PARALLEL EXTRACTS. Camfcrftrge : PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M. A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. PARALLEL EXTRACTS AKKANGED FOR TRANSLATION INTO ENGLISH AND LATIN, WITH on '> J *.>*> -> * ^l 3 ') ,< -l' , M.A. BELLOW OF KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, CLASSICAL LECTURER, KING 1 8 COLLEGE, LONDON. PART I.-HISTORICAL AND EPISTOLARY. Hdttbdtt J MACMILLAN AND CO. 1874. [All Riyhts reserved.] GIFT OF PEEFACE. IN lecturing on Latin Composition I had often felt a want of some collection of English and Latin passages, to put into the hands of my pupils, that I could refer to for illustration, and some summary of general rules to which I might refer the peculiarities of idiom in any passage that I discussed with them. I have tried to supply this want, and at the same time to provide passages suitable for translation from and into English, selected and arranged as parallels to some extent in subject or in style in a few cases almost exact translations and so as to be in- teresting as well as useful. It is hoped that the small numerals in the extracts (which refer to the Notes on Idioms, and represent my own method of helping my pupils) will rouse the student to observe and classify for himself other peculiarities of diction besides those referred to, and encourage thought more effectually than foot-notes or adaptations ; and that generally the book may help the teacher to teach directly and systematically much that students are often left to absorb unconsciously by a process of saturation or infiltra- tion in writing out ' fair copies.' I feel much indebted to Mr Potts' admirable little book (Hints on Latin Composition), and also to Mr E. A. Abbott's on Latin Prose through English Idioms. They vi Preface. satisfy a real want that has long been felt. Both I have made use of, though my line and method of teaching had been adopted before I saw either, and part of the book was in print before I saw the latter. I am also much indebted to Professor J. B. Mayor and other friends for valuable hints and corrections in the proof-sheets. The Second Part will contain a selection of Oratorical, Philosophical and Miscellaneous Passages : and I hope to be able shortly to provide a selection of easy passages for Greek Prose Composition arranged on the same principle. Suggestions and corrections will be gratefully re- ceived. J. E. NIXON. KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE, Jan. 1874. CONTENTS OF NOTES ON IDIOMS. PAGE Order and connexion of ideas, 1 9 .... xi xvi Compound terms, 2. Qualifying words and clauses,' 3. Emphasis and antithesis, 4 (see also 8). Chronological order, 4 (see also 9 7). Relatives, their position, 6. Change of subject, 6. Passives replaced by Actives, 7. Coordinate by subordinate clauses and period, 9. Substantives, 10 14 xvii xix Repetition of subject and object, 10. Pleonasms, 11. Substantives replaced by verbs, &c. , 12. Abstract by concrete expressions, 13. Realism, 14. Pronouns, 1517 xx xxi Definite and indefinite Articles. Is, hie, ille, iste, idem, ipse, aliquis, g ' UteT horum dodfarl 'Which of these is the cleverest ?' Prior ego, ' I was first to speak.' quo nihil iniquius, l a most unfair course.' Cf. 3, 16; (6)5; (32)2; 36, 2. 24, 25] Notes on Idioms. xxv /?. The Latin comparative is often rendered by our * too,' as in ' too great,' majus quam quod fieri possit; ' too great for lightning,' majores fulguribus, or quam fulgura, (26, 27) ; often by our 'rather' or 'so:' or by a simple positive ; e.g. in the Latin, fortior quam felicior. Cf. 7, 13 ; 19, 32 ; 22, 2, 16 ; 33, 14 ; 36, 2 ; 45, 26 ; 51, 15. y. The positive replaces the superlative, especially in English, our superlative being often awkward in form, and less used ; Co,to vir justissimus, f That just man Cato.' Cf. 21, 811; 33, 3; 37, 49 ; 38, 16. 8. Latin superlatives mean not only ' most' but 'very;' optimus = ' best/ ' one of the best,' ' very good,' or simply 'good.' Cf. 36, 1; 43,4; 45, 23; 48,9. e. Comparisons are made in Latin usually by simple co-ordinate clauses, the copula or relative replacing our * as,' ' than,' ortlie P ast *- '. captum statim occidit; sometimes by just as 7 ' j vix...quum; (aixerat)...quum. while yet; 1 on the one hand L ut ita ; quum turn. on the other; ' not you but I,' ego non tu ; 1 by this time.' jam; 1 at once,' idem or et et (et bonus et strenuus) ; 1 at all events,' 'at least,' ' in any case,' certe, omnino; 1 positively,' 'actually,' quidem, or unexpressed ; e. g. facere voluit et fecit (quidem) ; 1 quite,' omnino, valde, plane; ' of course,' quidem, vero, sane; profecto. 'yes,' etiam, maxime, aio, sic, ita, immo (with or without vero) ; 'no,' non, minime, nego. ' not,' ne, of a purpose, non otherwise ; minus (sin, quo, &c. minus). Both English and Latin particles have widely different meanings according to position and the accents of the sentence, which must be carefully marked ; e.g. ' still * = (i) nihilominus, tamen, (ii) adhuc, (iii) usque ; ' indeed ' = (i) sane quam (dolui), (ii) sane, quidem (fj.v) answered by sed (Sc), &c. (iii) ita ne ? (iv) (minime) vero, (v) re vera ; Amplius, plus, minus may be prefixed to numerals numerals? (whatever case they are in or are joined with), quam being omitted ; e.g. umbram non amplius vin pedes longam. Similarly we find (Livy xxxvin. 38) obsides ne minor es octo- num denum annorum neu maiores quinum quadragenum; quam being omitted. * Under thirty' may be translated by minus triginta annos natus, minor triginta annis, minor triginta annos natus, minor triginta annorum. Ad (about) is found prefixed to numerals with all cases adverbially, ad duo millia et trecenti occisi, Liv. x. 17 ; but not in Cicero. The following are also found added 51] Notes on Idioms. liii or prefixed to numerals; admodum, ' about,' or 'quite;' ipse, 'exactly;' numero, 'in all,' or unexpressed in English; minimum, quum minimum, ' at least ; ' and maxime, fere, &c. S. Multiplicatives (duplex, triplex, <&c.) are used Multiplica- with quam; pars mea duplex quam tua; forms in -plus are also used, quadruplus, duplus, and their neuters as substantives, But generally (sex) partibus major, minor, is found for our ' (six) times as great ;' e.g. sol amplius duodeviginti partibus maior quam terra (Cic. Acad.); duo- bus partibus or (duplo) amplius (Cic. Verr.)', '18 times greater or as great,' 'twice as much:' where notice, that the xvui partibus is the full measure of the thing that exceeds, not of the excess as might have been expected. This may be compared with their inclusive method of reckoning. e. Fractions are expressed by use of the 12 divisions Fractions, of the as (especially for land, inheritance, interest) ; or of the numerals (cardinal, ordinal, and distributive) with partes or pars. Often the fraction is split into two. Heres ex besse (f), ex deunce et semuncia (ff); duae partes (|), tres partes (|) (as in Greek); or duae tertiae (f), tres septimae (f ) ; tres cum semisse, 3 J ; tertia pars et octava paulo amplius, ' a little more than J ths.' Cf. 17, 21 ; 20, 19. . Though momentum (like punctum and articulus) Fractions of is used for a small portion of time (horae momenta nullo, momentis horarum, Plin. N. H. vii. 161, 172; momenta temporis, Liv. xxi. 33 ; parvo momento, Caes.), yet our divisions of the hour were unknown to the Romans, and must be expressed by fractions, as in the following (mainly taken from Pliny N. H.} ; dimidia hora ; dodrans korae; quintae partes horae tres ; bis quinta pars horae; liv Notes on Idioms. [ 51, 52. semuncia horae ( = 2J minutes); dodrans semuncia horae, 47 J min. ; paries octo unius horae ; sesquihora (11 lir.); horae quattuordecim et dimidia cum trigesima parte unius horae (14^ hrs.). This last will form a useful model; as of course sexagesima pars could be used similarly. Cf. 9, 22 ; 48, 15. The hour. 52. To mark the hour of the day, write prima, secunda, assim adjacerent vallo, oberrarent tentoriis, 5 insomnes magis quam pervigiles. coepta luce rnissae 9 in latera legiones, metu an contumacia, locum deseruere, capto 25 propere cam]>o umentia ultra. neque tamen Arminius quamquam libero incursu statim prorupit: sed ut liaesere caeno fossisque impedimenta, turbati circum milites, incertus signorum ordo, jo utque tali in tempore sibi quisque properus et lentae adversum imperia aures 42 , inrumpere 12 Germanos jubet, clamitans 'en Varus eodemque iterum fato vinctae legiones!' simul haec 34 et cum delectis scindit agmen equisque maxime vulnera ingerit. iili sanguine suo et lubrico paludum lapsantes excussis 25 recto- Historical, 3 (1.) STORY OP CINCIXNATUS. Then the Master of the people and the Master of the horse went 41 together into the forum, and bade every man to shut up his booth, and stopped all causes at law, and ordered that every man who was 30 of an ag to go out to battle should be ready in the Field of Mars* 5 before sunset, and 9 should have with him victuals fur five days, and twelve stakes ; and the older men dressed the victuals for the soldiers, whilst the soldiers went about everywhere to get their stakes; 'and they cut them where they would* 9 , without 3 * any hindrance 1 *. So the army 10 was ready in the Field of 10 Mars at the time appointed, and they set forth from the city, and 9 made such haste, that ere the night was half spent 28 they came 41 to Algidus; and when they perceived thnt thpy were near the enemy, they made a halt 13 . Then Luoius rode on 9 , and saw how the camp of the enemy lay 28 ; and he ordered his 15 soldiers to throw down all their baggage into one place, but to keep each man his arms and his twelve stakes. Then they set out again in their order of march as 5 they had corne from. Rome, and they spread themselves round the camp of the enemy on every side. When this 9 was done, upon a signal 2 o given they raised a great shout, and directly every man began 41 to dig a ditch just where he stood, and to set in his stakes. The 34 shout rang through the camp of the enemy, and filled them with fear; and it sounded even to tiro camp of the Romans who were shut up in the valley, and 9 the consul's men ^s said one to another, " Rescue is surely at h&nd, for that is the shout of the Romans 44 ." ARNOLD. (2.) DEFEAT OF YARUS. Fatigue and discouragement now began to betray 28 themselves in the Roman ranks 11 . Their line became less steady; baggage-waggons were abandoned from the impossibility 12 of forcing them along; and 9 as this hap- pened, many soldiers left 41 their ranks and crowded round 5 the waggons to secure the most valuable portions of their property 11 ; each busy about his own affairs 11 , and purposely slow in hearing the word 11 of command from 50 bis officers. Arminius now gave the signal for a general 18 attack 12 . The fierce shouts of the Germans pealed through the gloom 13 of the 10 forests 6 , and in thronging multitudes they assailed the flanks of the invaders 10 , pouring 25 in clouds 45 of darts on the encumbered legionaries, as they struggled up the glens or floundered 25 in the morasses. Arminius, with a chosen baud of personal 11 12 4 Historical. 15 ribus disicere obvios, proterere iacentes 41 . plurimus circa aquilas labor 11 , quae 9 neque ferri adversum ingruentia tela neque figi' limosa humo poterant. Caecinadumsustentat 33 aciem, suffosso' equo 9 delapsus circumveniebatur, ni prima legio sese opposuisset. juvit 7 hostium aviditas, omissa caede praedara sectantium 42 ; 20 enisaeque legiones vesperascente die in aperta et solida 11 . neque is miseriarum finis, strnendum vallum, petendus agger, amissa magna ex parte per quae 11 egeritur humus aut exciditur caespes; non 48 tentoria manipulis, non 48 fomenta sauciis ; in- fectos 9 caeno aut cruore cibos dividentes 25 funestas 13 tenebras et 25 tot hominum milihus unum iam reliquum diem lamentabantur 29 . TACITUS. 3. Liberas aedes 7 eonjurati (et omnes forte militabant) imminentes viae angustae, qua descendere ad forum rex solebat 36 , sumpserunt. Ibi quum instructi armatique ceteri transitum expectantes starent 25 , uni ex eis (Dinomeni fuit nomen), qtiia 5 custos corporis erat, partes datae sunt, ut, quum appropin- quaret 30 ianuae rex, per causam aliquam in angustiis sustineret ab tergo agmen. Ita, \it con veil erat, factum est. Tanquam 11 laxaret elatum pedem ab stricto nodo, moratus turbam Dino- meiies tantum intervalli fecit, ut, quum in praetereuntem sine 10 armatis regem impetus fieret 25 , coiifoderetur ao aliquot prius vulneribus, quam succurri posset. Fuga satellitum, ut ia- centem videre regem, facta est ; interfectores pars in forum ad multitudinem laetam libertate 11 , pars Syracusas pergunt ad praeoccupanda Andranodori regiorumque aliorurn consilia. 15 Ceterum praevenerat non fama solum qua 9 nihil in talibus rebus est celerius 24 , sed nuntius etiam ex 15 regiis servis. Itaque Andranodorus et Iiisulam et arcem et alia 11 , quae poterat quaeque opportuna erant, praesidiis firmarat. Hexap} 7 lo Theodotus ac Sosis post solis occasum iam obscura luce invecti, 20 quum cruentam regiam vestem atque insigne capitis ostenta- rent 25 , travecti 25 per Tycham 9 simul ad libertatem, simul ad arma vocantes 25 , in Acliradinam con venire jubent. Multitudo pars procurrit in vias, pars in vestibulis stat, pars ex tectis fenestrisque prospectant et, quid rei sit, rogitant. Omnia 11 25 luminibus col lucent strepi tuque vario complentur. In Insula inter cetera Andranodorus praesidiis iirmarat liorrea publica. Locus saxo quadrate saeptus atque arcis in modum emunitus capitur 41 ab iuventute 11 quae praesidio ems loci attributa erat; mittuntque nuntios in Achradinam, Lorrea frumentumque in 30 seiiatuf potestate esse. LIVY, xxiv. 7, 21. ; Historical. 5 -retainers round him, cheered 9 on his countrymen by voice and 15 example. He and his men aimed their weapons particularly at the horses of the Roman cavalry 10 . The wounded animals 10 , slipping about in the mire and their own blood, threw 9 their riders, and plunged among the ranks of the legions, disorder- ing 25 all round 6 them 4 . 20 The bulk of the Roman army fought 39 steadily and stub- bornly, frequently repelling 25 the masses of the assailants, but gradually losing the compactness 13 of their array. At last, in a series 11 of desperate attacks the column was pierced 9 through and through, two of the eagles captured 9 , and the Roman host, 25 which 011 the yester morning 52 had marched forth in such 35 pride 12 and might, now broken up into confused fragments 12 , either fell fighting beneath the overpowering 18 numbers 13 of the enemy, or perished in the swamps and woods in unavailing efforts 12 at flight. CREASY. 30 (3.) INSURRECTION AT SYRACUSE* An empty house in this street had 7 been occupied by the conspirators: when 9 the king came opposite to it, one of their number* 1 , who was one of the king's guards, and close to his person 14 , stopped just behind him, as if something had caught his foot; and whilst 5 he seemed trying to get free, he checked the advance 13 of the following multitude, and left 28 the king to go on a few steps unattended. At that moment the conspirators rushed out of the house 9 and murdered him. So sudden was 9 the act 11 , that his guards could not save him: seeing 25 him dead, they were 10 seized with a panic and dispersed. The murderers hastened, some into the market-place of Leontini, to raise the cry 12 of liberty there, and others to Syracuse, to anticipate the king's friends, and secure the city for themselves and the Romans. Their tidings however had flown 45 before them; and Andraiio- 15 dorus, the king's uncle, had already secured the island 13 of Ortygia, in which was the citadel. The assassins 10 arrived 9 just at nightfall 13 , displaying 25 the bloody robe of Hieronymus, and the diadem which they had torn from his head, and calling 4 the people to rise in the name of liberty. This call 10 was. 20 obeyed : all the city, except the island, was presently in their power ; and in the island itself a strong building 6 , which was 29 used as a great corn magazine for the supply 11 of the whole city, was no sooner 34 seized by those whom Andranodorus had sent to occupy it, than they offered to deliver it up to the 25 opposite party. ARNOLD. . 6 Biaforicat .. v 4. ARMINIUS. Flumen Visurgis Romanos Cheruscosque int|||ebat 29 .' ems in ripa cum ceteris primoribus Armiiiins axMitit, quaesito 9 que an Caesar venisset, postquam adesse re- sponsum est 9 , ut Iiceret 12 cum fratre conloqni oravit. erat 10 is 16 5 in exereitu cognomento Flavus 9 , insignis fide et amisso 13 per vulnus oculo paucis ante annis duce Tiberio. turn permissu * * progressusque salutatur ab Arminio ; qui 9 araotis stipatoribus, ut sagittarii nostra pro ripa dispositi abscederent posstulat 41 , et postquam digressi, unde ea deformitas oris interrogat fratrem. 10 illo locum et proelmm referente 9 , quodnam praemium recepisset exquirit 6 . Flavus aucta^stipendia, torqnem et coronam aliaque militaria donamemorat, inridente 42 Arminio vilia servitii pretia. Exim diversi ordiuntur, hie 23 magnitiidinem Romanam, opes Caesaris et victis 4 graves poenas, in deditioneru venienti para- 15 tain clemeiitiam ; neque coDJugem et filium eius hostiliter haberi 43 ; ille fas 11 patriae, libertatem avitam, penetralis Gernm- niae deos, matrem 13 precum sociam ; ne propinquorum et adfinium deriique gentis stiae desertor et proditor quam im- perator esse mallet, paulatim inde ad iurgia prolapsi 9 quo co minus pugnam consererent n-e flumine quidem interiecto 13 cohibebantur, ni Stertinius adcurrens plenum irae armaque et equum poscentem 9 Flavum adtinuiset. cernebatur contra mi- nitabundus Arminius proeliumque denur)tians a5 ; nam pleraque Latino sermone interiaeiebat, ut qui R,omariis in castris ductor 25 popularium meruisset. TACITUS. 5. ARCHIMEDES. Acliradinae murum, qui, ut ante dictum est, niari alluitur*, sexaginta quinqueremibus Marcellus oppug- nabat. Ex ceteris navibus sagittarii funditoresqne, vix quem- quam sine vulnere consistere in muro patiebantur; hi, quia 5 spatio missilibus opus est, procul muro tene bant naves; iunctae 9 aliae binae quinqueremes, demptis interioribus remis, ut latus lateri applicaretur, quum exteriore ordine remorurn velut una navis agerentur 25 , turres contabulatas machinamentaque alia quatiendis muris portabant. Ad versus hunc navalem apparatum 10 Archimedes variae magnitudinis tormenta in muris disposuit. In eas, quae 6 j)rocul erant, naves saxa ingenti pondere emit- tebat 29 ; propiores levioribus eoque magis crebris petebat telis j Historical. 7 (4.) MEETING OF ARMINIUS AND HI> BROTHER. The brother of Arminius had assumed 38 the Roman nc.tne of Flavius, and had gained considerable distinction 12 in the Roman service 11 , in which he had lost an eye from a wound in ba^t'e 9 . When the Roman outposts approached the river Weser, Arminius called 9 out to 5 them from the opposite bank, and 9 expressed 38 a wish to see his brother. Flavius stepped forward, and 9 Arminius ordered his own followers to retire, and 9 requested that the archers should be removed from the Roman bank of the river. This was done 9 : and the brothers began 4 a conversation from the ID opposite sides of the stream, in which 5 Arminius questioned his brother respecting the loss 13 of his eye, and what battle it had been lost in, and what reward he had received for his wound 10 . Flavius 6 told 41 him how the eye was destroyed, and mentioned 28 the increased pay that he had on account of its 15 loss 11 , and showed the collar and other military decorations that had been given him. Arminius mocked at these as badges 45 of slavery ; and then each began 41 to try to win the other over \ Flavius, boasting 28 the power of Rome, and her generosity to the submissive ; Arminius appealing to him in 20 the name of their country's gods, of the mother that had borne them, and by the holy names 11 of fatherland and freedom, not to prefer being the betrayer to being the champion of his country. They soon proceeded to mutual 21 taunts and menaces, and 9 Flavius called aloud for his horse and his arms, that he 25 might dash across the river and attack his brother ; nor would he have been checked from doing so, had not the Roman general 2 , Stertinius, run up to him, and forcibly detained him. Arminius stood 29 on the other bank, threatening the rene- gade 10 , and defying him to battle. CREASY. 30 (5.) SIEGE OF SYRACUSE. Marcellus brought up his ships against the sea 5 - wall of Achradina, and endeavoured by a con- stant discharge 13 of stones and arrows to clear the walls of their defenders, so that his men might apply their ladders, and mount to the assault 12 . These ladders rested on two ships, lashed 5 together broad.side to broadside, and worked as one by their outside oars. But Archimedes had supplied the ramparts with an artillery so powerful, that it overwhelmed the Romans before they could get 30 within the range 11 which their missiles could reach 23 : and when they came closer, they found 28 that all the 10 lower part of the wall was loopholed ; and their men were 8 Historical. postremo, ut sui yulnere intacti tela in hostem ingererent, murum ab imo ad summum crebris cubitalibus fere cavis aperuit 12 , per 15 quae 5 cava pars sagittis, pars scorpionibus modicis ex occulto 36 , petebant hostem. Quia propius quaedam subibant naves, quo interiores ictibus 11 tormentoruni essent, in. eas tollenoiie super murum. eminente- ferrea manus firmae catenae illigata quum iniecta prorae esset 9 gravique libramento plumbi recelleret ad co solum, suspensa prora navem in puppim statuebat ; dein re- missa 9 subito velut ex nmro cadentem navem, cum 50 ingenti trepidatione nautarum ita undae affligebat, ut, etiamsi recta reciderat, aliquantum aquae acciperet. Ita maritima oppugnatio est elusa, omnisque spes eo versa, ut totis viribus terra aggrede- 25 rentur 33 . Sed ea quoque pars eodem omni apparatu tormento- runi instructa erat. Ita consilio habito 9 , quoniam omnis conatus ludibrio esset, absistere oppugnatione atque obsidendo 12 tantum arcere terra marique commeatibus hostem placuit. LIVY, xxiv. 34. 6. Romae hand minus terroris ac tumultus erat 28 , quam fuerat triennio ante, quum castra Punica obiecta Romania 12 moenibus portisque fuerant. Neque satis constabat animis, tam audax 13 iter consults laudarent vituperarentne. Apparebat 2U 5 (quo 5 nihil iniquius 24 est) ex eventu famam habiturum. "Castra prope Hannibalem hostem 18 relicta sine duce cum exercitu, cui detractum 7 foret omne, quod roboris, quod floris fuerit ; et consulem in Lucanos ostendisse iter, quum Picenum et Galliam peteret, castra relinquentem 25 nulla alia re tutiora, quam errore 10 hostis, qui ducem inde atque exercitus partem abesse ignoraret 30 . Quid futurum, si id palam fiat .?" Veteres eius belli clades, duo consules proximo anno interfecti 13 terrebant 7 . Et 43 ea oninia ac- cidisse, quum unus i'mperator, unus exercitus hostium in Italia esset : nunc duo bella Punica facta, duos ingentes exercitus, 15 duos prope Hannibales in Italia esse. Quippe et Hasdru- balem, patre eodem 2 Hamilcare genitum, aeque impigrum ducem, per tot in Hispania annos Romano exercitatum bello, gemina victoria insignem, duobus exercitibus cum clarissimis ducibus deletis 13 . Nam itineris quidem celeritate ex Hispania et con- co citatis 33 ad arma Gallicis gentibus niulto magis, quam Hanni- balem ipsum, gloriari posse. Omnia maiora etiam vero prae- sidia hostium, minora sua, metu interprete, semper in deteriora 11 inclinato, ducebant 29 . LIVY, XXVIL Historical. 9 struck down 7 with fatal aim by an enemy whom they could not see, and who shot his arrows in perfect security 36 . If they still persevered 9 , and attempted to fix their ladders, on a sudden enormous stones or huge masses of lead were dropped upon 15 them, by which their ladders were crushed to pieces, and their ships were almost sunk. At other times machines like cranes were thrust out over the wall ; and the end of the lever, with an iron grapple affixed to it, was 29 lowered upon the ships. As soon as the grapple had taken hold, the other end of the lever 20 was lowered 9 by heavy weights, and the ship raised out of the water, till it was made 28 almost to stand upon its stern ; then the grapple was suddenly let go 9 , and the ship dropped into the sea with a violence which either upset it, or filled it with water. With equal power was the assault on the land side repelled, 25 till Marcellus in despair 12 put a stop to his attacks ; and it was resolved merely to blockade the town, and to wait for the effect of famine upon the crowded population 11 within. ARNOLD. (6.) BEFORE THE BATTLE OF METAURUS. Meanwhile, at Koine, the news 12 of Nero's expedition 13 had caused the greatest excitement and alarm. All men felt 29 the full audacity 13 of the enterprise 11 , but hesitated 29 what epithet 11 to apply 28 to it. It was evident that Nero's conduct 13 would be judged of by 5 the event, that 5 most 24 unfair criterion 11 , as the Roman historian truly terms 28 it. People reasoned 28 on the perilous state in which Nero had left the rest 13 of his army, without a general, and deprived of the core 45 of its strength, in the vicinity 12 of the terrible 18 Hannibal. They talked 39 over the former dis- 10 asters of the war, and the fall 13 of both the consuls of the last year. All these calamities 43 had come on them while they had only one Carthaginian general and army to deal 28 with in Italy. Now they had two Punic wars at a time. They had two Carthaginian armies; they had almost two 15 Hannibals in Italy. Hasdrubal was sprung from the same father; trained up in the same hostility to Rome ; equally practised in battle against their legions; and, if the com- parative speed and success with which he had crossed the Alps was a fair test 12 , he was even a better general than his 20 brother. With fear for their interpreter of every rumour, they exaggerated the strength of their enemy's forces 4 in every quarter, and criticised and distrusted their own. CREASY. 10 Historical. 1. BATTLE OF METAURUS. Romae neuter animi habitus satis dici enarrarique potest, nee quo incerta exspectatione eventus civitas fuerat, nee quo victoriae famam accepit. Nuu- quam per omnes dies, ex quo 11 Claudium consulem profectum 1 * 5 fama attulit, ab orto 13 sole ad occidentem, aut senator quisquam a curia atque ab magistratibus 11 abscessit, aut populus e foro. Matronae, quia 25 nihil in ipsis opis erat, in preces obtestatio- nesque versae 9 , per omnia delubra vagae suppliciis votisque fati- " gare deoe. Tarn sollicitae 12 ac suspensae 12 civitati fama incerta ro primo accidit, duos Narnienses equites in castra, quae in fau- cibus Umbriae opposita 13 erant, venisse ex prc/elio, nuntiarites ^ caesos 13 liostes. Et primo magis auribus, quam animis, id ac- ceptum erat, ut 11 mains laetiusque 24 , quam quod mente capere, aut satis credere possent : et ipsa celeritas tidem impediebat, 15 quod biduo ante pugnatum dicebatur 29 . Literae deinde ab L. Manlio Accidino missae ex castris afferuutur de Narniensium equitum adventu. Eae litterae per forum ad tribunal praetoris latae senatum curia exciverunt 28 ; tantoque certamine ac tu- multu populi ad fores curiae concursum 12 est, ut adire nuiitius 20 non posset, sed traheretur a percontantibus 25 vociferantibusque, ut in rostris prius quam in senatu litterae recitarentur. Tandem summoti et coerciti a magistratibus, dispensarique laetitia inter potentes eius animos potuit 28 . In senatu primum, deinde in contione litterae recitatae sunt ; et pro cuiusque ingenio aliis 25 iam certum gaudium, aliis nulla ante futura 28 fides erat, quam legatos cousulumve 50 litteras audiesent. Ipsf>s deinde appropin- quare 12 legatos allatum 12 est. Turn eriimvero omnis aetas cur- rere 41 obvii, primus 8 quisque oculis auribusque haurire tanturn gaudium. cupientes. Ad Mulvium usque pontem continens 11 3 o agmen pervenit. Legati (erant L. Veturius Philo, P. Licinius Varus, Q. Ccecilius Metellus) circumfusi omnis generis hominum frequeutia in forum pervenerunt, quum 25 alii ipsos, alii comites eorum, quae acta essent, percoritarentur ; et ut quisque audi- erat 23 , exercitum hostium imperatoremque occisum, legiones 35 liomanas incolumes, salvos consules esse, extemplo aliis porro 28 impertiebant gaudium suurn. Quum aegre in curiam perven- tum esset, multo aegrius summota turba, ne patribus misceretur, litterae in senatu recitatae sunt. Inde traducti in contionem legati. L. Veturius, litteris recitatis 9 , ipse planius omnia, quae 40 acta erant, exposuit cum 50 ingenti assensu, postremo etiam clamore universae contionis, quum 25 vix gaudium animis cape- rent. Discursum inde ab aliis circa templa deum, ut grates Historical. 11 (7.) a. AFTER THE BATTLE. From the moment 11 that Nero's march 13 from the south had been heard of at Rome, intense anxiety possessed 28 the whole city. Every day the senate sat 29 from sunrise 13 to sunset; and not a senator was absent : every day the forum was crowded from morn- 5 ing till evening, as each hour might 49 bring some great tidings 12 ; and every man wished to be 8 among the first to hear them 9 . A doubtful rumour arose, that a great battle 1 " had been fought, and a great victory Avon only two days before : two horsemen of Narnia had 43 ridden off from the 10 field to carry the news 12 to their home ; it had 43 been heard and published in the camp of the reserve 18 army, which was lying 28 at Narnia to cover the approach 13 to Rome. But men dared 29 not lightly believe what they so much wished to be true: and how, they said 43 , could a battle fought in the ex- 15 tremity 13 of Umbria be heard of only two days after at Rome 2 Soon however it was known that & letter had arrived from L. Maulius Acidinus himself, who commanded the army a Narnia: the horsemen had 43 certainly arrived there from the field of battle, and brought tidings- 12 of a glorious victory 11 . The 20 letter was read first in the senate, and then in the forum from the rostra; but some still refused to believe : fugitives 43 from a battle-field might 49 carry idle tales of victory to hide their own shame ; till the account came directly from the consuls, it was rash to credit it 6 . 25 b. At last, word 11 was brought that oflacers of high rank" in the consul's army were on their way 12 to Rome; that 9 they bore a despatch from, Livius and Nero. Then the whole city poured out of the walls to meet them, eager 25 to anticipate the moment which was to confirm all their hopes. For two miles, as far 30 as the Milvian bridge over the Tiber, .the crowd formed 28 an uninterrupted mass; and when the officers appeared, they could scarcely make their way to the city, the multitude thronging 25 around them, and overwhelming them and their attendants with eager questions. As each man learnt 27 the 35 joyful answers 11 , he made haste to tell them to others: "the enemy's army is destroyed 44 ; the general slain; our own legions and both the consuls are safe." So the crowd re-entered the city; and the three officers, all men of noble names, L. Vetu- rius Philo, P. Licinius Yarns, and Q. Metellus, still followed 7 4 by the thronging 18 multitude, at last reached the senate-house. 12 Historical. agerent, ab aliis domes, ut coniugibus liberisque tarn 35 laetura nuntium impertirent. Senatus, quod M. Livius et C. Claudius 45 consules incolumi exercitu ducem hostium legionesque occidis- sent 30 , supplicationem in triduum decrevit. Earn supplica- tionem 7 C. Hostilius praetor edixit ; celebrata a viris femi- nisque est. Omnia templa per totum triduum aequalem turbani habuere, quum 25 matronae amplissima veste cum liberis, perinde 50 ac si debellatum 12 foret, omni solutae metu deis immortalibus grates agerent. Statum 7 quoque civitatis ea victoria firmavit, ut iam iiide liaud secus quam in pace res inter se contrahere 28 vendendo, argentum creditum solvendo, auderent. LIVY, xxvii. 50, 51. 8. Posito ubique bello magna pars senatus extremum dis- crimen adiit 28 , profecta 9 cum Othone ab urbe, dein Mutinae relicta, illuc adverse de proelio adlatum 12 : sed milites ut falsum rumorem aspernantes, quod infensum Othoni senatum 5 arbitrabantur 25 , custodire 41 sermones, voltum habitumque tra- here in deterius : conviciis postremo ac probris causarn et ini- tium caedis quaerebant, cum alius insuper metus senatoribus instaret, ne praevalidis 20 iam Vitellii partibus cunctanter 36 excepisse victoriam crederentur. ita trepidi 12 et utrimque anxii 10 coeunt, riemo privatim expedite consilio, inter multos 11 societate culpae tutior 28 . rediere omnes Bononiam, rursus consiliaturi ; simul medio temporis plures nuntii sperabantur. Bononiae, divisis 9 per itinera qui recentissimum 11 quemque percontaren- tur, interrogatus Otlionis libertus causam digressus habere se 15 suprema eius mandata respondit ; ipsum viventem quidem re- lictum, sed sola posteritatis cura et abruptis vitae bland imeiitis. hinc admiratio et plura interrogandi pudor, atque omnium animi in Vitellium inclinavere. intererat consiliis frater eius L. Vitellius seque iam adulantibus 13 offerebat, cum repente 70 Coenus libertus Neronis atroci mendacio universes perculit 12 , adfirmans 25 superventu quartae decumae legionis, iunctis a Brix- ello viribus, caesos victores, versam partium fortunam. causa fingendi fuit, ut diplomata Othonis, quae neglegebantur, laetiore nuntio revalescerent. et Coenus quidem rapide in urbem vectus 75 paucos post dies iussu Vitellii poenas luit : senatorum peri- culurn auctum credentibus 12 Othonianis militibus vera esse quae 11 adferebantur 29 . nee ultra in commune congressi sibi 11 quisque consuluere, donee missae a Fabio Yalente epistulae detnerent 42 nietum 30 . et mors Othonis quo landabilior 5 , eo velo- 30 eius audita. TAG. Hist. n. 52. Historical. 13 The people pressed after them into the senate-house itself: but even at such a moment the senate forgot not its accustomed order 9 ; the crowd was forced back; and the consul's despatch was first read to the senators alone. Immediately afterwards 45 the officers came out into the forum : there L. Veturius again read the despatch; and 9 as its contents 11 were short, he himself related the particulars 11 of what he had seen and done. The in- terest 13 of his hearers grew more intense with every word ; till at last the whole multitude broke out into a universal 21 cheer, and 50 then rushed from the forum in all directions to carry the news to their wives and children at home, or ran to the temples to pour out their gratitude 13 to the gods. The senate ordered a thanksgiving of three days ; the praetor announced it in the forum ; and for three days every temple was crowded ; and 55 the Roman wives and mothers, in their gayest dresses, took their children with them 9 , and poured forth their thanks to all the gods for this great deliverance 12 . ARNOLD. (8.) NEWS OF THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE. Meanwhile Dublin 13 had been in violent commotion. On 9 the thirtieth of June 53 it was known that the armies were face to face 14 with the Boyne between them, and that a battle was almost inevitable 23 . The news 12 that William had been wounded 5 came thab evening. The first report was 8 that the wound was mortal 9 . It was believed 9 , and confidently repeated, that the usurper was no more 45 ; and, before the truth was known, couriers started bearing the glad tidings of his death to the French ships which lay 29 in the ports of Munster. From day- 10 break 52 on the first of July 53 the streets of Dublin were filled with persons 11 eagerly asking 25 and telling news 42 . A thousand wild rumours wandered 28 to and fro among the crowd. A fleet ' of men of war under 50 the white flag had been seen from the hill of Howth 43 . An army commanded by a Marshal of France 15 had landed in Kent. There had been hard fighting 12 at the Boyne: but the Irish had -won the day 45 : the English right wing had been routed 9 : the Prince of Orange was a prisoner 9 . "While the Roman Catholics heard 41 and repeated these stories 11 in all the places of public resort, the few Protestants who 5 were 20 still out of prison, afraid of being 33 torn to pieces, shut them- selves up in their inner chambers.. But, towards five in the afternoon 52 , a few runaways came straggling in with 5 evil tidings 12 . By six it was known that all was lost 45 . MACAULAY. 14 Historical 9. (a) JERUSALEM. Urbem 7 ardnam situ opera molesque firmaverant, quis vel plana 11 satis munirentur 13 . nam duos colles in immenstim" editos claudebant 29 muri per artem obliqui 12 aut introrsus sinuati, lit latera obpiignantium ad ictus patesce- 5 rent, extrema 12 rupis abrupta : et turres, ubi mons iuvi^set 30 , in sexagenos pedes, inter devexa 11 incentenos vicenosfque] attol- lebantur, mira specie ac procul intuentibus 18 pares, alia infcus raoenia, regiae circumiecta 25 , conspicuoque fastigio turris An- tonia, in honorem M. Antonii ab Herode appellata. Templum 10 In modum arcis propriique muri, labore et opere ante alios ; ipsae porticus, quis templnm ambibatur 23 , egregimn propug- iiaculum 41 . fons perennis aquae, cavati sub terra niontes 13 et piscinae cisternaeque servandis imbribus. TAC. Hist. v. 11. (b) MARCELLUS AT SYRACUSE. Marcellns nt nioenia in- X 5 rjressus 9 ex superioribus locis 11 urbem omnium ferme ilia tem- pestate pulcherrimarn subiectam oculis 45 vidit, illacrimasse dici- tur partim gaudio tantae perpetratae rei 11 partim vetusta gloria nrbis. Atheniensium classes demersae 13 et duo ingentes exer- citus cum duobus clarissimis ducibus deleti 13 occurrebant 11 et t?t - bella cum Carthagiriiensibus tanto cum discrimine gesta, tot tarn opulenti tyranni regesque. Ea quum uriiversa occurrerent animo, subiretque cogitatio, iam ilia momento liorae arsura 12 omnia et ad cineres reditura, priusquam signa Achradinam ad- moveret 30 , praemittit Syracusanos 15 , qui intra praesidia Komana, 12 5 ut ante dictum est, fuerant, ut alloquio leni impellerent hostes ad dedendam urbem. LIVY, xxv. 24. 10. Postremo promptis 20 iam et aliis sedition's ministris volnf, contionabundus interrogabat 29 , cu 1 " p-riucis centurionibus, paucioribus tribunis in modum servorum oboedireut. quando ausuros 43 exposcere remedia, nisi novum et nntantem adhnc ^ principem precibus vel armis adirent 1 satis per tot annos isf- navia peccatum 12 , quod tricena aut quadragena stipendia senes et plerique truncate ex vulneribus corpore tolerent 33 . ne di- missis quidem nnem esse militiae, sed apud vexillum tend- entes 42 alio vocabulo eosdem labores perferre 28 . ac si quis tot 10 casus vita superaverit 29 , tralii adhuc diversas in terras, ubi per nomen agrorum uligines paludum vel inculta moiitium acci- piant. enimvero militiam ipsam gravem, infructuosam 12 ; denis in diem 3 assibus 8 animam et corpus aestimari: hinc vestem arma tentoria, hinc saevitiam centurionum et vacationes munerum 15 redimi 28 . TAG. Ann. I. 17. Historical.. 15 (9.) TITUS AT JERUSALEM. Jerusalem at this period 11 was 7 fortified 29 by three walls, in all those parts where it was not 7 surrounded by abrupt 19 and impassable ravines; there it had but one. The whole circuit of these walls was 7 guarded 29 with towers, built of the same solid masonry with the rest 13 of the 5 walls. They were thirty-five feet broad, and thirty-five high ; but above this height 19 , were lofty chambers, and above those asfain upper rooms, and large tanks to receive the rain-water. The fortress Antonia stood 28 alone, on a precipitous rock near ninety feet high, at the north-west corner of the temple. It 10 was likewise a work of Herod. High above the whole city rose 23 the Temple, uniting 25 the commanding 11 strength of a citadel with the splendour of a sacred 19 edifice. Looking down 25 upon its marble courts, and on the Temple itself, it was impos- sible, even for a Roman, not to be struck 28 with wonder, or 15 even for a Stoic, like Titus, not to betray 28 his emotion. Yet this was the city 8 , which in a few months was to lie a heap of undistinguished ruins 12 ; and the solid Temple itself, which seemed built for eternity 11 , not "to have one stone left upon another." Surveying 25 all this, Titus, escorted 23 by a strong 20 guard 11 of horse, rode slowly round the city; but if thoughts 11 of mercy occasionally entered into a heart, the natural hu- manity of which 5 seems to have been steeled 45 during the whole course 11 of the siege, the Jews were sure 20 to expel them again 6 , by some new indication 12 of their obstinate ferocity. 25 MlLMAN. (10.) But no sooner 34 was the resolution 12 of the two cap- tains made known, than a feeling 11 of discontent broke forth among their followers, especially those who were to remain with Pizarro on the island. "What! 43 " they exclaimed 43 , "were they to be dragged to that obscure 18 spot 11 to die 31 by hunger 1 5 The whole expedition had been a cheat 19 and a failure, from beginning to end. The golden countries, so much 35 vaunted, Lad seemed to fly before them as they advanced 25 ; and the little gold 5 they had been fortunate enough to glean 33 had all been sent back to Panama to entice other fools to follow their 10 example. What had they got in return for all their suffer- ings 12 ? The only treasures they could boast 8 were their bows and arrows, and they were now to be left to die on this 35 dreary island, without 50 so much as a rood of consecrated ground 5 to Lty their bones 45 in 50 !" PRESCOTT'S Peru. Id Historical. 11, Tune contractos 9 in principia iussosque 25 dicta cum silentio accipere temporis ac necessitatis monet 41 . unam in armis salutem 43 , sed ea consilio temperanda manendurnque intra vallum, donee expugnandi hostes spe propius succederent; mox 5 undique erumpendum 12 : ilia eruptione ad Rhenum perveniri. quod si fugerent, pluris silvas 8 , profundas magis paludes, sae- vitiam hostium superesse ; at victoribus 42 decus gloriam. quae domi cara 11 , quae in castris honesta, memorat ; reticuit de ad- versis. equos dehinc, orsus a suis, legatorum tribunorumque 10 nulla 48 ambitione fortissimo cuique bellatori tradit, ut hi, mox pedes in liostem invaderent. Hand minus inquies 9 Germanus tpe, cupidine et diversis ducum sententiis agebat 29 , Arminio 48 sinerent 43 egredi egressos 46 que rursum per umida et impedita cir- cumvenirent suadente, atrociora 11 Inguiomero et laeta barbaris, 15 ut vallum armis ambirent : promptam expugnationem, plures captives, incorruptam praedam fore 43 , igitur orta die proruunt fossas, iniciunt crates, summa valli prensant, raro 20 super milite et quasi ob inetum defixo. TAG. Ann. i. 67. 12. At imperitae multitudini 7 nunc indignatio 11 , nunc pudor pectora versare 41 etab intestinis avertere 11 malis: nolle 41 inultos hostes, nolle successum non patribus, non consulibus ; externa et domestica odia certare 11 in animis. Tandem superant ex- 5 terna; adeo superbe 12 insolenterque hostis eludebat 29 . Fre- quentes in praetorium conveniunt 41 ; poscunt pugnam, pos- tulant, ut signum 11 detur. Consules velut deliberabundi capita conferunt, diu colloquuntur. Pugnare cupiebant, sed retro re- vocanda et abdenda cupiditas erat, ut adversando remorandoque 10 incitato semel militi adderent impetum. Redditur responsum, immaturam rem n agi; nondum tempus 11 pugnae esse; castris se tenerent 43 . Ita dimissis, quo 5 minus consules velle 28 credunt, crescit ardor pugnaiidi. Accendunt 7 insuper Lostes ferocius multo, ut statuisse non pugnare consules cognitum est : quippe 15 impune se insultaturos 43 ; non credi militi arma ; rem 11 ad ulti- mum seditionis erupturam, finemque venisse Romano imperio. ' His freti occursant portis, ingerunt probra ; aegre abstinent, quin castra oppugnent. Enimvero non ultra contumeliam pati E/omanus posse 41 ; totis castris undique ad consules curritur ; 20 non iam sensim, ut ante, per centurionum principes postulant 12 , sed passim omnes clamoribus agunt 28 . LIVY, n. 45. Historical. 17 (11.) He then summoned 41 a council of his officers to con- sider the plan of operations 11 , or rather to propose to them the extraordinary 18 plan on which he had himself decided. This 8 was 9 to lay an ambuscade for the Inca, and 9 take him prisoner in the face 14 of his whole army! It was 43 a project 11 full of 5 peril 4 , bordering 25 , as it might well seem, on desperation. But the circumstances 11 of the Spaniards were desperate 4 . Which- ever way they turned, they were menaced 7 by the most ap- palling dangers; and 9 better was it bravely to confront the danger, than weakly to shrink from it, when there was no 10 avenue 11 for escape. To fly was now too late. Whither could they fly? Afc the first signal of retreat, the whole army of the Inca would be upon them. Their movements would be 7 anticipated by a foe far better acquainted with the intricacies of the sierra than 15 themselves; the passes would be occupied, and 9 they would be hemmed in on all sides; while the mere fact of this retrograde movement 12 would diminish the confidence, and with it the effective 11 strength of his own men, while it doubled that 16 of his enemy. PEESCOTT'S Peru. 20 (1 2. ) As soon 34 as this was known, the disappointed 18 adven- turers 18 exclaimed 41 and threatened; the emissaries 12 of Cortes, mingling with them, inflamed their rage; the ferment 12 became general; the whole camp was almost in open mutiny; all demanding 25 with eagerness 36 to see their commander. Cortes 9 5 was not slow in appearing; when 9 , with one voice, officers and soldiers expressed their astonishment and disappointment at the orders 12 'which they had received. It was unworthy, they cried 43 , of the Castilian courage 18 to be daunted at the first aspect 12 of danger, and infamous to fly before any enemy appeared 4 , ib For their parts 17 , they were determined not to relinquish an enterprise 11 , that had hitherto been successful, and which tended so visibly to advance 28 the glory and interest of their country. Happy 20 under his command 13 , they would follow him with alacrity 36 through every danger, in quest 12 of those settlements 15 and treasures which he had so long held out to their view 12 ; but, if he chose rather to return to Cuba, and tamely give up all his hopes of distinction and opulence to an envious rival 18 , they would instantly choose another general to conduct them in that path of glory, which he had not spirit to enter 43 . 20 ROBERTSON. sr. 2 18 Historical. 13. (a) TYKE. Urbem a continent! quattuor stadiorum fretum dividit 7 : Africo 34 maxime obiectuni crebros ex alto fluctus in litus evolvit. Nee accipiendo operi, quo Macedones con- tinent! insulam iungere parabant, quicquam magis quam ille 5 ventus obstabat 12 . Quippe vix leni et tranquillo mari moles agi 28 possunt: Africus veroprima quaeque 17 congesta, pulsu illiso mari, subruit, nee ulla tain firma moles est, quarn non exedant undae, et 84 per nexus operum manantes et, ubi acrior flatus extitit, summi operis fastigio superfusae 25 . Praeter hanc diffi- 10 cultatem baud minor alia erat : muros turresque urbis praeal- tum mare ambiebat 7 : non 48 tormenta nisi e navibus procul excussa mitti, non scalae moenibus applicari poterant : praeceps in salum murus 9 pedestre interceperat 7 iter; naves nee habebat 29 rex et, si admovisset 16 , pendentes et instabiles missilibus arceri 15 poterant. urbem tameii obsidere statuit ; sed ante jacienda moles erat quae continenti urbem committeret. (6) lamque 34 paulum moles aqua eminebat, et simul ag- geris latitude crescebat, urbique admovebatur : quum 34 Tyrii, magnitudine molis, cuius incrementum eos antea fefellerat, 20 conspecta 33 , levibus navigiis nondum commissum opus circumire coeperunt, missilibus quoque eos 10 , qui pro opere stabant in- cessere. Inter haec Tyrii navem magnitudine eximia, saxis arenaque a puppi oneratam 9 , ita ut multuni prora emineret, bifcumine ac 7,5 sulphure illitam 9 remis concitaverunt, et quum magnam vim venti vela quoque concepissent, celeriter ad niolem successit : turn prora eius accensa, remiges desiluere in scaphas, quae ad hoc ipsum 11 praeparatae sequebantur 29 . Navis autem, igne con- cepto, latius fundere incendiurn coepit, quod, priusquam posset 30 30 occurri, turres et cetera opera in capite molis posita 3 comprehen- dit. At qui 10 desiluerant in parva navigia, faces et quicquid alendo igni aptum erat in eadem opera in gerunt. lamque 34 non modo Macedonum turres, sed etiam sumrna fcabulata concepe- rant ignem : quum hi, qui in turribus erant, partim haurirentur 35 incendio, partim, armisomissis 25 , in mare semet ipsi immitterent. Nee incendio 8 solum opera consumpta, sed forte eodem die vehementior ventus totum ex prof undo mare illisit in molem, crebrisque fluctibus compages operis verberatae se laxavere, saxaque interfluens unda medium opus rupit. Prorutis igitur 40 lapidum cumulis, quibus iniecta 9 terra sustinebatur 29 , praeceps in profundum ruit, tantae 35 que molis vix ulla vestigia invenit Arabia rediens 25 Alexander. CURTIUS, iv. 3. Historical. 19 (13.) a. Tyre was situated on an islet nearly half a mile from the mainland; the channel between 3 the two being shal- low towards the land, but reaching a depth 12 of eighteen feet in the part adjoining 5 the city 9 . The islet was 7 completely surrounded by prodigious walls, the loftiest portion 13 of which, 5 on the side fronting 5 the mainland, reached a height not less than 150 feet, with corresponding solidity 11 and base. Besides these external fortifications, there was a brave 18 and numerous population 11 within, aided 2 * 3 by a good stock of arms, machines, ships, provisions, and other things essential to defence. 10 It was not 8 without reason, therefore, that the Tyrians, when driven to their last resource, entertained 28 hopes of hold- ing out even against the formidable arm 11 of Alexander; and against Alexander as he then stood, they might 49 have held out successfully; for he had as yet no fleet, and they could 15 defy 28 any attack made simply from land. b. Alexander began the siege of Tyre without 48 any fleet; the Sidonian and Aradian ships not having yet come 4 . It was 6 his first task 11 to construct a solid mole two hundred feet broad, reaching 25 across the half mile 18 of channel between 3 the main- 20 land and the islet. But the work, though prosecuted with ar- dour and perseverance 36 , was tedious and toilsome, even near the mainland, where the Tyrians could do little to impede it 16 ; and 9 became far more tedious as it advanced into the sea, so as to be exposed to their obstruction 13 , as well as to 34 damage from 25 winds and waves. The Tyrian triremes and small boats per- petually annoyed 29 the workmen, and destroyed parts of the work, in spite 14 of all the protection devised 7 by the Mace- donians, who planted 27 two towers in front 14 of their advancing 25 mole, and discharged projectiles from engines provided for the 30 purpose 11 . At length, by unremitting 12 efforts the mole was pushed forward 28 until it came nearly across the channel to the city-wall ; when suddenly, on a day 5 of strong wind, the Tyrians sent forth a fireship loaded with combustibles, which 5 they drove against the front of the mole 9 and set fire to the two 3 - towers. At the same time, the full naval force 11 of the city, ships and little boats, was sent forth to land men at once on all parts of the mole. So successful 9 was this attack 11 , that all the Macedonian engines were burnt, the outer wood-work which kept 29 the mole together was torn up in many places, and a > o large part of the structure 11 came to pieces. GROTE. 22 20 Historical. 14. Quod 9 ubi egressus 25 Scipio in tumulum, quern 5 Mer- curii vocant, animadvertit 25 , multis partibus nudata defensoribiis moenia esse, omnes e castris excitos 9 ire 28 ad oppugnandum 12 et ferre scalas iubet 41 . Ipse trium prae se iuvenum validorum 5 scutis oppositis 25 (ingens enim iam vis omnis generis telorum e muris volabat 45 ) ad urbem succedit; hortatur, imperat, quae in rem sunt, cpiod. 5 que pluriomm ad accendendos militum animos intererat, testis spectatorque virtutis atque ignaviae cuiusque widest 28 . Itaque in vulnera 45 ac tela ruunt ; xieque illos 7 muri K> neque superstantes armati arcere queunt, quiri certatim adscen- dant. Et ab navibus 11 eodem tempore ea 15 , quae mari alluitur, pars urbis oppugnari coepta est. Inter haec repleverat iam Poenus armatis mnros, et vis magna ex ingeiiti copia congesta teloruni suppeditabat ; sed neque viri nee tela nee quicquam iud aeque quam moenia ipsa sese defendebant 12 . Rarae 23 enim scalae altitudini aequari poterant, et quo quaeque altiores, eo infirmiores erant. Itaque quum suinmus quisque evadere non posset 30 , subirent tamen alii, onere ipso frangebantur 29 . Quidam, stantibus scalis, quum altitudo caliginem oculis offudisset 26 ', ad 20 terrain delati sunt. Et quum passim homines scalaeque ruerent, et ipso successu audacia atque alacritas hostium cresceret, signum receptui datum est. Livr, xxvi. 44. 15. BATTLE OF THRASYMENUS. Consul, perculsis 12 omnibus 48 , *P se sa ti g > u_t in re 11 trepida, impavidus 9 turbatos ordines, ver- tente se quoque ad clis&onos clamores, instruit, ut tempiis locusque patitur, et quacunque adire audirique potest, adhortatur ac stare 28 5 ac pugnare iubet 41 : nee enim 43 inde votis 8 aut imploratione deum, sed vi ac virtute evadendum esse; per medias acies ferro viam fieri, et, quo timoris minus sit, eo minus ferme periculi esse 44 . Ceteruni prae 19 strepitu ac tumultu nee consilium nee imperium accipi poterat, tantumque aberat, ut sua signa atque 10 ordines et locum noscerent 33 , ut vix ad arma capienda aptarida- que pugnae competeret animus. Et erat in tanta caligine maior usus aurium quam oculorum 14 . Ad gemitus vulnerum ictus- que corporum aut armorum et mixtos strepentium 25 paven- tiumque clamores circumferebant ora oculosque. Alii fugi- 15 entes pugnantium 25 globo illati 9 haerebant 29 ; alios redeuntes in pugnam avertebat 7 fugientium agmen. Deinde, ubi in 'omnes partes nequicquam impetus capti, apparuitque, nullam 1 nisi in dextera ferroque salutis spem esse, turn sibi quisque dux adhortatorque factus ad rein 45 gerendam, et nova de integro 10 exorta pugna est. Ib. xxn. 5. Historical. 21 (14.) In the midst 14 of these untoward 18 dissensions, Went- worth, with the advice 12 of a council of officers, attempted to storm Forb San Lazaro. n Twelve hundred men, headed by- General Guise, cheerfully marched to the attack. There was no breach rn. the wall: the signal for the night attack (for such 5 had been designed) was protracted till nearly broad 45 day; and the deserters who 7 undertook 5 to act as guides were afterwards found 23 , either through ignorance or ill intention, to have led them to the very strongest part of the fortification n . Nay more, on reaching 33 the works, it was discovered, that from the 10 neglect of the officers, the scaling-ladders were partly too short, and partly left behind. Yet in spite of all these shameful 18 disadvantages 11 , the soldiers fought 29 with stubborn 12 intre- pidity; whole ranks were mowed 45 down by the enemy's can- non without 32 dispiriting the rest; and one party had actually 34 *5 attained 34 the summit 11 of a rampart, when their leader, Colonel Grant, received a death-wound, and the men a repulse 12 . Still, however, the survivors remained 29 undaunted under the mur- derous 13 fire 11 of the fort, until half their number had fallen, and 9 until their officers, perceiving 25 valour to be useless 93 , and 20 success impossible, sullenly gave the signal to withdraw. MAHON. (15.) BATTLE OP NIEUPORT, A. D. 1602. The 13 current 45 of the retreating and pursuing 25 hosts swept 41 by the spot where Maurice 4 sat on horseback, watching 25 and directing the battle. His bravest and best general, the veteran 18 Yere, had fallen 9 ; the whole army, the only army, of the States was 5 defeated, broken, panic-struck; the Spanish 18 shouts of victory rang on every side. Plainly the day 45 was lost, and with it the republic. In the 24 blackest 18 hour that the Netherland common- wealth had ever known, the fortitude of the stadth older did not desert him 13 . Immoveable as 3 a rock in the torrent he stemmed 41 10 the flight 13 of his troops. Three squadrons of reserved 18 cavalry, Balen's own, Yere's own, and Cecil's, were all 8 that was left him, and 9 at the head of these he essayed an advance 12 . He seemed 41 the only man on the field 11 not frightened; and me- nacing 41 , conjuring, persuading the fugitives for the love of 15 fatherland, of himself and his house, of their own hon9ur, not to disgrace themselves, urging that all was not yet lost, and beseeching them rather to die like men on the field 11 than to drown like dogs 45 in the sea, he succeeded 28 in rallying a portion of those nearest him. MOTLEY. 20 22 Historical. 16. (a) SACK OF CREMONA. Hue inclinavit Antonius cin- gique vallum corona iussit. primo sagittis saxisque eminus certabant, maiore Flavianorum pernicie 42 , in quos tela desuper librabantur ; mox vallum portasque legionibus attribuit, ut dis- 5 cretus 12 labor fortes ignavosque distingueret atque ipsa conten- tione decoris accenderentur. proxima Bedriacensi viae tertian! septimanique sumpsere 7 , dexteriora valli octava ac septima Claudiana; tertiadecumanos ad Brixianam portam impetus tulit 7 . paulum inde morae, dum ex proximis agris ligones, 10 dolabras, et alii falces scalasque convectant : turn elatis 25 super capita scutis densa testudine succedunt. Romanae utrimque artes : pondera saxorum Vitelliani provolvunt, disiectam flui- tantemque testudinem lanceis contisque scrutantur, donee so- luta compage scutorum exsangues aut laceros prosternerent 30 15 multa cum strage....Acerrimum 4 tertiae septimaeque legi- onum certamen ; et dux Antonius cum delectis auxiliaribus eodem ineubuerat. obstinates inter se cum sustinere Yitelliani nequirent et superiacta tela testudine laberentur, ipsam pos- tremo ballistam in subenntes propulere, quae ut 34 ad praesens 20 disiecit obruitque quos inciderat 29 , ita pinnas ac summa valli ruina sua traxit; simul iuncta turris ictibus saxorum cessit, qua septimani dum nituntur 41 cuneis, tertianus securibus gladiis- que portam perfregit. primum 4 inrupisse C. Yolusium tertiae legionis militem inter omnes auctores constat. is in vallum -25 egressus 9 , deturbatis 35 qui restiterant, conspicuus manu ac voce capta casfcra conclamavit; ceteri trepidis 42 iam Vitellianis seque e vallo praecipitantibus perrupere. (b) Quadraginta armatorum milia irirupere, calonum lixa- rumque amplior numerus et in libidixiem ac saevitiam cor- 30 ruptior. non dignitas, non aetas protegebat 12 , quo minuss tupra caedibus, caedes stapris miscerentur 18 . grandaevos senes, exacta aetate feminas, viles ad praedam, in ludibrium trahebant ; ubi adulta virgo aut quis forma conspicuus incidisset, ipsos direp- tores in mutuam perniciem agebat 39 . dum pecuniam vel gravia 35 auro templorum dona sibi quisque trahunt, maiore aliorum vi truncabantur. Quidam obvia aspernati, verberibus tor- mentisque dominorum abdita scratari, defossa eruere 41 : faces in manibus 42 , quas, ubi praedam egesserant, in vacuas domos et inania templa per lasciviam iaculabantur 29 : utque exercitu 40 vario linguis moribus, cui cives socii externi interessent, di- versae cupidines et aliud cuique fas 11 nee quicquam inlieitum. TAG. Hist. HI. ^ vV^fc Historical. (16.) a. SACK OF ROME, A.D. 1527. Three distinct bodies 11 , one of Germans, another of Spaniards, and the last of Italians, the three different 6 nations of whom the army was composed, were appointed to this 4 service 11 ; a separate attack 11 was as- signed 8 to each; and the whole army advanced to support them 5 as occasion 11 should require 42 . A thick mist concealed their 13 approach 4 until they reached almost the brink of the ditch which surrounded 29 the suburbs; having planted their ladders in a moment 34 , each brigade rushed on to the assault with an im- petuosity heightened by national emulation 13 . They were re- 10 ceived at first with fortitude 13 equal to their own; the Swiss in the pope's guards fought 9 with a courage becoming men to whom the defence of the noblest city in the world was 27 entrusted. Bourbon's 10 troops, notwithstanding 14 all their valour, gained 29 no ground, and even began to give way ; when 34 their leader 10 , 15 perceiving that on this critical moment the fate 45 of the .day depended, leaped 9 from his horse, pressed to the front, snatched 7 a scaling-ladder from a soldier, planted it against the wall, and began to mount it, encouraging 25 his men with his voice and hand to follow him. But at that very instant 34 , a musket 20 bullet from the ramparts pierced his groin ; and he soon after expired. b. This fatal 18 event could not be concealed from the army; but instead of being disheartened by their loss, it animated them with new valour ; the name of Bourbon resounded along 25 the line, accompanied with the cry of blood and revenge 13 . The veterans 29 who defended the walls were soon overpowered by numbers; the untrained 18 body 11 of city recruits fled at the sight 13 of danger, and the enemy, with irresistible 22 violence, rushed into the town 11 . 30 It is impossible to describe, or even to imagine the misery 13 and horror of that scene 11 which followed 4 . Whatever a city taken by storm can dread from military 13 rage, unrestrained by discipline : whatever excesses the ferocity of the Germans, the avarice of the Spaniards, or the licentiousness of the Italians 35 could commit, these the wretched inhabitants were obliged 28 to suffer. Churches, palaces, and the houses of private persons, were plundered without distinction. No 48 age, or character, or sex was exempt from injury. Cardinals, nobles, priests, matrons, virgins, were 42 all the prey 11 of soldiers, and at the mercy 19 of 40 men deaf to the voice of humanity. ROBEKTSON. 24 Historical. 17. (a) SIEGE OF ROME. Sed ante omnia obsidionis bel- lique mala fames utrumque exercitum urgebat 7 : Gallos pesti- lentia etiam j induciae deinde cum Romanis factae, et colloquia permissu imperatorum habita: in quibus 9 cum 33 identidem Galli 5 famem objicerent, eaque necessitate ad deditionem vocarent, dicitur, avertendae ejus opinionis causa, multis locis panis de Capitolio jactatus 14 esse in hostium stationes. Sed jam 34 neque dissimulari, neque ferri ultra fames poterat. Itaque, exercitus, stationibus vigiliisque fessus 9 , superatis 9 tarn en humanis omni- io bus malis, cum famem 8 unarn Datura vinci non sineret, diem de die prospectans 25 , ecquod auxilium ab dictatore appareret; postremo spe quoque jam, non solum cibo, deficiente, et, cum 30 stationes procederent 12 , prope obruentibus 7 infirmum corpus armis, vel dedi, vel redimi se, quacumque pactione possent, jussit; jactan- 15 tibus 9 non obscure Gallis 42 , haud magna niercede se adduci posse, ut obsidionem relinquant. Turn senatus 11 habitus, tribunisque militum 7 negotium datum, ut paciscerentur. LIVY, v. 48. (5) Sarta tecta acriter et cum summa fide exegerunt. Viam e foro boario [et] ad Veneris circa foros publicos, et aedem 20 Matris Magnae in Palatio faciendam 13 locaverunt. Yectigal etiam novuni ex salaria annona statuerunt. Sextante sal et Romae et per totam Italiam erat; Romae pretio eodem, pluris in foris et conciliabulis et alio alibi pretio praebendum 13 locave- runt. Lustrum conditum serius, quia per provincias dimise- 25 runt censores, ut civium Romanorum in exercitibus, quaiitus ubique esset, referretur numerus. Censa cum iis ducenta decem quattuor millia hominum. Condidit lustrum C. Claudius Nero. Ib. xxix. 37. 18. Inde Yitellius Cremonam flexit et spectato munere Caecinae insistere Bedriacensibus campis ac vestigia recentis victoriae lustrare oculis concupivit 12 . foedum atque atrox spectaculum 9 , intra quadragensimum pugnae diem 9 lacera cor- 5 pora, trunci artus, putres virorum equorurnque formae, infecta tabo humus, protritis arboribus ac frugibus dira vastitas. nee minus inhumana pars viae, quam Cremonenses lauru rosa- que constraverant, extructis altaribus caesique victimis re- gium in morem: quae 11 laeta in praesens 9 mox perniciem ipsis 10 fecere. aderat 28 Valens et Caecina, monstrabantque pugnae locos : hinc inrupisse 44 legionum agmen, hinc equites coortos, inde circumfusas 12 auxiliorum manus: iam tribuni praefectique, Historical. 25 (17.) SIEGE OF PARIS, A.D. 1590. By midsummer, Paris, unquestionably the first 5 city of Europe at that day, was in ex- tremities 11 , and there 4 are few events 11 in history 13 in which our admiration is more excited 7 by the power 12 of mankind to endure almost preternatural misery, or our indignation more 5 deeply aroused 19 by the cruelty 13 with which the sublimest prin- ciples 11 of human nature may be made to serve the purpose 11 of selfish 18 ambition 13 and grovelling 18 superstition, than 4 this famous 18 leaguer. Rarely have men at any epoch defended their fatherland 4 10 against foreign 13 oppression 4 with more heroism 36 than that which was 7 manifested 28 by the Parisians of 1590 in resisting religious toleration 4 , and in obeying a foreign and priestly despotism 13 . Men 9 , women, and children cheerfully laid down their lives by thousands in order that the papal legate and the 15 king of Spain might trample upon that legitimate sovereign of France who was one 34 day to become the idol 12 of Paris and of the whole kingdom, A census taken at the beginning of the siege had 28 showed a population of two hundred thousand souls 11 , with a sufficiency 20 of provisions, it was thought, to last 28 one month. But before the terrible summer was over so completely had the city been invested the bushel of wheat was worth three hundred and sixty crowns. The flesh of horses, asses, dogs, cats, rats had become rare luxuries 9 . It was estimated that before July twelve 25 thousand human 11 beings in Paris had died, for want of food, within three months. MOTLEY. (18.) The emperor then inspected the field 11 of battle : and never was there any that exhibited a more frightful spectacle. Every thing concurred to increase the horrors of it 9 ; a lower- ing sky, a cold rain, a violent wind, habitations in ashes 12 ; a plain absolutely torn up and covered with fragments and ruins; 5 all round the horizon 11 the dark 19 and funereal verdure of the North 13 ; soldiers roaming among the bodies of the slain ; wounds of a most hideous description ; noiseless bivouacs ; no songs of triumph 13 , no lively narrations 13 , but a general and mournful silence. Around the eagles were the ofB.cers, and a few soldiers 10 barely sufficient to guard the colours^ Ttieir clothes were 5 torn by the violence of the conflict, and stained with blood ; yet, notwithstanding all their rags, misery, and destitution, they displayed a lofty carriage 11 , and even, on the appearance 11 of 26 Historical. sua quisque facta extollentes, falsa vera aut majora vero 11 miscebant. volgus quoque militum clamore et gaudio de- 15 flectere 41 via, spatia certaminum recognoscere, aggerem armo- rum, strues. corporurn intueri 42 mirari; et erant quos varia sors rerum lacrimaeque et misericordia subiret 7 . at non "Vi- tellius flexit oculos nee tot milia insepultorum civium exhor- ruit: laetus 12 ultro et tarn propinquae sortis ignarus instaura- 20 bat sacrum dis loci. TAG. Hist. n. 19. FUNERAL OF GERMANICUS. Interim adventu ejus audito 12 , intimus quisque amicorum, et plerique militares, ut quique sub Germaiiico stipendia fecerant, mulfcique etiam ignoti viciiiis e municipiis, pars officium in principeni rati, phires 5 illos 13 secuti, ruere 41 ad oppidum Brundisium; quod naviganti 13 celerrimum fidissim unique adpulsu erat. Atque ubi primum ex alto visa classis 42 , complentur non modo portus et proxima inaris, sed moenia ac tecta, quaque longissime prospectari 12 poterat, moerentium 25 turba, ac rogitantium 25 inter se, silentione an voce 10 aliqua egredientem 13 exciperent. Neque satis constabat 29 quid pro tern pore foret; quum 34 classis paulatim successit ; non alacri, ut adsolet, remigio, sed cunctis ad tristitiam n compositis. Post- quam duobus cum liberis, feralem urnam tenens 25 , egressa 25 navi, defixit oculos, idem omnium 48 gemitus, neque discerneres proxi- 15 in os, alieiios, virorum foeminarumve planctus, nisi quod comi- tatum Agrippinae longo moerore fessum, obvii 19 et recentes in dolore anteibant 7 . Miserat duas praetorias cohortes Caesar, ad- dito 11 ut magistratus Calabriae, Apulique, et Campani, suprema erga memoriam filii sui munera f'ungerentur. Igitur tribunorum 20 centurionumque humeris cineres portabantur 29 : praecedebant in- compta signa, versi fasces ; atque ubi colonias transgrederentur 30 , atrata plebes, trabeati equites, pro opibus loci, vestem, odores., aliaque funerum soleimia, cremabant. ...Consules, M. Valerius et M. Aurelius et senatus, ac magnapars populi, viam complevere dis- 25 jecti, et ut cuique libitum flentes; aberat quippe adulatio,gnaris 4y omnibus laetam 23 Tiberio Germanici mortem male dissimulari. Dies, quo reliquiae tumulo Augusti inferebantur 29 , modo per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies : plena urbis itinera, conlucentes per campum Marti s faces. Illic miles cum armis, 30 sine insignibus magistrates, populus per tribus, concidisse 45 rem publicam, nihil spei reliquum, clamitabant: promptius 24 aper- tius 3G que, quam ut meminisse imperitantium crederes. TAG. Ann. in. Historical. 27 the emperor, received him with acclamations 11 of triumph: 15 these, however, seemed 9 somewhat rare and forced ; for in this army, which was at once 17 capable 22 of discrimination 12 arid enthusiasm, each individual could form a correct estimate 12 of the position of the whole. The soldiers were amazed to find 28 so many of their enemies killed, such vast numbers wounded, 20 and nevertheless so few prisoners. The 9 latter did not amount in all to eight hundred. (19.) THE FUNERAL OF QUEEN MARY, A.D. 1691. The public 13 sorrow was great and general. For Mary's 13 blame- less life, her large charities, and her winning manners had conquered the hearts of her people. When the Commons 4 next met they sate for a time in profound silence 9 . At length 5 it was moved and resolved that an Address 11 of Condolence should be presented 28 to the King; and then 9 the House broke up without 32 proceeding to other business 11 . The number of sad faces in the street struck every observer 11 . The mourning was more general than even the mourning for Charles the 10 Second had been The funeral was long remembered as the saddest and most august that Westminster had ever seen. While the Queen's remains lay in state at Whitehall, the neighbouring streets were filled 7 every day, from sunrise to sunset, by crowds which 15 made all traffic impossible. The two Houses with their maces followed the hearse, the Lords robed in scarlet and ermine, the Commons in long 19 black mantles. No preceding Sovereign had 7 ever been attended to the grave by a Parliament: for 9 , till then, the Parliament had always expired with the Sovereign. The 20 whole Magistracy of the City swelled the procession. The ban- ners of England and France, Scotland and Ireland, were 7 car- ried 29 by great nobles before the corpse. The pall was borne by the chiefs of the illustrious houses of Howard, Seymour, Grey, and Stanley. On the gorgeous coffin of purple and gold were 25 laid 29 the crown and sceptre of the realm. The day was well suited to such a ceremony. The sky was dark and troubled; and a few ghastly flakes of snow fell on the black plumes of the funeral car. . . Through the whole ceremony the distant booming of cannon was heard every minute from the batteries of the 30 Tower. The gentle Queen sleeps among her illustrious kindred in the southern aisle of the Chapel of Henry the Seventh. MACAULAY. 28 Characters. 20. (a) CHARACTER OF AUGUSTUS. Forma fuit 13 eximia et' per omnes aetatis gradus venustissima 12 ; quam quam et omnis lenocinii neglegens 23 et in capite comendo tarn incuriosus, ut raptim compluribus simul tonsoribus operam daret, ac modo 5 tonderet modo raderet barbam, eoque ipso tempore aut legeret aliquid aut etiam scriberet. Vultu erat 13 vel in sermoiie vel tacitus adeo traiiquillo serenoque, ut quidam e primoribus Galliarum confessus sit inter suos, eo 8 se inhibitum ac remol- litum, quo minus, ut destinarat, in transitu Alpium per simula- 10 tionem conloquii propius admissus, in praecipitium propelleret. Oculos habuit claros ac 19 iiitidos, quibus etiam existimari vole- bat 29 inesse quiddam 11 divini vigoris, gaudebatque, si quis sibi acrius contuenti 13 quasi ad fulgorem solis vultum summitteret ; sed in senecta sinistro minus 48 vidit 12 : dentes raros et exiguos 15 et scabros 19 ; capillum leviter inflexum 19 et subflavum; supercilia coniuncta; mediocres aures; nasum et a summo eminentiorem et ab imo deductiorem 11 ; colorem inter aquilum candidumque; staturam brevem, (quam tamen lulius Marathus, libertus et a memoria eius 42 , quinque pedum et dodraiitis 51 fuisse tradit,) sed 20 quae commoditate et aequitate membroruni occuleretur, ut non- nisi ex comparatione astantis alicuius procerioris intellegi posset. (b) IUL. CAESAR. Talia agentem 12 atque meditantem mors praevenit 7 . De qua 9 prius quam dicam 30 , ea quae ad formam et habitum et cultum et mores, nee minus quae ad civilia 25 et bellica ejus studia pertineant non alienum 11 erit summatim 12 exponere. Fuisse traditur 14 excelsa statura, colore candido, teretibus membris, ore paulo pleniore, nigris 19 vegetisque oculis, valitudine prospera; nisi quod tempore extremo repente animo linqui atque etiam per somnum exterreri 36 solebat. 30 Armonim 11 et equitandi peritissimus 12 , laboris ultra 11 fidem patiens erat. Inagmine nonnumquam equo 14 , saepius pedibus 14 anteibat 12 , capite detecto, seu sol 11 seu imber esset; longissi- mas vias incredibili celeritate confecit, expeditus, meritoria reda, centena passuuni milia in singulos dies ; si flumina 30 mora- 35 rentur 12 , nando traiciens vel innixus inflatis utribus, ut per- saepe nuntios de se praevenerit 30 . Studium et fides erga clientis ne juveni 12 quidem defuerunt 7 . Amicos 10 tanta semper facilitate indulgentiaque tractavit, ut 9 Gaio Oppio comitanti se per silvestre iter correptoque subita 40 valitudine, deversoriolo eo, quod unum erat 5 , cesserit et ipse huini ac sub divo cubuerit 30 . SUETONIUS. Characters. 29 (20.) a. CHARACTER OP MARY QUEEN OF SCOTS. With regard 11 to the Queen's 10 person 14 , all contemporary authors agree in ascribing to Mary the utmost beauty of counte- nance, and elegance of shape 13 , of which the human form is capable 22 . Her hair was black, though, according to the fashion 5 of that age, she frequently wore borrowed 19 locks, and of dif- ferent colours. Her eyes were a dark grey; her complexion was exquisitely fine ; and her hands and arms remarkably delicate, both as to shape and colour. Her stature was of an height that rose 28 to the majestic. She danced 29 , she walked, 10 and rode with equal grace To the charms of beauty, and the utmost elegance of exter- nal form, she added those accomplishments 11 , which render their impression 11 irresistible. Polite, affable, insinuating, sprightly, and capable 22 of speaking and of writing with equal ease and 15 dignity. Sudden, however, and violent in all her attachments 11 ; because her heart 13 was warm and unsuspicious. Impatient of contradiction 13 ; because she had been accustomed from her in- fancy to be treated as a Queen. No stranger 12 , on some occa- sions, to dissimulation; which, in that perfidious court where 20 she received her education 13 , was reckoned among the necessary arts of government. Not insensible of flattery, or unconscious of that pleasure, with which almost every woman beholds the influence 12 of her own beauty. Formed with the qualities 11 which we love 30 , not with the talents that we admire 30 , she was 25 an agreeable woman, rather than an illustrious Queen. ROBERTSON. b. CHARLES EDWARD STUART. The person 13 of Charles was tall and well-formed ; his limbs 13 athletic and active. He excelled in all manly exercises, and was inured to every kind of toil, especially long marches on foot, having applied 26 him- 30 self to field sports in Italy, and become an excellent walker 12 . His face 13 was strikingly handsome, of a perfect oval 12 and a fair complexion ; his eyes light blue ; his features high and noble. Contrary to the custom of the time, which pre- scribed 28 perukes, his own fair 18 hair usually fell in long ring- 35 lets on his neck. This goodly 18 person 14 was 7 enhanced 28 by his graceful manners; frequently condescending 25 to the most fa- miliar kindness, yet always shielded by a 15 regal dignity, he had a peculiar talent 11 to please and to persuade, and never failed 28 to_ adapt his conversation to the taste 11 or to the station of 40 those whom 30 he addressed 29 . 30 Characters. 21. (a) CATO. In hoc viro tanta vis animi ingeniique fuit, ut, quocunque loco 11 natus esset, fortunam sibi ipse facturus fuisse videretur 14 . Nulla ars 11 neque privatae neque publicae rei ge- rendae ei defuit. Urbanas rusticasque res pariter callebat. Ad 5 summos honores alios 7 scientia iuris, alios eloqueiitia, alios gloria militaris provexit ; liuic versatile ingenmm sic pariter ad omnia 11 fuit, ut natum ad id unum diceres, quodcunque ageret. In bello nianu 13 fortissimus multisque insignibus clarus pugnis ; idem 17 , postquam ad magnos honores pervenit, summus impera- 10 tor 13 ; idem in pace, si ius consuleres, peritissimus, si causa oranda esset, eloquentissimus, nee is 16 tantum, cuius lingua vivo 12 eo viguerit 10 , monumentum eloquentiae nullum exstet ; vi- vit immo vigetque eloquentia eius sacrata scriptis omnis generis. Orationes et pro se multae et pro aliis et in alios ; nam non 15 solum. accusando, sed etiam causam dicendo fatigavit inimicos. Simultates nimio plures et exercuerunt eum et 34 ipse exercuit eas, nee facile dixeris, utrum magis presserit eum nobilitas, an ille agitaverit nobilitatem. Asperi procul dubio animi et lin- guae acerbae 19 et immodice liberae fuit, sed invicti a cupiditati- 20 bus animi, rigidse innocentiae, contemptor gratiae et divitiarum. In parsimonia, in patientia laboris periculique ferrei prope cor- poris animique; quern 9 ne senectus quidem, quae solvit omnia, fregerit ; qui sextum et octogesimum annum agens 25 causam [dixerit], ipse pro se oraverit scripseritque, nonagesimo anno 25 Ser. Galbain ad populi adduxerit indicium. LI\^Y, xxxix. 40. (b) CATILINE. Lucius Catilina, nobili genere natus, magna vi et animi et corporis, sed ingenio 19 malo pravoque. Huic ab adolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis, grata 12 fuere ; ibique j uventutem suam exercuit. Corpus u patiens 30 mediae, vigiliae, algoris, supra quam cuique credibile est : ani- mus audax, subdolus, varius 12 , cujus rei libet simulator ac dis- simulator : alieni adpetens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus : satis loquentiae, sapientiae parum 42 . Yastus animus inimode- rata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat. Hunc 7 , post 25 dominationem Lucii Sullae, lubido maxuma invaserat reipub- licae capiundae ; neque id quibus modis adsequeretur, dum sibi regnum 11 pararet, quidquam pensi habebat 29 . Agitabatur magis magisque in dies animus ferox, inopia rei familiaris, et conscientia scelerum ; quae 9 utraque 5 his artibus auxerat, quas 40 supra memoravi. Incitabant 7 praeterea corrupti civitatis mores, quos pessuma 19 ac di versa inter se mala 5 , luxuria atque avaritia, vexabant 7 . SALLUST Cat. v. Cf. Tac. A. iii. 30; vi. 51 ; H. i 10 ; iii. 75, 86 ; iv. 5. Characters. 31 (21.) a. D ANTON. His natural endowments 12 were great for any 4 part 11 in public life, whether at the bar, or in the senate, or even in war : for the part 4 of a revolutionary leader they JU^v* were of the highest order 11 . A courage 13 which nothing could quell 30 ; a quickness 12 of perception at once and clearly to per- 5 ceive his own opportunity, and his adversary's error ; singular fertility of resources, with the power 12 of sudden change in ( his course, and adaptation 12 to varied circumstances; a natural eloquence, hardy, caustic, masculine ; a mighty frame 11 of ' V/v^ body; a voice overpowering all resistance 13 ; these 8 were the 10 grand qualities which Danton brought to the prodigious 15 struggle in which he was engaged. b. PITT. At an 5 age when others are but entering upon the study 13 of state affairs, and the practice of debating, he came forth a mature politician, a finished orator, an accom- 15 plished debater. His knowledge 12 was 7 not confined to the study of the classics ; with political philosophy he was more familiar than most Englishmen of his own age. Having prepared himself, too, for being called to the bar, and both attended on courts 45 of justice and frequented the Western 20 Circuit, he had more knowledge and habits 11 of business than can fall to the share of our young patricians. In private life he was singularly amiable; his spirits 13 were naturally buoyant and even playful; his affections 13 warm; his veracity scru- pulously exact ; his integrity wholly without a stain ; as a 25 son and a brother he was perfect, and no man was 7 more fondly beloved or more sincerely mourned by his friends. c. ROBESPIERRE. From his earliest years he had never been known to indulge 28 in the frolics or evince 28 the gaiety of youth. Gloomy, solitary, austere, intent upon his work, 30 careless of relaxation, averse to amusement, without a con- fidant, or friend, or even companion, it is recorded 14 of him that at the College of Louis the Grand, where he was educated, he was never seen once to smile. As a boy and a youth he was 're- c - markable for vanity 12 , jealousy, dissimulation, and trick, with 35 an invincible obstinacy 12 on all subjects, a selfishness 12 hardly natural, a disposition 11 incapable of forgiving any injury, but a close concealment of his resentment till the occasion arose 30 of gratifying it. It 4 would have been difficult to bring into the tempest of the Revolution qualities 11 more likely to weather its 40 fury, and take advantage of its force. BROUGHAM. Cf. Holden F. 0. 32, 59, 95, 124, 261, 321. 32 Characters. 22. (a) AGRICOLA. Credunt plerique militaribus ingeniis subtilitatem deesse, quia castrensis jurisdictiosecura et obtusior ac plura manu 13 agens calliditatem fori non exerceat 12 . Agricola natural! prudentia, quainvis inter togatos, facile 36 justeque agebat. 5 jam vero tempora curarum remission unique divisa : ubi con ventus ac judicia poscerent 30 , gravis 12 , intentus, severus, set saepius misericors: ubi officio 11 satis factum, nulla ultra potestatis per- sona : tristitiam et adrogantiam et avaritiam exuerat. nee illi, quod 5 est rarissimum 11 , aut facilitas auctoritatem aut severitas to ainorem deminuit. integritatem atque abstinentiam in tanto viro referre injuria virtutum fuerit. ne famam 11 quidem, cui 11 saepe etiam boni indulgent, ostentanda 12 virtute aut per artem quaesivit. Natus erat Gaio Caesare tertium consule idibus luniis : excessit sexto et quinquagesimo anno, decumo kalendas 15 Septembris Collega Priscoque cousulibus 13 . quod si habitum quoque eius posteri noscere velint, decentior 29 quam sublimior fuit ; nihil metus in voltu : gratia oris supererat. bonum virum facile crederes, magnum libenter. TAG. Agricola. (b) GALBA. Hunc 16 exitum liabuit Servius Galba, tribus et 20 septuaginta annis quinque principes prospera fortuna emensus 9 et alieno imperio felicior 12 quam suo. Yetus in familia nobilitas, magnae opes 28 : ipsi 10 medium irigenium, magis extra vitia quam cum virtutibus 18 . Famae nee 34 incuriosus 11 nee venditator : pecuniae alienae non adpetens 12 , suae parcus, publicae avarus ; 25 amicorum libertorumque, ubi in bonos incidisset, sine reprehen- sione patiens, si mali forent, usque ad culpam 20 ignarus 12 . Sed claritas natalium et metus temporum obtentui, ut quod segnitia erat, sapientia vocaretur. Dum vigebat 12 aetas, militari laude 11 apud Germanias floruit. Pro consule Africam moderate 86 , iam 30 senior citeriorem Hispaniam pari iustitia continuit, maior 84 private visus 9 , dum privatus fuit 12 , et omnium 48 consensu capax irnperii, nisi imperasset 12 . TAC. Hist. I. 49. (c) CLAUDIUS. Auctoritas dignitasque formae non clefuit vel stanti vel sedenti ac praecipue quiescenti ; (narn et prolixo 35 nee exili corpore erat, et specie canitieque pulcra, opimis cer- vicibus) ceterum et ingredientem destituebant poplites minus firmi, et remisse quid vel serio agentem multa dehoriestabant : risus indecens, linguae titubantia, caputque cum semper, turn in quantulocumque actu vel maxime tremulum. Saevum et 40 sanguinarium natura fuisse, magnis minimisque apparuit rebus. Sed nihil aeque quam timidus fuit. SUETONIUS. Characters. 33 (22) WASHINGTON. His integrity 13 was most pure, his justice the most 24 inflexible I have ever known; no motives 11 of interest or consanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being 6 able to bias his decision 12 . He was, indeed, in every sense, a wise, a good, and a great man. His temper 6 was naturally irritable 5 and high toned; but reflection and resolution 6 had obtained a firm and habitual 36 ascendancy 12 over it 9 . If ever 9 , however, it 6 broke its bounds, he was 42 most tremendous in his wrath. In his expenses he was honourable, but exact; liberal in con- tributions 12 to whatever promised 28 utility 12 ; but frowning 19 10 and unyielding on all visionary projects 11 . His heart 6 was not warm in its affections 11 ; but he exactly calculated 29 every man's value 12 , and gave him a solid esteem 12 proportioned to it. His person", you know, was fine; his deportment easy, erect, and noble. Although in the circle 11 of his friends, where he might 48 15 be unreserved with safety 36 , he took 29 a free share in conver- sation, his colloquial 11 talents were not above mediocrity 12 . In public, when called on for a sudden 18 opinion, he was unready, short, and embarrassed. Yet he wrote 2J readily, rather diffusely, in an easy and correct style. 20 On the whole, his character 11 was, in its mass, perfect, in nothing bad, in a few points 11 indifferent, JEFFERSON. Louis NAPOLEON. He had boldness of the kind 16 which is produced 7 by reflection rather than that which is the result of temperament 11 . In order to cope 28 with the extraordinary 18 35 perils into which he now and then thrust himself 29 , and to cope with them decorously, there was wanted a 15 fiery quality 11 which nature had refused to the great bulk of mankind as well as 34 to him. But it was only 8 in emergencies 11 of a really trying 12 sort, and involving 28 instant physical 14 danger, that his boldness fell short. 30 He loved to contrive and brood over plots, and 9 he had a great skill in making the preparatory arrangements 11 for bring- ing his schemes to ripeness 12 ; but like most of the common herd 11 of men, he was unable to command 28 the presence 11 of mind and the flush 11 of animal spirits which are needed for the critical 35 moments of a daring adventure 13 . In short, he was a thought- ful, literary man, deliberately tasking himself 25 to venture 28 into a desperate path, and going great lengths 11 in that direction 11 ; but liable to find 28 himself balked 7 in the moment 11 of trial by the sudden and chilling return 12 of his good 11 sense. 40 KlNGLAKE. N. 3 34 Historical. 23. a. Bell urn scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus cum Jugurtha, rege Numidarum, gessit : primum, quia magnum et atrox 18 , variaque victoria fuit: dein, quia turn 8 primum super- biae nobilitatis obviam 7 itum est; quae 5 contentio divina et 5 humana cuncta permiscuit, eoque vecordiae processit, uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret 7 . Sed, priusquam hujuscemodi rei 11 initium expedio, pawca supra repe- tam 12 ; quo, ad cognoscendum 12 , omnia illustria magis, magisque in aperto sint. SALLUST, Jug. v. 10 b. Initium mild operis Servius Galba iterum Titus Yinius consules 13 erunt : nani post conditam urbem octingentos et vi- ginti prioris sevi 2 annos multi auctores rettulerunt 7 . ... Opus 8 adgredior opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors seditionibus, ipsa etiam pace saevom 28 . Quattuor principes ferro 15 interempti: trina bella civilia, plura externa ac plerumque permixta: prosperae in oriente, adversae in occidente res: turbatum Illyricum, Galliae nutantes, perdomita Brittania et statim missa 13 . lam vero Italia novis cladibus vel post longam saeculorum seriem repetitis adflicta. Haustae aut obrutae ?.o urbes fecuridissima Carnpaniae ora, et urbs incendiis vastata, consumptis 12 aiitiquissimis delubris, ipso Capitolio civium mam- bus incenso 42 . Pollutae caerimoniae, magna adulteria : plenum exiliis mare, infecti caedibus scopuli. Non tarn en adeo virtu turn sterile saeculum, ut non et bona 25 exempla prodiderit 6 . Comitatae profugos liberos matres, secutae maritos in exilia coniuges, propinqui audeiites, constantes generi, contumax etiam ad versus tormenta servorum fides; supremae clarorum virorum necessitates, ipsa necessitas fortiter tolerata et laudatis antiquorum mortibus par 18 exitus. Praeter 30 multiplices rerum humanarum casus caelo terraque prodigia et fulmlnum monitus et futurorum praesagia, laeta tristia, ambigua manifesta; nee enim umquam atrocioribus populi Komani cladibus magisve iustis indiciis adprobatum est non esse curae deis securitatem nostram 8 , esse 28 ultionem. 35 Ceterum antequam destinata componam 33 , repetendum 12 vide- tur, qualis status urbis, quae mens exercituum, quis habitus pro- vinciarum, quid in toto terrarum orbe validum 11 , quid aegrum fuerit, ut non modo casus eventusque rerum, qui plerumque fortuiti sunt 20 , sed ratio etiam causaeque noscantur. TAC. Hist. I. 1. Historical. 35 (23). a. Je me propose d'ecrire I'histoire 12 d' une revolution memorable, qui a profonde"ment agite les hommes, et 6 qui les divise encore aujourd'hui. Je ne me dissimule pas les diffi- cultes 12 de 1'entreprise, car des passions que Ton croyait 6touffees sous I'influence 11 du despotisme 13 militaire, viennent 5 de se reveiller. Tout a coup des hommes accables d'ans et de travaux ont senti renaitre en eux des ressentimens qui parais- saient apais6s, et nous les ont communiques, a nous, leurs fils et lenrs heritiers. Mais si nous avons a soutenir la meme cause 4 , nous n'avons pas a defendre leur conduite, et nous pou- 10 vons separer la liberte de ceux qui 1'ont bien ou mal servie, taiidis que nous avons 1'avantage 11 d'avoir 33 entendu et observe ces vieillards, qui, tout pleins encore de leurs souvenirs, tout agites de leurs impressions, nous apprennent a les comprendre. THIERS. 15 5. I purpose 28 to write the hisfcory 11 of England 13 from the accession 13 of King James the Second down to a time 11 which is within the memory of men still living. I shall recount the errors which, in a few months, alienated a loyal gentry and priesthood 13 from the House of Stuart. I shall trace the course 20 of that revolution which terminated the long struggle between our sovereigns and their parliaments 9 , and bound up together the rights of the people and the title of the reigning dynasty 11 . I shall relate how from the auspicious union 13 of order and freedom, sprang a 16 prosperity of which the annals of human 25 affairs had furnished no example ; how our country, from a state 11 of ignominious vassalage, rapidly rose to the place 12 of umpire among European powers 11 ; how Scotland was at length united to England; how in America the British colonies became mightier and wealthier than the realms which 5 Cortez and 30 Pizarro had added to the dominions of Charles Y. ; how in Asia British adventurers founded an empire not less splendid and more durable than that of Alexander. Nor will it be less my duty faithfully to record disasters 11 mingled with triumphs, and great national crimes and follies far more humiliating than 35 any 48 disaster. The events which I propose to relate form 28 only a single act of a great 19 and eventful drama extending 20 through ages, and must be very imperfectly understood unless the plot of the preceding acts be* 7 well known. I shall therefore introduce 28 40 my narrative 11 by a slight 12 sketch of the history of our country from the earliest times. MACAULAY. 32 36 Descriptive. 24. FIRE AT ROME. a. Intermpit 7 hos sermon es nocte 39 quae pridie Quinquatrus fuit, pluribus simul locis circa forum incendium ortum. Eodem tempore septem tabernae, quae postea quinque, et argentariae, quae nunc novae appellantur, 5 arsere 12 ; comprehensa postea privata aedificia (neque enim turn basilicae erant), comprehensae lautumiae forumque piscatorium et atrium regium; aedes Vestae vix defensa est tredecim maxime servorum opera, qui in publicum 11 redempti ac manu- missi sunt. Nocte ac die continuation incendium fuit, nee ulli 10 dubium erat, humana id fraude factum esse, quod pluribus simul locis, et iis diversis, ignes coorti essent. Itaque consul ex auctoritate senatus pro contione edixit, qui, quorum opera id coiiflatum incendium esset, profiteretur, praemium fore libero 20 pecuniam, servo libertatem. Eo praemio inductus Campanorum 15 Calaviorum servus (Manus einomenerat) indicavit 12 , dominos et quinque praeterea iuvenes nobiles Campanos, quorum parentes a Q. Fulvio securi percuss! erant, id incendium fecisse, vulgoque facturos alia, ni comprehendantur. Comprehensi ipsi jfamiliae- que eorum. Et primo elevabatur 29 index indiciumque: pridie so eum verberibus castigatum ab dominis discessisse; per iram ac levitatem 11 ex re fortuita crimen commentum; ceterum utcoram coarguebantur 29 et quaestio ex ministris facinoris foro medio haberi coepta est 29 , fassi omnes, atque in dominos servosque con- scios animadversum 12 est. Indici libertas data et viginti millia 25 aeris. LIVY, xxvi. 27. b. Sequitur clades 7 , forte an dolo principis incertum (nam utrumque 11 auctores prodidere 7 ), sed omnibus 48 quae huic urbi perviolentiam ignium acciderunt gravior atque atrocior 24 . Ini- tmm in ea parte circi ortum quae Palatino Caelioque montibus 30 contigua est, ubi per tabernas, quibus 25 id 15 mercimonium inerat quo fiamma alitur 18 , simul coeptus 9 ignis et statim validus 20 ac vento citus longitudinem circi corripuit 9 . Neque enim domus munimentis saeptae vel templa muris cincta aut quid aliud morae interiacebat. Impetu pervagatum 9 incendium plana primum, 35 deinde in edita adsurgens, et rursus iriferiora populando 42 , anteiit remedia velocitate mail et obnoxia 13 urbe artis itineribus hucque et illuc nexis, atque enormibus vicis, qualis vetus Boma fuit. Ad hoc lamenta paventium feminarum, fessi aevo aut rudis pueritiae aetas, quique sibi quique aliis consulebant, dum 4 o trahunt 25 invalidos aut opperiuntur 33 , pars mora, pars festinans 12 , cuncta impediebant. Et saepe, dum in tergum respectant 25 , lateribus aut fronte circnmveniebantur; vel si in proxima Descriptive.. 37 (24.) GREAT FIRE OF LONDON, a. While 41 the war con- tinued without 40 any decisive success on either side, a calamity happened in London, which 5 threw the people into great con- sternation. Fire, breaking out in a baker's house near the bridge, spread itself on all sides with such rapidity, that 110 5 efforts could extinguish it 6 , till it laid in ashes a considerable part of the city. The inhabitants, without 32 being able to pro- vide effectually for their relief, were reduced 28 to be spectators 12 of their own ruin ; and were pursued 7 from street to street by the flames, which unexpectedly gathered round them. Three I0 days and nights did the fire advance ; and it 8 was only by 33 the blowing up of houses, that it was at last extinguished. The king and duke used their utmost endeavours 12 to stop the pro- gress of the flames ; but 9 all their industry was unsuccessful. About four hundred streets, and thirteen thousand houses, 15 were reduced to ashes 12 . The causes of this calamity were evident. The narrow streets of London, the houses built entirely of wood, the dry season, and a violent east wind which blew 29 ; these were so many concurring circumstances 11 , which 8 rendered it easy to 20 assign the reason of the destruction that ensued 28 . But the people 9 were 7 not satisfied with this obvious account 11 . Prompted 29 by blind rage, some ascribed the guilt to the repub- licans, others to the catholics ; though it is not easy to con- ceive how the burning 13 of London could serve the purposes 11 25 of either party. HUME. b. The conflagration was so universal 4 , and the people so astonished, that from the beginning they hardly stirred to quench it ; so that there was nothing heard or seen but crying out and lamentation, running 33 about like distracted creatures 11 , 30 without 32 at all attempting to save even their goods. Such a strange consternation there was upon them, as it burned 29 , both in breadth and length 36 , the churches, public halls, hospitals, monuments, and ornaments, leaping after a prodigious manner from house to house, and street to street, at 5 great distances 12 35 one from the other; for the heat, with a long 12 set of fair 18 and warm weather, had even ignited the air, and prepared the materials to conceive the fire, which devoured 29 , after an in- credible manner, houses, furniture, and every thing. Oh the miserable 19 and calamitous spectacle! such as haply the world 40 had not seen since the foundation 13 of it. God grant my eyes 38 Descriptive. evaserant 33 , illis quoque igni correptis 9 , etiam quae longinqua crediderant in eodem casu reperiebant 39 . Postremo, quid vitarent quid peterent ambigui, complere vias, sterni per agros 41 ; quidam amissis 12 omnibus fortunis, diurni quoque victus egeni 12 , alii cari- 45 tate suorum, quos eripere nequiverant, quamvis paten te effugio 9 interiere. Nee quisquam defendere audebat 29 , crebris 42 multorum minis restinguere prohibentium 25 , et quia alii palam faces iacie- bant atque esse sibi auctorem 13 vociferabantur, sive ut raptus licentius 36 exercerent, sen iussu. Sexto demum 34 die finis incen- 50 dio factus prorutis per immensum aedificiis, ut continuae vio- lentiae campus et velut vacuum caelum occurreret. TAC. Ann. xv. 38. 25. PLINY'S DEATH. Interim e Yesuvio monte pluribus locis latissimae flammae atque incendia relucebant, quorum fulgor et claritas tenebris noctis excitabatur 39 . Ille, agrestium trepidatione ignis relictos desertasque villas per solitudinem 5 ardere, in remedium formidinis dictitabat. Turn se quieti dedit, et quievit verissimo quidem somno. Nam meatus animae, qui illi propter amplitudinem corporis gravior et sonantior erat, ab iis, qui limini obversabantur, audiebatur. Sed area, ex qua diaeta adibatur, ita jam cinere missisque pumicibus oppleta 10 surrexerat, ut, si longior in cubiculo mora esset, exitus negare- tur. Excitatus 9 procedit, seque Pomponiano ceterisque, qui pervigilarant, reddit. In commune consultant, an intra tecta subsistant, an in aperto vagentur. Nam crebris vastisque tremoribus tecta nutabant, et quasi emota sedibus suis, nunc *5 hue nunc illuc abire aut referri videbantur. Sub divo rursus, quamquam levium exesorumque, pumicum casus metuebatur: quod 9 tamen periculorum collatio elegit 7 . Cervicalia capitibus imposita 9 linteis constringunt. Id muniment um ad versus deci- dentia fuit 28 . Jam dies alibi, illic nox omnibus 48 noctibus 20 nigrior densiorque : quam 7 tamen faces multae variaque lumiria solabantur 29 . Placuit egredi in litus, et e proximo adspicere, ecquid jam mare admitteret; quod 9 adhuc vastum et adversum peruranebat. Tbi 34 super abiectum linteum recubans, semel atque iterum frigidam poposcit, hausitque. Deinde flammae flam- 25 marumque praenuntius odor sulfuris alios in fugam vertunt, excitant ilium 4 . Innixus servis duobus adsurrexit, et statim concidit, ut ego 16 conjecto, crassiore caligine spiritu obstructo. Ubi dies redditus (is ab eo, quern novissime viderat, tertius) corpus inventum est integrum : habitus corporis quiescenti, 30 quam defuncto 13 , similior. PLIN. Ep. vi. 16. Descriptive. 39 may never behold the like 4 . The noise and cracking 13 of the impetuous flames, the shrieking of women and children, the hurry 13 of people, the fall 13 of houses and churches, was like a hideous storm, and the air all about so hot and inflamed, that 45 at last one was not able to approach it 24 : so that they were forced 30 to stand still and let the flames burn on, which they did 38 for near two miles in length and one in breadth. The clouds of smoke were dismal, and 9 reached, upon computation 13 , near fifty miles in length. Thus I left it this afternoon burning, 50 a resemblance 12 of Sodom, or the last day. London was, but is no more. EVELYN. (25.) DEATH OF PLINY THE ELDER. As the shades of evening gathered 28 , the brightness 13 of the flames became more striking ; but to calm the panic of those around him 35 , the philosopher 10 assured 29 them that they arose 28 from cottages on the slope, which the alarmed 18 rustics had abandoned to the 5 descending 18 flakes of fire. He then took his customary 30 brief 19 night's rest 12 , sleeping 25 composedly as usual 36 ; but his attendants were not so easily tranquillized, and 9 as the night advanced, the continued fall of ashes within the courts of the mansion convinced 28 them that delay 13 would make escape impossible. 10 They roused their master, together with the friend at whose house he was resting, and 9 hastily debated how to proceed 28 . By this time 34 the soil around them was rocking with repeated shocks of earthquake, which recalled the horrors of the still recent catastrophe n . The party quitted the treacherous 18 shelter 18 1 5 of the house-roof, and 9 sought the coast in hopes of finding 33 vessels to take them off. To protect themselves from the thick- ening 18 cinders they tied cushions to their heads. The sky was darkened by the ceaseless 18 shower, and 9 they groped 28 their way by torchlight 13 , and by the intermitting 18 flashes from the moun- 20 tain. The sea was agitated, and abandoned by every bark. Pliny, wearied 21 or perplexed, now 34 stretched himself on a piece of sail-cloth, and 9 refused to stir farther, while on the bursting forth of a fiercer blast accompanied 26 with sulphureous gases, his companions, all but two body-slaves, fled in terror 12 . Some who 25 looked back in their flight affirmed 28 that the old man 10 rose once with the help of his attendants, but immediately fell again, overpowered,^as it seemed, with the deadly vapours. MERIVALE. 40 Descriptive. 26. ERUPTION OF VESUVIUS. Praecesserat per multos dies tremor terrae minus formidolosus quia Campaniae solitus. Ilia vero nocte ita invahrit ut non mover! 31 omnia sed verti crederentur. Inrumpit cubiculnm meum mater: surgebam, 5 invicem, si quiesceret, excitaturus 12 . Kesidimus in area domus, quae mare a tectis modico spatio dividebat 29 . Dubito constan- tiam vocare an inprudentiam debeam ; agebam enim duodeviceii- simum annum : posco 41 librum Titi Livi et quasi per otium lego adque etiam, ut coeperam, excerpo. Ecce, amicus avunculi, qui 10 nuper ad eum ex Hispania venerat, ut me et matrem sedentes, me vero etiam legentem 31 videt, illius patientiam, securitatem meam corripit: nihilo segnius ego intentus in librum. lam 34 hora diei prima, et adhuc dubius et quasi languidus dies 41 . lam quassatis circumiacentibus tectis 9 , quamquam in aperto loco, 15 angusto tamen, magnus et certus ruinae metus. Turn demum excedere oppido visum : sequitur vulgus attonitum, "quodque 5 in pavore simile prudentiae, alienum consilium suo praefert ingentique agmine abeuntis premit et impellit. Egressi 33 tecta consistimus. Multa 8 ibi miranda 11 , multas formidines patimur. 20 Nam vehicula quae produci jusseramus, quamquam in pianis- simo campo, in contrarias partes agebantur ac ne lapidibus quidem fulta in eodem vestigio quiescebant 29 . Praeterea mare in se resorberi 31 et trernore terrae quasi repelli videbamus. Certe precesserat litus multaque animalia maris siccis arenis 25 detinebat 7 . Ab altero latere nubes atra et horrenda 19 ignei spiritus tortis vibratisque discursibus rupta in longas flam- marum figuras dehiscebat: fulguribus illae et 34 similes et ma- iores 24 erant. Turn mater orare 41 , hortari, jubere quoquo modo fugerem; posse 44 enim juvenem, se et annis et corpore gravem 9 30 bene morituram, si mihi causa mortis non fuisset 27 . Ego 17 contra, 28 salvum me nisi una non futurum: dein maniim ejus . amplexus, addere gradum cogo. Paret aegre incusatque se quod me moretur 33 . Jam cinis, adhuc tamen rarus: respicio; densa caligo tergis immiriebat, quae nos torrentis modo infusa 5 terrae sequebatur. 25 'Deflectemus', inquam 28 , Mum vi^mus ne in via strati comitantium 25 turba in tenebris opteramur '. Vix ideramus 34 , et nox, non qualis inlunis aut nubila, sed qualis in locis 11 clausis lumine extincto. Audires ululatus feminarum, infantum quiritatus, clamores virorum : alii parentes, alii liberos, 40 alii conjuges vocibus requirebant, vocibus noscitabant 41 : hi suum casum, illi suorum miserabantur: erant qui metu mortis mortem precarentur : multi ad deos manus tollere, plures nus- Descriptive. 41 (26.) EARTHQUAKE OF LISBON. It was 8 on the morning of this fatal 18 day, between the hours 13 of nine and ten, that I was set down in my apartment, just finishing 4 a letter, when the papers and table I was writing on began 41 to tremble with a 15 gentle motion, which rather surprised me, as I could not 5 percel ye a breath of wind stirring 28 . Whilst I was 41 reflecting with myself what this could be owing to, the house I was in shook with such violence, that the upper stories immediately fell, and though my apartment (which was the first floor) did not then share 28 the same fate, yet every thing was thrown 10 out of its place, in such, a manner that it was with no small difficulty I kept 28 my feet, and 9 expected nothing less than to be soon crushed to death, as the walls continued 28 rocking to and fro in a frightful manner, opening 41 in several places ; large stones falling down 25 on every side from the cracks, and 15 the ends of most of the rafters starting 41 out from the roof. To add 28 to this terrifying scene 11 , the sky in a moment be- came so gloomy that I could now distinguish no particular object 11 ; it was 41 an Egyptian darkness indeed, such as might be felt; owing 14 , no doubt, to the prodigious clouds of dust 20 and lime raised from so 35 violent a concussion, and, as some re- ported, to sulphureous exhalations, but this I cannot affirm; however, it is certain I found 28 myself almost choked for near ten minutes. I had still presence 13 of mind enough left 28 to put on a 25 pair 11 of shoes and a coat, the first 5 that came in my way, which was everything 23 I saved, and in this dress I hurried down stairs 11 , and 9 made directly to that end of the street which opens to the Tagus. In the midst of our devotions 19 , the second great 18 shock 30 came on, little less violent than the 15 first, and 9 completed the ruin 12 of those buildings which had been already much shattered. You may judge of the force 12 of this shock, when I inform 28 you it was so violent that I could scarce keep on my knees; but it was 7 attended 28 with some circumstances 35 still more dreadful than the former. On a sudden I heard a general outcry, "the sea is coming in 44 , we shall be all lost." Upon this, turning 25 my eyes towards the river, which in that place is near four miles broad, I could perceive it heaving and swelling 31 in a most unaccountable manner, as no 40 wind was stirring 28 . In an instant there appeared, at some small distance, a large body of water, rising 31 as it were like 42 Descriptive. quam jam deos ullos, aeternamque illam 15 et noctem mundo interpretabantur 41 . Paulura reluxit; quod 9 non 45 dies nobis sed adventantis ignis indicium videbatur. Et ignis quidem longius substitit, tenebrae rursus, cinis rursus multus et gravis 12 . Hunc identidem adsurgentes excutiebamus : operti alioqui adque etiam oblisi pondere essemus. Tandem ilia 15 caligo tenuata quasi in fumum nebulamve discessit : mox dies 50 verus, sol etiam effulsit, luridus tamen, qualis esse, cum deficit 12 , solet 3 * 5 . Occursabaut trepidantibus adhuc oculis mutata oinnia altoque cinere, tamquam nive, obducta. Regressi Misenum, curatis 9 ntcumque corporibus suspensam 12 dubiamque noctem spe ac metu exegimus. PLIN. Ep. vi. 20. 55 b. Yarie itaque quatitur 12 , et mira eduntur opera, alibi prostratis moenibus, alibi hiatu profundo haustis, alibi egestis molibus, alibi emissis amnibus nonnuniquanl etiam ignibus calidisve fontibus, aliubi averso fluminum cursu. Praecedit 7 vero comitaturque terribilis sonus, alias murmur! similis, alias Co mugitibus aut clamori humano armorumve pulsantium fragori, pro qualttate materiae excipientis 25 formaque vel cavernarum vel cuniculi per quern meet, exilius grassante in angusto 11 , eodem rauco in recurvis, resultante in duris, fervente in umidis, fluctuante in stagnantibus, furente contra solida 11 . Itaque et 65 sine motu saepe editur sonus. Nee simplici modo quatitur umquam, sed tremit vibratque 12 . Hiatus vero alias remanet ostendens quae sorbuit, alias occultat ore conpresso 25 rursusque ita inducto solo ut nulla vestigia exstent, urbibus plerumque devoratis 33 agrorumque tractu hausto. 70 Tutissimum est cum vibrat 12 crispante aedificiorum crepitu et cum intumescit adsurgens alternoque moturesidit; innoxium et cum concurrentia tecta contrario ictu arietant, quoniam alter motus alteri renititur. Undantis 13 inclinatio et fluctus more quaedam 11 volutatio mfesta est, aut cum in unam partem totus 75 se motus inpellit. Fiunt simul cum terrae motu et inundationes maris eodem videlicet spiritu infusi 9 aut terrae residentis 25 sinu recepti 2 . Maximus terrae memoria mortalium exstitit motus Tiberi Caesaris principatu, XII urbibus Asiae una nocte prostratis 20 , 80 creberrimus Punico bello intra eundem annum septiens ac quinquagiens nuntiatus 20 Romam, quo 9 quidem anno ad Tra- simeimm lacum dimicantes 25 maximum motum neque Poeni sensere 7 nee Eomani. PLIN. N. H. n. Descriptive. 43 a mountain. It, 9 came on foaming 25 and roaring, and rushed towards the shore .with such impetuosity 36 , that we all imme- diately ran 45 for our lives as fast as possible; many were actually 45 swept away, and the rest above their waist in water at a good distance from the banks. For my 15 own part, I had the narrowest escape 12 , and should certainly have been lost, had I not grasped a large beam that lay 29 on the ground, till the water returned 30 to its channel, which it did 28 almost at the 50 same instant, with equal rapidity. As there now appeared 29 at least as much danger from the sea as the land, and I scarce knew whither to retire for shelter 12 , I took a sudden 18 reso- lution of returning back, with 48 my clothes all dripping, to the area of St Paul's. 55 The new scenes 11 of horror 5 I met with here exceed all description 12 ; nothing 41 could be heard but sighs and groans; I did not meet with a soul in the passage who wasf not be- wailing the death 13 of his nearest relations and dearest friends, or the loss 13 of all his substance; I could hardly take a single 60 step, without 32 treading on the dead or the dying: in some places lay 29 coaches, with 48 their masters, horses and riders, almost crushed in 12 pieces; here mothers with infants in their arms: there ladies richly dressed, priests, friars, gentlemen, mechanics, either in the same condition, or just expiring; some 65 had their backs or thighs broken, others vast stones on their breasts; some lay 29 almost buried in the rubbish, and, crying out in vain to the passengers 25 for succour, were left to perish with the rest. As soon 3 * as it grew dark, another scene presented 28 itself 70 little less shocking than those already described : the whole city appeared 29 in a blaze, which was so bright that I could easily see to read by it. It may be said without exaggeration 12 , it was on fire at least in a hundred different places at once, and thus continued 28 burning for six days together, without 32 inter- 75 mission, or the least attempt being made to stop its progress. It went 28 on consuming everything the earthquake had spared 28 , and the people were so dejected and terrified, that few or none had 28 courage enough to venture 28 down to save any part of their substance 12 ; every one had his eyes turned towards the 80 flames, and stood 29 looking on with silent grief, which was only interrupted 7 by the cries and shrieks of women and children calling on the saints and angels for succour. DAVY. 44 Epistolary. (27.) M. T. C. C. CURIONI S. D. Epistolarum genera multa esse non ignoras: sed unum illud 16 certissiuaum, cujus causa inventa res ipsa est, ut certiores faceremus absentes, si quid esset, quod eos scire, aut nostra ant ipsorum interesset. 5 Hujus generis literas a me profecto non expetis. Tuarum eiiim rerum domes ticarurn habes et scriptores et iiuntios. In meis autem rebus nihil est sane novi. Reliqua sunt epistolarum genera duo, quae me magnopere 7 delectant ; unum familiare et jocosum, alterum severum et grave. Utro me minus deceat 10 uti, non intelligo. Jocerne tecum per literas ? civem (meher- cule) non puto esse, qui temporibus his ridere possit. An gravius aliquid scribam 1 ? quid est, quod possit graviter a Cicerone scribi ad Curionem, nisi de re publica 1 Atque in hoc genere haec mea causa est, ut neque ea, quae seiitio, nee quae 15 non 12 sentio, veliin scribere. Quamobrem, quoniam mini nullum scribendi argumentum relictum est, utar ea clausula, qua 33 soleo ; teque ad studium summae laudis cohortabor. (28) a. Epistolam hanc convicio efflagitarunt 7 codicilli tui : nam res quidem ipsa, et is dies 13 quo tu es profectus, nihil mihi ad scribendum argumeriti sane dabat 38 . Sed, quemadmodum, coram cum sumus, sermo nobis deesse non solet 36 , sic epistolae 5 lostrae debent 48 iuterdum hallucinari....Reliquis diebus, si quid erit 27 , quod te scire opus sit, aut etiam si nihil erit, tamen scribam quotidie aliquid. Prid. Idus neque tibi, neque Pom- ponio, deero 28 . CICERO. b. C. PLINIUS SABINO Suo S. Facis iucunde quod 33 non 10 solum plurimas epistulas meas verum etiam longissimas flagitas ; in quibus parcior fui, partim quia tuas occupationes verebar 33 , partim quia ipse multum distringebar 29 plerumque frigidis negotiis, quae simul et avocant animum et comminuuiit. Prae- terea nee materia plura 12 scribendi dabatur 29 . Neque enim '5 eadem nostra conditio quae M. Tulli, ad cuius exemplum nos vocas. Illi enim et copiosissimum ingenium et ingenio qua varietas rerum qua magnitude largissime suppetebat 7 . Nos quam 6 angustis ter minis claudamur etiam tacente 32 me per- spicis, nisi forte volumus scholasticas tibi adque, ut ita dicam, 20 umbraticas litteras mittere. Sed nihil minus aptum arbitra- mur, cum arma vestra, cum castra, cum denique cornua tubas sudorem pulverem soles cogitamus. Habes, ut puto, iustam excusationem, quam 9 tamen dubito an tibi probari veliin. Est enim 11 summi auioris negare veniam brevibus epistulis ami- 25 corum, quamvis scias illis constare rationem. Yale. .Epistolary. 45 (27.) Rien ne se ressemble moins que le style epistolaire de Ciceron et celui 16 de Pline, que le style de madame de Sevigne et celui de M. de Voltaire. Lequel faut-il imiter 1 Ni 1'un ni 1'autre, si Ton veut tre quelque chose; car on n'a veritablement un style que lorsqu'on a celni de son caractere 5 propre et de la tournure naturelle de son esprit, modifie par le sentiment qu'on eprouve en ecrivant. Les lettres n'ont pour objet que de communiquer ses pensees et ses sentiments a des personnes absentee ; elles sont 7 dictees par 1'amitie, la confiance, la politesse 9 . C'est une 15 con- 10 versation par e"crit : aussi le ton des lettres ne doit differer de celui 16 de la conversation ordinaire que par un peu plus de choix 12 dans les objets et de correction 13 dans le style. Le naturel et 1'aisance 12 forment done le caractere 11 essen- tiel du style epistolaire : la recherche d'esprit d' elegance ou de *5 correction y est insupportable 22 . SUARD. (28.) WILLIAM COWPER TO REV. W. UNWIN. My dear Friend, you like 37 to hear 37 from me This is a very good reason why I should write but I have 38 nothing to say This seems equally a good reason why I should not Yet if you 46 had . alighted from your horse at our door this morning, and at this 5 present writing, being five o'clock in the afternoon, had found 23 occasion to say to me "Mr Cowper 39 , you have not spoke since I came in, have you resolved never to speak again ?" It would be but a poor 12 reply, if in answer to the summons 13 , I should plead inability 13 as my best and only excuse 12 . And this, by the 1 way, suggests to me a seasonable piece 11 of instruction, and reminds me of what I am very apt to forget, when I have any epistolary 11 business in hand ; that a letter may be written upon any thing or nothing just as that any thing or nothing happens 27 to occur. A man that has a journey before him twenty miles 15 in length, which he is to perform on foot, will not hesitate, and doubt, whether he shall set out or not, because he does not readily conceive how he shall ever reach the end of it ; for he knows, that by the simple operation 11 of moving 33 one foot forward first, and then the other, he shall be sure to accomplish it. So 20 it is in the present case, and so it is in every similar case. A letter is written as a conversation is maintained 7 , or a journey performed, not by preconcerted or premeditated means but merely by maintaining a progress 12 . If a man may talk without 32 thinking, why may he not write upon the same terms? 2 5 46 Epistolary. 29. CICERO ATTICO S. Accepi ab Isidore literas, et postea datas 13 binas. Ex proximis cognovi 38 praedia non venisse. Videbis ergo, ut sustentetur per te. De Frustinati, si modo futuri sumus, erit mihi res opportuna. 5 Meas literas quod 33 requiris, impedior inopia rerum, quas nullas habeo literis dignas; quippe cui nee, quae 12 accidunt, nee, quae 12 aguntur, ullo modo probentur. Utinam coram tecum olim potius, quam per epistolas! Hie tua, ut possum, tueor apud hos: caetera Celer. Ipse fugi adhuc omne munus, eo ma- jo gis, quod ita nihil poterat agi, ut mihi et meis rebus aptum esset. Quid sit gestum novi, quaeris : ex Isidoro scire poteris : reliqua non videntur esse difficiliora. Tu id, velim, quod scis me maxime velle, cures, ut scribis 37 , ut facis. Me 7 conficit sol- licitudo, ex qua etiam summa innrmitas corporis : qua levata, 15 ero una cum eo, qui negotium gerit, estque in spe magiia. Brutus amicus in causa versatur acriter. Hactenus fuit, quod caute a me scribi posset. Yale. Idi- bus Juu. ex castris. b. CICERO ATTICO S. Ego 16 etsi tamdiu requiesco, quamdiu 20 aut ad te scribo, aut tuas literas lego ; tamen et ipse egeo argu- mento epistolarum, et tibi idem accidere certo scio. Quae enim soluto animo familiariter scribi solent 36 , temporibus his exclu- duntur : quae autem sunt horum temporum, ea jam contrivi- mus. Sed tamen, ne me totum aegritudini dedam, sumsi mihi 25 quasdam tamquam 0ee impatient till I hear 27 you are safely landed, v 3iS3...jis / ' impatient after that till you are 27 safely arrived in your winter quarters. Adieu, my dear heart, till I see you 27 ! and till then satisfy 23 yourself, that, whatever uneasiness 12 your journey may give you, 20 my expectation 12 of you, and concern 12 jforj^oiji, will give me more. I am 3 " got to another page, and musfSo violence to myself to stoj^here but I will 46 and abruptly bid you, my dear heart, ^ adieu, till I bid 27 you welcome to Montpelier. ^j^w/A/t^A**^ **"*&. line, under your own hand, pray, by the post 39 that first 25 sets 27 out after you land 27 at Bourdeaux. jj^o-^***^* b. The Countess of Leicester to her husband. My dearest heart 39 , the apprehension 12 of your going to Hamburgh brought me much trouble 12 , till I was 29 told that it would be absolutely left to your choice ; and offered to you rather 3 as a compliment 11 , than pressed on you as a necessity 11 . Where- fore, in that particular 11 1 am now reasonably well satisfied; yet will I not desist from the performance 12 of all that may 48 defend you from that journey : for 1 16 am more adverse to it than you can be. You tell 37 me that I do not care for news, but I desire much 35 more than you do afford me; for it is 8 very long since you told me any thing of your opinion 12 concerning the success of your business, which I long extremely to hear ; and any thing else , , that belongs to you I covet w^h an excessive greediness.^ Wherefore, my dearest, be a little more liberal in those in- 40 formations 12 , and be assured, that your pains are bestowed for 60 Epistolary. 39. (a) C. PLINIUS MAXIMO Suo S. N"uperme 7 cuiusdam 15 amici languor admonuit optimos esse nos, dum infirmi 12 sumus. Quern 8 enim innrmum 12 aut avaritia aut libido sollicitat 7 ? Non amoribus servit 12 , non adpetit honores, opes neglegit et quantu- 5 lumcumque ut relicturus 9 satis habet. Tune deos, tune homiriem esse se meminit, invidet nemini, neminem miratur, neminem despicit ac ne serraonibus quideni malignis aut attendit aut alitur: balinea 8 imaginatur et fontes. Haec summa curarum, sumraa votorum, mollemque in posterum et pinguera, si con- 10 tingat evadere, hoc est innoxiam beatamque destinat vitam. Possum ergo quod 11 plurimis verbis, plurimis etiam voluminibus 13 philosophi docere conantur ipse breviter tibi mihique praeci- pere, ut tales esse sarri 22 perseveremus quales nos futures pro- titemur infirmi 12 . Vale. 15 (6) Quod 9 me recordantem 25 fragilitatis humanae mise- ratio 11 subit 7 . Quid enim tarn circumcisum, tam breve quam hominis vita longissima 1 ? Tam angustis 8 terininis tantae multitudinis vivacitas ipsa concluditur, ut mihi non venia solum dignae verum etiam laude videantur illae regiae lacrimae. 20 Nam ferunt 47 Xerxen, cum inmensum exerciturn oculis obisset 33 , inlacrimasse, quod 11 tot milibus tam brevis immineret 7 oc- casus 30 . Sed tanto magis hoc quidquid est temporis futilis et caduci, si non datur factis 11 (nam horum materia in aliena manu 28 ), certe studiis proferamus, et quatenus nobis denegatur 25 diu vivere, relinquamus aliquid quo nos vixisse testemur. Scio stimulis non egere; me tamen tui caritas evocat ut cur- rentem 13 quoque instigem, sicut tu soles me. 'AyaOrj 8* ept?, cum invicem se mutuis exhortationibus amici ad amorem im- mortalitatis exacuunt. Yale. FLINT. 40. Ante omnia ne sit vitiosus sermo nutricibus; quas 9 , si fieri posset, sapientes Chrysippus optavit, certe, quantum res pateretur 30 , optimas eligi voluit. Et morum quidem in his hand dubie prior ratio est: recte tamen etiam loquantur. Has 8 pri- Epistolary. 61 her* satisfaction, who would not refuse to give her life for your service 12 . ty CU^LX Penshurst, 28th December, 1636. My sister is yet here, and all your children are 38 well. 45 July 15, 1712. (39.) POPE TO STEELE. You formerly observed 28 to me, that nothing made a more ridiculous figure 11 in a man's life, than the disparity 12 we often find 28 in him sick and well : sickness is a sort 11 of early old age : it teaches us a diffidence 12 in our earthly state 11 , 5 and inspires us with the thoughts of a future, better than a thousand volumes 13 of philosophers and divines. Youth, at the very best, is but a betrayer 12 of human life in a gentler and smoother manner 36 than age : it is like 9 a stream that 8 nourishes a plant upon a bank, and causes it to flourish and blossom 19 to 10 the sight 11 , but at the same time 17 is undermining it at the root in secret 4 . My 2 youth has dealt more fairly and openly with me ; it 9 has afforded several prospects 11 of my danger, and given me an advantage 11 not very common to young men, that the attractions of the world have not dazzled me very much. When a smart 15 fit 11 of sickness tells me this empty tenement 18 of my body will fall in a little time, I am even as unconcerned as was that honest Hibernian, who being 25 in bed in the great storm some years ago, and 47 told the house would tumble over his head, made answer, What care I for the house 44 ! I am only a lodger. 20 I fancy 4 it is the best time to die when one is in the best humour ; and so excessively weak as I now am, I may say with 36 conscience, that I am not at all uneasy at the thought 12 , that many men, whom I never had any esteem for, are likely to enjoy this world after me. When I reflect what an incon- 25 siderable little atom every single man is, with respect to the whole creation, methinks it is a shame 12 to be concerned at the removal 12 of such a trivial animal as I am. The morning after my exit 12 , the sun will rise as bright as ever, the flowers smell as sweet, the plants spring as green, the world will proceed in 30 its own course, people will laugh as heartily, and marry as fast, as they were used to do. London, Sept. 15, 1752. (40.) Dear Dayrolles. In the first place I make my compliments 39 to my god-son, who, I hope, sucks and sleeps heartily, which is all that can yet be desired, or expected from 62 Epistolary. 5 mum audiet puer, liamm verba effingere imitando conabitur. Et natura tenacissimi 12 sumus eorum, quae rudibus annis per- cepimus : ut sapor, quo nova 12 imbuas, durat; nee lanarum colores, quibus simplex ille candor mutatus est, elui possunt. Si tamen non continget, quales maxime velim nutrices, I0 pueros habere ; paedagogus at unus certo sit assiduus, dicendi non imperitus, qui, si qua erunt ab his praesente 12 alumno dicta vitiose 12 , corrigat protinus, nee insidere illi sinat. A Graeco sermone puerum incipere malo: quia Latinurn, qui pluribus in usu est, vel nobis nolentibus perbibet simul quia disciplinis !5 quoque Graecis prius institueiidus est, unde nostrae fluxerunt 12 . Non tamen hoc adeo superstitiose velim fieri, ut diu tantum loquatur Graece aut discat, sicut plerisque moris est. Hinc enim accidunt et oris plurima vitia in peregrinum sonum cor- rupti 12 , et sermonis: cui 9 quum Graecae figurae assidua consue- 20 tudine haeserunt, in di versa quoque loquendi ratione perti- nacissime durant. Non longe itaque Latina subsequi debent, et cito pariter ire. Ita net 28 , ut, quum aequ-ali cura linguam u tram q ue tueri coeperimus 33 , neutra alteri officiat. Quidam literis instituendos, qui minores septem annis 25 essent, non putaverunt, quod 11 ilia primum aetas 8 et intellectum disciplinarum capere et laborem pati posset 30 . Melius autem qui nullum tempus vacare cura voliiDt, ut Chrysippus. Nam is 16 , quamvis nutricibus triennium dederit, tamen ab illis quoque iam informandam quam optimis institutis mentem iiifantium 30 iudicat. Cur autem non pertineat ad literas aetas, quae ad mores iam pertinet 1 Quid melius alioqui facient, ex quo loqui poterunt 27 1 Faciant enim aliquid necesse est. Non ergo per- damus primum statim tempus ; atque eo minus, quod initia literarum sola memoria constant, quae non modo iam est 28 in 35 parvis, sed turn etiam tenacissima 12 est. QUINTILIAN. 41. CICERO ATTICO S. Avere te certo scio, quum scire, quid hie agatur, turn mea a me 11 scire. Armatis hommibus, ante diem tertium Nonas Novembres, expulsi sunt fabri de area nostra; disturbata porticus Catuli, 5 quae, ex senatxis-consulto, consulum locatione reficiebatur, et ad tectum paene pervenerat. Quinti fratris domus primo fracta coniectu lapidum ex area nostra, deinde inflammata iussu Clodii, inspectante Urbe, coniectis ignibus, magna querela et gemitu, non dicam bonorum, qui nescio an nulli sint, sed plane C3 him. Though yon, like a prudent father, I find 2 ', carry your 5 thoughts a great deal farther, and are already forming the plan of his education 12 , you have still time to consider of it, but yet not so much as people commonly think ; for I am very sure, that children are capable of a certain degree 11 of education 12 long before they are commonly thought to be so 46 . At a year and 10 a half old I am persuaded that a child might be made to com- prehend the injustice 12 of torturing flies and strangling birds; whereas, they are commonly encouraged in both, and their hearts hardened by habit. There is another thing, which may be taught him very early, and save him trouble and you 15 expence, I mean languages. You have certainly some French servants, men or maids, in your house 9 . Let them be chiefly about him, when he is six or seven months older, and speak nothing but French to him, while you and madame Dayrolles speak nothing to him but English ; by which means those two 20 languages will be equally familiar to him. By the time that he is three years old, he will be too heavy and too active for a maid to carry, or to follow him ; and one of your footmen must necessarily attend him. Let that footman be a Saxon, who speaks nothing but German, and who will, of course, teach 25 him German without any trouble 36 . Some silly people will, I am sure, tell you, that you will confound the poor child so with these different languages, that he will jumble them all together and 9 speak no one well; and this will be true for five or six years ; but then he will separate them of himself, and speak 30 them all perfectly. . . . My compliments to madame Dayrolles. Adieu, mon cher enfant. LORD CHESTERFIELD. Tuesday Night, June, 1780. (41.) My dear Shackleton, I feel 39 as I ought for your friendly solicitude 12 about me and this family. Yesterday our furniture ' was entirely replaced, and rny wife, for the first time since the beginning 13 of this 5 strange tumult, lay at home. During that week* of havoc and destruction, we were under the roof 11 of my worthy and valuable friend General Burgoyne, who did everything that could be done to make her situation 11 comfortable to her. You will hear with satisfaction 12 that she went through the whole with no 10 small degree 11 of fortitude. On Monday se'nnight, about nine o'clock, I received undoubted intelligence 11 that, immediately after the destruction 12 of Savile House, mine was to suffer the 64 Epistolary. *o hominum omnium. Hie vehemens mere 41 ; post Imnc furorem, nihil nisi caedem inimicorum cogitare ; vicatim ambire; servis aperte spem libertatis ostendere : videt 41 , si omnes, quos vult, palam occiderit 27 , niliilo suam causam difficiliorem, quam adhuc sit, in iudicio futuram. Itaque, ante diem tertium Idus 15 Novembres, cum Sacra via descenderem, insecntus est me cum suis. Clamor, lapides> fustes, gladii, haec improvisa omnia. Discessiinus in vestibulurn Tettii Damionis. Qui erant mecum, facile operas aditu prohibuerunt. Ipse occidi potuit 48 : sed ego diaeta curari incipio; chirurgiae taedet. 20 Milonis domum, pridie Idus Novemb. expugnare et incen- dere ita conatus est, ut palam hora V cum scutis homines, eductis gladiis, alios cum accensis facibus, adduxerit. Ipse domum P. Sullae pro castris sibi ad earn impugnatioiiem sum- serat. Turn ex Anniana Milonis domo Q. Flaccus eduxit viros 25 acres; occidit homines ex omni latrocinio Clodiano notissimos: ipsum cupivit ; sed ille se in interiora aedium. Ante diem XII Cal. Decemb. Milo media nocte curn magna manu in Campum venit. Clodius, cum haberet fugitivorum delectas copias, in Campum ire non est ausus. 30 Ante diem VIII Cal. haec ego scribebam, hora noctis nona. Milo Campum iam tenebat 38 ... Nos animo duntaxat vigemus : re familiari comminuti sutnus. Quinti fratris tamen liberalitati, pro facultatibus nos- tris, ne omnino exhaustus esset, illo recusante, subsidiis ami- 35 corum respondemus. Quid consilii de omni xiostro statu capiamus, te absente, nescimus. Quare appropera. 42. (a) C. PLINIUS MAURICO Suo S. Sollicitas me in Formianum. Yeniam 46 ea 15 conditione ne quid contra commodum tuum facias 28 ; qua pactione invicem mini caveo. Neque enim mare 8 et litus sed te, otium, libertatem sequor : alioqui satius 5 est in urbe remanere. Oportet enim omnia aut ad alienum arbitrium aut ad suum facere : mei certe stomachi haec natura est ut nihil nisi totum et merum velit. Yale. PLINY. (b) C. PLINIUS CATILIO SEVERO Suo S. Yeniam 28 ad cenam, sed iam nunc paciscor sit expedita, sit parca, Socraticis I0 tantum sermonibus abundet, in his quoque teneat modum. Yale. Epistolary. 65 same fate 13 . I instantly came 9 and removed such papers as I thought of most importance. In about an hour after, sixteen 15 soldiers, without my knowledge or desire 12 , took possession 12 of the house. Government 13 had, it seems, been apprised 28 of the design, and obligingly afforded 28 me this protection. The next day I had my books and furniture removed, and the guards dismissed. I thought, in the then 3 scarcity 12 of troops, they 20 might be better employed than in looking after 33 my paltry remains 12 . For four nights I kept watch at Lord Kockingham's, or Sir George Savile's, whose houses were garrisoned 7 by a strong body 11 of soldiers, together with numbers 12 of true friends of the 25 first rank, who were willing to share their danger. Savile- house, Rockingham-house, Devonshire-house, to be turned into garrisons 31 ! tempora /. We have all served the country for several years some of us for near thirty with fidelity, labour, and affection ; and we are obliged to put ourselves under military 30 protection 11 for our houses and our persons 14 . The bell rings 38 , and I have 38 filled my time and paper with a mere account of this house; but it is 8 what you 17 will first inquire about 38 , though of the least concern 12 to others 4 . God bless you ; remember me 39 to your worthy host. We can hardly think of leaving 33 town ; 35 jthere is much to be done to repair the ruins 13 of our country and its reputation, as well as to console the number of families ruined by wickedness, masking 25 itself under the colour 11 of reli- gious zeal 11 . Adieu, my dear friend, our best regards to your daughter 39 . Yours ever, EDM. BURKE. 40 (42.) a. My dear Dickens, I accept 28 your obliging 18 invitation conditionally 35 . If I am 27 invited 7 by any man of greater genius than yourself, or one by whose works I have been more completely interested 28 , I will repudiate you, and 9 dine with the more splendid phe- 5 nomenon of the two. Ever yours sincerely 39 . Green Street, April 8th, 1840 53 . 6. I wish I may be able to come, but I doubt. Will you come to a philosophical breakfast on Saturday, ten o'clock 52 precisely ? Nothing taken for granted ! Everything (except 10 the Thirty-nine Articles) called in question 12 real philosophers ! Affectionately yours, SYDNEY SMITH. * The Gordon Riots. N. 5 C6 Epistolary* 43. C. PLIN. ROMANO. Post Jongum tempus epistulas tuas, sed* tres pariter recepi, omnes elegantissimas, amantissimas, et quales a te venire, oportebat 49 ; quarum 9 una iniungis mihi iucundissimum ministerium ut ad Plotinam, sanctissirnam femi- 5 nam 2 litterae tuae perferantur: perferentur 40 . Altera epistula nuntias multa te nunc dictare nunc scribere quibus nos tibi repi ,esentes: gratias ago; agerem 40 magis, si me ilia ipsa quae scribis aut dictas legere voluisses. Polliceris in fine, cum certius de vitae nostrae ordinatione aliquid andieris 27 , futurum 10 te fugitivum 45 rei familiaris statimque ad nos advolaturum, qui 9 iam tibi compedes nectimus, quas perfringere nullo modo possis 30 . Tertia epistula continebat 38 esse tibi redditam ora- tionem pro Clario eamque visam uberiorem quam dicente me, audiente te, fuerit. Est uberior 48 : multa enim postea inserui. J 5 Adicis alias te litteras curiosius scriptas misisse: an acceperim quaeris: non accepi 46 et accipere gestio. Proinde prima quaque occasione mitte, adpositis quidem usuris 51 , quas ego (num parcius possum ?) centesimas computabo. Yale. PLINY. 44. (a) C. PLINIUS CALPURNIO FLACCO Suo S. Accepi 37 puleherrimos turdos, cum quibus parem calculum ponere nee ur- bis copiis ex Laurentino nee maris 11 tarn turbidis 20 tempestatibus possum. Recipies ergo epistulas steriles 19 et simpliciter ingratas 5 ac ne illam 15 quidem sollertiam Diomedis in permutando munere imitantes. Sed, quae facilitas tua, hoc magis dabis 28 veniam quod se non mereri fatentur 33 . Yale. b. CICERO ATTICO S. Tandem a Cicerone tabellarius ; et (mehercule) literae TTCTTIVW/XCVODS scriptae : quod ipsum TT/OOKOTT^V 10 aliquam significaret : itemque caeteri praeclara 11 scribunt 37 . Leonidas tamen retinet suum illud "Adhuc:" summis vero laudibus Herodes 40 . Quid quaeris 39 ? vel verba mihi dari facile patior in hoc ; meque libenter praebeo credulum. Narro tibi 39 ; haec loca venusta sunt, abdita certe, et, si 15 quid scribere velis, ab arbitris libera : sed, nescio quomodo, OIKOS ^1X09. Itaque me 7 referunt pedes in Tusculanum. Tu (quaeso) fac sciam, ubi Brutum nostrum, et quo die, videre possim. c. Obsecro te, quid est hoc? Formiani, qui apud me coe- 20 iiabant 38 , Plancum se, aiebant, hunc Buthrotium, pridie quam hoc scribebam, id est iv. Nonas, vidisse demissum, sine pha- leris : servulos autem dicere, eum et agripetas ejectos a Buthro- tiis. Macte ! Sed (amabo te 39 ) perscribe mihi to turn negotium. Epistolary. 67 June 3, 1787 63 . (43.) Dear Sir, It is no encouragement 12 to be good 4 , when it is so profitable to do evil : and I 17 shall 49 grow wicked upon principle, and un- grateful by system 19 . If I thought that not answering 33 one letter 5 would always procure me two such, I would be as silent -as ingratitude, bad taste, and an unfeeling heart 13 , can cause the most undeserving to be. I did 4 , indeed 34 , receive your first 37 obliging letter, and intended, in the true spirit 11 of a Bristol trader, to have sent you some of my worthless beads and bits 10 of glass, in exchange for your ivory and gold dust ; but a very tedious 19 , nervous headache 12 has made me less than ever quali- fied 28 to traffic with you in this dishonest way 11 . I am now better 33 , and would not have named being sick at all, if there were 8 any other apology in the world that would have justified 15 my not writing 33 I am become a perfect outlaw from all civil society 13 and regular life. I spend almost my whole time in my little garden. From 'morn to noon, from noon to dewy eve,' I am employed 28 in raising dejected pinks, and reforming disorderly honey- 20 suckles. Yours, dear Sir, very faithfully, HANNAH MORE. (44.) a. Dearest Gee, Nothing could exceed the beauty of the grapes 87 , except the beauty of the pine-apple. How well you understand the clergy 40 ! I am living, young and lively as I am, in the most profound 5 solitude. I saw a crow 4 yesterday, and had a distant view 28 of a rabbit to-day. I have ceased to trouble myself about 4 com- pany 11 . If anybody thinks it worth while to turn aside to the Valley of Flowers, I am most happy 28 to see them ; but I have ceased 28 to lay plots, and to toil for visitors. I save myself by 10 this much disappointment 12 . b. Dear Dickens, Excellent ! nothing can 40 be better ! You 17 must settle 40 it with the Americans as you can 27 , but I 17 have nothing to do with that. I have only to certify 28 that the number is full of wit, 15 humour, and power 11 of description. I am 38 slowly recovering from an attack 11 of gout in the knee, and am very*sorry to have missed 28 you. SYDNEY SMITH. 68 Epistolary. 45. (a) CICERO BRUTO S. Breves tuae literae : breves dico 1 immo nullae. Tribusne versicu]is his temporibus Brutus 4 ad me 31 ? nihil scripsissem potius. Et requiris nieas. Quis un- quam ad te tuorum sine nieis venit 1 Quae autem epistola non 5 pondus habuit 1 Quae si ad te perlatae 39 non sunt, ne domesticas quidem tuas perlatas arbitror. Ciceroni scribis 37 te longiorem daturum epistolani 39 . Kecte id quidem : sed haec quoque debuit 4 " esse plenior. Ego autem, cum ad me de Ciceronis abs te 3 discessu scripsisses, statim extrusi tabellarios, literasque ad 10 Ciceronem ; ut, etiam si in Italiam venisset, ad te rediret. Nihil enim mihi jucundius, nihil illi honestius. Quamquam aliquoties ei scripseram, sacerdotun 1 comitia, mea summa con- ten tione, in alterum annum esse rejecta: quod at te etiam scripseram. Sed videlicet, cum illam pusillam epistolam tuam 1 5 ad me dabas, nondum erat tibi id notum. Quare, ornni studio a te, mi Brute, contendo, ut Ciceronem meum ne dimittas tecumque deducas. (6) CICERO PUN. PAULINO. Irascor, nee liquet mihi an debeam, sed irascor. Scis quam sit amor iniquus interdum, 20 inpotens saepe, jytucpotrtos semper. Haec tamen causa magna est, nescio an iusta : sed ego 17 , tamquam non minus iusta quam magna sit, graviter irascor quod a te tarn diu litterae nullae. Exorare me potes uno modo, si nunc saltern plurimas et longis- simas miseris. Haec 8 mihi sola excusatio vera, ceterae falsae 25 videbuntur. Non sum auditurus 'non erani Romae' vel 'occu- patior eram.' Illud enim nee di sinaut 40 , ut 'infirmior.' Ipse ad villam partim studiis partim desidia fruor, quorum utrum- que ex otio nascitur. Yale. 46. CURIUS M. CICERONI Suo S. S. Y. B. 39 Sum enim Xprycrci fJilv tuus, KT^crei 8e Attici nostri 16 : ergo fructus est tuns, mancipium illius : quod quidem si inter senes coemptionales venale proscripserit 27 , egerit non multum. At ilia nostra praedi- 5 catio quanti est, nos, quod simus, quod habeamus, quod homines existimemur 33 , id omne abs te habere! Qua re, Cicero mi, per- severa constanter nos conservare et Sulpicii successori nos de meliore nota 45 commenda, quo facilius tuis praeceptis obtem- perare possimus teque ad ver lubentes videre et nostra refigere 10 deportareque tuto possimus. Sed, amice magne, noli 40 hanc epistolam Attico ostendere: sine enm errare 12 et putare me virum bonum esse nee solere 86 duo parietes de eadem fidelia dealbare 45 . Ergo, patrone mi, bene vale Tironemque meum ealuta nostris verbis 39 . Dat. a. d. iv. Kal. Novembr. Epistolary. 69 Lyons, Sept. 18, 1739 63 . (45.) Savez vous bien 39 , mon cher ami, que je vous hais, que je vous deteste? voila des termes un peu fortes ; and that 5 will save me, upon a just computation 12 , a page of paper and six drops of ink ; which, if I confined myself to reproaches of a 5 more moderate n nature, I should be obliged to employ 28 in using 33 you according to your deserts. What ! to let 31 any body reside three months at Hheims, and write but once to them ? Please 39 to consult Tully de Amicit. page 5, line 25, and you will find it said in express terms, " Ad amicum inter Hemos relegatum 10 mense uno quinquies scriptum esto ;" nothing more plain, or less liable to false interpretations 13 . Now 34 because, I suppose, it will give you pain to know we are in being 28 , I take this opportunity 28 to tell 48 you that we are at the ancient and cele- brated Lugdunum, a city situated 5 upon the confluence of the 15 "Rhone and Saone (Arar, I should 49 say), two people, who 5 , though of tempers 13 extremely unlike, think fit to join hands here, and 9 make a little party 12 to travel to the Mediterranean in company 11 ; the lady 10 comes gliding along through the fruitful plains of Burgundy; the gentleman 10 runs all rough and roaring down 20 from the mountains of Switzerland to meet her; and with all her soft airs 12 she likes him never the worse; she 17 goes through the middle of the city in state 12 , and he passes incog, without the walls, but 9 waits for her a little below. GRAY. (46.) Lucy, Lucy, my dear child 39 , don't tear your frock; tearing 33 frocks is not of itself a proof 12 of genius ; but write as your mother writes, act as your mother acts ; be frank, loyal, affectionate, simple, honest ; and then integrity 13 or laceration of frock is of little import. 5 And Lucy, dear child, mind your arithmetic. You know, in the first sum of yours 5 I ever saw, there was a mistake. You had carried two and you ought 49 , dear Lucy, to have carried but one. Is this a trifle 1 What would life be without arithmetic, but a scene 11 of horrors 1 10 You are going to Boulogne, the city of debts 13 , peopled by men who never understood arithmetic; by the time you re- turn 27 , I shall probably have received my first paralytic stroke, and shall have lost all recollection 12 of you; therefore I now give you my parting 18 advice 12 . Don't marry anybody who has 30 15 not a tolerable understanding and a thousand a year, and God bless 39 you, dear child. SYDNEY SMITH. 70 Epistolary. 47. (a) CICERO ATTICO. Undecimo die postquam a te discesseram 33 , hoc literularum exaravi, egrediens e villa ante lucem : atque eo die cogitabam 38 in Anagnino, postero autem in. Tusculano ; ibi unum diem. Y. Calend. igitur ad constitutum : 5 atque utinam continue ad complexum meae Tulliae, ad osculum Atticae, possim currere ! quod quidem ipsum scribe, quaeso, ad me ; ut, dum consisto 41 in Tusculano, sciam, quid garriat : sin rusticatur, quid scribat ad te : eique interea aut scribe salutem, aut nuntia 39 , itemque Piliae : et tamen, etsi continuo congres- 10 suri sumus, scribes 40 ad me, si quid habebis 27 . Cum complicarem hanc epistolam, noctuabundus ad me venit cuin epistola tua tabellarius : qua lecta 9 , de Atticae febricula scilicet valde dolui. Reliqua, quae exspectabam, ex tuis literis cognovi omriia. b. Ego me 17 spero Athenis fore 27 mense Septembri. Tu- 15 orum 4 itinerum tempora scire sane 34 velirn. EvyOeiav Sempronii Run cognovi ex epistola tua Corcyraea. Quid quaeris? invideo potentiae Vestorii. Cupiebam 38 etiam nunc plura garrire; sed lucet : urget turba : festinat Philogenes. Valebis igitur ; et valere Piliam et Caeciliam nostrarn jubebis literis. Salvebis a 20 meo Cicerone 39 . 48. C. PLINIUS CURIO. Officium consulatus ininnxit mihi ut 11 rei publicae nomine principi gratias agerem. Quod 5 ego in senatu cum ad rationem et loci et temporis ex more fecissem 33 , bono civi convenientissimum credidi eadem ilia spa- 5 tiosius et uberius volumine amplecti. Cepi autem non medio- crem voluptatem quod, liunc librum cum amicis recitare volu- issem 33 , non per codicillos, non per libellos, sed ' si commodum' et ' si valde vacaret' admoniti (numquam porro aut valde vacat Romae aut commodum est audire recitantern 13 ), foedissimis in- 10 super tempestatibus, per biduum convenerunt, cumque modestia mea finem recitationi facere voluisset, ut adicerem tertium diem exegerunt. Mihi 4 hunc honorem habitum putem an sttidiis ? studiis malo, quae 5 prope extincta refoventur. Ad cui materiae 8 hanc sedulitatem praestiterunt 1 nempe quam in senatu quoque, 15 ubi perpeti necesse erat, gravari tamen vel puncto temporis solebarnus 36 , eandem nunc et qui recitare et qui audire triduo velint inveniuntur. Ego cum studium audientium turn iudicium mire probavi : animadverti enim severissima 11 quaeque vel maxime satisfacere. Habes acta mea tridui ; quibus cognitis 2O volui tan tuna te voluptatis absentem et studiorum nomine et meo capere, quantum praesens percipere potuisses 49 . Vale. Epistolary* 71 (47.) a. My dear Friend, Come when you will, or when you can 27 , you cannot come 40 at a wrong time, but we shall expect 40 you on the day mentioned. I scratch b8 this between dinner and tea ; a time 5 when I cannot write much without 32 disordering my noddle, and bringing a 5 flush into my face. You will excuse me therefore, if through respect for the two important 18 considerations 11 of health and beauty, I conclude myself, Ever yours, WILLIAM COWPER. Oct. 31, 1779. b. I wrote my last letter merely to inform 39 you, that I 10 had nothing to say 37 , in answer to which you have said nothing. I admire the propriety 12 of your conduct 11 , though I 17 am a loser 12 by it. I will endeavour to say something now, and shall hope for something 17 in return. I have been 7 well entertained 28 with Johnson's biography, for 15 which I thank you 37 : with one exception I think he has ac- quitted 28 himself with his usual 36 good sense. His treatment 12 of Milton is unmerciful to the last degree I could talk a good while longer, but I have no room 38 ; our love attends you 89 . Yours affectionately, WM. COWPER. 20 We are sorry 37 for little William's illness. We are sorry too for Mr . 's dangerous condition. But he that is well prepared for the great journey cannot enter on it too 24 soon for himself, though his friends will weep at his departure 13 . (48.) My lectures are gone to the dogs 45 , and are utterly forgot- ten. I knew nothing of moral philosophy 4 , but I was thoroughly aware 28 that I wanted 200 to furnish my house. The success 12 , however, was prodigious ; all Albemarle-street blocked up with carriages, and such an uproar as I never remember to have 5 been excited by any other literary imposture 7 . Every week 53 I had a new theory 11 about conception and perception, and sup- ported by a natural manner a torrent of words, and an impu- dence scarcely creditable in this prudent 18 age. Still, in justice 12 to myself, I must say there were some 17 good things in them. 10 But good and bad are all gone*. I think the University 13 uses 28 you and us very ill, in keeping 33 you so strictly at Cambridge. If Jupiter could 49 desert Olympus for twelve days to feast with the harmless Ethiopians, why may 49 not the Vice-Chancellor commit the graduating 18 , matriculating world for a little time 15 to the inferior deities, and 9 thunder and lighten at the tables of the metropolis ? Our kind regards to Mrs Whewell 39 . SYDNEY SMITH. 72 Epistolary. 49. (a) CICERO TREBATIO. Nisi ante Roma profectus esses, nunc earn certe relinqueres. Quis enim tot interregnis jure consultum desiderat \ Sed heus tu, quid agis ? ecquid fit 1 Video enim te iam iocari per litteras. Haec signa meliora sunt 5 quain in meo Tusculano. Sed quid sit seire cupio. Consuli quidem te a Caesare scribis 37 , sed ego tibi ab illo 17 consuli mallein. Audi, Testa mi : utrum 8 superbiorem 35 te pecunia facit an quod te imperator consulit 33 ? Moriar 39 , ni, quae tua gloria est, 10 puto te malle a Caesare consuli quain inaurari. Si vero utrum- que est, quis te feret praeter me, qui omnia ferre possum] Sed, ut ad rem redeam, te istic invitum non esse vehementer gaudeo, et, ut illud erat molestum, sic hoc est iucunduin. Tan- turn metuo, ne artificium tuum tibi parum prosit. Nam, ut 15 audio, istic non ex iure manum consertum, sed mageferro rem repetunt. Sed, ut ego quoque te aliquid admoneam de vestris cautionibus, Treviros vites censeo : audio capitales esse : malleni auro, aere, 20 argento essent. (b) Accepi a te aliquot epistolas uno tempore, quas tu di- versis temporibus dederas 39 . Sic habeto 39 , non tibi maiori esse curae, ufc iste tuus a me 3 discessus quam fructuosissimus tibi sit; quam mini. Itaque, quoniam vestrae cautiones infirmae sunt, 25 Graeculam tibi misi cautionem chirograph i mei. Sed, ut ad epistolas tuas redeam, caetera belle, illud 16 miror : quis solet eodem exemplo plures dare, qui sua manu 14 scribit 1 Nam quod 3J in palimpsesto 40 , laudo equidem parcimoniam. Sed miror quid in ilia chartula fuerit, quod delere malueris quam haec non 30 scribere, nisi forte tuas formulas. Non enim puto te meas epistolas delere, ut reponas tuas. An hoc significas, nihil fieri, frigere te, lie chartam quidem tibi suppeditare 1 Iam 34 ista tua culpa est, qui 33 verecundiam tecum extuleris et non hie nobiscum reliqueris 27 . Tu, si intervallum longius erit 37 mearum litterarum, 35 ne sis admiratus : eram 38 enim abfuturus mense Aprili. Cura ut valeas. vi. Idus April, de Pomptino 53 . Epistolam tuam, quam accepi ab L. Arruntio, conscidi in- nocentem 20 : nihil enim habebat quod non vel in connectione recte legi posset. Sed et 34 Arruntius ita te mandasse aiebat et tu 4 o ascripseras. Verum illud esto. Nihil te ad me postea scrip- sisse demiror, praesertim tarn novis rebus, CICERO, Epistolary. 73 (49.) a. My dear Manning, The general scope 11 of your letter afforded no indications of insanity, but some particular points 11 raised a scruple 28 . For God's sake don't think any more of "Independent Tartary." Think what a sad pity 12 it would be to bury such 35 parts in heathen countries, among nasty, 5 unconversable, Tartar-people! Some say, they are Cannibals; and 34 then, conceive 31 a Tartar-fellow eating my friend, and 9 adding the cool malignity of mustard and vinegar! I am afraid 'tis the 13 reading 33 of Chaucer has misled you; his foolish stories about Cambuscan, and the ring, and the horse of brass. 10 Believe me 39 , there are no 48 such things. The Tartars, really 34 , are a cold, insipid set. You'll be sadly moped 4 (if you are 27 not eaten) among them. Pray try and cure yourself. Take helle- bore. Shave yourself often er. Accustom yourself to write familiar letters, on common subjects 11 , to your friends in 15 England, such as are of a moderate understanding 12 . I supped last night 52 with 50 Rickman, and met a merry captain, who pleases himself vastly with once having 33 made a pun at Otaheite in the 0. language. Rickman is a man "absolute in all numbers." I think I may one day bring you acquainted, 20 if you do 27 not go to Tartary first ; for you'll never come back. Have a care, my dear friend, of Anthropophagi ! their 9 sto- machs are always craving. 'Tis terrible to be weighed out at fivepence a-pouiid ; to sit at table not as a guest, but as a meat. God bless you : do 39 come to England. Air and exercise may 49 25 do great things. Your sincere friend, C. LAMB. b. Dear Miss H., Mary has such 38 an invincible reluctance to any 17 epistolary 18 exertion, that I am 38 sparing her a mortifica- tion by taking 33 the pen from her. The plain truth 12 is, she writes such a mean, detestable hand, that she is ashamed of the 30 formation of her letters. There is an 15 essential poverty and abjectness in the frame of them 9 . They look like begging 22 let- ters 9 . And then she is sure 36 to omit a most substantial word in the second draught 39 , (for she never ventures an epistle with- out a foul copy 39 first,) which is obliged to be interlined 7 ; 35 which spoils the neatest epistle, you know 39 . Her figures, 1, 2, 3, 4, &c., where she has occasion 12 to express numerals 11 , as in the date 13 , (25th April, 1823,) are not figures, but 34 figurantes; and 9 the combined posse 10 go staggering up and down shame- lessly, as drunkards in the daytime. It is no better 40 when she 4 o rules her paper. Her lines 9 are not less erring than her words. C. LAMB, 74 Epistolary. 50. (a) CICERO VARRONI. Ilept SwaTpoi/ Kpivtiv. Quapropter, si venturus es, scito necesse esse te venire : sin autem non es, ruv aSvi/aroov est te venire 33 . Nunc vide utra te Kpio-ts magis delectet, Chrysippi an haec, quam 5 noster Diodotus non 28 concoquebat. Sed de his etiam rebus, ociosi quum erimus 27 , loquemur : hoc etiam Kara Xpvcmnrov SVVO.TOV est. De Coctio mihi gratum est : nam id etiam Attico mandaram. Tu si minus ad nos 28 , nos accurremus ad te. Si hortum in bibliotheca habes, deerit nihil. 10 b. MARCUS Q. FRATRI S. Calamo et atramento temperate, charta etiam dentata, res agetur 28 . Scribis 37 enim, te meas literas superiores vix legere potuisse: in quo 5 nihil eorum, mi frater, fuit, quae putas : neque enim occupatus eram, neque perturbatus, nee iratus alicui : sed hoc facio semper, ut, quicum- 15 que calamus in manus meas venerit, eo sic utar, tan quam bono. 51. (a) Q. CICERO S. P. D. TIRONI Suo. Yerberavi te cogitationis tacito dumtaxat convicio, quod fasciculus alter ad me iam sine tuis 50 litteris perlatus est. ISTon potes effugere huius culpae poenam te patrono 13 . Marcus 4 est adhibendus : 5 is 16 que diu 3 et multis lucubrationibus comnientata oratione vide ut probare possit te non peccasse. Plane te rogo, sicut olim 48 matrem nostram facere memini, quae lagenas etiam inanes obsignabat, ne dicerentur 14 inanes aliquae fuisse, quae furtim essent 30 exsiccatae, sic tu, etiam si quod scribas non habe- 10 bis 27 , scribito tamen, ne furtum cessationis quaesivisse videaris. Valde enim mi semper et vera et dulcia tuis epistolis nun- ciantur 12 . Ama nos et vale. (b) CICERO S. D. M. MARIO. A. d. ix. Kal. inCumanum veni cum Libone tuo vel nostro potius : in Pompeianum sta- 15 tiin 40 cogito, sed faciam ante te certiorem 39 . Te quum semper valere cupio turn certe, dum hie sumus. Vides enim, quanto post 8 una futuri sirnus. Qua re, si quod constitutum cum podagra habes, fac 39 ut in alium diem differas. Cura igitur ut valeas et me hoc biduo aut triduo 53 exspecta. 20 c. Dii immortales ! quam me conturbatum 12 tenuit 7 epis- tolae tuae prior paginal quid autem iste in domo tua 3 casus armorum? sed hunc quidem nimbum 45 cito 85 transiisse laetor. Hoc tempore, quod scriberem, nihil erat 38 ; eoque minus, quod dubitabam, tu has ipsas literas essesne accepturus : erat enim 25 incertum, visurusne te esset tabellarius. Ego tuas literas vehe- menter exspecto. CICERO. Epistolary. 75 (50.) a. My dear fellow, For me to come to Cambridge now is one of heaven's I3 impossibilities. Metaphysicians tell us, even it can work nothing which implies a contradiction. But for you 17 to come to London instead ! muse upon it, revolve it, cast it about in your mind, think upon it. Excuse the paper; 5 it is all I have. b. Ecquid meditatur Archimedes ? What is Euclid doing; ? What hath happened 39 to learned Trismegist? Doth he take it in ill part, that his humble friend did not comply 28 with his courteous invitation 12 ] Let it suffice 39 , I could not come. Are 10 impossibilities nothing 1 ? be they abstractions of the intellect? or not (rather) most sharp and mortifying realities 12 ? Ob- serve the superscription 12 of this letter. In adapting 33 the size of the letters, which constitute your name and Mr Crisp's name 11 respectively 4 , I had an eye 12 to your different stations in life. 15 'Tis truly 3 * curious, and must be soothing to an aristocrat. I wonder it has never been 7 hit on before my time 11 . C. LAMB. May 10, 1790. (51.) My dear Mrs Frog, You have by this time, I presume 28 , heard 37 from the Doctor, whom I desired to present 28 to you our best affections, and to tell 48 you that we are well. He sent an urchin, expecting that 5 he would find you at Bucklands, charged with divers articles 11 , and among others with letters, or at least with a letter, which I mention, that if the boy should be lost, together with his dis- patches, past all possibility of recovery 12 , you may yet know that the Doctor stands acquitted of not writing 33 . That he is utterly 10 lost (that is to say, the boy, for the Doctor being the last ante- cedent, as the grammarians say, you might 49 otherwise suppose that he was intended) is the more probable, because he was never four miles from his home before, having only travelled a8 at the side of a plough-team ; and when the Doctor gave him 1 5 his directions 12 to Bucklands, he asked, very naturally, if that place 11 was in England. So what has become 39 of him Heaven knows !... I cannot learn from any creature whether the Turnpike Bill is alive or dead ; so ignorant am I, and by such igno- 20 ram uses surrounded 7 . But if I know little else, this at least I know, that I love you, and Mr Frog ; that 1 long for your return, and that I am, Ever yours, Wai. COWPER. 76 Epistolary. 52. (a) TULLIUS TIRONI Suo S. P. D. ET CICERO ET Q. FRATER ET Q. F. Varie sum adfectus tuis litteris : valde priore pagina perturbatus, paullum altera recreatus. Qua re nunc quidem non dubito quin, quoad 30 plane valeas, te neque 5 navigation! neque viae committas. Satis te mature videro, si plane confirmatum videro 27 . . .Sic habeto 39 , mi Tiro, neminem esse qui me amet quin idem' 7 te amet, et quum 34 tua et mea maxime interest te valere, turn multis est curae. Adhuc, dum mini nullo loco deesse vis 12 , numquam te confirmare potuisti. Nunc 10 te nihil impedit : omnia depone, corpoii 14 servi. Qiiantam dili- gentiam in valetudinem tuam contuleris 27 , tanti me fieri a te iudicabo. Vale, mi Tiro, vale, vale et salve. Lepta tibi salutem dicit et omnes. Vale. vn. Idus Novembr. Leucade 39 . (b) Sollicitat 7 , ita vivam 39 , me tua, mi Tiro, valetudo, sed 15 confido, si diligentiam quam instituisti adbibueris 27 , cito te fir- mum fore. Libros compone : indicem, quum Metrodoro lube- bit 27 , quoniam eius arbitratu vivendum est. Cum olitore 40 , ufc videtur. Tu potes Kalendis spectare gladiatores 13 , postridie redire, et ita censeo. Verum, ut videbitur 27 . Cura te, si me 20 amas, diligenter. Vale. (c) TULLIUS S.P.D. TIRONI. Quid igitur 39 ? non sic oportet? Equidem censeo sic : addendum etiam 'suo.' Sed, si placet, invidia vitetur : quam 5 quidem ego 17 saepe contempsi. Si me amas, quod quidem aut facis 46 aut perbelle simulas, indulge vale- 25 tudini tuae, cui 9 quidem tu adhuc, dum mihi deservis 33 , servisti non satis. Fac bellus revertare : nou modo te, sed etiam Tus- culanum nostrum plus amem. Horologium mittaui et libros, si erit sudum. Sed tu nullosne tecum libellos 1 an pangis ali- quid Sophocleum? Fac opus appareat. Cura te diligenter. 30 Vale. CICERO. 53. M. CICERO S. D. VOLUMNIO. Quod 33 sine praenomine familiariter, ut debebas 49 , ad me epistolam misisti, primum addu- bitavi num a Volumnio 2 senatore esset, quocum mihi est niagnus usus, deinde evrpaTreXt'a litterarum fecit, ut intelligerem tuas 5 esse. Quibus* in litteris omuia mihi periucunda fuerunt praeter illud, quod parum diligenter po.ssessio salinarum mearum a te 13 procuratore defenditur. Ais enim, ut ego discesserim, omnia omnium dicta, in his etiam Sestiana, in me conferri. Quid ? tu id pateris ? non me defendis ? non resistis ? Equidem spera- Epistolary. 77 A Paris, vendredi 11 juin 1677. (52.) II me semble que pourvu que je n'eusse mal qu'& poitrine, et vous qu'a la tete, nous ne ferions qu'en rire j mais votre 4 poitrine me tient forfc au coeur, et vous 17 etes en peine de ma tete; he bien ! je lui ferai, pour 1'amour 12 de vous, plus 5 d'honneur qu'elje ne m6rite ; et, par la menie raison, mettez bien, je vous supplie 39 , votre petite poitrine dans du coton. Je suis f'achee que vous m'ayez ecrit une si grande lettre en ar- rivant 33 a Melun; c'etait 8 du repos qu'il vous fallait d'abord. Songez a vous, ma ch&re enfant j songez a me venir achever votre ro visite. Yotre sante 13 est plus propre a executer ce projet que votre langueur; et comme vous voulez que mon coeur et ma tete soient libres, ne croyez pas que cela puisse 6tre, si votre mal augmente 27 . Si vous vonlez done me faire tout le plus grand bien que 5 je puisse desirer, mettez toute votre application 12 15 a sortir de cet etat. Adieu, ma trs-chere; je me trouve toute nue, toute seule, de ne plus vous avoir. II ne faut regarder que la Providence dans cette separation : on n'y comprendrait rien autremeiit ; mais c'est peut-etre par-lii que Dieu veut vous redonner votre sante". Je le crois, je 1'espere, vous nous en avez -20 quasi repondu ; donnez-y done tous vos soins, je vous en con- jure. Mme DE SEVIGNE. Kensington, 22nd November, 1850. (53.) My dear "William Allingham, For I think wo know and regard 28 one another by this time sufficiently to drop the "Sir;" and by-and-by, I hope, we will drop all addressing 33 whatsoever inside our letters, like two friends talking 25 who are 5 sure of one another's affection 11 - an admirable ancient custom still observed 28 in some countries, and 9 which 8 1 have long wished to see introduced 28 into this. I should have thanked you imme- diately both for your congratulations and your poem, which of course 34 is also welcome 39 , but I wanted to say what I could not 10 say till now; nor, indeed, can I say even that as precisely as I wish till I have 27 had another talk 12 with my fellows in the Journal. This 16 much, however, forthwith, that you must be paid for your verses, and will (that* is a sine-qua-non), and that I want you very much to try your hand at some prose 15 tales also, of course, to be paid for 50 . Do you feel inclined 23 to this? and do you. think you could send me a specimen before the month is out ? Pray 89 try for me if you can* 7 , and believe me, ever affection- ately yours, LEIGH HUNT. o 78 Epistolary. 10 bam ita notata me reliquisse genera 11 dictorum meorum, tit cognosci sua sponte possent. Sed quoniam tanta faex est in urbe, ut nihil tam 24 sit o.Kv9t]pov quod non alicui venustum esse videatur, pugna, si me amas, nisi acuta a/xi/3oAia, nisi elegans virp/3o\Tj, nisi Trapaypa/x/xo, bellum, nisi ridiculum Trapa Trpocr- 15 SOKLCLV, nisi caetera, quae sunt a me in secundo libro DE ORATORE per Antonii personam disputata de ridiculis Zvrcxva et arguta apparebuut 27 , ut sacramento contendas mea non esse. Nam de iudiciis quod quereris 12 , multo laboro minus. Trahantur per me 39 pedibus omnes rei, sit vel Selius tam eloquens, ut possit 20 probare se liberum : non laboro 8 . TJrbanitatis 34 possession em, amabo 39 , quibusvis interdictis defendamus : in qua te unum metuo, contemno caeteros. 54. CICERO PAETO. Dupliciter delectatus sum tuis litteris, et quod ipse risi et quod te intellexi 38 iam posse ridere. Me autem a te, ut scurram velitem, malis oneratum 27 esse non moleste tuli. Illud 16 doleo, in ista loca venire me, ut consti- 5 tueram, non potuisse : habuisses enim non hospitem, sed con- tubernalem. At quern virum ! non eum, quem tu es solitus 36 promulside conficere. Integram famem ad ovum adfero : itaque usque ad assum vital inum opera perducitur. Ilia mea 11 , quem solebas antea laudare, * O hominem facilem ! o hospitem non 10 gravem!' abierunt. Proinde te para : cum homine et edaci tibi res 45 est et qui iam aliquid intelligat: o^rt/io&ts autem homines scis quam insolentes sint. Dediscendae tibi sunt sportellae et artolagani tui. Nos iam etiam artis tantum habemus, lit Ver- rium tuum et Camillum qua munditia homines 13 ! qua ele- I5 gantia! vocare saepius audeamus. Sed vide audaciam : etiam Hirtio cenam dedi, sine pavone tamen. Haec igitur est nunc vita 11 nostra : mane salutamus 39 domi et 34 bonos viros multos, sed tristes 19 , et hos laetos victores, qui me quidem perofficiose et peramanter 36 observant 12 . Ubi salutatio defluxit 45 , litteris me 20 involvo 45 , aut scribo aut lego. Veniunt etiain qui me audiunt 12 quasi doctum hominem, quia paullo sum quam ipsi doctior. Inde corpori 14 omne tern pus datur. Patriam eluxi iam et gra- vius 36 et diutius quam ulla mater unicum filium. Sed cura, si me amas, ut valeas, ne ego te iacente bona tua comedim. 25 Statui enim tibi ne aegroto quidem parcere. Epistolary. 79 (53.) b. Not a sentence, not a syllable of Trismegistus shall be lost through iny neglect 13 . I am his word-banker, his store- keeper of puns and syllogisms. You cannot conceive the strange joy which I felt at the receipt 13 of a letter from Paris. It seemed to give me a learned la importance, which placed me above 5 all who had not Parisian correspondents 11 . Believe 3d that I shall carefully husband every scrap, which will save you the trouble of memory 12 , when you come back 27 ... Your letter was just what a letter should be 49 , crammed, and very funny. Every part 13 of it 9 pleased me till you came to Paris; then 34 your 10 philosophical indolence, or indifference, stung me. You cannot stir from your rooms till you know the language 43 ! Are men all tongue and ear? Have these creatures, that you and I profess to know something about, no 48 faces, gestures, gabble, no folly, no absurdity, no similitude nor dissimilitude 15 to English 1 LAMB. Mons. de Coulanges a Madame de Sevigne. A Saint-Martin, le 17 fevrier 1696. (54.) Mais pourquoi ne pas e"crire 40 quelquefois in-folio, quand on trouve un beau 19 et bon papier, qui vous y invite 301 ? J'ai reu ici, ma tres-aimable gouvernante, la grande et la petite 5 lettre que vous avez bien 38 voulu m'ecrire en meme jour pour repondre & toutes les miennes ; et je suis 7 toujours charme de votre style et de votre bon et loyal commerce. II y a tant6t quinze jours que 8 je suis ici aupres de cet adorable cardinal ; et il y a tantot quinze jours que je suis 1'homme du monde le plus 10 heureux; bonne compagnie 13 ; par-tout de grands feux, bonne symphonic, table bien servie, vins delicieux; enfin, Madame, voici le pays de cocagne an pied de la lettre 45 . Les officiers meme de cette maison ont une 19 rage de toujours apprendre 33 quoiqu'ils soient maitres passes; en sorte qu'ils nous feront *5 crever a la fin; ils possedaient au supreme degre tous les ragouts les plus exquis de France et d'ltalie : les voil& devenus apprentifs sous le meilleur officier de cuisine d'Angleterre, pour efcre bientot en ragouts anglais beaucoup plus savants que lui ; nous ne savons done plus ou nous en sommes ; tous nos ragouts 20 parlent des langues differentes ; mais 9 ils se font si bien entendre que nous les mangeons, sous quelque figure et dans quelque sauce qu'ils se presentent. Vous voyez bien, Madame, que ce seul article 11 de la bonne chere demandait un in-folio. 80 Epistolary. 55. CICERO S. D. L. PAPIRIO PAETO. Accepi tuas litteras plenissimas 18 suavitatis, ex quibus intellexi 38 probari tibi meum consilium, quod, ut Dionysius tyrannus, quum Syracusis pulsus esset 33 , Corinthi dicitur ludum aperuisse, sic ego sublatis 12 iudi- 5 ciis, amisso 33 regno forensi, ludum quasi habere coeperim 33 . Quid quaeris 39 ? me 7 quoque delectat consilium : multa enim consequor: primum, id quod maxime nunc opus est, munio me ad haec tempora. Sequitur illud 16 : ipse melior fio : primum valetu- dine, quam intermissis 13 exercitationibus amiseram : deinde ipsa to ilia, si qua fuit in me, facultas orationis, nisi me ad has exerci- tationes rettulissem, exaruisset. Extremum illud est, quod tu nescio an primum putes : plures iam pavones confeci quam tu pullos columbinos v Tu 4 istic te Hateriano iure delectas, ego me hie Hirtiano. Veni igitur, si vir es, et disce a me TrpoXeyo/xe- 15 i/a?, quas quaeris : etsi sus Minervam 45 . Sed quoniam. ut video, aestimationes tuas vendere non potes neque ollam dena- riorum implere, Romam tibi remigrandum est. Satins est hie cruditate quam istic fame 40 . Video te bona perdidisse : spero idem istuc 46 familiares tuos. Actum 45 igitur de te est, nisi pro- 20 vides. Potes mulo isto, quern 6 tibi reliquum dicis esse, quoniam cantherium comedisti, Komam pervehi. Sell a tibi erit in ludo tamquam hypodidascalo proxima : earn pulvinus sequetur. 56. CICERO S. D. PAETO. Accubueram 38 hora nona 53 , quum ad te harum [litterarum] exemplum in codicillis exaravi. Dices, ubi? apud 34 Volumiiium Eutrapelum et quidem supra me Atticus, infra Verriua, familiares tui. Miraris tarn exhilaratam 5 esse servitutem nostram ? Quid ergo faciam ? te consulo, qui philosophum audis. Angar 43 ] excruciemne me? quid adsequar? Deinde quern ad finem ? Vivas, inquis 28 , in litteris. An quid- quam me aliud agere censes 1 aut possem vivere, nisi in litteris viverem 46 ? Sed est earum etiam non satietas, sed quidain 15 10 modus. Convivio 4 delector 8 : ibi loquor, quod in solum 45 , ut dicitur, et gemitum in risus 11 maximos transfero. An tu id melius, qni etiam in philosophum irriseris ? quum ille, si quis quid quaereret, dixisset, cenam te quaerere a mane dixeris. Ille 15 baro te putabat quaesiturum, unum caelum esset an innumera-r 15 bilia. Quid ad te ? At hercule cena num quid ad te, ibi prae- sertim? Sic igitur vivitur : cotidie aliquid legitur aut scribi- tur: dein, ne amicis nihil 28 tribuamus, epulamur una non modo non contra legem, si ulla nunc lex est, sed etiam intra legem et quidem' aliquanto. Qua re nihil est quod adventum nostrum 20 extimescas. Non multi cibi 4 hospitem accipies, multi 34 ioci. 0048-