected 1o feed ; these hogs, hungry as they were, found out, aud 
 fell upon the wounded person, and between dead and alive, eat him. 
 up to his very skull, which, after the right was over, and the ship 
 retaken as before, was all that could be found of him. 
 
 Another thing, less to be accounted for, happened to a gentle- 
 map volunteer, who was aboard the same ship with myself. He 
 was of known pergonal courage, in the vulgar notion of it, hi* 
 sword never baring failed him in many private duels ; but not- 
 withstanding all his land-mettle, it was observed of him at sea, 
 that whenever the bullets whizzed over his head, or any way 
 incommoded his ears, he immediately quitted the deck and ran 
 down into the hold. At first he was gentry reproached ; but after 
 many repetitions he Was laughed at, and began to be despised. 
 Sensible of which, as a testimonial ofhis* valour, he made it his re- 
 quest to be tied to the main mast; but, had it been granted him, 
 I cannot see any title he could have pleaded from hence to true 
 magnanimity, since to be tied from running away can import no- 
 thing less than that he would have still eontimied these signs of 
 cowardice, if he had not been prevented. There is a bravery of 
 mind, which I fancy few of those gentlemen duellists are possessed 
 of. True courage cannot proceed from what sir Walter Ralegh, 
 finely calls the art of philosophy of quarrel. No, it must be 
 the issue of principle, aud can have no other lwsis than a steady- 
 tenet of religion. This will appear more plain, if those artists iu 
 murder will give themselves leave coolly to consider, and answer 
 me this question, — Why he who had ran so many risques at his 
 sword's point should be so shamefully intimidated at the whiz of 
 a cannon ball? 
 
 The names of those English gentlemen who lost their lives* as I 
 remember, in this engagement: — commissioner Cox, captain of the 
 Royal Prince, under the command of the admiral ; Mr. Travaniau, 
 gentleman to the duke of York ; Mr. Digby, captain of the Henry, 
 second son to the earl of Bristol ; sir Fletchvile Hollis, captain of 
 the Cambridge, who lost one of his arms in the war bsfore, and 
 his life in this; captain Saddleton, of the Dartmouth; lord Maid- 
 stone, son to the earl of Winchelsea, a volunteer on board the 
 Charles, commanded by sir J. Harman, vice-admiral of the red ; sir. 
 P.Carteret, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Colterel, Mr.Poyton, and Mr. ( I 
 with several other gentlemen unknown to me, lost their lives with 
 the earl of Sandwich, on board the Royal James ; and Mr.Yaughan, 
 on board the Katherine, commanded by sir John Chicheley. 
 
 In this engagement sir George Rook was youngest lieutenant to 
 sir Edward'' Sprage ; Mr. Russell, afterward earl of OrfWd, was 
 captain of a small fifth rate, called the PhcenLx; Mr. Herbert, if-
 
 SUPPLEMENT T6 
 
 ' !■■■■ ■ ;=»» 
 
 Memoirs of Cdptain Carleton. 
 
 terwards earl of Torrington, was captain of a small fourth rate* 
 balled the Mouck; and sir Harry Diiitbn Colt, who was on board 
 the Victory, commanded by the earl of Ossory, is the only man now 
 living that I can remember was in this engagement. 
 
 But to proceed. The Dutch had one man of war sunk, though 
 so near the shore, that I saw some part of her main mast remain 
 above water; with their admiral Van Ghent, who was slain in the 
 close engagement with the earl of Sandwich; This engagement 
 lasted fourteen hours, and was looked upon as the greatest that 
 ever was fought between the English and the Hollander. 
 
 I cannot here omit one thing,which, to some, may seem trifling* 
 though, I am apt to think, our naturalists may have a different 
 opinion of it, and find it afford their fancies, no uudiverting em- 
 ployment in more curious and less perilous reflections. We had, 
 On board the London, where, as I have said, I was a volunteer, a 
 
 freat number of pigeons, of which our commander was very fond, 
 'hese, on the first firing of our cannon, dispersed and flew away, 
 and were seen no more near us during the fight. The next day it 
 blew a brisk gale, and drove our fleet some leagues to the south- 
 ward of the place where they forsook our ship, yet the day after 
 they all returned safe aboard ; not in oue flock, but in small par* 
 ties of four or five at a time. Some persons at that time aboard 
 the ship, admiring at the manner of their return, and speaking of 
 tt with some surprise, sir Edward Sprage told them, that he 
 ^brought those pigeons with him from the Streights ; and that 
 when, pursuant to his order, he left the Revenge man of war to go 
 aboard the London, all those pigeons, of their oWn accord, and 
 without the trouble and care of carrying, left the Revenge like* 
 wise, and removed with the sailors on board the London, where I 
 taw them, all which many of the sailors afterwards confirmed to 
 me. What sort of instinct this could proceed from, I leave to the 
 curious. 
 
 Soon after this sea engagement, I left the fleet. And the par- 
 liament, the winter following, manifesting their resentment* 
 against two of the plenipotentiaries, viz. Buckingham and Ar- 
 lington, who had been sent over into Holland, and expressing, 
 withal, their great umbrage taken at the prodigious progress of 
 the French arms in the United Provinces, and warmly remonstrat- 
 ing the inevitable danger attending England in their ruin ; king 
 Charles, fr«m all this, and for want of the expected supplies, found 
 himself under a necessity of clapping up a speedv peace with 
 Holland. 
 
 This peace leaving those youthful spirits that had by the late 
 naval war been raised into a generous ferment under a perfect in- 
 activity at home, they found themselves, to avoid a sort of life 
 that was their aversion, obliged to look out for one more active, 
 and more suitable to their vigorous tempers, abroad. 
 ' I m.uat acknowledge myself one of that number; aud therefore,
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 in the year lb'7-1, I resolved to go into Flanders, in order to serve 
 as volunteer in the army commanded by his highness the prince of 
 Orange. I took my passage accordingly a,t Dover, for Calais, 
 and so went by way of Dunkirk for Brussels. 
 
 Arriving at which place, I was informed that the army of the 
 confederates lay encamped not far from Neville, and under the 
 daily expectation of an engagement with the enemy. This news 
 made me press forward to the service; for which purpose I carried 
 along with me proper letters of recommendation to sir WalterVane, 
 who was at that time a major-general. Upon further inquiry, I 
 understood, that a party of horse, which was to guard some wag- 
 gons that were going to count Montery's army, were to set out 
 next morning; so I got an Irish priest to introduce me to the 
 commanding officer, which he readily obliged me in; and they, as 
 I wished them, arrived in tbe camp next day. 
 
 I had scarce been there an hour, when happened one of the 
 most extraordinary accidents in life. I observed in the east a 
 strange dusty coloured cloud, of a pretty large extent, riding (not 
 before the wind, for it was a perfect calm) with such a precipitate 
 motion that it was got over our heads almost as soon as seen. 
 When the skirts of that cloud begau to cover our camp, there 
 suddenly arose such a terrible hurricane, or whirlwind, that all the 
 tents were carried aloft with great violence into the air; and sol- 
 dier's hats flew so high and thick, that my fancy can resemble it 
 to nothing better than those flights of rooks, which, at dusk of 
 evening, leaving the fields, seek their roosting places. Trees were 
 torn up by the very roots, and the roofs of all the barns, &c. be- 
 longing to the prince's quarters, were blown quite away. This 
 lasted for about half an hour, until the cloud was wholly passed 
 over us, when as suddenly ensued the same pacific calm as before 
 the cloud's approach. Its course was seemingly directed west, 
 and yet, we were soon after informed, that the fine dome of the 
 great church at Utrecht had greatly suffered by it the same day. 
 And, if I am not much misaiken, sir William Temple, in his 
 Memoirs, mentions somewhat of it which he felt at Lillo, on hi* 
 return from the prince of Oiange's camp, where he had been a day 
 Or two before. 
 
 As soon after this as I could get an opportunity, I delivered, at 
 his quarters, my recommendatory letters to sir Walter Vane, who 
 received me very kindly, telling me at the same time, that there 
 were six or seven English gentlemen who had entered themselves 
 volunteers in the prince's own company of guards; and added, that 
 lie would immediately recommend me to count Solmes, their co- 
 lonel. He was not worse than his word, and I was entered ac- 
 cordingly. Those six gentlemen were as follows : Clavers, 
 
 who since was better known by the title of lord Dundee ; Mr. 
 Collier, now lord l'ortinore ; Mr. Rook, since major-gem ral ; 
 Mr. Hales, who lately died, and was a long time governor of Chel-
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 sea hospital ; Mr. Venner, son of that Venner remarkable for his 
 being^one of the fifth-monarchy men; and Mr. Boyce. The four 
 first rose to be very eminent; but Fortune is not to all alike fa- 
 vourable. 
 
 In about a week's time after, it was resolved, in a council of 
 war, to march towards Binch, a small walled town about fonr 
 leagues from Neville ; the better to cut off the provisions from 
 coining to the prince of Conde's camp that way, 
 
 Accordingly, on the first day of Augu*t, being Saturday, we 
 began our march ; and the English volunteers had the favour of-a 
 baggage waggon appointed them. Count Souches, the imperial 
 general, with the troops of that nation, led the van ; the main 
 body was composed of Dutch, under the prince of Orange, as ge- 
 neralissimo; and the Spaniards, under prince Vaudemont, with 
 some detachments, made the rear guard. 
 
 As we were upon our march, I being among those detachments 
 which made up the rear guard, observed a great party of the ene- 
 my's horse upon an ascent, which, I then imagined, as it after 
 proved, to be the prince of Conde taking a view of our forces 
 under march. There were many defiles, which our army must 
 necessarily pass, through which that prince politically enough 
 permitted the imperial and Dutch forces to pass unmolested. 
 But when prince Vaudemont, with the Spaniards, and our detach- 
 ments, thought to have done the like, the prince of Conde fell on 
 our rear guard, and, after a long and sharp dispute, entirely routed 
 them ; the marquis of Assentar, a Spanish lieutenant-general, 
 dying upon the spot. 
 
 Had the prince of Conde contented himself with this share of 
 good fortune, his victory had been uncontested ; but being pushed 
 forward by a vehement heat of temper (which he was noted for), 
 and flushed with this extraordinary success, he resolved to force 
 the whole confederate army to a battle. In order to which he 
 immediately led his forces between our second line and our line 
 of baggage, by which means the latter was entirely cut off, and 
 subjected to the will of the enemy, who fell directly to plun- 
 der, in which they were not a little assisted by the routed Spa- 
 niards themselves, who did not disdain at that time to share with 
 the enemy in the plundering of their friends and allies. 
 
 The English volunteers had their share of this ill fortune with 
 the rest; their waggon appointed them being among those inter- 
 cepted by the enemy ; and I, for my part, lost every thing but 
 life, which yet was saved almost as unaccountably as my fellow- 
 soldiers had lost theirs. The baggage, as 1 have said, being cut 
 off, and at the mercy of the enemy, every one endeavoured to 
 escape through or over the hedges. And, as in all cases of like 
 confusion, one endeavours to save himself upon the ruin of others, 
 so here, he that found himself stopped by another in getting over 
 the gap or hedge, pulled him back to make way for himself, and,
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 perhaps, met with the same fortune from a third, to the destruc- 
 tion of all. I was then in the vigour of my youth, and none of the 
 least active, and perceiving how it had fared with some before me, 
 I clapped my left leg upon the shoulder of one who was thus con- 
 tending with another, and with a spring threw myself over both 
 their heads and the hedge at the same time. By this means I not 
 only saved my life (for they were all cut to pieces that conld not 
 get over), but from an eminence which 1 soon after attained, 1 had 
 an opportunity of seeintr and making my observations upon the 
 remaining part of that glorious conflict. 
 
 It was from that advantageous situation that I presently disco* 
 vered that the imperialists, who led the van, had now joined the. 
 main body* And, I confess, it was with an almost inexpressible 
 pleasure that I beheld, about three o'clock, with what intrepid 
 fury they fell upon the enemy. In short, both armies were uni- 
 versally engaged) and with great obstinacy disputed the victory- 
 till eleven at night ; at which time the French, being pretty well 
 surfeited, made their retreat. Nevertheless, to secure it by * 
 stratagem, they left their lighted matches banging in the hedges 
 and waving with the air to conceal it from the confederate army. 
 
 About two hours after, the confederate forces followed the ex- 
 ample of their enemies, and drew off; and though neither armv 
 had much rc;ison to boast, yet, as the prince of Orange remained 
 last in the field, aud the French had lost what they before had 
 gained, the glory of the day fell to the prince of Orange ; who, 
 although but twenty-four years of age, had the suffrage of friend 
 and foe of having played the part of an old and experienced 
 officer. 
 
 There were left ^»at day on the field of battle, by a general 
 computation, not less than eighteeu thousand men on both sides, 
 over and above those who died of tbeir wounds ; the loss being 
 pretty equal, only the French carried off most prisoners. Prince 
 Waldeek was shot through the arm, which I was near enough to 
 be an eye witness of; and rny much lamented friend, sir Walter 
 Vane, was carried off dead, A wound in the arm was all the mark 
 of honour that I as yet could boast of, though our cannon in the 
 defiles had slain many near me. 
 
 The prince of Conde (as we were next day informed) lay all that 
 night under a hedge, wrapped in his cloak ; and, either from the 
 mortification of being disappointed in his hopes of rictory, or from 
 a reflec t ion of the disservice which his own natural over heat of 
 temper had drawn upon him, was almost inconsolable many days 
 after. And thus ended the famous battle of Senetf. 
 
 But though common vogue has given it the name of a battle, in 
 my weak opinion it might rather deserve that of a confused skir- 
 mish ; all things having been forcibly carried on, without regula- 
 rity, or even design enough to allow it any higher denomination : 
 for, as I have said before, notwithstanding I was advantageously 
 
 vol. II. U
 
 10 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carteton. 
 
 stationed for observation, I found it very often impossible to dis- 
 tinguish one party from another. And this was more remarkably 
 evident on the part of the prince of Orange, whose valour and 
 vigour having Led him into the middle of the enemy, and being 
 then sensible of his error, by a peculiar presence of mind, gave 
 the word of command in French, which he spoke perfectly well. 
 But the French soldiers, who took him for one of their own ge- 
 nerals, making answer that their powder was all spent, it afforded 
 matter of instruction to him to persist in his attack ; at the same 
 time" that it gave him a lesson of caution to withdraw himself as 
 soon as he could to his own troops. 
 
 However, the day after, the prince of Orange thought proper 
 to march to Quarignan, a village within a league of Mons, where 
 he remained some days, till he could be supplied from Brussels 
 with those necessaries which his army stood in need of. 
 
 From thence we marched to Valenciennes, where we again en- 
 camped, till we could receive things proper for a siege. Upon 
 the arrival whereof, the prince gave orders to decamp, and marched 
 his army with a design to besiege Aeth. But having intelligence 
 o;i our march, that the maresehal de Humiers had reinforced that 
 garrison, we marched directly to Oudenard, and immediately in- 
 Vested it. 
 
 This siege was carried on with such application and success, 
 that the besiegers were in a few days ready for a storm ; but the 
 prince of Conde prevented them by coming up to its relief. Upou 
 which the prince of Orange, pursuant to the resolution of a coun- 
 cil of war the night before, drew off his forces in order to give 
 him battle ; and to that purpose, after the laborious work of filling 
 up our lines of contravallation, that the horse might pass more 
 freely, we lay upon our arms all night. Next morning we ex- 
 pected the imperial general, count Souches, to join us; but in- 
 stead of that, he sent back some very frivolous excuses, of the in- 
 conveniency of the, ground for a battle ; and after that, instead of 
 joining the prince, marched off quite another way; the prince of 
 Orange, with the Dutch and Spanish troops, marched directly for 
 Ghent; exclaiming publicly against the chicanery of Souches, 
 and openly declaring, that he hud been advertised of a conference 
 between a French capuchin and that general, the night before* 
 Certain it is, that that general lay under the displeasure of his 
 master, the emperor, for that piece of management ; and the 
 count de Sporck was immediately appointed general in his place. 
 
 The prince of Orange was hereupon leaving the army in great 
 disgust, till prevailed upon by the count de Montery, for the ge- 
 neral safety, to recede from that resolution. However, seeing no 
 likelihood of any thing further to be done, while Souches was in 
 command, he resolved upon- a post of more action, though more 
 dangerous ; wherefore ordering ten thousand men to march be- 
 fore, he himself soon after followed to the siege of Grave.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 11 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 The Grave, a strong place, and of the first moment to the Hol- 
 landers, had been blocked up by the Dutch forces all the sum- 
 mer; the prince of Orange, therefore, leaving the main army un- 
 der prince Waldeck at Ghent, followed the detachment he hud 
 made for the siege of that important place, resolving to purchase 
 it at any rate. On his arrival before it, things began to find new 
 motion; and as they were carried on with the utmost application 
 and fury, the besieged found themselves, in a little time, obliged 
 to change their summer note for one more suitable to the season.- 
 
 The prince, from his first coming, having kept those witliiu 
 hotly plied with ball, both from cannon and mortars, monsieur 
 Chamilly, the governor, after a few days, being weary of such 
 warm work, desired to capitulate ; upon which the hostages were 
 exchanged, and articles agreed on next morning. Pursuant to 
 which the garrison marched out with drums beating and colours 
 flying, two days after, and were conducted to Cliarleroy. 
 
 By the taking this place, which made the prince of Orange the 
 more earnest upon it, the French were wholly expelled their last 
 year's astonishing conquests in Holland. And yet there was an- 
 other consideration that rendered the stirrender of it much more 
 considerable. For the French being sensible of the great strength 
 of this place, had there deposited all their cannon and ammuni- 
 tion, taken from their other conquests in Holland, which they never 
 were able to remove or carry off, with tolerable prospect of safety, 
 after that prince's army first took the field. 
 
 The enemy being marched out, the prince entered tKe town, 
 and immediately ordered public thanksgivings for its happy re- 
 duction. Then having appointed a governor, and left a sufficient 
 garrison, he put an end to that campaign, and returned to the 
 Hague, where he had not been long before he fell ill of the small- 
 pox. The consternation this threw the whole country into is not 
 4o be expressed: any one that had seen it would have thought that 
 that the French had made another inundation greater than the 
 former. But when the danger was over, their joy and satisfaction 
 for his recovery was equally Deyond expression. 
 
 The year 1675 yielded very little remarkable in our army.— 
 Lim burgh was besieged by the French, under the command of 
 the duke of Enguien, which the prince of Orange having intelli- 
 gence of, immediately decamped from his fine camp at Bethlem, 
 near Louvain, in order to raise the siege. But as we were on a 
 full inarch for that purpose, and had already reached Ruremond, 
 word was brought that the place had surrendered the day before. 
 Upon which advice, the prince, after a short halt, made his little 
 army (for it consisted not of more than thirty thousand men) 
 march back to Brabant. Nothing of moment after this occurred 
 all that campaign. 
 
 In the year 1676, the prince of Orange baring, in concert with 
 the Spaniards, resolved upon the important siege of Maestricht
 
 12 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 (the only town in the Dutch provinces then remaining in the 
 hands of the French), it was accordingly invested about the 
 middle of June, with an army of twenty thousand men, under the 
 command of his highness prince Waldeck, with the grand army 
 covering the siege. It was some time before the heavy cannon, 
 which we expected up the Maes, from Holland, arrived, which 
 gave occasion to a piece of raillery of monsieur Calvo, the gover- 
 nor, which was as handsomely reparteed. That governor, by a 
 messenger, intimating his sorrow to rind we had pawned our can- 
 lion for ammunition bread ; answer was made, that in a few days 
 we hoped to give him a taste of the loaves, which he should find 
 should be sent him into the town in extraordinary plenty. I re- 
 member another piece of raillery, which passed some days after 
 between the Rhingrave and the same Calvo. The formef sending 
 word, that he hoped within three weeks to salute that governor's 
 mistress within the place; Calvo replied, he would give him leave 
 to kiss her all over, if he kissed her any where in three months. 
 
 But c^tr long expected artillery being at last arrived, all this 
 ]estand merriment was noon converted into earnest. Our trenches 
 were immediately opened towards the Dauphin bastion, against 
 which were planted many cannon, in order to make a breach ; 
 myself, as a probationer, being twice put upon the forlorn hope to 
 facilitate that difficult piece of service. Nor was it long before 
 such a breach was effected, as was esteemed practicable, and there* 
 fore, very soon after, it was ordered to be attacked. 
 
 The disposition for the attack was thus ordered : two Serjeants 
 with twenty grenadiers, a captain with fifty men, myself one of 
 the number ; then a party carrying wool-sacks, and after them 
 two captains with one hundred men more; the soldiers in the 
 trenches to be ready to sustain them, as occasion should require. 
 
 The signal being given,we left our trenches accordingly, having 
 about one hundred yards to run before we could reach the breach, 
 whicli we mounted with some difficulty and loss; all out batteries 
 firing at the same instant to keep our action in countenance, and 
 favour our design. When we were in possession of the bastion, 
 the enemy fired most furiously upon U9 with their small cannon 
 through a thin brick wall, by which, and their hand grenadoes, we 
 lost more men than we did in the attack itself. 
 
 But well had it been had our ill fortune stopped there; for as if dis r 
 aster must needs be the concomitant of success, we soon lost what 
 we had thus gotten, by a small, but very odd accident. Not being- 
 furnished with such scoops as our enemies made use of, in tossing 
 their hand granadoes some distance off, one of our soldiers aiming 
 to throw one over the wall into the counterscarp among the enemy, 
 it so happeued, that he unfortunately missed his aim, and the gre* 
 nade fell down again on our side the wall, very near the person 
 who fired it, He starting back to save himself, and some others, 
 who saw it fall, doing the like, those who knew nothing of the
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRQMCLE. 13 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 matter fell into a sudden contusion, and imagining some greater 
 danger than there really was, overy body was struck. with a panic 
 li -ar, and endeavoured to be first who should quit the bastion, and 
 secure himself by a real siiamn from an imaginary evil. Thus 
 was a bastion, that had been gloriously gained, inadvertently de- 
 serted; and that too, with the loss of almost as many men in the 
 retreat as had been slain in the onset, and the enemy most tri- 
 umphantly again took possession of it. 
 
 Among the slain, on our side, in this action, was an ensign of 
 sir John Fenwi< k\ regiment ; and as an approbation of my services, 
 his commission wa» bestowed upon me. 
 
 A few days after it was resolved again to storm that bastion, as 
 before; out of three English and one Scotch regiments, then in 
 the camp, a detachment was selected for a fresh attack. Those 
 regiments were under the command of sir John Fenwick, who was 
 afterwards beheaded, colonel Ralph Widdrington, and colonel 
 Ashley, of the English ; and sir Alexander Collier, father of the 
 present lord Porttnore, of the Scotch. Out of every of these four 
 regiments, as before, were detached a captain, a lieutenant, and an 
 ensign, with fifty men. Captain Anthony Barnwell, of sir John 
 Fenwick's regiment, who was now my captain, commanding that 
 attack. 
 
 At break of day the attack was begun with great resolution; and 
 though vigorously maintained, was attended with the desired suc- 
 cess. The bastion was again taken, and in it the command- 
 ing officer, who, in service to himself, more than to us, told us, 
 that the centre of the bastion would soon be blown up, being 
 to his knowledge undermined for that purpose. But this secret 
 proved of no other use than to make us, by way of precaution, to 
 keep as much as we could upon the rampart. In this attack cap- 
 tain Buruwell lost his life, and it happened my new commission 
 was wetted, not, as too frequently is the custom, with a debauch, 
 but with a bullet through my hand, and the breach of my collar- 
 bone with tin- stroke of a halbert. 
 
 After about half an hour's possession of the bastion, the mine 
 under it, of which the French officer gave ih warning, was sprung;' 
 the enemy at the same time making a furious sally upon us. The 
 mine did a little, though the less, execution for being discovered ; 
 but the sally no way answered their end, for we beat them back, 
 and immediately fixed our lodgment, which we maintained during 
 the time of the siege. But to our double surprise, a few days 
 alter, they Hred another mine under, or aside the former, in which 
 they had placed a quantity of grenadoes, which did much more 
 execution thau the other ; notwithstanding all which, a batten of 
 guus was presently erected upon that bastion, which very con- 
 B*uk rably annoyed the enemy. 
 
 The breach for a general storm was now rendered almost practi- 
 cable ; yet before that could be advisably attempted, there was a
 
 14 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 strong horn-work to be taken. Upon this exploit the Dutch troops 
 only were to signalize themselves ; and they answered the confi- 
 dence reposed in them ; for, though they were twice repulsed, at 
 the third onset they were more successful, and took possession, 
 which they likewise kept to the raising of the siege. 
 
 There was a stratagem laid at this time, which, in its own merit, 
 one would have thought, should not have failed of a good effect; 
 but, to shew the vanity of the highest human wisdom, it mis- 
 carried. On the other side of the Maes, opposite to Maestricht, 
 lies the strong fortress of Wyck, to which it is joined by a stone 
 bridge of six fair arches. The design was, by a farse attack on 
 that regular fortification, to draw the strength of the garrison lo 
 its defence, which was but very natural to imagine would be the 
 consequence. Ready to attend that well concerted false attack, 
 a large flat-bottomed boat, properly furnished with barrels of 
 gun-powder and other necessaries, was to fall down under one of 
 the middle arches, and when fixed there, by firing the powder, to 
 have blown up the bridge, and by that means to have prevented 
 the return of the garrison, to oppose a real attack at that instant of 
 time to be made upon the town of Maestricht by the whole army. 
 
 The false attack on Wyck was accordingly made, which, as 
 proposed, drew the maiu of the garrison of Maestricht to its de- 
 fence, and the boat so furnished fell down the river as projected ; 
 but unfortunately, before it could reach the arch, from the dark- 
 ness of the night, running upon a shoal, it could not' be got off; 
 for which reason the men in the boat were glad to make a hasty 
 escape for fear of being discovered, as the boat was, next morning, 
 and the whole design laid open. 
 
 This stratagem thus miscarrying, all things were immediately 
 got ready for a general storm, at the main breach in the town; and 
 the rather, because the prince of Orange had received incontestible 
 intelligence that duke Scomberg, at the head of the French army, 
 was in, full march to relieve the place : but before every thing 
 could be rightly got ready for the intended storm, (though some 
 there were who pretended to say, that a dispute raised by the 
 Spaniards with the Dutch, about the propriety of the town, when 
 taken, was the cause of that delay,) we heard at some distance se- 
 veral guns fired as signals of relief; upon which, we precipitately, 
 and, as most imagined, shamefully drew off from before the place, 
 and joined the grand army under prince Waldeck. But it was 
 matter of greater surprise to most on the spot, that when the armies 
 were so joined, we did not stay to offer tbe enemy battle. The 
 well known courage of the prince, then generalissimo, was so far 
 from solving this riddle, that it rather puzzled all who thought of 
 it ; however, the prevailing opinion was, that it was occasioned by 
 some great misunderstanding between the Spaniards and the 
 Dutch. And experience will evince that this was- not the only
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 15 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 disappointment of that nature, occasioned by imperfect under- 
 itaadtact* 
 
 Besides the number of common soldiers slain in this attack, 
 which was not inconsiderable, we lost here the brave Rhingrave, a 
 person much lamented, on account of his many other excellent 
 qualifications, as well as that of a general. Colonel Ralph Wid- 
 drington, anrl colouel Doleuum (who had not enjoyed Widdringw 
 ton's commission above a fortnight), captain Douglas, captain 
 Barnwell, and captain Lee, were of the slain among the English ; 
 who, indeed, had borne the whole brunt of the attack upon the 
 Dauphin's bastion. 
 
 I remember the prince of Orange, during the siege, received a 
 shot through his arm ; which giving an immediate alarm to the 
 troops under his command, he took his hat off his head with the 
 wounded arm, and smiling, waved it, to shew them there was no 
 danger. Thus, after the most gallant defence against the mast 
 courageous onsets, ended the siege of Maestricht; and with it all 
 that was material that campaign. 
 
 Early in the spring, in the year IC77, the French army, under 
 the duke of Orleans, besieged at once, both Cambray and St. 
 Omers. This last the prince of Orange seemed very intent and 
 resolute to relieve. In order to which, well knowing, by sad ex- 
 perience, it would be to little purpose to wait the majestic motions 
 of the Spaniards, that prince got together what forces he could, all 
 in Dutch pay, and inarching forward with all speed, resolved, even 
 at the hazard of a battle, to attempt the raising the siege. Upon 
 his appearing, the duke of Orleans, to whose particular conduct 
 the care of that siege was committed, drew off from before the 
 place, leaving scarce enough of his men to defend the trenches. 
 The prince was under the necessity of marching his forces over a, 
 morass; and the duke, well knowing it, took care to attack him 
 near mont Cassel, before half his little army were got over. The 
 dispute was very sharp, but the prince being mucli out-numbered, 
 and his troops not able, by the straightness of the passage, to en- 
 gage ail at once, was. obliged at last to retreat, which he did in 
 pretty good order. I remember the Dutch troops did not all alike 
 do their duty; and the prince seeing one of the officers on his 
 fullest speed, called to him over and over to halt; which the of- 
 ficer, in too much haste to obey, the prince gave him a sla>h over 
 the face, saying, " By this mark I shall know yon another time." 
 Soon after this retreat of the prince, SaintOmers was surrendered. 
 
 Upon this retreat, the prince marching back, lay for some time 
 among the boors, who, from the good discipline which he took 
 Care to make his troops observe, did not give us their customary 
 boorish reception. And yet as secure as we might think ourselves, 
 1 met with a little passage that continued me in the notions, 
 which the generality, as well as I. had imbibed of the private bar- 
 barity of those people, whenever an opportunity lulls in their way.
 
 16 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 1 I I I I I I I - [t 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton* 
 
 ' ' ' ' ' ' ' - . T ■ "I 
 
 I was strolling at a distance from my quarters, all alone, when I 
 found myself near one 1 of their houses, into which, the doors being 
 open, I ventured to enter. I saw nobody when I cariie in, though 
 the house was, for that sort of people, well enough furnished, and 
 in pretty decent order. I called, but, nobody answering, I had 
 the curiosity to advance a little farther, when, at the mouth of the 
 oven, which had not yet wholly lost its heat, I spied the corpse of 
 a man so bloated, swoln, and parched, as left me little room to 
 doubt, that the oven had been the scene of his destiny. I confess 
 the sight struck me with horror ; and as much courage and secu- 
 rity as I entered with, I withdrew in haste, and with quite different 
 sentiments, and could not fancy myself out of danger till I had 
 reached our camp. A wise man should not frame an accusation 
 on conjectures ; but, on inquiry, I was soon made sensible, that 
 such barbarous usage is too common among those people, espe- 
 cially if they meet with a straggler, of what nation soever. 
 
 This made me not very sorry when we decamped, and we soon 
 after received orders to march and invest Charleroy ; before which 
 place we staid somewhat above a week, and then drew off. I re- 
 member very well, that I was not the only person then in the 
 camp that was at a loss to dive into the reason of this investiture and 
 decampment: but since I, at that time, among the politicians 
 of the army, never heard a good one, I shall not venture to offer 
 my sentiments at so great a distance. 
 
 We, after this, marched towards Mons ; and, in our march, 
 passed over the very grounds on which the battle of Seneff had 
 been fought three years before. It was with no little pleasure 
 that I re-surveyed a place, that had once been of so much danger 
 to me ; and where my memory and fancy now repeated back all 
 those observations I had then made under some unavoidable con- 
 fusion. Young as 1 was, both in years and experience, from my 
 own reflections, and the sentiments of others, after the fight was 
 over, methought I saw visibly before me the well ordered disposi- 
 tion of the prince of Conde; the inexpressible difficulties which 
 the prince of Orange had to encounter with ; while at the same 
 moment I could not omit to pay my debt to the memory of my 
 first patron, sir Walter Vane, who, there losing his life, left me a 
 solitary wanderer to the wide world of fortune. 
 
 But these thoughts soon gave place to new objects, which every 
 hour presented themselves in our continued march to Enghien, a 
 place famous for the finest gardens in all Flanders, near which we 
 encamped, on the very same ground which the French chose some 
 years after at the battle of Steenkirk ; of which I shall speak in its 
 proper place. Here the prince of Orange left our army, as we af- 
 terwards found, to pass into England; where he married the prin- 
 cess Mary, daughter of the duke of York. And after his depar- 
 ture, that campaign ended without any thing further material. 
 
 Now began the year 1C78, famous for the peace, and no less
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 17 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlct07i. 
 
 Remarkable for an action previous Jo it, which has not failed to 
 employ the talents of men, variously, as they stood affected. Our 
 army, under the prince of Orange, lay encamped at Soignies, where 
 it is whispered that the peace was concluded. Notwithstanding 
 which, two day* after, being Sunday, the 17th day of August, the 
 army was drawn out, as most others as well as myself apprehended, 
 in order to a feu dejoi/e; but in lieu of that, we found our march 
 ordered towards St. Dennis, where the duke of Luxemburg lav, 
 as he imagined, safe in inaecessible entrenchments". 
 
 About three of the clock our army arrived there, when we re- 
 ceived orders to make the attack. It began with the most vigorous 
 spirit, that promised no less than the success which ensued. The 
 three English and three Scotch regiments, under the command 
 of the ever renouned earl of Ossory, together with the prince of 
 Orange's guards, made their attack at a place called the Chateau, 
 where the French took their refuge among a parcel of hop-poles ; 
 but their resource was as weak as their defence, and they were soon 
 beaten out with a very great slaughter. 
 
 It was here that a French officer, having his pistol directed at 
 the breast of the prince, monsieur d'Auverquerque interposed, and 
 shot the officer dead upon the spot. 
 
 The right lasted from three in the afternoon till nine at night ; 
 when, growing dark, the duke of Luxemburg forsook his entrench- 
 ments, into which we marched next morning. And, to see the 
 sudden change of things ! that very spot of ground, where nothing 
 but fire and fury appeared the day before, the next saw solaced 
 with the proclamation of a peace. 
 
 About an hour before the attack began, the duke of Monmouth 
 arrived in the army, being kindly received by the prince of Orange, 
 bravely fighting by his side all that day. The woods, aud the un- 
 evenness of the ground, rendered the cavalry almost useless; yet 
 I saw a standard among some others, which was taken from the 
 enemy, being richly embroidered with gold and silver, bearing the 
 sun in the zodiac, with these haughty words, Nihil obstabit euntc. 
 Ou the news of this unexpected victory, the states of Holland sent 
 to congratulate the prince; and to testify how much they valued 
 his preservation, they presented monsieur d'Auverquerque, who 
 had so bravely rescued him, with a sword, whose haudle was of 
 massy gold, set with diamonds. I forgot to mention, that this 
 gentleman received a shot on his head at the battle of Senerl"; and 
 truly in all actions, which were many, he nobly' distinguished 
 himself by his bravery. He was father of this present earl of 
 Grantham. 
 
 Names of the English officers whom I knew to be killed in this 
 action : — lieutenant-colonel Archer, captain CharletoD, captain 
 Richardson, captain Fisher, captain Pemrield, lieutenant O.arle- 
 ton, lieutenant Barton, aud ensign Colvile, with social others, 
 whose names I have forgot. 
 
 VOL. II. C
 
 18 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletcti. 
 
 Lieut*uant-colonel Babington, who began the attack, by beating 
 the French out of the hop-garden, was taken prisoner. Colonel 
 Hales, who was a long time governor of Chelsea college, being 
 then a captain, received a shot on his leg, of which he went lame 
 to his dying day. 
 
 The war thus ended by the peace of Nimeguen ; the regiment in 
 which I served was appointed to lie in garrison at the Grave. We 
 lay there near four years, our soldiers being mostly employed about 
 the fortifications. It was here, and by that means, -that I imbibed 
 the rudiments of fortification, and the practical part of an engineer, 
 which, in my more advanced years, was of uo small service/to me. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the year 1G84, our regiment received orders to 
 march to Haren, near Brussels; where, with other forces, we en- 
 camped, till we heard that Luxemburg, invaded by the French, in 
 a time of the profoundest peace, had surrendered to them. Then 
 we decamped, and marched to Mechlin, where we lay in the field 
 till near November. Not that there was'any war proclaimed ; but 
 as not knowing, whether those who had committed such acts of 
 hostility in time of peace might not take it in their heads to pro- , 
 ceed yet further. In November we marched into that town, where 
 count Nivelle was governor: the marquis de Grana at the same 
 time governing the Netherlands in the jurisdiction of Spain. 
 
 Nothing of any moment happened after this, till the death of 
 king Charles II. The summer after which, the three English and 
 three Scotch regiments received orders to pass over into England, 
 upon the occasion of Monmouth's rebellion; where, upon our ar- 
 rival, we received orders to encamp on Hounslow heath. But that 
 rebellion being soon stifled, and king James having no farther need 
 of us, those regiments were ordered to return again to Holland, 
 into the proper service of those who paid them. 
 
 Though lam no stiff adherer to the doctrine of predestination, 
 yet-to the full assurance of a Providence I never could fail to ad- 
 here. Thence came it that my natural desire to serve my own 
 native country prevailed upon me to quit the service of another, 
 though its neighbour and ally. Events are not always to direct 
 the judgment ; and therefore, whether I did best in following 
 these fondling dictates of nature, I shall neither question nor de- 
 termiiH\ 
 
 However, it was not long after my arrival in England, before I 
 had a commission given me by king James, to be a lieutenant in a 
 new raised regiment under the command of colonel Tufton, bro- 
 ther to the earl of Thanet. Under this commission I sojourned 
 out two peaceable campaigns on Hounslow heath ; where I was an 
 eye witness of one mock siege of Buda: after which, our regiment 
 was ordered to Berwick, where I remained till the revolution 
 
 - King James having abdicated the throne, and the prince of 
 Orange accepting the administration, all commissions were ordered 
 to be renewed in his name. The officers of our regiment, as well as.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 19 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 •others, severally took out theirs accordingly, a very few excepted, 
 •of which number was our colonel, who, refusing a compliance, his 
 •commission was given to sir James Lesley. 
 
 The prince of Orange presently after was declared and pro- 
 claimed king, and his princess queen, with a conjunctive power; 
 Upon which our regiment was ordered into Scotland, where affairs 
 appeared under a face of disquietude. We had our quarters at 
 Leith, till the trrne the castle of Edinburgh, then under the com- 
 mand of the duke of Gordon, had surrendered. After which, 
 pursuant to fresh orders, we marched to Inverness, a place of no 
 great strength, and as little beauty ; though yet, I think I may 
 say, without the hast danger of au hyperbole, that it is as pleasant 
 as most places in that country. Here we lay two long winter*, 
 pe/petually harassed upon parties, and hunting of somewhat wilder 
 than their wildest game, namely, the highlanders, who were, if not 
 as nimble-footed, 3 et fully as hard to be found. 
 
 But general Mack ay having received orders to build a fort at 
 Inverlochy, our regiment, among others, was commanded to that 
 (service. The two regiments appointed on the same duty, with 
 some few dragoons, were already on their march, which having 
 joined, we marched together through Louquebar. This, sure, is 
 the wildest country in t lie highlands, if not in the world. I did 
 not see one house in all our march ; and their economy, if I may 
 call it such, is much the same with that of the Arabs or Tartars. 
 Huts, or. cabins, .of trees and trash, are their places of habitation ; 
 iu which tbey dwell, till their half-horned cattle have devoured the 
 grass, and then remove, staying no where longer than that conve- 
 nience invites them. 
 
 In thjs march, or rather ? if you please, most dismal peregrina- 
 tion, we could but very rarely go two on a breast; and oftener, 
 like geese in a strinp^, one after another. So that our very little 
 army had sometimes, or rather most commonly, an extent of many 
 miles; our enemy, the highlanders, firing down upon us from their 
 summits all the way. ?sor was it possible for our men, or very 
 rarely at lea?t, to return their favours with any prospect of suc- 
 cess; for, as they popped upon us always on a sudden, they ntwr 
 staid long enough to allow any of our soldiers a mark, or even 
 time enough to tire : and, for our men to mar«h, or climb up those 
 mountains,wluch to them were natural champaign, would have been 
 as dangerous, as it seemed to us impracticable. Nevertheless, under 
 all these disheartening disadvantages, we arrived at Inverlochy, 
 and there performed the task appointed, building a fort on the 
 same spot where Cromwell had raised one before. And, which 
 was not a little remarkable, we had with us one Hill, a colonel, 
 v ho had been governor in Oliver's time, and who was now a 
 appointed governor by general Mackay. Thus the work on w] 
 we were sent being effected, we marched back agaiu by the way
 
 20 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 ©f Gillierankv, where that memorable battle under Dundee had 
 been fought the year before. 
 
 Some time after, sir Thomas Levingston, afterwards earl of 
 Tiviot, having received intelligence that the highlanders intended 
 to fall down into the lower countries, in a considerable bddy, got 
 together a party of about five hundred (the dragoons called the 
 Scotch Greys inclusive), with which he resolved, if possible, to give 
 them a meeting. We left Inverness the last day of April, and en- 
 camped near a little town called Forrest, the place where, as tradition 
 still confidently avers, the witches met Macbeth, and greeted him 
 with their diabolical auspices. But this story is so naturally dis- 
 played in a play of the immortal Shakespeare, that I need not 
 descend here to any farther particulars. 
 
 Here sir Thomas received intelligence, that the highlander*. 
 designed to encamp upon the Spey, near the laird of Grant's 
 castle. Whereupon we began our march about noon, and the 
 next day, about the break thereof, we came to tliat river, where 
 we soon discovered the highlanders by their fires. Sir Thomas 
 immediately, on sight of it, issued his orders for our fording the 
 river, and falling upon them as soon after as possible. Both were 
 accordingly performed, and with so good order, secrecy, and suc- 
 cess, that Cannon and Balfour, their commanders, were obliged 
 to make their escape naked. 
 
 They were about one thousand in number, of which were killed 
 about three hundred ; we pursued them till they got up Crom- 
 dale hill, where we lost them in a fog. And, indeed, so high is 
 that hill, that they who perfectly knew it, assured me, that it never 
 is without a little dark fog hanging over it. And to me, at that 
 instant of time, they seemed rather to be people received up into 
 clouds than flying from an enemy. 
 
 Near this there was an old castle, called Lethendy, into which 
 about fifty of them made their retreat, most of them gentlemen, 
 resolving there to defend themselves to the last. Siv Thomas sent 
 a messenger to them, with an offer of mercy, if they would surren- 
 der ; but they refused the proffered quarter, and fired upon our 
 men, killing two of our grenadiers, and wounding another. Dur- 
 ing my quarters at the Grave, having learned to throw a grenado, I 
 took three or four in a bag, and crept down by the side of a ditch, 
 ' or dyke, to an old thatched house near the castle, imagining, on 
 my mounting the same, I might be near enough to throw them, so 
 as to do execution. I found all things answer my expectation ; 
 and the castle wanting a cover, I threw in a grenado, which put 
 the enemy immediately into confusion. The second had not so 
 good success, falling short ; and the third burst as "soon as it was 
 well out of my hand, though without damage to myself. But 
 throwing the fourth in at a window, it so increased the confusion, 
 which the first had put them into, that they immediately called 
 ©lit tome, upon their parole of safety to come to them.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 21 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Accordingly I went up to the door, which they had barricaded, 
 and made up with great stones ; when they told me they were 
 ready to surrender, upon condition of obtaining mercy. I returned 
 xo sir Thoiuas, and telling him what I had done, and the conse- 
 quence* of it, and the message they had desired me to deliver (a 
 great many of the highland gentlemen, not of this party, being 
 with him), sir Thomas, in a high voice, and broad Scotch, best to 
 be heard and understood, ordered me back to tell them, " He 
 would cut them all to pieces for their murder of two of his grena- 
 diers after his proffer of quarter." 
 
 I was returning, full of these melancholy tidings, when sir Tho- 
 mas, advancing after me a little distance from the rest of the com- 
 pany, '"Hark ye, sir," says he, " I believe there may be among 
 them some of our old acquaintance (for we had served together in 
 the service of the States in Flanders), therefore tell them they 
 shall have good quarter." I very willingly carried back a message 
 so much changed to myminu"; and upon delivering of it, without 
 the least hesitation, they threw down the barricado, opened tlie 
 door, and out came one Brody, who, as he then told me, had had 
 a piece of his nose taken off by one of my gTenadoes. I carried 
 him to sir Thomas, who, confirming my message, they all came 
 out, and surrendered themselves prisoners. This happened on 
 May day, in the morning ; for which reason we returned to Inver- 
 ness with our prisoners, and boughs in our hat^ ; and the higlt* 
 landers never held up their heuds so high after this defeat. 
 
 U'pon this success, sir Thomas wrote to court, giving a full ac- 
 count of the whole action. In which, being pleased to make men- 
 tion of my behaviour, with sonic particulars, 1 had soon after a 
 commission ordered me for a company in the regiment under the 
 command of brigadier Tiffin. 
 
 My commission being made out, signed, and sent tome, I re- 
 paired immediately to Portsmouth, where the regiment lay in gar- 
 rison. A few days after I had been there, admiral Russel arrived 
 with the fleet, and anchored at St- Helen's, where he remained 
 about a week. On the 18th of May the whole fleet set sail ; ai.d 
 it being my turn the same day to mount the main guard, I was 
 going the rounds very early, when I heard great shooting at sea. 
 I went directly. to acquaint the governor, and told him my senti- 
 ments, that the two contending fleets were actually engaged, which 
 indeed proved true; for that very niyht a pinnance^, which came 
 from our fleet, brought news that admiral Russel had engaged the 
 French admiral Turville; and, after a long and sharp dispute, wai 
 making after them to their own cousts. 
 
 The next day, towards evening, several other expresses arrived, 
 one offer another, all agreeing in the defeat of the French fh-i t, 
 and in the particulars of the burning their Rising Sun, together 
 with many other of their men of war, at La Hogue. All wliicil
 
 53 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 expresses were immediately forwarded to court, by Mr. Gibson, 
 our governor. 
 
 Abouts two months after this, our regiment, among many others, 
 was, according to order, shipped oft' on a secret expedition, under 
 the command of the duke of L minster, no man knowing to what 
 place we were going, or on what design; no, not the commander 
 himself. However, when we were out at sea, the general, according 
 to instructions, opening his commission, we were soon put out of our 
 suspense, and informed, that our orders were to attack Dunkirk. But 
 what was so grand a secret to those concerned in the expedition, 
 having been entrusted to a female politician on land, it was soon 
 discovered to the enemy : for which reason, our orders were coun-. 
 termanded, before we reached the place of action, and our forces 
 received directions to land at Ostend. 
 
 Soon after this, happened that memorable battle at Steenkirk, 
 which, as very few at that time could dive into* the reason of, and 
 mistaken accounts of it have passed for authentic, I will mention 
 somewhat more particularly. The undertaking was bold, and, as 
 many thought, bolder than was consistent with the character of the 
 w ise undertaker. Nevertheless, the French having taken Namur, 
 and, as the malcontents alleged, in the very sight of a superior 
 army, and nothing having been done by land of any moment, 
 things were blown into such a dangerous fermentation, by a ma- 
 licious and lying spirit, that king William found himself under a 
 necessity of attempting something that might appease the mur- 
 murs of the people. He knew very well, though spoke in the 
 senate, that it was not true, that his forces at the siege of Namur 
 exceeded those of the enemy; no man could be more afflicted than 
 he at the overflowing of the Mehaigne, from the continual rains, 
 which obstructed the relief he had designed for that important 
 place ; yet, since his maligners made an ill use of these false 
 topics, to insinuate that he had no mind to put an end to the war, 
 he was resolved to evince the contrary, by shewing them that he 
 was not afraid to venture his life for the better obtaining what was. 
 so much desired. 
 
 To that purpose, receiving intelligence that the duke of Lux-. 
 #mburg lay strongly encamped at Steenkirk, near Enghien, 
 though hewas sensible he must pass through many defiles to engage 
 him, and that the many thickets between the two armies would fre- 
 quently afford him new difficulties, he resolved there to attack him. 
 Our troops at first were forced to hew out their passage for the 
 horse; and there was no one difficulty that his- imagination had 
 drawn, that was lessened by experience; and yet so prosperous 
 were his arms at tke beginning, that our troops had made them- 
 selves masters of several pieces of the enemy's cannon. But the 
 farther he advanced, the ground growing straiter, so strait as not 
 to admit his armies being drawn up in battalia, the troops behind, 
 could not give timely succour to those engaged, and the cannon
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 93. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlclon. 
 
 we had taken was forcibly left behind, in order to make a good 
 retreat. The French had lost all their courage in the onset; for 
 though they had too fair an opportunity, they did not think fit to 
 pursue it ; or, at least, did it very languidly. However, the mal- 
 contents at liome, I remember, grew very well pleased after this; 
 for so long as they had but a battle for their money, like true Eng- 
 lishmen, lost or won, they were contented. 
 
 Several causes, I remember, were assigned for this miscarriage, 
 as they called it. Some there were who were willing to lay it upon 
 the Dutch ; and allege asayiujj of one of their generals, who, re- 
 ceiving orders to relieve some English and Scotch that were over- 
 f lowered, was heard to say, " Damu them, since they love fighting, 
 et them have their bullies' full." But I should rather impute 
 the disappointment to the great loss of so many of our bravest 
 officers at the very first onset. General Mackay, colonel Lanier, 
 the earl of Angus, with both his field-officers, sir Robert Douglas, 
 colonel Hodges, and many others, falling, it was enough to put a 
 very considerable army into confusion. '1 remember one particular 
 action of sir Robert Douglas, that I should think myself to blame 
 should I omit. Seeing his colours on the other side of the hedge, 
 in the hands of the enemy, he leaped over, slew the officar that 
 had them, and then threw them over the hedge to his company ; 
 redeeming his colours at the expense of his life. Thus the Scotch 
 commander improved upon the Roman general; for the brave 
 Posthumius cast his standard in the middle of the enemy, for bis 
 soldier* to retrieve ; but Douglas retrieved his from the middle of 
 the enemy, without any assistance, and cast it back to his soldiers 
 to retain, after he had so bravely rescued it out of the hands of the 
 enemy. 
 
 From hence our regiment received orders to march to Dixmuyd, 
 where we lay some time employed in fortifying that place. While 
 we were there, I had one morning stedfastly fixed my eyes upon 
 some ducks that were swimming in a large water before me, when 
 all on a sudden, in the midst of a perfect calm, I observed such a 
 strange and strong agitation in the water, that prodigiously sur- 
 prised me. I was at the same moment seized with such a giddi- 
 ness in my head, that, for a minute or two, I was scarce sensible, 
 and had much ado to keep on my legs. I had never felt any thing 
 of an earthquake before, which, as' 1 soon alter um from 
 
 others, this was.; and it Icjft, indeed, very apparent marks of its 
 force, in a great cent in the body of the great church, which re- 
 mains to tint day. 
 
 Having brought the intended fortifications into some tolerable 
 order, we received a command out of hand to re-embark for 1 
 land. And, upon our landing, directions met us to inarch for 
 Ipswich, where we had our quarters all that winter. From thence 
 we were ordered up to London to do duty in the Tower. J 
 not been there long before an accident happened, as little to be 

 
 $4 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 accounted for, without a divine providence, as some would make 
 that providence to be, that only can account for it. 
 
 There was, at that time, as I was, assured by my lord Lucas, 
 constable of it, upwards of twenty thousand barrels of gun-powder, 
 in that they call the White Tower, when all at once the middle 
 flooring did not only give way, or shrink, but fell flat down upon 
 other barrels of powder, together with many of the same combus- 
 tible matter which had been placed upon it. It was a providence 
 strangely neglected at that time* and hardly thought of since ; 
 but let any considerate man consult the consequences, if it had 
 taken fire ; perhaps to the destruction of the whole city, or, at 
 least, as far as the bridge and parts adjacent. Let his thoughts 
 proceed to examine why, or how, in that precipitate fall, not one 
 nail, nor one piece of iron, in that large fabric, should afford one 
 little spark to enrlame that mass of sulphurous matter it was loaded 
 with; and if he is at a loss to find a providence, I fear his friends 
 will be more at a loss to find his understanding. But the battle 
 of Landen happening while our regiment was here on duty, we 
 were soon removed, to our satisfaction, from that pacific station to 
 one more active in Flanders. 
 
 Notwithstanding that fatal battle the year preceding, namely, 
 A.D. 1694, the confederate army under king William lay en- 
 camped at mont St. Andre, an open place and much exposed, 
 while the French were entrenched up to their very teeth, at Vig- 
 namont, a little distance from us. This aftbrded matter of great 
 reflection to the politicians of those times, who could hardly allow 
 that, if the confederate army suffered so much, as it really did in 
 the battle of Landen, it could consist with right conduct to tempt, 
 or rather dare, a new engagement. But those sage objectors had 
 forgot the well known courage of that brave, prince, and were as 
 little capable of fathoming his designs. The enemy, who, to 
 their sorrow, had by experience been made better judges, was 
 resolved to traverse both ; for which purpose they kept close within 
 their entrenchments ; so that after all his efforts, king William, 
 finding that he could nb way draw them to a battle, suddenly de- 
 camped, and marched directly to pont Espiers, by long marches, 
 with a design to pass the French lines at that place. 
 
 But, notwithstanding our army marched in a direct line, to our 
 great surprise, we found the enemy had first taken possession of 
 it. They gave this the name of the Long March, and very de- 
 servedly ; for though our army marched upon the string, and the 
 enemy upon the bow, sensible of the importance of the post, and 
 the necessity of securing it, by double horseing with their foot, 
 and by leaviug their weary and weak in their garrisons, and sup- 
 plying their places with fresh men out of them, they gained their 
 point in disappointing us. Though certain it is, that march cost 
 them as many men and horses as a battle. However, their master, 
 the French king, was so pleased with their indefatigable and aus~
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 55 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Car/eton. 
 
 picious diligence, that lit- wrote, with hi^ own hand, a letter of 
 thanks to the officers for the great zeal and care they had taken to 
 prevent the confederate arm\ t'nun entering into French Flanders. 
 Kite* William, thws disappointed in that noble design, gave im- 
 mediate orders far his whole army to inarch through Oudenard, 
 and then encamped at Rosendale. After some little stay at that 
 camp, we were removed to the Camerlius, between Newport and 
 Ostend, ouce more to take our winter quarters there among the 
 boors. 
 
 We were now in the year lby.j, when the strong fortress of 
 Namur, taken by the French in l6Ua>, ami since made by them 
 much stronger, was invested by the earl of Athlone. After very 
 manv vigorous attacks, with the loss of many men, the town was 
 taken, the garrison retiring into the castle ; into which, soon 
 after, notwithstanding all the circumspection of the besiegers, 
 mareschal Boutiers found means, with some dragoons, to throw 
 himself. 
 
 While king William was thus engaged in that glorious and im- 
 portant siege, prince Yaudemont being posted at Watergaem, 
 with about fifty battalions, and as many squadrons, the mareschal 
 Villeroy laid a design to attack him with the whole French army. 
 The prince imagined no less; therefore he prepared accordingly, 
 giving us orders to fortify our camp, a-s well as the little time we 
 had for it would permit. Those orders were pursued ; nivci Un- 
 less, I must confess, it was beyond the reach of my little reason to 
 account for our so long stay in the sight of an army so much su- 
 perior to ours. The prince, in the whole, could hardlv muster 
 thirty thousand; and Villeroy was known to value himself upon 
 having one hundred thousand effective ihim. However, the prince 
 provisionally sent away all our baggage tint very morning to 
 Ghent, and still made shew ^ if he resolved to defend himself to 
 the last extremity, in our little entrenchments. The enemy ou 
 their side began to surround us ; and in their motions for that 
 purpose blew up little bags of gun-powder to give the readier 
 notice how far the v had accomplished it. Another captain, with 
 myself, being placed on the right, with one hundred men, when I 
 found monsieur Montal endeavouring, if possible, to uet behind 
 us, 1 could easily observe, they had so §ur attained their aim of 
 encompassing us, as to the W*rj fashion of a ho ■<■. This 
 
 made me ti\ my eyes mi intently upon the advancing enemy, that 
 I never minded what my hiciids were doing behind me: though 1 
 afterwards found that they had been tiling otl so artfully and pri- 
 vately, by that narrow opening of the horse sloe, that when the 
 eiiemv imagined us past a possibility of escape, our little aiim at 
 once, and <>f B sudden, wa- reads to disappear. There was a Ifl 
 wood on the right of our army, through which la\ the read to 
 Ghent, not broader than to admit of more thau lour to march* 
 abreast. Down this the prince had slid his forces, except tw that 
 vol. n. D
 
 «6 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletoii. 
 
 very small party which the captain and myself commanded, and 
 which was designedly lel't to bring up the rear, Nor did we stir 
 till captain Collier, then aide-de-camp to his brother, now earl of 
 Portmore, came with the word of command for us to draw off. 
 
 When Villeroy was told of our retreat, he was much surprised, 
 as thinking it a thing utterly impossible. However, at last, being 
 sensible of the truth of it, he gave orders for our rear to be attacked; 
 but we kept tiring from ditch to ditch, and hedge to hedge, till 
 night came upon us; and so our little army got clear of its gigantic 
 enemy with very inconsiderable loss. However, the French failed 
 not, in their customary way, to express the sense of their vexation 
 at this disappointment with fire and sword in the neighbourhood 
 round. Thus prince Vaudemont acquired more glory by that re- 
 treat than an entire victory could have given him ; and it was 
 not, 1 confess, the least part of satisfaction in life, that myself had 
 a share of honour under him to bring off the rear at that his glo- 
 rious retreat at Arseel. 
 
 However, in further revenge of this political chicane of the 
 prinee of Vaudemont, and to oblige, if possible, king William, to 
 raise the siege from before Namur, villeroy entered into the reso- 
 lution of bombarding Btussels. In order to which, he encamped 
 at Anderleck, and then made his approaches as near as was con- 
 venient to the town. There he caused to be planted thirty mor- 
 tars, and raised a battery of ten guns to shoot hot bullets into the 
 place. 
 
 But before they fired from either, Villeroy, in compliment to 
 the duke of Bavaria, sent a messenger to know in what part of the 
 town his duchess chose to reside, that they might, as much as pos- 
 sible, avoid incommoding her, by directing their tire to other parts. 
 Answer was returned, that she was at her usual place of residence, 
 the palace; and accordingly their fire from battery or mortars little 
 incommoded them that way. 
 
 Five days the bombardment continued ; and with such fury that 
 the centre of that noble city was quite laid in rubbish. Most of 
 the time of bombarding, I was upon the counterscarp, where I 
 could best see and distinguish ; and 1 have often counted in the 
 air, at one time, more than twenty bombs ; for they shot whole 
 vol lies out of their mortars all together. This, as it must needs 
 be terrible, threw the inhabitants into the utmost confusion. Cart 
 loads of nuns, that for many years before had never been out of 
 the cloister, were now hurried about from place to place to find 
 retreats of some security! In short, the groves and parts remote 
 were all crowded ; and the most spacious streets had hardly a 
 spectator left to view the ruins. Nothing was to be seen like that 
 dexterity of our people in extinguishing the fires; for where the 
 red hot bullets fell, and raised new conflagrations, not burghera 
 •i4y, but the vulgar sort, stood staring, and, with their hands iiu-
 
 T1IF ROY AT. MILITARY CHRONICLE. t7 
 
 Memoirs of Captain L'urleton. 
 
 pocketed, beheld their houses gradually consume ; and without 
 offering prudent or charitable hand to stop the growing flame?. 
 
 But after they had almost thus destroyed that late lair city, 
 Villeroy, rinding he could not raise the siege of Namur by that vi- 
 gorous attack upon Brussels, decamped at last from before it, and 
 pat his army on the march towards Namur, to try if he could have 
 better success by exposing to shew his pageant of one hundred 
 thousand men. Prince Vaudeinont had timely intelligence of th« 
 duke's resolution mid motion; and resolved, if possible, to get 
 there before him. IV or was the attempt fruitless : he fortunately 
 succeeded, though with much fatigue, and no less difficulty, after 
 he had put a trick upon the spies of the enemy, by pretending to 
 *ncamp, and so soon as they were gone ordering a full march. 
 
 The castle of Namur had been all this time under the fire of 
 the besiegers' cannon; and soon after our little army under the 
 prince was arrived, a breach, that was imagined practicable, being 
 made in the Terra Nova, which, as the name imports, was a new 
 work, raised by the French, and added to the fortifications, since 
 at fell into their hands in lb'9t, and which very much increased the 
 istrength of the whole — a breach, as I have said, being made in the 
 Terra Nova, a storm, in a council of war, was resolved upon. Four 
 •entire regiments, in conjunction with some draughts made out of 
 several others, were ordered for that work, myself commanding 
 that part of them which had been drawn out of colonel Tiffin's. 
 We were all to rendezvous at the abbey of Salsines, under the 
 command of the lord Cutts; the signal, when the attack was to be 
 made, being agreed to be the blowing up of a bag of gun-powder 
 upon the bridge of boats that lay over the Sanibre. 
 
 So soon as the signal was made, we marched up to the breach 
 with a decent intrepidity, receiving, all the way we advanced, the 
 full fire of the Cohoru fort. But as soon as we came near enough 
 to mount, we found it vastly steep and rugged. Notwithstanding 
 all which, several did get up and entered the breach ; but not being 
 supported as they ought to have been, they were all made pri- 
 soners ; which, together with a wound my lord Cutts received, 
 after we had done all that was possible for ns, necessitated us to 
 reiire, with the loss of many of our men. 
 
 Villeroy all this time lay insight, with his army of one hundred 
 thousaud men, without making the least offer to incommode the 
 besiegers; or even without doing any thing more than make his 
 appearance in favour of the besieged, and reconnoitering our en- 
 campment : and, at last, seeing, or imagining that he taw, the 
 Attempt would be to little purpose, with all tiie good manner:, m 
 the world, in the night, he withdrew that terrible meteor, and 
 relieved our poor horses from feeding ou leaves, the only incon- 
 venience he had put us to. 
 
 This retreat leaving the garrison without all hope of relief, they 
 ja the castle immediately capitulated. But alter one ot the gates
 
 *8 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Mnuoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 ha 1 been, according to articles, delivered up, ami count Guiscard 
 wast marching out at the head of the garrison, and P»ouflers at the 
 head of the dragoons, the latter was, by order of king - William, 
 arrested, in reprise of the garrison of Dixmuyd, who, contrary to 
 the cartel, had been detained prisoners, and remained uuder arrest 
 till they were set free. 
 
 At the very beginning of the year 160,6 was discovered a plot, 
 fit only to have had it origin from hell or Home ; a plot which 
 would have put Hottentots and Barbarians out of countenance. 
 This was called the Assassination P/ot, from the design of it, which 
 was to have assassinated king William, a little before the usual 
 time of his leaving England to head the army of the confederates 
 in Flanders. And as nothing could give a nobler idea of the great 
 character of that prince than such a nefarious combination against 
 him ; so, with all considerate men, nothing could more depreciate 
 the cause of his inconsiderate enemies. If I remember what 1 
 have read, the sons of nattcitttlt Rome, though heathens, behaved 
 themselves against an enemy in a quite different manner. Their 
 historians attord us more instances than a few, of their generous 
 intimations to kings and generals, under actual hostilities, of bar- 
 barous designs upon their lives. I proceed to this of our own 
 countrymen. 
 
 Soon after the discovery had been made, by persons actually 
 engaged in this inhuman design, the regiment in which I served, 
 with some others then in Flanders, received orders, with all expe- 
 dition t» embark for England ; though, on our arrival at Graves- 
 end, fresh orders met us to remain on board the transports till we 
 had further directions. 
 
 On my going to London a few days after, I was told, that two 
 regiments only were now designed to .come ashore, and that the 
 rest would be remanded to Flanders, the danger apprehended 
 being pretty well over. I was at VVhitehall when I received this 
 notice; where, meeting my lord Cutts (who had, ever since the 
 storming of the Terra Nova at Namur, allowed me a share in his 
 favour), he expressed himself in the most obliging manner; and 
 at parting desired he might not fail of seing me next morning at 
 his house, for he had somewhat of an extraordinary nature to 
 communicate to me. 
 
 At the time appointed I waited on his lordship, where I met Mr. 
 Steel (now sir Richard, and at that time his secretary), who imme- 
 diately introduced me. I found in company with him three gen- 
 tlemen ; and after common salutations, his lordship delivered into 
 my hands an order from the king in council to go along with 
 captain Porter, Mr. de la Rue, and Mr. George Harris (who 
 proved to be those three with him), to search all the transports at 
 Gravesend, in order to prevent any of the conspirators getting out 
 of England that way. After answering, that I was ready to pay 
 obedience, and receiving, in private, the further necessary instruc-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. «a 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Car/eton. 
 
 tion.s. we took our leave, and oars soon alter for Grawsend. It Wta 
 in our passage down tliat I understood that they had all been of 
 the eons|>irae\ , but now reluctant were become witness. ■-. 
 
 When we eanie to ( navesend, I produced my authority to the 
 commanding officer, who very readilv paid obedience, and gave 
 assistance. But alter our most diligent search, finding nothing of 
 what we looked for, we returned that very night to London. 
 
 Next day a proclamation was to come out for the apprehending 
 three or four troopers, who were sent over bv king James, with u 
 thou saud | pounds reward tor each. Mr. George Harris*, who was the 
 fourth, being the only evidence against the other three. No sooner 
 were we returned from Gravesrnd but Harris had intelligence 
 brought him, that Cassells, one of the three, was at Mr. Allen's, 
 in the Savoy, under the name of Green. Upon which we went 
 directly to the place, and, inquiring for Mr. Green, we were told 
 be lodged there, and was in his rouiu. 
 
 1 was obliged by my order to go along with them and assist 
 them ; and very well was it that I was so : tor, in consideration of 
 the reward in the proclamation, which, as I have said, was to come 
 •out the next day, Harris and the rest w ere for deferring his seizure 
 till the coming out of that proclamation; but making answer, that, 
 in case of his escape that night, 1 must be responsible to my su- 
 periors, who, under the most favourable aspect, would construe it 
 a neglect of duty, they were forced to comply; and so he was 
 taken up, and his name that night struck out of the proclamation. 
 Jt is very true, by this faithful discharge of my trust, I did save 
 the government one thousand pounds; but it is equally so, that I 
 never had of my governors one farthing consideiation for what 
 others termed an over-officious piece of service; though, injustice, 
 it must he owned, a piece of exact and disinterested duty. 
 
 Some few days aft. r, at {ending by direction at the secretary's 
 office, with Mr. Harris, there came in a Dutchman, spluttering 
 and making a great noise, that he was sure he could discover one 
 of the conspirators; but the mien a'id the behaviour of the man 
 would uot give any body leuve to give him any credit or regard. 
 However, the man persisting in his assertions, 1 spoke to Mr. Harris 
 to take him aside, and ask him what sort of a person he was: Harris 
 did so ; and the Dutchman describing him, says Harris, returning 
 to me, "I'll be hanged if it be not Blackburn." Upon which we 
 had him questioned somewhat more narrowly ; when, having no 
 room to doubt, and understanding where he was, colonel Rivet of 
 the guards was sent for, and ordered to go along with us to seize 
 him. We went accordingly; a:.d it prating to he Bta kburn, 
 the Dutchman had five hundred pounds, and the colonel and others 
 the remainder. Cassels and lilaekburn, if still alive, are in Niw- 
 gate, confined by act of parliament ; one only witness. wlu< h was 
 Harris, being* producible against lh<m. 
 
 When Blackburn was >. rzed, I found in the chamber with him.
 
 • 
 
 *> SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 one Davison, a watch-maker, living in Holbourn. I carried him 
 along with me to the secretary of state ; but nothing, on his ex- 
 amination, appearing against him, he was immediately discharged. 
 He offered afterwards to present me with a fine watch of his own 
 making, which 1 refused; and he long after owned the obligation. 
 
 So soon as the depth of this plot was fathomed, and the in- 
 tended evil provided against as well as prevented, king William 
 went over into Flanders, and our regiment thereupon received 
 orders for their immediate return. Nothing of any moment oc- 
 curred till our arrival at our own quarters, the Camerlins, where 
 we lay dispersed among - the country boors or farmers as hereto- 
 fore. However, for our better security iu those quarters, and to 
 preserve us from the excursions of the neighbouring garrison of 
 Fumes, we were obliged to keep an out-guard at a little place 
 called Shoerbeck. This guard was every forty-eight hours changed, 
 and remounted with a captain, a lieutenant, an ensign, and three- 
 score men. 
 
 When it came to my turn to relieve that guard, and for that 
 purpose I was arrived at my post, it appeared to me with the face 
 of a place of debauch, rather than business ; there being too visible 
 tokens, that the hard duty of both officers and soldiers had been 
 that of hard drinking, the foulest error that a soldier can commit, 
 especially, when on his guard. 
 
 To confirm my apprehensions, a little after I had taken posses- 
 sion of my guard, the man of the house related to me such pas- 
 sages, and so many of them, that satisfied me, that if ten sober 
 men had made the attack, they might have fairly knocked all my 
 predecessors of the last guard on the head, without much diffi- 
 culty. However, his account administered matter of caution to 
 me, and put me upon taking a narrower view of our situation. In 
 consequence whereof, at night I placed a centinel a quarter of a 
 mile in the rear, and such other centinels as I thought necessary 
 and convenient in other places; with orders, that upon» sight of 
 an enemy the centinel near should fire ; and that upon hearing 
 that, all the other centinels, as well as he, should hasten in to- 
 strengthen our main guard. 
 
 What my jealousy, on my landlord's relation, had suggested, 
 happened accordingly; for, .about one in the morning, I was 
 alarmed by the cry of one of my centinels, Turn out, for God"$ 
 sake! which he repeated with vehemence three or four times 
 over. I took the alarm, got up suddenly, and with no little diffi- 
 culty got my men into the ranks, when the person who made the 
 outcry came running in, almost spent, and out of breath. It was 
 the centinel that I had luckily placed about a quarter of a mile 
 off, who gave the alarm ; and his musket flashing in the pan, with- 
 out going off, he endeavoured to supply with his voice the defect 
 of his, piece. I had hist got my men into their ranks, in order to 
 receive the enemy, when, by the moon-light, I discovered a party
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 3f 
 
 __________ _.___ ___ 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carle ton. 
 
 advancing. upon us. My out-centinel challenged tin m, and, as I 
 had precautioned, they answered, Hispauioli; though 1 knew them 
 to be French. 
 
 However, on my survey of our situation by day light, having 
 marked in my mind a proper place for drawing up my men in. 
 case of an attack, which was too narrow to admit of more than two 
 on a breast, and which would secure between us and the enemy a 
 ditch of water ; I resolved to put in practice what 1 ad entertained] 
 me so well in the theory. To that purpose I ordered my tirst rank 
 to keep their post, stand still and face thie enemy, while the other 
 two ranks, stooping, should follow me to gain the intruded station ; 
 which done, the first rank had orders to rile off, and fall behind. 
 All was performed in excellent order; and, I confess, it was with 
 no little pleasure tlwtt I beheld the enemy, for the best part of an 
 hour, in consultation, whether they should attack us or no. The 
 result, nevertheless, of that consultation, ended in this ; that, see- 
 ing us so well upon our guard, it was most advisable to draw off. 
 They soon put their resolution into practice, which I was very 
 glad to see; on examination a little before, having found that n:y 
 predecessor, as in other things, had failed of conduct in leaving me 
 a garrison without ammunition. Next morning I was very plea-- 
 ingly surprised with a handsome present of wine, and some other 
 necessary refreshments. At first I made a little scruple and hesi- 
 tation whether or no to receive them, till the bearer assured ine, 
 that they were sent me from the officers of the v..-xt garrison, who 
 had made me a visit the night before, as ji candid acknowledgment 
 of my conduct and good behaviour. I returned their compliment* 
 that 1 hoped I should never receive men of honour otherwise than 
 like a man of honour; which mightily pleased them. Every of 
 which particulars the Ghent Gazetteer the week after published. 
 
 We had little to do except marching and counter-marching all 
 the campaign after ; till it was resolved, in a council of war, for 
 the bette* preserving of Brussels from such insult as it had before 
 sustained from the French during the siege of Namur, to fortify 
 Anderlech ; upon which our regiment, as well as others, were? 
 commanded from onr more pacific posts to attend that' work. 
 Our whole army was under movement to cover that resolution : 
 and the train fell to my care and command in the march. There 
 accompanied the train, a fellow, seemingly ordinary, yet very offi- 
 cious and courteous, being ready to do any thing for any person, 
 from the officer to the common soldier. He travelled along, and 
 moved with the train, sometimes on foot, and sometimes getting a 
 ride in some one or other of the waggons; but ever full of hi* 
 chit-chat and stories of humour. By these insinuating wavs he 
 had screwed himself into the general good opinion; but the wag- 
 goners, especially, grew particularly fond of him. At the end of 
 our march, all our powder-waggous were placed breast-abreast, 
 and so clove that one miscarrying would leave little doubt of the 

 
 32 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 ftlemoirs of Captain ('ar.'cton. 
 
 fate of all the rest. This, in the camp, we commonly call the 
 park; and here it was that our new guest, like another Phwton, 
 though undU-r pretence of weariness, not ambition, got leave of the 
 very last carter to the train to take a nap in his waggon. One 
 who had entertained a jealousy of him, aud had watched him, gave 
 information against him ; upon which he was seized and brought 
 to me as captain of the guard. I Caused hint to be searched ; 
 and, upon search, rinding match, touchwood, and otker dan-- 
 gerous materials, upon him, I sent him aud them away to the 
 provoe. Upon the whole, a council of war was called, at which, 
 upon a strict examination, he confessed himself a hired incendiary; 
 and as such received his sentence to be burnt in the face of the 
 army. The execution was a day or two after ; when, on the very 
 spot, he further acknowledged, that on sight «r noise .of the blow, 
 it had been concerted that the French army should fall upon the 
 confederates under those lamentable circumstances. 
 
 The peace of Riswick soon after taking place, put an end to all 
 incendiaries of either sort ; so that nothing of a military kind, 
 which was now become my province, happened of some years after. 
 Our regiment was first ordered into England, and presently after 
 into Ireland ; but as these memoirs are not designed for the low 
 amusement of a tea-table, but rather of the cabinet, a series of in- 
 glorious inactivity can furnish but very little towards them. 
 
 Yet, as little as 1 admired a life of inactivity, there are some 
 sorts of activity to. which a wise man might always give supineness- 
 the preference : such is that of barely encountering elements and 
 waging war with nature ; and such, in my opinion, would have- 
 been the spending my commission, and very probably my life 
 with it, in the West Indies. For though the climate (as some 
 would urge) may afford a chance for a very speedy advance in ho- 
 nour, yet, upon revolving in my mind, that those rotations in the 
 wheel of fortune are often so very quick, as well as uncertain, that 
 I myself might as well be the first as the last ; the whoie of the 
 debate ended in somewhat like that couplet of the excellent Hu- 
 dibras : — 
 
 " Then he that ran away and fled' 
 Must lie in honour's truckle-hed." 
 
 However, my better planets soon disannulled those melancholy 
 ideas, which a rumour of our being sent into the West Indie* 
 had crowded my head and heart with: for, being called over into 
 England, upon the very affairs of the regiment, I arrived there- 
 just after the orders for their transportation went over; by which 
 means the choice of going was put out of my power, and the 
 danger of refusing, which was the case of many, was very likely 
 avoided. 
 
 It being judged, therefore, impossible for me to return soon 
 enough, to gain my passage, one in power proposed to me, that I
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 33 
 
 Memoir3 of Captain Carleton. 
 
 should resign to an officer then going over ; and with gome other 
 contingent advantages, to ray great satisfaction, I was put uoon 
 the half-pay list. This was more agreeable, for 1 kne.v, or at 
 least imagined myself wise enough to foretel, from tlie over-!iot 
 debate of the house of commons upon the partition treaty, that 
 it co\ild not be long before the present peace would at least 
 require patching. 
 
 Under this sort of uncertain settlement I remained with the 
 patience of a Jew, though not with iudaical absurdity, a fai 
 adherer to my expectation. Nor did the consequence fail of 
 answering — a war was apparent, and soon after proclaimed. Thus, 
 waiting for an opportunity, which I flattered myself would soon 
 present, the little diversions of Dublin, and the moderate conver- 
 sation of that people, were not of temptation enough to make my 
 stay in England look like a burden. 
 
 But though the war was proclaimed, and preparations accord- 
 ingly made for it, the expectations from all received a sudden 
 damp by the as sudden death of king William. That prince, 
 who had stared death in the face in many sieges and battles, met 
 with his fate in the midst of his diversions, who seized his prize in 
 an hour, to human thought, the least adapted to it. He was a- 
 hunting (his customary diversion), when, by an unhappy trip of 
 his horse, he fell to the ground, and in tne fall displaced his 
 collar-bone. The news'of it immediately alarmed the court, and 
 all around, and the sad effects of it soon after gave all Europe 
 the like alarm. France only, who had not disdained to seek it 
 sooner by ungenerous means, received new hope, from what gave 
 others motives for despair. He flattered "himself, that that long'- 
 lived obstacle to his ambition thus removed, his successor would 
 never fall into those •measures which he had wisely concerted lor 
 the liberties of Europe ; but he, as well as others of his adher- 
 ents, was' gloriously deceived — that god-like queen, with a heart 
 entirely English, prosecuted her royal predecessor's couns« Is ; 
 and, to remove all the very faces of jealousy, immediately on her 
 accession dispatched to every court of the great confederacy per- 
 sons adequate to the importance of the message, to give assur- 
 ances thereof. 
 
 This gave new spirit to a cause that at first seemed to languish 
 in its founder, as it struck its great opposers with a no less morti- 
 fying terror: and well did the great successes of he- arms arswer 
 the prayers and efforts of that royal soul of the cdufedeNN 
 together with the wishes of all, that, like her, had tic good as 
 well as the honour of their country at heart, in which the liberties 
 of Europe were included. The first campaign yave a nob! 
 nest of the future. Bon, Keyserwaert, \ enlo. and Ri 
 were found forerunners only of Donawert, Hon «r»t, and ] 
 heim. Such a march of English forces to th Miin.ort rtf the 
 tottering « mpire. -.is it gloriously manifested the ancient genius of 
 
 vol, II. E
 
 34 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 a warlike people, so was it happily celebrated with a success an-* 
 swerable to the glory of the undertaking, which concluded in 
 statues and princely donatives to an English subject from the 
 then only emperor in Europe. A small tribute, it is true, for 
 ransomed nations and captive armies, which justly enough in- 
 verted the exclamations of a Roman emperor to the French mo- 
 narch, who deprecated his legions lost pretty near the same spot ; 
 but to a much superior number, and on a much less glorious 
 occasion. 
 
 But my good fortune not allowing me to participate in those 
 glorious appendages of the English arms in Flanders, nor on the 
 Rhine, I was resolved to make a push for it the first opportunity, 
 and waste my minutes no longer on court attendances. Aud my 
 lord Cutts returning with his full share of laurels for his never 
 to be forgotten services at Venlo, Ruremond, and Hochstet, found 
 his active genius now to be reposed, under the less agreeable bur- 
 den of unhazardous honour, where quiet must provide a tomb for 
 one already past any danger of oblivion ; deep wounds and glo- 
 rious actions haviug anticipated all that could be said in epitaphs 
 or literal inscriptions.. Soon after his arrival from Germany, he 
 was appointed general of ail her majesty's forces in Ireland : upon 
 which, going to congratulate him, he was pleased to inquire of 
 me several things relating to that country ; and, particularly, in 
 what part of Dublin I would recommend his residence — - offering 
 at the same time, if I would go over with him, all the services 
 that should fall in his way. 
 
 But inactivity was a thing I had too long lamented ; therefore, 
 after I had, as decently as I could, declined the latter part, I told 
 his lordship, that as to a place of residence, I was master of a 
 house in Dublin, large enough, and suitable to his great quality, 
 which should be at his service, on any terms he thought fit ; add- 
 ing, withal, that I had a mind to see Spam, where my lord Peter- 
 borow was now going, and that if his lordship would favour me 
 with a recommendation, it would suit my present inclinations 
 much better than any further tedious recess* His lordship was 
 so good as to close with both my overtures ; and spoke so effec- 
 tually in my favour, that the earl of Peterborow, then general of 
 all the forces ordered on that expedition, bade me speedily pre- 
 pare myself; aud so, when all things were ready, I embarked 
 with that noble lord for Spain, to pursue his well-concerted under- 
 taking ; which, in the eveut, will demonstrate to the world that 
 little armies, under the conduct of auspicious generals, may some- 
 times produce prodigious effects. 
 
 The Jews, in whatever part of the world, are a people indus- 
 trious in the increasing of Mammon ; and, being accustomed to 
 the universal methods of gain, are always esteemed best qualified 
 for any undertaking where that bears a probability of being a 
 perquisite. Providing bread and other requisites for au army
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 3s 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 was ever allowed to carry along with it a profit answerable ; and 
 Spain wa9 not the first country where that people had engaged in 
 such an undertaking. Besides, on any likely appearance of great 
 advantage, it is in the nature as well as practice of that race 
 strenuously to assist one another, and that with the utmost confi- 
 dence and prodigious alacrity. One of that number, both com- 
 petent and willing enough to carry on an undertaking of that 
 Kind, fortunately came at that juncture to solicit the earl of Pe- 
 terborow to be employed as proveditor to the army and troops, 
 which were or should be sent into Spain, 
 
 It will easily be admitted, that the earl, under his present exi- 
 gences, did not decline to listen ; and a very considerable sum 
 being offered, by way of advance, the method common in like 
 cases was pursued, and the sum proposed accepted, by which 
 means the carl of Peterborow found himself put into the happy 
 capacity of proceeding upon his first concerted project. The 
 name of the Jew who signed the contract was Curtisos ; and he 
 and his friends, with great punctuality, advanced the expected 
 sum of one hundred thousand pounds sterling, or very near it, 
 which was immediately ordered into the hands of the paymaster 
 of the forces : for though the earl took money of the Jews, it was 
 not for his own but public use. According to agreement, bills 
 were drawn for the value from Lisbon upon the lord Godolphin 
 (then lord-treasurer), all which were, on that occasion, punctually 
 complied with. 
 
 The earl of Peterberow having thus fortunately found means to 
 supply himself with money, and by that with some horse, after 
 he had obtained leave of the lord Galloway to make an exchange 
 of two regiments of foot, received the archduke and all those who 
 would follow him aboard the fleet; and, at his own expense, 
 transported him and his whole retinue to Barcelona : for all which 
 prodigious charge, as I have been very lately informed from very 
 good hands, that noble earl never to this day received any consi- 
 deration from tlve government, or any person whatsoever. 
 
 We sailed from Lisbon, In order to join the squadron under sir 
 Cloudsley Shovel ; meeting with which at the appointed station 
 off Tangier, the men of war and transports thus united made the 
 best of their way for Gibraltar. There we staid no longer than to 
 take aboard two regiments out of that garrison, in lieu of two out 
 of our fleet. Here we found the prince oF Hesse, who imme- 
 diately took a resolution to follow the archduke in this expedition. 
 He was a person of great gallantry, and, having been viceroy of 
 Catalonia, was received on board the fleet with the utmost satis- 
 faction, as being a person capable of doing great service in a coun- 
 try where he was well known, and as well beloved. 
 
 Speaking Latin then pretty fluently, it gave me frequent oppor- 
 tunities of conversing with the two father confessors of the duke 
 of Austria; and upon that account I found myself honoured with
 
 S6 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 some share in the favour of the archduke himself. I mention 
 tins, not to gratify any vain humour, but as a corroborating cir- 
 cumstance, that my opportunities of information, in matters of 
 couscquence, could not thereby be supposed to be lessened ; but 
 that I might more reasonably be imagined to arrive at intelligence 
 that not very often, or at least not so soon, came to the know- 
 ledge of others. 
 
 P'roui Gibraltar we sailed to the bay of Altea, not far distant, 
 from the city of Valencia, in the road of which we continued for 
 s»ine days. While we were there, as I was very credibly informed, 
 the earl of Peterborow met with some fresh disappointment ; but 
 what it was, neither I nor any body else, as far as I could per- 
 ceive, could ever dive into : neither did it appear by any outward 
 tokens in that noble general that it lay so much at his heart as 
 those about him seemed to assure me it did. 
 
 However, while we lay in Altea bay, two bomb vessels and a 
 small squadron were ordered against Denia, which had a small 
 castle, but rather fine than strong ; and accordingly, upon our 
 offer to bring to bear with our cannon, and preparing to fix our 
 bomb vessels, in order to bombard the place, it surrendered, and 
 acknowledged the archduke as lawful king of Spain, and so pro- 
 claimed him. From this time, therefore, speaking of that prince, 
 it shall e under that title. General Ramos was left commander 
 here, a person who afterwards acted a very extraordinary part in 
 the war carried on in the kingdom of Valencia. 
 
 But notwithstanding no positive resolutions had been taken for 
 
 the operations of the campaign, before the archduke's departure 
 
 from Lisbon, the earl of Peterborow, ever solicitous of the honour 
 
 of his country, had premeditated another enterprise, which, had 
 
 it been embraced, would, in all probabilhy, have brought that 
 
 war to a much more speedy conclusion, and at the same time have 
 
 obviated all those difficulties, which were but too apparent in the 
 
 siege of Barcelona. He had justly and judiciously weighed, that 
 
 there were no forces in the middle parts of Spain, all their troops 
 
 being in the extreme parts of the kingdom, either on the frontiers 
 
 of Portugal, or in the city of Barcelona ; that with king Philip 
 
 and the royal family at Madrid there were only some few horse, 
 
 and those in a bad condition, and which only served for guards ; 
 
 if, therefore, as he rightly projected within himself, by the taking 
 
 of Valencia, or any sea- port town, that might have secured his 
 
 landing, he had marched directly for Madrid, what could have 
 
 opposed him ? But I shall have occasion to dilate more upon this 
 
 head a few pages hence ; and therefore shall here only say, that 
 
 though that project of his might have brought about a speedy and 
 
 wonderful revolution, what he was by his orders afterwards obliged 
 
 against his inclinations to pursue contributed much more to his 
 
 great reputation, as it put him under a frequent necessity of over-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 37 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 coming difficulties, which, to any other general, would have ap- 
 peared insurmountable. 
 
 Valencia is a city towards the centre of Spain, to the seaward, 
 „ seated in a rich and most populous country, just titty leases 
 from Madrid : it abounds in horses and mules ; by reason of the 
 great fertility of its lands, which they can, to great advantage, 
 water when and as they please. This city and kingdom was as 
 much inclined to the interest of king Charles as Catalonia itself; 
 for, eveu on our first appearance, great numbers of people came 
 down to the bay of Altea, with not only a bare offer of their ser- 
 vices, but loaded with all manner of provisions, and loud accla- 
 mations of Viva Carlos tercero, Viva. There were no regular 
 troops in any of the places round about it, or in the city itself. 
 The nearest were those few horse in Madrid, one hundred and 
 fifty miles distant ; nor any foot nearer than Barcelona, or the 
 frontiers of Portugal. 
 
 On the contrary, Barcelona is due of the largest and most po- 
 pulous cities in all Spain, fortified with bastions ; one side thereof 
 is secured by the sea, and the other by a strong fortification, 
 called Monjouick. The place is of so large a circumference, that 
 thirty thousand men would scarce suffice to form the lines of cir- 
 cumvallation. It once resisted for many months an army of that 
 force ; and is almost at the greatest distance from England of any 
 place belonging to that mouarchy. 
 
 This short description of these two places will appear highly 
 necessary, if it be considered, that no person without it would 
 be able to judge of the design which the earl of Peterborow in- 
 tended to pursue, when he first took the archduke aboard the 
 fleet. Nevertheless, the earl now found himself under a necessity 
 of quitting that noble design, upon his receipt of orders from Eng- 
 land, while he lay in the bay of Altea, to proceed directly to Ca- 
 talonia; to which the archduke, as well as many sea and land offi- 
 cers, were most inclined ; and the prince of Hesse more than all 
 the rest. 
 
 On receiving those orders, the earl of Peterborow seemed to be 
 of opinion, that from au attempt, which he thought under a pro- 
 bability of success, he was condemned to undertake what was 
 next to an impossibility of effecting : since nothing appeared to 
 him so injudicious as an attempt upon Barcelona. A place at 
 such a distance from receiving any reinforcement or relief; the 
 only place in which the Spaniards had a garrison of regular forces, 
 and those in number rather exceeding the army he was to under- 
 take the siege with, was enough to cool the ardour of a peisou 
 of less penetration and zeal than what the earl had on all occa- 
 sions demonstrated. Whereas, if the general, us he intended, 
 had made an immediate inarch to Madrid, after he had secured 
 Valencia and the towns adjacent, which were all ready to submit 
 and declare for king Charles ; or, if otherwise inclined, had it
 
 38 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 not in their power to make any considerable resistance ; to which, 
 if it be added, that lie could have had mules and horses imme- 
 diately provided for him, in what number he pleased, together 
 with carriages necessary for artillery, baggage, and ammunition, 
 in few days he could have forced king Philip out of Madrid, 
 where he had so little force to oppose him; and as there was no- 
 thing in his way to prevent or obstruct his marching thither, it is 
 bard to conceive any other part king Philip could have acted in 
 such an extremity than to retire either towards Portugal or Cata- 
 lonia : in either of which cases he must have left all the middle 
 part of Spain open to the pleasure of the enemy, who, in the 
 mean time, would have had it in their power to prevent any com- 
 munication of those bodies at such opposite extremes of the 
 country as were the frontiers of Portugal and Barceloua, where 
 only, as I said before, were any regular troops. 
 
 j^nd on the other side, as the forces of the earl of Peterborow 
 were more than sufficient for an attempt where there was so little 
 danger of opposition, so if their army on the frontiers of Portu- 
 gal should have marched back upon him into the country, either 
 the Portuguese army could have entered into Spain without oppo- 
 sition, or, at worst, supposing the general had been forced to 
 retire, his retreat would have been easy and safe into those part* 
 of Valencia and Andelusia which he previously had secured. 
 Besides Gibraltar, the strongest place in Spain, if not in the 
 whole world, was already in our possession, and a great fleet at 
 hand ready to give assistance in all places near the sea. From 
 all which it is pretty apparent, that in a little time the war on 
 our side might have been supported without entering the Medi r 
 terranean ; by which means all reinforcements would have been 
 much nearer at hand, and the expenses of transporting troops and 
 ammunition very considerably diminished. 
 
 But none of these arguments, though every one of them is 
 founded on solid reason, were of force enough against the prevail- 
 ing opinion for an attempt upon Catalonia. Mr. Crow, agent 
 for the queen in those parts, had sent into England most positive 
 assurances, that nothing would be wanting, if once our fleet made 
 an invasion amongst the Catalans. The prince of Hesse likewise 
 abounded in mighty offers and prodigious assurances, all which 
 enforced our army to that part of Spain, and that gallant prince 
 to those attempts in which he lost his life : very much against the 
 inclination of our general, who foresaw all those difficulties, which 
 were no less evident afterwards to every one, and the sense of 
 which occasioned those delays and that opposition to any effort 
 upon Barcelona which ran through so many successive councils 
 of war. 
 
 However, pursuant to his instructions from England, the re- 
 peated desires of the archduke, and the importunities of the 
 prince of Hesse, our general gave orders to sail from Altea towards
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE; 3y 
 
 :,i' ■ ., ,,— 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 ■ 
 
 the bay of Barcelona, the chief city of Catalonia. Nevertheless* 
 when we arrived there, he was very unwilling to land any of the 
 forces till he saw some probability of that assistance and succour 
 so much boasted of and so often promised. But as nothing ap- 
 peared but some small numbers of men, Very Indifferently armed, 
 and without either gentlemen or officers at the hoad of them, the 
 earl of Peterborow was of opinion, this could not be deemed suffi- 
 cient encouragement for him to eugage in an enterprise which 
 carried so poor a face of probability of success along with it. In 
 answer to this it was urged, that till a descent was made, and the 
 affair thoroughly engaged in, it was not to be expected that any 
 great numbers would appear, or that persons of condition would 
 discover themselves. Upon all which it was resolved the troop* 
 should be landed. 
 
 Accordingly, our forces were disembarked, and immediately 
 encamped ; notwithstanding which, the number of succours in- 
 creased very slowly, and that after the iirst straggling manner. 
 Nor were those that did appear any way to be depended ou ; 
 coming when they thought lit, going av.ay wheu they pleased, 
 and not to be brought under any regular discipline. It was then 
 pretended, that until they saw the artillery landed as well as 
 forces they would not believe any siege actually intended. This 
 brought the general under a sort of necessity of comply ing in that 
 also ; though certainly so to do must be allowed a little unrea- 
 sonable, while the majority in all councils of war declared the 
 design to be impracticable, and the earl of Peterborow had posi- 
 tive orders to proceed according to such majorities. 
 
 At last the prince of Hesse was pleased to demand pay for those 
 stragglers as officers and soldiers ; endeavouring to maintain, that 
 it could not be expected that men should venture their lives for 
 nothing. Thus, we came to Catalonia upon assurances of uni- 
 versal assistance ; but found, when we came there, that we were 
 to have none unless we paid for it. And as we were sent thither 
 without money to pay for any thing, it had certainly been lor us 
 wore tolerable to have been in a country where we might liave 
 taken by force what we could not obtain any other way. 
 
 However, to do the Mhpielets all possible justice, 1 must say, 
 that, notwithstanding the number of them, which hovered about 
 the place, never much exceeded fifteen hundred men ; if >ome- 
 times more, oftener'less ; and though they never eauie under ant 
 command, but planted themselves where und as tl:e\ pleased, vet 
 did they considerable service in taking possession of all the coun- 
 try houses and convents that lay between the hills and the plain 
 of Barcelona; by means whereof they rendered it impossible for 
 the enemy to make any sorties or sallies at any distance from the 
 town. 
 
 And now began all those difficulties to bear, which long beibre 
 by the general had been apprehended. The troops had continued 

 
 40 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain (Jarleton. 
 
 tinder a state of inactivity for the space of three weeks, all which was spent 
 in perpetual contrivances and disputes amongst ourselves, not with the enemy. 
 In six several councils of war the siege of Barcelona, under the circum- 
 stances we then lay, was rejected as a madness aud impossibility. And though 
 the general and brigadier Stanhope (afterward earl Stanhope) consented to 
 some effort, yet it was rather that some effort should be made to satisfy the 
 expectation of the world than with any hopes of success. However, no con- 
 tent at all could be obtained from any council of war ; and the Dntch general 
 in particular declar. d, that he would not obey even the commands of the 
 carl of Peterborow, if he should order the sacrifice of the troops under him 
 in so unjustifiable a manner, without a consent of a council of war. 
 
 And yet all those officers, who refused their consent to the siege of Barce- 
 lona, offered to march into the country, and attempt any other place that 
 was not provided with so strong and numerous a garrison ; taking it for 
 granted, that no town in Catalonia, Barcelona excepted, could make long re- 
 sistance ; and in case the troops in that garrison should pursue them, they 
 then might have an opportunity of fighting them at less disadvantage in the 
 open field than behind the walls of a place of such strength. And, indeed, 
 Ehould they have issued out on any such design, a defeat of those troops 
 would have put the province of Catalonia, together with the kingdoms of 
 Arragon and Valencia, into the hands of king Charles more effectually than 
 the taking of Barcelona itself. 
 
 Let it be observed, en passant, that by those offers of the land officers in, 
 a council of war, it is easy to imagine what would have been the success of 
 our troops, had they marched directly from Valencia to Madrid : for, if after 
 two months' alarm, it was thought reasonable, as well as practicable, to 
 march into the open country rather than attempt the siege of Barcelona, where 
 forces equal, if not superior in number, were ready to follow us at the heels, 
 what might not have been expected from an invasion by our troops when and 
 where they could meet with little opposition ? But, leaving the consideration 
 of what might have been, I shall now endeavour, at least with great exact- 
 ness, to set down some of the most remarkable events, from our taking to 
 the relief of Barcelona. 
 
 The repeated refusals of the councils of war for undertaking the siege of so 
 strong a place, with a garrison «o numerous, and those refusals grounded 
 upon such solid reasons, against a design so rash, reduced the general to the 
 utmost perplexity. The court of king Charles wasimvnerged in complaint; 
 all belonging to him lamenting the hard fate of that prince, to be brought 
 into Catalonia only to return again, without the offer of any one effort in his 
 favour. On the other hand, our own officers and soldiers were highly dissa- 
 tisfied that they were reproached, because not disposed to enter upon and 
 engage themselves in impossibilities. And, indeed, in the manner that the 
 siege was proposed and insisted upon by the prince of Hesse, in every of the
 
 ; 
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 41 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 several councils of war, after the loss of many men, thm-.ru away to no other 
 purpose but to avoid the shame (as the expression rau) of coming like fools 
 and going away like cowards, it could hare euded in nothing but a retreat 
 at last. 
 
 It afforded but small comfort to the earl to have foreseen all these difficul- 
 ties, and to have it in Us power to say, that he would never have taken the 
 archduke on board, nor have proposed to him the hopes of a recovery of the 
 Spanish monarchy from kin)? Philip, if he coitld have imagined it probable, 
 that he should not have been at liberty to pursue his own dcsijjn, according 
 to his own jndgment. It must be allowed very hard for him, who had un- 
 dertaken* so great a work, and that without any orders from the govern- 
 ment, and by so doing, could have ha* no justification but by success ; 
 I say, it must be allowed to be very hard (after the undertaking had been ap- 
 proved in England), that he should find himself to be directed in this manner 
 by those at a distance, upon ill grounded and confident reports from Mr. 
 Crow; and compelled, as it were, though general, to follow the sentiments 
 of strangers, who either had private views of ambition, or had no immediate 
 care or concern for the troops employed in this expedition. 
 
 Such were the present uuhappy circumstances of the earl of Peterborow in 
 the camp before Barcelona. Impossibilities proposed; no expedients to be 
 accepted; a court reproaching ; councils of war rejecting ; and the Dutch 
 general refusing the assistance of the troops under his command ; and, what 
 surmounted all, a de-pair of bringing such animosities and differing opiuions 
 to any tolerable agreement. Yet all these difficulties, instead of discouraging 
 the carl, set every faculty of his more afloat ; and, at last, produced a lucky 
 thought, which was happily attended with events extraordinary, and scenes 
 of success much beyond his expectation ; such as the general himself was 
 heard to confess, it had been next to folly to have looked for; as certainly, 
 in prima facie, it would hardly have borne proposing, to take by surprise a 
 place much stronger than Barcelona itself. True it is, that his only hope of 
 succeeding consisted iu this, — that no person could suppose such an enter- 
 prise could enter into the imagination of man ; and, without doubt, the gene- 
 ral's chief dependence lay upon what he found true iu the sequel ; that the 
 governor and garrison of Monjouick, by reason of their own security, would 
 be very negligent, and very little upon their guard. 
 
 However, to make the experiment, he took an opportunity, unknown to 
 any person but an aide-de-camp that attended him, and went out to view the 
 fortifications; and there being no horse iu that strong fortress, and the Mi. 
 quelets being possessed of all the houses and gardens iu the plain, it was not 
 difficult to give himself that satisfaction, taking his way by the font of the 
 hill. The observation he made of the place itself, the negligence and supine* 
 Hess of the garrison, together with his own uneasy circumstances, soon 
 brought the earl to a resolution of putting his first conceptions In execution ; 
 VOL. II. F
 
 I* SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 satisfied, as he was, from the situatiouof the ground between Monjouick and 
 the town, that if the first was in our possession, the siege of the latter might be 
 undertaken with some prospect of success. 
 
 From what has been said, some may be apt to conclude, that the siege 
 afterward succeeding, when the attack was made from the side of Monjouick, 
 it had not been impossible to have prevailed, if the effort had been made on 
 the east side of the towu, where our forces were at first encamped, and where 
 only we could have made our approaches, if Monjouick had not been in ouf 
 power. But a few words will convince any of common experience, of the 
 utter impossibility of success upon the east part of the towu, although many 
 almost miraculous accidents made us succeed, when we brought our batteries 
 to bear upon that part of Barcelona towards the west. The ground to the 
 east was a perfect level for many miles, which would have necessitated our 
 making our approaches iu a regular way ; and consequently our men must 
 have been exposed to the full fire of their whole artillery. Besides, the town 
 is on that side much stronger than any other; there is an out-work 
 just under the walls of the town, flanked by the coin-tin and the faces of two 
 bastions, which might have cost us half our troops to possess, before we could 
 have raised a battery against the walls. Or supposing, after all, a compe- 
 tent breach had been made, what a wise piece of work must it have been 
 to hare attempted a storm against double the number of regular troops 
 within? 
 
 On the contrary, we were so favoured by the situation, when we made the 
 attack> from the side of Monjouick, that the breach was made, and the town 
 taken without opening of trenches, or without our being at all incommoded 
 by any sallies of the enemy ; as, in truth, they made not one during the whole 
 siege. Our great battery, which consisted of upwards of fifty heavy cannon,, 
 supplied from the ships, and managed by the seamen, were placed upon a 
 spot of rising ground, just large enough to contain our guns, with two deep 
 hollow ways on each side the field, at each end whereof we had raised a little 
 redoubt, which served to preserve our men from the shot of the town. Those 
 little redoubts, iu which we had some field-pieces, flanked the battery, and 
 reudered it entirely secure from auy surprise of the enemy. There were se- 
 reral other smaller batteries raised upon the hills adjacent, in, places not to 
 be approached, which, in a manner, rendered all the artillery of the enemy 
 useless, by reason their men could not ply them, but with the utmost dan- 
 ger ; whereas, ours were secure, very few being killed, and those mostly by 
 random shot. 
 
 But, to return to the general. Forced, as he was, to lake this extraor- 
 dinary resolution, he concluded, the readiest way to surprise his enemies 
 was to elude his friends. He therefore called a council of war ashore, of 
 the laud officers ; and aboard, of the admirals and sea-officers •. in both 
 which it was resolved, that iu case the siege of Barcelona was judged inv. 

 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 43 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 practicable, and that the troops should be reirabarked by a day appointed, 
 an effort should be made upon the kingdom of Naples. Accordingly, the day 
 affixed being come, the heavy artillery, landed for the siege, was returned 
 aboard the ships, and every thing, in appearance, prepared for a reimbark- 
 ment. During which, the geueral was obliged to undergo all the reproaches 
 of a dissatisfied' court •, and, what was more uneasy to him, the murniurin^s 
 of the sea-officers, who, not so competent judges in what related to sieges, 
 were one and all inclined to a design upon Barcelona; and the rather, be* 
 -cause, as the season was so fnr spent, it was thought altogether improper to 
 engage the fleet in auy new undertaking. However, all things were so well 
 disguised by our seeming preparations for a retreat, that the very night our 
 troops were in march towards the attack of Monjouick, there were public 
 entertainments and rejoicings in the town for the raising of the siege. 
 
 The prince of Hesse had t;*.ken large liberties in complaining against all 
 ♦he proceedings in the camp before Barcelona ; even to insinuations, that 
 though the earl save his opinion for some effort in public, yet used he not 
 sufficient authority over the other general officers to incline them to comply ; 
 throwing out withal some hints, that the general, from the beginning, had 
 declared himself in favour of other operations, and against coming to Cata- 
 lonia; the latter part whereof vas nothing but fact. On the other side, the 
 earl of Pe«\rborow complained, that the boasted assistance was no way 
 made good 4 and, that in failure thereof, his troops were to be sacrificed to 
 the humours of a stranger; one who had no command, and whose conduct 
 might bear a question whether equal to his courage. These reproaches of 
 one another had bred so jmuch ill blood between those two great men, that, 
 for above a fortnight, they bad no correspondence, nor ever exchanged one 
 word. 
 
 The earl, however, having made his proper dispositions, and delivered out 
 Jus orders, began his march in the evening, with twelve hundred foot and two 
 hundred horse, which, of necessity, were to pass by the quarters of the prince 
 of Hesse. That prince, on their appearance, was told, that the general was 
 come to speak with him ; and, being brought into his apartment, the earl 
 acquainted him, that he had at last resolved upon an attempt against the 
 enemy ; adding, that now, if he pleased, he might be a judge of their be- 
 haviour, and see whether his officers and soldiers had deserved that character 
 which he had so liberally given them. The prince made answer, that he 
 had always been ready to take his share; but could hardly believe, that 
 troops marching that way could make any attempt against the enemy to 
 satisfaction. However, without further discourse, be called for his horse. 
 
 By this we may see what share Fortune has in the greatest events. In all 
 probability, the earl of Petrrborow h id never engaged in such a dangerous 
 ■affair in cold blood and unprovoked ; and if such an enterprise had beeu 
 resolved on in a regular way, it is very likely he might have given the com*
 
 44 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 mand to some of the general officers ; since it is not usual, nor hardly allow- 
 able, for one that commands in chief to go in person on such kind of ser- 
 vices. But here we see the general and prince, notwithstanding their late 
 indifferent harmony, engaged together in this most desperate undertaking. 
 
 Brigadier Stanhope and Mr. Methuen were the general's particular friends, 
 and those he most consulted and most confided in ; yet he never imparted 
 ttiis resolution of his to either of them ; for he was not willing to engage 
 them in a design so dangerous, and where there was so little hope of suc- 
 cess ; rather choosing to reserve them as persons most capable of giving ad- 
 vice and assistance in the confusion, great enough already, which yet must 
 have been greater, if any accident had happened to himself. And I have 
 very good reason to believe, that the motive, which mainly engaged the earl 
 of Peterborow in this enterprise, was to satisfy the prince of Hesse and the 
 world, that his diffidence proceeded from his concern for the troops com- 
 mitted to his charge, and not for his own person On the other hand, the 
 great characters of the two gentlemen just mentioned are so well known, 
 that it will easily gain credit, that the only way the general could take to 
 prevent their being of the party was to conceal it from them, as he did from 
 all mankind, even from the archduke himseif. And certainly there never 
 was a more universal surprise, than when the firing was heard next morning 
 from Monjouick. 
 
 But I now proceed to give an exact account pf this great action ; of which 
 no person that I have heard of ever yet took upon him to deliver to posterity 
 the glorious particulars ; and yet the consequences and events, by what fol- 
 lows, will appear so great and so very extraordinary, that few, if any, had 
 they had it in their power, would have denied themselves the pleasure or the 
 world the satisfaction of knowing it. 
 
 The troops, which marched all night along the foot of the mountains, 
 arrived two hours before day under the hill of Monjouick, not a quarter of a 
 mile from the outward works. For this reason, it was taken for granted, 
 •whatever the design was which 1 the general had proposed to himself, that it 
 would be put in execution before day light ; but the earl of Peterborow was 
 now pleased to inform the officers of the reasons why he chose to stay till the 
 light appeared. He was of opinion that any success would be impossible, 
 unless the enemy came into the outward ditch under the bastions of the second 
 iaclosure; but that, if they had time allowed them to come thither, there 
 being no palisadoes, our men, by leaping in upon them, after receipt of their 
 first fire, might drive them into the upper works ; and following them close, 
 with some probability, might force them, under that confusion, into the in- 
 ward fortifications. 
 
 Such were the general's reasons then and there given ; after which, having 
 promised ample rewards to such as discharged their duty well, a lieutenant, 
 •with thirty men, was ordered to advance towards the bastion nearest the
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 45 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Car/eton. 
 
 town; and a captain, with fifty men, to support him. After the enemy's 
 fire, they were to leap into the ditch ; and their orders were to follow them 
 close, if they retired into the upper works : nevertheless not to pursue them 
 farther, if they made into the inner fort, but to endeavour to covet- them 
 fcelves within the gorge of the bastion. 
 
 A lieutenant, and a captain, with the like number of men, and the same 
 orders, were commanded to a demi-bastion, at the extremity of the fort to. 
 wards the west, which was above musket shot from the inward fortification. 
 Towards this place the wall, which was cut into the rock, was not faced for 
 «bout twenty yards ; and here our own men got up, where they found three 
 pieces of cannon upon a platform, without any men to defend them. 
 
 Those appointed to the bastion towards the town were sustained by two 
 hundred nun; with which the general and prince went in person. The like 
 number, under the directions of colonel Southwell, were to sustain the attack 
 towards the west ; and about five hundred men were left under the com- 
 mand of a Dutch colonel, whose orders were to assist, where, in his own judg- 
 ment, he should think most proper; and these were drawn up between the 
 two parties appointed to begin the assault. My lot was on the side where 
 the prince and eai 1 were iu person ; and where we sustaiucd the only loss 
 from the first fire of the enemy. 
 
 Our men, though quite exposed, and though the glacis was all escarped 
 upon the live rock, went on with an undaunted courage; and, immediately 
 after the first fire of the enemy, all that were not killed or wounded leaped 
 in, peUwel^ amongst the enemy ; who, being thus boldly attacked and seeing 
 others pouring in upon ihem, retired in great confusion ; and some one way, 
 tome another, ran into the inward works. 
 
 There was a large port in the flank of the principal bastion towards the 
 north-east, and a covered way, through which the general and the prince 
 of Hesse followed the flying forces ; and by that means became possessed 
 of it. Luckily enough, here lay a number of great stones iu the gorge 
 of the bastion, for the use of the fortification ; with which we mado a sort 
 of breast-work, \n fare the enemy recovered of their amaze, or made any con- 
 siderable fire upon us from their inward fort, which commanded the upper 
 past of that bastion. 
 
 We were afterwards informed, that the commander of the citadel, expect- 
 ing but one attack, had called ofT the men from the most distant and western 
 part of the fort to t lint side which was next to the town I upon which our 
 men got into a demi-bastion in the most extreme part of the fortification. 
 Here they got possession of three pieces of cannon, with hardly any oppo- 
 sition ; and had leisure to cast up a little entrenchment, and to make use of 
 the guns they had taken, to defend it. Under this situation, the enemy, w hen 
 drove into the inner fort, were exposed to our fire from those places we were 
 possessed of, in case they offered to make any sally, or other attempt against
 
 46 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 as. Thus we every moment became better and better prepared against any. 
 effort of the garrison. And, as they could not pretend to assail us without 
 evident hazard, so nothing remained for us to do till we could bring up our 
 artillery and mortars. Now it was that the general sent for the thousand 
 men under brigadier Stanhope's command, which he had posted at a convent 
 half way between the town and Monjouick. 
 
 There was almost a total cessation of fire, the men on both sides being 
 under cover. The general was in the upper part of the bastion ; the prince 
 of Hesse below, behind a little work at the point of the bastion, whence he 
 could only see the heads of the enemy over the parapet of the inward fort. 
 Soon after au accident happened, which cost that gallant prince his life. 
 
 The enemy had lines of communication between Barcelona and Mon- 
 jouick. The governor of tl\e former, upon hearing the firing from the latter, 
 immediately sent four hundred dragoons on horseback, under orders, that 
 two hundred dismounting should reinforce the garrison, and the other two 
 hundred should return with their horses back to the town. 
 
 When those two hundred dragoons were accordingly got into the in- 
 ward fort, unseen by any of our men, the Spaniards, waving their hats 
 over their heads, repeating over and over, Viva elrey, viva. This the prince 
 of Hesse unfortunately took for a signal of their desire to surrender. 
 Upon which, with too much warmth and precipitancy, calling to the soldiers 
 following, " They surrender, they surrender !" he advanced, with near three 
 hundred men (who followed him without any orders from their general), 
 along the curtain which led to the ditch of the inward fort. The enemy suf- 
 fered them to come into the ditch, and there surrounding them, took two 
 hundred of them prisoners, at the same time making a discharge upon the 
 rest, who were running back the way they came. Thi3 firing brought the 
 earl of Peterborow down from the upper part of the bastion, to see what was 
 doing below. When he had just turned the point of the bastion, he saw the 
 prince of Hesse retiring, with the men that had so rashly advanced. The 
 earl had exchanged a few words with him, when, from a second fire, that 
 prince received a shot in the great artery of the thigh, of which he died im- 
 mediately, falling down at the general's feet, who instantly gave orders to 
 carry off the body to the next convent. 
 
 Almost the same moment, an officer came to acquaint the earl of Peterbo- 
 row, that a great body of horse and foot, at least three thousand, were on 
 their march from Barcelona towards the fort. The distance is near a mile, 
 all uneven ground ; so that the enemy was either discoverable, or not to he 
 seen, just as they were marching on the hills, or in the vallies. However, 
 the general directly got on horseback, to take a view of those forces from tht 
 rising ground without the fort, having left all the posts, which were already 
 taken, well secured with the alloted number of officers and soldiers. 
 ^But the event will demonstrate of what consequence the absence or p*<»
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 47 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 •ence of one man may prove on great occasions. No sooner was the earl out 
 of the fort, the care of which he had left under the command of the lord 
 Charlemont (a person of known m rit and undoubted courage, but some- 
 what too flexible in his temper), when a panic fear, though the earl, as I 
 have said, was only gone to take a view of the enemy, seized upon the sol- 
 diery, which was a little too easily complied with by the lord Charlemout, 
 then commanding officer. True it it, for I heard au officer, ready cuough to 
 take such advantages, urge to him, that none of all those posts we were be* 
 come masters of were tenable; that to offer at it would be no better than 
 wilfully sacrificing human lives to caprice and humour; and just like a man 
 knocking his head agaiust stone walla to try which was hardest. Having 
 overheard this piece of lip oratory, and finding by the answer that it was too 
 likely to prevail, and that all 1 was like to say would avail nothing, I slipped 
 away as fast as 1 could to acquaint the general with the danger impending. 
 
 As I passed along, I took notice that the panic was upon the increase; 
 the general rumour affirming, that we should be all cut off by the troops 
 that were come out of Barcelona, if we did not immediately gain the bills, 
 or the houses possessed by the Miquelets. Officers and soldiers, under this 
 prevailing terror, quitted their posts ; and in one uuited body (the lord Charl.-- 
 mont at the head of them) marched, or rather hurried out of the fort, and 
 were come halfway down the lull before the earl of Peterborough came up 
 to them ; though, on my acquainting him with the shumeful and surprising 
 accident, be made no stay, but answering with a good deal of vehemence, 
 " Good God, is it possible ?" hastened back as fast as he could. 
 
 1 never thought myself happier than in this piece of serviccto my country. 
 1 confess I could not but value it, as having been therein more than a little 
 Instrumental in the glorious successes which succeeded ; since immediately 
 upon this notice from me, the earl gallowed up the hill, and lighting when 
 he came to lord Charlemont, he took his half pike out of his hand, and 
 turning to the officers and soldiers, told them, if they would not face about 
 and follow him, they should have the scandal and eternal infamy upon theia 
 of having deserted their posts and abandoned their general. 
 
 It was surprising to see with what alacrity and new courage they faced 
 about and followed the earl of Peterborow. In a moment they had forgot 
 their apprehensions ; and, without doubt, had they met with any opposition, 
 they would have behaved themselves with the greatest bravery. But as 
 these motions were unperccived by the enemy, all the posts were regained, 
 and anew possessed id less than half an hour, without any loss; though, had 
 our forces marched half a musket-shot further, their retreat would have been 
 perceived, and all the success attendant on this glorious attempt must have 
 been entirely blasted. 
 
 Another incident which attended this happy enterprise was this. The two 
 hwudred men which fell iuto the hands of the enemy, by the unhappy mistake
 
 4& SUPPLEMENT T6 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletotu 
 
 of the prince of Hesse, were carried directly into the town. The marquis 
 of Risburg, a lieutenant-general, who commanded the three* thousand 
 men, which were marching from the town to the relief of the fort, ex- 
 amined the prisouers as they passed by ; and they all agreeing thai the ge- 
 neral and the prince of Hesse were in person with the troops that made the 
 attack on Monjouick, the marquis gave immediate orders to retire to the 
 town ; taking it for granted, that the main body of the troops attended the 
 prince and general; and that some design therefore was on foot to intercept 
 his return, in case he should venture too far. Thus, the unfortunate loss 
 of two hundred men turned to our advantage, in preventing the advance of 
 the enemy, which must have put the earl of Peterborow to inconceivable 
 difficulties. 
 
 The body of one thousand, under brigadier Stanhope, being come up to 
 Monjouick, and no interruption given us by the enemy, our affairs were 
 put into very good order on this side ; while the camp ou the other side was 
 so fortified that the enemy, during the siege, never made one effort against it. 
 In the mean time, the communication between the two camps was secure 
 enough ; although our troops were obliged to a tedious march along the foot 
 of the hills, whenever the general thought fit to relieve those on duty on the 
 side of the attack, from those regiments encamped on the west side of Bar- 
 celona. 
 
 The next day after the earl of Peterborow had taken care to secure the 
 first camp to the eastward of the town, He gave orders to the officers of the 
 fleet to land the artillery and ammunition behind the fortress to the westward. 
 Immediately upon the landing whereof, two mortars were fired ; from both 
 which we plied the fort of Monjouick fnrionsly with our bombs. But the 
 third or fourth day, one of our shells fortunately lighting on their magazine 
 of powder blew it up; and with it the governor, and many of the principal 
 officers, who were at dinner with him. The blast, at the same instant, threw 
 down a face of one of the smaller bastions ; which the vigilant Miquelets, 
 ready enough to take all advantages, no sooner saw (for they were under the 
 hill, very near the place), but they readily entered, while the enemy were 
 under the utmost ci.nfusion. If the earl, no less watchful than they, had 
 not at the same moment thrown himself in with some regular troops, and 
 appeased the general disorder, in all probability the garrison had been put to 
 the sword. However, the general's presence not only allayed the fury of the 
 Miquelets, but kept his own troops under the strictest discipline: so that, in 
 a happy hour for the frighted garrison, the general gave officers and soldiers 
 quarters, making them prisoners of war. 
 
 How critical was that minute wherein the general met his retreating com- 
 mauder! A very few steps farther had excluded us our own conquests, to 
 the utter loss of all those greater glories which ensued. Nor would that 
 JBave been the worst 5 for, besides the shame attending such an ill concerted
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 40 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 retreat from our acquests on Monjouick, we must have felt the accumulative 
 disgrace of infamously retiring aboard the ships that brought us ; but heaven 
 reserved for our general amazing scenes both of glory and mortification. 
 
 I cannot here omit one singularity of life, which will demonstrate men's 
 different way of thinking, if not somewhat worse. When naany years after, 
 to one in office, who seemed a little too deaf to iny complaints, and by that 
 means irritating my human passions, in justice to inyfclf, as well as cause, I 
 urged this piece of servce, by which 1 not ouly preserved the place, but the 
 honour of my country ; that minister petite, to mortify iny expectations and 
 baffle my plea, with a grimace as odd as his logic, returned, that, in his opi- 
 nion, the service pretended was a disservice to the nation; since persever- 
 ance had cost the government more money than all the conquests were 
 worth, could we have kept them. So irregular arc the corruptions of man, 
 when even great actions thwart the bent of an interested will. 
 
 The fort of Monjouick, being thus surprisingly reduced, furnished a strange 
 vivacity to men's expectation, and as extravagantly flattered their hopes : 
 for, as success never fails to excite weaker minds to pursue their good for- 
 tune, though many times to their own loss; so is it often too apt to push on 
 more elevated spirits to renew the encounter for achieving new conquests, 
 by hazarding too rashly all their former glory. Accordingly, every body 
 now began to make his utmost efforts, and looked upon himself as a drone, if 
 he was not employed in doing something or other towards pushing forward 
 the siege of Barcelona itself, and raising proper batteries fo. that purpose. 
 But, after all, it most, in justice, be acknowledged, that notwithstanding this 
 prodigious success that attended this bold enterprise, the land forces, of them- 
 selves, without the assistance of the sailors, could never have reduced the town. 
 The commanders and officers of the flee^ had always eviuced themselves 
 favourers of this project upon Barcelona. A new uudcrtikusg so late in the 
 year, as I have said before, was their utter aversiou, and what they hated to 
 hear of. Elated, therefore, with a beginning so auspicious, they gave a 
 more willing assistance than could have been asked or judiciously expected. 
 The admirals forgot their element, and acted as general officers at land. 
 They came every day from their ships, with a body of men formed into 
 companies, and regularly marshalled, and command. J by captains and luu- 
 tenauts of their own. Captain Littleton, in particular, one of the most ad- 
 vance 1 captains in the whole fleet, offered, t.f him .r If, to take care of the 
 landing aud conveyance of the artillery to the cainp. Aud answerable to that, 
 his first zeal was bis vigour all along; for, finding it next to an impossibility 
 to draw the cannon and mortars up such r ist precipices by horses, if the 
 country had afforded them, he caused harnesses to be made for two hundred 
 men, and by that nuatis, after a prodigious fatigue and labour, brought the 
 cannon aud mortars necessary for the siege upt > the very batteries 
 
 In this manner was the siege begun; nor vras it carried on with any less 
 
 v0l.;ii. G
 
 50 SUPPLEMENT" TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carkton. 
 
 application ; the approaches being made by an army of besiegers, that very 
 little, if .at all, exceeded the number of the besieged ; not altogether in a 
 regular manner, our few forces would not admit it, but yet with regularity 
 enough to secure to our two little camps, and preserve a communication be- 
 tween both not to be interrupted or incommoded by the enemy. We had 
 soon erected three several batteries agaiust the place, all on the west side of 
 the town, viz. one of nine guns, another of twelve, and the last of upwards 
 of thirty. From all which we plied the town incessantly, and with all ima- 
 ginable fury ; and very often in whole vollieS. 
 
 Nevertheless, it was thought not only advisable, but necessary, to erect 
 another battery upon a lower piece of ground under a small hill; which, 
 lj ing more within reach, and apposite to those places where the walls were' 
 imagined weakest, Would annoy the town the more ; and being designed for 
 sis guns only might soon be perfected. A French engineer had the direc- 
 tion; and, indeed, very quickly perfected it. But, when it came to be con- 
 sidered which way to get the cannon to it, most were of opinion that it would 
 be absolutely impracticable, by reason of the vast descent ; though, I believe, 
 they might have added a stronger reason, and perhaps more intrinsic, that it' 
 was extremely exposed to the fire of the enemy. 
 
 Haviug gained some little reputation in the attack 0/ M oojottick, tnis 
 difficulty was at last to be put upon me ; and as some, not my enemies, 
 supposed, more out of envy than good Will. However, when I came to the 
 place, and had carefully taken a view of it, though I was sensible enough of 
 the diflicnlty, I made my main objection as to the time for accomplishing 
 it; for it was then between nine and ten, and the guns were to be mounted 
 by day-light. Neither could I at present see any other way to answer their 
 expectation's than by casting the cannon down '.he precipice, at all hazards, 
 to the place below, where that fourth battery was erected. 
 
 This wanted not objections to ; and therefore, to answer my purpose, as 
 to point of time, sixty men more were ordered me, as mnch as possible to 
 facilitate the work by numbers; and, accordingly, I set about it. Just as f 
 was setting all hands to work, and had given orders to my men to begin some 
 paces back, to make the descent more gradual, and thereby render the task a 
 little more feasible, major Collier, who commanded the train, came to me, 
 and perceiving the difficulties of the undertaking, in a fret told me I was 
 imposed upon, and vowed he would go and find out brigadier Petit, and let 
 him know the impossibility, as well as the unreasonableness, of the task I 
 was pnt upon. He had scarce uttered those words, and turned himself 
 round to perform his promise, when an unlucky shot with a musket-ball 
 wounded him through the shoulder; upon which he was carried off, and I 
 saw him not till some considerable time after. 
 
 By the painful diligence and the additional complement of men, however, 
 1 eo well succeeded (such was my great good fortune), that the way was 

 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. si 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 iinade, and the guns, by the help of fascine?, and other lesser preparations 
 ■below, safely let down and mounted ; so that the fourth battery began to 
 play upon the town before break of day, and with all the success that wm 
 proposed. . 
 
 In short the breach, in a very few days after, was found wholly practica- 
 ble, and all things were got ready for a general storm ; which don Valasco, 
 the governor, being sensible of, immediately beat a parley 5 upon which it 
 was, among other ai ticks, concluded, that the towri should be surrendered 
 in three days ; and the better to ensure it, the bastion, which commanded 
 the port St. Angelo, was directly put into our possession. 
 
 But before the expiration of the limited three days, a very unexpected ac- 
 cident fell out, which hastened the surrender. Don Valasco, during his go- 
 vernment, had behavtd himself very arbitrarily, and thereby procured, as the 
 eonscquenee of it, a large proportion of ill will, not only among the towns- 
 men but among the Miquclcts, who had, in their zeal to king Charles, flocked 
 from all parts of Catalonia to the siege of their capital ; and who, on the 
 signing of the articles of surrender, had found various ways, being well ac- 
 quainted with the must private avenues, to get by night into the town; so 
 that early in the morning th'-y began to plunder all that they knew enemies 
 to king Charles, or thought friends to the prince his competitor. 
 
 Thejr main design was upon Valasco the governor, whom, if they could 
 have got into their hands, it was not to be questioned, but, as far as his life 
 and limbs would have served, they would have sufficiently satiated their ven- 
 geance upon. He expected no less, and therefore concealed himself, till the 
 earl of Peterborow could give orders for his more safe and private conveyance 
 hy sea to Alicant. 
 
 Nevertheless, in the town ail was in the utmost confusion ; which the earl 
 4>f Peterborow, at the very first hearing, hastened to appease. With his usual 
 alacrity he rode all alone to Port St. Angelo, where, at that time, myself hap- 
 pened to be, and deraauded to be admitted, the officer of the guard, under 
 fear and surprise, opened the wicket, through which the earl entered, and 1 
 after him. 
 
 Scarce had we gone a hundred paces when wc saw a lady of apparent qua- 
 lity and indisputable beauty in a strange but most affecting agouy, flying 
 <rom the apprehended fury of the Miquelcts ; her lovely hair was all flowing 
 about her shoulders, which, and the consternation she was in, rather added 
 to than any thing diminished from the charms of an excess of beauty. She, 
 a« is very natural to people in distress, made up directly to tin- earl, her cyst 
 satisfying her he was a person likely to give her all the protection she wanted; 
 and as soon as ever she came near enough, in a manner that declared he* 
 .quality before she spoke, she craved that protection, telling him, the better 
 to secure it, who it was that asked it. But the generous earl presently con- 
 vinced her be wanted no intreaties, having, before he kuew h«r to he the
 
 5* SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 duchess of Popoli, taken her by the hand, in order to convey her through 
 the wicket which he entered at, to a place of safety without the town. 
 
 I staid behind, while the earl conveyed the distressed duchess to her re- 
 quested asylnm ; and I believe it was much the longest part of an hour be- 
 fore be returned. But as soon as ever he came back, he and myself, at his 
 command, repaired to the place of most confusion, which the extraordinary 
 noise full readily directed us to, and which happened to be on the parade 
 before the palace. There it was that the Miquelets were making their ut- 
 most efforts to' get into their hauds the almost sole occasion of the tumult, 
 and the object, of their raging fury, the person of don Valasco, the late 
 governor. • 
 
 It was here that the earl preserved that governor from the violent but per- 
 haps too just resentments of the Miquelets ; and, as I said before, conveyed 
 him by sea to Alicant. And, indeed, I could little doubt the effect, or be 
 any thing surprised at the easiness of the task, when I saw, that wherever 
 he appeared the popular fury was in a moment allayed, and that every dic- 
 tate of that general was assented to with the utmost cheerfulness and defer- 
 ence. Valasco, before his embarkation, had given orders, in gratitude to 
 his preserver, for all the gates to be delivered up, though short of the stipu- 
 lated term ; and they were accordingly so delivered, and our troops took 
 possession so soon as ever that governor was aboard the ship that was to 
 convey him to Alicant. 
 
 During the siege of Barcelona, brigadier Stanhope ordered a tent to be 
 pitched as near the trenches as possibly could be with safety, where he not only 
 entertained the chief officers who were upon duty, but likewise the Catalo- 
 nian gentletaen, who brought Miquelets to our assistance. I remember I 
 saw an old cavalier, having his only son with him, who appeared a fine young 
 gentleman, about twenty years of age, go into the tent, in order to dine with 
 the brigadier ; but whilst they were at dinner, an unfortunate shot came 
 from the bastion of St. Antonio, and entirely struck off the head of the son. 
 The father immediately rose up, first looking down upon his headless child, 
 and then lifting up his eyes to heaven, whilst the tears ran down his cheeks, 
 he crossed himself, and only said, Fiat voluntas tua ! and bore it with a won- 
 derful patience. It was a sad spectacle, and truly it affects me now whilst 
 I am writing. 
 
 The earl of Peterborow, though for some time after the revolution he 
 had been employed in civil affairs, returned to the military life with great 
 satisfaction, which was ever his inclination. Brigadier Stanhope, who was 
 justly afterwards created an earl, did well deserve this motto, " Tarn Marte 
 quam Merciirio ; ,y for truly he behaved, all the time he continued in Spain, 
 as if he had been inspired with conduct ; for the victory at Almanar was 
 entirely owing to him ; and likewise at the battle of Saragosa he distinguish- 
 ed himself with great bravery. That he had not success at Bruhega was not
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 53 
 
 Memoirs uf Captain Carleton. 
 
 l»is fault, for no man can resist fate ; for it was decreed by heaven that Phi- 
 lip should remain king of Spain, and Charles to be emperor of Germany. 
 Yet each of these monarchs have been ungrateful to the instruments which 
 the Almighty made use of to preserve them upon their thrones ; for one had 
 not been king of Spain but for France, and the other had not been emperor 
 but for England. 
 
 Barcelona, the chief place in Catalonia, being thus in our hands, as soon 
 as the garrison, little inferior to our army, had marched out with drums beat- 
 ing, colours flying, &c. according to the articles, Charles the third made 
 hiR public entry, and was proclaimed king, and received with the general 
 acclamations, and all other demonstrations of joy suitable to that great 
 occasion. 
 
 Some days after which, the citizens, far from being satiated with their 
 former demonstrations of their duty, sent a petition to the king, by proper 
 deputies for that purpose appointed, desiring leave to give more ample in- 
 stances of their affections in a public cavalcade. The king granted their 
 request, and the citizens, pursuant thereto, made their preparations. 
 
 On the day appointed, the king, placed in a balcony belonging to the 
 house of the earl of Peterborow, appeared ready to honour the show. The 
 ceremonial, to speak nothing figuratively, was very fine and grand : those of 
 the first rank made their appearance in decent order, and upon fine horses ; 
 and others under arms, and in companies, marched with native gravity and 
 grandeur, all saluting his majesty as they passed by, after the Spanish man- 
 ner, which that prince returned with the movement of his hand to his 
 mouth ; for the kings of Spain are not allowed to salute, or return a salute, 
 by any motion to or of the hat. 
 
 After these followed several pageants; the first of which was drawn by 
 mules, set off to the height with stateliest feathers, and adorned with little 
 bells. Upon the top of this pageant appeared a man dressed all in green, 
 but in the likeness of a dragon. The pageant making a stop just over against 
 the balcony where she king sat, the dragonical representative diverted him 
 w ith great variety of dancings ; the earl of Peterborow all the time throwing 
 out dollars by handfuls among the populace, which they as constantly re- 
 ceived with the loud acclamation, and repeated cries of Viva, Viva, Carlo* 
 Terceros! Viva la Cassa a" Austria! 
 
 \\ hen that had played its part, another pageant, drawn as before, made a 
 like full stop before the same balcony. On this was placed a very large 
 cage or aviary, the cover of which, by springs contrived for that purpose, im- 
 mediately flew open, and out of it a surprising flight of birds of various en. 
 lours. These, all amazed at their sudden liberty, which I took to be the 
 < nililc in intended, hovered ■ considerable space of time over and about their 
 place of freedom, chirping, singing, and otherwise testifying th«ir mighty joy 
 for their so unexpected enlargement.
 
 *4 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton % 
 
 i— — ^i— — — »— «— ■^»— — «■— — —»»——— 
 
 There were many other pageants ; but having little in them very remark- 
 able I have forgot the particulars. Nevertheless, every one of them wasr 
 dismissed with the like acclamations of Viva, Viva. .' the whole concluding 
 with bonfires and illuminations, common on all such occasions. 
 
 I cannot here orajt one very remarkable instance of the catholic zeal of 
 that prince, which I was soon after an eye-witness of. I was at that time in 
 the fruit market, when the king passing by in his coach, the host, (whether 
 by accident or contrivance I cannot say,) was brought, at that very junc- 
 ture, out of the great church, in order, as 1 after understood, to a poor sick 
 woman's receiving the sacrament. On sight of the host, the king came out 
 of his coach, kneeled down in the street, which at that time proved to be 
 very dirty, till the host passed by ; then rose up, and taking the lighted 
 flambeau from him who bore it, he followed the priest up a strait nasty alley, 
 and there up a dark ordinary pair of stairs, where the poor sick woman lay. 
 There he staid till the whole ceremony was over, when, returning to the 
 door of the church, he very faithfully restored the lighted flambeau to the 
 fellow he had taken it from, the people all the while crying out, Viva, Viva! 
 an acclamatiou, we may imagine, intended to his zeal as well as his person. 
 
 Another remarkable accident, of a much more moral nature, 1 must, in 
 justice to the temperance of that, in this truly inimitable people, recite. I 
 was one day walking in one of the most populous streets of that city, where 
 I found an uncommon concourse of people of all sorts got together ; and, 
 imagining so great a crowd could not be assembled on a small occasion, 1 
 pressed in among the rest ; and, after a good deal of struggling and difficulty, 
 reached into the ring and centre of that mixed .multitude. But how did I 
 blush, with what confusion did I appear, when I humd one of my own coun- 
 trymen, a drunken grenadier, the attractive loadstone of all the high and low 
 mob, and the butt of all their merriment ! It will be easily imagined to be a 
 thing not a little surprising to one of our country, to find that a. druukcu 
 man should be such a wonderful sight : "however, the witty sarcasms that 
 nere then by high and low thrown upon that senseless creature, and, as i 
 interpreted matters, me in him, were so pungent, that if I did not curse my 
 curiosity, I thought it best to withdraw myself as fast as legs could carry me 
 away. 
 
 Barcelona being now under king Charles, the towns of Gironne, Tarra- 
 gona, Tortosa, and Lerida, immediately declared for him j to every one of 
 which engineers being ordered, it was my lot to be sent to Tortosa. This 
 town is situated on the side of the river Ebro, over which there is a fair and 
 famous bridge of boats. The waters of this river are always of a dirty red 
 colour, somewhat fouler than our moorish waters; yef it is the only water 
 Jhe inhabitants drink or covet to drink ; and every house providing for its 
 own convenience cisterns to preserve it in, by a few hours standing it be- 
 comes ae clear as the clearest rock water, but as soft as milk. In shorty
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 for softness, brightness, and pleasantness of taste, tlie natives prefer it to all 
 the waters in the world. And I must declare in favour of their opinion, that 
 none ever pleased me like it. 
 
 This town was of the greater moment to our army, as opening a passage 
 into the kingdom of Valencia ou one Bide, and the kingdom of Arragon on 
 the other: and being of itself tolerably defensible, in human appearance 
 might probably repay a little care and charge in its repair and improvement. 
 Upon this employ was I appointed, and thus was I busied, till the arrival of 
 the earl of Pcterborow with his little army, in order to march to Valencia, the 
 capital of that province. Here he left in garrison colonel Hans Hamilton's 
 regiment ; the place, nevertheless, was under the command of a Spanish go- 
 vernor, appointed by king Charles. 
 
 While the earl staid a few days at this place, under expectation of the pro- 
 tnised succours from Barcelona, he received a proprio (or express) from the 
 king of Spain, full of excuses, instead of forces. And yet the very same letw 
 tcr, in a paradoxical mauner, commanded him at all events to attempt the 
 relief of Santo Mattheo, where colonel Jones commanded, and which was 
 then under siege by the Coude de los Torres (as was the report), with up. 
 wards of three thousand men. The carl of Pttcrburow coiild not muster 
 above one thousand foot, and about two hundred horse; a smull force to 
 m&ke au attempt of that nature npmi such a superior power: yet the e*rT'» 
 Vivacity (as will be occasionally further observed in the course of these me- 
 moirs) never much regarded numbers, so there was but room, by any strata- 
 gem, to hope for success. True it is, for his greater encouragement and 
 consolation, the same letter intimated, that a great concourse of the country 
 people being up in arms, to the number of many thousands, in favour of king 
 Charles, and wanting only officers, the enterprise would be easy, aud unat- 
 tended with much danger. But, upon mature inquiry, the earl found that 
 great body of men all in nubibu.i ; and that the Conde, in the plain truth of 
 th« matter, was much stronger than the letter at first represented. 
 
 Santo Mattheo was a place of koown importance, from its situation, 
 which cut off all communication between Catalonia and Valencia ; and, con- 
 sequently, should it fall into the hands of the enemy, the earl's design upon 
 the latter must inevitably have been postponed. It must be granted, the com- 
 mands for attempting the relief of it were pressing aud peremptory; never- 
 theless, the curl was very conscious to himself, that as the promised reinforce- 
 ments were suspended, his officers would not approve of the attempt upon 
 the foot of such vast inequalities; and their own declared sentiments soon 
 confirmed the dictates of the earl's reason. He therefore addresses himself to 
 those officers in a different mauner : He told them, he only desired they would 
 be passive, and leave it to him to wx>rk his own way. Accordingly, the earl 
 found out and hired two Spanish spies, for whose fidelity (us his great pre- 
 caution always led him to do) he took sufficient security j and ilupatched
 
 S6 
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 tlicm with a letter to colonel Jones, governor of the place, intimating his rea- 
 diness as well as ability to relieve him ; and, above all, exhorting him to have 
 the Miquelets in the town ready, on sight of his troops, to issue but, pursuej 
 and plunder; since that would be all they would have, to do, and all he would 
 expect at their hands. The spies were dispatched accordingly, and, pursu- 
 ant to instructions, one betrayed and discovered the other who had the letter 
 in charge to deliver to colonel Jones. The earl, to carry on the feint, having 
 in the mean timej by dividing his troops, and marching secretly over the 
 mountains, drawn his men together, so as to make their appearance on the 
 height of a neighbouring mountain, little more than cannon-shot from the 
 enemy's camp. The tale of the spies was fully confirmed, and the Conde, 
 though an able general, marched off with some precipitation with Lis army; 
 and by that means the earl's smaller number of twelve hundred had liberty 
 to mareh into the town without interruption. I must not let slip an action of 
 colonel Jones's just before the earl's delivery of them The Conde, for want 
 of artillery, had set his miners to work, and the colonel, finding they had 
 made some dangerous advances, turned the course of a rivulet, that ran 
 through the middle of the town, in upon them, and made them quit a work 
 they thought was brought, to perfection . 
 
 Santo Mattheo being relieved, as T have said, the earl, though he had s» 
 far gained his ends, left not the flying enemy without a feint of pursuit ; with 
 such caution, nevertheless, that in ease they should happen to be better in- 
 formed of bis weakness, he might have a resource either bark again to Sauto 
 Mattheo, or to Vinaros on the sea side ; or some other place, as occasion might 
 require. But having just before received fresh advice, that the reinforce- 
 ments he expected were anew countermanded ; and that the duke of Anjou 
 had increased his troops to twelve thousand men ; the officers, not enough 
 elated with the last success to adventure upon new experiments, resolved^ ire 
 a council of war, to advise the earl, who had just before received a discretion- 
 ary commission in lieu of troops, so to post the forces under him, as not to 
 be cut off from being able to assist the king in person ; or to march to the 
 defence of Catalonia, iu case of necessity. 
 
 Pursuant to this resolution of the council of war, the earl of Peterborow,: 
 though still intent upon his expedition into Valencia (which had been afresh 
 commanded, even while his supplies were countermanded), orders his foot, iu 
 a truly bad condition, by tedious marches day and uight over the mountains, 
 to Vinaros ; and with his two hundred horse set out to prosecute his pretend* 
 ed desigu of pursuing the flying enemy ; resolved, if possible, notwithstand- 
 ing all seemingly desperate circumstances, to perfect the security of that 
 capital. 
 
 To that purpose, the earl, with his small body of patroles, went on fright- 
 ening the enemy, till they came under the walls of Nules, a town fortified with 
 the best walls, regular towers, and in the best repair of any in that kingdom
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain L'arlrtoit. 
 
 But even here, upon the appearance of the earl's forlorn, (if they might not 
 properly at that time all have passed under that character,) under the same 
 panic they left that fencible town, with only one thousand of the town's 
 people, well armed, for the defence of it. Yet was it scare tn he imngiai il, 
 that the earl, with his small body of two hundred horse, should be aide to 
 pain admission ; or, indeed, tinder such circumstances, to attempt it. But, 
 bold as the undertaking was, his good genius wcut along with him ; and so 
 good a genius was it, that it rarely left him without a good effect He hail 
 been told the day before, that the enemy, on leaving Nules, had g t possession 
 of Villa Real, where they put all to the sword. What would have furnished 
 another with terror, inspired his lordship with a thought as fortunate as it 
 was successful. The carl rides up to the very gates of the town, at the head 
 of his party, and peremptorily demands the chief magistrate or a priest im- 
 mediately to be sent out to him ; and that under penalty of being all pot to 
 the sword, and used as the enemy had used those at Villa Real the day or two 
 before. The troops that had so lately left the place had left behind tberu 
 more terror than men ; which, together with the peremptory demand of the 
 earl, soon produced some priests to wait upon the general. By their readi- 
 ness to obey, the carl very justly imagined fear to be the motive ; wherefore, 
 to improve their terror, he only allowed them six minutes time to resolve 
 upon a surrender, telling them, that otherwise, so soon as his artillery was 
 come up, he would lay them Under the utmost extremities. The priests re- 
 turned with this melancholy message into the place ; aud in a very short tima 
 after the gates were thrown open. Upon the earl's entrance, he found two 
 hundred horse, which were the original of his lordship's forming that body 
 of horse which afterwards proved the saving of Valencia. 
 
 The news of the taking of Nules soon overtook the flying enemy ; and so 
 increased the apprehensions of their danger, that they renewed their march 
 the same day ; though what they had taken before would have satisfied them 
 much better without it. On the other hand, the earl was So well pleased with 
 bis success, that, leaving the enemy to fly before their fears, he made a short 
 turn towards Castillon de la Plana, a considerable but open town, where his 
 lordship furnisl d himself with four hundred horses more; and all this un- 
 der the assurance, that his troops were driving the enemy \u fore then out of 
 the kingdom. Hence he sent orders to colonel Pierce's regiment at Vinaros 
 to meet him at Oropesa, a place at no great distance ; where, when they came, 
 they were pleasingly surprised at their beiug well mounted, aud furnished 
 with all accoutrements necessary. After which, leaving them cantoned iu 
 walled towns, where they could not he disturbed without artillery, thut inde- 
 fatigable general, leaving tWm full orders, went on his way towards Tortosa. 
 
 At Vinaros the earl met with advice, that the Spanish militia of the king- 
 dom of Valencia were assembled, and had already advance,! a day's march at 
 least into that country. Upon which, collecting, as fast as he could, the 
 
 vet., it. 11
 
 58 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 whole corps together, the earl resolved to penetrate into Valencia directly ; 
 notwithstanding this whole collected body would amount to no more than 
 six hundred horse and two thousand foot. 
 
 But there was a strong pass over a river, just under the walls of Mol- 
 viedro, which must be first disputed and taken. This, brigadier Mahoni, by 
 the orders of the duke of Arcos, who commanded the troops of the duke of 
 Anjou in the kingdom of Valencia, had taken care to secure. Molviedro, 
 though not very strong, is a walled town, very populous of itself ; and had 
 in it, besides a garrison of eight hundred men, most of Mahoni's dragoons. 
 It lies at the very bottom of a high hill; on the tipper part whereof 
 they show the ruins of the once famous Saguntum; famous sure to eternity r 
 if letters shall last so long, for an inviolable fidelity to a negligent confede- 
 rate, against an implacable enemy. Here yet appear the visible vestigia of 
 awful antiquity, in half standing arches, and the yet unlevelled walls and 
 towers of that once celebrated city. I could not but look upon all these with 
 the eyes of despite, in regard to their enemy Hannibal 5 with those of disdain, 
 in respect to the uncommon and unaccountable snpineness of- its confede- 
 rates, the Romans ; but with those of veneration, as to the memory of a. glo- 
 rious people, who, rather than stand reproached with a breach of faith, or the 
 brand of cowardice, chose to sacrifice themselves, their wives, children, and 
 all that was dear to them, in the flames of their expiring city. 
 
 In Molviedro, as I said before, Mahoni commanded, with eight hundred- 
 men, besides inhabitants ; which, together with our having but little artil- 
 lery, induced the officers under the earl of Peterborow reasonably enough 
 to imagine and declare, that there could be no visible appearance of sur- 
 mounting such difficulties. The earl, nevertheless, instead of indulging such 
 despondencies, gave them hope, that what strength served not to accomplish, 
 art might possibly obtain. To that purpose he proposed an interview be- 
 tween himself and Mahoni ; and accordingly sent an officer with a trumpet 
 to intimate his desire. The motion was agreed to; and the earl having pre- 
 viously stationed his troops to advantage, and his little artillery at a con- 
 venient distance, with orders they should appear on a slow march on the side- 
 of arising bill, during the time of conference, went to the place appointed; 
 only, as had been stipulated, attended with a small party of horse. When 
 they were met, the earl first offered all he could to engage Mahoni to the. 
 interest of king Charles ; proposing some things extravagant enough, as 
 Mahoni himself some time after told me, to stagger the faith of a catholic ; 
 but all to little purpose ; Mahoni was inflexible, which obliged the earl to 
 new measures. 
 
 Whereupon the earl frankly told him, that he could not, however, but 
 esteem the confidence he had put in him, and therefore, to make some reta- 
 liation, he was ready" to put it in his power to avoid the barbarities lately 
 executed at Villa Real. " My relation to you," continued the general,, " in-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. .',o 
 
 Memoirs of Captain t'arlcton. 
 
 dines me to spare a town omlrv your command. You see how near my 
 forces are ; and can hardly doubt our soon being masters of the place : what 
 I would therefore offer you," said the earl, " is a capitulation, that my in- 
 clination may be held in countenance by my honour. Barbarities, however 
 justified by example, are my attar aversion, and against my nature ; and to 
 testify so much, together with my good will to your person, was the main in- 
 tent of this interview." , 
 
 This fraukners so far prevailed on Mahoni, that he agreed to return an 
 answer in half an hour. Accordingly, an answer was returned by a Spanish 
 officer, and a capitulation agreed upon; the earl at the same time endeavour- 
 ing to bring over that officer to king Charles, on much the same topics lie 
 used with Mahoni. But finding this equally fruitless, w bather it was that 
 he tacitly reproached the officer with a want of consideration in neglectiug 
 to follow the exemple of his commander, or what else, he created iu that 
 officer such a jealousy of .Mahoni, that was afterwards very serviceable to 
 him in bin further design. 
 
 To forward which to a good issue, the earl immediately made choice of 
 hwo dragoon*, who, upon promise of promotion, undertook to go as spies to 
 ■ ihe duke of Arcos, whose forces lay not far off, on the other side a large 
 plain, whjch the earl must unavoidably pass, and which would inevitably be 
 attended with almost insuperable dangers, if there attacked by a force so 
 much superior. Those spies, according to instructions, were to discover to 
 the duke, that they overheard the conference between the carl and Mahoni ; 
 and at the same time saw a considerable number of pistoles delivered into 
 Mahoni' * hands, large promises passing at that instant reciprocally. But, 
 above all, that the earl had recommended to him the procuring the inarch of 
 the duke over the plain between tltem. The spies went and delivered all 
 .according to conceit ; concluding, before the duke, that they would ask no 
 reward, but undergo any punishment, if Mahoni did not very soon send to 
 the duke a request to march over the plain, in order to put the concerted 
 plot into execution. It was not long after this pretended discovery, before 
 Mahoni did seud indeed an officer to the duke, desiring the march of his 
 forces over the plain ; but, in reality, to obstruct the earl's passage, which he 
 knew very well must be that and no other way. However, the duke, bein" 
 prepossessed by the spies, and what those Spanish officers that at first es- 
 caped had before infused, took tilings in their sense; and as soon as Ma- 
 honi, who was forced to make the best of his way over the plain before the 
 earl of Petcrhorow, arrived at his camp, he was put under arrest, and sent to 
 Madrid. The duke having thus imbibed the venom, and taken the alarm, 
 immediately decamped in confusion, and took a different route thau first he 
 intended, leaving that once formidable plain open to the carl, without an 
 enemy to obstruct him. In some little time after he arrived at Madrid, Ma-
 
 do SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 1 o:ii made his innocence appear, and was created a general, while the duke 
 of Arcos was recalled from his post of honour. 
 
 The day after we arrived at Valencia ; the gates of which fine city were 
 set open to us with the highest demonstrations of joy. I called it a fine 
 city; hnt sure it richly deserves a blighter epithet ; since it is a common 
 saving among the Spaniards, that " the pleasures of Valencia would make 
 u Jew forget Jerusalem." It is most 6wectly situated in a very beautiful 
 plain, and within half a league of the Mediterranean sea. It never wants 
 any of the frarrraneies of nature, and always has something to delight the 
 most curious eye. It is famous to a proverb for fine women; but as in- 
 famous, and only in that so, for the race of bravoes, the common companions 
 of the ladies of pleasure in this country. These wretches are so case-hard, 
 ened they will commit a murder for a dollar, though they run their country 
 for it when they have done. Not that other parts of this nation are uuin- 
 fested with this sort of animals ; but here their numbers are so great, that if 
 a catalogue was to be taken of tbose in other parts of the country, perhaps 
 nine in ten would be found by birth to be of this province. 
 
 But to proceed. Though the citizens, and all sorts of people, were re- 
 dundant in their various expressions of joy for an entry so surprising, and 
 .utterly lost to their expectation , whatever it was to their wishes, the earl had 
 a secret concern for the public, which lay gnawing at his heart, and which 
 yet he was forced to conceal. He knew that he had not four thousand soldiers 
 in the place, and not powder or ammunition for those; nor any provisions 
 laid in for any thing like a siege. On the other hand, the enemy without 
 were upwards of seven thousand, with a body of four thousand more, not 
 fifteen leagues off, on their march to join them. Add to this, the mareschal 
 de Thcsse was no farther off than Madrid, a very few days march from Va- 
 lencia ; a short way indeed for the earl (who, as was said before,was wholly un- 
 provided for a siege, which was reported to be the sole end of the mareschars 
 moving that way). But the earl's never failing genius resolved again to at- 
 tempt that by art, which the strength of his forces utterly disallowed him. 
 
 And, in the first place, his intelligence telling him that sixteen twenty-four 
 pounders, with stores and ammunition answerable for a siege, were shipped 
 off for the enemy's service at Alicant, the earl forthwith lays a design, and, 
 with his usual success, intercepts them all, supplying that way his own ne- 
 cessities at the expense of the enemy. 
 
 The four thousand men ready to reinforce the troops near Valencia were 
 the next point to be undertaken ; but, kic labor, hoc opus ; since the greater 
 body under the conde de las Torres (who, With Mahoni, was now reinstated 
 in his post) lay between the earl and those troops intended to be dispersed 
 And what enhanced the difficult, the river Xuear must be passed in almost 
 the face of the enemy. Great disadvantages as these were, they did not dis*
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. Cl 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carltton. 
 
 courage the earl. He detached by night four hundred horse and eight hun- 
 dred foot, who marched with sach hasty silence, that they surprised that 
 great body, routed them, and brought itito Valencia six hundred prisoners 
 very safely, notwithstanding they were obliged, under the same night-covert, 
 to pass very near a l< >ly of three thousand of the enemy '» horse. Such a 
 prodigious victory would hardly have gained credit in that city, if the pri. 
 soners brought in had not been living witnesses of the action as well as the 
 triumph. The condc de las Torres, upon those two military rebuffs, drew 
 off to a more convenient distance, aud left the earl a little more at ease in his 
 new quarters. 
 
 Here the earl of Pcterborow made his residence for some time. He was 
 extremely well beloved ; his affable behaviour exacted as much from all; 
 and he preserved such a good correspondence with the priests and the ladies, 
 that he never failed of the most early and best intelligence ; a thing by no 
 means to be slighted in the common course of life ; but much more com- 
 mendable and necessary in a general, with so small an army, at open war, 
 aad in the heart of his enemy's country. 
 
 The earl by this means, some small time after, receiving intelligence that 
 king Philip was actually on his march to Barcelona, with an army of up- 
 wards of 25,000 meu, under the command of a mareschal of France, began 
 his march towards Catalonia, with all the troops that he could gather toge- 
 ther, leaving in Valencia a small body of foot, such as in that exigence could 
 best be snared. The whole body thus collected made very little more than 
 °0OO foot and 600 horse ; yet resolutely with these he sets out for Barcelona, 
 in the neighbourhood of which, as 60011 as he arrived, he took care to post 
 himself and his diminutive army in the mountains which environ that city, 
 where he not only secured them against the enemy, but found himself in a 
 capacity of putting them under perpetual alarms. Nor was the mareschal, 
 with his great army, capable of returning the earl's compliment of disturb- 
 ance, since he himself, every six or eight hours, put bis troops into such a 
 varying situation, that always wheu most arducusly sought he was farthest 
 off from being found. In this manner the general bitterly harassed the 
 troops of the enemy, and by these means struck a perpetual terror into the 
 besiegers. Nor did he only this way annoy the enemy . the precautions be 
 had used, and the measures he had taken in other places, with a view to 
 prevent their return to Madrid, though the invidious eudeavoured to bury 
 them in oblivion, having equally contributed to the driving of the mares- 
 cbal of France, and his catholic king, out of the Spanish dominions. 
 
 But to go on with the siege. The broaches in the walls of that city, during 
 its siege by the earl, had been put into tolerahh repair | but those of Mon- 
 jouick, 011 the contrary, had been as iniicli 11 • elected. However, the garri- 
 son made shift to hold out a battery of twenty-three days, with no less than 
 fifty pieces of cannon-, when, after a lost of the euimy of upwards of three
 
 G2 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 thousand men (a moiety of the army employed against it when the earl took 
 it), they were forced to surrender at discretion. And tins cannot hut merit 
 our observation, that a place which the English general took in little more 
 than an hour, and with very inconsiderable loss, afforded the mareschal of 
 France a resistance of twenty-three days. 
 
 Upon the taking of fort Monjouick, the mareschal de Thesse gave imme- 
 diate orders for batteries to be raised against the town. Those orders were 
 put in execution with all expedition ; and at the same time his army forti- 
 fied themselves with 6«ch entrenchments, as would have ruined the earl's 
 former little army to have raised, or his present much lesser army to bar* 
 attempted the forcing them. However, they sufficiently demonstrated their 
 apprehensions of that watchful general, who lay hovering over their heads 
 upon the mountains. Their main effort was to make a breach between port 
 St. Antonio and that breach which our forces had made the year before ; to 
 effect which, t\iey took care to ply them very diligently both from cannon 
 and mortars, and in some few days their application was answered with a 
 practicable breach for n storm ; which, however, was prudently deferred for 
 some time, and that through fear of the earl's falling on the back of them 
 ■whenever they should attempt it, which, consequently, they were sensible 
 might put them into some dangerous disorder. 
 
 And now it was that the earl of Peterborow resolved to put in practice the 
 rcsolutiou he had some time before conceited within himself. About nine 
 or ten days before the raising of the siege, he had received an express from 
 brigadier Stanhope (who was aboard sir John Leake's fleet appointed for the 
 relief of the place, with the reinforcements for England,) acquainting the 
 «arl, that he had used all possible endeavours' to prevail on the admiral ** 
 make the best of his way to Barcelona; but that the admiral, however, per- 
 sisted in a positive resolution not to attempt the French fleet before that 
 place under the count de Tholowse till the ships were joined him which wese 
 expected from Ireland, under the command of sir George Bing. True it 
 was, the fleet under admiral Leake was of equal strength with that under 
 the French admiral ; but, jealous of the informations he had received, and 
 too ready to conclude that people in distress were apt to make representa- 
 tions too much in their own favour, he held himself, in point of discretion, 
 obliged not to hazard the queen's ships, when a reinforcement of both cleaner 
 and larger were under daily expectation. 
 
 This unhappy circumstance (notwithstanding all former glorious deliver- 
 ances) had almost brought the earl to the brink of despair ; and, to increase 
 it, the earl every day received such commands from the king within the 
 place as must have sacrificed his few forces, without the least probability 
 of succeeding. Those all tended to his forcing his way into the town ; when, 
 in all human appearance, not one man of all that should make the attempt 
 "Could have done it with auy hope or prospect of surviving. The French
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. b.1 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 were strongly encamped at the foot of the mountains, distant two miles 
 from Barcelona i towards the bottom of those hills, the aVenues into the 
 plain were possessed and fortified by great detachments from the ene- 
 my's army ; from all which it will be evident, that no attempt could be made 
 without giving the enemy time to draw together what body of foot they 
 pleased ; or, supposing it feasible, under all these difficult circumstances, 
 for some of them to have forced their passage, the remaiuder, tbat should 
 have been so lucky to have escaped their foot, would have found themselves 
 exposed in open field to a pursuit of 4(>oo horse and dragoons, and that for 
 two miles together ; when, in case of their inclosing them, the bravest troops 
 in the world, under such a situation, would have found it their best way fo 
 have surrendered themselves prisoners of war. 
 
 Nevertheless, when brigadier Stanhope sent that express to the earl, which." 
 I just now mentioned, he assured him in the same, that he would ose his 
 utmost diligence, both by sea and land, to let him have timely notice of tli* 
 conjuuetiou of the fleets, which was now all they had to depend upon : add- 
 ing, withal, that if the earl should at any time receive a letter, or paper, 
 though directed to nobody, and with nothing in it but a half sheet of paper, 
 cut in the middle he, the earl, might certainly depend upon it, that the two 
 fleets were joined, and making the best of their way for Barcelona. It will 
 easily be imagined the express was to be well paid ; and being made sensi- 
 blcthat he ran little or no hazard in carrying a piece of blank paper, he un- 
 dertook it, and as fortunately arrived with it to the earl, at a moment when 
 chagrin and despair might have hurried him to some resolution that might 
 have proved fatal. The messenger himself, however, knew nothing of the 
 joining of the fleets, or the meaning of his message. 
 
 As soon as the earl of Peterborow received this welcome message front 
 brigadier Stanhope, he marched the very same night, with his whole little? 
 body of forces, to a town on the sea shore, called Sigeth. No pcrsou guessed 
 the reason of his march, or knew any thing of what the intent of it was. 
 The officers, as formerly, obeyed without enquiry, for they were led to it by 
 so many unaccountable varieties of success, that affiance became a second 
 nature, both in officer and soldier. 
 
 The town of Sigeth was about seven leagues to the westward of Barcelona! 
 where, as soon as the earl with his forces arrived, he took care to secure all. 
 the small fishing-boats, feluccas, and settees ; nay, in a word, every machine 
 in which he could transport any of bis men; so that in bin i iys' time he had, 
 got together a number sufficient for the conveyance of all his foot. 
 
 Bnt a day or two before the arrival of the English fleet off Sigeth, the offi- 
 cers of his troops were under a strange consternation at a resolution their 
 general had taken. Impatient of delay, and fearful of the fleets passing by 
 without his knowledge, the earl summoned them together a little before night, 
 at which time he discovered to the whole an*cii.l'y, that he himself wo*
 
 64 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 T ' " " I ii , ■ -^ , 
 
 obliged to endeavour to get aboard the English fleet; and that, if possible, 
 before the French scouts should be able to make any discovery of their 
 strength; that, finding himself of no further use on shore, having already 
 taken the necessary precautions for their transportation and security, they 
 had nothing to do but to pursue his orders, and make the best of their way 
 to Barcelona, in the vessels which he had provided for them ; that they 
 might do this .in perfect security when they saw the English fleet pass by; 
 of if they should pass by in the night, an engagement with the French, which 
 would be an inevitable consequence, would give them sufficient notice what 
 they had to do further. 
 
 Thi» declaration, instead of satisfying, made the officers ten times more 
 curious - r but when they saw their general going, with a resolution to lie out 
 all night at sea in an open boat, attended with only one officer, and under- 
 stood that he intended to row ont in his felurca fire or six leagues distance 
 from the shore, it is hardly to be expressed what amazement and concern 
 surprised them all. Mr. Crow, the queen's minister, and others, expressed 
 a particular dislike and uneasiness ; but all to no purpose, the earl had re- 
 solved upon it. Accordingly, at night, he put out to sea in his open felucca, 
 all which he spent five leagues from shore, with no other company than one 
 captain and bis rowers. 
 
 In the morning, to the great satisfaction of all, officers and others, the 
 earl came again to land -. and immediately began to put his men into the se- 
 veral vessels which lay ready in port for that purpose. But at night their 
 amaze was renewed, when they found their general ready to pnt hi execu- 
 tion his old resolution, in the same equipage, and with the same attendance. 
 Accordingly, he again feluecaed himself ; and they saw him no more till they 
 were landed on the mole in Barcelona. 
 
 When the earl of Peterborow first engaged himself in the expedition to 
 Spain, he proposed to the queen and her ministry, that admiral Shovel 
 might be joined in commission with him in the command of the fleet. Bui 
 this year, when the fleet came through the Straits, under vice-admiral Leake, 
 the queen had sent a commission to the earl of Peterborow for the full com- 
 mand, whenever he thought fit to come aboard in person. This it was that 
 made the general endeavour, at all hazards, to get aboard the fleet by night ; 
 for he was apprehensive, and the sequel proved his apprehensions too well 
 grounded, that admiral Leake would make his appearance with the whole 
 body of the fleet, which made near twice the number of the ships of the ene- 
 my : in which case it was natural to suppose, that the count de Tholouse, as 
 soon as ever the French scouts should give notice of ov.r strength, would! 
 cut his cables, and put out to sea, to avoid an engagement. On the other 
 hand, the earl was very sensible, that if a part of his ships had kept astern, 
 that the superiority might have appeared on the French side; or rather if 
 they had bore away in the night towards the coast of Africa, and fallen to the
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 65 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 =. 
 
 eastward of Barcelona the next day, a battle had been inevitable, and a vic- 
 tory equally certain ; sine se tin- enemy, by this means, had been tempted in- 
 to an engagement, and their retreat being cut off, and their whole fleet sur- 
 rounded with almost double their number, there had hardly been left for any 
 of them a probability of escaping. 
 
 Therefore, when the carl of Peterborow put to sea again the second even- 
 ing, fearful of losing such a glorious opportunity, and impatient to be aboard 
 to give the necessary orders, he ordered his rowers to obtain the same sta- 
 tion, in order to discover the English Beet. And according to his wishes he 
 did fall in with it ; but unfortunately the night was so far advanced, that it 
 was impossible for him then to put his project into practice. Captain Price, 
 a gentleman of Wales, who commanded a third rate, was the person he first 
 came aboard of. But how amazed was he to find, in an open boat, at open 
 sea, the person who had commission to command the fleet! So soon as he 
 was entered the ship, the earl sent the ship's pinnance with letters to admiral 
 Leake, to acquaint him with bis orders aud intentions ; and to brigadier 
 Stanhope, with a notification of his safe arrival ; but the darkness of the 
 night proved so great an obstacle, that it was a loug time b«fore the pinnance 
 could reach the admiral. When day appearrd, it was astonishing to the 
 whole fleet to sec the the union flag waving at the tnain.top-mast head. No 
 body could trust his own eyes, or guess at the meaning, till better certified 
 by the account of an event 60 singular aud extraordinary. When we wcr» 
 about six leagues distance from Barcelona, the port wc uimed ut, one f il.e 
 French scouts gave the alarm, who making tin signal to another, he couimu> 
 ■icated it to a third, and so on, as we afterward sorrowfully found, and as the 
 carl had before apprehended. The French admiral bring thus made ac- 
 quainted with the force of our fleet, hoisted sail and made the best uf jus 
 way from us, either pursuant to orders, or under the plausible excuse of a 
 retreat. 
 
 This favourable opportunity thus lost, there remained nothing to do but to 
 laud the troops with all expedition ; which was executed accordingly. The 
 regiments w hich the earl of IVterborow embarked the night before, being the 
 first that got into the town. Let the reader imagine how pleading such a sight 
 must be ta those in Barcelona, reduced as they were to the lust extremity. 
 In this condition, to see an enemy's fleet give way to another with reinforce- 
 ments from England, the sea at the same iustaut covciod w ilh little vessels 
 crowded with greater succours ; what was there wanting to complete the 
 glorious scene, but what the general projected, a figlit at sea, under the very 
 walls of the invested city, and the ships of the enemy sinking, or towed in by 
 the victorious English. But night, aud u few hours, defeated the latter part 
 wf that well inteuded landscape. 
 
 King Philip, aud the uiureschal of France, had not tailed to push on the 
 -lege with all imaginable vigour j but this letivat of the count de Tholowtc. 
 V*»L. If. I
 
 6G SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 ■ !■ M ' 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 and the uews of those reinforcements, soon eMojetl the scene. Their con- 
 rage without was abated proportionably as theirs within was elated. In 
 these circumstances, a council of war being called, it was unanimously re- 
 solved to raise (he siege. Accordingly, next morning, the 1st of May, 1706, 
 while the sun was under a total eclipse, in a suitable hurry and confusion, 
 they broke up, leaving behind them most of their cannon and mortars, to 
 gether with vast quantities of all sorts of ammunition and provisions, scarce 
 stopping to look back till they had left all but the very verge of the disputed 
 dominion behind them. 
 
 King Charles looked with new pleasure upon this lucky effort of his old 
 deliverers. Captivity is a State no way desirable to persons however brave, 
 ofthc most private station in life ; but for a king, within two days of falling 
 into the hands of lim rival, to receive so seasonable and unexpected a deli-, 
 verance, mnst be suiposed,-as it really did, to open a scene to universal re- 
 joicing among us too high for any words to express, or any thoughts to 
 imagine, to those that were not present and partakers of it. He forthwith 
 gave orders for a medal to be struck suitable to the occasion ; one of which, 
 set round with diamonds, he presented to sir John Leake, the English ad- 
 miral. The next orders were for recasting all the damaged brass cannon 
 which the enemy had left; upon every one of which was, by order, a sun 
 eclipsed, with this motto under it, " Magna parvis obscurantuf.'''' 
 
 I have often wondered that 1 never heard any body curious enough to in- 
 quire what could be the. motives to the king of Spaiu's quitting his domi- 
 nions upou the raising of this siege; very certain it is, that he had a fine 
 army, under the command of a mareschal of France, not very considerably 
 decreased either by action or desertion: but all this would rather increase 
 the curiosity than abate it. In my opiniou, then, though men might have 
 curiosity enough, the question was purposely evaded, under an apprehension 
 that an hon<st answer must inevitably give a higher idea of the general than 
 their inclinations led them to. At first view, this may carry the face of a 
 paradox ; yet, if the reader will consider, that in every age virtue has had its 
 shadcrs or maligners,he will himself easily solve it, at the same time lhat he. ' 
 finds himself compelled to allow, that those who found themselves unable to 
 prevent liis great services were willing, in a more subtile manner, to endea- 
 vour at the annulling of them by silence and concealment. 
 
 T-bW will appear more than bare supposition, if we compare the present 
 situation, as to strength, of the two contending powers. The French, at the 
 birth of the siege, consisted of five thousand horse and dragoons, and twenty- 
 Jive thousand foot, efl'ective men. Now, grant that their killed and wounded, 
 together with their sick in the hospitals, might amount to five thousand, yet 
 as- their body of horse was entire, and in the best condition, the remaining 
 will appear to be an army of twenty-five thousand at least. On the other 
 side, all the forces in Uarcelona, even with their reinforcements, amounted t»
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 67 
 
 Memoirs vf Captain t'urk'ton. 
 
 no more than seven thousand foot, aud four hundred horse. Why, then 
 when they raised their siege, did not they inarch bark into the heart of 
 Spain with their so much superior army -, or, at least, toward* their capital ' 
 The ans.v r can he this, ami this only : Because the carl of Peterborow had 
 taken such provident care to render all secure, that it was thereby rend, red 
 next to an impossibility for them so to do. That geucrnl was satisfied, tl.ut 
 the capital of Catalonia must, in course, fall into the hands of the ene.ny, 
 unless a superior fleet removed the count deTholouse, and threw in timely 
 succours iuto the town. And us that could not depend upon him hut others, 
 he made it his chief care and assiduous employment to provide against those 
 strokes of fortune to which he found himself again likely to be exposed, as 
 he often had been; and, thcrefoie, had he recourse tr» that vigilance and 
 precaution which had often retrieved him, when to others his circumstances 
 seemed to be most desperate. 
 
 The generality of mankind, and the French in particular, were of opinion, 
 that the taking Barcelona, would prove a decisive stroke, and put a period to 
 the war in Spain; and yet, at that very instant, I was incline il to believe, 
 that the general Haiti red himself it would he in his power to give the enemy 
 .-uflic«y>t Hiortilicatii'ii, e\ en though the town should be obliged to submit 
 to kiug Philip. The wise measures taken induced me so to believe, ami the 
 sequel approved it ; for the earl had so well expended his caution, that the 
 enemy, on the disappointment, found himself under a necessity of quitting 
 Spain ; and the same would have put him under equal difficulties had he car- 
 ried the place. The French could never have undertaken that siege without 
 depending oa their fleet, for their artillery, ammunition, and provisions, 
 since they must he inevitably forced to leave behind them the strong towns 
 of Tortosa, Lcrida, aud Taragoua. The earl, therefore, whose perpetual dif- 
 ficulties seemed rather to render him more sprightly and vigorous, took 
 care himself to examine the whole country between the Khro and Barcelomi ; 
 and, upon his doing so, pai pleasingly as well as sensibly satisfied, that il 
 was practicable to i > ndcr their return iuto the heart of Spain impossible, 
 whether they did vr did not succeed iu the siege they were so inteut to un- 
 dertake. 
 
 There were but three ways they could attempt it ; the first of which was 
 by the seu-tide, from Taragoua towards Tortosa, the most barren, aud con- 
 sequently the most improper country in the universe to sustain an army ; 
 and yet to the natural the earl had added such artificial difficulties, as icii 
 dered it absolutely impossible for an army to subsist or march that way. 
 
 The middle way lay through a better country indeed, yet only practicable 
 by the care which had been taken i«> make the road so; and even here there 
 was a necessity of murehing along the side of a mountain, when, by vast 
 lihour and industry, a hinhway had been cut for two miles, at least, out of 
 the main rock. The earl, therefore, by somewhat of the same labour, aooa
 
 68 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Car let on. 
 
 made it impassable. He employed to that end many thousands of the coun- 
 try people, under a few of his own officers and troops, who, cutting up 
 twenty several places, made so many precipices, perpendicular almost as a 
 wall, which rendered it neither safe, or even to be attempted by any single 
 man in his wits, much less by an army. Besides a very few men, from the 
 higher clilVs of the mountain, might have destroyed an army with the arms 
 of nature only, by rolling down large stones and pieces of the rock upon the 
 fBemy passing below. 
 
 The last and uppermost way lay through the hilly part of Catalonia, and 
 led to Lerida, towards the head of the Ebro, the strongest place we had in 
 all Spain, and which was as well furnished with a very good garrison. Along 
 this road there lay many old castles and little towns in the mountains, natu- 
 rally strong, all which would not only have afforded opposition, but at the 
 same time have entertained an enemy with variety of difficulties"; and espe- 
 cially as the earl had given orders, and taken care that all cattle, and every 
 thing necessary to sustain an army, should be conveyed into places of secu- 
 rity, either in the mountains or thereabouts. These three ways thus pre- 
 rautiously secured, what had the earl to apprehend but the safety of the arch- 
 duke, which yet was through no default of his, if in any danger from the 
 siege ? 
 
 For I well remember, on receipt of an express from the duke of Savoy (as 
 be frequently sent such to inquire after the proceedings in Spain), I was 
 shewed a letter, wrote about this time by the earl of Peterborow to that 
 prince, which raised my spirits, though then at a very low ebb. It was too 
 remarkable to be forgot ; and the substance of it was, that his highness might 
 depend upon it, that be (the earl) was in much better circumstances thaa 
 he was thought to be ; that the French officers, knowing nothing of the 
 situation of the country, would find themselves extremely disappointed, since, 
 in case the si*ge was raised, their army should be obliged to abandon Spain ; 
 or, in case the town was taken, they should find themselves shut up in that 
 corner of Catalonia, and under an impossibility of forcing their way back, 
 either through Arragon or Valencia; that by this means all Spain, to the 
 Ebro, would be open to the lord Galoway, who might march to Madrid, or 
 a»y where else, without opposition ; that he had no other uneasiness or con- 
 cern upon him but for the person of the archduke, whom he had nevertheless 
 earnestly solicited not to remain in the town on the very first appearance of 
 the intended siege. 
 
 Barcelona being thus relieved, and king Philip forced out of Spain by 
 these cautious steps taken by the earl of Peterborow, before we bring him 
 to Valencia it will be necessary to intimate, that as it always was the custom 
 of that general to settle, by a council of war, all the measures to be taken, 
 whenever he was obliged for the service to leave the archduke, — a council of 
 war was now accordingly held, where all the general officers, and those hi
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 69 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Car let on. 
 
 greatest employment at court, assisted. Here every thing »M in the Mtl 
 solemn manuer concerted and resolved upon ; here garrisons were settled for 
 all the strong places, aud governors appointed. But the main article then 
 agreed upon was, that king Charles should immediately begin his journey 
 to Madrid, and that by the way of Valencia. The reason assigned for it 
 was, because that kingdom being in his possession, no difficulties could arise 
 which might occasion delay, if his majesty took that route. It was likewise 
 agreed in the same council, that the earl of Peterborow should embark all 
 the foot, not in garrisons, fur their more speedy as well as mure easy con- 
 veyance to Valencia. The same council of war agreed, that all the horse 
 in that kingdom should be drawn together, the better to insure the mea- 
 sures to be taken for the opening aud facilitating his majesty's progress to 
 Madrid. 
 
 Accordingly, after these resolutions were taken, the earl of Peterborow 
 embarks his forces and sails for Valencia, where he was doubly welcomed 
 by all sorts of people, upon account of his safe arrival, and the news he 
 brought aloug with it. By the joy they expressed, oue would have ima- 
 gined that the general bad escaped the same danger with the king ; and, in 
 truth, had their king arrived with him in person, the most loyal and zealous 
 would have found themselves at a loss how to have expressed their satisfac- 
 tion in a more sensible manner. 
 
 Soon after his landing, with his customary vivacity, he applied himself to 
 put in execution the resolutions taken in the councils of war at Barcelona ; 
 aud, a little to improve upon them, he raised au entire regiment of dragoons, 
 bought them horses, provided them clothes, arms, and accoutrements, and 
 in six weeks' time had them ready to take the field ; a thing, though hardly 
 to be paralleled, is yet scarce worthy to be mentioned among so many 
 nobler actions of his ; yet, in regard to another general, it may merit notice, 
 since, while he had Madrid in possession near four months, he neither aug. 
 ineutcd his troops nor laid up any magazines, neither sent he all that time 
 any one express to concert any measures with the earl of Peterborow, but 
 lay under a perfect inactivity, or which was worse, negotiating that unfortu- 
 nate profect of carrying king Charles to Madrid, by the round-about and 
 ill-concerted w ay of Arragon j a project not only coutrary to the solemn 
 resolutions of the councils of war, but which, in reality, was the root of all 
 our succeeding misfortunes, and that only for the wretched vanity of ap- 
 pearing to have had some share in bringing the king to his capital ; but how 
 minute a share it was will be manifest, if it be considered that another 
 general had first made the way easy by driving the enemy out of Spain, aud 
 that the French only staid at Madrid till the return of those troops which 
 were, in a manner, driven out of Spain. 
 
 And yet that transaction, doughty as it was, took up four most precious 
 months, which most certainly might have been much better employed in
 
 7<> SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 rf&mbiH of Cuptuit 'Cartttoii. 
 
 rendering i( impossible for the enemy to re-enter Spain ; nor had there been 
 any great difficulty in so doing, but the contrary, if the general at Madrid 
 had thought con enient to hav< ioin'ea the troops under tlie earl of Peter- 
 borou , and then to have march <1 airectli towards Pampclona, or the fron- 
 tiers of France. To this the earl of Pct.erborbw solicited the king, and those 
 about him ; he advised, desired, and intrcated him to lose no time, but to 
 put id execution those measures resolved on at Barcelona. A council of 
 war in Valencia renewed the same application ; but all to no purpose, his 
 route was ordered him, and that to meet his majesty on the frontiers o 
 ArragOn. There, indeed, the earl did meet the king, and. the French gene" 
 ral and army, Which, by virtue of a decrepid intelligence, he never saw or 
 heard of till he fled from it to his camp at fiuadalira. Inexpressible was the 
 confusion in this fatal camp : the king fr«m Arragou, the earl of Pctcr- 
 horow from Valencia, arriving in it the same day, almost the same hour 
 that the earl ofGalway entered, uuder a hasty retreat before the French 
 
 army. 
 
 ■ 
 
 But to return to order, which a zeal of justice has made n«> somewhat an- 
 ticipate. The earl had not been long at Valencia before he gave orders to 
 major-general Windham to march with all the forces he had, which wen. 
 not above 200o men, and lay sit'ge to Rtquina, a tow u ten leagues distant 
 from Valencia, aud in the way to Madrid. The town was not very strong 
 nor very large, but sure the oddliest fortiried that ever was. The houses in 
 a circle connective!}- composed the w all ; and the people, who defended thr- 
 tdwn, instead of firing from hornworks, counterscarps, arid bastions, fired 
 out of the windows of their houses. 
 
 Notwithstanding all which, general Windham found much greater oppo- 
 sition than he at first imagined; and, therefore, finding he would want am- 
 munition, he sent to the earl of Peterborow for a supply, at the same time 
 assigning as a reason fur it the unexpected obstinacy of the town. So soon 
 as the earl received the latter he sent for me, and told me I must repair to 
 Requital, where they would want au engineer, and that 1 must be ready next 
 morning, when he should order a lieutenant, with thirty soldiers and two 
 matrosses, to guard some powder for that service. Accordingly the next 
 morning we set out, the lieutenant, who was a Dutchman, and commander of 
 the convoy, being of my acquaintance. 
 
 We had reached Saint Jago, a small village about midway between Valen, 
 cia and Requina, when the officer, just as he was got without the town, 
 resolving to take up hi6 quarters on the spot, ordered the mules to be un- 
 loaded. The powder, which consisted of forty five barrels, was piled up in 
 a circle, and covered with oil-cloth to preserve it from the weather; and 
 though we had agreed to sup together at my quarters within the village, yet, 
 
 being weary and fatigued, he ordered his field-bed to be put up near the pow- 
 der, an J so lay down to take a short nap. I hail scarce heen at my quarters
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY fcU.jlONTCLE. # 
 
 Memoirs of Captain ('arhton. 
 
 an hour, when a Midden shock attacked the house no violently, that it threw 
 down tiles, windows, chimney*, ai.d all. It presently came into my head 
 what was the occasion -, and, as my fears suggested, so it proved, — for, rnn r 
 iririg to the door, 1 saw a cloud ascending from the spot I left the pow It 
 pitched upon: in haste making up to which, nothing was tube seen hut 
 the bare circle upon which it had stood. The bed was Mow u quite away, and 
 the poor lieutenant all to pieces, several of his limbs being found scpanitc, 
 and at avast distance from each other, and particularly an arm, with a ring 
 on one of the fingers. The matrostes were, if possible, in a yet worse con- 
 dition, that is, as to manglcmcnt and laceration. All the soldiers who were 
 standing, and any thing near, were struck dead. Only such as lay sleeping 
 on the ground escaped, and of those one ussurcd me, that the blast removed 
 him seveial feet from his place of repose. In short, enquiring into this de- 
 plorable disaster, I had this accimnt : that n pig running out of the town, 
 the soldiers rndcavourid to Intercept its return ; bul dining it upon tie 
 matrossi~, <.uc if tin in, who was jealous of its getting hack into the hands 
 of the soldiers, drew his pistol to shoot it, which was the source of this mise- 
 rable catastrophe. The lieutenant carried along with him u bag i>f dollars 
 to pay the soldiers' quartets, of which the people, and the soldiers that wire 
 saved, found many, but blown to an inconceivable distance. 
 
 With those few soldiers that remained alive I proceeded, accoroing to my 
 orders, to Rcquira, w here, when 1 arrived, 1 gave general Wit.dbam an ac- 
 count of the disaster at St. Jago. As such it troubled him, and not a little, 
 on nccouut of the disappointment. However, to make the b< st of a bad market 
 he. gave orders for the forming of a mine, under an old cast It', which was part of 
 the Hull. As it was ordered, so it wa< begun, more in ferrorim than with 
 any expectation of succtf s from it as a mine. Nevertheless, I had scarce 
 began t frame the oven of the mine when those within the town desired to 
 capitulate. This being all we could aim at, under the miscarriage of our 
 powder at S't. Jago (none being yet arrived to supply that defect), articles 
 were readily granted them, pursuant to which, that part of th<- garrison 
 which was composed of Castiliau gentry had liberty to go wherever they 
 thought bast, and the rest were made prisoners of war. Requina being thus 
 reduced to the obedience of Charles III. anew-raised regiment of Spaniards 
 was left in garrison, the colonel of which was appointed governor; and our 
 supply of powder having at last got safe to us, general Windham march,) 
 little army to C'umca. 
 
 Cuenca is a considerable city, and a bishopric ; therefore, to pretend to 
 sit down before it with such a company of foragers, rather than an nrmy, 
 must be placed among the hardy Influences of the cat I of Vcteiborow's aus- 
 picious administration. On the out part of Cuenca there stood ail old cas«. 
 tie, from which, upon our approach, they played upon OS furiously; but as 
 soya as we could bring two pieces of our cannon to bear, ire auswered their
 
 ri 
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 fire with so good success, that we soon obliged them to retire iuto the town. 
 We had raised a battery of twelve guns against the city, on their rejection of 
 the summons sent them to come under the obedience of king Charles ; going 
 to which, from the old castle reduced, I received a shot on the toe of one 
 of my shoes, which carried that part of the shoe entirely away, without any 
 further damage; 
 
 When I cartie to that battery we plied them warmly (as well as from three 
 mortars} for the space of three days, their nights included ; but observing; 
 that in one particular house they were remarkably busy, people thronging 
 in and out below, and those above firing perpetually out of the windows, I 
 Was resolved to have one shot at that window, and made those officers about 
 me take notice of it. True it was, the distance would hardly allow me to 
 hope for success ; yet, as the experiment could only be attended with the 
 expense of a single ball, I made it. So soon as the smoke of my own cannon 
 would permit it, we could see clouds of dust issuing from out of the window, 
 which, together with the people's crowding out of doors, convinced the 
 officers, whom I had desired to take notice of it, that I had been no bud 
 marksman. 
 
 Upon this, two priests were sent out of the place w ith proposals ; but they 
 were so triflingly extravagant, that as soon as ever the general heard them, 
 he ordered their answer in a fresh renewal of the fire of both cannon and 
 mortars. And it happened to be with so much havoc and execution, that 
 they were soon taught reason, and sent back their divines with much more 
 moderate demands. After the general bad a little modelled these last, they 
 were accepted ; and according to the articles of capitulation, the city wa» 
 that very day surrendered into our possession. The earl of Duncannou's 
 regiment took guard ff all the gates ; and king Charles was proclaimed in 
 due form. 
 
 The earl of Peterborow, during this expedition, had left Valencia, and was 
 arrived at my lord Galway's camp at Guadalaxara ; who, for the confederates, 
 and king Charles in particular, unfortunately was ordered from Portugal, to 
 take the command from a general, who had all along been almost mini 
 culously successful, and by his own great actions paved the way for a safe 
 passage to that of his supplanter. 
 
 Yet, even in this fatal place, the earl of Peterborow made some proposals, 
 which, had they been embraced, might, in all probability, have secured Ma- 
 drid from falling into the hands of the enemy : but, in opposition thereto, 
 the lord Galway, and all his Portuguese officers, were for forcing the next 
 day the enemy to battle. The almost only person agaiust it was the earl of 
 Peterborow ; who then and there took the liberty to evince the impossibility 
 of coming to an engagement. This the next morning too evidently made ap- 
 parent, when, upon the first motion of our troops towards the river, which 
 they pretended to pass, and must pass, before they could engage,, they were
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 73 
 
 Mtmoirs of Captain Carfeton. 
 
 So warmly saluted from tlie batteries of the enemy, and their small shot, that 
 our regiments were forced to retire in confusion to th"ir camp. By which 
 rebuff, all heroical imaginations were at present laid aside* to consider how 
 they might make their re»reat from Valencia. 
 
 The retreat being at l*st resolved on, and a multiplicity of generals ren- 
 dering our bad circumstances much worse, the earl of Peterborow met with 
 a fortunate reprieve, by solicitations from the queetl, and desires tantamo iat 
 to orders, that he would go with the troops left in Catalonia to the relief of 
 the duke of Savoy. It is hardly to be doubted, that that general was glad to 
 withdraw from those scenes of confusion, which were but too visible to eye« 
 even less discerning than his. However, he forbore to prepare himself to 
 put her majesty's desires in execution, as they were not peremptory, till it 
 had bren resolved by the unanimous consent of a council of war, where the 
 king, all the generals and ministers, were present, that it was cxpedieut for the 
 service that the earl of Peterborow, during the winter season, should com- 
 ply with her majesty's desires and go for Italy ; since he might return before 
 the opening of the campaign, if it should be necessary. And return indeed 
 he did before the campaign opened, and brought along with him one hun- 
 dred thousand pounds from Genoa, to the great comfort and support of our 
 troops, which had neither money nor credit. But, on his return, that noble 
 earl found the lord Galway had been near as successful against him as he 
 had been unsuccesful against the enemy. Thence was the earl of Peterbo- 
 row recalled to make room for an unfortunate general, who, the next y«ar, 
 suft. rt d himself to be decoyed into that fatal battle of Almaura. 
 
 Theearl of Peterborow, on his leaving Valencia, had ordered his baggage 
 to follow him to the camp at Guadalaxara ; and it arrived in our little camp 
 so far safe in its way to the greater at Guadalaxara. I think it consisted of 
 s< ven locded waggons; and general Windham gave uotice for a small guard to 
 escort it ; under which they proceeded on their journey. But, about eight 
 leagues from Cnenca, at a pretty town called Hnette, a party from the duke 
 of Berwick's army, with houghs in their hats, tin belter to appear what they 
 were not (for the bough in the hat is the badge of the English, as white 
 paper is the badge of the French), came into the town, crying all the way, 
 " Viva Carlos Tereero vitttf With these acclamations in their mouths, th y 
 advanced up to the very wairgons ; when, attaekhig the guards, who had too 
 much dduded themselves with appearauces, they routed them, and Imme- 
 diately plundered the waggons of aU that was valuable, and then marched off. 
 
 The noise of this soon reached the ears of the earl of l\t< rbofow at Gua- 
 dalaxara; when, leaving my lord Galway's camp, pursunnt to the resolutions 
 of the council of war, with a party only of four core of Killegrew's dragoons, 
 he met general Windham's little army w ithin a league of Huette, the place 
 wh< re his ha<rit»ge had been plundered. The earl had strong motives of sus- 
 picion, that the inhabitants had give* intelligence to the enemy; and, as ia 
 ▼ 01. II. K
 
 74 SUPPLExMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 ; ,,...,. - | ■,--.. „-, . 
 
 very natural, giving way to the first dictates of resentment, lie rt solved to 
 have laid the town in ashes ; but when he came near it, the clergy and magi- 
 strate*, upon their knees, disavowing the charge, and asserting their inno- 
 cence, prevailed on the good nature of that generous carl, without any grear 
 difficulty, to spare the town, at least not to burn it. 
 
 We marched, however, into the town, and that night took np our quarters 
 there ; and the magistrates, under the dread of Miff avenging ourselves, on 
 their part took care that we were well supplied. But when they were made 
 sensible of the value of the loss which the earl had sustained, and that on av 
 moderate computation it amounted to at least eight thousand pistoles, they 
 voluntarily presented themselves next morning, and, of their own accord, 
 offered to make his lordship full satisfaction, and that, iu their own phrase, 
 de contado, in ready money. The earl was not displeased at their offer, but 
 generously made aiiswer, that he was just come from my lord Galway's camp 
 at C'hincon, where he found they were in a likelihood of wan«in# bread, and 
 as he imagined it might be easier to them to raise the value in corn than in 
 ready money, if they would send to that value in corn to the lord Galway's 
 camp, he would be satisfied. This they with joy embraced,, and immediately 
 complied with. 
 
 I am apt to think the last century (and 1 very mnch fcar the current will 
 be as deficient) can hardly produce a parallel instance of generosity and true 
 public spiritedncss; and the world will be of my opinion, when I have cor- 
 roborated this with another passage some years after. The commissioners 
 for stating the debts due to the army, meeting daily for that purpose, at their' 
 house iu Dai by-court, in Channel-row, I there mentioned to Mr. Read, gen- 
 tleman to his lordship, this very just and honourable claim upon the govern- 
 ment, as moneys advanced for the use of the army ; who told me, in a little 
 time after, that he had mentioned it to his lordship, but with no other effect 
 than to have it rejected with a generous disdain. 
 
 While we staid at Huette, there was a little incident in life which gave me 
 great diversion. The earl, who had always maintained a good correspond- 
 ence with the fair sex, hearing from one of the priests of the place, that, 
 on the alarm of burning the town, one of the finest ladies in all Spain had 
 taken refuge in the nunnery, was desirous to speak with her. 
 
 The nunnery stood upon a small rising hill within the town, and, to obtain 
 the view, the earl had presently in his head this stratagem : he sends for me, 
 as engineer, to have my advice how to raise a proper fortification upon that 
 hill, out of the nunnery. 1 waited upon his lordship to the place, whete, de- 
 claring the intent of our coming, and giving plausible reasons for it, the train 
 took, and immediately the lady abbess and the fair lady came out to mak« 
 intercession, that his lordship would be pleased to lay aside that design* 
 The divine oratory of one, and the beautiful charms of the other, prevailed $ 
 fe\> his lordship left the fortification to be the work of some future generation.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLF. 75 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carfeton. 
 
 From Huette the earl of Peterborow marched forwards for Valencia, with 
 only those fourscore dragoons which came with him from Chincon, leaving 
 general Wbulham pursuing his own orders to join his forces to the army, 
 'then under the command of the lord'Galway; but -stopping at Campilio, a 
 tittle town in our way, his lordship had information of a most barbarous 
 act committed that very morning by the Spaniards, at a small villa ahout a 
 league distant, upon some English soldiers. 
 
 A captain of the English guards (whose name has slipped my memory, 
 though I well knew the man), marching in order to join the battalion of the 
 guards then under the command of general Windham, with some cf his sol- 
 diers that had been In the hospital, took up his quarters in that little villa ; 
 •but on his marching out of it next morning, a shot in the hack laid that 
 officer dead upon the spot, and, as it had been before concerted, the Spa- 
 niards of the p'ace at the saint time fell upon the poor weak soldiers, killing 
 several, not even sparing their wives. This was but a prelude to their bar- 
 •barity; their savage cruelty was only whetted not glutted. They took the 
 surviving few, harried and dragged them tip a hill, a little without the villa. 
 On the top of this hill there was aiiole or openiug, somewhat like the snouth 
 «)f one of our coal-pits ; down this they cast several, who, with hideous 
 •shrieks and oies, made more hideous by £be echoes of the chasm, there lost 
 their lives. 
 
 This relation was thus made to the earl of Peterborow, at his quarters at 
 Campilio, who immediately gave orders for to sound to horse. At first we 
 were all surprised, hut were soon satisfied that it was to revenge, or rather 
 do justice on, -this barbarous uctR>n. 
 
 As soon as we entered the villa, we found that most of the inhabitants, but 
 especially the most guilty, had withdrawn themselves on our approach. We 
 found, however, many of the dead soldiers' clothes, which had been cdnveyed 
 into the church, and there hid -, and a strong accusation being laid against a 
 person belonging to the church, and full proof made that he had been singu- 
 larly industrious in the execution of that horrid piece of barbarity on the 
 bill, his lordship commanded him to be hanged np at the knocker of his door. 
 
 After this piece of military justice, we were led up to the fatal pit or hole, 
 down which many bad been cast headlong. There we found one poor soldier 
 sflive, who, upon his throwing in, had catched fast hold of some impending 
 bushes, and saved himself on a little jutty within the concavity. On hear- 
 ing us talk English he cried out, and ropes being let down, iu a little time he 
 was drawn up, when he gave us an ample«ietail of the whole villainy. Among 
 other particulars, 1 remember he told me of a very narrow escape he had in 
 that obscure recess i a poor woman, one of the wivea of the soldiers, who 
 was thrown down after him, struggled and roared so much, that they could 
 Bot, with all their force, throw her cleverly in the middle, by which means 
 Mlliug asar the side, in her fall she almost beat him from his place of security.
 
 76 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of this tragical relation of the soldier thus saved, hi* 
 lordship gave immediate orders for the firing of the villa, which was exe- 
 cuted with due severity ; after which his lordship marched back to his quar- 
 ters at Campilio, from whence, two days after, we arrived at Valencia, where 
 the first thing presented to that noble lord was all the papers taken in the 
 plunder of his baggage, which the duke of Berwick had generously ordered 
 to be returned to him, without waste or opening. 
 
 It was too mauifest, after the earl's arrival at that city, that the alteration 
 in the command of the English forces, which before was only received as a 
 rumour, had deeper grounds for belief thau many of his friends in that city 
 would have wished. His lordship had gained the love of all by a thousand 
 engaging condescensions ; even his gallantries, being no way prejudicial, 
 were not offensive ; and though his lordship did his utmost to conceal his 
 chagrin, the sympathy of those arouud bim made such discoveries upon him 
 as would have disappointed a double portion of his caution. They had seen 
 him undated under successes that were so near being unaccouutable, that, 
 in a country of less superstition than Spain, they might almost have passed 
 for miraculous ; they knew full well that nothing but that series of successes 
 had paved a passage for the general that was to supersede him, (hose only 
 having removed all the difficulties of his march from Portugal to Madrid; 
 £hey knew him the older general, and, therefore, not knowing that in the 
 court he came from intrigue was the soul of merit, they could not but be 
 amazed at a change which his lordship was unwilling any body should per- 
 ceive by himself. 
 
 It was upon this account that, as formerly, he treated the ladies with 
 balls, and, to pursue the dons in their own humour, ordered a tawridore or 
 bull-feast. In Spain no sort of public diversions are esteemed equal with 
 this; but the bulls provided at Valencia not being of the right breed, nor 
 ever initiated in the mysteries, did not acquit themselves at all masterly, 
 and consequently did not give the diversion or satisfaction expected. For 
 which reason I shall omit giving a description of this bull-feast, and desire 
 my reader to suspend his curiosity till I come to some, which, in the Spanish 
 sense, were much more entertaining, that is, attended with much greater 
 hazards and danger. 
 
 But though 1 have said the gallantries of the general were mostly politi- 
 cal, at least very inoffensive, yet there happened about this time, and in this 
 place, a piece of gallantry that gave the earl a vast deal of offence and vexa- 
 tion, as a matter that in its consequences might have been fatal to the inte- 
 rest of king Charles, if not to the English nation in general, and which I the 
 rather relate in that it may be of use to young officers and others, pointing 
 out to them the danger, not to say folly, of inadvertent and precipitate en- 
 gagements, under nnruly passions. 
 
 I hare said before that Valencia is famous for fine women ; it indeed
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 77 
 
 Memoirs 0/ Captain CarUton. 
 
 abounds in them, and among those are great nusnbers of courtezans, nut in- 
 ferior in beauty to any. Nevertheless, two of our English officers, not car- 
 ii»g for the common road, however safe, resolved to launch into the deeper 
 seas, though attended with much greater danger. Amours, the common 
 failing of that fair city, was the occasion of this accident, and two nuns the 
 objects. It is customarj in that country for young people in an evening to 
 resort to the grates of the nunneries, there to divert themselves and tin; 
 nuns with a little pleasant and inoffensive chit-chat : for, though I have 
 heard some relate a world of nauseous passages at such conversations, I 
 must declare that I never saw or htard anything unseemly; and therefore, 
 whenever I have heard any such from such fabulists, I never so much 
 wronged my judgment as to afford them Credit. 
 
 Our two officers were very assiduous at the grates of a nunnery in this 
 place, and having there pitched upon two uuns, prosecuted their amours 
 with such vigour, that, in a little time, they had made a very great progress 
 in their affections, without in the least considering the dangers that must 
 attend themselves and the fair. They had exchanged vows, and prevniled. 
 upon the weaker vessels to endeavour to get oat to tbeir lovers ; to effect 
 which, soon after, a plot was laid, the means, the hour, and every thing 
 agreed upon. 
 
 It is the custom of that nunnery, as of many others, for the nuns to take 
 tbeir weekly courses in keeping the keys of all the doors. The two love- 
 sick ladies giviug notice to their lovers at the grate that one of their turns 
 was come, the night and hour was appointed, which the officers punctually 
 observing, carried off their prey without either difficulty or interruption. 
 
 But next morning, when the nuns were missing, what an uproar was there 
 over all the city. The ladies were both of quality, and therefore the tidings 
 were first carried to the ir relations. They received the new s with vows of 
 utmost vengeance, and, as is usual in that country, put themselves in arms 
 for that purpose. There needed no great canvassing for discovering who 
 were the aggressors : the officers had beeu too frequent and too public in 
 their addresses to leave any room for question. Accordingly they were com. 
 plained of and sought for; but sensible at last of their past temerity, they 
 endeavoured, and with a great deal of difficulty perfected their escape. 
 
 Less fortunate were the two fair uuus ; their lovers, iu their utmost exi- 
 gency, had forsaken them, and they, poor creatures, knew not where to fly. 
 Under this sad dilemma they were taken, ami, as iu like offences, condemned 
 directly to the punishment of immuriug. And what greater punishment is 
 there on earth than to be confined between four narrow walls, ouly open at 
 the top, aud thence to be half snpported with bread and water, till the offen- 
 ders gradually starve to death ? 
 
 The earl of Peterborow, though highly exasperated at the proceedings of 
 bis officers, in compassion to the unhappy fair, resolved to interpose by all
 
 ?8 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 the moderate means possible. He knew very well that nothing could so 
 much prejudice the Spaniards against him as the countenancing such an 
 met ion, wherefore he inveighed against the officers, at the same time that he 
 endeavoured to mitigate in favour of the ladies ; but all was in vain. It warn 
 nrged against those charitable intercessions, that they had broke their vows, 
 and, in that, had broke in upon the laws of the nunnery and religion •, the 
 consequence of all which could be nothing less than the punishment ap- 
 pointed to be inflicted ; and, which was the hardest of all, the nearest of 
 their relations most opposed all his generous mediations ; and those who, 
 according to the common course of nature, should have thanked him for his 
 endeavours to be instrumental in rescuing them from the impending danger, 
 grew more and wore enraged, because he opposed them in their design of a 
 cruel revenge. 
 
 Notwithstanding all which the earl persevered, and after a deal of labour, 
 first got the penalty suspended ; and, soon after, by the dint of a very con- 
 siderable sum of money (a most powerful argument, which prevails in every 
 country), saved the poor nuns from immuring; and at last, though with 
 great reluctance, he got them received again into the nunnery. As to the 
 warlike lovers, one of them was the year after slain at the battle of Almanza j 
 the other is yet living, being a brigadier in the army. 
 
 While the earl of Peterborow was here with his little army of great here, 
 tics, neither priests nor people were so open in their superstitious fopperies 
 as I at other times found them. For which reason I will make bold, and,' 
 by an antichronism, in this place, a little anticipate some observations that 
 I made some time after the earl left it. And as I have not often committed 
 much a transgression, I hope it may be the more excusable now, and no way 
 flemish my memoirs, that 1 break in upon the scries of mv journal. 
 
 Valencia is a handsome city, and a bishoprick ; and is considerable, not 
 «nly for the pleasantness of its situation and beautiful ladies, but (which at 
 tome certain times, and on some occasions, to them is more valuable than 
 both those put together) for being the birth-place of Saint Vincent, th« 
 patron of the place; and next, for its being the place where Santo Domingo, 
 the first institutor of the Dominican order, had his education. Here, in 
 honour of the last, is a spacious and splendid convent of the Dominicans. 
 Walking by which, I oue day observed over the gate a figure of a man in 
 stone; and near it, a dog, with a lighted torch in his mouth. The image I 
 rightly enough took to intend that of the saint ; but inquiring of one of the 
 order at the gate the meaning of the figures near it, he very courteously 
 stsked me to walk in, and then entertained me with the following relation : 
 
 ** When the mother of Santo Domingo," said that religious, ** was with child 
 of that future saint, she had a dream which very much afflicted her. Slim 
 dreamt that she heard a dog bark in her belly ; and inquiring (at what orach* 
 .? not said) the meaning of her dream, she was told, ' that that child sbouhj
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CllRONfCLE. 79 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 bark out the gospel, 1 (excuse the bareness of the expressiou, it may rui 
 better in Spanish ; though, if I remember right, Erasmus gives it in Latin 
 much the same turn,) ' which should thence shine out like that lighted 
 torch.' And this is the reason, that wherever you see the image of that 
 saiut, a dog and a lighted torch is in the group." 
 
 He told me at the same time, that there had been more popes and cardinal* 
 of that order than of any if not all the other; to confirm which he led me 
 into a large gallery, on each side whereof he shewed me the pictures of all 
 the popes and cardinals that bad been of that order, among which I particu- 
 larly took notice of that of cardinal Howard, great uncle to the present duke 
 of Norfolk. But after many encomiums of their society, with which he in- 
 terspersed bis discourse, he added one that I least valued it for, that the 
 sole care and conduct of the inquisition was intrusted with them. 
 
 Finding me attentive, or not so contradictory as the English humour gene- 
 rally is, he next brought me into a fair and large cloister, round which I 
 took several turus with him ; and indeed the place was too delicious to tire 
 under a conversation less pertinent or courteous than that he entertained 
 me with. In the middle of the cloister was a small but pretty and sweet 
 grove of orange ami lemon trees ; these bore fruit ripe and green, and 
 flowers, altogether on one tree, and their fruit was so very large and beau- 
 tiful, aud their flowers so transcendently odoriferous, that all I had ever 
 seen of the like kind in England could comparatively pan only for beauty 
 in epitome, or nature imitated in wax-work. Many flocks also of pretty 
 little birds, with their cheerful notes, added not a little to my delight. In 
 ihort, in life I never knew or found three of my senses at once so exquisitely 
 gratified. 
 
 Not far from this St. Vincent, the patron, a* I said before, of this city, 
 has a chapel dedicated to him. Once a year they do him honour in a sump- 
 tuous procession. Then are their streets all strewed with flowers, and their 
 houses set off with their richest tapestries. Every one strives to excel 
 bis neighbour in distinguishing himself by the honour he pays to that saint j 
 and he is the best cati olic, as well as the best citizen, in the eye of the 
 religious, who most exerts himself on this occasion. 
 
 The procession begins with a cavalcade of all the friars of all the convent* 
 hi and about the city ; these walk two and two with folded arms, and eye* 
 fast down to the very ground, and with the greatest outward appearance of 
 humility imaginable ; nor, though the temptation from the fine women 
 that filled their windows, or the rich tapestries that adorned the balconies, 
 alight be allowed sufficient to attract, could I observe that any one of them, 
 all ever moved them upwards. 
 
 After the friars, is borne, upon the shoulders of twenty men at least, an 
 ioiuge of that saint, of solid silver, large as the life. It is placed in a great, 
 dbair of silver likewise; the staves that bear him up, and upon which they
 
 «o SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 f < . ' ' . ■ 'i* 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 ' " ' i ' i • i 
 
 hear him, being of the same metal. The whole is a most costly and curious 
 
 piece of workmanship, such as my eyes never before or since beheld. 
 
 The magistrates follow the image and its supporters, dressed in their richest 
 apparel, which is always on this day and on this occasion particularly 
 sumptuous and distinguishing. Thus is the image, in the greatest splendour, 
 borne and accompanied round that fine city, and at last conveyed to the 
 place from whence it came ; and so concludes that annual ceremony. 
 
 The Vatencians, as to the exteriors of religion, are f he most devout of any 
 in Spain, though in common life you find them amorous, gallant, and gay, 
 like other people ; yet on solemn occasions there shines outright such a spi- 
 rit, as proves them the very bigots of bigotry: as a proof of which assertion, 
 I will now give some account of such observations as I had time to make 
 upon them during two Lent seasons while I resided there. 
 
 The week before the Lent commences, commonly known by the name of 
 Carnival time, the whole city appears a perfect Bartholomew 'fair ; the streets 
 are crowded, and the houses empty ; nor is it possible to pass along without 
 some gambol or jack-pudding trick offered to yot>. Ink, water, and some- 
 times ordure, are sure to be hurled at your face or clothes ; and if you 
 appear concerned or angry they rejoice at it, pleased the more, the more 
 they displease, for all other resentment is at that time out of season, though 
 at other times few in the world are fuller of resentment or more captious. 
 
 The younger gentry or dons, to express their gallantry, carry about them" 
 egg-shells, filled with orange or other sweet water, which they cast at ladies 
 in their coaches, or suchother of the fair sex as they happen to meet in the 
 streets. 
 
 But, after all, if you would think them extravagant to day, as much trans- 
 gressing the rules of common civility, and neither regarding decency to one 
 another, nor the duty they owe to almighty God ; yet when Ash-Wednesday 
 comes you will imagine them more unaccountable in their conduct, being 
 then as much too excessive in all outward indications of humility and re- 
 pentance. Here you shall meet one bare-footed, with a cross on his shoulder,- 
 a burden rather fit for somewhat with four feet, and which his poor two are 
 ready to sink under, yet the vain wretch bears and sweats, and sweats and* 
 bears, in hope of finding merit in an ass's labour. 
 
 Others you shall see naked to their waists, whipping themselves withf 
 scourges made for the purpose till the blood follows every stroke ; and no 
 man need be at a loss to follow them by the very tracks of gore they shed iw 
 this frantic perambulation. Some who, from the thickness of thtir hides, 
 or other impediments^ave not power by their scourgings to fetch blood of 
 themselves, arc followed by surgeons wi h their lancets, who, at every turn, 
 make use of them to evince the extent of their patience and zeal by the smart 
 of their folly; while others, mingling amour with devotion, take particular 
 care to present themselves all macerated before the windows of their mi*-'-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 -!■ 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletou. 
 
 tresses, aud, even in that condition, not satisfied with what they have bar- 
 barously done to themselves, they have their operators at hand, to evince 
 their love by tlie number of their gashes and wounds; imagining the more 
 blood they lose, the more love they shew, and the more they shall gain. 
 There are generally devotos of quality; though the teuet is universal, that 
 he that is most bloody is most devout. 
 
 After these sireet-excrcises, these ostentatious castigations, are over, these 
 self-sacrificers repair to the great church, the bloodier the better; there 
 they throw themselvrr in a condition too vile for the eye of a female before 
 the image of the virgin Mary ; though I defy all their race of fathers, and 
 their infallible holy father into the bargain, to produce any authority to 
 fit it for belief, that she ever delighted in sucb sanguinary holocausts. 
 
 During the whole time of Lent, you will see in every street 6cine priest or 
 friar, upon some stall or stool, preaching up repentance to the people; and, 
 with violent blows on his breast, crying aloud, " Mia culpa, mia maxima 
 culpa," till he extract reciprocal returns from the hands of his auditors on 
 their own breasts. 
 
 When Good- Friday is come, they entertain it with the most profound shew 
 of reverence and religion, both in their streets and in their churches. In th« 
 last, particularly, they have contrived about twelve o'clock suddenly to darken 
 them, so as to render them quite gloomy. This they do, to intimate the 
 eclipse of the sun, which at that time happened. And to signify the rending 
 of the vail of the temple, you are struck with a strange artificial noise at 
 the very same instant. 
 
 But when Easter-day appears, you find it in all respects with them a day 
 of rejoicing; for, though abstinence from flesh with them, who at no time 
 cat much, is not so great a mortification as with those of the same persuasion 
 in other countries, who eat much more, yet there is a visible satisfaction 
 darts out at their eyes, which demonstrates their inward pleasure in being 
 set free from the confinement of mind to the dissatisfaction of the body. 
 Every person you now meet greets you with a resnrrexit Jesus ; a good imi- 
 tation of the primitive Christians, were it the real e fleet of devotion. And 
 all sorts of the best music, (which here, indeed, is the best in all Spain) pro- 
 claim an auspicious valediction to the departed season of superficial sorrow 
 and stupid superstition. But enough of this ; I proceed to weightier ruatten. 
 
 While we lay at Valencia, under the vigilance and care of the indefatigable 
 earl, news was brought, that Alicaut was bcs.eged by general Gorge by land, 
 while a squadron of men of war battered it from the sea; from both wl-.irh 
 the besiegers played their parts so well, aud so warmly piled them with their 
 cannon, that an indifferent practicable breach was made in a little time. 
 
 Mahoui commanded in the place, beiug again received iuto favour ; and 
 cleared, as he was, of those political insinuations before intimated, he now 
 seemed resolved to confirm his innocence by a resolute defence. Uowt v»r, 
 VOL. II. L
 
 83 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 perceiving that all preparations tended towards a storm, and knowing full 
 well the weakness of the town, he withdrew his garrison into the castle, 
 leaving the town to the defence of its own inhabitants. 
 
 Just as that was doing, the sailors, not much skilled in sieges, nor at all 
 times capable of the coolest consideration, with a resolution natural to them, 
 stormed the walls to the side of the sea; where, not meeting with much op- 
 position (for the people of the town apprehended the least danger there), 
 they soon got into the place, and, as sooa as they g <t in, began to plunder. 
 
 This obliged the people, for the better security of themselves, to open their 
 gates, and seek a refuge under one euLmy, in opposition to the rage of 
 another. 
 
 General Gorge, as s»on as he entered the town, with a good deal of seeming 
 lenity, put a stop to the ravages of the sailors, and ordered proclamation to 
 be made throughout the place, that all the inhabitants should immediately 
 bring in their best effects into the great church for their better security. 
 This was, by the mistaken populace, as readily complied with ; and neither 
 friend nor foe at all disputing the command, or questioning the iutegrity of 
 the intention, the church was presently crowded with riches of all sorts and 
 siaes ; yet, after some time remaining there, they were all taken out and 
 disposed of by those who had as little property ia them as the sailors they 
 were pretended to be preserved from. 
 
 The earl of Peterboiow, upon the very first news of the siege, had left 
 Valencia and taken shipping for Alicant, where he arrived soon after the surv 
 render of the town, and that outcry of the goods of the townsmen. Upon his 
 arrival, Mahoni, who was blocked up in the castle, and had experienced his 
 indefatigable diligence, being in want of provisions, and without much hope 
 of relief, desired to capitulate. The earl granted him honourable conditions, 
 apon which he delivered up the castle, and Gorge was made governor. 
 
 Upon his lordship's taking ship at Valencia, 1 hod an opportunity of 
 marching with those dragoons which escorted him from Castile, who had 
 received orders to march into Murcia. We quartered the first night at Al- 
 cira, a town that the river Segra almost surrounds, which renders it capable 
 of being made a place of vast strength, though now of small importance. 
 
 The next night we lay at Xativa, a place famous for its steadiness to king 
 Charles. General Basset, a Spaniard, being governor, it was besieged by the 
 forces of king Philip; but, after a nobie resistance, the enemy were beat off, 
 and the siege raised; for which effort, it is supposed, that on the retirement 
 of king Charles out of this country, it was deprived of its old name Xativa, 
 and is now called Sau Felippo; though to this day the people thereabou 
 much disailow by their practice that novel denomination. 
 
 We marched next morning by Monteza, which gives name to the famous 
 title of knights of Monteza. It was at the time that colonel O'Guaza, an 
 irishman, was governor, besieged by the people of the country, in favour of
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. ftt 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 king Charles ; but very ineffectually, io it never changed its sovereign. 
 That night we quartered at Fonte de las Figuras, within one league of Al- 
 ma, za, where that fatal and unfortunate battle, which 1 shall give an account 
 of in its place, was fought the year .ift< r, under the lord Galway. 
 
 Ou our fourth day's march we were obliged to pass Villena, where the 
 enemy had a garrison. A party of Mahoni's dragoons made a part of that 
 garrison, and they were commanded by major O'Roirk, an Irish officer, who 
 always carried the reputation of a good soldier and a brave gentleman. 
 
 I had all along made it my observation, that captain Matthews, who com* 
 tnanded those dragoons that I marched with, was a person of much more cou- 
 rage than eomlurt ; and he used as little precaution here, though just marchiag 
 under the eye of the enemy, as he had done at other times. As I was be- 
 come intimately acquainted with him, I rode up to him and told him the 
 danger which, in my opinion, attended our present march. I pointed out 
 o him just before Villena a jutting hill, under which we must unavoidably 
 pass, at the turning whereof I was apprehensive the enemy might lie, and 
 either by ambuscade or otherwise surprise us ; 1 therefore intreated we might 
 either wait the coming of our rear guard, or at least march with a little more 
 leisure and caution. But he, taking little notice of all I said, kept on his 
 round march ; seeing which, I pressed forward my mule, which was a very 
 good one, and rid as fast as her legs could carry her, till I had got on the 
 top of the hill. When I cr.me there, I found both my expectation and my 
 apprehensions answered, for I could very plainly discern three squadrons of 
 the enemy ready drawn up, and waiting for us at the very winding of the 
 hill. 
 
 Hereupon 1 hastened back to the captain with the like speed, and told him 
 the discovery I had made, who nevertheless kept on his march, and it was 
 with a good deal of difficulty that I at last prevailed on him to halt till our 
 rear guard of twenty men bud got tip to ns. But those joining us, and a new 
 troop of Spanish dragoons, who had marched towards us that morning, ap- 
 pearing in sight, our captain, as if he was afraid of their rivalling hiin in his 
 glory, at the very turn of the hill, rode in a full gallop, with sword m hand, 
 up to the enemy. They stood their ground till we were advanced withii* 
 two hundred yards of stem, and then in confusion endeavoured to retire into 
 the town. 
 
 They were obliged to pass over a small bridge, too small to admit of such a 
 company in so much haste ; their crowding upon which obstructed their re- 
 treat, and left all that could not getOTCr to the mercy of our swords, which 
 (pared none. However, narrow as the bridge was, captain Matthews was 
 resolved to venture over after the enemy ; on doing which, the enemy made a 
 ?ialt,till the people of the town, and the very priests, came out to their relief 
 with fire arm9. On so large an appearance, captain Matthews thought it not 
 adrliable to make any further advance* ; so, driving a very great flock of
 
 84 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain (Jarleton. 
 
 sheen from under the walls, he continued his march towards Elda. In this 
 action we lost captain Topham and three dragoous. 
 
 I remember we were not marched very far from the place where this 
 rencontre happened, when an Irish ihajcon overtook the captain, with a 
 civil message from major O'Roirk, desiring that he would not entertain a 
 mean opinion of him for the defence that was made ; siuce, could he have 
 got the Spaniards to have stood their ground, he should have given him good 
 reason for a better. The captain returned a complimentary answer, and so 
 marched on. This major O'Roirk, or O'Roork, was the next year killed at 
 Alkay, being much lamented ; for he was much esteemed both for his cou- 
 rage aud couduct one of the best of the Irish officers in the Spanish service. 
 I was likewise informed that he was descended from one of the ancient kings 
 of Ireland. The mother of the honourable colonel Paget, one of the grooms 
 of the bedchamber to his present majesty, was nearly related to this gallant 
 gentleman. 
 
 One remarkable thing I saw in that action, which affected and surprised 
 me, — a Scotch dragoon, of but a moderate size, with his large basket-hilted 
 sword struck off a Spaniard's head at one stroke, with the same ease, in ap- 
 pearance, as a man would do that of a puppy. 
 
 When we came to Elda, a town much in the interest of king Charles, and 
 famous for its fine situation, and the largest grapes in Spain, the inhabitants 
 received us in a manner as handsome as it was peculiar, all standing at their 
 doors with lighted torches, which, considering the time we entered, was far 
 from an unwelcome or disagreeable sight. 
 
 The next day several requested to be the messengers of the action at Vil- 
 lena to the earl of Peterborow at Alicaut ; but the captain returned this 
 answer to all, that, in consideration of the share that I might justly claim 
 in that day's transaction, he could not think of letting any other person be the 
 bearer : so, giviug me his letters to the earl, I the next day delivered them to 
 him at Alicant. At the delivery, colonel Killegrew, whose dragoons they 
 were, being present, he expressed a deal of satisfaction at the account, and 
 his lordship was pleased at the same time to appoint me sole engineer of the 
 castle of Alicant. 
 
 Soon after which, that successful general embarked for Genoa, according 
 to the resolutions of the council of war at Guadalaxara, on a particular 
 commission from the queen of England, another from Charles king of Spain, 
 and charged at the same time with a request of the marquis das Minas, ge- 
 neral of the Portuguese forces, to negociate bills for one hundred thousand 
 pounds for the use of his troops. In all which, though he was (as ever) suc- 
 cessful, yet it may be said, without a figure, that his departure in a good 
 measure determined the success of the confederate furces in that kingdom. 
 True it 16, the general returned again with the fortunate fruits of those ne. 
 gotiations, but never to act iu his old auspicious sphere; aud therefore, as I
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 85 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 am now to take leave of this fortunate general, let uie do it with justice, in 
 an appeal to the world of the uot to be paralleled usage (in these latter ages 
 at leasj) that he met with for all his services; such a vast variety of enter- 
 prises, all successful, and which had set all Europe in amaze; services that 
 bad given occasion to such solemn and public thanksgivings in our churches, 
 and which had received such very remarkable approbations both of sovereign 
 and parliament, and which had been represented in 10 lively a manner, in a 
 letter wrote by the king of Spain, under his own hand, to the queen of Eng- 
 laud, aud communicated to both houses in the terms following: 
 " Madam, my Sister, 
 
 f I should not have been so long ere I did myself the honour to repeat the 
 assurances of my sincere respects to you, had I nut waited for the good occa- 
 sion which 1 now acquaint you with, that the city of Barcelona is surren- 
 dered to me by capitulation. I doubt not but you will receive this great 
 news with entire satisfaction, as well because this happy success is the effect 
 of your arms, always glorious, as from (he pure motives of that bounty and 
 maternal affection you have for me, and for every thing which may contribute 
 to the advancement of my interest. 
 
 " I must do this justice to all the officers and common soldiers, and par- 
 ticularly to my lord Peterborow, that he has shown in this whole expedition 
 a constancy, bravery, and conduct, worthy of the choice that your majesty 
 has made of him, and that he could no ways give me better satisfaction than 
 he has, by the great zeal and application which he has equally testified for 
 my interest and for the service of my person. I owe the same justice to bri- 
 gadier Stanhope, for his great zeal, vigilance, and very wise conduct, which 
 he has given proofs of upon all occasions ; as also to all your officers of the 
 fleet, particularly to your worthy admiral, Shovel, assuring your majesty, 
 that he has assisted ine in this expedition with on inconceivable rcadii ess 
 and application, and that no admiral will be ever better able to render me 
 greater satisfaction than he has done. During the sii go of Barcelona, some 
 of your majesty's ships, with the assistance of the troops of the country, 
 have reduced the town of Tarragona, and the officers are mude prisoners of 
 war. The town of Girone has beer, taken at the same time by surprise by 
 the troops of the country. The tuwn of Lerida has submitted, as also that 
 of Tortosa upon the Ebro ; so that we have taken all the places of Catalonia 
 except Rosas. Some plat-is in Arragou, near S&rragosa, have declared for 
 me, and the garrison of the castle of Denia in Valencia have maintained 
 their post, and repulsed the enemy. Four hundred of the enemy's cavalry 
 have entered into our service, and a great number of their infantry have 
 deserted. 
 
 " This, maJam, is the state that your arms and the inclination of the 
 people have put my affairs in. It is unnecessary to tell you what stops the 
 Course of these conquests; it is not the season of the year, nor the enemy ;
 
 »6 SUPPLEMENT TCf 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 these are no obstacles to yonr troops, who desire nothing more than to act 
 nnder the conduct that your majesty has appointed them. The taking of 
 Barcelona with so small a number of troops is very remarkable, and what has 
 been done in this siege is almost without example, that with seven or eight 
 thousand men of your troops, and two hundred Miquelets, wc should sur- 
 round and invest a place that thirty thousand French could not block up. 
 
 " After a march of thirteen hours, the troops climbed up the rocks and 
 precipices to attack a fortification stronger than the place, which the earl 
 of Peterborow has sent you a plan of 5 two generals, with the grenadiers, 
 attacked it sword in hand. In which action the prince of Hesse died glo- 
 riously, after so many brave actions. I, hope his brother and his family will 
 always have your majesty's protection. With eight hundred men they forced 
 <he covered way, and all the entrenchments and works, one after another, 
 till they came to the last work which surrounded it, against five bandied 
 men of regular troops which defended the place, and a reinforcement they 
 had received ; and three days afterwards we became masters of the place. 
 We afterwards attacked the town on the side of the castle. We landed again 
 our cannon" and the other artillery with inconceivable trouble, and formed 
 two camps, distant from each other three leagues, against a garrison almost 
 as numerous as our army, whose cavalry was double the strength of ours. 
 The first camp was so well entrenched that it was defended by 2000 men 
 and the dragoons, while we attacked the town with the rest of our troops. 
 The breach being made, we prepared to make a general assault with all the' 
 army. These are circumstances, madam, which distinguish this action, per- 
 haps, from all others. 
 
 " Here has happened an unforeseen accident. The cruelty of the pretend- 
 ed viceroy, and the report spread abroad, that he would take away the pri- 
 soners, contrary to the capitulation, provoked the burghers and some of the 
 country people to take up arms- against the garrison, whilst they were busy 
 in packing up their baggage, wluch was to be sent away the next day, so 
 that every thing tended to slaughter ; but your majesty's troops entering 
 into town with the earl of Peterborow, instead of seeking pillage, a practice 
 common upon such occasions, appeased the tumult, and have saved the town> 
 and even the lives of their enemies, with a discipline and generosity without 
 example. 
 
 ** What remains is, that I return you my most hearty thanks for sending 
 so great a fleet and such good and valiant troops to my assistance. After 
 so happy a beginning I have thought it proper, according to the sentiments 
 of your generals and admirals, to support, by my presence, the conquest* 
 that we have made ; and to shew my subjects, so affectionate to my person^ 
 that I cannot abandon them. I receive such succours from your majesty 
 and from your generous nation, that I am loaded with your bounties, and 
 am not a little concerned to think that the support of my interest should
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 87 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 cause so great an expense ; but, madam, I sacrifice my person, and my sub- 
 jects in Catalonia expose their lives and fortunes, upon the assurances they 
 have of your majesty's generous protection. Your majesty and your council 
 know better than we do what is necessary tor our conservation : we shall 
 <then expect your majesty's succours, with an entire confidence in your bounty 
 and wisdom. A further force is necessary i we give no small diversion to 
 France, aud without doubt they will make their utmost efforts against me 
 as soon as possible ; but I am satisfied that the same efforts will be made by 
 my allies to defend me. Your goodness, madam, inclines you, and your , 
 
 power enables you, to support those that the tyranny of France would op- 
 press. All that I can insinuate to your wisdom and that of your allies is, 
 that the forces employed in this country will not be unprofitable to the pub- 
 lic good, but will be under an obligation and necessity to act with the utmost 
 vigour against the enemy. I am, with an inviolable affection, respect, anil 
 most sincere acknowledgment, 
 
 " Madam, my sister, 
 
 " Your most affectionate brother, 
 
 " Charles. 
 
 " From the camp at Scnia, before Barcelona, 
 the 22rf of October, 1705." 
 
 And yet, after all, was this noble general not only recalled, the command 
 of the fleet taken from him, and that of the army given to my lord Galway, 
 without assignment of cause ; but all manner of falsities were industriously 
 spread abroad, not only to diminish, if they could, his reputation, but to 
 bring him under accusations of a malevolent nature. 1 can hardly imagine 
 it necessary here to take notice, that afterward he disproved all those idle 
 calumnies and ill-iuvented rumours ; or to mention what- compliments he 
 received, iu the most solemn mauner, from his country, upon a full exami- 
 nation and thorough canvassing of his actions in the house of lords. But 
 this is too notorious to be omitted, that all officers coming from Spain « ere 
 purposely intercepted in their way to London, and craftily examined upon 
 all the idle stories which had passed, tending to lessen his character ; and 
 when any officers had asserted the falsity of those inventions (as they all did 
 except a military sweetner or two), and that there was no possibility of lay- 
 ing any thing amiss to the charge of that general, they were told that they 
 ought to be careful, however, not to speak advantageously of that lord s 
 conduct, unless they were willing to fall martyrs iu his cause, a thing scarce 
 to be credited even in a popish country. But Scipio was acciwd, though 
 (as my author finely observes) by wretches only known to posterity by that 
 stupid accusatiou. 
 
 As a mournful valediction, before I enter upon any new scene, the reader 
 will pardon this melancholy expostulation. How mortifying must it be to 
 au Englishman, after he has found himself solaced with a relation of co many
 
 88 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleion. 
 
 surprising successes: of her majesty's arms under the earl of Peterborcw, 
 successes that have laid before our eyes provinces and kingdoms reduced, 
 and towns and fortresses taken and relieved, where we have seen a continued 
 series of happy events, the fruits' of conduct and vigilance, and caution and 
 foresight preventing dangers that were held, at first view, certain and un- 
 surmountable: to change this glorious landscape, I say, for scenes every 
 way different, even while our troops were as numerous as the enemy, and 
 better provided, yet always baffled and beaten, and flying before the enemy, 
 till fatally ruined in the battle of Almanza, — how mortifying must this be to 
 any lover of his country! But I proceed to my memoirs. 
 
 Alicant is a town of the greatest trade of any in the kingdom of Valencia, 
 haviug a strong castle, being situated on a high hill, which commands both 
 town and harbour. In this place I resided a whole year ; but it was soon 
 after my first arrival that major Collier (who was shot in the back at Barce- 
 lona, as I have related in the siege of that place) hearing of me, sought me 
 out at my quarters, and, after a particular inquiry into the success of that 
 difficult task that he left me upon, and my answering all his questions to 
 satisfaction (all which he received with evident pleasure), he threw down a 
 purse of pistoles upon the table, which I refusing, he told me, in a most 
 handsome manner, his friendship was not to be preserved but by my ac- 
 cepting it. 
 
 After I had made some very necessary repairs, I pursued the orders I had 
 received from the earl of Peterborow, to go upon the erecting a new bat- 
 tery between the castle and the town. This was a task attended with diffi- 
 culties neither few in number nor small in consequence, for it was to be 
 raised upon a great declivity, which must render the work both laborious 
 and precarious. However, I had the good fortune, to effect it much sooner 
 than was expected, and it was called Gorge's battery, from the name of the 
 governor then commanding, who, out of an uncommon profusion of genero- 
 sity, wetted that piece of gossipping with a distinguishing bowl of punch. 
 Brigadier Bougard, when he saw this work some time after, was pleased to 
 honour it with a singular admiration and approbation for its completeness, 
 notwithstanding its difficulties. 
 
 This work, and the siege of Carthagena, then in our possession, by the 
 duke of Berwick, brought the lord Galway down to this place. Carthagena 
 is of so little distance from Alicant, that we could easily hear the cannon 
 playing against and from it, in our castle, where I then was ; and I remem- 
 ber my lord Galway, on the fourth day of the siege, sending to know if J 
 could make any useful observations as to the success of it : I returned, that 
 I was of opinion the town was surrendered, from the sudden cessation of the 
 cannon, which, by our news next day from the place, proved to be fact. 
 Carthagena is a small sea-port town in Murcia, but has so good an harbour, 
 that when the famous admiral Poria was asked which were the three best
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 99 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 havens iu the Mediterranean, he readily returned, June, July, and Car- 
 thageua. 
 
 Upon th« surrender of this place, a detachment of foot was sent by the 
 governor, with some dragoons, to Elsha ; hut it being a place of very little 
 strength, they were soon made prisoners of war. 
 
 The siege of Carthagena being over, the lord Gal way returned to his camp, 
 and the lord Duncannon dying in Alicant, the first guns that w<*re fired 
 from Gorge's battery were the minute guns for his fuucral. His regiment 
 had been given to the lord Montandre, who lost it before he had possession, 
 by an action as odd as it was scaudalous. 
 
 That regimeut had received orders to march to the lord Galway's camp, 
 undi'i- the command of their lieutenaut-eolouel Battin;m, a pi rson before 
 reputed a good officer, though his conduct here gave people, not invidious, 
 too much reason to call it in question. On his march he was so very careless 
 and negligcut (though he knew himself in a country surrounded with ene- 
 mies, and that he was to march through a wood, win re they every day wade 
 their appearance in great numbers), that his soldiers marched with their 
 muskets slung at their backs, and went one after another (as necessity had 
 forced us to do in Scotland), himself at the head of them in his chaise, ridiug 
 a considerable way before. 
 
 It happened there was a captain, with threescore dragoons, detached from 
 the duke of Berwick's army, with a design to intercept some cash that was 
 ordered to be sent to lord Galw«y's army from Alicant. This detachment, 
 missing of that intended prize, was returning very disconsolately, re infecta, 
 when their captain, observing that careless and disorderly march of the 
 English, resolved, boldly enough, to attack them in the wood. To that pur- 
 pose he secreted his little party behind a great barn, and, so soon as they 
 were half passed by, he falls upou them iu the centre with his dragoons, cut- 
 ting and slashing at such a violent rate that lie soon dispersed the whole re- 
 giment, leaving many dead and wounded upon the spot. The three colours 
 were taken, and the gallant lieu t.- colonel taken out of- his cha Be, and car- 
 ried away prisoner with many others j only one officer, who was an ensign, 
 and so bold as to do his duty, was killed. 
 
 The lieutenant who commanded the grenadiers received the alarm time 
 enough to draw his men into a house in their way, where he bravely de- 
 fended himself for a long time ; but being killed, the n st immediately stir- 
 rendered. The account of this action I had from the commander of tbc 
 enemy's party himself, some time after, while I was a prisoner -, and capt. 
 Mahout, who was present when the news was brought that a few Spanish 
 dragoons had defeuted an English rtgimcut, which was this under Batctnan, 
 protested to me, that the duke of Berwick turned pale at the relation ; nud 
 when they offered to bring the colours before him, he would not so much at 
 pie them. A little before the dojee wi ul to supper, Batcmaa himself was 
 
 Y4»h. II. 3 M
 
 90 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 brought to him ; but the duke turned away from him without any further no- 
 tice than coldly saying, " that he thought he was very strangely taken." The 
 wags of the army made a thorough jest of him, and said his military conduct 
 was of a piece with his economy, having, two days before his march, sent his 
 young handsome wife into England, under the guardianship of the young 
 chaplain of the regiment. 
 
 April 15th, in the year 1707, being Easter-Monday, we had in the morning 
 a flying report in Alicant that there had been the day before a battle at Al- 
 manza, between the army under the command of the duke of Berwick, and 
 that of the English under lord Galway, in which the latter had suffered au 
 entire defeat. We at first gave no great credit to it; but, alas! we were too 
 soon woefully convinced of the truth of it, by numbers that came flying to ns 
 from the conquering enemy. Then, indeed, we were satisfied' of truths too 
 difficult before to be credited. But as I was not present m that calamitous 
 battle, I shall relate it as I received it from an officer then in the duke's army. 
 
 To bring the lord Galway to a battle, in a place most commodious for his 
 purpose, the duke made use of this stratagem : he ordered two Irishmen, 
 both officers, to make their way over to the enemy as deserters ; putting this 
 story in their mouths, that the duke of Orleans was in full march to join the 
 duke of Berwick with twelve thousand men; that this would be done in two 
 days, aud that then they would find out the lord Galway, and force him to 
 fight wherever they found him. 
 
 Lord Galway, who at this time lay before Villena, receiving this intelli- 
 gence from those well instructed deserters, immediately raised the siege ; with 
 a resolution, by a hasty march, to force the enemy to battle, before the duke 
 of Orleans should be able to join the duke of Berwick. To effect this, after 
 a hard march of three long Spanish leagues in the heat of tho day, he ap- 
 pears a little after noon in the face of the enemy with his fatigued forces. 
 Glad and rejoiced at the sight, for he found his plot had taken, Berwick, th« 
 better to receive them, draws up his army in a half moon, placing at a pretty 
 good advance three regiment-; to make up the centre, with express order, 
 nevertheless, to retreat at the very first charge. All which was punctually 
 observed, and had its desired effect: for the three regiments, at the first 
 attack, gave way, and seemiugly fled towards their camp ; the English, after 
 their customary manner, pursuing them with shouts and ho-llowings. As 
 soon as the duke of Berwick perceived his trap had taken, he ordered his 
 right and left wings to close; by which means, he at once cut off from tli^ 
 rest of their army all those who had so eagerly pursued the imaginary run- 
 aways. In short, the rout was total, and th« most fatal blow that ever the 
 English received during the whole war with Spain. Nor, as it is thought, 
 with a great probability of reason, had those troops that made their retreat to 
 the top of the hills, under major-general Shrimpton, met with any better fate 
 lhau those o» the plain, had the Spaniards had any other general in the com-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 91 
 
 Memoirs of Captain (Jarleton. 
 
 mand than the duke of Berwick, whose native sympathy gave a check to the 
 ardour of a victorious enemy. And this was the sense of the Spaniards 
 themselves after the hattle ; verifying herein that uohle maxim, ¥ that vic- 
 tory to generous minds is only an inducement to moderation." 
 
 The day after this fatal hattle (which gave occasion to a Spanish piece of 
 wit, " that the English general had rooted the Freuch,") the duke of Orleans 
 did arrive indeed in the camp, hut with an army of only fourteen attendants. 
 
 The fatal effects of this battle were soon made visible, and to none more 
 than those in Alicant. The enemy grew every day more and more trouble- 
 some ; visiting us in parties more boldly than before, and often hovering 
 about us so very near, that with our cannon we could hardly teach them to 
 keep a proper distance. Gorge, the governor of Alicant, being recalled into 
 England, major-general Richards was by king Charles appointed governor in 
 his place. He was a Roman catholic, and very much beloved by the native* 
 en that accouirt ; though, to give him his due, he behaved himself extremely 
 well iu all other respects. It was in his time that a design was laid of sur- 
 prising Guardnnerc, a small sea-port town iu Murcia; but the military bishop, 
 (for he was, in a literal sense, excellent tarn Marte, quant Mercurio^J among 
 bis many other exploits, by a timely expedition, prevented that. 
 
 Governor Richards, my post being always in the castle, had sent to desire 
 me to give notice whenever I saw any parties of the enemy moving. Pursu- 
 ant to this order, discovering one morning a considerable body of horse to- 
 wards Elsha, I went down into the towu, and told the governor what I had 
 seen; and without any delay he gave his orders, that a captain with three- 
 score men should attend me to an old house about a mile distance. As s .on 
 as weh>id got into it, I set about barricading all the open places and avenues, 
 and put my men iu a posture ready to receive an enemy as soon as he should 
 appear ; upon which the captain, as a feint, ordered a few of his meu to shew 
 themselves on a rising ground just before the house. But wc had like to 
 stave caught a Tartar : for, though the enemy took the train I had laid, and, 
 en sight of our small body on the hill, sent a party from their greater body 
 to intercept him before they could reach the town ; yet the sequel proved we 
 bad mistaken their number, and it soon appeared to be much greater than we 
 at first imaifiReii. However, our out-scouts, as 1 may call them, got safe 
 into the house; and, on the appearance of the party, we let fly a full volley, 
 which laid dead on the spot three men and one horse. Hereupou the wh le 
 body made up to the house, but stood aloof upon the hill without reach of 
 our shot.. We seon saw our danger from the number of the enemy : and well 
 for us it was that the watchful governor had takeu notice of it, as well as we 
 in the house. For observing us surrounded with the enemy, and by a power 
 so much superior, he marched himself, with a good part of the garrisou, t» 
 oar relief. The enemy stood a little time as if they would receive them ; 
 but upon second thoughts they retired, and, toonr no little joy, left us al 
 liberty to come out of the house and join the garrison.
 
 92 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Scarce a day passed but we had some visits of the like kind, attended some- 
 times with rencounters of this nature; insomuch tbat there was hardly any 
 stirring out in safety for small parties, though never so little a way. There 
 was within a little mile of the town an old vineyard, environed with a loose 
 stone wall: an officer and 1 made au agreement to ride thither for au airing. 
 We did so, and after a little riding it came into my head to put a fright upon 
 the officer. And very lucky for us both was tbat unlucky thought of mine. 
 Pretending to see a parly of the enemy making up to us, I gave him the 
 alarm, set spurs to my horse, aud rid as fast as legs could carry me. The 
 officer no way bated of his speed ; and we had scarce got out of the vineyard 
 but my jest proved earnest; twelve of tbe enemy's horse pursuing us to the 
 Tery gates of the town. Nor could I ever after prevail upon' my fellow-travel* 
 ler to believe, tbat he owed bis escape to merriment more than speed. 
 
 Soon after my charge, as to the fortifications, was pretty well over, I ob- 
 tained leave of the governor to be absent for a fortnight, upon some affairs 
 of my own at Valencia. On my return from whence, at a town called Venissa, 
 I met two officers of an English regiment going to the place from whence I 
 last came. They told me, after common congr t illations, that they had left 
 major Boyd at a little place called Capel, hiring another mule, that he rode 
 on thither having tired and failed him ; desiring withal, that if I met him, I 
 would let him know that they would stay for him at that place. I bad another 
 gentleman in my company, aud we had travelled on not above a league fur- 
 ther, whence, at a little distance, we were byth surprised with a 6ight that 
 seemed to have set all art at defiance, and was too odd for any thing in na- 
 ture. It appeared all in red, and to move; but so very slowly, that if we had 
 not made more way to that than it did to us, we should have made it a day's 
 journey before we met it. My companions could as little tell what to make, 
 of it as I j and, indeed, the nearer it came, the more monstrous it seemed, 
 having nothing of the tokens of man, either walking, riding, or in any posture 
 whatever. At last, coming up with this strange figure of a creature (for now 
 we found is was certainly su- h), what, or rather who, should it prove to be 
 but major Boyd. He was a person of himself far from one of the least pro- 
 portion ; and, mounted on a poor little ass, with all his warlike accoutrements 
 upon it, you will allow must make a figure almost as odd as one of the old 
 Centaais. The Morocco saddle that covered the ass was of burden enough 
 for the beast without its master ; and the additional holsters and pistole 
 made it much more weighty. Nevertheless, a curb bridle of the largest size 
 covered bis little head, aud a long red cloak, hanging down to the ground, 
 covered jack-boots, ass, master, and all. In short, my companion and I ; after 
 we could specifically declare it to be a man, agreed we never saw a figiiTe so 
 comical in all our lives. When we had merrily greeted our major, for a Cy- 
 nick could not have forborn laughter,) he excused all as well as be could, by 
 saying he could get no other beast. After which, delivering our message,
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 93 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carieton. 
 
 and condoling with liiui fur his present mounting, and wishing him better at 
 • is next quarttrs, lie settled into Lis old ptcc, and we into ours, aud parted. 
 ^^ e lay that night at Altea, famous for its bay for ships to w ater at. it 
 srtands on a high hill, and is adorned, not defeuded, with an old fort. 
 
 Thence we came to Alicaut, where, having now been a whole year, and 
 Slaving effected what was held necessary, I ouce more prevailed upon the go- 
 vernor to permit me to take another journey. The lord Galway lay at Tar- 
 raga, while Lerida lay under the siege of the duke of Orleans; and having 
 some grounds of expectation given me, while he was at Alicant, I resolved 
 at least to demonstrate I was still living. The governor favoured me with 
 letters, not at all to my disadvantage, so taking ship for Barcelona, jun at 
 •ui putting into the harbour, we met with the English fleet, on its return 
 from the expedition to Toulon under sir Cloudsly Shovel. 
 
 I staid but very few days at Barcelona, aud then proceeded on my intended 
 journey toTarraga; arriviog at which place I delivered my packet to the 
 lord Galway, who received me with very great civility ; and, to double it, 
 acquainted me at the same time, that the governor of Alicant had wrote very 
 much in my favour; but though it was a known part of that noble lord'a 
 character, that the first impression was generally strongest, I had reason 
 soon after to close with another saying equally true, " that general rules 
 always admit of some exception" While 1 was here, we had news of the 
 taking of the towu of Lerida ; the prince of Hesse, brother to that brave 
 prince who lost his life before Monjouick, retiring into the castle with the 
 garrison, which he bravely defended a long time after. 
 
 When I whs thus atteudiiig my lord Galway at Tarraga, be received intel- 
 ligence that the enemy had a design to lay siege to Denia; whereupon be 
 gave me orders to repair there as engineer. After I had received my orders, 
 and taken leave of his lordship, I set out, resolving, since it was left to my 
 choice, to go by way of Barcelona, and there take shipping for the place of 
 my station ; by which I proposed to save more time than would allow me a 
 full opportunity of visiting Montserat, a place 1 had hanrd much talk of, 
 which had filleil me with a longing desire to see it. To say truth, 1 had 
 been told such extraordinary things of the place, that I could hardly impute 
 more than one half of it to auy thing but Spanish rhodnuiontadocs, the vice 
 • f extravagant exaggeration being too natural to that nation. 
 
 MontM rat is a rising lofty hill, in the very middle of a spacious plain, in 
 the principality of Catalonia, about seven leagues distant from Barcelona to 
 the westward, somewhat inclining to the north. At the vei) first sight its 
 odduess of figure promises sunn tiling extraordinary; and even at that dis- 
 tance the prospect makes somewhat of a graud appearance ; hundreds of 
 Mpiriug pyramid* presenting themselves all at oine to the eye, lock, it 1 may 
 be allowed so to speak, like a little ,»eti itied loi est, ir rather, iikrthcawlul 
 ruins uf some capacious structure, >be abuur ot vtncratle antiquity. The
 
 9 4 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 nearer you approach the more it affects ; but, till yon are very near, you can 
 hardly form in your mind any thing like what you find it when you come 
 close to it. TH1 just upon it, you would imagine it a perfect hill of steeple* ; 
 but so intermingled with trees of magnitude as well as beauty, that your ad- 
 miration can never be tired, or your curiosity surfeited. Such I found it 
 •o my approach, yet much less than what I found it was so goon as I en* 
 tered npon the very premises. 
 
 Kow that stupendous cluster of pyramids affected me in a manner different 
 to all before; and I found it so finely grouped with verdant groves, and here 
 and there interspersed with aspiring but solitary trees, that it no way lessened 
 my admiration, while it increased my delight. These trees, which I call so- 
 litary, as standing single, in opposition to the numerous groves, which are 
 ctose and thick (as I observed when I ascended to take a view of the several 
 cells), rise out of the very cliffs of the main rock, with nothing, to appear- 
 ance, btit a soil or bed of stone for their nurture. But thongh some few 
 naturalists may assert, that the nitre in the stone may afford a due proportion 
 of nourishment to trees and vegetables, these, in my opinion, were all too 
 beautiful, their bark, leaf, and flowers, carried too fair a face of health, to 
 allow them even to be foster-children of rock and stone only. 
 
 Upon this hill, or, if you please, grove of rocks, arc thirteen hermits' cells-, 
 the last of which ties near the very summit. You gradually advance to every 
 •ne, from bottom to top, by a winding ascent ; which to do would otherwise 
 be impossible, by reason of the steepness. But though there is a winding 
 ascent to every cell, as I have said, I would yet set at defiance the most olv 
 servant, if a stranger, to find it feasible to visit them in order, if not pre- 
 •autioned to follow the poor borigo, or old ass, that, with panniers hanging 
 •n each side of him, mounts rcgnlarly and daily up to every pasticular cell. 
 The manner is as follows : 
 
 In the panniers there are thirteen partitions : one for every cell. At the 
 hour appointed, the servant having placed the panniers on his back, the ass, 
 •f himself, goes to the door of the couvent at the foot of the hill, where 
 ♦very partition is supplied with their several allowances of victuals and 
 wine ; which, as soon as he has received, without any further attendance, 
 •r any guide, he mounts and takes the cells gradually in their duc- 
 eourse, till he reaches the very uppermost ; where, having discharged hv6 
 duty, he descends the same way, lighter by the load he carried up. This 
 the poor stupid drudge fails not to do, day and night, at the stated hours. 
 
 Two gentlemen who had joined me on the road, alike led by curiosity, 
 seemed alike delighted, that the end of it was so well answered. I couM 
 easily discover in their countenances a satisfaction, which, if it did not give 
 a sanction to my own, much confirmed it, while they seemed to allow with 
 me, that those reverend solitaries were truly happy men : I then thought 
 them snch ; and a thousand times since, reflecting within myself, have
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. f.5 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Cerleton. 
 
 wished, bating their errors und lesser superstitions, myself as happily sta- 
 tioned. For what can there be wanting to a happy life, where all things ne- 
 cessary are provided without care ; where the days, without anxiety or 
 troubles, may be gratefully passed away, with an innocent variety of divcrt- 
 ing and pleasing objects, and where their sleeps and slumbers are never io- 
 terrupted with any thing more offensive thun murmuring springs, natural 
 cascades, or the various songs of the pretty feathered qniiisters 3 
 
 But their courtesy to strangers hi no less engaging than their solitude. A 
 recluse life, for the fruits of it, generally speaking, produces raoiosenes»; 
 pharisaicnl pride too ofteu sours the temper ; and a mistaken opinion of 
 their own merit too naturally lead such meu into a contempt of others : but, 
 on the contrary, these good men (for 1 must call them as I thought them) 
 seemed to me the very emblems of innocence ; so ready to oblige others, 
 that at the same instant they seemed laying obligations upon themselves. 
 This is self-evident in that affability and complaisance they use in shewing 
 the rarities of their several cells ; where, for fear you should slip any thing 
 worthy of observation, they endeavour to instil iuto you as quick a propen- 
 sity of asking, as you find iu them a prompt alacrity iu answering, suck 
 questions of curiosity as their own have inspired. 
 
 In particular, I remember one of those reverend old men, when we were 
 takiug leave at the door of his cell, to which, out of his great civility, he at- 
 compauied us, finding by the air of our faces, as well as our expressions, that 
 we thought ourselves pleasiugly entertained, to divert us afresh, advanced a 
 few paces from the door, when, giving a whistle with his mouth, a surprising 
 flock of pretty little birds, variegated, and of different colours, immediately 
 flocked around him. Here you should see some alighting upon his shoulders, 
 some on his awful beard, others took refuge on his snow-like head, and many 
 feeding, and more endeavouring to feed out of his mouth ; each appearing 
 emulous, and under an innocent contention, how best lo express their love 
 and respect to their no less pleased master. 
 
 Nor did the other cells labour under any deficiency of variety ; everyone 
 boasting iu some particular that might distinguish it in something equally: 
 agreeable and entertaining. Nevertheless, crystal springs spouting from 
 the solid rocks were, from the highest to the lowest, common to then* all ; 
 and, in most of them they had little brass cocks, out of which, when turn' d, 
 issued the most cool and crystalline flows of excellent pure water. And 
 yet, what more affected me, and which I found near more cells than 
 one, was the natural cascades of the same transparent element ; these 
 falling from one rock to another, in that worm, or rather hot climate, 
 gave not more delightful astonishment to the eye, than they afforded grate- 
 ful refreshment to the whole man. The streams foiling from tbese, s«.fieo, 
 from a rougher, tumultuous noise, iuto such affecting murmurs, by distance, 
 the intervention of groves, or neighbouring rocks, that it were impoasiU'c U» 
 see or hear them, and nut be charmed
 
 90 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Neither are those groves grateful only in a beautiful verdure, nature re»- 
 dersthem otherwise delightful, in loading them with clusters of berries of s 
 perfect scarlet colour, which, by a beautiful intermixture, strike the ey* 
 with additional delight. In short, it might notiplns a person of the nicest 
 taste, to distinguish or determine, whether the neatness of their cells within, 
 or the beauteous varieties without, most exhaust bis admiration. Nor is the 
 whole, in my opinion, a little advantaged by the frequent view of some of 
 those pyrainidical pillars, which seem, as weary of their own weight, to re- 
 cline and seek support from others in the neighbourhood. 
 
 When I mentioned the outside beauties of their cells, I must be thought t» 
 have forgot to particularise the glorious prospects presented to your eye from 
 every one of them, but especially from that nearest the summit: a prospect, 
 by reason of the purity of the air, so extensive, and so very entertaining, 
 that to dilate upon it properly to one that never saw it would baffle credit ; 
 and naturally to depaint it would confound invention. I therefore shall 
 only say, that on the Mediterranean side, after an agreeable interval of 
 some fair leagues, it will set at defiance the strongest optics ; and although 
 Barcelona bounds it on the land, the eyes are feasted with the delights of 
 such an intervening champaign (where beauteous nature does not only smile 
 but riot), that the sense must be very temperate, or very weak, that can be 
 soon or easily satisfied. 
 
 Having thus taken a view of all their refreshing springs, their grateful 
 groves, and solitary shades uuder single trees, whose cluster* proved that 
 even rocks were grown fruitful ; and having ran over all the variety of plea- 
 sures in their several pretty cells, decently set off with gardens round them, 
 equally fragrant and beautiful, we were brought down again to the convent, 
 which, though on a small ascent, lies very near the foot of this terrestrial 
 paradise, there to take a survey of their sumptuous hall, much more sump- 
 tuous chapel, and its adjoining repository, and feast our eyes with wonder* 
 of a different nature, and yet as entertaining as any, or all, we had ste» 
 before. 
 
 Immediately on our descent, a priest presented himself at the door of the 
 convent, ready to shew us the hidden rarities. And though, as I understood, 
 hardly a day passes without the resort of some strangers, to gratify their 
 curiosity with the wonders of the place ; yet is there, on every such occasion, 
 m superior concourse of natives ready to see over again, out t.f mere bi- 
 gotry and superstition, what they have seen perhaps a hundred times before. 
 I could not avoid taking notice, however, that the pri st treated tliose con* 
 stant visitants with much less ceremony, or more freedom, if you please, than 
 any of the strangers of what nation soever ; or, indeed, he seemed to take as 
 much pains to disoblige those, as he did pleasure in obliging us. 
 
 The hall was neat, large, and stately ; but being plain and unadorned with 
 more than decent decorations, suitable to such a society, I hasten to tiie 
 Other.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. ^ 97 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 When we entered the chapel, our eyes were immediately attracted by the 
 image of Our Lady of Montserat (as they rail it), which stands over the 
 altar-piece. It is about the natural stature, but as black and shining as 
 ebony itself. Most would Imagine it made of that material ; though her re- 
 tinue and adorers will allow nothing of the matter. On the contrary, tradi- 
 tion, which with them is, on some occasions, more than tantamount to reli- 
 gion, has assured them, and they relate it as undoubted matter of fact, that 
 her present colour, if 1 may so call it, proceeded from her concealment, in 
 the time of the Moors, between those two rocks ou which the chapel is 
 founded, and that her long lying in that dismal place chanced her once 
 lovely white into its present opposite. Would not a heretic here be apt to 
 say, that it was great pity that an image, which still boasts the power of 
 acting so mmy miracles, could no better conserve her own complexion ? 
 At least it must be allowed, even by a good catholic, to carry along with it 
 matter of reproach to the fair ladies, natives of the country, for their unna- 
 tural and excessive affection of adulterating, if not defacing, their beautiful 
 faces, with the ruinating daubcrics of carmine. 
 
 As the custom of the place is (which is likewise allowed to be a distin- 
 guished piece of civility to strangers', when we approach the black lady 
 (who, I should have told you, bears a child in her arms, but whether mater- 
 nally black, or of the mulatto kind, I protest I did not mind), the priest, in 
 great civility, offers you her arm to salute ; at which juncture, I, like a true 
 blue protestant, mistaking my word of command, fell foul on the fair lady's 
 fact. The displeasure in his countenance (for he took more notice of the 
 rudeness thau the good lady herself) soon convinced me of my error ; how- 
 ever, as a greater token of his civility, having admitted no Spaniards along 
 with my companions and me, it passed off the better; and his after 
 cirUities manifested that he was willing to reform my ignorance by his 
 complaisance. 
 
 To demonstrate which, upon my telling him that I had a set of beads 
 which I most intreat him to consecrate for me, he readily, nay eagerly com- 
 plied, and having hung them on her arm for the space of about half or some- 
 what short of a whole minute, he returned me the holy baubles with a great 
 deal of address, and most evident satisfaction. The reader will be apt to 
 admire at this curious piece of superstition of mine, till 1 have told him, that 
 even rigid protestants have, in this country, thought it but prudent to do the 
 like j and likewise having so done, to carry them about their persons, or in 
 their pockets j for experience has convinced us of the necessity of this most 
 catholic precaution; since those who have here, travelling or otherwise, 
 come to their ends, whether by accideut, sickness, or the course of nature, 
 not having these sanctifying seals found upon them, hare ever been refused 
 christian burial, under a superstitious imagination, that the corpse of a he- 
 retic will infect every thiug near it. 
 
 vox,, ii. N
 
 08 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Two instances . f this kind fell within m\ knowledge ; one before I went to 
 Montserat, the other after. The first was of one Slunt, who had heen bom- 
 bardier at Monjouick, but being killed while we lay at Campilio, a priest, 
 whom I advised with upon the matter, told me, that if he should be buried 
 where any eorn grew, his body would not only be taken up again, hut ill 
 treated, in revenge of the destruction of so much corn, which the people 
 would on no ai count be persuaded to touch ; for which reason we took care 
 to have him laid in a very deep grave, on a very barren spot of ground. The 
 other was of one captain Bush, who was a prisoner with me on the surrender 
 of Denja j who being srnt, as 1 was afterwards, to Saint Cleraeite laMaucha, 
 there died ; and, as 1 was informed, though lie was privately, and by night, 
 buried in a corn field, he was taken out of his grave by those superstitious 
 people, as soon as ever they could discover the place where his body wag 
 deposited. But I returu \o the convent at Montserat. 
 
 Out of the chapel, behind the high altar, we descended into a spacious 
 room, the repository of the great offerings made to the Lady. Here, though 
 I thought in the chapel itself I had seen the riches of the universe, I found 
 a prodigious quantity of more costly presents, the superstitious tribute of 
 m >st of the Roman catholic princes in Europe Among a multitude of 
 Others, they showed me a sword set with diamonds, the offering of Charles 
 the third, then king of Spain, but now emperor of Germany. Though I 
 must confess, being a heretic, I could much easier find a reason for a fair 
 lady's presenting such a sword to a king of Spain thau for a king of Spain's 
 presenting such a sword to a fair lady ; and by the motto upon it, Pulchra 
 tamen nigra, it was plain such was his opinion. That prince was so de- 
 lighted with the pleasures of this sweet place, that he, as well as I, staid as 
 long as ever he could, though neither of us so long as either could have wished. 
 
 But there was another offering from a king of Portugal, equally glorious 
 and costly, but much better adapted, and therefore in its propriety easier to 
 be accounted for : that was a glory for the head of her ladyship, every ray of 
 which was set with diamonds, large at the bott m, and gradually lessening to 
 the very extremity of every ray. Each ray might be about half a yard long, 
 and 1 imagin d in the whole there might be about one hundred of them. 
 In short, if ever her ladyship did the offerer the honour to put it on, I will, 
 though a heretic, venture to aver, she did not at that present time look like 
 a human creature. 
 
 To enumerate the rest, if my memory would suffice, would exceed belief. 
 As the upper part was a plain miracle of nature, the lower was a complete 
 treasury of miraculous art. 
 
 If you ascend from the lowest cell to the very summit, the last of all the 
 thirteen, you will perceive a continual contention between pleasure and de- 
 votion ; aud at last, perhaps, find yourself at a loss to decide which deserves 
 the pre-eminence : for you are not here to take cells in the vulgar accepts-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 99 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 lion, as the little dormitories of solitary monks: no, neatness, use, and con- 
 trivance, appear in every one of them ; and though in an almost perfect 
 equality, yet in such perfection, that you will find it difficult to discover in 
 any one of them any thing want inn to the pleasure of life. 
 
 If you descend to the convent near the foot of that venerable hill, you may 
 pee more, much more of the riches of the world, hut less, »ar less appearance 
 <>f a celestial treasure. Perhaps it might be the sentiment of a heretic, hut 
 that awe and devotion, which I found in my attendant from cell to cejl,jrrcw 
 languid, and lost iu mere empty bigotry and foggv su crstitini when I came 
 below. In short, there wuS not a greater difference in their heights than in 
 the sentiments they inspired me with. 
 
 Before I leave this emblem of the b-atific vision, 1 must correct some- 
 thing like a mistake as to the poor borigo. I said at the beginning that his 
 labour was daily, but the Sunday is to him a day of rest, as it is to the 1 er- 
 mits, his masters, a day of refection : for, to save the poor faith Mil hi ute the 
 bard drudgery of that day, the thirteen hermits, if health permit, descend to 
 their coenobium, as they call it, that is, to the hall of the convent, where 
 they dine iu common with the monks of the order, w ho arc Benedictines. 
 
 After seven days' variety of such innocent delight (the space allowed for 
 the entertainment of strangers), 1 took my leave of this pacific hermitage, 
 to pursue the more boisterous duties of my calling. The life of a soldi r is 
 in every respect the full antithesis to that of a hermit •, and I know not whe- 
 ther it might not he a sense of that which inspired me with very great re- 
 luctancy at parting. I confess, while on the spot, I over and above bandit d 
 In my mind the reasons which might prevail upou Charles the fifth to relin- 
 quish his crown ; and the arguments on his side peyer failed of energy, when 
 1 could persuade myself that this, or some like happy retreat, was the reward 
 4if abdicated empire. 
 
 Full of these contemplations (for they lasted there) I arrived at Barce- 
 lona, where 1 found a vessel ready to sail, on which 1 embarked for Denia, 
 iu pursuance of my orders. Bailing to the mouth of the Mediterranean, no 
 place along the christian shore att'ords a prospect equally delightful with the 
 castle of Denia. It was never designed for a place of great streugrth, beiiig 
 built and first designed as a scat of pleasure to the tjrcit duke of Ltrma. 
 In that family it many years remained, thougl , within less than a lentury, 
 that, with two other dukedoms, have devolved upou the family of the duke de 
 Medina Ccli, the richest subject at this time in all Spain. 
 
 Denia was the first town, that, iu our way to Barcelona, declared f r king 
 Charles, and was then by his order made a garrison. The town is but su all, 
 and surrounded with a thin wall, so tbio, that I have known a cauuou hall 
 pierce through it at once. 
 
 When I arrived at Denia, I found a Spaniard governor of the town, whose 
 aame has slipt my memory, though his behaviour minted everlasting annals.
 
 100 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Major Percivar, an Englishman, commanded in the castle, and on my com- 
 ing there I understood it had been agreed upon between them, that in case of 
 a siege, which they apprehended, the town should be defended wholly by 
 Spaniards, and the castle by the English. 
 
 I had scarce been there three weeks before those expectations were answer* 
 ed. The place was invested by count d'Alfelt and major-general Mahout; 
 two days after which they opened trenches on the east side of the town. I 
 was necessitated, npon their so doing, to order the dem dishtr.ent of some 
 houses on that side, that I might erect a battery to point upon their trenches, 
 the better to annoy them. I did so, and it did the intended service ; for with 
 that and two others, which I raised upon the castle (from all which we 
 fired incessantly, and with great success), the besiegers were sufficiently 
 incommoded. 
 
 The governor of the town (a Spaniard as I said before, and with a Spanish 
 garrison) behaved very gallantly, insomucn, that what was said of the prinre 
 of Hesse, when he so bravely defended Gibraltar against the joint forces of 
 France and Spain, might be said of him, that he was governor, engineer, 
 gunner, and bombardier all in one : for no man could exceed him, either in 
 conduct or courage. Nor were the Spaniards under him less valiant or vigi- 
 lant ; for in case the place was taken, expecting but indifferent quarter, they 
 fought with bravery, and defended the place to admiration. 
 
 The enemy had answered our fire with all the ardour imaginable, and 
 having made a breach, that, as we thought, was practicable, a storm was ex- 
 1 pectcd every hour ; preparing against which, to the great joy of all the inha- 
 bitants, and the surprise of the whole garrison, and without our b ing able 
 to assign the least cause, the enemy suddenly raised the siege, and withdrew 
 from a place which those within imagined in great danger. 
 
 The siege thus abdicated (if I may use a modern phrase), I was resolved 
 to improve my time, and make the provision I could against any future 
 attack. To that purpose I made several new fortifications, together with 
 proper casements for our powder, all which rendered the place much stronger, 
 though time too soon shewed me that strength itself must yield to fortune. 
 
 Surveying those works and my workmen, I was one day standing on the 
 great battery, when, casting my eye towards the Barbery coast, 1 observed 
 an odd sort of greenish cloud making to the Spanish shore ; not like other 
 clouds with rapidity or swiftness, but with a motion so slow, that sight itself 
 was a long time before it would allow it such. At last it came just over my 
 head, and, interposing between the sun and me, so thickened the air, that I 
 had lost the very sight of day. At this moment it had reached the land, and 
 though very near me in my imagination, it began to dissolve and lose of its 
 teuebrity, when, all on a sudden, there fell such a vast multitude of locusts, 
 as exceeded the thickest storm of hail or snow that I ever saw. All around 
 rue was immediately covered with those crawling creatures j and they yet
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. i»1 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Citrleton. 
 
 continued to fall so thick, that with the swing of my cane 1 knocked duwn 
 thousands. It is scarce imaginable the havoc I made in a very little space 
 of time; much less conceivable is the horrid desolation which attended the 
 visitation of those aniinalculae. There was not, in a day or two's time, the 
 least leaf to be seen upon a tree, nor any green thing in a garden. Nature 
 aeemed buried in her own ruins, and the vegetable world to be supporters oul* 
 to her monument. I never saw the hardest winter, in those parts, attended 
 with any equal desolation. When, glutton-like, they had devoured all that 
 should have sastained them, and the more valuable part of God's creatioa 
 (whether weary with gorgintr, or over thirsty with devouring, I leave to phi- 
 losophers), they made to ponds, brooks, and standing pools, there rcveuging 
 their own rape upon nature, upon their own vile carcases. In every one of 
 these you might see them lie in heaps like little hills, drowned, inched, but 
 attended with stenches so noisome, that it gave the distracted neigh bourhooa 
 too great reason to apprehend yet more fatal consequences. A pestilential 
 infection is the dread of every place, bat especially of all parts upon the M«- 
 diterranean. The priests, therefore, repaired to a little chapel, built in the 
 open fields, to be made use of on such like occasions, there to deprecate the 
 miserable cause of this dreadful visitation. In a week's time, or thereabouts, 
 the stench was over, and every thing but verdant nature in its pristine order. 
 Some few months after this, and about eight months from the former siege, 
 count d'Alfelt caused Denia to be again invested ; and being then sensible 
 of all the mistakes he had before committed, he now went about his business 
 with more regularity and discretion. The first thing he set upon, and it was 
 the wisest thing he could do, was to cut off our communication with the sea. 
 This he did, and thereby obtained what he much desired. Next, he caused 
 his batteries to be erected on the west side of the town, from which he plied 
 it so furiously, that in five days'* time a practicable breach was made ; upon 
 which they stormed and took it. The governor, who had so bravely defended 
 it in the former siege, fortunately for him, had been removed; and Fraucis 
 Valero, now in his place, was made prisoner of war with all his garrison. 
 
 After the t. king the town, they erected batteries against the castle, which 
 they kept plied with incessant fire, both from cannon ami osortara. But what 
 most of all plagued ns, and did us most mischief, was the vast showers of 
 stoues sent among the garrison from their mortars. These, terrible in bulk, 
 and size, did more execution than all the rest put together. The garrison 
 could not avoid being somewhat disheartened at this uncommon way of 
 Counter ; yet, to a man, declared against hearkening to any proposals of sur- 
 render, the governor excepted ; who, having selected more treasure thau he 
 could properly or justly call his own, was the only person that seemed forward^ 
 for such a motion. He had more than once thrown out expressions of such a 
 nature, bnt without any effect. Nevertheless, having at last secretly ob- 
 tajnsd a peculiar capitulation for himself, bag, and bagguge, the gairievp * as
 
 10j SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 sacrificed to his private interest, and basely given up prisoners of war. By 
 these means, indeed, he saved his money, but lost his reputation ; and soou 
 after, life itself. And sure every body will allow the latter 'oss to be lea«t, 
 who will take pains to consider, that it screened him from the consequential 
 scrutinies of a council of war, which must have issued as the just reward of 
 his demerits. 
 
 The garrison, being thus unaccountably delivered Up and made prisoners, 
 were dispersed different ways : some into Castile, others as far as Oviedo, in 
 the kingdom of Leon. For my own part, having received a contusion in my 
 breast, I was under a necessity of being left behind with the enemy, till I 
 should be in a condition to be removed, and when that time caine, I found 
 myself agreeably ordered to Valencia. 
 
 As a prisoner of war, I must now bid adieu to the active part of the military 
 life; and hereafter concern myself with descriptions of countries, towns, pa- 
 laces, and men, instead of battles. However, if 1 take in my way actions of 
 war, founded on the best authorities, I hope my interspersing such will be u» 
 disadvantage to my own more paeific memoirs. 
 
 So soon as 1 arrived at Valencia, I wrote to our paymaster Mr. Mead, at 
 Barcelona, letting him know, that I was become a prisoner, wounded, and in 
 want of money. Nor could even all those circumstances prevail on me to 
 think it long before he returned a favourable answer, in an order to monsieur 
 Zoulicafre, a banker, to pay me on sight fifty pistoles. But in the same let- 
 ter he gave me to understand, that those fifty pistoles were a present to me 
 from general (afterwards earl) Stanhope ; and so indeed I found it, when I 
 returned into England, my account not being charged with any part of it. 
 But this was not the only test I received of that generous carl's generosity. 
 And where's the wonder, as the world is compelled to own, that heroic ac- 
 tions and largeness of soul ever did discover aud amply distinguish the genu- 
 ine branches of that illustrious family ? 
 
 This recruit to me, however, was the more generous for being seasonable. 
 Benefits are always doubled in their being easily conferred and well timed } 
 and with such an allowance as I constantly had by the order of king Fhi'ip, 
 as prisoner of war, vile, eighteen ounces of mutton per diem for myself, and 
 nine for my man, with bread and wine in proportion, and especially in such a 
 situation ; all this, I say, was sufficient to invite a man to be easy, and almost 
 for ff et his want of liberty, and much more so to me, if it be considered, that 
 that want of liberty consisted only in being debarred from leaving the plea- 
 santest city in all Spain. 
 
 Here I met with the French engineer who made the mine under the rock 
 of the castle at Alicant ; that fatal mine which blew up genera! Richards, 
 colonel Syburg, colonel Thornicroft, and at least twenty more officers. And 
 yet, by the account that engineer gave me, their fate was their own choosing j 
 the general who commanded at that siege being more industrious to gars then
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 102 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 than they were to be saved. He endeavoured it many way* : he went them 
 word of the mine, and their readiness to spring it ; he over and uvr sent them 
 offers of leave to come and take a view of it and inspect it. Notwithstanding 
 al> which, though colonel Thornicroft, arid captain Page, a French engineer 
 in the service of king Charles, pursued the invitation, and were permitted to 
 vi«'w it ; yet would they not believe it, but reported on their return that it 
 was a sham mi:ie, a feint only to intimidate them to a surrender, all the bags 
 being filled with sand instead of gunpowder. 
 
 The very day on which the besiegers designed to spring the mine, they 
 gave notice of it ; and the people of the neighbourhood ran up in crowds to 
 an opposite hill in order to sec it : nevertheless, although those hi the castle 
 taw all this, they still remained so infatuated as to imagine it all done only 
 to affright them. At length the fatal mine was sprung, aud all who were 
 opou that battery lost tin ir lives ; and among them those I first mentioned. 
 The very recital hereof made me think within myself, who can resist his fate ? 
 
 That engineer added further, that it was with an incredible difficulty that 
 he prepared that mine ; that there were in the concavity thirteen hundred 
 barrels of powder; notwithstanding which, it made no great noise without, 
 whatever it might do inwardly ; that only taking away what might be not 
 improperly termed an excrescence in the rock, the heave on the blast had ren- 
 dered the castle rather stronger on that side than it was before ; a crevice or 
 crack, which bad often occasioned apprehensions, being thereby wholly closed 
 and firm. 
 
 Some further particulars I soon aft r had from colonel Syburg's gentle, 
 man-, who, seeing me at the play-house, challenged ine, though at that time 
 unknown to inc. He told me, that the ni.^ht preceding the unfortunate 
 catastrophe of his master, he was waiting on him in the casement, where he 
 observed, sometime before the rest of the company took notice of it, that 
 general Richards appeared very pensive and thoughtful, that the whole uight 
 long he was pestered with and could not get rid of a great fly, which was 
 perpetually buzzing about his ears and head, to the vexation and disturbance 
 of the rest of the company as well as the general himself; that in the morn, 
 ing, when they went up. u the battery, under which the mine was, the general 
 inade many offers of going off; but colonel Sy burgh, who was got a little 
 merry, and the ri *t out of a bravado, would stay, and would not let the gene- 
 ral stir ; that at lasl it was proposed by colonel Syburg to hare the other two 
 bottles to the queen's health, after which he promised they would all goof 
 together. 
 
 Upon this -my relater, Syburg's gentleman, said, he was sent to fetch the 
 stipulated two bottles; returning with which, captain Daniel Wearer, within 
 thirty or forty yards of the battery, ran by him, vowing he was resolved to 
 dnuk the queen's health with them; but his feet were scarce on'the buttery 
 when the mine was sprung, which took him away with the rest of the coax-
 
 1*4 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carkton. 
 
 pany ; while major Harding, now a justice in Westminster, coming that very 
 moment ofFduty, exchanged fates 
 
 If predestination, in the eyes of many, is an unaccountable doctrine, what 
 better account can the wisest give of this fatality; or to what else shall we 
 impute the issue of this whole transaction? That men shall be solicited to 
 their safety, suffered to survey the danger they were threatened with, among 
 many other tokens of its approaching certainty, see *uch a conconrse of peo- 
 ple crowding to be spectators of their impending catastrophe ; and, after all 
 this, so infatuated to stay on the fatal spot the fetching up of the other two 
 battles : whatever it may be to such as never think, to such as plead an use 
 •f reason it must administer matter worthy of the sedatest consideration. 
 
 Being now pretty well recovered of my wounds, I was, by order of the 
 governor of Valencia, removed to Sainte Clemente de la Mancha, a town 
 somewhat more inland, and consequently esteemed more secure, than a semi- 
 seaport. Here I remained under a sort of pilgrimage upwards of three years. 
 To me as a stranger, divested of acquaintance or friend, (for at that instant 
 I was sole prisoner there,) at first it appeared such, though in a very small 
 compass of time I luckily found it made quite otherwise by an agreeable con* 
 rersation. 
 
 Sainte Clemente de la Mancha is rendered famous by the renowned don 
 Hichael Cervantes, who, in his facetious but satirical romance, has fixed it 
 the seat and birth place of his hero Don Quixote. 
 
 The gentlemen of this place are the least priest-ridden, or sons of bigotry, 
 •f any that I met with in all Spain ; of which, in my conversation with them, 
 1 bad daily instances. Among many others, an expression that fell from Don 
 Felix Pacheo, a gentlemen of the best figure thereabout, and of a very plenti- 
 ful fortune, shall now suffice. I was become very intimate with him; and 
 we used often to converse together with a freedom too dangerous to be com- 
 mon in a country so enslaved by the inquisition. Asking me one day in a 
 sort of a jocose manner, who, in my opinion, had done the greatest miracles 
 that ever were heard of? 1 answered, Jesus Christ. " It is very true^* says 
 he, " Jesus Christ did great miracles, and a great one it was to feed five thou- 
 sand people with two or three small fishes, and a like number of loaves : but 
 saint Fraucis, the founder of the Franciscan order, has found out a way to 
 feed daily one hundred thousand lubhards with nothing at all;" meaning the 
 Franciscans, the followers of saint Francis, who have no visible revenues ; 
 yet in their way of living come up to, if they do not exceed, any other order. 
 
 Another day, talking of the place, it naturally led us into a discourse ef the 
 knight of la Mancha, Don Quixote. At which time he told me, that, in his 
 opinion, that work was a perfect paradox, being the best and the worst romance 
 that ever was wrote. " For," says he, " though it must infallibly please 
 every man that has any taste of wit, yet has it had such a fatal effect upon the 
 •pints ef my countrymen, that every man of wit must ever resent; for," cea- 
 
 •*•
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. id 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 tinucd he, " before the appearance in the world of that labour of Cervantes, 
 it was next to an impossibility for any man to walk the streets with any de- 
 light, or without danger. There were seen so many cavalieros pranciug and 
 curvettiag before the windows of tliei" - mistresses, that a stranger would have 
 imagined tlie whole nation to haye been nothing less than a race of kn ght- 
 errants. But after the world became a little acquainted with that notable 
 history, the man that was once seen iu that notable drapery was poiuted at as 
 a Don Quixote, and found himself the jest of high and low. And I verily 
 believe," added he, " that to this, and this only, we owe that dampness and 
 poverty of spirit which has run through all our councils for a century past, so 
 little agreeable to those nobler actions of our famous ancestors." 
 
 After many of these lesser sorts of confidences, don Felix recommended 
 me to a lodging next door to his own. It was at a widow's, who had one 
 only daughter, her house just opposite to a Franciscan nunnery. Here I 
 remained somewhat upwards of two years-, all which time, lying in my bed, 
 I could hear the nuns early in the morning at their matins, and late in the 
 evening at their vespers, with delight enough to myself, aud without the 
 least indeceucy in the World in my thoughts of them. Their own divine em- 
 ploy too much employed every faculty of mine to entertain any thing in- 
 tonsentancous or offensive. 
 
 This my neighbourhood to the nunnery gave me an opportunity of seeing 
 two nuns invested; and in this I must do a justice to the whole country to 
 acknowledge, that a stranger who is curious (I would impute it rather to 
 their hopes of conversion than to their vanity) shall be admitted to much 
 greater freedoms in their religious pageantries than any native. 
 
 One of there nuns was of the first quality, which rendered the ceremony 
 more remarkably fine. The manner of investing them was thus: — In the 
 morning her relations and friends all met at ber father's house, whence, she 
 being attired in her most sumptuous apparel, and a coronet placed on her 
 head, they attended her, in cavalcade, to^he nunnery, the streets and win- 
 dows being crowded, and filled with spectators of all sorts. 
 
 So soou as she entered the chapel belongiug to the nunnery she kneeled 
 down, and, with an appearance of much devotion, saluted the ground, then 
 rising up, she advanced a step or two farther, when, on ber knees, she re 
 peated the salutes j this done, she approached to the altar, where she re-, 
 mained till mass was over ; after which, a sermon was pic.iched by one of the 
 priests, in praise, or rather in an exalted preference, of a single life. The 
 •ermon being over, the nun elect fell down ou her knees before the altar, and, 
 after some short mental orisons, rising again, she withdrew into an inner 
 room, where, stripping off all her rich attire, she put ou her nun's weeds - y 
 in which, making her appearance, she, again kneeling, offered up some 
 private devotions, which, being over, she was led tq the d<;or of the nun- 
 nery, where the lady and the rest of the nuns stood, ready to receive htr 
 VOL. II, O
 
 105 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 with open arms. Thus entered, the nuns conducted her into the quire, 
 where, after they had entertained Iter with singing, and playing upon the 
 organ, the ceremony concluded, and every one departed to their proper ha- 
 bitations. 
 
 The very same day of the year ensuing, the relations and friends of the 
 fair novitiate meet again in the chapel of the nunnery, where the lady abbess 
 brings her out and delivers her to them. Then again is there a sermon 
 preached on the same subject as the first ; which, being over, she is brought 
 up to the altar, in a decent but plain dress, the fine apparel which she put 
 off" on her initiation being deposited on one side of the altar, and her nun's 
 weeds en the other. - Here the priest, in Latin, cries, Utrum horum mavis, 
 accipe:*' to which she answers, as her inclination or. as her instruction di- 
 rects her. If she, after this her year of probation, snows any dislike, she is 
 at liberty to come again into the world : but if, awed by fear (as too often is 
 the case), or won by expectation, or present real inclination, she makes choice 
 of a nun's weeds, she is immediately invested, and must never expect to 
 appear again in the world out of the walls of the nunnery. The young lady 
 1 saw thus invested was very beautiful, and sang the best of any in the 
 nunnery. 
 
 There are in the town three nunneries, and a Convent to every one of 
 them, viz. : one of Jesuits, one of Carmelites, and the other of Franciscans. 
 Let me not be so far mistaken lo have this taken by way of reflection. No ! 
 whatever some of our rakes of the town may assert, I freely declare, that I 
 never saw in any of the nunneries (of which I have seen many both in Spain 
 and other parts of the world) any thing like indecent behaviour that might 
 give occasion for satire or disesteem. It is true, there may be accidents that 
 may lead to a misinterpretation, of which I remember a very untoward in- 
 stance in Alicant. 
 
 When the English forces first laid siege to that town, the priests, who 
 were apprehensive of it, having heen long since made sensible of the pro- 
 found regard to chastity and modesty of us heretics, by the ignominious be- 
 haviour of certain officers at Rota and Porta St. Maria,* the priests, I say, 
 had taken care to send away privately all the nuns to Majorca. But that the 
 heretic invaders might have no jealousy of it, the fair courtizans of the town 
 were admitted to supply their room. The officers, both of land and sea, as 
 was by the friars pre-imagined, on taking the town and castle, immediately 
 repaired to the grates of the nunnery, tossed over their handkerchiefs, nose. 
 gays, and other pretty things ; all which were doubtless very graciously re- 
 ceived by those imaginary recluses. Thence came it to pass, that, in the 
 spare of a month or less, you could hardly fall into company of any one of 
 our younger officers, of either sort, but the discourse, if it might deserve 
 the name, was concer*ing these beautiful nuns ; and you would have ima- 
 gined the price of these ladies as well known as that of flesh is their com*. 
 
 :\
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CIIRONICL 107 
 
 Memoirs of Captabi Carleton. 
 
 mon markets. Others, as well as myself, have often endeavoured to disabuse 
 those gloriosos, but all to little purpose, till more sensible token* convinced 
 them, that the nuns, of whose favours they so much boasted, could hardly be 
 perfect virgins, though in a cloister. And 1 am apt t» think, Those who 
 would palm upon the world like virions relations of nuus and nunneries do 
 it on much like grounds. Not that there are wanting instances of nunneries 
 disfranchised, and even demolished, upon very flagrant accounts ; but I 
 confine myself to Spain. 
 
 In this town of la Maneha, the corrigidore always has his presideuce, 
 having sixteen others under his jurisdiction, of which Almanza is one. 
 They are changed every three years, and their offices are the purchase of an 
 excessive price, which occasions the poor people's bring extravagantly 
 fleeced, nothing being to be sold but at the rates they impose ; and every 
 thing that is sold paying the corrigidore an acknowledgment in specie, or an 
 equivalent to his liking. 
 
 While I was here, news came of the battle of Almanar and Sarragosa ; and 
 giving the victory to that side which they espoused (that of king Philip), 
 ♦hey made very great rejoicings ; but soon, alas ! for them, was all that 
 joy couvcrted into sorrow ; the next courier evincing, that the forces of 
 king Charles had been victorious in both engagements. This did not turn 
 to my present disadvantage ; for convents and nunneries, as well as some of 
 those dons, whom afore I had not stood so well with, strove now how most 
 to oblige mc, not doubting but if the victorious army should march that way, 
 it might be in my power to double the most sigual of their services in my 
 friendship. 
 
 Soon after an accident fell out, which had like to have been of an unhappy 
 consequence to me. I was standing in company, upon the parade, when a 
 most surprising flock of eagles flew over our heads, where they hovered for a 
 considerable time ; the novelty struck them all with admiration as well as 
 vyself. But I, less accustomed to like spectacles, innocently saying, that, 
 in my opinion, it could not bode any good to king Philip, because the eagle 
 composed the arms of Austria-, some busy hody, in hearing, went and in. 
 formed the corrigidore of it. Those most magisterial wretches embrace all 
 •ccasions of squeezing money, and more especially from strangers. How. 
 ever, finding his expectations disappointed in me, and that 1 too well knew 
 the length of his foot to let my money run freely, he sent me next day to 
 Alercon; but the governor of that place, having had before intelligence that 
 the English army was advancing that way, refused to rece ve me, so I re- 
 turned as 1 went ; only the geutlemea of the place, as they had condoled the 
 first, congratulated the last ; for that corrigidore stood hut very indifferently 
 in their affections. However, it was a warning to inr ever after, how 1 made 
 nse of English freedom in a Spanish territory. 
 
 As 1 had attained the acquaintance of must of the clergy and religions of
 
 108 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 ■ ■ ' ' ' ^ — ^»— -"'" — — — ^— — « 
 
 Memoirs vf Captain Carleton. 
 
 ■*•■■'> ■ . 
 
 the place, si/particularly I had my aim in obtaining that of the provincial of 
 the Carmelites. His convent, though small, was exceeding neat ; but, what 
 to me was jhuch more agreeable, there were very large gardens belonging to 
 it, which often furnished me with salladiug and fruit, and much ofteuer with 
 walks of refreshment, the most satisfactory amusement in this warm climate. 
 This acquaintance with the provincial was by a little incident soon adyanced 
 into a friendship, which was thus : I was one day walking, as I used to do, 
 in the long gallery of the convent, when, observing the images of the virgin 
 Mary, of which there was one at each end, 1 took notice that one had an in- 
 scription under it, which was this: " Ecce virgo peperit Jilium;" but the 
 other had no inscription at all 5 upon which 1 took out my pencil and wrote 
 underneath this line: " Sponsa Dei, patrisque parens, et Jiliajilii." 
 
 The friars, who at a little distance had observed me, as soon as I was 
 gone, came up and read what I had writ ; reporting which to the provincial, 
 he ordered them to be writ over in letters of gold, and placed just as 1 had 
 put them ; saying, doubtless, such a fine line could proceed from nothing 
 less than inspiration. This secured me ever after his and their esteem ; 
 the least advantage of uhich was a full liberty of their garden for all man- 
 ner of fruit, sallading, or whatever I pleased ; and, as I said before, the 
 gardens were too fine not to render such a fredom acceptable. 
 
 They often want rain in this country, to supply the defect of which, I ob- 
 served in this garden, as well as others, an invention not unuseful. There 
 is a well in the middle of the garden, and over that a wheel with many 
 pitchers or buckets, one under another, which wheel being turned round by 
 an ass, the pitchers scoop up the water on one 6ide, and throw it out on the 
 other into a trough, that by little channels conveys it as the gardiner directs, 
 into every part of the garden. By this means their flowers and their sallad- 
 ing are continually refreshed, and preserved from the otherwise over-purch. 
 ing beams of the sun. 
 
 The inquisition, in almost every town in Spain, and more especially, if of 
 any great account, has its spies or informers for treacherous intelligence. 
 These make it their business to ensnare the simple and unguarded ; and are 
 more to be avoided by the stranger than the rattlesnake, nature having ap- 
 pointed no such happy tokens in the former to foreshew the danger. I had 
 reason to believe that one of those vermin once made his attack upon me in 
 this place; and as they are very rarely if ever known to the natives them- 
 selves, I being a stranger, may be allowed to make a guess by circumstances. 
 
 I was walking by myself, when a person wholly uuknown to me, giving 
 me the civil salute of the day, endeavoured to draw me into conversation. 
 After questions had passed on general heads, the fellow ensn;<ringly asked 
 me, how it came to pass, that i shewed so little respect to the image of the 
 crucified Jesus as I passed by it in surh a street, naming it? I made 
 answer, that I had or ought to have him always in my heart crucified. To 
 
 ft
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 109 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 that he made no reply ; but, proceeding in Lis interrogatories, questioned me 
 next, whether I believed a purgatory? I evaded the question, as I took it 
 to be ensnaring, and only told him that I should be willing to hear him offer 
 any thing that might convince me of the truth or probability of it. " Truth," 
 he replied in a heat j " there never yet was a man so holy as to enter heaven 
 without first passing through purgatory."." Jn my opinion," said f, "there 
 will be no difficulty in convincing a reasonable man to the contrary."— 
 ** What mean you by that ?" cried the spy. " I mean," said I, " that I can 
 name one, and a great sinner too, who weut into bliss without any visit to 
 purgatory." " Name him, if you can,," replied my querist. " What think 
 you of the thief upon the cross," saidl, " to whom our, dying saviour said, 
 llodie eris mecum in paradtso .'" at which, being silenced, though uot con- 
 victed, he turn d frost me in a violent rage, and left me to nays- If. 
 
 What lowercased my first suspicion of him was, that a very short time after, 
 my tiii .11I tin' provincial sent to speak with me; and, repeating all passages > 
 
 between the holy spy and me, assured me, that he had been forced to argue 
 in my favour, and tell him, that I had said nothing but well: " For," says 
 he, " all ought to have the holy Jesus crucified in their hearts. Neverthe- 
 less," continued he, " it is a commendable and good thing to have him re- 
 presented in the highways; for, suppose," said he, ''a man was going 
 upon some base or profligate design, the very sight of a crucified Saviour 
 may happen to subvert his resolution, and deter him from committing theft, 
 murder, or any other of the deadly sins." And thus ended that conference. 
 
 I remember upon some other occasional conversation after, the provincial 
 told me, that in the Carmelite uunuery next to his convent, aud under his 
 care, there was a nun thafcwas daughter to don Juan of Austria: if so, her 
 age mibt render her venerable as her quality. 
 
 Taking notice one day that all the people of the place fetched their water 
 from a well without the town, although they had many seemingly as good 
 within, 1 spoke to don Felix of it, who gave mc, under the seal of sccresy, this 
 reason for it, " When the seat of the war," said he, " lay in Ikess parts, the 
 French train of artillery was co:ninonly quartered in this place : the officers 
 and soldiers of which were so very rampant and rude, iu attempting to 
 debauch our women, that there is not a well within the town which has not 
 some Frenchman's bones at the bottom of it ; therefore the natives, who are 
 sensible of it, choose rather to go farther afield." 
 
 By this well there runs a little rivulet, which gives head to that famous 
 river called the Gnadiana ; which, running for some leagues under ground, 
 affords a pretence for the natives to boast of abridge on which they feed 
 many thousands of sheep. When it rises again it is a tine large river, and, 
 after a currency of many leagues, empties itself into the Atlantic <■• 
 
 As to military affairs, Almanur and Sarragosa were victories so complete, 
 that no body made the least doubt of their settling the crown of Spain upo».
 
 no SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 » - -—' .' ■ — **-' 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 X 
 
 the head of Charles the third, without a rival. This was not barely the 
 oniniou of his friends, but his very enemies resigned all hope or expectation 
 in favour of king Philip. The Castiliaus, his most faithful friends, enter* 
 tained no other imagination ; for, after they had advised and prevailed that 
 the queen with the prince of Anurias should be sent to Victoria, under the 
 same despondency, and a full dispiritedness, they gave him so little encou. 
 rageineut to stay in Madrid, that he immediately quitted the place, with a 
 resolution to retire into his grandfather's dominions, the place of his 
 nativity. 
 
 In his way to which, even on the last day'6 journey, it was his great good 
 fortune to meet the duke of Vendosme, with some few troops, which his. 
 VV grandfather Louis the fourteenth of France had ordered to hi6 succour, nn- 
 ^^-der that duke's cominaud. The duke was grievously affected at such an 
 wuexpected catastrophe ; nevertheless he left nothing unsaid or undone, 
 that might induce that prince to turn back ; and at length prevailing, aftcp 
 a little rest, and a great deal of patience, by the coming in of his scattered 
 troops, and some few he could rise, together with those that duke brought 
 vith him, he once more saw himself at the head of twenty thousand men. 
 
 While things were in this manner, under motion in king Philip's favour, 
 Charles the third, with his victorious army, advances forward and eaters into 
 Madrid, of which he made general Stanhope governor. And even here the 
 Castiliaus gave fall proof of their fidelity to their prince ; even at the time 
 when, in their opinion, his affairs were past all hopes af retrieve, they them- 
 selves having, by their advice, contributed to his retreat. Instead of pru- 
 dential acclamations, therefore, such as might have answered the expecta- 
 tions of a victorious prince, now entering into their capital, their streets were 
 all in a profound silence, their balconies unadorned with costly carpets, as 
 was customary on like occasions ; and scarce an inhabitant to be seen in either 
 shop or window. 
 
 This, doubtless, was no little mortification to a conquering prince ; how- 
 ever, his generals were wise enough to keep him from shewing any other 
 tokens of resentment than marching through the city with unconcern, and 
 taking up his quarters at Villaverda, about a league from it. 
 
 Nevertheless king Charles visited, in his march, the chapel of the Lady 
 de Atocha, where finding several English colours and standards, taken in the 
 battle of Almanza, there hung up, he ordered them to he taken down and 
 restored them to the English general. 
 
 It was a current opinion then, and almost universal consent has since con- 
 firmed it, that the falsest step in that whole war was this advancement of 
 king Charles to Madrid. After those two remarkable victories at Almanar 
 and Sarragosa, had be directed his march to Pampeluna, and obtained pos- 
 session of that place, or some other near it, he had not only stopt all succours 
 from coming out of France, but he would, in a great measure, have prevented.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. Ill 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Cartcton. 
 
 ♦he gathering together of any of the routed and dispersed forces of king 
 Philip: and it was the general notion of the Spaniards I conversed with while 
 at Madrid, that had king Philip once again set his foot upon French land, 
 Spain would never have heen brought to haa* re-acknowledged him. 
 
 King Charles with his army having staid some time about Madrid, and 
 seeing his expectations of the Castilian* joinhi* him not at all answered, at 
 last resolved to decamp and return to Sarragosa. Accordingly, with a very 
 few troops, that prioce advanced thither; while the main body, under the 
 command of the generals Stanhope and Starcmherg, passing under the ver/ 
 walls of MadrM, held on their march towards Arragou. 
 
 After about three days' march, general Stanhope took up his quarters at 
 Breuhiga, a small town half walled; general Staremberg marching threa 
 leagues farther to Cifuentes. This ck<Mce of situation of the two several armies 
 not a little puzzled the politicians of those times, who could very indifferently 
 account for the English general's lying exposed in an open town, with his few 
 English forces, of which general Harvey's regiment of fine horse might be 
 deemed the main ; and general Staremberg encamping three leagues farther 
 off the enemy. But to see the vicissitudes of fortune, to which the actions 
 of the bravest, by an untoward sort of fatality, are often forced to contribute? 
 ■None who had been eye-witnesses of the bravery of either of those generals 
 at the battles of Almanar and Sarragosa could find room to call in question 
 *ither their conduct or their courage ; and yet in this march and this encamp- 
 ment will appear a visible ill consequence to the affairs of the interest they 
 fought fur. 
 
 That duke of Vendosme, having increased the forces which he brought front 
 Trance to upwards of twenty thousand men, marches by Madrid directly for 
 Breuhiga, where his intelligence informed him general Stanhope lay, and that 
 so secretly as well as swiftly that that general knew nothing of it, nor Could 
 be persuaded to believe it tiH the very moment their bullets from the enemy's 
 cannon convinced him of the truth. Breuhiga, I have said, was walled only 
 •none side, and yet on that very side the enemy made their attack. But 
 what could a handful do against a force so much superior, though they had 
 not been in want of both powder and ball ; and, in want of these, were forced 
 to make use of stones against all sorts of ammunition which the enemy plied 
 them with ? The const quence answered the deficiency; they were all made 
 prisoners of war, and Harvey's regiment of horse among the rest ; which, to 
 augment their calamity, was immediately remounted by the enemy, aud 
 marched along with their army to attack general Staremberg. 
 
 The general had heard somewhat of the march of Vendosme, and wait, d 
 with tome impatieuce to have the confirmation of it from general Stanhope, 
 who lay between, and whom he lay under an expectation of being joined with ; 
 however, he thought it not improper to make some little advance towards 
 
 la 
 
 him : aud accordingly, breaking up from bis camp at Cifueutts, he came back
 
 112 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 to Villa Viciosa, a little town between Cifucntes and Breuhiga. There he 
 found Vendosme ready to attack him, before he conld well be prepared for 
 bina, but no English to join him, as he had expected; nevertheless, the battle 
 was hot and obstinately fought ; althongh Staremberg had visibly the advan- 
 tage, having beat the enemy at least a league from their cannon ; at which 
 time, hearing of the misfortune of Breuhiga,. and finding himself thereby 
 frustrated of those unexpected succours to support him, he made a hand- 
 some retreat to Barcelona, which in common calculation is about one hun- 
 dred leagues, without any disturbance of an enemy that seemed glad to be rid! 
 of him. Nevertheless, his baggage having fallen into the hands of the ene- 
 my, at the beginning of the fight, king Philip and the duke of Vendosme ge. 
 nerousfy returned it unopened and untouched, in acknowledgement of his 
 brave behaviour. 
 
 I had like to have omitted one material passage, which I was very credibly 
 informed of; that general Carpenter offered to have gone, and have joined 
 general Staremb rg with the horse, which was refused him. This was cer- 
 tainly an oversight of the highest nature; since his going would have 
 strengthened Staremberg almost to the assurance of an entire victory ; where- 
 as his stay was of no manner of service, but quite the contrary : for, as I said 
 before, the enemy, by remounting the English horse, (which perhaps were the 
 completest of any regiment in the world,) turned, if 1 may be allowed the ex- 
 pression, the strength of our artillery upon our allies. 
 
 Upon this retreat of Staremberg, and the surprise at Breuhiga, there were 
 great rejoicings at Madrid, and every where else, where king Philip's interest 
 prevailed. And indeed it might be said, from that day the interest of king 
 Charles looked with a very lowering aspect. I was still a prisoner at Lai 
 Mancha, when this news arrived; and very sensibly affected at that strange 
 turn of fortune. I was in bed when the express passed through fhe town, hi 
 order to convey it farther; and in the middle of the night I heard a certain 
 Spanish don, with whom, a little before, I had had some little variance, thun- 
 dering at my door, endeavouring to burst it open, with, as I had reason to 
 believe, no very favourable design upon me. But my landlady, who hitherto 
 had always been kind and careful, calling don Felix and some others of my 
 friends together, saved me from the fury of his designs, whatever they were. 
 
 Among other expressions of the general joy upon this occasion, there was 
 a bull-feast at La Mancha ; which being much beyond what I saw at Valen- 
 cia, I shall here give a description of. These bull-feasts are not so common 
 now in Spain as formerly, king Philip not taking much delight in them. 
 Nevertheless, as soon as it was published here, that there was to be one, no' 
 other discourse was heard ; and in the talk of" the bulls, and the great prepa- 
 rations for the feast, men seemed to have lost or to have laid aside all thoughts 
 of the very occasion. A week's time was allowed for the building of stalls 
 for the beasts, and scaffolds for the spectators, and oher ilL-cessar y prepar: 
 tions fvr the setting oil their joy with the most suitable splendour.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 119 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carfeton. 
 
 On the day appointed for tlie bringing the bulls into town, the cavalieroes 
 mounted their hones, and, with spears in their hands, rode out of town about 
 a league, or somewhat more, to meet theiu : if any of the bulls break from 
 the drove, anil make an excursion (as they frequently do), the ravaliero that 
 can make him return again to his station anion/ his companions is held in 
 honour suitable to the d xtnity and address he performs it with. On their 
 entrance into the town all the windows arc filled with spectators; a pope 
 passing in grand procession could not have more •, for what can be more than 
 all ? And he or s'.e who woxild uegloct so rare a show would give occasion 
 to have hie or her legitimacy called in question. 
 
 When they came to the Plaza, where the stalls and scaffolds are built, and 
 upon which the feats of chivalry are to be performed, it is often with a great 
 deal of difficulty that the brutes are got in ; for there are twelve stalls, one 
 for ev. ry bull, and as their number grows less by the installing of some, the 
 remainder often prove more intractable aad unruly -, in these stalls they are 
 kept very dark to render them fiercer for the day of battle. 
 
 On the first of the days appointed (for a bull-feast commonly lasts three), 
 all the gentry of the place, or near adjacent, resort to the Plaza in their most 
 gaudy apparel, every one vying in making the most glorious appearance. 
 Those in the lower ranks provide themselves with spears, or a great many 
 small darts in their hands, whi <h they fail not to cast or dart whenever the 
 bull, by his nearness, greet them an opportunity. So that the poor creature 
 maybe said to tight, uot only with the tauriro, (or bull-hunter, a person al- 
 ways hired for that purpose,) but with tKe whole multitude in the lower class 
 at least. 
 
 All being seated, the uppermost door is opened first ; and as soon as ever 
 the bull perceives the light, out he comes, snuffing up the air, and staring 
 about him, as if in admiration of his attendants ; and with hit tail rocked up 
 he spurns the ground with hi- fore feet, as if he intended a challengr to hit 
 yet unnppeariug antagonist. Then, at a door appoiuted for that purpose, 
 enters the tauriro all in white, holding a cloak in one baud, and a sharp two 
 %"lt,rd sword iu the other. The bull no sooner *ets eyes upon hiiu, but, wildly 
 staring, he moves gently towards him; then gradually mends his pace, till he 
 is come within about the space of twenty yards of the tauriro, when, with a sort 
 of spring, he makes at him with all his might. The tauriro, knowing by fre- 
 quent experience, that it behoves him to be watchful, slips aside just when 
 the bull is at him ; when, casting his cloak over his horns, at the same mo- 
 ment he gives him a slash or two, always aiming at the neck, ishere there hi 
 one particular place, which, if he hit, he knows be shall easily bung him to 
 the ground. 1 myself observed the truth of ibis experiment mule upon one 
 of the bulls, who re ce i ve d no more than one cut, which, happening upon the 
 fatal spot, so stunned him, that he remained perfectly stupid, the blood flow - 
 ng out from the wound, till, alter a violent trembling, he dropt down (tone 
 VOL II. P
 
 114 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlelon. 
 
 dead. But thi« rarely -happens, and the poor creature oftener receives many 
 wounds and numberless darts before be dies. Yet, whenever he feels a freslv 
 wound, either from dart, spear, or sword, his rage receives addition from the 
 wound, and lie pursues his tauriro with an increase of fury and violence 
 Apd as often as he makes at his adversary, the tauriro takes, care, with the 
 utmost .of his agility, to avoid him, and reward his kind intention with anew- 
 wound. 
 
 Some of their bulls will play their parts much better than others ; but ihe- 
 best must die. For, when they have behaved themselves with all the- com- 
 mendable fury possible, if the tauriro is spent, and fail of doing execution 1 
 upon him, they set dogs upon, him, hough him j aud stick him all over with 
 darts, till, with very loss of blood, he puts an end to their present cruelty. 
 When dead, a man brings in two mules dressed out with boils aud feathersj 
 and, fastening a rope about his horns, draws off the bull with the shouts and i 
 acclamations of the spectators, as if the iniidels had been drove from before 
 Ceuta. 
 
 1 had almost forgot another very common piece of barbarous pleasure at 
 these diversions. The tauriro will sometimes stick one of their bull-spears 
 fast in the ground, aslant, but levelled as near as be caw at bis chest ; then, 
 presenting himself to the bull, just bfefore the- point of the spear, on his taking 
 his run at the tauriro, which, as they assured me, he always does with bis eyes 
 closed, the tauriro slips oh one side, and the poor creature runs with a vio- 
 lence often to stick himself, and sometimes to break the spear in his chest, 
 running away with part of it till he drop. 
 
 This tauriro was accounted one of the best in Spain ; and indeed I saw him 
 mount the back of one of the bulls, and ride on him, slashing and cutting till 
 he had quite wearied him ^ at which time dismounting, he killed him with 
 much ease, aud to the acclamatory satisfaction of the v. hole concourse: for 
 variety of cruelty as well as dexterity administers to their delight. 
 
 The taurirots are very well paid, and, in truth, so they ought to be ; for 
 they often lose theis -lives in the emersion., as this did the year after in -the 
 way of his calling. Yet is it a service of very great profit when they perform 
 dexterously: for, whenever they do 3ny. thiug remarkable, deserving the 
 notice of the spectators, they never fail of a generous gratification, money 
 being thrown down to them in plenty. 
 
 This feast (as they generally do) lasted three-days ; the last of whirh was, 
 in my opinion, much before either of the others. On this, a young gentle> 
 man, whose name was don Pedro Ortega, a person of great quality, performed 
 the exercise on horseback. The seats, if not more crowded, were tilled with 
 people of better fashion, who came from places at a distance to grace the 
 noble tauriro. 
 
 H© was finely mounted, and made a very graceful figure: but as, when the 
 foot tauriro engages, the bull first enters j so, in this contest, tlit-cavaliero
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 115 
 
 1 .. . ' ■ . : 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carktun. 
 
 always makes his appearance on the Plaza before the bull. His steed was a 
 nianegcd horse j mounted on which he made his entry, attended by four'foot- 
 men in rich liveries ; who, as soon as their master Irad rid round, and paHl 
 his devoirs to all the spectators, withdrew from the dangers they left him 
 exposed to. The cavali<-ro having thus made his bows, and received th* 're- 
 peated tivasof that va«t concourse, marched with a stately air to the very 
 middle of the Plaza, there 'Standing ready to receive his enemy at coming out. 
 The door being opened, the bull appeared-, and, as 1 thought, with a fiercer 
 and more threatening aspect than any of the former. He stared around him 
 for a •considerable t'me, niiuffing up the air, and spurning the ground, with- 
 out in the least taking notice of his antagonist. But, at last, fixing his cye» 
 upon him, he made a full run at the cavaliero, which he most dextevcmsly 
 avoided, and, at the same moment of time, passing by, he cast a dart that 
 stuck in his shoulders At this, the shouts and vivas were repeated; and I 
 observed a -handkerchief wared twice or thrice, which, as I afterwards under- 
 stood, was a signal from tire lady of his affections, that she had beheld him 
 with satisfaction. I took notice, that the cavaliero endeavoured to keep aside 
 the bull for the advantage of the stroke; when, putting his horse on a fail 
 career, he threw another dart, which fixed in his side, and so enraged the 
 beast, thai he seemed to renew his attacks with greater fury. The cavaliero 
 had behaved himself to admiration, and escaped many dangers, with the often 
 repeated acclamations of viva, viva • when, at last, the enraged creature gef- 
 ting his horns between the horse's hinder legs, man and horse came both to- 
 gether to the ground. 
 
 I expected at that .moment nothing less than death could be the issde; 
 when, to the general surprise, as well as mine, the very civil brute, author of 
 all the mischief, only withdrew to the other side of the Plaza, where he stood 
 ■till, staring about him as if he knew nothing of the matter. 
 
 The cavaliero wa* carried off not much hurt, but his delicate beast suffer- 
 ed much mote However, 1 could not hut think afterward, that the good- 
 natured bull came short of fair play. If I may be pardoned the expression, 
 he had used his adversary with more humanity than he met with; at least, 
 since, after he had !he cavaliero under, be generously forsook him, I think 
 he might have pleaded, or others' for him, for better treatment than he after 
 met with, For, as the cavaliero was disabled and carried off, the foot tauriro 
 entered in while accoutrements as before; but he nattered himself with an 
 easier com|w«m than Ire found. There is always on these occasions, when he 
 apprehends atry immii.eiit danger, a place of retreat ready for the foot tauriro; 
 •ud well for bin there eras bo; this bull obliged him ore r and over to make 
 i it. Itersras h< ah!, al I... • t" dispatch him without a general a* t- 
 asice ; fe>r I be li-vel epeak within compass when I say, he "had more than an 
 .. ed d-rrts stock mliitn irbarouah was he mangled, add si 
 
 it, in my minei, ! could ne.t but think king Philip in the sight 
 wfctn he said, '< that it v, as a custom deterred little encouragement.'*
 
 Ii6 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 ■ —i. 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Soon after this tauridorc or bull-feast was over, 1 bad a mind to take a 
 pleasant walk to a little town railed Minai, about three leagues off; but I 
 was scarce got out of La ftf ancha, when an acquaintance, meeting me, asked 
 where I was going? I told him to Minai; when, taking me by the hand, 
 "Friend Gorgio," says he in Spanish, "tome back with me; you shall 
 »ot go a stride farther ; there are picarons that way ; you shall not go. 1 ' In- 
 quiring, as we went back, into his meaning, he told me, thai the day before, 
 a man who had received a sum of money in pistoles, at La Mancha, was, oh 
 the road, set upon by some, who had got notice of it, and murdered ; that 
 not finding the money expected about him (for he had cautiously enough 
 left it in a friend's hands at La Mancha), they concluded be had swallowed 
 it, and therefore they ripped up his belly, and opened every gut, but all to 
 little purpose. This diverted my walk for that time. 
 
 But, some little time after, the same person inviting me over to the same 
 place to see his melon-grounds, which in that country are wonderful fine and 
 pleasant, I accepted his invitation, and, under the advantage of his company, 
 went thither. On the road I took notice of a cross newly ereced, and a 
 number of small stones around the foot of it; asking the meaning of it, my 
 friend told me, that it was raised for a person there murdered (as is the 
 custom throughout Spain), and that every good catholic passing by held it 
 his duty to cast a stone upon the place, in detestation of the murder. I had 
 often before taken notice of many such crosses, but never till then knew the 
 meaning of their erection, or the reason of the heaps of stones around them. 
 
 There is no place in all Spain more famous for good wine than Saiute 
 Clemente de la Mancha, nor is it any where sold cheaper ; for, as it is only 
 an inland town, near no navigable river, and the people temperate to a pro- 
 verb, great plenty and a small vend must consequently make it cheap. The 
 wine here is so famous, that, when I came to Madrid, 1 saw wrote ove.r the 
 doors of some houses that sold wine, " Vino Sainte Clemente." As to the 
 temperance of,the people, 1 must say, that, notwithstanding those two ex- 
 cellent qualities of good and cheap, I never saw, all the three years I was 
 prisoner there, any one person overcome with drinking. 
 
 It is true, there may be a reason, and a political one, assigned for that 
 abstemiousness of theirs, which is this, that if any man, upon any occasion, 
 should be brought in as an evidence against you, if you can prove that he 
 was ever drunk, it will invalidate his whole evidence. I could not but think 
 this a grand improvement upon the Spartans: they made their slaves pur- 
 posely drunk to shew their youth the folly of the vice by the sottish be- 
 haviour of their servants under it ; but they never reached to that noble 
 height of laying a penalty upon the aggressor, or of discouraging a voluntary 
 impotence of reason by a disreputable impotence of interest. The Spaniard, 
 therefore, in my opinion, in this exceeds the Spartan, as much a* a natural 
 beauty exceeds one procured by art ; for, though shame may somewhat in-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. H7 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carltton. 
 
 rluence some few, tenor is of tore* to deter all. A man, we liave seen it, 
 may shake hands with ■haute j but interest, nays another proverb, will mver 
 lie. A wise institution, therefore, douhtless, is this of the Spaniard 5 hut 
 ■such as, I fear, will never take place in Gtrniauy, Holland, Fiance, or Great 
 Britain. 
 
 But though I commend their temperance, 1 would not be thought hy any 
 moans to approve of their bigotry. If there may he such a thing as intem- 
 perance in religion, I much fear their ebriety in that will be found to be over- 
 measure. Under the notion of devotion, I have seen men umoiig them, and 
 of sense too, guilty of the grossest intemperances. It is too common to he 
 a rarity, to see their dons of the prime quality, as well as those of the lower 
 ranks, upon meeting a priest in the open streets, condescend to take up the 
 lower part of his vestment and sa'.ute it, with eyes erected, as if they looked 
 upon it as the seal of salvation. 
 
 When the ave-bell is heard, the hearer must down on his knees on the very 
 spot, nor is he allowed the small indulgence of deferring a little, till he caa 
 recover a clean place j dirtiness excuses not, nor will dirty actions by any 
 meaus exempt. This is so notorious, that even at the play-house, in the 
 middle of a scene, on the first sound of the bell, the actors drop their dis- 
 course, the auditors supersede the indulgiug of their aaaanctified ears, and 
 all, on their knees, bend their tongues, if not their hearts, quite a different 
 way to what they just before had been employed in. In short, though they 
 pretend in all this to an extraordinary measure of zeal and real devotion, ua 
 man that lives among them any time can be a proselyte to them, without 
 immolating his senses and his reason ; yet, I must confess, while 1 have seea 
 them thus deluding themselves with avemarias, I could not refrain throwing' 
 up my eyes to the only proper object of adoratiou, in commiseration of inch 
 delusions. 
 
 The bourn of the ave-bell are eight and twelve in the morning, and fix in 
 the evening. They pretend at the first to fall down to beg that God would 
 be pleased to prosper them in all things they go about that day ; at tv. 
 they return thanks for their preservation to that time; and at six, for that 
 •T the whole day ; after which one would think that they imagine then. i 
 
 at perfect liberty, and their open gallantries perfectly countenance tl 
 gination ; for, though adultery is looked upon as a grievous crime, in 
 nislicd accordingly, yet fornication is softened with the title of a venial sin t 
 aud they seem to practice it under that persuasion. 
 
 I found here what Erasmus ridicules with so much wit aud delicacy, the* 
 custom of burying in a Franci can's, habit, in mighty request. Ii th< y « us 
 for that purpjsa procure an old one for the price of a new one, th 
 will look upon himself a provident thap, thut has secured to hit 
 friend or relation no less than heaven by that wise bai 
 
 The evening being almost the only time of enjoyment of company or con- 
 versation, every body iu Spsiu then greedily seeks it j and the streets are at
 
 lift SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletou. 
 
 that tiiue crowded like our finest gardens or most private walks. On on» of 
 those occasions, I met a don of my acquaintance walking out with his sis. 
 ters ; and, as 1 thought it became a English cavalier, 1 saluted him ; but, to 
 Hiy surprise, he never returned ihe civility Y\ hen I met him the day afterj 
 instead of au apology, as I flattered myself, I received a reprimand, though « 
 very civil one, telling me it was not tie custom in Sain, nor well taken of 
 any one, that took notice of any who were walking in th« company of ladies 
 at night. 
 
 jSut a night or two after, I foMnd by experience, that, if the men were by 
 custom prohibited taking notice, women were not. I was standing at the 
 door, iu the cool of the evening, when a woman, seemingly g- nteel, p;<s.stng- 
 by, called me by my name, telling me she wanted to 6 - ,«ak with me. She 
 bad iker mantilio op ; so that, had 1 had day light, I could have only wen 
 one eye of her. However, 1 walked with her a good while, without being 
 able to discover any thing of her business, nor passed there between us any 
 thing more than a conversation upon different matters. Nevertheless, at 
 parting, she told me she should pass by a^ain the next evening ; and if 1 
 would be at the door she would give me the same advantage of a conversa- 
 tion that seemed not to displease me. Accordingly, the next day she came, 
 and, as before, we walked together in the privates* parts of the town; for, 
 though I knew her not, her discourse was always entertaining and full of 
 wit, and her inquiries not often improper. We had continued this intercourse 
 many nights together, when my landlady's daughter having taken notice of 
 it, stopped me one eveuing, and would not allow me to stand at the usual 
 post of intelligence, saying, with a good deal of heat, u Don Gorgio, take 
 my advice, go no more along with that woman; yon may soon be brought 
 home deprived of your life if yon do." I cannot say whether she knew her$ 
 but this 1 must say, she was very agreeable in wit as well as person. How- 
 ever, my landlady and her daughter took that opportunity of giving me so 
 many instances of the fatal issues of such innocent conversations (for I could 
 not call it an intrigue), that, apprehensive enough of the danger, on laying 
 circumstance* together, I took her advice, and never went into hey company 
 after. 
 
 Saint Clemente de la Msncba, where I so long remained a prisoner of war, 
 lies in the road from Madrid to Valencia ; and the duke of Vendosme being 
 ordered to the latter, great preparations were made for his entertainment as 
 he passed through. He staid here only one night, where he was very hand- 
 somely treated by the corrigidor. He was a tail fair person and very fat, 
 and a$ the time I saw him, wore a long black patch over his left eve : but 
 •n what occasion I could not learn. The afterwards famous Alberoni (since 
 luade a cardinal) was iu his attendance, as, indeed, the duke was very rarely 
 without him. I remember that very day three weeks they returned through 
 tiit *a«ie place j the duke in his hearse, and Alberoni in a coach, paying his
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CTtRONICLE. 1 19 
 
 " ' — : : : r—. - — *■ 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlctoji. 
 
 last doties. The duke wan a' prodigious lover of fish, of which, having eat 
 «.-.-. r heartily at Vcneros, in the pro\ ince of Valencia, lie took a surfeit, and 
 died in throe days' tin»e. His corpse wa« carrying to the escurial, there to ha 
 buried in the pantheon tmonj tl»eir king*. 
 
 The Castilians have a privilege by license from the pope, which, if it could 
 hart* twin 'Converted >nto a prohibition, might have saved the duke's lite: 
 in'rrgard their cunntry is wholly inland, and the river Tagas, famous for its» 
 poverty, or rather barrenness, their holy father indulges the natives with the 
 liberty , in lien of that dangerous eetahle, of eating all Lent time the inu aids 
 of cattle. When 1 first heard this related, I imagined, that the garbage had 
 been intended ; but 1 •'!' r thus rectified c hy inwards for mi ex- 
 
 prewds sayn the licence itself) is meant the heart, the liver, and the feet. 
 
 TLt y have here, as well as in most other parts of Spain, Valencia ex- 
 cepted, the most wretched music in the universe. Their guitars, if not their 
 sole, are their darling instruments, and what- they most delight in : though,, 
 in im opinion, out r.itgli-h sailors are not ranch amiss in giving them the 
 title of strutn-struBw: They are little letter than our jew 'sharp, though 
 hardly half so -musical. Yet are they perpetually at night dwturbiitg their 
 women with the noise of them, under the notion and name of serenadoes. 
 From the barherto the grandee the infection spreads, ami very often with 
 the same attendant danger, night quarrels and rencounters being the frc- 
 qaont result. The true-born Spnuiards reckon it ptirt of their glory to b*-' 
 jealous of tt»eir luirtl'esgcs, which is too often the forerunner of murders; or, 
 at least, attended with many other very dangerous inconveniences. Aud 
 yet, had as their music is, their dancing is the reverse. I have seen a country 
 girl manage her castanets with the" graceful air of a duchess, and that not 
 to- common music, hnt to people's beating or drumniinga tune with their 
 bands on the table. 1 have 1 seen half a dozen couple at a time dance to the 
 like in excellent ordefr. 
 
 I just now distinguished, by-an exception, the music of Valencia, where 
 alone I experienced the use of the violin, which, though 1 cautiot, in respect 
 to other countries; call good, yet, in respect to the other parts of Sp:iin, I 
 tin. st acknowledge it'mnch the last. In my account of that city, I out 
 to speak of it, therefore, now, to supply that defect, I will speak of the I 
 heard, which was on this ntif.Trtunate occasion — Several natives of that 
 country, having- received sentence of death for their adherence to king 
 Charles, were accordingly ord red t > the place of execution. It is thecal 
 there, on all such occasions, for all the music of the city to meet neat the 
 gallowr, and play the most Mlrcting and melancholy airs, to the 
 proaeh of the condemned and really the music was so moving it height 
 the scene of sorrow, and brought cOtnpa wion into the eyes even of enen 
 
 As to the • -oiiih tuner!, they cam of their own clolhi 
 
 with black frocks, m which they were led aioag the streets to the phi.
 
 !!• SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 execution, the friars playing all the way. When they came through any street 
 where anv public images were fixed, they staid before them some reason- 
 able time in prayer with the friars. When they arc arrived at the fatal place, 
 those fathers leave them not, but continue praying and firing them ghostly 
 encouragement, standing upon the rounds of the ladder till they arc turned off. 
 The hangman always wears a silver badge of a ladder to distinguish his pro- 
 fession; but his manner of executing his office had somewhat in it too sin- 
 gular to allow of silence. When he had tied fast the hands of the criminal, 
 he rested his knee upon them, and with one hand on the criminal's nostrils, 
 to stop his breath the sooner, threw himself off the ladder along with the 
 dying pirty. This he does to expedite his fate ; though, considering the 
 force, I wonder it docjs not tear head and body asunder j which yet I never 
 heard that it did. 
 
 But to return to la Mancha. I had been there now upwards of two years, 
 much diverted with the good humour and kindness of the gentlemen, and 
 dairy pleased with the conversation of the nuns of the nunnery opposite to 
 Biy lodgings; when, wa'king oivc day alone upon the Plaaa, I found myself 
 accosted by a clerrco. At the first attack he told me his country ; but added, 
 that he now came from Madrid with a potent (that was his word) from 
 Pedro de Dios, dean of the inquisition, to endeavour the conversion of any 
 of the English prisoners ; that being an Irishman, as a sort of a brother, he 
 had conceived a love for the English, and therefore more eagerly embraced 
 the^opportunity which the holy inquisition had put into his hands, for the 
 bringing over to mother-church as many hereties as he could ; that, having 
 heard a very good character of me, he should think himself very happy if he 
 could be instrumental in my salvation. "It is very true," continued he, 
 •' I have lately had the good fortune to convert many ; aud besides the can- . 
 dour of my own disposition, I must tell you, that T have a peculiar knack at 
 conversion, which very few, if any, ever could resist. 1 am going upon the 
 same work into Murcia ; hut your gfobd character has fixed mc in my rcso*. 
 lution of preferring your salvation to that of others." 
 
 To this very long and no less surprising address, I only returned, " that 
 it being an affair of moment, it would require some consideration ; and that . 
 by the time he returned from Murcia, 1 might be able to return him a 
 proper answer." But not at all satisfied with this reply, " Sir," says he, 
 " God Almighty is all-sufficient : this moment is too precious to be lost-j 
 he can turn the heart in the twinkling of an eye, as well as in twenty years. 
 Hear me then; mind what I say to you ; I will convince you immediately. 
 You heretics do not believe -in transubstantiation, and yet did not Our Sa- 
 viour say in so many words, Hoc est corpus meum ? And if you do not be- 
 lieve him, do not you give him the lie ? Besides, does not one of the father* , 
 say, Deusfqui est omnis Veritas, -non potest dicere falsum? He went on at 
 the same ridiculous rate, which soon convinced me he was a thorough rattle.
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. l«i 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 However, as a clerico, and, consequently, in this country, afmau dangerous 
 to disoblige, I invited him home to dinner; where, when I had brought 
 him, I found I had noway dine an unacceptable thing; for my landlady 
 and her daughter, seeing him to be a clergyman, received him with a vast 
 deal of respect and pleasure. 
 
 Dinner being over, he began to entertain me with a detail of the many 
 wouderful conversions he had made upon obstinate heretics ; that he had 
 convinced the most stubborn, and had such a nostrum, that he would under- 
 take to convert anyone. Here he began his old round, intermixing his ha- 
 rangue with such scraps and raw sentences of fustian latin, that I grew 
 weary of his conversation ; so, pretending some business of consequence, I 
 took leave, and left him and my landlady together. 
 
 I did not return till pretty late in the evening, with intent to give him 
 time enough to think his own visit tedious; but, to my great surprise, I found 
 my Irish missionary still on the spot, ready to dare me to the encounter, and 
 resolved, like a true son of the church militant, to keep last in the field of 
 battle. As soon as I had seated myself, he began again to tell me how good 
 a character my landlady had given me, which had prodigiously increased his 
 ardour of saving my soul ; that he could not answer it to his own character, 
 as well as mine, to be negligent, and therefore he had entered into a resolu- 
 tion to stay my coming, though it had been later. To all which I returned 
 him abundance of thanks for his good will ; but pleading indisposition and 
 want of rest, after a good deal of civil impertinence I once more got rid of 
 him ; at least I took my leave and went to bed, leaving him again master of 
 the field; for I understood next morning that he staid some time after a 
 was gone with my good landlady. 
 
 Next morning, the nuns of' the nunnery opposite, having taken notice of 
 the clerico's ingress, long visit, and late egress, sent to know whether he 
 was my countryman ; with innuy other questions, which I was not then let 
 into the secret of. To all which I returned, that lie was no countryman of 
 mine, but an Irishman, and so perfectly a stranger to me, that I knew no 
 more of him than what 1 had from his own mouth, that he was going into 
 Murcia. What the meaning of this inquiry was I could never learn ; but I 
 •ould not doubt but it proceeded from their great care of their vicino, as they 
 called me ; a mark of their esteem, and of which I was not a little proud. 
 
 As was my usual custom* I had been taking in> morning walk, and had not 
 been long come home in order to dinner, when in again drops my Irish < li - 
 rico. I was confounded and vexed, and he could not avoid taking notice of 
 it ; nevertheless, without the least alteration of countenance he took bit 
 ■eat; and on my saving, in a cold and indifferent tone, that I imagined he 
 had been got to Murcia before this ; he replied, with a natural fleer, that 
 truly he was going to Murcia, but his conscience pricked him, aud he did 
 find that he could not go away with any «ati*faction, or peace of mind, with-
 
 12-2 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 ■ ii i i i— — — —— ——— — —— i i I I i ii »—»——— > 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 •out making roc a perfect convert; that be had plainly discovered in me a 
 good disposition, and had, for that very reason', put himself to the charge of 
 man and mule to the bishop of Cuenca for a licence, under his hand, for 
 my conversion : for in Spain all private missionaries are obliged to ask leave 
 Of the next bishop before they dare enter upon any enterprise of this nature. 
 
 I was more confounded at this last assurance of the man than all before ; 
 and it put me directly upon reflecting, whether any and what inconveniences 
 might ensue, from a rencontre that I at first conceived ridiculous, but might 
 now reasonably begin to have more dangerous apprehensions of. I knew, by 
 the articles of war, all persons are exempted from any power of the inqui. 
 sition; but whether carrying on a part in such a farce might not admit, op 
 at least be liable to some dangerous construction, was not imprudently now 
 to be considered. Though I was not fearful, yet I resolved to be cautious. 
 Wherefore, not making any answer to his declaration about the bishop, he 
 took notice of it, and, to raise a confidence he found expiring, began to tell 
 me that his name was Murtough Brennan, that he was born near Kilkenny, 
 of a very considerable family. This last part, indeed, when I came to Madrid, 
 I found pretty well confirmed in a very considerable manner. However, 
 taking notice that he had altered his tone of leaving the town, and that, in- 
 stead of it, he was advancing somewhat like an invitation of himself to dinner 
 the next day, I resolved to shew myself shy of him, and thereupon abruptly, 
 and without taking my leave, I left the room, and my landlady and him to- 
 gether. 
 
 Three or four days had passed, every one of which he never failed my 
 lodgings •, not at dinner time only, but night and morning too ; from all 
 which I began to suspect, that, instead of my conversion, he had fixed upon 
 a reconversion of my landlady. She was not young, yet, for a black woman, 
 handsome enough ; and her daughter very pretty. I entered into a resolution 
 to make my observations, and watch them all at a distance, nevertheless 
 carefully concealing my jealousy. However, I must confess 1 was not a little 
 pleased that any thing could divert my own persecution. He was now no 
 longer my guest but my landlady's, with whom I found him so much taken 
 up, that a little care might frustrate all his former impertinent importunities 
 on the old topic. 
 
 But all my suspicions were very soon after turned into certainties, in this 
 roauner. 1 had been abroad, and returning somewhat weary, I went to my 
 chamber to take what in that country they call a cesto, upon my bed : I got 
 in unseen, or without seeing any body, but had scarce laid myself down, be- 
 fore my young landlady, as I jestingly used to call the daughter, rushing 
 into my room, threw herself down on the floor, bitterly exclaiming. 1 started 
 off my bed, and immediately running to the door, who should I meet there 
 but my Irish clerico, without his habit, and in his shirt. 1 could not doubt, 
 by tke dishabille of the clerico, but the young creature bad reason enough
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 183 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 for her passion, whirl) rendered me quite unable to master mine; wherefore, 
 as he stood with his back next the door, I thrust him in that ghostly plight 
 into the open street. 
 
 1 might, with leisure enough, have repented that precipitate piece of in. 
 discretion, if it had not been for his bad character, and the favourable opi- 
 nion the town had conceived of me ; for he inordinately exclaimed against 
 me, calling me heretic, and telling the people who were soon gathered round 
 him, that, coming to my lodgings on the charitable work of conversion, I had 
 thus abused him, stripped him of bis habit, and then turned him out of doors. 
 The nuns, on their hearing the outcries he made, came running to their 
 grates to inquire into the matter •. and when they understood it as he was 
 pleased to relate it, though they condemned my zeal, they pitied my con. 
 dition. Very well was it for me that I stood more than a little well in the 
 good opinion of the town ; among the gentry, by my frequent conversation, 
 and the inferior sort by my charitable distributions ; for nothing can be more 
 dangerous, or a nearer way to violeut fate, than to insult one of the clergy 
 in Spain, and especially for such an one as they entitle an heretic. 
 
 My old landlady (I speak in respect to her daughter), however formerly 
 my seeming friend, came in a violent passion, and, wrenching the door out 
 of my hands, opened it, and pulled her clerico in ; and, so soon as she had 
 done this, she took his part, and railed so bitterly at me, that I had no reason 
 longer to doubt her thorough conversion, under the full power of his mis. 
 .ion. However, the young one stood her ground, and, by all her expres- 
 sions, gave her many inquirers reason enough to believe, all was not matter 
 of faith that the elerico had advanced. Nevertheless, holding it adviseable 
 to change my lodgings, and a friend confirming my resolutions, I removed 
 that night. 
 
 The clerico, having put on his upper garments, was run away to the corri- 
 cldor, in a violent fury, resolving to be early, as well knowing that he who 
 tells his story first has the prospect of telling it to double advantage. Win u 
 he came there he told that officer a thousand idle stories, and in the worst 
 manner; repeating how I had abused him, and not him only, but my poor 
 landlady, for taking his part. The corrigidor was glad to hear of it, and 
 with au officious ear fished for a great deal more ; expecting, according to 
 nsage, at last to squeeze a sum of money out of me. However, lie told the 
 clerico, that as I was a prisoner of war he had no direct power over me; 
 hut if he would immediately write to the president Ronquillo, at Madrid, he 
 would not fail to give his immediate orders, according to which he would a* 
 readily act against me. 
 
 The clerico resolved to panne his old nia\ini, and ri y out first; and on 
 taking the corrigidor's advice, he wrote away to Madrid directly. In the 
 mean time, the people in the town, both high and low, some out of curiosity, 
 -»ni"- out of friendship, pursued their inquiries into the reality of the facts.
 
 124 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 The old landlady they could make little of to my advantage ; but whenever 
 the young one came to be questioned, she always left them with these word» 
 in her mouth, " El diabolo en forma del clerico" which rendering things 
 more than a little cloudy on the clerico's side, he was advised and pressed 
 by his few friends, as fast as he could to get out of town ; nuns, clergy, and 
 every one taking part against him, excepting bis new convert my old land- 
 lady. 
 
 The day after as I was sitting with a friend at my new quarters, Maria, 
 for that was the name of my landlady's daughter, came running in with these 
 words, " El clerico, el clerico, passa la calle.' 1 '' We hastened to the window, 
 out of which we beheld the clerico, Murtough Brennan, pitifully mounted on 
 the back of a very poor ass j for they would neither let nor lend him a mule 
 through all the town, his legs almost rested on the ground, for he was lusty 
 as his ass was little ; and a fellow with a large cudgel marched afoot, driving 
 his ass along. Never did Sancho Pancha, on his embassage to Dulcinea, 
 make such a despicable out-of-the-way figure as our clerico did at this time. 
 And what increased our mirth was, their telling me, that our clerico, like 
 that squire (though upon his own priest-errantry) was actually on his 
 march to Toboso, a place five leagues off, famous for the nativity of Dul- 
 cinea, the object of the passion of that celebrated hero Don Quixote. So I 
 will leave our clerico on his journey to Murcia to relate the unhappy sequel 
 of this ridiculous affair. 
 
 1 have before said, that, by the advice of the corrigidor, our clerico had 
 wrote to Don Ronquillo at Madrid. About a fortnight after his departure 
 from La Mancha, I was sitting alone in my new lodgings, when two algua- 
 zils (officers under the corrigidor, and in the nature of our bailiffs) came 
 into my room, but very civily, to tell me that they had orders to carry me 
 away to prison } but, at the same moment they advised me* not to be afraid ; 
 for they had observed that the whole town was concerned at what the corri- 
 gidor and clerico had done ; adding, that it was their opinion, that I should 
 find so general a friendship that 1 need not be. apprehensive of any danger. 
 With these plausible speeches, though I afterwards experienced the truth 
 of them, I resigned myself up to them to a much closer confinement. 
 
 I had been there above a day or two, before many gentlemen of the place 
 sent to me, to assure me they were heartily afflicted at my confinement, and 
 resolved to write in my favour to Madrid; but as it was not safe, nor the 
 custom in Spain, to visit those in my present circumstances, they hoped I 
 would not take it amiss, since they were bent to act all in their power towards 
 my deliverance ; concluding, however, with their advice, that I would not 
 give one real of Plata to the corrigidor, whom they hated, but confide in 
 their assiduous interposal. Don Pedro de Ortega, in particular, the person 
 that performed the part of the tanriro on horseback, some time before, sent 
 me word he would not fail to write to a relation of his, of the first account in
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 
 
 Ii5 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 
 Madrid, and so represent the affair, that I should not long be debarred my 
 old acquaintance. 
 
 It may administer, perhaps, matter of wonder, that Spaniards, gentlemen 
 of the nicest punctilio, should make a scruple, and excuse themselves from 
 visiting persons under coniiu'-uicnt, when, accordiug to all christian accep- 
 tation, such a circumstance would render such a visit not charitable only 
 but generous. But though men of vulgar spirits might, from the narrowness 
 of their views, form 6uch insipid excuses, those of these geutlemcn, I very 
 well know, proceeded from much more excusable topics. I was committed 
 under the accusation of having abused a sacred person, one of the clergy j 
 and though, as a prisoner of war, I might deem myself except from the power 
 of the inquisition, yet how far one of that country, visiting a person so ac- 
 cused, might be esteemed culpable, was a consideration in thai dangerous 
 climate far from deserving to be slighted. To me, therefore, who well knew 
 the customs of the country, and the temper of its countrymen, their excuses 
 were not ouly allowable but acceptable ; for, without calling in question their 
 charity, I verily believed I might safety confide in their honour. 
 
 Accordingly, after I had been a close p>uoaer one month to a day, I found 
 the benefit of these gentlemen's promises and solicitations; pursuant to 
 which, an order was brought for my immediate discharge ; notwithstanding, 
 the new convert, my old landlady, did all she could to make her appearing 
 against me effectual, to the height of her prejudice and malice, even while 
 the daughter, as sensible of my innocence, and acting with a much better 
 conscience, endeavoured as much to justify me, against both the threats and 
 persuasions of the corrigidor and his few accomplices, though her own mo- 
 ther made one. 
 
 After receipt of this order for my enlargement, I was mightily pressed by 
 don Felix and others of my friends to go to Madrid, and enter my complaint 
 again«t the corrigidor and the clcrico, as a thing highly essential to my <>« n 
 future security. Without asking leave, therefore, of the corrigidor, or in the 
 least acquainting him with it, 1 set out from La Mancha, and, as I afterwards 
 understood, to the terrible alarm of that griping officer, who was under the 
 greatest consternation when he heard I was gone ; for, as he kucw very well 
 that he had done more than he could justify, he was very apprehensive of any 
 complaint ; well knowing, that as he was hated as much as ] was beloved, he 
 might assure himself of the waul of that assistance from the gentlemen which 
 I had experienced. 
 
 So soon as I arrived at Madrid, I made it my business to inquire out and 
 wait upon father Fahy, chief of the Irish college. He received roe very cour- 
 teously ; but when I acquainted him with the treatment I had met with from 
 Brennan, and had given him an account of his other scandalous behaviour, 
 I found he was no stranger to the man er his character; for he soon confirm- 
 ed ^o me the honour Brennan first boasted of, his considerable family, by
 
 126 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 * . — 
 
 saying, that scarce an assize passed in his own country without two or three 
 of that name receiving at the gallows the just reward of their demerits. In 
 short, not only father Fahy, hut all the clergy of that nation at Madrid, rea- 
 dily subscribed to this character of him, that he was a scandal to their 
 country. 
 
 After this, I had nothing more to do but to get that father to go with mr 
 to Pedro de Dlos, who was the head of the Dominican cloister, and dean of 
 the inquisition. He readily granted my request; and when we came there, 
 in a manner unexpected, represented to the dean, that having some good dis- 
 positions towards mother-church, I had been diverted from them, be feared, 
 by the evil practices of one Murtough Brennan, a countryman of his, though 
 a scandal to his country ; that, under a pretence of seeking my conversion, 
 be had laid himself open in a most beastly manner, such as would have set a 
 catholic into a vile opinion of their religion, and much more oue that was yet 
 a heretic. The dean had hardly patience to hear particulars ; but as soon as 
 »y friend had ended his narration, he immediately gave his orders, prohibit- 
 ing Murtough's saying any more masses, either in Madrid or any other place 
 in Spain. This indeed was taking away the poor wretch's sole subsistence, 
 and putting him just upon an equality with his demerits. 
 
 I took the same opportunity to make my complaints of the corrigidor ; but 
 his term expiring very soon, and a process being likely to be chargeable, I 
 was advised to let it drop. So having effected what 1 came for, I returned to 
 my old station at La Mancha. 
 
 When I came back, 1 found a new corrigidor, as I had been told there would 
 by thedean of the inquisition, who, at the same time, advised me to wait on 
 him. 1 did so, soon after my arrival, and then experienced the advice to be 
 well intended ; the dean having wrote a letter to him to order him to treat me 
 with all manner of civility. He shewed me the very letter, and it was in 
 such particular and obliging terms that I could not but perceive he had 
 taken a resolution, W possible, to eradicate all the evil impressions that 
 Murtough's behaviour might have given too great occasion for. This served 
 to confirm me in an observation that I had long before made, that a protest- 
 ant who will prudently keep his sentiments in his own breast may command 
 any thing in Spain, where their stiff bigotry leads them naturally into that 
 other mistake, that not to oppose is to assent. Besides, it is generally 
 among them almost a work of supererogation to be even instrumental in the 
 conversion of one they call a heretic. To bring any such back to what they 
 call mother-church, nothing shall be spared, nothing thought too much • 
 and if yon have insincerity enough to give them hopes, you shall not only 
 live in ease, but in pleasure and plenty. 
 
 I bad entertained some thoughts on my journey back of taking up my old 
 quarters at the widow's 3 but found her so entirely converted by her clerico, 
 that there would be no room to expect peace : for which reason, with the helj»
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. is? 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 •finy fair vicinosand don Felix, I took another, where I had not been long 
 before I received an unhappy account of Murtough's conduct in Murcia. It 
 seems he had kept his resolution in going thither; where, meeting with some 
 of his own countrymen, though he found them staunch good catholics, he so 
 far inveigled himself into them, that be brought them all into a foul chance 
 for their lives. There were three of them, all soldiers, in a Spanish regi- 
 ment ; but, in a fit of ambitious thongh frantic zeal, Mm'tough had wheedled 
 them to go along with him to Pedro de Dios, dean of the inquisition, to de- 
 clare and acknowledge before him, that they were converted and brought 
 over to mother-church, and by him only. The poor ignorants, thus enticed, 
 had left their regiment, of which the colonel having notice, sent after them, 
 and they were overtaken on the road, their missionair with them. But, not- 
 withstanding all his oratory, nay, even the discovery of the whole farce, one 
 of them was hanged for an example to the other two. 
 
 It wus not long after my return before news arrived of the peace; which, 
 though they received with joy, they could hardly entertain with belief. Upon 
 which, the new corrigidor, with whom I held a better correspondence than I 
 had done with the old one, desired me to produce my letters from England 
 that it was true. Never did people give greater demonstrations of joy than 
 they upon this occasion. It was the common cry in the streets, Paz con 
 Angleterra, con todo mundo guerra .' and my confirmation did them as much 
 pleasure as it did service for me ; for, if possible, they treated me with more 
 civility than before. 
 
 But the peace soon after being proclaimed, I received orders to repair to 
 Madrid, where the rest of the prisoners taken at Deuia had been carried; 
 when I, by reason of my wounds and want of health, had been left behind. 
 Others I understood lay ready, and some were on their march to Bayoune in 
 France, where ships were ordered for their transportation into England. So,- 
 after a residence of three years and three months, having taken leeve of all 
 my acquaintance, I left a place that was almost become natural tome, the 
 delicious Sainte Clemeute de la Mancha. 
 
 Nothing of moment or worth observing met I with till I came near Ocanna, 
 and there occured a sight ridiculous enough. The knight of the town I last 
 came from, the cver-rcuowued Don Quixote, never made such a figure 
 Spaniard I there met on the road. He was mounted on a mule of the hu 
 size, and yet no way unseizeable to his person : he had two pistols iy his hol- 
 sters, and one on each side stuck in his belt ; a sort of large bluudi rbn 
 one of his hands, and the fellow to it, slung over his shoulder, hung at hu 
 back. All these were accompanied with a right Spanish spado, and an at- 
 tendant stilletto, in their customary position. The mnleteer that was m» 
 guide, calling out to him in Spanish, told him he was very well armed ; to 
 which, with a good deal of gravity, the don returned answer, M By v - 
 Jago, a man cauuot be too w ell armed in such dangerous times "
 
 128 StfPPLEMENT TO 
 
 r , i 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 I took up iny quarters that night at Ocarina, a large, neat, and well built 
 town. Houses of good reception and entertainment are very scarce all over 
 Spain ; but that where I then lay might have passed for good in any other 
 country. Yet it gave me a notion quite different to what I found ; for I ima- 
 gined it to proceed from my near approach to the capital. But instead of 
 that, contrary to all other countries, the nearer I came to Madrid, the houses 
 of entertainment grew worse and worse; not in their rates do I mean (for 
 that with reason enough might be expected), but even in their provision, and 
 places^ and way of reception. 1 could not, however, forbear smiling at the 
 reason given by my muleteer, that it proceeded from a piece of court policy, 
 in order to oblige all travellers to hasten to Madrid. 
 
 Two small leagues from Ocanna we arrived at Aranjuez, a seat of pleasure 
 which the kings of Spain commonly select for their place of resilience during 
 the months of April and May. It is distant from Madrid about seven 
 leagues ; and the country round is the pleasantest in all Spain, Valencia ex. 
 cepted. The house itself makes but a very indifferent appearance ; I have 
 seen many a better in Eagland, with an owner to it of no more than five hun- 
 dred pounds per annum ; yet the gardens are large and fine ; or, as the Spa- 
 niards say, the finest in all Spain, which with them is all the world. They 
 tell you at the same time, that those of Versailles, in their most beautiful 
 parts, took their model from these. I never saw those at Versailles ; but, in 
 my opinion, the walks at Aranjuez, though noble in their length, lose much 
 of their beauty by their narrowness. 
 
 The water-works here are a great curiosity, to which the river Tagus, run- 
 ning along close by, does mightily contribute. That river is let into the 
 gardens by a vast number of little canals, which, with their pleasing mean- 
 ders, divert the eye with inexpressible delight. These pretty wanderers, by 
 pipes properly placed in them, afford varieties scarce to be believed or ima- 
 gined, and which would be grateful in any climate, but much more where 
 the air, as it does here, wants in the summer months perpetual cooling. 
 
 To see a spreading tree, as growing in its natural soil, distinguished from 
 its pining neighbourhood by a gentle refreshing shower, which appears softly 
 distilling from every branch and leaf thereof, while nature all around is 
 smiling, without one liquid sign of sorrow, to me appeared surprisingly 
 pleasing ; and the more when I observed that its neighbours received not any 
 the least benefit of that plentiful effusion, and yet a very few trees distant 
 you should find a dozen together under the same healthful sudor. Where 
 art imitates nature well, philosophers hold it a perfection : then what must 
 •he exact of us where we find her transcendent in the perfections of nature ? 
 
 The watery arch is nothing less surprising j where art, contending with 
 nature, acts against the laws of nature, and yet is beautiful. To see a liquid 
 stream vaulting itself for the space of threescore yards into a perfect awni- 
 •rb will be granted by the curious to be rare and strange ; but sure to walk
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. I29 
 
 ■;.. , 
 
 Memoirs of Captain C'ar/eton. 
 
 beneath that arch, and see the waters flowing over your head, without your 
 receiving the minutest drop, is stranger, if not strange enough to stagger 
 all belief. 
 
 The story of Actaeon, pictured in water colours, if I may so express my- 
 self, though pretty, seenied to mc but trifling to the other. Those seemed 
 to be like nature miraculously displayed, this only fable in grotesque. The 
 figures indeed were not ouly fine but extraordinary, yet their various shapes 
 were not at all so entertaining to the mind, however refreshing they might 
 be found to the body. 
 
 I took notice before of the straitness of their walks ; but though to me it 
 tnight seem a diminution of their beauty, I am apt to believe to the Spaniard, 
 for and by whom they were laid out, it may seem otherwise. They, of both 
 sexes, give themselves so intolerably up to aiu.mritig, that, on that account, 
 the closeness of the walks may be looked upon as an advantage rather than 
 a defect. The grand avenue to the house is much more stately and com* 
 posed, as they arc of rows of trees somewhat larger than our largest limes, 
 whose leaves are all of a perfect pea-bloom colour, tug' ther with their gran- 
 deur, they strike the eye with a pleasing beauty. At the entrance of the 
 grand court we see the statue of Philip the second, to intimate to the specta- 
 tors, I suppose, that he was the founder. 
 
 Among other parks about Araujuez, there is one entirely preserved for 
 dromedaries, an useful creature for fatigue, burden, and dispatch, but the 
 nearest of kin to deformity of any I ever saw. There are several other iu- 
 tlosures for several sorts of strange and wild beasts, which are sometimes 
 baited in a very large pond, that was shewn me, about htlf a league from 
 hence. This is no ordinary diversion ; but when the court is disposed that 
 way, the beast or beasts, whether bear, lion, or tyg< r, are conveyed iuto a 
 bouse prepared for that purpose, whence he can no other way issue than by 
 a door over the water, through or over which, forcing or flinging himself, 
 he gradually finds himself descend into the very depth of the pond by a 
 wooden declivity. The dogs stand ready on the banks, and so soon as ev«l 
 they spy their enemy, rush all at once into the water and engage him. A 
 diversion less to be complained of than their tuuridores, becausa attended 
 with less cruelty to the beast, as well as danger to the spectators. 
 
 When we arrived at Madrid, a town much spoken of '>y natives as well aa 
 strangers, though I had seen it be fort , I could hardly restrain myself from 
 being surprised tofiud it only environed with mud walls. It may very easily 
 he imagined they were never intended f«r defence, and yet it was a long tint* 
 before I could find any other use, or rather any use at all, in them ; and yet 
 I was at last convinced of my error by a sersible increase of expense. With- 
 out the gates, to half a league without the town, you have wine fur two 
 pence the quart, but within the place you drink it little cheaper than \ u 
 may in London. The mud walls, therefore, well* enough answer their intuit 
 
 v«j.. it. U 
 
 •ffcWJ*-
 
 15© SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 of forcing people to reside there, under pretence of s*"..urity, but, iu reality 
 to be taxed ; for oilier things are taxable as well as wine, though not in 
 like proportion. 
 
 AH ambassadors have a claim or privilege of bringing iu what wine they 
 please tat-free; sinu the king, to wave it, will at any time purchase that 
 exemption of duty at the price of five hundred pistoles per annum. The 
 convents aud nunneries are allowed a like licence of free importation ; and 
 it is one of the first advantages thoy can boast of, for, under that licence, 
 having a liberty of setting up a tavern near tbem, they make a prodigious 
 advantage of it. The wine drank and sold in this place is, for the most 
 part, a sort of white wine. 
 
 Bnt if the mud walls gave me at first but a faint idea of the place, I was 
 pleasingly disappointed as soon as I entered the gates. The town then shew- 
 ed itself well built, and of brick, and the streets wide, long, and spacious. 
 Those of Atocha and cicala are as fine as any I ever saw ; yet it is situated 
 but very indifferently, for though they have what they call a river, to which 
 they give the very fair name of La Mausuera, and over which they have built 
 a curious, long, and large stone bridge, yet is the course of it, in summer 
 time especially, mostly dry. This gave occasion to' that piece of raillery of 
 a foreign ambassador, " that the king would have done wisely to have bought 
 a river, before he built the bridge." Nevertheless, that little stream of a 
 river which they boast of, they improve as much as possible ; since down 
 the sides, as far as you can see, there are coops, or little places hooped in, 
 for people to wash their linen (for they very rarely wash in their own houses), 
 nor is it really auy unpleasing sight to view the regular rows of them at that 
 cleanly operation 
 
 The king has here two palaces, one within the town, the other near adjoin- 
 ing. That in the town is built of stone, the other, which is called Bueno 
 Retiro, is all of brick. From the town to this last, in summer time, there 
 is a large covering of canvas, propt up with tall poles, under which people 
 Walk, to avoid the scorching heats of the sun. 
 
 As I was passing by the chapel of the Carmelites, I saw several blind mew, 
 some led, some groping the way with their sticks, going into the chapel. I 
 had the curiosity to know the reason ; I no sooner entered the door but was 
 surprised to see such a number of those unfortunate people, all kneeling 
 before the aHar, some kissing the ground, others holding up their heads, 
 crying out misericordia. 1 was informed it was Saint Lucy's day, the patro- 
 ness of the blind ; therefore, all who were able came upon that day to pay 
 their devotion : so 1 left them, and directed my course towards the king's 
 palace. 
 
 When I came to the outward court, 1 met with a Spanish gentleman of my 
 acquaintance,' and we went into the piazzas ; whilst we were walking there, I 
 saw several gentlemen passing by, haviug badges on their breasts, some white,
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 131 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlrton. 
 
 some, red, and other* green. My friend informed rue that there w«re five 
 •rders of knighthood in Spain : that of the Golden Fleece was only given to 
 great princes, but the other four to private gentlemen, viz. that of Saint Jago, 
 Alcantara, Saint Salvador de Montreal, and Monteza. 
 
 He likewise told me, that there were above ninety places of grandees, hut 
 never filled up, who have the privilege of being covered in the presence of 
 the king, and are distinguished into three ranks. The first is, of those who 
 cover themselves before they speak to the king ; the second are those who 
 put on their hats after they have begun to speak -, the third are those who 
 •nly put on their hats, having spoke to him. The ladies of the grandee* 
 have also great respect shewed them : the queen rises up when they enter 
 the chamber, and offers them cushions. 
 
 No married man, except the king, lies in the palace, for all the women who 
 live there are widows, or muids of honour to the queen. 1 raw the prince 
 •f Asturias's dinner carried through the court up to him, being guarded by 
 four gentlemen of the guards, one before, another behind, and oue on each 
 side, with their carbines shouldered ; the queen's came next, and the king's 
 the last, guarded as before, for they always dine separately. I observed that 
 the gentlemen of the guards, though not on duty, yet they are obliged to 
 wear their carbine belts. 
 
 Saint Isidore, who, from a poor labouring man, by his sanctity of life ar- 
 rived to the title of saint, is the patron of Madrid, and has a church dedicated 
 to him, which is richly adorned within. The sovereign court of the inquisi- 
 tion is held at Madrid, the president whereof is called the inquisitor-general. 
 They judge without allowing any appeal for four sorts of crimes, viz. heresy, 
 polygamy, sodomy, and witchcraft, and when any are convicted, it is called 
 the act of faith. 
 
 Most people believe that tl-c king's greatest revenue consists iu the gold 
 ■and silver brought from the West Indies, which is a mistake, for most part 
 of that wealth belongs to merchants and others, that pay the workmen at tht 
 golden mints of Potosi, and the silver mines at Mexico ; yet the kiug, as I 
 ua-ve been informed, receives about a million and a half of gold. 
 
 The Spaniards have a saying, that the finest garden of fruit in Spain is 
 in the middle of Madrid, which is the Plaza, or market place; and truly the 
 stalls there are set forth with such variety of delicious fruit, that I must con- 
 fess I never saw any place comparable to it ; and, which adds to my admira- 
 tion, there are no gardens or orchards of fruit within some leagues. 
 
 They seldom eat hares iu Spain but whilst the grapes are growing, and 
 then they are so exceeding fat they are knocked down with sticks. Their 
 rabbits are nut so good as ours in England ; they have great pleuty of par- 
 tridges, which are larger and finer feathered tbau ours. They have but little 
 beef in Spain, because there is no grass } but they have plenty of mitt n. 
 and exceeding good, because their sheep feed only upon wild pot ber'j* ; their 
 pork is delicious, their hogs feeding only upon chesnuts and scorns.
 
 i«2 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 Madrid aud Valladolid, though great, yet are only accounted villages : in 
 the latter, Philip the second, by the persuasion of Parsons, an English 
 Jesuit, erected an English seminary ; and Philip the fourth built a most 
 noble palace, with extraordinary fine gardens. They 6ay that Christopher 
 Columbus, who first discovered the West Indies, died there, though 1 have 
 heard he lies buried, and has a monument at Seville. 
 
 The palace in the town stands upon eleven arches, under every one of 
 which there are shops, which degrade it to a mere exchange. Ts'everthe- 
 less, the stairs by which you ascend up to the guard-room (which is very 
 spacious too) are stately, large, and curious. So soon as you have passed 
 the guard-room you enter into a long and noble gallery, the right hand 
 whereof leads to the king's apartment, the left to the queen's. Entering into 
 the king's apartment, you soon arrive at a large room, where he keeps his 
 levee j on one side whereof (for it takes up the whole side) is painted the 
 fatal battle of Almanza. I confess the view somewhat affected me, though 
 so long after, and brought to mind many old passages. ■ However, the re- 
 flection concluded thus in favour of the Spaniard, that we ought to excuse 
 their vanity in so exposing, under a French general, a victory which was 
 the only material one the Spaniards could ever boast of over an English 
 army. 
 
 In this state room, when the king first appears, every person present re- 
 ceives him with a profound homage ; after which, turning from the company 
 to a large velvet chair, by which stands the father confessor, he kneels down, 
 and remains some time at his devotion ; which being over, he rising crosses 
 himself, aud his father confessor having with the motion of his hand inti, 
 mated his benedictiou, he then gives audience to all that attend for that pur-, 
 pose. He receives every body with a seeming complaisance, and with an 
 air more resembling the French than the Spanish ceremony. Petitions to 
 the king, as with us, are delivered into the hands of the secretary of state j 
 yet in one particular they are, in my opinion, worthy the imitation of other 
 courts : the petitioner is directly told what day he must come for an answer 
 to the office, at which time he is sure, without any further fruitless attend- 
 ance, not to fail of it. The audience being over, the king returns through 
 the gallery to his own apartment. 
 
 1 cannot here omit an accidental conversation that passed between gene- 
 ral MaLoni and myself in this place. After some talk of the bravery of the 
 English nation, he made mention of general Stanhope, with a very peculiar 
 emphasis. " But," says he, " I never was so put to the nonplus in all my 
 days as that general once put me in. I was on the road from Paris to Ma- 
 drid, and having notice that that general was going just the reverse, and that 
 in all likelihood we should meet the next day, before my setting out in the 
 ■corning I took care to order my "gayest regimental apparel, resolving to 
 make the best appearance I could to receive so great a man. I had not tra-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. m 
 
 , ■■,■.,,, . ..i ■ ," ' " , , v.,, ..» 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Car let on. 
 
 veiled above four hours before I 6aw two gentlemen, who appearing to be 
 English, it induced me to imagine they were forerunners, and some of hit 
 retinue. But how abashed and confounded was 1, when, putting the ques- 
 tion to one of them, he made answer, ' Sir, I am the person V Never did 
 moderation put vanity more out of countenance: though, to say truth, 1 
 could not hut thiBk his dress as much too plain for general Stanhope, as 1 at 
 that juncture thought ray own too gay for Mahoni. But," added he, " that 
 great man had too many iuward great endowment* to stand in need of any 
 outside decoration." 
 
 Of all diversions the king takes most delight in that of shooting, which ha 
 performs with great exactness and dexterity. I have seen him divert himself 
 at swallow shooting, (by all, 1 think, allowed to he the most difficult,) and 
 exceeding all 1 ever saw. The last time I had the honour to see him was ui 
 his return from that exercise. He bad been abroad with the duke of .Medina 
 Sidonia, and alighted out of his coach at a hack door of the palace, with three 
 or four birds iu his baud, which, according to hit usual custom, he carried 
 up to the queen with his own hands. 
 
 There arc two playhouses in Madrid, at both which they act every day ; 
 but their actors and their music are almost too indifferent to be mentioned. 
 The theatre at the Bueno Retiro is much the best, but as much inferior to 
 ours at Loudon as those at Madrid are to that. I was at one play, when 
 both king and queen were present. There was a splendid audience, and a 
 great concourse of ladies ; but the latter, as is the, custom there, having lat. 
 tices before them, the appearance lost most of its lustre. One very remark- 
 able thing happened while I was there; the ave.bell rung in the middle of 
 an act, when down on their knees fell every body, even the players on the 
 stage, in the middle of their harangue ; they remained for some time at their 
 devotion, then up they rose and returned to the business tbey were before 
 engaged in, beginning where they left off. 
 
 The ladies of quality make their visits in grand state and decorum. The 
 lady visitant is carried in a chair by four mcu, the two first, in all weathers, 
 always bare ; two others walk as a guard, oue on each side ; another carry- 
 ing a large Ian thorn for fear of being benighted; then follows a coach drawn 
 on six mules, with her women, and after that another w ith her gentlemen ; 
 several servants walking after, more or less, according to the quality of the 
 pei miu. They never suffer their servauts to overload a coach, as is fie. 
 quently seen with us • neither do coachmen or chairmen go or drive, as if 
 tbey carried midwives in lieu of ladies ; on the contrary, they uffecta motion 
 so slow and so stately, that you would rather imagine the ladies were every 
 one of them near their time, and very apprehensive of a miscarriag*. 
 
 I remember not to have seen here any horses in any coach but in the 
 king's, or an ambassador's, which can only proceed from custom, for ccr* 
 taioly finer horses are not to be fouud in the world.
 
 'S4 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 At the time of my being here, cardiual Giudici was at Madrid •, he was a 
 tall, proper, comely man, and one that made the best appearance. Albe- 
 roni was there at the same time, who, upon the death of the duke of Ven- 
 dosme, had the good fortune to find the priucess Ursiui his patroness, an 
 instance of whose ingratitude will plead pardon for thy» little digression. 
 
 That princess first brought Alberoni iuto favour at court. They were 
 both of Italy, and that might be one reason of that lady's espousing his inte- 
 rest, though 6ome there are that assign it to the recommendation of the duke 
 of Vendosme, with whom Alberoni had the honour to be very intimate, as 
 the other was always distinguished by that princess. Be which it will, cer- 
 tain it is, she was Alberoni's first and sole patroness, which gave many peo- 
 ple afterwards a very smart occasion of reflecting upon him, both as to hia 
 integrity and gratitude : for when Alberoni, upon the death of king Philip's 
 first queen, had recommended this present lady, who was his countrywoman 
 (she of Parma and he of Placentia, both in the same dukedom), and had for- 
 warded her match with the king with all possible assiduity ; and when that 
 princess, pursuant to the orders she had received from the king, passed over 
 into Italy to accompany the queen elect iuto her own dominions, Alberoni, 
 forgetful of the hand that first advanced him, sent a letter to the present 
 queen, just before her landing, that if she resolved to be queen of Spain she 
 must banish the princess Ursini, her companion, and never let her come to 
 court. Accordingly, that lady, to evince the extent of her power and the 
 strength of her resolution, dispatched that princess away on her very land- 
 ing, and before she had seen the king, uuder a detachment of her own guards, 
 into France ; and all this without either allowing her an opportunity of jus- 
 tifying herself, or assigning the least reason for so uncommon an action. 
 But the same Alberoni (though afterwards created cardinal, and for some 
 time king Philip's prime minion) soon saw that ingratitude of his rewarded 
 in his own disgrace, at the very same court. 
 
 I remember when at La Mancha, don Felix Pachero, in a conversation 
 there, maintained that three women at that time ruled the world, viz. queen 
 Anne, madam Maintenon, and this princess Ursini. 
 
 Father Fahy's civilities, when last at Madrid, exacting of me some suita- 
 ble acknowledgment, I went to pay him a visit ; as to render him due thanks 
 for the past, so to give him a further account of his countryman Brennan; 
 but I soon found he did not much incline to hear any thing more of Mur- 
 tough, not expecting to hear any good of him ; for which reason, as 6oon as 
 I well could, I changed the conversation to another topic, in which some 
 word dropping of the count de Montery, I told him that I heard he had taken 
 «rders, and officiated at mass : he made answer it was all very true ; and 
 upon my intimating that I had the honour to serve uuder him in Flanders 
 •n my first entering into service, and when he commanded the Spanish forces 
 at the famous battle of Seneff, and adding, that I could not but ke surprised
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 13* 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlekm. 
 
 - — — — — — .— — — ^^^ mm — — .^ — - - r |"' M|| ; 
 
 that Le, who was then one of the brightest cavalieroes of the a«»e, should 
 now be in orders, and that I should look upon it as a mighty favour barely 
 to have, if it might be, a view of him ; he very obligingly told me that be 
 was very well acquainted with him, and that if I would come the next day be 
 would not fail to accompany me to the count's bouse. 
 
 Punctually at the time appointed I waited on father Faby, who, as he pro- 
 mised, carried me to the count's bouse. He was stepping into his coach 
 just as we got there ; but seeing father Faby, he advanced towards us. 
 The father delivered my desire in as handsome a maimer as could be and 
 concluding with the reason of it, from my having been iu that service under 
 him ; he seemed very well pleased, but added, that there were not many 
 beside myself liviug who had been iu that service with him. After some 
 other conversation he called his gentleman to him, and gave him particular 
 orders to give us a frescari, or, in English, an entertainment; so, taking 
 leave, he went into his coach, and we to our frescari. 
 
 Coming from which father Faby made me observe, in the open street » 
 stone, on which was a visible great stain of somewhat reddish, aud like 
 blood. " This," said he, ** was occasioned by the death of a countryman of 
 mine, who had the misfortune to overset a child, coming out of that hoase 
 (pointing to one opposite to us): the child frighted, though not hurt as if 
 natural, made a terrible outcry, upon w hich its father, coming out in a vio- 
 lent rage (notwithstanding my countryman begged pardon, aud pleaded sor- 
 row, as beiug only an accident), stabbed him to the heart, and down he fell 
 upon that stone, which to this day retains the mark of inuocent blood, so 
 rashly shed." He went on, and told me, the Spaniard immediately took sanc- 
 tuary in the eb.nr h, whence, some time after, he made his escape. But 
 escapes of that nature are so common in Spain, that they are not worth won- 
 dering at. For even though it were for wilful aud premeditated murder if 
 if the murderer have taken sanctuary, it- was never knowu that he was deli- 
 vered up to justice, though demanded ; but in some disguise he makes his 
 escape, or some way is secured against all the clamours of power or equity. 
 
 I have observed that some of the greatest quality stop their coaches over a 
 stinking nasty puddle, which they often find in the stmts, and, holding their 
 heads over the door, muff u 4 > the uasty sceut which ascends, believing that it 
 is extremely healthful, when I was forced to hold my nose pasting by. It is - 
 not convenient to walk out early in the morning, they having no necessary 
 houses, throw out their Hastiness iu the m.ddle of the street. 
 
 After I had taken leave of father Faby, and returned my thanks for all civi- 
 liliit, I went to pay a visit to Mr. Salter, who was secretary to general Stan- 
 hope, when the English forces w« re made prisoner;, of war at Breuhiga. 
 Going up stairs, I found the door of bis lodgings a- jar, and knocking, a pe r - 
 ■ou came to the door who appeared under some surprise at sight of me. I did 
 set know him; but inquiring If Mr. Salter was within, he answered, as I fan.
 
 136 
 
 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 cied, with some hesitation, that he was, but was busy in an inner rooiri. 
 However, though unasked, I went in, resolving, since I had found him at 
 faome, to wait his leisure. In a little time Mr. Salter entered the room ; and 
 after customary ceremonies, asking my patience a little longer, he desired I 
 would sit down and bear ensign Fanshaw company (for so he called him) y 
 adding, at gdlng oat, he had a little business that required dispatch ; which 
 being over, he would return and join company. 
 
 The ensign, as he called him, appeared to me under a dishabille ; and the 
 first question he asked me was, if I would drink a glass of English beer ? 
 Misled by his appearance, though I assented, it was with a design to treaty 
 which he would by no means permit, but, calling to a servant, ordered some 
 in. We sat drinking that liquor, which to me was a greater rarity than all 
 the wine in Spain ; when in dropped an old acquaintance of Mine, Mr. Le 
 Noy, secretary to colonel Nevil. He sat down with us, and before the glass 
 could go twice round, told ensign Fanshaw, that his colonel gave his humble 
 service to him, and ordered him to let him know that he had but three score 
 pistoles by him, which he had sent, and which were at his service, as what he 
 pleased more should be, as soon as it came to his hands. 
 
 At this I began to look upon my ensign as another guess person than I had 
 taken him for ; and Le Noy imagining, by our sitting cheek by joul together, 
 that I must be in the secret, soon after gave him the title of captain. This 
 soon convinced me that there was more in the matter than I was yet mastetf 
 of ; for, laying things together, I could not but argue within myself, that as 1 
 it seemed at first a most incredible thing, that a person of his appearance 
 should have so large credit, with such a compliment at the end of it, without 
 some disguise; and as from an ensign he was risen to be a captain, in the 
 taking of one bottle of English beer ; a little patience would let me into a 
 farce, in which at present I had not the honour to bear any part but that of a 
 mute. 
 
 At last Le Noy took his leave; and as boom as he had left us, and the 
 other bottle was brought iu, ensign Fanshaw began to open his heart, and 
 tell me who he was. " I am necessitated," said he,' " to be under this dis- 
 guise, to conceal myself, especially in this place. For you must know " 
 continued he, " that when our forces were lords of this town, as we were for 
 a little while, I fell under an intrigue with another man's wife. Her hus- 
 band was a person of considerable account; nevertheless the wife shewed me 
 all the favours that a soldier, under a long and hard campaign, could be 
 imagined to ask. In short, her relations got acquainted with our amour, 
 and knowing that I was among the prisoners taken at Breuhiga, are now 
 upon the scout and inquiry, to make a discovery that may be of fatal conse- 
 quence. This is the reason of my disguise ; this the unfortunate occasion 
 •f my taking upon me a name that does not belong to me." 
 
 He spoke all this with such an openness of heart, that, in return of s»
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 137 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 much confidence, I confessed to him that I had heard of the affair, for that 
 it had made no little noise all over the country ; that it highly behoved him to 
 take great care of himself, since, as the relations on both sides were c m 
 siderable, he must consequently be in great danger; that in cases of that 
 nature, no people in the world carry things to greater extremities than the 
 Spaniards. He returned me thanks for my good advice, which, I understood, 
 in a few days after, he, with the assistance of his friends, had taken care to 
 put in practice ; for he was conveyed away secretly, and afterwards had the 
 honour to he made a peer of Ireland. 
 
 My passport being at last signed by the count de las Torres, I prepared 
 for a journey I had long and ardently wished for, and set out from Madrid ia 
 the beginning of September 1712, in order to return to my native country. 
 
 Accordingly I set forward upon my journey ; but, having heard, both be- 
 fore and since my being in Spain, very famous things spoken of the escurial, 
 though it was a league out of my road, I resolved to make it a visit. And, I 
 must confess, when I came there, I was so far from condemning my curiosity, 
 that I chose to congratulate my good fortune, that had, at half a dayla«]£ 
 pense, feasted my eyes with extraordinaries, which would have justified a 
 twelvemonth's journey on purpose. 
 
 The structure is entirely magnificent beyond any thing I ever ,iaw, or any 
 thing ray imagination could frame. It is composed of eleven several quadran- 
 gles, with noble cloisters round every one of them. The froat to the west is 
 adorned with three stately gates, every one of a different model, yet every 
 one the model of nicest architecture. The middlemost of the three leads 
 into a fine chapel of- the Hieronomites, as they eali them, in which are 
 entertained one hundred and fifty monks. At every of the four corners 
 of this august fabric, there is a turret of excellent workmanship. which 
 yields to the whole an extraordinary air of grandeur. The kiug's palace 
 is on the north, nearest that mountain whence the stone it* is built of 
 was hewn; and all the south part is set off with many galleries both beau- 
 tiful and sumptuous. 
 
 This prodigious pile, which, as I have said, exceeds all that I ever saw, and 
 which would of itself ask a volume to particularise, was built by Philip the 
 second. He laid the first stone, yet lived to see it finished, and lies buried 
 in the pantheon, a part of it set apart for the burial-plat ding 
 
 princes as well a» himself. It was dedicated to Saint Laurence in the very 
 foundation, and therefore built in the shape of a gridiron, tlw instrument of 
 that martyr's exerntion, and in memory of a great victory obtained on that 
 saint's day. The stone of which it is built, contrary to ikrcemnon course, 
 grows whiter by age; nud the quarry, whence it was dug, li<s near enough, 
 if it had sense or rtinbitiou, to grow enamoured of its own wonderfnl pro- 
 dnction. Some there are, who Mick not to assign this convenience as the 
 ni.iin MtMC of its situation ; and for my pui t, 1 must agree, that 1 Lave seen 
 VOL. II. S
 
 133 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletov. 
 
 many other parts of Spain, where that glorious building would have shone 
 with yet far greater splendour. 
 
 There was no town of any consequence preseuted itself in my way to 
 Burgos. Here I took up my quarters that night, where I met with an Irish 
 . priest whose name was White. As is natural on such rencounters, having 
 answered his inquiry, whither I was going, he very kindly told me, he 
 should be very glad of my company as far as Victoria, which lay in my road ; 
 and I with equal frankness embraced the offer. 
 
 Next morning, when we had mounted our mules and were got a little 
 distance from Burgos, he began to relate to me a great many impious pranks 
 of an English officer who had been a prisoner there a little before I came ; 
 concluding all with some vehemence, that he had given greater occasion of 
 scandal and infamy to his native country than would be easily wiped off, or 
 in a little time. The truth of it is, many particulars which he related to 
 me were too monstrously vile to admit of any repetition here, and highly 
 meriting that unfortunate end which that officer met with some time after. 
 Nevertheless, the just reflections made by that father, plainly manifested to 
 me the folly of those gentlemen, who, by such inadvertencies, to say* no 
 worse, cause the honour of the land of their nativity to be called in question. 
 For though, no doubt, it is a very false conclusion, from a singular to con- 
 ceive a general character, yet in a strange country, nothiug is more common. 
 A man, therefore, of common sense, would carefully avoid all occasions of 
 censure, if not in respect to himself, yet out of a humane regard to such of 
 his countrymen as may have the fortune to come after him ; and, it is more 
 than probable, may desire to hear a juster and better character of their 
 country and countrymen, than he perhaps might incline to leave behind him. 
 As we travelled along, father White told me, that near the place of our 
 quartering that night, there was a convent of the Carthusian order, which 
 would be well worth my seeing. I was doubly glad to hear it, as it was am 
 order most a stranger to me ; and as I had often heard from many others 
 most unaccountable relations of the severity of their way of life, and the 
 very odd original of their institution. 
 
 The next morning, therefore, being Sunday, we took a walk to the con- 
 vent. It was situated at the foot of a great hill, having a pretty little river 
 running before it. The hill was uaturally covered with evergreens of various 
 sorts ; but the very summit of the rock was so impending, that one would at 
 first sight be led to apprehend the destruction of the convent from the fall 
 of it. Notwithstanding all which, they have very curious and well ordered 
 gardens, which led me to observe, that, whatever men pretend, pleasure was 
 not incompatible with the most austere life ; and, indeed, if I may guess of 
 others by this, no order in that church can boast of finer convents. Their 
 chapel was completely neat, the altar of it set out with the utmost magnifi- 
 cence, both as to fine paintings and ether rich adornments. The buildings
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 139 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 were answerable to the rest; and, in short, nothing seemed omitted that 
 ■light render it beautiful or pleasant. I 
 
 When we had taken a full survey of all, we, not without some regret, re- 
 turned to our very indifferent inn, where, the better to pass away the time, 
 father White gave me an ample detail of the original of that order. I had 
 beforehand heard somewhat of it, nevertheless I did not care to interrupt 
 him, because I had a mind to hear how his account would agree with what I 
 already h««rd. 
 
 " Bruno," said the father, " the author or founder of this order, was not 
 originally of this but of another. He had a holy brother of the same order, 
 that was his cell-mate or chamber-fellow, who was reputed by all that ever 
 saw or knew him, for a person of exalted piety, and of a most exact holy life 
 This man, Bruno had intimately known for many years, and agreed, in his 
 character, that general consent did him no more than justice, having never 
 observed any thing in any of his actions, that, in his opinion, could be offen- 
 sive to God or man. He was perpetually at his devotions; and distinguish- 
 ably remarkable for never permitting any thing but pious ejaculations to 
 proceed out of his mouth. In short, he was reputed a saint upon earth. 
 
 " This man at last dies, and, according to custom, is removed into the 
 chapel of the convent, and there placed with a cross fixed in his hands ; 
 soon after which, saying the proper masses for bis soul, in the middle of their 
 devotion, the dead man lifts up his head, and with an audible voice cried out, 
 ' Vocatus sum.'' The pious brethren, as aay one will easily imagine, were 
 most prodigiously surprised at such an accident, and therefore they earnestly 
 redoubled their prayers ; when, lifting up his head a second time, the dead 
 man cried out, ' Judical us sum.' Knowing his former piety, the pious fra- 
 ternity could not then entertain the least doubt of his felicity; when, to 
 their great consternation and confusion, he lifted up his head a third time, 
 crying out in a terrible tone, ' Damnatus sum ;* upon which they inconti- 
 nently removed the corpse out of the chapel, and threw it upon the dunghill. 
 
 •* Good Bruno, pondering upon these passages, could not fail of drawing 
 this conclusion : — That if a person, to all appearance so holy and devout, 
 should miss of salvation, it behoved a wise man to contrive some way more 
 certain to make his calling aud election sure. To that purpose he instituted 
 this strict and severe order, with an injunction to them, sacred as any part 
 that every professor should always wear hair-cloth next his skin, never eat 
 any flesh, nor speak to one another, only, as passing by, to say, ' Memento 
 mori.'" 
 
 This account I found to agree pretty well with what I had before heard , 
 but, at the same time, 1 found the redouble of it made but just the same 
 impression it had at first made upon my heart. However, having made it 
 my observation, that a spirit the least contradictory best carries a man 
 through Spain, 1 kept father White company, and in humour, till wear.
 
 140 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 rived at Victoria, where he added one thing, by way of appendix, in relation 
 to the Carthusians, that every person of the society is obliged every day to 
 go into their place of burial, and take up as much earth us he can hold at a 
 grasp with one hand, in order to prepare his grave. 
 
 Next day we set out for Victoria ; it is a sweet, delicious, and pleasant 
 town. It received that name in memory of a considerable victory there ob- 
 tained over the Moors. Leaving this place I parted with father White; he 
 going where his affairs led him, and I to make the best of my way to Bilboa, 
 
 Entering into Biscay, soon after I left Victoria, I was at a loss almost to 
 imagine what country I was got into. By my Jong stay in Spain I thought 
 myself a tolerable master of the tongue, yet here I found myself at the utmost 
 loss to understand landlord, laudlady, or any of the family. I was told by 
 my muleteer that they pretend their language, as they call it, has continued 
 uncorrupted from the very confusion of Babel ; though, if I might freely 
 give my opinion in the matter, I should rather take it to be the very corrup- 
 tion of all that confusion. Another rhodomoutado they have (for in this 
 they are perfect Spaniards), that neither Romans, Carthaginians, Vandals, 
 Goths, or Moors, ever totally subdued them. And yet any man that has 
 ever seen their country might cut the knot without a hatchet, by saying 
 truly, that neither Roman, Carthaginian, nor any victorious people, thought 
 it worth while to make a conquest of a country so mountainous and so 
 barren. 
 
 However, Bilboa must be alldwed, thought not very large, to be a pretty, 
 clean, and neat town. Here, as in Amsterdam, they allow neither cart nor 
 coach to enter; but every thing of merchandise is drawn and carried upon 
 sledges ; and yet it is a place of no small account as to trade, and especially 
 for iron and wool. Here I hoped to have met with an opportunity of em- 
 barking for England ; but to my sorrow 1 found myself disappointed, and 
 under that disappointment obliged to make the best of my way to Bayonne. 
 
 Setting out for which place, the first town of note that I came to was Saint 
 Sebastian; a very clean town, and neatly paved, which is uo little rarity in 
 Spain. It has a very good wail about-it, and a pretty citadel. At this place 
 ' I met with two English officers, who were under the same state with myself; 
 one of them being a prisoner of war with me at Denia. They were going to 
 Bayotme to embark for England as well as myself; so we agreed to set out 
 together for Port Passage. The road from Saint Sebastian is all over a well- 
 paved stone causeway ; almost at the end whereof, there accosted us a great 
 number of young lasses. They were all prettily dressed, their long hair flow- 
 ing in a decent manner over their shoulders, and here and tliere decorated 
 with ribbons of various colours, which wantonly played on their backs with 
 the wind. The sight surprised my fellow-travellers uo less than me ; and t * 
 more, as they advanced directly up to us and seized our hands. But a little 
 time undeceived us, and we found what they came for; and that their con-
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. Ul 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 test, though not so robust as oar oars on the Thames, was much of the same 
 nature; each contending who should have us for their fare. For it is here a 
 custom of time out of mind, that none but young women should have the 
 management and profit of that ferry. And though the ferry is over an arm of 
 the sea, very broad, and sometimes very rough, those fair ferriers manage 
 themselves with that dexterity that the passage is very little dangerous, and 
 in calm weather very pleasant. In short, we made choice of those that best 
 pleased us ; who, in a grateful return, led us down to their boat under a sort 
 of music, which they, walking along, made with their oars, atid which we alt 
 thought far from being disagreeable. Thus were we transported over to Port 
 Passage; not undeservedly accounted the best harbour in all the bay of 
 Biscay. 
 
 We staid not long here after landing, resolving, if possible, to reach Fon- 
 terabia before tight; but all the expedition we could use little availed; for 
 before we could reach thither, the gates were shut, and good nature and hu- 
 manity were so locked up with them, that all the rhetoric we were master* 
 of could not prevail upon the governor to order their being opened; far 
 which reason we were obliged to take up our quarters at the ferry house. 
 
 When we got up the next morning, we found the waters so broad as well 
 as rough that we began to inquire after another passage ; and were answered, 
 that at the isle of Conference, but a short league upwards, the. passage waa 
 much shorter, and exposed to less danger. Such good reasons soon deter- 
 mined us : so, setting out, we got there in a very little time, and very soon 
 after were lauded in France. Here we found a house of very good entertain- 
 ment ; a thing we had long wanted, and much lamented the want of. 
 
 We were hardly well seated in the house, before we were made sensible, 
 that it was the custom, which had made it the business of our host, to enter- 
 tain all his guests at first coming in with a prolix account of that remark- 
 able interview between the two kings of France and Spain. 1 speak safely 
 now, as being got on French ground: for the Spaniard in his own country 
 would have made me to kuow, that putting Spain after France had there been 
 looked upon as a mere solecism in speech. However, haviug refreshed our- 
 selves, to shew our deference to our host's relation, we agreed to pay our 
 respects to that famous little isle he mentioned: which, indeed, was the 
 whole burden of the design of our crafty landlord's relation. 
 
 When we came there, we found it a little oval island, overrun with weeds, 
 and surrounded with reeds and rushes. " Here," said our landlord, (for 
 he went with us,) " upon this little spot were at that juncture seen the two 
 greatest monarchs in the universe. A uoble paviliou was erected in the very 
 middle of it, and in the middle of that was placed- a very large oval table ; at 
 which was the conference, from which the place received its title. There 
 were two bridges raised; one on the Spanish side, the passage to which was 
 a little upon a descent by reason of the hills adjacent , and the other upon the
 
 142 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 I ■ 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 French side, which, as you see, was all upon a level. The music playing and 
 trumpets sounding, the two kings, upon a signal agreed upon, set forward at 
 the same time; the Spanish monarch handing the infanta, his daughter, to 
 the place of interview. As soon as they were entered the pavilion, an each 
 side, all the artillery fired, and both armies after that made their several 
 Tollies. Then the king of Spain, advanciug on his side the table with the 
 infanta, the king of Fiance advanced at the same moment on the other; till 
 meeting, he received the infanta at the hands of her father as his queen ; 
 upon which> both the artillery and small arms fired as before. After this 
 •was a most splendid ami sumptuous entertainment ; which being over, both 
 kings retired into their several dominions ; the king of France conducting 
 his new queen to Saint Jean de Luz, where the marriage was consummated ; 
 aud the king of Spain returning to Port Passage." 
 
 After a relation so very inconsistent with the present state of the place, we 
 took horse, (for mule mounting was now out of fashion,) aud rode to Saint 
 Jean de Luz, where we found as great a difference in our eating and drinking 
 as we had before done in our riding. Here they might be properly called 
 houses of entertainment; though, generally speaking, till we came to this 
 place, we met with very mean fare, and were poorly accommodated in the 
 houses where we lodged. 
 
 A person that travels this way would be esteemed a man of a natrow curio- 
 sity, who should not desire to see the chamber were Louis le grand took his 
 first night's lodging with his queen. Accordingly, when it was put into my 
 head, out of an ambition to evince myself a person of taste, I asked the ques- 
 tion, and the favour was granted me, with a great deal of French civility; 
 not that I found any thing here more than in the isle of Conference, but what 
 tradition only had rendered, remarkable. 
 
 Saint Jean de Luz is esteemed one of the greatest village towns in all 
 France. It was in the great church of this place that Louis the fourteenth, 
 according to marriage articles, took before the high altar the oath of renun- 
 ciation to the crown of Spain, by which all the issue of that marriage were de- 
 barred inheritance, if oaths had been obligatory with princes. The natives 
 here are reckoned expert seamen, especially in whale fishing. Here is a fine 
 bridge of wood ; in the middle of which is a descent, by steps, into a pretty 
 little island, where is a chapel, and a palace belonging to the bishop of Bay- 
 onne. Here the queen dowager of Spain ©ften walks to divert herself; and 
 on this bridge, and in the walks on the island, I had the honour to sea that 
 princess more than once. 
 
 This villa not being above four leagues from Bayonne, we got there by 
 dinner-time, where, at an ordinary of twenty sous, we eat and drank in plenty, 
 and with a gusto much better than in any part of Spain ; where, for eating 
 much worse, we paid very much more. 
 
 Bayonne is a town strong by nature ; yet the fortifications have been very 
 
 •
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. l« 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carltton. 
 
 ranch neglected since the building of the citadel oq the other side of the river; 
 which not only commands the town but the harbour also. It is a noble fa- 
 bric, fair and strong, and raised on the side of a hill, wanting nothing that 
 art can furnish to render it impregnable. The marshal Bouflers had the care 
 of it iu its erection-, and there is a fine walk near it, from which he used to 
 survey the workmen, which still carries his name. There are two noble 
 bridges here, though both of wood, one over that river which runs on one 
 side the town; the other over that which divides it in the middle. The tide 
 runs through both with vast rapidity; notwithstanding which, ships of bur* 
 den come up, and, paying for it, are often fastened to the bridge, while load, 
 ing or unloading. While I was here, there came in four or five English 
 ships laden with corn; the first, as they told me, that had come in to unlade 
 there since the beginning of the war. 
 
 On that side of the river where the new citadel is built, at a very little 
 distance, lies Pont d'Esprit, a place mostly inhabited by Jews, who drive a 
 great trade there, and are esteemed very rich, though, as in all other coun- 
 tries, mostly very roguish. Here the queen dowager of Spain has kept her 
 court ever since the jealousy of the present king red used her from Madrid. 
 As aunt to his competitor Charles (now emperor) he apprehended her in- 
 triguing, for which reason, giving her an option of retreat, that princess made 
 choice of this city, much to the advantage of the place, and iu all appear- 
 ance much to her own satisfaction. She is a lady not of the lesser size, and 
 lives here in suitable splendour, and not without the respect due to a person 
 of her high quality, every time she goes to take the air the cannon of the 
 citadel saluting her as she passes over the bridge ; and, to say truth, the 
 eouutry round is extremely pleasant, and abounds in plenty of all provisions, 
 especially in wild fowl. Bayoune hams are, to a proverb, celebrated all 
 over France. 
 
 We waited here near five months before the expected transports arrived 
 from England, without any other amusements than such as are common to 
 people under suspense. Short tours will not admit of great varieties, and 
 much acquaintance could not be any way suitable to people that had long 
 been in a strange country, and earnestly desired to return to our own ; yi t 
 one accident befel me here, that was nearer costing me my life than all 1 had 
 before encountered, either in battle or siege. 
 
 Going to my lodgings one evening, I unfortunately met with an officer, who 
 would needs have me along with him aboard one of the F.nglish ships, to 
 drink a bottle of English beer. He bad been often invited, he said, " and I 
 am afraid our countryman," continued he, " will hold himself slighted if 1 
 delay it longer." English beer was a great rarity, and the vessel lay not at 
 any great distance from my lodgings, so withont any further persuasion I 
 consented. When we came upon the bridge, to which the ship we were to 
 go aboard was fastened, we found, as was customary as well as necessary, a
 
 144 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 plank laid over from the ship, and a rope to hold by, for safe passage. The 
 night was very dark, and I had cautiously enough taken care to provide a 
 man with a lanthorn to prevent casualties. The man with the light went 
 first, and, out of his abundant complaisance, my friend the officer would 
 have me follow the light ; but I was no sooner stept upon the plank after 
 my guide but rope and plank gave way, and guide and I tumbled both toge- 
 ther into the water. 
 
 The tide was then running in pretty strong -, however, my feet in the fall 
 touching ground, gave me an opportunity to recover myself a little, at which 
 time I catched fast hold of a buoy, which was placed over an anchor on one 
 of the ships there riding: I held fast, till the tide, rising stronger and 
 stronger, threw me oft* my feet, which gave an opportunity to tlie poor fellow, 
 our lanthorn bearer, to lay hold of one of my legs, by which he held as fast 
 as I by the buoy. We had lain thus lovingly at hull together, struggling 
 with the increasing tide, which, well for us, did not break my hold (for if it 
 had, the ships which lay breast-a-breast had certainly sucked us under), when 
 several on the bridge, who saw us fall, brought others with ropes and lights 
 to our assistance j. and especially my brother-officer, who had been acces- 
 sory as well as a spectator of our calamity, though at last a very 6mall por- 
 tion of our deliverance fell to his share. 
 
 As soon as I could feel a rope I quitted my hold of the buoy, but my poor 
 drag at my heels would not on any account quit his hold of n>y leg ; and as 
 it was next to an impossibility, in that posture, to draw us up the bridge to 
 save both, if either of us, we must still have perished, had not the alarm 
 brought off a boat or two to our succour, who took us in. 
 
 I was carried as fast as possible to a neighbouring house hard by, where 
 they took immediate care to make a good fire, and where I had not been long 
 before our intended host, the master of the ship, came in very much con- 
 cerned, and blaming us for not hailing the vessel before we made an attempt 
 to enter : " for," says he, " the very night before my vessel was robbed, and 
 that plank and rope were a trap designed for the thieves if they came again, 
 not imagining that men in an honest way would have come on board without 
 askiug questions." Like the wise men of this world, I hereupon began to 
 form resolutions against a thing which was never again likely to happen, and 
 to draw inferences of instruction from an accident that had not so much as a 
 moral for its foundation. 
 
 One day after this, partly out of business, and partly out of curiosity, ! 
 went to see the mint here; and having taken notice Jo one of the officers 
 that there was a difference in the impress of their crown pieces, one having at 
 the bottom the impress of a cow, and the other none : " Sir," replied that 
 officer, " you are much in the right in your observation. Those that have 
 the cow were not coined here but at Paw, the chief city of Navarre, where 
 they enjoy the privilege of a mint as well as we. Aud tradition teJls,," say*
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 145 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 be, M that the reason of that addition to the impress was this: A certain 
 king of Navarre (when it was a kingdom distinct from that of Fiance), look- 
 ing out of a window of the palace, spied a cow, with her calf stauding aside 
 her, attacked by a lion, which had got loose out of bis menagerie. The Hon 
 •trove to get the young calf into his paw ; the cow bravely defended her 
 charge ; and so well, that the lion at last, tired and weary, withdrew, and left 
 her mistress of the field of battle, and her young one. Ever since which," 
 concluded the officer, " by order of that king, the cow is placed at the bottom 
 of the impress of all the money there coined." 
 
 Whether or no my relator guessed at the moral, or whether it was fact, I 
 dare not determine; but to me it seemed apparent, that it was no otherwise 
 intended than as an emblematical fable to cover and preserve the memory of 
 the deliverance of Henry the fourth, then the young king of Navarre, at that 
 eternally ignominious slaughter the mnssacre of Paris. Many historians, 
 their own as well as others, agree, that the house of Guise bad levelled the 
 malice of their design at that great prince. They knew him to be the lawful 
 heir; but as they knew him bred what they called a huguenot, barbarity and 
 injustice was easily concealed under the cloak of religion, and the good of 
 mother-church, under the veil of ambition, was held sufficient to postpone 
 the laws of God and man. Some of those historians have delivered it as 
 matter of fact, that the conspirators, in searching after that young king, 
 pressed into the very apartments of the queen his mother; who, having, at 
 the toll of the bell and cries of the murdered, taken the alarm, on bearing 
 them coming, placed herself in her chair, and covered the young king her son 
 with her farthingale, till they were gone. By which means she found an op-* 
 port unity to convey him to a place of more safety; and so preserved him 
 from those bloody murderers, and in them from the paw of the lion. This 
 was only a private reflection of my own at that time ; but I think carries so 
 great a face of probability, that 1 can see no present reason to reject it. And 
 to have sought after better information from the officer of the mint, had been 
 to sacrifice my discretion to my curiosity. 
 
 While I staid at Bayounc, the princess Ursini came thither, attended by 
 some of the king of Spain's guards. She bad been to drink the waters of some 
 famous spaw in the neighbourhood, the name of which has now slipt my 
 memory. She was most splendidly entertained by the qucen-dowager of 
 Spain; and the mareschal de Mont re vol bo less signaliz d himsdf in his re- 
 ception of that great lady, who was at that instant the greatest favourite in 
 the Spanish court ; though, as I have before related, she was some time after 
 basely undermined by a creature of her own advancing. 
 
 Bnyonne is esteemed the third emporium of trade in all France. It was 
 once, and remained long so, in the possession of the English ; of which, bad 
 history been silent, the cathedral church had atiordcd evident demonstration; 
 
 ▼ OL. II. T
 
 14* SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carletoiu 
 
 keir.g in ?very respect of the English model, and quite different to any of 
 their own way of building in France. 
 
 Pampehma i^ the capital city of the Spanish Navarre, supposed to have 
 been built by Pompey. It is situated in a pleasant valley, surrounded by 
 lofty hills. This town, whether famous or infamous, was the cause of the 
 first institution of the order of the Jesuits: for at the siege of this place, Ig- 
 natius Loyola, being only a private soldier, received a shot in his thigh, which 
 made him incapable of following that profession any longer ; upon which he 
 set his branis to work, being a subtle man, and invented the order of the 
 •Jesuits, which has been so troublesome to the world ever since. 
 
 At Saint Stephen, near Lerida, an action happened between the English 
 and Spaniards, in which major-general Cunningham, bravely fighting at the 
 head of hrs men, lost his life, being extremely much lamented. He was a 
 gentleman of a great estate, yet left it to serve his country; duke est pro 
 patria mori. 
 
 About two leagues from Victoria, there is a very pleasant hermitage placed 
 upon a small rising ground ; a murmuring rivulet running at the bottom, and 
 a pretty neat chapel standing near it, in which I saw Saint Christopher in a 
 gigantic shape, having a Christo upon his shoulders. The hermit was there 
 at his devotion. lasted him (though I knew it before) the reason why h« 
 was represented in so large a shape? The hermit answered with great civil- 
 itv, and told me he had his name from Christo Ferendo ; for when our Savi- 
 our was young, he had an inclination to pass a river, so Saint Christopher 
 took him on his slumlders in order to carry him over, and as the water grew 
 deeper and deeper, so he grew higher and higher. 
 
 At last we received news that the Gloucester man of war, with two trans- 
 ports, was arrived at Port Passage, in order for the transporting of all the 
 remaining prsonei s of war into England. Accordingly, they marched next 
 day, and there embarked. But I having before agreed with a master of a 
 vessel, which was loaded with wine for Amsterdam, to set me ashore at 
 Dover, staid behind waiting for that ship, as did that for a fair wind. 
 
 In three or four days 1 time, a fine and fair gale presented, of which the 
 master taking due advantage, we sailed over the bar into the bay of Biscay. 
 This is with sailors to a proverb reckoned the roughest of seas ; and yet on 
 our entrance into it nothing appeared like it. It was smooth as glass; a 
 lady's face might pass for young, and in its bloom, that discovered no more 
 wrinkles; yet scarce had we sailed three leagues before a prodigious fish 
 presented itself to our view. As near as we could guess, it might be twenty 
 yards in length, and it lay sporting itself on the surface of the sea, a great part 
 appearing out of the water. The sailors, one and all, as soon as they saw it ? 
 declared it the certain forerunner of a storm. However, our ship kept on i&t 
 course, before a fine gale, till we bad near passed over half the bay, when, all 
 on a sadden, there was such a hideous alteration as makes nature recoil on
 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHROXICLE. W7 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carlcton. 
 
 the very reflection. Those seas that seemed before to smile upon us with 
 the aspect of a friend, now in a moment changed its flattering conntenance 
 iuto that of an open enemy ; and frowns, the certain indexes of wrath, pre- 
 sented us with apparent danger, of which little on this side death could be the 
 sequel. The angry waves cast themselves up into mountains, and scourged 
 the ship on every aide from poop to prow. Such shock* from the contending 
 wind and surges — such falls from precipices of water to dismal caverns of the 
 same uncertain element. Although the latter seemed to receive us, in order to 
 screen us from the riot of the former, imagination could offer no other advan- 
 tage than that of a winding-sheet, presented and prepared for our approaching 
 fate. But why mention 1 imagination ? In me it was wholly dormant ; and 
 yet those sons of stormy weather, the sailors, had theirs about them in full 
 stretch ; for seeing the wind and sea so very boisterous, they hushed the 
 rudder of the ship, resolved to let her drive and steer herself, since it was 
 past their skill to steer her. This was our way of sojourning most part of 
 
 • hat tedious night; driven where the winds and waves thought fit to drive 
 ns, with all our sails quite lowered aud fiat upon the deck. If Ovid, in the 
 little Archipeiagian sea, could whine out his jam jam jactunis, &c. in this 
 more dismal scene, and much more daugerous sea (the pitchlike darkness of 
 the night adding to all our sad variety of woes), what words iu verse or prose 
 could serve to paint our passions or our expectations? Alas! our only ex- 
 pectation was in the return of morning: — it came at last •, yet even slowly 
 as it came, when come, we thought it come too soon, a new scene of sudden 
 death being all the advantage of its first appearance. Our ship was driving 
 full speed towards the breakers on the Cabritton shore, between Bourdeaux 
 and Bayonnc, which filled us with ideas more terrible than all before, since 
 those were past, and these seemingly as certain. Besides, to add to our 
 distress, the tide was driving in, and consequently must drive us fast to 
 visible destruction. A state so evident, that one of our sailors, whom great 
 experience bad rendered more scusible of our present danger, was preparing 
 to save one, by lashing himself to the mainmast, against the expected minute 
 <it desolation. lie v as about that melancholy work, iu utter despair of any 
 better fortune, when, as loud as ever he could bawl, " a point, a point of 
 wind 1" To me, who had had too much of it, it appeared like the sound of 
 the last trump; but to the more intelligent crew it had a difl'ereut sound 
 With vigour and alacrity they started from their prayers, or their despair, 
 aud with all imaginable speed unlashed the rudder und hoisted all their suits. 
 Never sure in nature did one minute produce a greater scene of contraries. 
 The more skilful sailors took courage at this happy pre sage of deliver 
 And according to their expectation did it happen: that heavenly point of 
 wind delivered ns from the jaws of those breakers, ready opeu to «!cv«.ur u*, 
 and carrying us out to the much mare welcome wide sea, furnished every 
 
 • s> c iu the ship with thoughts as distant as we thought our danger.
 
 148 SUPPLEMENT TO 
 
 Memoirs of Captain Carleton. 
 
 We endeavoured to make Port Passage, but our ship became unruly and 
 would not answer her helm, for which reason we were glad to go before the 
 wind, and make for the harbour of Saint Jean de Luz. This we attained 
 without any great difficulty, and to the satisfaction of all, sailors as well as 
 passengers, we there cast anchor, after the most terrible storm (as all the 
 oldest sailors agreed), and as much danger as ever people escaped. 
 
 Here I took notice that the sailors buoyed up their cables with hogsheads j 
 inquiring into the reason of which, they told me, that the rocks at the bottom 
 of the harbour were by experience found to be so very sharp that they would 
 otherwise cut their cables asunder. Our ship was obliged to be drawn up into 
 the dock to be refitted, during which I lay in the town, where nothing of 
 moment or worth reciting happened. 
 
 I beg pardon for my error : the very movements of princes must always 
 be considerable, and consequently worth recital. While the ship lay in the 
 dock, I was one evening walking upon the bridge, with the little island near 
 it (which I have before spoke of), and had a little Spanish dog along with 
 me, when, at the further end, I spied a lady and three or four gentlemen in 
 company. I kept on my pace of leisure, and so did they; but when I came 
 nearer I found they as much outnumbered me in the dog as they did in the 
 human kind, and I soon experienced to my sorrow, that their dogs by their 
 fierceness and ill humour were dogs of quality, having, without warning, or 
 the least declaration of war, fallen upon my little dog, according to pristine 
 custom, without any honourable regard to size, interest, or number. How- 
 ever, the good lady, who, by the privilege of her sex, must be allowed the 
 most competent judge of inequalities, out of an excess of condescension and 
 goodness, came running to the relief of oppressed poor Tony ; and, in 
 courtly language, rated her own oppressive dogs for their great incivility to 
 strangers. The dogs, in the middle of their insulting wrath, obeyed the 
 lady with a vast deal of profound submission, which I could not much 
 wonder at, when I understand that it was a queen-dowager of Spain who had 
 chid them. 
 
 Our ship being now repaired, and made fit to go out again to sea, we left 
 the harbour of Saint Jean de Luz, and, with a much better passage, as the 
 last tempest was still dancing in my imagination, in ten days' sail we reached 
 Dover. Here I landed on the last day of March 1713, having not till then 
 seen or touched English shore from the beginning of May 1705. 
 
 I took coach directly for London, where, when I arrived, I thought myself 
 transported into a country more foreign than any I had either fought or pil- 
 grimaged in. Not foreign do I mean, in respect to others so much as to 
 itself. 1 left it seemingly under a perfect unanimity ; the fatal distinctions of 
 whig and tory were then esteemed merely nominal, and of no more ill conse. 
 quence or danger than a bee robbed of its sting. The national concern went 
 on with vigour, and the prodigious success of the queen's arms left every 

 
 THE ROYAL MILITARY CHRONICLE. 149 
 
 Memoirs of Captain (Jarleton. 
 
 soul without the least pretence to a murmur. But now, on my return, I 
 found them on their own establishment, perfect contraries, and as unlikely 
 to be brought to meet as direct angles. Some arraigning, some extolling of 
 a peace, in which time has shewn hoth were wrong, and consequently neither 
 could be right in their notions of it, however an over prejudiced way of 
 thinking might draw them into one or the other. Bnt whig and tory are, 
 in my mind, the completest paradox in nature ; and yet, like other paradoxes, 
 old as lam, I live in hope to see, before I die, those seeming contraries 
 perfectly reconciled and reduced into one happy certainty, the public good. 
 
 Whilst 1 staid at Madrid 1 made several visits to my old acquaintance 
 general Mahoni. I remember that he told me, when the earl of Peterborough 
 and he held a coufereuce at Morvidro, his lordship used many arguments to 
 induce him to leave the Spanish service. Mahoni made several excuses, 
 especially that none of his religion was suffered to serve in the English army. 
 My lord replied, that he would undertake to get Inn accepted by an act of 
 parliament. I have often heard him speak with great respect of his lordship, 
 and was strangely surprised that after so many glorious successes he should 
 be sent away. 
 
 lie was likewise pleased to inform me, that at the battle of Sarragosa it was 
 his fortune to make come of our horse give way, aud he pursued them for a 
 considerable time, but at his return he saw the Spanish army in great 
 confusion; but it gave him the opportunity of attacking our battery of 
 guns, which he performed with great slaughter, both of gunners and ma- 
 trosses ; he at the same time inquired who it was that commanded there in 
 chief. I informed him it was colonel Bourguard, one that understood the 
 economy of the train exceeding well. As for that, he knew nothing of; but 
 that he would vouch, he behaved himself with extraordinary courage, anrf 
 defended the battery to the utmost extremity, receiving several wounds, ami 
 deserved the post in which he acted. A gentleman who was a prisoner at Gua- 
 laxara, informed me that he saw king Philip riding through that town, being 
 only attended with one of his guards. 
 
 Sarragosa, or CacsarAugusta, lies upon the river Ebro, being the capital of 
 Arragon ; it is a very ancient city, and contains fourteen great cluncl.cs, 
 and twelve convents. The church of the Lady of the Pillar is frequented 
 by pilgrims almost from all countries. It was anciently a Roman colony. 
 
 Tibi laus, tibi honor, tibi sit gloria, O gloriosa trinitas, quia tu dediutt 
 nihi banc mpportunitatem, omntt hag res gettas recordandi. Nomen (««ts> 
 tit btnidictum, per sacula sarculorvm. Ann n. 
 
 END OF VOLUME THE SECOND. 
 
 Printed by J. Davis, ) 
 
 •B, Essex street, Strand, London )
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 ORioh 
 
 Form L9— Series 444
 
 D 
 
 25 
 
 161 
 
 v.2 
 
 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 
 
 II II II 
 
 A A 000141684
 
 J> w