BvaS^Pf°^ y c^)^ 5 good a\xx\os\ V:\\\ a mau as \\\\ my^ '*'" ^ good booV., >n\vo W\V\5 a mat\ Vi\u a reasoaabXe creature, God's yruaqe ¥*^fA bu\ \\e v^\\o des\ro\jS a good book.' ^^^/////// VvUs reasoxv \^se\5 \A\ltom ^^^' Published by King-RiGhardseq Publishing Gq., Des Moines, Ia. Toledo, Ohio. SPRINGFIELD, MASS. 1QQ/:» San Jose, Cal. ^»^v>« Springfield, Ohio. Sntered according to act of Congress, in the year eighteen hundred and nlnety-fiT*. la the office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington AI,t, RIGHTS RESSRVBD. Issued by subscription only and not for sale at the book stores. Residents of any State desiring a copy should address the publishers and an Agent will call upon them. JOHN N. DRAKE. WILLIAM E.RUSSELL, WILLIAiVI McKINLEY. THOMAS L. JAMES, J.K.UPTON, RICHARD P. BLAND, CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, HENRY W. CURTIS, EDWARD W. BOK, JOHN M. FRANCIS, ALFRED C. BARNES, L.B.PIERCE, WALDO F. BROWN, T.B.TERRY, JAMES H. MANNING, B.A.SMITH, Mrs. JULIA M. DEWEY. I e 9 v;fm TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE, Our Tariff and Tariff Legislation, i The Tariff Question from a Democratic Standpoint, . . . . . 151 The Tariff Question from a Republican Standpoint, ..... 192 Gold and Silver, . . , . .214 The Silver Question, .... 223 The Silver Question, .... 244 Oration on Christopher Columbus, . 253 Success in Life, ..... 266 The Country Lad in the City, . . 269 Economy, ..... . 282 Sincerity, .... 289 The Home on the Farm, . , , ,291 Money in Gardening, . . , . 327 Potato Culture, . . ■ . - ^73 Parliamentary Law, . . . 447 Commercial Law and Forms, . . . 529 Manners and Usages of Society, . . 623 V7^ PREFACE. NEVER before in the history of our country have the plain, honest, practical people, the backbone of the nation, taken so much interest in the questions of the day. The true, earnest citizen is not content to be a g mere echo for his party leader, but is thinking for ^ himself and acting in a manner that often bewilders ^ and alarms the professional politician. CO "^ We believe that no other single volume presents an equal array of talent, such as distinguishes the ? well-known authors of the various subjects. in > The man of affairs will find the questions of the times handled by acknowledged masters. The business failures and riots fresh in our minds, " show that these questions are not idle theories, but X subjects demanding the careful thought and earnest lAi attention of every true citizen. ^ Our friend, the farmer, will recognize in his department old friends, w^hose names are synony- mous with the highest expert knowledge of the subjects with which they deal. 462399 Vlll . PREFACE. It is believed that our business department will convey in the fewest words and the simplest lang- uage more "common law of common business" than any other work now before the public. Technical language has been avoided and the essential points of ordinary transactions fully illustrated and ex- plained. Recognizing in the ladies our best customers and most charitable critics, we have given special pains to the subjects in which they have a particular interest. The change of public opinion, the sweeping away of old traditions, and the rapidity with which woman is widening her sphere, will render her department of this work of especial value to her. We have striven to do our best, and believing that the practical people are quick to reward merit and to appreciate worth, we submit this volume for their approval and will abide by their decision. THE PUBLISHERS. Engraved for Practical Book for Practical People. ^,.^^!hi*< ^^:^d^^^^^^- Our Tariff and Tariff Legislation. By JOHN N. DRAKE. SOME mode of taxation is the necessary ex- pedient of all civilized governments to insure their maintenance, and the tariff, which is an in- direct tax, is one of the oldest devices for the raisinsf of revenue. The Athenians levied a two per cent duty on all exports and imports for pub- lic revenue, and in Rome a similar system prevailed. But in no country or nation has the tariff played so important and continuous a part as in the United States. It has engaged, not to say puzzled, the best minds of our public men, who in too many instances have allowed partisan zeal to stand in the way of a fair and just treatment of the subject. At the same time, due praise should be accorded to certain mas- ters of statecraft, who have so shaped legislation during critical periods of our national history as to bring about the best possible results. The genius of the American people is essentially commercial. This quality was manifested among the early colonists, who, in matters of trade, were so ruthlessly handicapped and intimidated by the Mother Country. It was not until after the Revolution, how- ever, that the several States began to display an assertive commercial spirit. Though joined in con- 2 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. federation they were disposed to be independent and to manage their affairs cliiefly in their own interests. But international trade did not thrive, Congress was powerless to enforce any regulations respecting it, and American statesmen in those days were too conservative to attempt to negotiate any great number of reciprocity treaties. In fact at that period Congress was a sort of nondescript institu- tion. The States themselves possessed the exclusive authority to levy taxes. Finally Massachusetts and several other States passed navigation acts and levied import duties. In the meantime, the conflicting and more or less selfishly-guarded interests of the several States in- creased and served to prevent any successful action relating to the regulation of commerce by Congress, which was nominally vested with the power. The adoption of the Federal Constitution was doubtless hastened by this unhappy condition of affairs. The Virginia planters, who had become impoverished, were the first to start an agitation. They demanded some action looking to the improvement of trade. The merchants and tradespeople of that section warmly opposed this measure, because they were comparatively prosperous and wanted things to re- main as they were. But just the opposite condition existed in Massachusetts and New York ; there the farmers were in easy circumstances, while the mer- chants were suffering. So they took sides accord- ingly. As a result of this unrest a national trade OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 3 convention was held in Annapolis in 1786, the out- come of which was the National Convention of 1787. The general trade depression of this time was attributable to the general poverty of the people, who were being victimized by the excessive issues of paper money. The industrial growth in New Eng- land was greatly retarded by the evils of mismanaged finances, and the manufacturing enterprises there substantially came to a standstill. At this critical juncture, when irremediable collapse threatened the nation, certain sagacious men perceived that in the extension of the powers of the Confederation lay the only adequate remedy. Financially the govern- ment could not have been in a much worse shape. It lacked resources and credit ; its debts contracted by Congress were falling due. Through its repre- sentatives New York sigrnified its willinc^ness to allow Congress to levy a duty on imports. In a lucid and able report to Congress Rufus King declared that " the impost was an absolute necessity to the maintenance of the faith of federal government." The adoption of the Constitution gave the central government the power to levy taxes of every de- scription and to regulate commerce with foreign governments. The only limitation imposed upon the exercise of the right to levy duties on imported commodities was that the duties should be uniform throughout the land. The question then was nat- urally suggested whether the government should 4 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. levy taxes for any other purpose than raising revenue, which involved the other question whether Congress has the right to levy taxes to protect and encourage manufactures. In this connection Judge Story said : " Whichever construction of the power to levy taxes is adopted, the same conclusion is sustained, that the power to levy taxes is not by the Constitution con- fined to purposes of revenue. In point of fact it has never been limited to such purposes by Congress ; and all the o-reat functionaries of the gfovernment have constantly maintained the doctrine that it was not constitutionally so limited." That there was sufficient warrant for investing Congress with the power to levy duties for other purposes than revenue is shown in the fact that at that time every civilized nation acted upon the prin- ciple that the power to regulate commerce included the right to encourage manufactures. At the outset, then, it was recognized that a tariff was a measure not only for the purpose of raising revenue, but for encouraging domestic manufactures and regulating commerce. But since the adop- tion of the Constitution conditions have materially changed and likewise have altered opinions in re- gard to the taxing power of the government. The first tariff act under our Federal Constitution was a simple measure as introduced in the first Con- gress by Mr. Madison, April 8, 1789. It provided for specific duties upon rum and other spirituous liquors, wines, teas, coffee, sugar, molasses and pep- OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 5 per, and iox ad valoi^cm duties upon all other articles. The debate which followed the introduction of this resolution opened the flood-gates of the great con- troversy, which has continued down to the present day, as to whether the tariff should be protective in effect or for revenue only. Practically, the act of 1789 was to raise revenue; incidentally, its aim was to protect domestic manufactures. It was the out- come of necessity. The outbreak known as Shay's rebellion had evidenced how bitterly opposed were the people to the excise tax. The customs duties seemed to afford the most feasible and sensible means of indirect taxation and for the next quarter of a century they were gradually increased in number and amount. In the preamble of the initial tariff law reported by James Madison it was stated that one of the objects sought was " the encouragement and protection of manufactures." It certainly was modest enough in its provisions, according to modern pro- tection notions. It did not satisfy the needs of the hour, at least it did not effect a harmonious arranofe- ment between the many conflicting interests then existent. But nearly all political economists agree that it was a step in the right direction. The Madison tariff was based on a five per cent duty for revenue, but ad valorem duties as high as fifteen per cent were fixed upon carriages. The average duty levied was equivalent to an ad valorem duty of eight and one-half per cent, which was con- sidered too high by many, who prophesied that it 6 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. would encourage smuggling. On glass, iron manu- factures, hemp, cordage, etc., were placed specific duties — and obviously with a protective object. However, it may as well be admitted, that Mr. Mad- ison was a free trader at heart. His public utter- ances and correspondence fairly bristle with evidences that he accepted the principles of free trade as gospel but, as one able authority on the tariff has pointed out, he admitted that those principles were not applicable to articles needed in time of war and in circumstances to which the young-industries argu- ment was germane. Almost as a unit, the Southern States opposed any scheme of protection, while Pennsylvania demanded it on account of her iron and steel industries. Mas- sachusetts made rum and wanted a high duty upon it, but of course she did not want any duty upon molasses. It was soon discovered that the Madison tariff was defective in that it did not afford protection to all activities alike. One section was benefited by it almost invariably at the expense of another section. It went into effect July 4, 1789, and was to remain in force until June, 1796. This act, the foundation of the American tariff system, imposed the following duties: Distilled spirits of Jamaica, proof, 10 cents per gallon; other distilled spirits, 8 cents; molasses, 2^ cents; Madeira wine, 18 cents; other wines, 10 cents; beer, ale and porter, in casks, 5 cents per gallon; in bottles, 20 cents per dozen; bottled cider, the same; malt, 10 cents per bushel; OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 7 brown sugar, i cent per pound; loaf sugar, 3 cents; other sugars, 2^ cents; coffee, 2^ cents; cocoa, i cent; teas, from China and India, in American vessels, ranged from 6 to 20 cents per pound, and in foreign vessels somewhat hip-her; candles from 2 to 6 cents per pound; cheese, 4 cents; soap, 2 cents; boots, 50 cents per pair; shoes, from 7 to 10 cents, according to quality of material; cables and tarred cordage, 75 cents per cwt. ; untarred cordage, 90 cents; twine and pack thread, $2; unwrought steel, 50 cents per cwt.; rails and spikes, i cent per pound; salt, 6 cents per bushel; manufactured tobacco, 6 cents per pound; indigo, 16 cents per pound; wool and cotton cards, 50 cents per dozen; coal, 2 cents per bushel; pickled fish, 75 cents per barrel; dried fish, 50 cents per quin- tal; playing cards, 10 cents per pack; hemp, 60 cents per cwt.; cotton, 3 cents per pound. In addition to these specific duties an ad valorem, duty of ten per cent was levied on glass of all kinds (black quart bottles excepted) china, stone and earthenware, gun pow- der, paints, shoe and knee buckles, and gold and silver lace and leaf; seven and one-half per cent ad valorem was charged upon blank books, paper, cabinet wares, leather, ready-made clothing, hats, gloves, millinery, canes, brushes, gold and silver and plated ware and jewelry, buttons, saddles, slit and rolled iron, and castings of iron, anchors, tin and pewter ware. Upon all other articles, including manufactures of wool, cotton and linen, five per cent ad valoron was to be charged, except saltpetre, tin, lead, old pewter, brass, 5 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. iron and brass wire, copper, in plates, wool-dye stuffs, hides and furs, which were to be free of duty. The first act of the First Congress was a merely formal one, regulating the form of the oath to be taken by officials. This was followed by the act establishing a protective tariff, which, on July 4, 1789, was passed and signed by George Washington. Such men as Charles Carroll, Rufus King, Fisher Ames, Oliver Ellsworth, Roger Sherman and J. Trumbull shared in the discussion. This First Con- gress was largely composed of farmers, but they were not purblind to the necessity of encouraging home industries ; for it was obvious to them that to secure absolute national independence, domestic manufactures must be protected. While this law remained on our statute book, five Presidents found occasion to commend, in no vague terms, its benefi- cent results. In his first annual message George Washington declared that our safety and interest as a free people required the promotion of such manufactures "as tend to render them independent of others for essen- tials, particularly military supplies." On the 15th of January, 1790, the House of Representatives, in response to the recommendations in the message, passed an order : " That it be referred to the Secre- tary of the Treasury to prepare and report to the house the proper plan or plans, conformably to the recommendation of the President of the United States in his speech to both houses of Congress, for OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 9 the encouragement and promotion of such manufac- tures as will tend to render the United States inde- pendent of other nations for essential, particularly for military, supplies." In December, 1791, upon the opening of the second session of the Second Congress, the Secre- tary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton, submitted his report, which for beauty of diction, scope and clearness of argument and plenitude of forceful illus- tration has never been excelled by any government document ever produced in this country, if in the world. Greeted everywhere with enthusiastic approval, it served for almost half a century as the basis of the best legislation respecting the tariff. The principal circumstances contributive to the augmented pro- duce and revenue of a nation throuQ^h manufacturinor establishments were enumerated by Mr. Hamilton as follows : 1. The division of labor. 2. An extension of the use of machinery. 3. Additional employment to classes of the com- munity not ordinarily engaged in business. 4. The promoting of emigration from foreign countries. 5. The furnishing greater scope for the diversity of talents and dispositions which discriminates men from each other. 6. The affording of a more ample and various field for enterprise. lO A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. 7. The creating, in some instances, a new, and securing, in all, a more certain and steady demand for the surplus produce of the soil. Referring to our economical system, in his last annual message, John Adams, our second President, said : " I observe, with much satisfaction, that the product of the revenue during the present year has been more considerable than during any former period. This result affords conclusive evidence of the great resources of the country, and of the wis- dom and efficiency of the measures which have been adopted by Congress, for the protection of commerce and preservation of the public credit." In various messages Jefferson referred to the manifold advantages arising from a protective tariff. In 1807 he offered suggestions as to the best method of disposing of the surplus that then seemed likely to be left after paying all the public debt called for by our contracts. A little later his convictions were stated in these words : " The general inquiry now is, shall we make our own comforts, or go without them at the will of a foreign nation? He, therefore, who is now ao-ainst domestic manufactures, must be for reducing us either to a dependence upon that nation, or to be clothed in skins and live like beasts in caves and dens. I am proud to say I am not one of these. Experience has taught me that manufactures are now as necessary to our independence as to our comforts. The prohibiting duties we lay on all articles of foreign manufacture, which prudence requires us to estab- OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. II lish at home, with the patriotic determination of every good citizen to use no foreign article which can be made within ourselves, without regard to differ- ence of price, secures us against a relapse in foreign dependency." Madison and Monroe were equally zealous in the advocacy of protective measures. The former, often called " the father of the Constitution," considerably relaxed his conservatism respecting the tariff which at its inception was more or less tentative. Suffice it to say, Madison's public life and deeds place him in the front rank of the adherents of protection. Between the passage of the first tariff act and the beginning of the war of 1812, twelve additional acts were passed, but the changes in the law were im- material, a gradual increase in the rates of duty being their most notable feature. During this period there was no sharp division of party lines on the tariff, nor was it made manifest until after the close of the war of 1812. Our people had little cause for internal wrangling in these years. The Tariff of 1789 quickened Industry and trade In every populated part of the Union; agriculture thrived as It had never done before on this hemisphere; the expenses of the government were met by our rapidly-increasing revenue ; our merchant-navy was revived and the interests of ship-building multiplied. The war between Great Britain and France greatly retarded our international trade and led to compli- cations which both harmed and helped us. The Old 12 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Worid was inflamed by the example of our people in achieving their independence. " The only neutral commercial nation, we became the carriers on the ocean of the bellio^erents, and fed their armies with the products of our agriculture. As their necessities knew no bounds, our means and industries were wholly absorbed in ministering to them. It was our golden age." But jealousy, both in England and France, was excited by the spectacle of our prosperity. They prohibited all commerce with the other, estab- lished blockades, and authorized the seizure and search of neutral vessels wherever found on the main. Accordingly our vessels were rigorously treated by their captors and our flag insulted. As a measure of retaliation against these outrages and invasions against our rights on the high seas. Congress, at the suggestion of President Jefferson, passed the so- called Embargo Act in 1808, which was in no true sense of the term a tariff act, as has been frequently asserted by free-trade writers. By reason of this act " we practically withdrew from the ocean " But the expedient scarcely succeeded in the manner desired by its promoters, as, at the time, our home productions were somewhat limited, and within a year, through Mr. Jefferson's influence, the Embargo Act was repealed. But its brief existence "gave a great stimulus to the establishment of new industries and manufactures for making those articles which formerly were imported, but which under that pro- hibition had to be made here or not at all." In 1808 OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 3 we passed the Act of Non-intercourse ; and finally declared war in 1812 against England, being unable longer to endure her meddlesome tyranny. Nothino- could better illustrate the national vigor and endurance of the American people than this terrible three years' war with England. In order to carry it on we doubled the tariff duties, which proved the salvation of our home industries. Our importa- tions being enormously diminished, our only recourse to supply ourselves with necessities was to erect factories and foundries of our own. In spite of the tremendous drain upon our finances and credit entailed by this war, our manufactures flourished from very necessity. But the country in general was in a sorry plight at the termination of hostilities in 18 15. Our shipping interests had become wholly demoral- ized. To render matters still worse, England glutted our markets with vast quantities of merchandise, for which we had nothing to pay. From all sides arose the clamor for tariff legisla- tion. In obedience thereto the famous Tariff Act of 1816 was passed. It comprehended the repeal of the law of 1789 and the amendment of 181 2 and sub- stituted lower duties. While nominally presented by Mr. Lowndes, member of Congress from South Carolina, and chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House, " the burden of its support was assumed by Mr. John C. Calhoun, then a' mem- ber of the House, who, next to Mr. Clay, was the most commanding and influential ficrure in it." 14 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The practical object of this act was to raise a bar- rier against the tremendous torrent of English goods which were being dumped upon our shores and oiTered to our consumers far below cost. Though no sectional or local issues were raised during the discussion of the bill, many Northern members voted against it " on the ground that the interests of their constituents were not properly considered." Yet all agreed that protection was the end and revenue the incident of the measure, which was the second im- portant step in the legislation of this country. But it may as well be said at once that the Tariff Act of 1816 was not only ineffectual but futile. To quote from a high authority: " The duties it imposed averaged about sixteen per cent advalorem., which was thought to be sufficient, because the authors of the measure had no conception of the altered conditions of production and exchange." Mr. Calhoun stated in his speech that the capital formerly employed in commerce had been diverted to manufactures. " This," he said, " if things con- tinue as they are, will be their direction. It will introduce a new era in our affairs, in many respects highly advantageous, and ought to be countenanced by the government." Other similar assertions, com- ing as they did from a Southern man, were very sig- nificant, for at that time the South favored protection, while many parts of the North opposed it. Mr. Webster always referred to the Tariff of 181 6 as a South Carolina measure. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. I 5 The tendency was to adopt specific duties. The minimum principle was also introduced — goods valued below a fixed price paid the same rate of duty as the minimum figure. As has been urged, the new- tariff was not effective as a protective measure ; for while enormous importations filled the public treas- ury, the markets of the country, still prostrated from the effects of the war, became unsettled. Specula- tion speedily assumed the semblance of a mania, and this, coupled with the inflation of paper currency, only served to darken the situation. The increased competition resulting from the new tariff still further depressed and crippled our home markets. New England capital had been largely invested in manu- facturing, and, as this did not thrive, that section soon emphatically demanded more protection and at the same time bitterly denounced British manufac- turers, who, it was maintained, were leagued against American industry. In this connection it may be in- structive to read a single paragraph from Niles' His- tory : " It is notorious that great sums of money were expended by the British to destroy our flocks of sheep that they might thereby ruin our manufac- tures. They bought up and immediately slaugh- tered great numbers of sheep ; they bought our best machinery and sent it off to England, and hired our best mechanics and most skilful workmen to go to England, simply to get them out of this country, and so hinder and destroy our existing and prospective manufactures." 1 6 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Our national existence was threatened. Those whom ruin and bankruptcy did not claim for their own were none the less alarmed. An organized movement was soon inaugurated in favor of higher duties. Societies for the promotion of domestic in- dustry were formed in several States ; conventions were held and forcible addresses issued to the people, in which British greed and meanness were unspar- ingly censured. In 1817 the leading New York mer- chants united in a memorial to Congress to save our commerce, as well as our manufactures, from utter collapse, by increasing the tariff duties. An amendatory act was passed in 1818, whose pur- pose was to postpone the reduction until 1826 of the duty on certain articles named in the act of 18 16. Continued agitation resulted in an attempt to pass a high tariff measure in 1820^ There was also an effort to abolish the credit system, which then applied to imports and was the forerunner of the modern ware- house system. The protection sentiment had waxed so strong that had the condition of the treasury warranted it a tariff measure doubtless would have been enacted to prohibit the importation of iron, cottons and woollens. As it was, the only thing that could be done was to raise the rates on these articles, principally in retalia- tion. England imposed high duties on wools and France taxed American cotton highly. American wheat also, an important article of export, was sub- ject to high duties by European nations. In short, OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. I 7 for a number of years after the act of 1816 no material change for the better occurred in our dis- tressed and impoverished land. The Tariff Act of 1824. With the passage of the Tariff Act of 1824 began the real system of protection in the United States. It proved a relief measure of widespread importance and benefit to all classes of our population. Though reported on the 9th of January, by Mr. Tod of Pennsylvania, in behalf of the committee of the House on manufactures, as a bill for the amendment of the act in 1836, by adding largely upon certain articles to the duties provided by that act, the great champion of this new measure was Mr. Clay, who is frequently designated as the sponsor of the so-called ^'American system." Few measures have ever attrac- ted so absorbed an interest in Congress as did this one. Speaking in its behalf, Mr. Clay said : " The principle of the system under consideration has the sanction of some of the best and wisest men in all ages, in foreign countries as well as our own, of the Edwards, of Henry the Great, of Elizabeth, of the Colberts abroad ; of our Franklin, Jefferson, Madi- son, Hamilton at home. But it comes recommended to us by higher authority than any of these, illustrious as they unquestionably are, by the masterspirit of the age, that extraordinary man who has thrown the Alex- anders and the Caesars infinitely further behind him 2 1 8 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. than they stood in advance of their most eminent pre- decessors, that singular man, who, whether he was seated on his imperial throne deciding the fate of nations and allotting kingdoms to the members of his family with the same composure, if not with the affec- tion as that with which a Virginia father divides his plantations among his children, or on the miserable rock of St. f lelena, to which he was condemned by the cruelty and injustice of his unworthy victors, is equally an object of the most intense admiration — • Napoleon Bonaparte. He opposed the principles of economists, which he said were correct in theory, though erroneous in application. ' Duties,' he said, 'which were so condemned by political economists should not, it is true, be an object to the treasury; they should be a guarantee and protection to the nation,' and should correspond with the nature and objects of its trade. I have not fallen into the error of modern sympathizers, who imagine that all the wisdom of nations is centered in themselves. Experience is the true wisdom of nations. And what does all the reasoning of economists amount to ? They incessantly extol the prosperity of England, and hold her up as our model; but the custom house system is more burdensome and arbitrary in England than in any other country. In France we are still very far behind on these delicate points, which are still unperceived or ill-understood by the mass of society.' " To which the sagacious Mr. Webster, always on the alert to heap sarcasm on any logical lapses or OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 9 inadvertences on the part of an adversary, replied in his grand manner : "Indeed, sir, it is a Httle astonishing, if it seemed convenient to Mr. Speaker (Mr. Clay), for the pur- pose of distinction, to make use of the terms 'Ameri- can policy ' and 'foreign policy,' that he should not have applied them in a manner precisely the reverse of that in which he has in fact used them. If names are thought necessary it would be well enough, one would think, that the name should be in some manner descriptive of the thing ; and since Mr. Speaker denominates the policy which he recommends ' a new policy in this country; ' since he speaks of the present measure as a new era in our legislation; since he pro- poses to invite us to depart from our accustomed course, to instruct ourselves by the wisdom of others, and to adopt the policy of the most distinguished foreign States, one is a little curious to know with what propriety of speech this imitation is denomi- nated an 'American policy,' while on the contrary, a preference for our own established system, as it now actually exists and always existed, is called a ' foreign policy.' This favorite American policy is what America has never tried, and this odious foreign policy is what, as we are told, foreign States have never pursued." Mr. Clay's " American system " had for its essen- tial idea the imposition of high duties on manufac- tures in order to furnish a home market for our surplus farm products. Mr. Webster led the mem- 20 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. bers from the shipping States in a most determined opposition to this measure, protesting that it did not sufficiently recognize the claims of such interests. The bill was violently opposed by one of the ablest debaters of his time, John Randolph, who, in the course of a speech, said, after picturing the great advantagfes of Great Britain in manufacturinof : " It is in such a climate only that the human animal can bear, without extirpation, the corrupted air, the noi- some exhalation, the incessant labor of these accursed manufactories. Yes, sir, accursed ; for I say it is an accursed thing. We should have the yellow fever from June to January, and January to June. The climate of this country alone, were there no other natural obstacles to it, says aloud, — you shall not manufacture." Among the prominent supporters of this bill were Colonel Benton, General Andrew Jackson, then Sena- tor from Tennessee, Martin Van Buren, then Senator from New York, Richard M. Johnson, then a Senator from Kentucky, afterward Vice-President of the United States, Louis McLane, then a Representative from Delaware, and afterward a member of General Jackson's Cabinet, General Sam. Houston, then a Rep- resentative from Tennessee, and afterward Senator from Texas, and Mr. Crawford of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury under Mr. Monroe, and along with three other gentlemen, a candidate for the presidency in that year (1824). The contest over this Tariff law in Congress lasted more than ten weeks, and the bill, OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION 21 which imposed an average rate of duty of about twenty per cent, was finally passed May 2 2d by a majority of only five in the House and four in the Senate. Both John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay voted for it. The prospects of a home market most strongly appealed to the leading agricultural States of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio and Ken- tucky, by whose united votes the bill was carried. New England was divided, Connecticut and Rhode Island voting for it. On account of their cotton in- dustries these two States had been drifting protec- tionward for a number of years. It was not until about 1830 that Massachusetts fell in line as a pro- tectian State. The Tariff of 1824 put on wool, hemp, coarse cotton fabrics, iron and lead increased duties, and these were deemed injurious to New England interests. In consequence, Massachusetts and the other New England States, except Rhode Island and Connecticut, vigorously opposed it. The Southern leaders almost unanimously had done yeoman service to bring the Tariff Act of 18 16 into existence. But shortly afterward the South be- gan to doubt the merits of protection as applied to itself, and fiercely opposed the bill of 1820. It had become evident to them that slavery and manufac- tures could not prosper together in the South. And there was no question as to which road they must travel. So the Tariff Bill of 1 824 was opposed by the solid South, but, as we have seen, it went into effect. 2 2 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Under this act trade generally expanded, the demand for labor was greatly enhanced, and nearly everybody, except the woollen manufacturers, was happy and contented. In the United States Senate, several years later, Henry Clay said : " If the term of seven years were to be selected of the greatest prosperity which this people has enjoyed since the establish- ment of their present Constitution, it would be ex- actly that period of seven years which immediately followed the passage of the Tariff of 1824." The minimum system regulating cotton goods dur- ing this period had made their manufacture a very lucrative pursuit. This was not true of the woollen industry, which had not been encouraged by either the acts of 1 816 or of 1824. The woollen makers of Massachusetts were not slow to perceive that they needed legislation, and in the Congressional session of 1828 a new tariff bill was reported by the Com- mittee of Manufactures of the House. The wool- len makers were not the only parties interested in higher protective duties, but the chief object of the bill as drafted was to provide a largely-increased pro- tection to the manufacture of wool, an industry sadly suffering from English competition. The opposi- tion to this tariff was bitterly manifested at the South, where secession had already been openly sug- gested and discussed as the only means of immunity from unjust national legislation. Southern members demanded, through the Committee of Ways and Means, an utter and absolute abandonment of the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 23 protective system, declaring that " Congress should adopt no half-way measures, no temporary expedi- ents, but reform it altogether." The act of 1828, supplementing that of 1824, was passed and provided that : " On manufactures of wool, or of which wool shall be a component part (except carpetings, blankets, worsted stuff goods, bombazines, hosiery, mitts, gloves, caps and bindings), the actual value of which, at the place whence imported, shall not exceed fifty cents per square yard, shall be deemed to have cost fifty cents the square yard, and be charged thereon with a duty of forty per centum ad valorem, until June 30, 1832, and from that time a duty of forty-five per centum. ''Manufactures of wool, except flannels and baizes, the actual value of, etc., shall not exceed thirty-three and one-third cents per square yard, pay fourteen cents per square yard. " Manufactures of wool, etc., actual value exceed- ing fifty cents per square yard, not exceeding $1 the square yard, shall be deemed to have cost $1 the square yard, and be charged thereon with a duty of forty per centum ad valorem to June 30, 1829, and from that time a duty of forty-five per centum ad valorem. "Manufactures of wool, etc., value exceeding $1, not $2.50 per yard, shall be deemed to have cost $2.50 per square yard, and be charged with a duty thereon of forty per centum to June 30, 1829, and from that time a duty of forty- five per centum. 24 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. "Manufactures of wool, etc., exceeding $2.50, not $4 per square yard, shall be deemed to have cost at the place whence imported $4 per square yard, and a duty of forty per centum shall be levied, etc., until June 30, 1829, and from that time a duty of forty- five per centum. " Manufactures of wool, etc., the actual value of which, etc., shall exced $4 per yard, a duty of forty- five per centum ad valorem until June 30, 1829, and from that time a duty of fifty per centum."* Previous to the passage of the Tariff Act of 1828 " politics " of a singularly practical kind had begun to creep into legislative affairs. In 1827 the wool- lens bill had been defeated, but the protection advo- cates were not discouraged. On the contrary, they resolved to keep up the struggle and to include in the scheme of higher duties those which agricultural- ists and manufacturers might be persuaded would benefit them. To that end the Harrisburg conven- tion was held in the midsummer of 1827, and here partisan feeling was plainly in evidence. As yet public opinion had not been divided on party lines between protection and free trade, but almost as by magic two political parties had sprung into existence. One was the Adams party, soon afterward to be known as the Whigs, and the other was the Jackson party, soon afterward to be known as the Democrats. The Adams men were avowedly protectionists, but the attitude of the Jackson contingent, on this as on * Customs — Tariff Legislation, 38, 39. OUR TARIP^F AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 25 some Other public issues, cannot be so easily defined. Considerable divergence of opinion prevailed among the Jackson men, as, for instance, on the bank ques- tion, and internal improvements. New York, Penn- sylvania and Ohio were protection States whose votes were necessary to elect Jackson. Some bait must be held out to capture the vote of these three great States, something done to satisfy them that he was a true friend of home industry. But he stood between two fires, for the Southern members, who, with scarcely an exception, were his ardent support- ers, unequivocally opposed higher duties, and, fur- thermore, demanded that the tariff then in operation imposed unjust taxes on the slave States. Fortune, however, favored Jackson. His military renown was the pride of the Southern people, and in the twentieth Congress it was discovered that his star was in the ascendency. A policy of obstruction was begun in order to delay the Tariff report by the Committee on Manufactures, five of whom were sup- porters of Jackson, and two of Adams. But this program could not be carried out, as the Jackson men, both South and North, irrespective of their differences on the Tariff question, united to secure the passage of the resolution requested by the com- mittee to examine witnesses, with a view to gaining information respecting the state of the woollen manufacture. Finally the bill was reported to the House on Jan- uary 31st. Henry Clay, four years afterward, inti- 26 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. mated that this bill ''was so framed on the advice of a prominent citizen, now abroad (Martin Van Buren, who had been made Minister to England in 1831), with a view of ultimately defeating the bill, and with assurances that being altogether unacceptable to the friends of the American system, the bill would be lost." Its passage at all events surprised its authors, according to Prof. Taussio-, than whom no one man knows more concerning the Tariff history of the United States. Its shrewd and ingenious details, which are too numerous to go into here, were the work of politicians whose obvious purpose was to bolster up Jackson's chances in the approaching campaign and election. The Tariff Act of 1828 was unsatisfactory to everyone save a few extremists, and it has been handed down in history as the Abominations Tariff. Daniel Webster, to whom hitherto high protective duties had seemed dangerous, at least to the New England community, felt obliged to swallow the bitterest pill of all, because of " paramount considera- tions"— which, translated into less lofty language, meant ''politics." General Jackson was elected to the Presidency in 1828, as had been generally expected. Both he and his opponent, Mr. Adams, ran as Republicans, both as high protective advocates, both as champions of internal improvements, etc. In his inaugural address General Jackson committed himself to the doctrine of State Sovereiofntv in words that cannot be mis- OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 2'] taken. He said : " In such measures as I may be called on to pursue in regard to the rights of the separate States, I hope to be animated by a proper respect for those Sovereign members of the Union ; taking care not to confound the powers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted to the Confederacy." Three States already, in one way and another, had given voice to the dogma of State's rights, and denied the authority of the Federal government: Virginia, in the resolutions of 1 798 ; Georgia, through Governor Troup to the Legislature of that State, in 1825, and South Carolina, in a series of resolutions passed in the same year, of which the fol- lowing is a sample : " Resolved, That it is an uncon- stitutional exercise of power on the part of Congress to lay duties to protect domestic manufactures."* Again in 1827, by a vote of her Legislature, the State of Georgia supported the opinions expressed by Governor Troup two years before, substantially to the effect that it was contrary to the letter and spirit of the Federal Constitution for Congress to adopt and prosecute a policy "obviously grinding down the resources of one class of States to build up and advance the prosperity of another of the same confederacy," which, be it said, was in itself a just enough proposition. Again in the same year, South Carolina passed another set of protests de- claring " that Congress has no power to construct *Niles' Register, 29, 293. 28 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. roads and canals in the States, for the purpose of internal improvements, with or without the assent of the States in whose limits those internal improve- ments are made, the authority of Congress extending no farther than to pass the 'necessary 2iV\d. proper laws' to carry into execution their enumerated powers." In a preceding paragraph it was resolved, " that the acts of Congress known by the name of the tariff laws, the object of which is not the raising of revenue or the reo^ulation of foreio^n commerce, but the promotion of domestic manufactures, are viola- tions of the Constitution in its spirit, and ought to be repealed." Still smarting under her grievance, South Caro- lina, through her Legislature, on December 19, 1828, after the Tariff Act of that year had been passed, and after General Jackson's election to the Presidency, adopted an elaborate series of protests against the system of protective duties as unconsti- tutional, oppressive and unjust. On the 12th of January, 1829, the State of Georgia protested against the Tariff Act of 1828, characterizing it as deceptive in its title, as not having accomplished an " alteration of the several acts imposing duties on imports, fraudulent in its pretexts, oppressive in its exactions, partial and unjust in its operations, etc., to secure a hateful monopoly to a combination of unfortunate manufacturers." In the following December Georgia passed reso- lutions concurring with those adopted by the South OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 29 Carolina Legislature in their December session in 1827, in relation to the powers of the general gov- ernment and State rights. The controversy over the public lands served to widen the breach that had been opened by the tariff bugbear between the South and North, and for the first time, perhaps, the germinating seed of seces- sion was planted in the hearts and minds of the Southern people. Their three great staples for ex- port—cotton, tobacco and rice— -"could be ex- changed for foreign products only upon the payment of heavy custom duties." Retired from the confed- eracy, at least sundered from the plutocracy " of the North, they could bask in the sunshine of peace and plenty." Mr. Henry V. Poor, the eminent writer on finance, has said that "from 1828, no power could for a mo- ment withstand the tendency which, so far as the Southern States were concerned, could have no other end but the overthrow of the government of the United States. General Jackson himself was the Phaeton that drove the steeds. He had that singular mixture of cunning, audacity and apparent frankness always most effective to catch the popular ear, to which he added boundless professions of con- sideration for the welfare of the poor, whose passions he raised to the highest pitch by describing the wrongs they suffered from paper money and manu- facturing aristocrats. The only appeal at the time open to the North was to the ultitua ralio, which, 30 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. though long delayed, in the end rendered full jus- tice to her cause. General Jackson spoke vaguely of the tariff in his first annual address, November 8, 1829, but was less uncertain regarding' his pet scheme of crushing the Bank of the United States by discontinuing its char- ter, which still had about eight years to run. His chief argument was to the effect that this institution was unconstitutional, and it may be added here that eventually he accomplished his intention to destroy the bank. The tariff was again "tinkered with" in 1832. Several bills were introduced, among them one by John Quincy Adams, chairman of the Committee of the House, on Manufactures. But a bill submitted by Mr. McLane, Secretary of the Treasury, after various modifications, finally passed. The minimum system was entirely abolished. An ad valorem duty of fifty per cent was put on woollen goods. The duty on hemp was reduced to $40 a ton ; flax was placed on the free list. Wool under eight cents a pound was admitted free of duty. It was, taken all in all, a protective act, and bore striking similarities to the act of 1824. Modified as it was from the Abomi- nations Act of 1828, the Tariff of 1832 was not free from the fierce strictures of the South, thouQ^h more than twenty members of the House, representing Southern States, voted in favor of it. Before the time arrived for it to take effect, which was to be after March i, 1833, a general convention was held OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 3 1 in South Carolina, whose delegates adopted an ordi- nance " to nullify certain acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting to be laws laying duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodi- ties." It is a curious document in this dawn of the twentieth century, to read and ponder over. In stately and august phraseology it repudiated the Tariff Acts of 1828 and 1832, declaring them unau- thorized by the Constitution of the United States, and null, void and no law, nor binding upon that State, its officers or citizens. In conclusion it went on to say : And we, the people of South Carolina, to the end that it may be fully understood by the Government of the United States, and the people of the co-States, that we are determined to maintain this, our ordi* nance and declaration, at every hazard, do further declare that we will not submit to the application of force, on the part of the Federal Government, to reduce this State to obedience; but that we will con- sider the passage by Congress of any act authorizing the employment of a military or naval force against the State of South Carolina, her constituted authori- ties or citizens ; or any act abolishing or closing the ports of this State, or any of them, or otherwise ob- structing the free ingress and egress of vessels to and from the said ports ; or any other acts on the part of the Federal Government, to coerce the State, shut up her ports, destroy or harass her commerce, or to en- force the acts hereby declared null and void, other- 32 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. wise than through the civil tribunals of the country, as inconsistent with the longer continuance of South Carolina in the Union ; and that the people of this State will henceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political connection with the people of the other States, and will forthwith proceed to organize a sepa- rate Government, and do all other acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do." From all accounts this impetuous little common- wealth meant business too. She had already been making extensive preparations to back up what she said by force of arms. Though she had taken this bold initiative, South Carolina doubtless felt assured that at least some of her neighbors would follow suit in seceding, so she played her little game of brag and bluff with amusing, if it had not been pathetic, impunity. Her favorite historian, William Gilmore Simms, has said that " a call was made for volunteers, even out of the limits of the State. It was under- stood that more than fifty thousand men had volun- teered to maintain Soutli Carolina." This ultimatiun^ issued November 24, 1832, pro- vided that from and after the ist day of February, 1833, the Tariff Acts of May 19, 1828, and of July 14, 1832, should not be enforced within the limits of South Carolina. In the meantime, Mr. Clay had been overwhelmingly defeated by General Jackson for the Presidency, and he saw with keen humiliation OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 33 that his great ambition to create a permanent pro- tective system must be sacrificed. The ominous demands of the " solid South " could not be ignored without exciting a civil war. Jackson, realizing the exigencies of the situation, made an executive feint of defending the inviolability of the Federal Govern- ment. He issued a grandiloquent proclamation, urging the recalcitrant States to behave like gentle- men and stand by the Constitution and the supreme law of the land, which elicited such violent denuncia- tion from the South, that within a year he authorized the publication of his construction of the Constitution, in his personal organ, the Washington Globe, in which his views were constantly modified to suit Southern sentiment. Thus the die was cast. On the 25th of February Mr. Clay's Compromise Bill was substituted for a pre- vious bill that had been introduced in the House. Speaking in favor of his bill Mr. Clay thus defined his position : " I have been represented as the father of this system, and I am charged with an unnatural abandonment of my own offspring. I have never arrogated to myself any such intimate relation to it. I have, indeed, cherished it with parental fondness, and my affection is undiminished. But in what con- dition do I find this child? It is in the hands of the Philistines, who would strangle it. I fiy to its res- cue, to snatch it from their custody, and to place it on a bed of security and repose for nine years, where it may grow and strengthen, and become accept- 3 34 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. able to the whole people. I behold a torch about to be applied to a favorite edifice, and I would save it, if possible, before it was wrapped in flames, or at least preserve the precious furniture which it contains." Naturally the people of South Carolina were jubi- lant over the fact that they had actually succeeded in bulldozing the United States. Assembling for the purpose of considering what action to take with reference to the Compromise Act, the committee of the South Carolina convention reported among other things that : " We cannot be insensible to the benefits to be derived from the united efforts of the whole South, aided by other States having interests identified with our own, in bringing about the late adjustment of the tariff ; promising, we trust, for the future, that union of sentiment and conceit in action which are necessary to secure the rights and interests of the Southern States. On the whole, in whatever aspect the question is contemplated, your committee find, in the late modification of the tariff, cause for congratu- lation and triumph. If we have not yet succeeded in the complete establishment of the great principles of free trade and constitutional liberty, such progress has been made toward the accomplishment of the former as must serve to rekindle our hopes, and to excite us to fresh exertion in the glorious work of reforms in which we are engaged." OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 35 Then the convention submitted and adopted the following condescending ordinance : " Whereas, The Congress of the United States, by an act recently passed, has made such a reduction and modification of the duties of foreign imports as amounted substantially to an ultimate reduction of the duties to the revenue standard ; and that no higher duties shall be laid than may be necessary to defray the economical expenditures of the govern- ment ; ''It is, therefore, ordained and declared. That the ordinance entitled 'an ordinance to nullify certain acts of the Congress of the United States,' /7/r/(?rA ing to be laws laying duties on the importation of foreign commodities and all acts passed in pursuance thereof, be henceforth deemed and held to have no force or effect, provided that the act entitled ' an act further to alter and amend the militia laws of this State,' passed on the 20th day of December, 1832, shall remain in full force." The Compromise Tariff Act, which remained in force for about nine years, provided for a sliding scale, that is to say, all twenty per centum duties scheduled in the bill of 1832 were to be gradually reduced on each alternate year till 1842, when and thereafter twenty per centum on the home valuation should be the rate on all these goods. It was, per- haps, a wiser political than economic or financial measure, for it failed to meet pressing requirements, and was so drafted that ad valorem duties were in- 36 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. eluded. It came to be known generally as the " horizontal tariff." Prof. Taussig says there can be little doubt that that act " was the result of an agree- ment between Clay and Calhoun, the leaders of the protectionists and free traders, while it secured also the support of Jackson." This statement is strength- ened by the fact that the South Carolina nullifiers had declared that such a horizontal rate was the least they were willing to accept. As finally passed, Mr. Clay's bill provided that : " I'Vom and after the 31st of December, 1833, in all rases where the duties are imposed on foreign imports by the act of 14th July, 1832, or by any other act which shall exceed twenty per cent on the value thereof, one-tenth part of such excess shall be de- ducted ; from and after the 31st of December, 1835, 1837 and 1839, respectively, a further deduction of one-tenth of such excess shall be made ; and from and after the 31st of December, 1841, a further re- duction of one-half of the remainder of such excess; and from and after the 31st of December, 1842, the residue of such excess shall be deducted. So much of the second section of the act of the 14th of July, aforesaid, as fixes the rate of duty on all milled and fulled cloth known by the name of plains, kerseys or Kendall cottons, of which wool is the only material, the value whereof does not exceed thirty-five cents a square yard, at five per cent ad valore7?i, is repealed. And said articles are subjected to the same duty as is provided for other manufactures of wool, viz., fifty OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 37 per cent ad valorem^ and this duty is liable to the de- ductions mentioned above. "From and after the 31st of December, 1842, all duties upon imports shall be collected in ready money, and all credit abolished. Said duties to be assessed upon the value of said goods at the port where the same shall be entered." At this point, we might profitably digress for a moment to bring to the readers' attention how in- definite had been party names up to this time. The first two Presidents of the United States were com- monly known as Federalists. Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe and John Ouincy Adams called themselves Republicans. By usage, writers have designated Andrew Jackson a Demo- crat. But certain it is, he ran both times for the Presidency as a Republican, or to speak literally, as a Jacksonian ; his opponents called themselves anti- Jacksonians. In 1832 Martin Van Buren ran on the Jackson ticket for Vice-President and was elected, and it was reserved for Mr. Van Buren to draw a party line between Republicanism and Democracy. For reasons of his own, he perceived that it would be well to show that these should not be regarded as synonymous terms. He was apprised that at a Republica7i convention, assembled in Baltimore, he had been selected as a candidate for the Vice-Presi- dency. In acknowledging the receipt of this notifi- cation. Van Buren wrote : " I cannot but regard this spontaneous expression of confidence and friendship 38 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. from the delegated Democracy of the Union as lay- ing me under renewed obligations of gratitude to them, and of fidelity to the great interests for whose advancement they were assembled," etc. During the last administration of Jackson, the word Democracy, as expressive of a national party, sounded like sweet music in the ears of many men, who hitherto had been identified with old Republican principles. When Van Buren was nominated for the Presidency in 1835 the convention passed resolutions to the effect that the Federal Government is one of '' limited powers^' that Congress has no power to charter a United States Bank; that "the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government the power to com- mence and carry on a general system of internal im- provement," etc., and finally, with reference to the tariff, it was resolved: "That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interest of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country." Like his predecessors, Van Buren was 7\. posetLr for all sides, in order to secure the hiofh honor he coveted. In the North he was supported as a Republican, while the South supported him as the next best available successor to Jackson. A noted orator, John P. Kennedy, has given in a political speech this account of the genesis of the Van Buren scheme : " When Mr. Van Buren succeeded General Jackson, the party, being under a new leader, could OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 39 no longer retain the name ' Jacksonian,' by which they had been content to be known, and there was not potency enough in that of the new President to allow them to substitute his. The Van Buren party could not hope to work a spell by that designation. So, sir, at his (Mr. Van Buren's) suggestion, as I have reason to believe, they cunningly enough took up the then appropriated name of the ' Democratic Party,' without the slightest reference to its significance in relation to their principles, — even with a conscious- ness of the absurd masquerade in which it presented them — and boldly determined to outface the world's ridicule upon its incongruity, and to wear it in spite of the derision of enemies or honest shame of friends. It was a cunning part of this device to cast upon the opponents of this new Democratic party the corre- lative term, which, in old times, had existed of the Federal party; and accordingly, sir, the whole line of newspaper batteries by which the new party was de- feated, opened upon the Whigs an incessant fire, in which every gun was loaded with the charge Fed- eralism. From that period we are to date the birth of this extraordinary nondescript, the new Democ- racy, and the miracle of Mr. Madison's identification and the identification of his friends with the old Federal party of 1816." Eliminating, if need be, the partisan words used by Mr. Kennedy, we still have a true enough glimpse of the formal organization of the Democratic party as it has since been known and understood. 40 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The Compromise Act was followed by an increas- ing financial depression, which culminated in the tre- mendous panic of 1837. The crash was general and appalling, but the blame cannot justly be placed on the tariff as the sole cause of this widespread finan- cial revulsion. Other cumulative circumstances aided not a little, and these included vexed constitu- tional questions which agitated the public mind. In Colton's Life of Henry Clay, volume I, are given some significant details as to the extent and nature of this crash. He says: "In some parts of Pennsylvania the people were obliged to divide bank- notes into halves, quarters, eighths and so on, and agree from necessity to use them as money. In Ohio, with all her abundance, it was hard to get money to pay taxes." The farmers could find no markets for their products, which, in hundreds upon hundreds of instances, rotted in their barns, while as many others were dispossessed by the sheriff. Mr. Van Buren, believed to be personally in favor of protection, was publicly neutral-minded on the sub- ject, and said little or nothing about it, one way or another. In 1840, protection was condemned and free trade practically indorsed by the Democratic National Con- vention. But popular opinion was again drifting toward protection; and in 1841, William H. Harri- son succeeded to the Presidency. A sturdy Whig and strong protectionist, he died a month after his inauguration, and was succeeded by John Tyler, OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 4I also a protectionist, but of a less decisive type, owing to his Southern training and associations. The Whig majority which now had control in Con- gress soon set the protectionist ball whirling. They introduced two tariff bills successively, which Tyler promptly vetoed, on account of the distribution clause that each contained. The Whigs and Tyler already had disagreed as to the distribution among the States of the proceeds of the public lands. The xiistribution clause was omitted from the third bill presented, which he signed, and which went into force September i, 1842. It was largely a political measure, though it was, as the Whigs represented it to be, distinctively protective. The high rates, how- ever, of the bill of 1832 were not warranted. The average duties on all imports were twenty-two and three-fourths, and on dutiable goods thirty-two and one-half per centum. The general effects of this tariff throughout the larger part of the country were remedial and encou rag-in or. Business was re- suscitated to a normal condition, farm products were in demand, prices revealed an upward ten- dency. Especially were the manufacturing interests commercially invigorated. But this golden era was doomed to a short life. Another political expedient was soon to replace the Tariff Act of 1842. The Democratic party was now dominated by the slave power of the South. As had become the cus- tom, the Democratic National Convention, in 1844, opposed protection and indorsed practical free trade. 42 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. placing James K. Polk in the held against Henry Clay, the Whig candidate. Mr. Polk had been an out-and-out free trader for years, but he knew his election could scarcely be accomplished unless he secured the electoral vote of Pennsylvania, a strong protectionist State. How then was he to proceed? Mr. Kane of Pennsylvania, anxious to know how Mr. Polk stood on the Tariff issue, addressed the latter a letter of inquiry. Mr. Polk is said to have been engaged forty days in preparing a reply, which would convince the Pennsylvanians, without his say- ing it in so many words, that he was a protectionist. It was, in its way, a masterpiece of dissimulation and created the desired effect. His chances, how- ever, were reinforced by the candidacy for the Vice- Presidency of George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania, a recognized protectionist. And thus State local pride was awakened by the battle-cry of " Polk, Dallas and the Tariff of 1842." The section on which this fraud was perpetrated was led to believe that Mr. Polk was " a better protectionist than Mr. Clay," because the latter had been the father of the Compromise Act. With the South Mr. Polk dealt quite differently, or at least with its leaders. On matters relatingf to slavery, extension, the tariff, etc., he satisfied them that he would be their obedient servant to command, and so he proved to be. The South trusted him and he was elected. It was a political victory, but it had a far-reaching, and, in the main, a detrimental effect upon the subsequent tariff legistion of the country. our tariff and tariff legislation. 43 The Tariff of 1846. It was not long before the protectionist voters for Mr. Polk realized that they had been beautifully hoodwinked. Mr. Robert J. Walker of Mississippi became Secretary of the Treasury, and his first annual report, made under date of December 3, 1845, indicated the attitude which the party of the administration had determined to assume. Mr. Walker was a glib talker on finance and had won a questionable reputation in achieving a repudiation of the debts of the State of Mississippi. His most exalted aim was to be accepted as the mouthpiece of the free traders, and, there being no abler thinker at the time to compete with him for such a rank, he was allowed to constitute himself the leadinof advo- cate of an economical system that was to be wel- comed with delight at the South. Walker's report was long and elaborate, its salient assumption being as follows, in his own language : " We have more fertile lands than any other nation ; can raise a greater variety of products, and, it may be said, could feed and clothe the people of nearly all the world. Agriculture is our chief employment. It is best adapted to our situation. We can raise a larger surplus of agricultural products, and a greater variety than almost any other nation, and at cheaper rates. Remove then from airriculture all our restrictions, and by its own unfettered power it will break down all foreign restrictions, and, ours being removed, 44 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. would feed the hungry and clothe the poor of our fellow men, through all the densely peopled nations of the world." The bill for the repeal of the Tariff Act of 1842 was submitted in 1846, and after a strenuous opposi- tion by the Whigs in Congress was carried by the casting vote of George M. Dallas, who owed his preferment as Vice-President to his professed adher- ence to protection. According to one writer, " the victory of the Anti- Corn Law League in England in 1846 produced a profound impression in America. The notion be- came common that the path of prosperity had been thrown open to us in the repeal of the English im- port duties on our grain." But he admits the iron business suffered, because the reduction through the horizontal system to thirty per cent ad valorem gave the foreigners an entrance to the American market, and to undersell the home produce, the demand in England having become next to nothing, owing to the great crash in railroad speculation there. In the latter part of July, 1846, Daniel Webster made a three days' speech, one of his grandest oratori- cal efforts, in opposition to the Walker bill, which, he maintained, narrowed and diminished our indus- tries, taxed the poor man and the laborer, and in short, was a measure for the relief of the highest and most luxurious classes of the country. "The interest of every laboring community," he continued, "re- quires diversity of occupations, pursuits, and objects OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 45 of industry. The more that diversity is multiplied, even extended, the better. To diversify employment is to increase employment and to enhance wages." " And, sir, take this truth ; place it on the title- page of every book of Political Economy intended for the use of the United States; put it in every farmer's almanac ; let it be the heading of the column of every mechanic's magazine ; proclaim it everywhere, and make it a proverb, that where there is work for the hands of men, there will be work for their teeth. Where there is employment there will be bread. It is a great blessing to be poor, to have cheap food, but greater than that, prior to that of still higher value, is the blessing of being able to buy food, by honest and respectable employment. Employment feeds and clothes and instructs. Em- ployment gives health, sobriety, and morals. Con- stant employment and well-paid labor produce, in a country like ours, general prosperity, content, and cheerfulness." But the votes of Western members, converted for the time beine to free-trade ideas, carried the Walker Tariff Act, which discriminated between goods that could and could not be produced at home, but in other respects it reduced the duties down to about the standard of the "Compromise" of 1833. On all kinds of iniports it provided for ad valorem duties. For a number of years adventitious causes served to increase the prosperity of the country under the 46 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Tariff of 1846, which remained unchanged until 1857. These causes will be referred to further along in the chapter dealing with Protection. The period between 1846 and i860 is pointed to with great pride by free traders as one of unexampled prosperity, arguing that it was the direct sequence of the Walker Tariff. It, however, did not possess the staying powers that should belong to a system alleged to be so perfect in its operations. They con- cede that the revenue became redundant. Prof Ar- thur Latham, in his Elements of Political Economy^ agrees that it was too productive. " The revenue rose beyond the needs of the Government. The surplus in the treasury accumulated, and large sums were expended in buying up bonds not yet due at a high premium, for the sake of emptying the treas- ury. Under these circumstances, our eighth impor- tant tariff, the * Tariff oi 1857,' was passed. It low- ered the duties about one-quarter, and very justly applied remissions to raw materials of manufactures. The free list was also enlarged. The West did not like the lessened duties on wool, hemp, and lead, produced there, and declaimed against the ' inci- dental protection ' accorded to Eastern manufac- tures through the free list and lower duties on mate- rials. ''^ '^ * Though the National Government had nothing now to do with banking and paper money, the States had multiplied banks, and the banks had multiplied bills, so that the inevitable crash came in the autumn, the imports of course OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 47 diminished, and the revenue fell off. It recovered somewhat the next year ; but political troubles be- gan in i860, the expenses of the Government in- creased, and there was a deficit. Duties on the whole imports for the fifteen years, 1 846-1861, aver- aged seventeen and three-fourths, and on dutiable goods twenty-two and three-fourths per centum." The War Tariff. In i860. South Carolina adopted her ordinance of secession, and by February i, 1861, she was joined by six other Southern States, with still four more soon to follow. This revolt was not instigated on the spur of the moment, but was the pricking of the gigantic bubble that had been in the course of inflation for many years. The eve of that inevitable and "irre- pressible conflict/' which Seward and other discern- ing statesmen had predicted, was fast approaching. The treasury was depleted, and there was no time but for quick and effective action. The advent of Repub- lican power made possible the passage of the Tariff Act of March 2, 1861, which was in itself but a measure of expediency. By it, specific superseded ad valorem duties, and these were amended and in- creased in the extra session, August i, 1861, and again necessary modifications were made in the next regular session in December following. And from that time on throughout the desperate struggle, which has no counterpart in all history, until 1865 tariff legislation was enacted at every session of 48 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Congress. But the so-called war tariff was only one factor in the midst of this colossal upheaval. Ex- cise taxation, specific taxes on certain manufactures, licenses, the income tax, etc., all these vigorous meas- ures were resorted to, to raise revenue, and then at the close of the war we had on our hands a white elephant in the shape of a public debt amounting to $2,844,649,626, nearly all of it unpaid war bills, "an average expenditure of over one thousand lives and $2,000,000 a day, for four years in succession." The Tariff Act of July i, 1862, had for its primary object a revision of the tariff on foreign imports, as Mr. Morrill stated in the House, "so far as it may be seriously disturbed by any internal duties, and to make proper reparation * * -J^- ^ jf ^^ bleed manufactures, we must see to it that the proper tonic is administered at the same time." On June 30, 1864, a sort of triple measure was passed, which was the crowning act of financial legis- lation during the war. It provided for an extension of the internal tax system, a corresponding increase of the duties on imports, and, lastly, authorized a loan of $400,000,000. Mr. Morrill had charge of the Tariff Act of 1864, and he had been interested in all previous ones since 1861. It made the average rate on dutiable commodities forty-seven and six-tenths per cent, and for twenty years it remained the basis of the system of import duties. All provisions of the Morrill Act of i86i,and of the Tariff Act of 1862, not ex- pressly changed by it, were left in force. " But," says OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 49 Taussig, " it affected so completely and with so few exceptions the whole range of import duties, and especially the protective duties, that it was practi- cally a new general tariff." Of course, after so long and enervating a war, how could there be much else but chaos and financial con- fusion ? The enormous floating debt must be funded, internal taxes reformed, fiat money driven out of circulation, and other similarly vexatious mat- ters adjusted. Doubtless the Government was a lit- tle slow in getting at the question of lowering the import duties, but Congress was too deeply engrossed in the overshadowing problems of reconstruction to bother itself with the comparatively few demands of the people for a restoration of the free trade regime. Many unsuccessful tariff bills were proposed, but war duties were retained, as if by the common consent of the majority of the people. As a mdtter of fact, many material advantages to the country were the outgrowth of the war. Permanent and magnificent industries were created for the first time, many new avenues of employment opened to our wage-earners, and these never in the world could have resulted under a free-trade system while so stupendous a war as the Rebellion was being prosecuted. Several tariff bills were proposed in 1867, among them one drafted by Mr. David A. Wells, then Special Commissioner of the Revenue. Failing to obtain the two-thirds majority necessary it did not pass. But an important amendment to the Tariff of 4 50 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. 1861 was adopted March, 1867, by which duties on wool were increased to ten and twelve cents per pound. Ad valorem duties were also raised to ten and eleven per cent according to quality. The act of 1870 was in some degree a concession to the demand for reduced taxation and tariff reform. Many articles in the nature of luxuries were placed on the free list, while the duties on others, such as sugar, coffee, tea, wines, and spices were lowered. The duty on pig-iron was reduced $2 a ton. But the duties on marble, on nickel, and on various other articles were considerably augmented. A notable increase of duties was laid by Congress on steel rails, amounting to $28 a ton, and also on ingots. After a protracted wrangle in both Houses a bill was passed in 1872, giving a uniform reduction of ten per cent on all the great protective industries, such as iron, steel*, paper, glass, leather, cotton, and wool. Some raw materials were admitted free of duty, and the duties on such necessities as salt and coal were materially lowered. At the time, Mr. John L, Hayes, for many years Secretary of the Wool Manufacturers' Association, referred to this tariff as " reducing duties $53,000,000 and yet leaving the great industries al- most intact." In the following year came the financial crash — the Black Friday. But this panic is not regarded by the highest authorities in political and economic science as the result of the tariff. Its advent was due rather to external causes, among the most danger- OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 5 1 ous of which, perhaps, was the expansion of the cur- rency and of credits. A repeal of the reduction of duties made in 1872 was passed in 1875 as a necessary- measure to increase the depleted revenue. Duties were put back to the standard of three years before. During the years intervening to 1883, several attempts were made at so-called reform of the tariff, which were of minor consequence. The Tariff Act of 1883 reduced the figures on most woollens, but on certain classes of woollens, as, for instance, dress goods made entirely of wool, the duties were ad- vanced. A nominal reduction was made on the common grades of cotton goods, but on laces, insert- ings, embroideries, trimmings, etc., made of cotton, the duty was increased five per cent over the old rate that on this class of commodities had obtained since 1 86 1. There was a slight reduction of duties on steel ingots, bars, sheets and coils, copper, and marble. Many agricultural products were left at their former rate. It was a peculiar act, whose object has been defined 2js> protection through reduction. It found its excuse, if it could have any, in being something like a sop to public sentiment. The Democratic National Convention in 1880 had passed resolutions in favor of "a tariff for revenue only," and the policy of that party was as emphatically as ever committed to free trade. The Morrison bill, fought over in 1884, was de- feated by a narrow majority in the House of only four votes. The leading English newspapers at that 52 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. time candidly deplored the defeat of this measure, and admitted that had it passed it would have been worth $500,000,000 per annum to British manufac- turers. Again in 1888 Mr. Mills of Texas, as chair- man of the Committee on Ways and Means, intro- duced his famous free-trade bill, as he said, " in re- sponse to the recommendations of Mr. Cleveland." It managed to squeeze through the House, but it was promptly laid to its long rest in the Republican Senate. And this brings us to the McKinley Tariff, which became the law of the land in October, 1890. Its passage created a more general interest in the tariff question than any other that has gone on our statute books, and to-day there is no livelier, more complex or absorbing problem before the people of the United States. That it has been rashly vilified by blind partisans every fair-minded citizen knows, while on the other hand, it would be foolish to give an ex- aggerated estimate of its virtues. What are its main features ? First, it made a distinct change in the wool and woollen schedule. The duties on clothine wool were raised one cent per pound ; on combing wool they were increased two cents per pound over the Tariff of 1883. On carpet-wool ad valorem duties, ranging from thirty-two to fifty per cent, were substituted for specific duties. Varying rates on woollen cloths, according to their value, were ad- vanced. If worth 30 cents or less per pound, 33 cents per pound, plus forty per cent ; if worth between OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 53 30 and 40 cents per pound, 38I cents per pound, plus forty per cent ; if worth more than 40 cents per pound, 44 cents per pound, plus fifty per cent. A still higher average of duties was placed on ready- made clothing. This new classification augmented the duties on dress-goods, and without doubt to the benefit of the domestic manufacturer. Knit goods and underwear were dutied higher ; likewise linens of the better grade. With some articles, like plush, " a complicated scheme of duties was adopted, partly specific and partly ad valorem, and varying with the value of the goods." The McKinley Act is a reminder of the act of 1828 in its "great development of the methods of minimum valuations and minimum duties." And it is urged that the pursuance of this method is open to more than one valid objection. But no tariff act can please everybody, and we may be reasonably certain that absolutely permanent tariff laws in this Republic will never be established. It is true that the duties on some aofricultural products, such as wheat, Indian corn, eggs, potatoes, barley and on textile materials like hemp and flax, have been changed by the McKinley Act. At the same time it has accomplished the remission of the duty on sugar and admitted raw sugar free, retain- ing the duty of one-half cent per pound on refined sugar. Furthermore, a bounty at the rate of two cents a pound is given on all domestic sugar for nearly a dozen years to come. Reciprocity provis- 54 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ions accompanying the bill, giving the President power " to impose by proclamation certain duties on sugar, molasses, tea, coffee and hides, if he considers that any country exporting these commodities to the United States imposes duties or other exactions on the agricultural or other products of the United States, which, in view of the free introduction of sugar, molasses, tea, coffee and hides into the United States, he may deem to be reciprocally unjust or un- reasonable." These reciprocity treaties thus far have proven singularly advantageous to the United States, and there can be no question as to their superiority over the old-fashioned mode of reciprocity. The brief historical survey here given of tariff leg- islation in this country might or might not provide material out of which inductive reasoning would go too far. The protective periods, as they may be called, do not prove in any conclusive manner that a high tariff is always essential to the prosperity of the country any more than it can be irrefutably demon- strated that free-trade ideals— under which the country has happened to flourish temporarily — constitute the only proper system to maintain. Manifold condi- tions may render the one more acceptable than the other at a given time to the whole people. We can- not decide in any positive fashion what might have been had such and such tariff legislation been enacted in a certain year instead of that which was enacted. We can only reason by analogy and argue upon the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 55 illusive foundation of incidents and statistics. There is a popular belief to the effect that any thing can be proven by figures, but it should not be forgotten that figures can be made to lie, even if in themselves they are not guilty of that vice. Throughout this long contention the sharpest differences of opinion have hinged upon the ques- tion of what articles shall be taxed. In this connec- tion we cannot present a more clean-cut elucidation than by a single, but somewhat extended paragraph, from the pages of Taussig's exhaustive Tariff His- tory of the United States. It is worded as follows: "The difference in effect between duties on articles like tea and coffee on the one hand, and articles like iron and wool on the other, is easily stated. Both are indirect taxes, reaching the consumer in the shape of higher prices on the commodities he uses. But when a duty is imposed on an article like tea and coffee, the whole increase in price to the con- sumer is offset by the same amount of revenue received by the Government; whereas, when a duty is imposed on an article, like iron or wool, the effect is different. In the latter case, also, the commodity is increased in price to the consumer, and he is thereby taxed. So far as the articles continue to be imported, the increased price., as in the case of tea and coffee, represents revenue received by the Gov- ernment. But when the consumer buys and uses an article of this kind made at home, he must pay an increased price or tax, quite as much as when he 56 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR TRACTICAL PEOPLE. buys the imported article, with the difference that the tax is not paid to the Government, but to the home producer. The extra price so received by the home producer does not necessarily or, indeed, usually, yield him exceptionally high profits. It is true that in some cases of more or less perfect mon- opoly he may make, permanently or for a long time, exceptionally high profits ; and in these cases there is ground for saying that the protective system has the effect of 'robbing Peter to pay Paul.' But in the majority of cases, where the conditions of mon- opoly do not exist, the home producer, while getting a higher price, because of the duty, does not make correspondingly high profits. It may cost more, for one reason or another, to make the article at home than it costs to make it abroad, and the duty simply seems to offset this disadvantage of the domestic producer. In not a few cases, while it may cost more to make the article at home than abroad, the duty is greater than the difference it cost. Domes- tic competition then will cause the price at home to fall to a point less than the foreign price plus the duty ; importation will cease ; and yet a virtual tax will still be levied in the shape of prices higher than those which would obtain if there were no duty. Whatever be the details for the working of a pro- tective duty, it is prima facie less desirable than a revenue duty, on the simple ground that the tax seems not to yield revenue, but to offset the greater cost of making the commodity at home. Whether OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 57 the Stimulus to domestic production brings other benefits to the community, sufficient to compensate for this disadvantage of protective duties, involves the whole problem of the operation of international trade ; indeed, the discussion spreads over the entire range of economic principles, and can be settled only by reasoning in which all those principles are taken into account." Another point of disagreement among financiers and economists — and the politicians for half a cen- tury have made it a convenient bone to snarl about ' — is, what kind of duties is wisest and most practi- cal ? Some very astute statesmen have insisted that specific duties deserve to be called fiscal duties, and that ad valoron duties should be designated as eco- nomical duties. Now it has been the practice that on all goods of a given kind, without reference either to their fineness or value, specific duties exact a stated amount for each pound, yard's length or square foot. Of one hundred and sixty enumerated articles subject to a tax in i 792, ad valorem duties were im- posed on one hundred and two of them, the remain- der being concerned with specific duties. For more than a generation after 1792 ad valorein duties rela- tively decreased. From the act of 1846 to the be- ginning of the Civil War specific duties were kept in the background. Both doctrinah^e and practical pro- tectionists have usually favored specific duties, while the preponderating number of free traders have ever raised their voices in behalf of ad valorem duties. 58 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. YEARS. No. OF Duties. Specific. Ad valorem. 1804 , 1816 1824 1828 1842 1846 only ad valorem duties 1861 1870 102 121 182 202 92 92 121 133 326 237 565 528 455 Robert J. Walker, to whom allusion has been made, in 1845, i" his report as Secretary of the Treasury, earnestly declared that ad valorem duties were the ov\y proper duties. During the discussion in Congress of Mr. Walker's report, a representative averred that specific duties had been adopted by the Government, not because ad valore7n duties had been found wanting, but in order to conceal the amount of the duty from the public. A commentator on the above has attempted to substantiate it by remarking that wherever ad valorem and specific duties have been employed in the same tariff, the latter have been generally higher than the former. In illustra- tion he cites the following: In 1792 the average ad valorem duty was eleven and one-half per cent ; while cotton was taxed three cents per pound, or at the then prevailing price, thirteen per cent ad valorem ; while coal was taxed four and one-half cents per bushel, equal to twenty per cent ad valorem. Again OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 59 he says : "In 1827 iron in bars paid $18 per ton, or thirty-four and one-half percent, rolled iron a specific duty equal to forty and six-tenths per cent, and pig- iron a duty equal to thirty per cent, while the average ad valoreTn duty amounted to twenty-five and five- tenths per cent." Then goes on the same authority to say that American protectionists have favored specific duties, because just at the time when, accord- ing to their ideas, the duties ought to be relatively highest, /. e., when prices rule low, duties ad valorem are the lowest, while specific duties grow relatively higher the lower the prices get. In other words, he means that in case some article drops in price, on which both ad valorem and specific duties are laid after its depreciation in value, the home producer will be protected at an accelerated per cent over the mere ad valorem per cent. Who can deny that the general run of European protectionists have not demanded and do not de- mand ad valorem duties. Why ? Exactly because, as our above-referred-to commentator says, specific duties favor the coarser kinds of goods more than the finer qualities, and thus direct the investment of capital to the manufacturer of the poorer grades of commodities. Which then is the preferable kind ? Ad valorem, seems the best, so claim certain writers on the subject, because of their inherent fairness, and in the opinion of these gentlemen probably no other kind would ever have been imposed had it not been for the many difficulties in the way of collecting ad 6o A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. valorem duties, such as the frequent impossibility of arriving at a proper valuation of the goods to be taxed. Invoices are often objected to by custom officers, who suspect that the prices of commodities have been placed too low, and they thereupon insti- tute an appraisement. Should the appraised value be ten per cent higher than the invoice value, they must collect, in addition to the tax on the appraised value, an additional value of twenty per cent. In- tentional fraud of course is punishable by fine or imprisonment, or both. The United States Government has lost many millions of dollars through undervaluation. Especi- ally has this been true of silk goods. The importer has too often been at the mercy of Uncle Sam's hirelings. Ad valorem duties, however, prevent specu- lation on the part of the importer, who would like to take advantage of quick fluctuations of the market in his favor. The merchant having purchased a stock of goods at favorable prices to himself, must pay just as much duty as if he had paid the usual price, and thus he is deprived of a part of his speculative gain. There is little difficulty in our ports in administering specific duties, but a considerable staff of officials is requisite for the performance of a like function with reference to ad valorem duties. Customs duties have been defined as taxes which are collected from one set of persons with the ex- pectation that they will shift the burden of taxation to another class. They share all the advantages and OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 6 1 disadvantages of indirect taxes. If they are levied solely on articles not produced within the country, they exercise but little influence on the course of trade, unless they are so high as to materially lessen the consumption or as to lead to smuggling; if laid on articles of prime necessity, they increase the ex- pense of living and bear harder on the poorer classes of the community than on the wealthy; if levied on articles needed in manufacturing, they increase the price of the manufactured commodity by more than the amount of the duty, for the manufacturer must charge interest on the sum he has advanced for the duty until he can get his commodity ready for mar- ket; if levied on goods similar to those manufactured in the country, it becomes a protective duty. Robert Ellis Thompson, in one of his lectures in Harvard University in 1885, said: "A tariff for revenue only either levies duties exclusively on articles not made at home, or it compensates duties on articles made at home by equal excise duties on the home production. A protective tariff selects for duty those articles which come into competition with home-made articles, and it taxes these on the principle that their consumption should be discouraged and that of the home-made articles encouraged. Its pur- pose is to divert the capital of the country into a channel in which it otherwise would not or could not flow, or would flow less freely." Mr. Thompson, with all the confidence of a radical, added that the " protectionist plan is to extend our manufactures 62 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. until we make at home $258,000,000 worth of goods we now import, and feed the workmen we employ in making them with the surplus of our agriculture we now have to export. To effect that there must be persistence in our tariff policy." It is not our purpose to discuss here whether the workingman has come fully into the possession of his own, but he certainly should find some consolation in comparing his lot to that of his own class in the old days. What was the condition of labor a century ago? In 1795 skilled laborers, such as type- setters, earned $1 a day in Philadelphia. At Albany laborers, in abundance could be had for three (York) shillings a day. At Richmond, wages ranged from IS. 6d. to IS. lod., except in harvest time when from 2s. 4d. to 3s. lod. were paid in Virginia, currency worth $3.33 to ^^^^ pound. In New York city, hatters in 1794 could earn as much as $2 a day and carpen- ters lod. an hour. Sailors were paid $24 a month. In 1797 Rhode Island farm hands earned $3 a month, $5 a month being paid to those who obtained employment for the eight busy months of the farmer's year. Rugged lads in Connecticut toiled for $1 a month from sunrise till after dark. And correspondingly produce brought wretched prices. Eight cents a pound was all butter would bring. Says a veracious chronicler : " Women picked the wool off the bushes and briars where the sheep had left it, and spun it into mittens to earn $1 a year by this toilsome business. They hired out as OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 63 help for 25 cents a month and their board. By a day's hard work at the spinning wheel a woman and girl together could earn 12 cents. As late as 1821 the best farm hands could be had for 25 cents a day, or twice as much in mowing time." Imagine a thrifty farmer's wife now slaving in that manner. These are the lessons we read of degraded labor. Behold what a splendid cha'nge has been wrought in the industrial welfare of the nation since those soul-trying times. In 1820 thirteen and seven-tenths per cent of the working population were engaged in manufactures and the mechanic arts; in 1840 seventeen and one- tenth per cent. In New England twenty-one per cent were so engaged in 1820 ; thirty and two-tenths per cent in 1840; in the Middle States twenty-two and six-tenths per cent in 18 10, and twenty-eight per cent in 1840. Only four cotton factories in the country were in operation in 1804. Previously nu- merous efforts had been made to prosecute the cotton industry, but proper machinery was wanting, and accordingly we depended upon England for cotton goods. Eleven million dollars' worth were imported in 1807. But the importance of the domestic manu- facture of cotton was thoroughly appreciated by our countrymen at that time. Fifteen mills running 8,000 spindles were in operation in 1808, and in the following year we had sixty-two mills, with 31,000 spindles, and twenty-five other mills were being built. 64 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Within thirty miles of Providence, in 1812, there were fifty factories, operating nearly 60,000 spindles, and capable of operating 100,000. During the war raw cotton increased in the South, and the growth continued. As the last important step in giving textile manufactures their present form, the power loom was introduced in 1804. In the succeeding year 500,000 spindles were running, consuming 90,000 bales of cotton. Many sites of present flourishing New England cities like Lowell, Nashua, etc., were chosen for mills shortly after the crisis of 181 8-19, when cotton manufacturing, having been shown to be profitable, was beofun on an extensive scale. The ofificial statistics of the Government previous to 1840 are rather shaky and meagre. But for and since that year fairly authentic sources of informa- tion are at hand concerning nearly all national mat- ters. As this volume is intended more particularly for the instruction and benefit of the farmer, certain figures relevant to the growth and extension of agri- culture might not be deemed out of place here. One fact merits emphasis and that is this: The agricultural capital of the United States has increased six-fold since 1840, at the rate of ^67,000,000 per annum. Between 1840 and 1888 the area of tillage and planting increased sixty-five per cent, but the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 65 grain crops advanced one hundred and twenty per cent, viz.: YEAR. 1840 i860 1887 Millions of bushels. 616 1,240 2,586 Improved implements of husbandry and the intro- duction of machinery have made tillage more pro- ductive and grain cheaper. The following table, in millions of bushels, shows the distribution of grain growing in 1887 in this country: Wheat. Oats. Barley. Various. Total. Wheat. Oats. Barley. Various. Total. 38 26 3 75 142 442 640 58 1,446 2,586 Another significant fact is that 9,000,000 hands in the United States raise nearly half as much gram as 66,000,000 in Europe. Thus it appears that for want of implements or proper machinery there is a waste of labor in Europe equal to forty-eight millions of peasants. In other words, one farm laborer in the United States is worth more than three in Europe. According to Mulhall, ;^776, 000,000 ster- ling, or about $3,779,120,000 represent the value of all agricultural products in the United States, where 2,220 pounds of grain per inhabitant are produced, 5 66 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. and where, it is estimated, that 222 acres are under grain per 100 inhabitants. The production of meat during the period alluded to above was approximately as follows: YEAR. 1840 i860 1887 Tons. 2, 120,000 2,970,000 4,750,000 The production of meat has risen fifty-seven per cent since 1840. The following table gives the number of millions of acres of area under crops in our country during an interval of sixty-eight years : YEAR. 1820 1840 i860 1880 1888 Millions of acres. 50 90 166 201 The number of people engaged in tillage and pastoral industries in the United States, between 1840 and 1887, was as follows : 1840 2,550,000 i860 4,340,000 1887 9,000,000 OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 67 The rates of capital and products that corre- sponded to the agricultural population, that is to each adult farmer, were : Capital. Product. 1840. 1887. 1840. 1887. $1,175 $2,050 $360 $425 Each hand in the United States produces double the annual value that prevails in Europe. In 1886-7, we had 168,000,000 bushels of grain to export. In that year the value of agricultural and pastoral pro- ducts is shown as follows : Millions of Dollars. Per agri- cultural laborer. Agricultural. Pastoral. Total. $2,335,000,000 $1,545,000,000 $3,880,000,000 $425 Our approximate agricultural capital in 1888 was as follows : Millions of Dollars. Total. Per Inhabitant. Land. Cattle Sundries 12,800.000,000 2,505,000,000 3, 175,000,000 18,480,000,000 $285 68 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Approximately the principal features of the agri- cultural industry from 1840 to 1887 were : Capital in Dollars. Product in Dollars. Hands Production Per Head 1840. 1887. 1840, 1S87. 1840. 1887. 1840. 1887. 2,980,000,000 18,480,000,000 920,000,000 3,880,000,000 2,550,000 9,000,000 $360 $425 A chief occupation of the first settlers was tillage. Captain Gornold of Massachusetts grew peas and beans in 1602; and in 1611 wheat was grown in Virginia. The Dutch of Manhattan (New York) in 1626 sent home to Holland a quantity of wheat. Potatoes introduced from England in 1629 were successfully grown in Massachusetts. Old records bear witness to the incident of Mr. Endicott of Salem selling 500 choice fruit trees for 250 acres of land, and in the preceding year certain solemn burghers in Holland had been recipients of apples grown on the Island of Manhattan. In 1749 South Carolina exported 700 bushels of potatoes and in the succeeding year New York shipped abroad 70,000 barrels of flour. Only on the basis of popu- lation can be estimated the production of grain in the eighteenth century, and that but roughly ; for the exact returns begin with 1840. However, the following table, of the grain production of the United States, compiled by one of the world's great- est and most scientific statisticians, is very inter- esting: OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISI.ATION. 69 VEAR. Grain Product, Million of Bushels. Value of Crop. Production. Home Consumption. Exported. 1700 1750 1775 1790 1800 1820 1830 1840 1850 i860 .... 1870 . . ,. 1880 .... 1889 5 20 60 120 160 343 463 616 867 1,240 1,629 2,718 3^454 5 20 60 120 160 455 60 r 855 1,220 •^569 2,425 7 8 15 12 20 60 293 $5,000,000 15,000,000 40,000,000 70,000,000 94,000,000 185,000,000 230,000,000 310,000,000 485 ,000,000 865 ,000,000 990,000,000 1,380,000,000 1,215,000,000 At present the production is about fifty-two bushels per inhabitant, against thirty in the year 1800. It forms thirty-three per cent of the whole grain crop of the world, and the ratio per inhabitant is only approached by Denmark, which has forty-two bushels per inhabitant. The percentage increase from 1869 to 1889, of wheat, was 99 ; maize, iii ; oats, 190; barley, 191 ; rye, 42. The various crops, from 1840 to 1889, were : YEAR. M illions of Bushels. Bushels per inhabitant. Maize. Oats. Wheat. Barley. Rye, etc. Total. 378 592 840 1,094 1. 717 2,110 123 M7 173 248 418 750 85 lot 173 236 499 490 4 5 16 26 45 64 26 23 38 25 39 40 616 868 1,240 1,629 2,718 3.454 3^ 38 40 42 54 53 1850 i860 1870 1880 1889 yo A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The production of grain in various parts of the Union was as follows: YEAR. 1840 1850 i860 1870 1880 1887 Millions of Bushels. New England. Middle States. Southern. Western. Total 22 20 21 16 18 20 135 170 204 216 233 244 280 360 412 301 442 605 179 318 603 1,096 2,025 1 . 79'? 616 868 1,240 1,629 2,718 2,666 We produced 36,000,000 pounds of cotton in 1800, of which the home use amounted to 16,000,000, and 20,000,000 of pounds were exported, the value of the crop being ^2,000,000. Of 3,440,000,000 pounds produced in 1888, our home use comprised 1,060,000,- 000 pounds, our export, 2,380,000,000 pounds, value, $305,000,000. The average crop is reckoned to be 190 pounds of ginned cotton per acre. The crop of cotton seed usually reaches 3,000,000 tons, worth a little over $5 per ton. In 1800 we produced 107,000,000 pounds of to- bacco, of which the home use amounted to 18,000,- 000 pounds, our export 89,000,000 pounds, the value of the crop being $6,500,000. In 1888 we produced 566,000,000, pounds, home use, 224,000,000, export, 342,000,000, value, ^9,100,000. In 1850 we pro- duced 313,000,000 pounds of butter and 106,000,- 000 pounds of cheese. In 1880 we produced JJ'jr 000,000 pounds of butter, 272,000,000 pounds of OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 71 cheese arid 530,000,000 gallons of milk, of which New York State furnished 2 3 2,000,000 gallons. In 1840 we produced 155,000,000 pounds of sugar; in 1886 we pro- duced 240,000,000 pounds. We produced 36,000,000 pounds of wool in 1840; in 1886 we produced 320,000,000 pounds. In 1840 we produced 10,000,000 tons of hay ; in 1886 we produced 42,000,000 tons. We produced 108,000,000 bushels of potatoes in 1840; in 1886 we produced 168,000,000 bushels. The in- crease of farming area between 1850 and 1880 was : STATES. Millions OF Acres. Rate of increase per cent. 1850. 1880. New England 18 43 165 67 22 53 227 232 22 23 38 248 Middle Southern Western Total to the United States 293 534 82 The area of improved lands in the same interval increased thus : Millions of Acres STATES. 1850. New England Middle Southern Western Total for the United States II 26 49 27 113 13 37 82 153 285 Rate of increase per cent. 28 42 67 467 152 72 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The dimensions of the United States may be briefly expressed thus : Under crops . . Under pasture. Under forest . . Unsettled lands Millions of acres. 212 447 176 1 5 456 2,291 Ratio. 9.2 19-5 7.6 63-7 In 1609 cattle were first introduced into Virginia and some fifteen years later they were introduced into New England. So rapidly did they increase that in 1639 ^^^ number in the colonies was esti- mated at 30,000. Considerable attention was given to dairy farming in the eighteenth century, and it thrived very well. One enterprising Rhode Island farmer in 1750 owned 100 milch cows, and another in the same year made and sold six tons of cheese. But cattle farming in general had many set-backs at first in the colonies. Such were the rigors of exist- ence that hogs, goats and sheep were killed and eaten as fast as they were introduced. But after awhile Virginia made it punishable with death to kill any of those animals — supplied, by the way, from the West Indies. In 1627 the price of a cow in New York was $150, while a yoke of oxen was worth $200. At the same period it is recorded that, in addition to sheep and hogs, twenty head of horned OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. n cattle were consumed weekly through the Philadel- phia city market. In Virginia sheep were found to thrive, but their wool was not utilized, though the sheep were shorn to keep them cool. Here follows some interestinof fiorures as to the remarkable development of live stock in this coun- try : 1810. 1840. 1850. i860. 1870. 1880. 1890. Horses. . . Mules... Cattle. __ Sheep . . . Pigs 300,000 600,000 600,000 4,300,000 4,900,000 6, 200,000 I , 200 , 000 25,600,000 22,500,000 33,500,000 7,100,000 1 , 100, 000 23,800,000 28, 500,000 25, 100,000 10 , 400, 000 1,800,000 35,900,000 35, 200,000 47,700,000 14,200,000 2 , 300 , 000 52,800,000 44,300,000 51,600,000 14,900,000 19,300,000 26,300,000 I 7 , 800 , 000 21,700,000 3°>35o>ooo By the same statistical basis the meat supply may be taken at 500 pounds per beef carcass ; 50 pounds per sheep, and no pounds per pig. Tallow is as 14 to 100 pounds of beef or mutton, and lard, 20 to 100 pounds of pig's meat. In the Western States the prices are lower than in other parts of the Union, but their wealth possessions in cattle aggregate two- thirds of the total, amounting to 339,000,000 sterling. This sum far exceeds the value of live stock in any European country except Russia, says Mulhall, and is five times as great as that of the cattle of all kinds in Australasia. The census of 1880 demonstrates that of all farm- ing hands, seventy-six per cent were males between sixteen and sixty years of age. But for the years previous, during the long slavery period, accurate data is wanting. In later years we have seen that 74 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. improved machinery has rendered farm labor much more productive. The explanation is, contends an English authority, that vi^heat, for example, has fallen sixty cents a bushel, and maize is in the same ratio. Now let us look at the value of products consumed at home and abroad : YEAR. 860 870 Millions of Dollars. Home Consumption. 835,000, 1,120,000 1, 835,000, 2. TOO, 000 2, 805,000 3, 375,000,000 Exported. 85,000,000 130,000,000 310,000,000 410,000,000 710,000,000 505,000,000 Total. 920,000 000 , 250,000,000 2,145,000 2,510,000, 3,515,000 3,880,000 Value home consumption per inhabitants. According to the great divisions of the country the values were : STATES. Millions of Dollars (1886.) Ratio. Agricultural. Pastoral. Nominal 1880. 1S80. 1886. New England.. Middle Southern Western Total for the U. S. 90,000,000 310,000,000 750,000,000 1,185,000,000 85,000,000 305, 000, 000 280,000,000 875,000,000 175,000,000 615,000,000 1,030,000,000 2,060,000,000 50 28.5 50.0 4-5 15 7 26.5 53-3 2,335,000,000 1,545,000,000 3,880,000,000 Statistics tend to prove that the individual gain of those engaged in agriculture were greatest in the period from 1841 to i860, averaging $125 a year. The civil war had a depressing effect, the average accumulation falling to $50 a year in the decade end- ing 1870, but since then there has been a great OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 75 recovery, the average reaching $75 per head per annum. This was not the average of earnings, but of savings, a result unexampled elsewhere. The trade of the United States, from 1861 to 1886, was: Millions of Dollars. 1861-70. 1871-80. 1881-86. 26 years. $2,465,000,000 I, 805,000,000 $4,940,000,000 5,610,000,000 $4,035,000,000 4,730,000,000 $11,440,000,000 12,145,000,000 Exports From 1821-40 the United States, which, next to Great Britain, is the largest consumer of cotton, pro- duced cotton cloth amounting approximately in Eng- lish statute miles to 3,700,000. From 1881 to 1887, the output aggregated 16,200,000. We now have about 13,500,000 spindles and about 200,000 opera- tives, the value of the output being $301,000,000. The cotton consumed, in millions of pounds, amounts to lOIO. The yearly value of our chief occupations, is as follows : Agriculture $3,880,000,000 Manufactures. 7,2 1 5,000,000 Mining 535,000,000 Transportation 1,155,000,000 Commerce i ,600,000,000 Total $14,385,000,000 Per inhabitant $230 76 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The United States has nearly 3,000,000 factory operatives. The average of working hours of wages weekly in this country, from 1840 to 1880, was: Hours Weekly. Wages Weekly. Per Hour. 1840. 1880. 1840. 1888. 1840. 1880. 78 68 $3 50 $6 72 $0 04i So II The revenue of the United States, in 1880, was $9,500,000, in 1889, $403,000,000. The annual reve- nues of this country, in the decade, 1871-80, were: Customs $ 1 30,000,000 Property tax Various 1 80,000,000 Total $311 ,000,000 In 1888 the wealth of the United States was $64,- 120,000,000; debt, $1,105,000,000, the ratio of debt being 1.7. In 1887 the United States produced in tons, 2,190,000 of beef, 390,000 of mutton, 2,170,000 of pork, total, 4,750,000, the consumption being 4,100,000. We produce 150 pounds of meat yearly, per inhabitant. This country has 205 millions of acres of cultivated land, 2,086 of uncultivated, total, 2,291 millions of acres. The number of owners of this land is placed at 4,005,000; average acres per estate, 134; value of land, 2,560 millions sterling. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. n The Metayer, or share system of working farms, is twice as common in this country as that of tenants paying rent in money. Below is given the cost of a workman's food in 1880: COUNTRIES. Remuneration Per Week. Percentage of food cost. Food. Wages. Grpat Britain ...• 14 Shin. l3 84 31 Shin. $11 52 45 Z2> United States The 'retail prices paid by workmen in 1880 were (reckoned in cents) : Beef, lb Bread Butter, lb... Eggs, doz . . . Milk, qt Sugar, lb . . . Coffee, lb • . . Rice, lb Pork, lb Potatoes, cwt \o 20 04 34 22 08 08 30 06 14 12 025 26 18 07 TO 30 05 14 08 \o 18 04 22 20 04 TO 34 08 16 08 ^o 16 06 28 iS 08 08 32 06 14 16 t)0 12 04 28 28 10 TO 26 TO 10 22 ^O 08 04 24 18 06 10 28 10 06 12 78 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Retail prices in Massachusetts from 1780 to 1880 were as follows : ARTICLES. Apples, busheL , Beans, qt , Beef, lb , Boots, pair . . . , , Butter, lb , Calico, yd , Cambric, yd ... , Candles, lb Cheese, lb , Cider, gal Codfish, lb Coffee, lb Cottens, yd .... , Eggs, doz , Fish, lb Flannel, yd ... . Ham, lb Maize, bushel. . , Milk, qt Oats, bushel . . Potatoes, bushel Veal Wood, ft $0 20 04 04 6 00 16 50 I 26 22 ID 06 04 22 36 08 04 42 04 80 04 48 30 06 38 $0 44 08 08 5 28 22 38 80 22 12 18 04 26 36 22 06 66 06 I 18 04 64 48 08 42 $0 44 08 08 4 80 18 30 36 16 08 20 04 20 20 16 04 58 04 82 04 42 36 08 44 50 70 08 08 3 60 22 24 26 14 ID 14 04 14 14 20 04 44 04 78 06 54 50 08 82 |o 88 06 08 3 00 20 16 22 14 10 16 04 12 12 20 06 38 04 72 06 54 78 ID 60 12 70 26 10 20 28 12 ID 06 16 12 22 04 40 04 CO 06 '86 12 70 $0 08 14 2 50 32 08 18 20 14 25 08 32 "28 32 06 "06 I 00 16 90 Day labor in the United States brought 84 cents in 1835 > ^^ 1880, $1.32. Indoor labor brought $140 a year; in 1880, $200. Farm laborers, by the week, received in 1850, $3.84; in 1880, $6.20. The fol- lowing table gives the daily remuneration in various occupations in this country, covering a period exceed- ing a century : OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 79 TRADE. Daily Remuneration. 1770-1800. 1801-1820. 1821- 1840. 1841 i86o. 1861-1880. 1881-1883. Blacksmith Bookbinder Brewer Butcher $0 70 60 48 84 1 10 48 90 74 I 40 $0 84 62 1 10 I 12 I 00 88 86 I 46 1 06 I 14 I 00 I 24 I 08 I 14 I 26 1 GO I 90 92 $1 26 92 ^o I 48 I 34 I 30 I 08 1 16 66 I 36 I 20 'q8 84 I 36 I 30 I 38 I 30 I 12 I 28 70 '% 96 I 30 1 30 '""Tie I 30 I 06 $1 58 1 44 2 02 I 70 I 70 I 60 1 40 92 98 2 70 1 54 2 30 I 50 92 I 90 I 44 I 40 I 52 I 80 I 66 I 00 1 46 2 50 I 40 I 42 I 40 """'^"36 I 40 88 $2 28 1 92 2 14 2 02 2 42 2 40 2 30 I 92 I SO I 40 I 80 I 96 I 54 1 48 2 48 2 80 2 16 2 64 2 40 2 32 1 70 2 18 2 50 1 76 2 34 2 08 2 30 1 44 2 00 I 32 $2 00 1 50 2 44 1 36 2 40 2 28 2 00 '"""^"28 2 00 ""Vlk 3 20 1 32 2 26 2 14 2 00 2 54 I 84 I 96 1 70 2 14 3 24 1 88 2 00 I 86 '"■"i'76 I 28 I 22 Carpenter Clocks Clothing Cottons Glass - Harness -.. Hats Laborers Machinery Masons Metals Millwrights Nailers Painters Paper Printers Shipbuilders Shoemakers Stonecutters Teamsters Turners The following is a statement covering twenty- three years, of the acreage employed in producing the cotton, wheat, corn, hay, tobacco and the minor cereals exported in primary form, and in such sec- ondary forms as flour, and animals and animal pro- ducts, the percentage of the whole area under each crop so employed, and the pounds of animal pro- ducts exported, the showing being by averages of five years and three years, the years being harvest years ending June 30 : 80 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ^ ^ 5 ^ ^ g •^ ►1^ ^ ^ I •doJ3 jopun •pajjodxa spnp -ojd SuiMOjSui p3Ao[dui3 sajoy ■£6-i6ri •doi3 japun T33iB JO 1U30 J3J •pa^jodxa sionp -oadx5uiA\ojS ui paAoiduia ssjoy •06-988I •dojo japun B3J-E JO juao iaj •paiaodxa s'lonp -oadSuiAvojSui paAoidina sajoy •dojo japun rajB JO juaa jaj ■pajjodxasjonp -Did SniMOjS UI paAoidcna sajoy ■08-9^8' •doJo jspun B3JB JO juao ja J •pajjodxaspnp -ojdSuiMOjS UI paXoidiua sajay O ^ O O ffi H OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 8 1 Of the 4,650,000 farms in the United States, one quarter are mortgaged, the rest being owned free of encumbrance. The total mortgage debt resting upon the farms of the country is $2,040,000,000. The mortgages on farms are just about one-half in value of the mortgages on city and town lots, and are increasing in much smaller ratio. The per capita debt of the United States is $14. It has truly been said that mortgages on farming lands are always an incident of progress in newly developed countries, and are practically one of the necessities of develop- ment. A farmer opening up new land requires many things which can not be bought on credit at a distance, to secure which he mortgages his land, the productiveness of which is enhanced by the articles which the proceeds of the mortgage enable him to buy. Taking the whole country through, the aggre- gate mortgage debt on all farms is not much more than ten per cent of their total value, and in some States it is much less than this. The rate of interest varies from five and one-half to nine per cent. The average is about seven per cent. The rate is highest in those States in which the legal rate of interest is greater than in eastern communities. The legal rate of interest is six or seven per cent in most of the States, but in Idaho, Montana and Wyoming it is ten per cent or more. The income from land in every part of the United States is materially greater than the mortgage interests. Since i860 our manu- factures have increased in value from less than 6 82 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. $2,000,000,000 to $7,000,000,000; the value of our farms from $2,000,000,000 to $5,000,000,000, and our yearly products of wool from 60,000,000 pounds to nearly 300,000,000 pounds. We are, to-day, the first manufacturine nation in the world. We have in thirty-three years multiplied our commerce by eight ; England has only multiplied hers by four in the same time. Our railroad mileage has been mul- tiplied by five within the same period, and the rolling stock of our railroads is computed to be worth nine times as much as the boasted merchant's marine of England. The Free Trade Doctrine. Since the adoption of the Federal Constitution there has always been a contention between the people of this country, arrayed against each other in political parties, in regard to the respective merits of a protective tariff and a tariff for revenue only. For over one hundred years under varying conditions of national welfare, this controversy has been per- sistently maintained, not only among the people at large, but in legislative halls, and it is more than probable that it will always continue. No changes, however radical, at different eras in our national life have sufficed to effectually settle the question beyond resurrection. Whether under high tariffs or low tariffs, whether in times of great pros- perity or periods of general depression there has OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 83 always been a considerable number to contend that a policy contrary to the prevailing one would be both wise and expedient, if not imperative. Some- times the opposition has been strong enough to effect an immediate change in the existing laws ; at other times it has remained in a hopeless minority for many years, but eventually the unceasing turn of the wheel of Time has brought about some altera- tion in the condition of affairs, more or less satisfac- tory to those who desired a change. It cannot, how- ever, be said that these mutations have invariably come about through any general belief that incalcul- able benefits would accrue, but often have been the result of seemingly unaccountable political caprice of the people. From the time when the first tariff law was passed primarily to provide necessary revenue for a new and sparsely settled country with meagre resources and little if any credit, but incidentally to stimulate and encourage domestic manufactures, it has ever been the claim of those who favor a high tariff that pro- tection is necessary for the success of American in- dustry, and they proudly point to the enormous growth of manufacturing in this country since the Rebellion as the result of that policy. On the other hand, he that calls himself a " tariff reformer" and is referred to by his opponent as a free trader, avers that if this country has prospered it has not been on account of protection, but in spite of it ; that our great national wealth to-day is not the product of 84 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. high tariffs, but is the result of the development of the greatest natural resources in the world. Certain free traders contend that the wage question is not affected by the tariff ; that the rate of wages is gov- erned entirely by the demand and supply of labor ; that under protection, labor, the great potential factor in the creation of wealth, has constantly been systematically deprived of its just and equitable pro- portion of the benefits derived. In discussing the tariff question in a general way it is eminently proper to give some consideration to the position maintained by those who argue in favor of a revenue or substan- tially " free trade " tariff and the arguments they advance in support thereof. To begin with, it must be conceded on both sides that the condition of the country has so vastly changed during the past century that no argument can be sustained wholly upon precedent ; that what was wise and expedient in 1 789 is not necessarily so at the present day, and that in outlining a policy for the future the most advantageous course to be pur- sued can best be determined by a contemplation of present conditions and the ascertainment of the causes which have produced them. However, to fortify their respective positions both protectionists and free traders are wont to resort to the opinions of the great statesmen of the different periods of our national history, and it must be admitted that from these sources no inconsiderable amount of am- munition is drawn. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 8$ The free trader readily admits that when the country was in its infancy, a high tariff was justifi- able ; that at certain times the increased expenditures, incident to war, have warranted the imposition of duties, which, though intended mainly for the col- lection of a necessarily large revenue, have been es- sentially protective in effect, but he steadfastly insists that protection at times is a flagrant discrimination in favor of the few, as against the many, which the people patiently submit to from patriotic motives in times of dire need, but which they denounce and protest against in times of profound peace and prosperity, as a measure which can find no justifica- tion. Furthermore, the free trader says that the most prominent advocates of protection in early days admitted that it was to be a temporary measure only ; that there was no intention of making it the fixed and permanent policy of the nation. Under the revenue tariff, between 1789 and 18 16, exports increased two hundred and forty-one per cent ; under the moderate protective tariff, from 181 6 to 1824, there was a decrease of twenty-one per cent ; under the high protective tariff, from 1824 to 1832, there was an increase of twenty-one per cent ; under the lower compromise tariff, from 1833 to 1842, there was an increase of forty-eight per cent ; under the high protective tariff, from 1842 to 1846, there was an increase of one per cent; under the low tariff, from 1846 to 1857, an increase of one hundred and seventy-four per cent, and under the lower revenue 86 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. tariff, from 1857 to i860, an increase of thirteen per cent. Free Trade, according to a certain Philadelphia newspaper, " means such an adjustment of taxes on imports as will cause no diversion of capital from any channel into which it would otherwise flow, into any channel opened or favored by the legislation which exacts the customs. A country may collect its entire revenue by duties on imports, and yet be an entirely Free Trade country, so long as it does not lay those duties in such a way as to lead any one to undertake any employment or make any invest- ment he would in the absence of such duties." David A. Wells, a prolific writer on economics, de- fines free trade as the right of every man to freely exchange the products of his labor and services in such a way as seems to him most advantageous, sub- ject only to such restrictions as the State may find necessary to make for the purposes of revenue or for sanitary or moral considerations. Conversely, it is the denial of the right of a free government to arbi- trarily take from any person any portion of the pro- duct of his labor for the benefit of some other man who has not earned or paid for it. It is further contended by the same clever disputant that nine- tenths of all the arts and manufactures of the country exist by reason of necessity, rather than by rea- son of any system of revenue laws ; not by any discrimination in the imposition of duties; not from any cause which it is the power of OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 8/ legislators to promote except by assuring per- sonal safety, the enforcement of contracts, and an honestly earned dollar as the unit of money. He maintains that there is not a single gfreat branch of domestic manufactures which had not been estab- lished in some form in this country long before a protective tariff had been or could have been imposed. The manufacture of iron is nearly as old as the his- tory of every colony or territory in which there is any iron ore. The manufacture of woolens is as old as the country itself, and was more truly a domestic manufacture when our ancestors were clothed in homespun than it is now. The manufacture of cot- ton is almost as old as the production of the fibre on our territory. So also of the manufacture of leather, boots and shoes, hardware, furniture, woodenware, paper, spirituous liquors, etc., etc. Beyond these there are to be found comparatively few per- sons employed on glass, pottery and silk. A protective tariff, claims Mr. Wells, cannot by any possibility directly benefit our great agricultural staples, such as wheat, corn, beef, pork, lard, tallow, butter, cheese, cotton, hay and our fresh and canned fruits and vegetables. Any thing, which, like these products, can be exported regularly, and sold in competition in foreign countries with similar foreign products, cannot be directly benefited by any tariff legislation. Nor would an immense variety of the products of our other industries be thus bene- fited. Not one of these commodities would be 88 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. imported to any considerable extent if the tariff was entirely abolished and, under free trade, most of them would be manufactured and exported in vastly larger quantities than at present. It is an imperti- nent pretext to assert that a high tariff is necessary to maintain the wages' of the American coal and iron miners or the men in our blast furnaces, at a high rate. It is argued that the greatest resulting evil of a high protection system is the burden of taxation — • direct and indirect. But in spite of this the energies of our people have thus far enabled the country to bear it and still prosper. Another disastrous evil is, that in the effort to protect a fraction of our indus- tries through taxtion and restrictions on exchanges, the cost of all the products of our entire industry is enhanced to such an extent, that as a nation, we can- not export our manufactured products, and so extend our market and increase our opportunities for do- mestic employment, except in those cases where our natural advantages for production are so great, as in the case of agriculture, as to overcome the increase of cost of all production, thus unnaturally and artifi- cially created. Hence, the periodical glut of our markets and suspension of our industries and the consequent wrong done to labor. Hence, the evils of the so-called " over-production," which the free traders insist is simply a wrong name for misdirected produc- tion. We annually import from foreign countries ar- ticles of necessity, used in our domestic industries, or as the food, and for the comfort of our operatives, OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 89 above $160,000,000 in value ; on which we collect from $50,000,000 to $60,000,000 of duties, and these raise the cost of the manufactures into which they enter at least $100,000,000 higher than they need be. This in effect amounts to our granting a bounty of ten per cent on the exportations from Europe of $1,000,- 000,000 worth of finished products by a useless tax of $60,000,000, and to this extent make war upon our own laborers. Not more than $5 worth in one hundred of all our agricultural products could pos- sibly be imported if there were no duty on foreign products of like kind, and if there never had been any. Not $10 worth in every hundred of all the manufactured goods, of every kind which we produce could be imported if there were no duties upon for- eign goods of like kind, and if there never had been any. If all taxation on imports, except for revenue, were abrogated, it would be extremely difficult to show that as many as five persons out of every hundred who are employed in gainful occupations in this country could be injuriously affected by any competition of laborers in other countries, whose products could be sent here, even if there were no duties whatever on foreign imports ; and if the changes were judiciously made, new occupations would open for them faster than their old occupa- tions would be affected. The proof that the pro- tective tariff policy has not secured high wages to the laborer in this country may be found in the fact that wages are the highest in the United States — 90 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. absolutely, and in comparison with the old world rates — in those industries which do not have, or confessedly do not need, protection. Take for illus- trations of this assertion the industry of food prepa- rations in Massachusetts, all of which we export, the rates of wages being two hundred and fifty per cent higher than in Great Britain ; in brick makina- American wages are double those of the British, and so it is in the building trades and in the manu- facture of boots and shoes. On the other hand, the American laborer has little advantage in such highly protected industries as metal and metal goods and in carpeting. But, on the whole, Mr. Wells admits that wages are higher in Amer- ica than in Europe, because, owing to our great natural advantages, labor, intelligently applied, will here yield a greater or better result than in almost any other country. It has always been so, he says, ever since the first settlements within our territory, and this is the main cause of the tide of immigration that for the last two hundred years has flowed hither- ward. The relations which the sums paid for labor in the great industries of this country sustain to the total value of the finished products of such industries show, according to the census of 1880, that in manu- factures of wool the wages paid represent on an average sixteen per cent of the value of the finished product; in iron and steel twenty-one per cent; in cotton twenty-two per cent, and in silk thirty- seven per cent. There is no foundation for the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 9I assertion that high wages necessarily involve a high cost of production, for exactly the reverse is true. The high authority referred to thus defends the proposition : " Wages are labor's share of product, and in every healthy business are ultimately paid out of product. No employer of labor can continue for any great length of time to pay high wages unless his product is large. If it is not and he attempts it, it is only a question of time when his affairs will be wound up by the sheriff. On the other hand, if a high rate of wages is permanently paid in any indus* try, and in any country, it is in itself proof positive that the product of labor is large, that the laborer is entitled to a generous share of it, and that the em- ployer can afford to give it to him." In this connection Henry Watterson, editor of the Louisville Coiwier Journal, has written much. In a magazine article published in 1888, he said: "The American farmer for example — to say nothing of the millions of Americans encfacred in mercantile and professional permits, who are in the same boat with the farmer — has no protection for his products. He pays relatively as high for the labor he employs as the American manufacturer. Indeed, the differ- ence between the wages he pays his work-people and those paid by his foreign rivals to their work-people is often greater than the difference in wages paid re- spectively by American and European manufacturers. Yet the American farmer maintains a successful competition with the pauper labor of Europe. Why 92 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. is this, and is it not an answer to the plea for protec- tion to the manufacturer which is neither given to nor asked by the farmer ? The farmer takes his products abroad and sells them at a profit in the home market of his foreign rival. But he cannot purchase in that market what he wants without paying a bounty in the form of protective duties collected, the moment he touches his native shore, for the benefit of the American manufacturer. In other words, he is com- pelled by law to pay, out of what he gets for h'n. un- protected produce, a tax to enable his fellow-citizen, the protected manufacturer, to make a profit on what he produces. What reimbursement does the farmer eet for his forced tribute to the manufacturer? He gets nothing. He is told that he gets a home market for what he has to sell and a cheaper market for what he has to buy. If he did, that would end the argument. But he does not, because if he had not exhausted the home market, he would have nothing to send abroad to sell, and if the home manufacturer could and did undersell the foreign market from which the farmer is excluded by protective duties, what need would the home manufacturer have for those duties? They are levied to enable him to make a profit against his foreign rival, and to the extent of his wants the American farmer must pay the differ- ence." Mr. Watterson goes on to say that within twenty-five years there has been a decline in prices and that England can undersell only because the tariff has not reduced the prices in this country to OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 93 the level of prices in England. The wages of labor in the United States are fixed by the wages of the unprotected farm hand, not of the protected factory- operative. It is cheap land, not protective duties, that produces high wages, completely refuting the old protectionist theory that "high prices make high wages, and that low prices make low wages." High prices have often coexisted with low wages, and low prices have often coexisted and now coexist with high wages. This is true even with respect to nomi- nal wages, i. e., to wages reckoned in money. It is still truer with respect to real wages, i. e., to wages estimated in the food or other things which the work- man buys with his money wages. Manufactured products may be divided into three elements — the labor, the raw material, and the capital required to bring these two together. If the price of the raw material is high, labor's reward must be low. If the use of money — or the rate of interest — is high, there is a corresponding decrease in the rewards of labor. But political economists have noticed during the past fifty years, as capital has accumulated, the rate of interest and the tendency of profits have been downward. As these elements in the cost of production decrease, there is a greater margin allowed for the reward of labor. Because of the vast improvement in mechanical industry and the wonder- ful progress made in transportation, the general con- dition of the laboring classes throughout the world has been advanced. In this advance the laborer of 94 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. America has shared ; but in so far as the tariff enhances the cost of the raw material used by the manufacturer, the wages of the American laborer suffer ; in so far as the market of the American pro- duct is restricted, and the reward of capital caused thereby is augmented, the laborer pays the penalty. In a speech before Congress in 1892, Hon. Elijah V. Brookshire said: "Fifteen years ago it would take two men all day to put barbs on three or four hundred pounds of wire. To-day two men receiving less wages per day, with improved machinery can put barb upon three or four thousand pounds of wire. So the labor-cost due to use of labor-savino- machinery has been many fold reduced in every line of manufacture. Competition has its real applica- tion in the selling price of the finished product. Competition can never figure very seriously with reference to the first cost; but in the absence of trusts and combinations it is singularly important in the selling price of articles of the same line of goods manufactured by competing establishments. ^ * * Reciprocity is a sad commentary upon the home market theory, and is a virtual concession that markets have to be found for other bushels of wheat and other barrels of pork. So the protectionist has been driven from his former position. He has taken his stand upon new ground and behind new fortifica- tions. The leading protectionists know that forty per cent of our people are directly interested in agriculture, and that something had to be done in OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 95 order to appease the approaching storm of righteous indignation ; that it was necessary to have a new stage-setting and change of scenery. "' ■■'■ •'■ The true American policy, in my judgment, is to encour- age trade with all the world ; treat all nations with equal friendship ; enter into entangling alliance with none ; buy the things we need where they are pro- duced cheapest, and sell our merchandise in the markets where our goods are dearest. Let us not, by law, seek to defeat the orderly and beneficient pro- ceedings incident to natural conditions." Concerning this mooted question of wages, Jacob Schoenhof, a widely read and quoted writer on politi- cal economy, thinks it is a fortunate sign of the times that we are at last beofinninof to recognize the all-important and redeeming fact that cheap labor by no means means cheap production ; that, on the contrary, low cost of production and a high wage rate go hand in hand. In demonstration of this position, it is asserted that "the United States, with its vast resources, free laws, and extended territory, gives a field for employment of labor which no other country possesses, excepting, perhaps, the Australian colonies. The great stretch of unoccupied soil gives an opportunity for the satisfaction of what is one of the chief desires of man — to be possessor of a home- stead upon his own land. From the widely distribu- ted ownership of land radiate all other employments. A high wage rate and a higher standard of living are thereby insured. So long as the land is able to absorb, 96 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. in times of business depression and collapse in manu- facturing industries, the surplus labor of the towns, a lower wage rate, once reached, cannot permanently maintain. Labor, under all circumstances, instead of being always ready to submit to a pressing-down process by the exercise of the undue power of capi- tal, as maintained by the old economists, under free laws and freedom of association maintains, and with slight variations, always regains, if temporarily lost, its old position and wage rate." Along this line of reasoning the contention is made that the inevitable results of a high rate of wages do not injure the employer, but fully as much benefit him as the working classes, because where the rate of day wages is high, the employer's first object is to economize employment. " The result is," declares Mr. Schoenhof, "that in no country is the organization of labor in mills and factories so complete as in the United States. In no country is the application of machinery carried to the extent to which it is carried in the United States. Here invention and improve- ment are always most readily welcome in the labor processes involved. Manufacturers introducing a change in manufactures have a machine built to accomplish what in other countries would be left to hand labor to bring about. Machinery, used to the limit of its life in Europe, is cast aside in America if only partially worn, or, while satisfactory in this respect, if an improvement has come out that can do the work quicker and consequently cheaper. The OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 97 improvement introduced by one manufacturer is quickly adopted by his competitors. Labor-saving is the result, and a cheapening of production ensues, which is the due outcome of the high cost of day labor in the United States." Now with reference to agriculture it is pertinent to give some of the principal free trade theories. If, in regulating our foreign and domestic trade rela- tions, consideration were paid to our various indus- tries in proportion to their relative importance, the claims of agriculture would be justly entitled to the first hearing, for farming employs a much larger number of our citizens than any other occupation, and its aggregate product is far greater than that of any other interest. In all the tariff legislation of the past century the utmost concern has been expressed by statesmen for the welfare of the American farmer, and specious arguments have been constantly expounded by wily politicians to show how deeply interested they are in "protecting" agriculture. But the free traders insist that as a matter of fact, however ingeniously tariff laws have been framed, no sophistry has been able to cover up the knowledge that legislation os- tensibly in the interest of the farmer invariably oper- ates to the advantage of the manufacturer, and the farmer comes out at the little end. Protection, they aver, does not protect the farmer. On the other hand, it indirectly robs him, for while it practically adds nothing to the price he obtains for his produce, 7 98 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. it compels him to pay higher prices for nearly every thing he has to buy. The prices of most of the pro- ducts of the farm have never been so low as during recent high tariff times. Why is this ? One cause manifestly is that the farmer has been studiously deluded with the home market humbug. He needs, more than any thing else, a home market in which he can purchase his supplies as cheaply as his competi- tors do. But protection denies this to him. Within the last thirty years the principal products of the farm have increased in volume to a far greater extent than the population. The importation of similar products has been comparatively small, for the ob- vious reason that no considerable market could be obtained here for natural products of which we had so large a surplus. How much greater could be made the home market for farm products ? Very little. At the present time we make over ninety per cent of all the manufactured goods used in this country, and yet the employees of all our mills added to all the miners do not constitute ten per cent of our population. Therefore if the importation of agricultural products were absolutely prohibited, the manufacturing industries could not materially in- crease the American farmers' home market. Before the Civil War no States were more thrifty in aericulture than New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts. These three States were foremost, in building up and developing factories and protected industries. In no other section of the country have OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 99 conditions been more favorable for the creation of a home market. The facts, however, show how de- lusive this idea has proved. The farming interest in Connecticut has steadily decreased and the agricul- tural towns are losing in wealth and population, al- though all of them are near the factories of protected manufactures. The Connecticut State Register shows that forty-five farming towns during the last twenty years have lost $4,636,700, or seventeen per cent, while the entire State has increased $78,274,016, or thirty-one per cent, during the same period. In Massachusetts, one of the greatest manufacturing States, the figures are still more emphatic. The value of farm lands in that State was $116,629,849 in 1875, 3-^^ only $110,700,707 in 1885. The amount and value of farm products have also dimin- ished. The State raised 4, 767,000 bushels of potatoes in 1845 and but 3,584,000 bushels in 1885. Only half as much cheese was made in 1865 as in 1845, and considerably less was made in 1885. Only one- seventh as much beef was produced in 1885 as in 1865. The wool industry has rapidly dropped under a high tariff. The production in 1845 "^^^^ 1,015,000 pounds; in 1865 it was 609,000 pounds and in 1885 it had fallen to 255,000 pounds. The price of wool also declined about thirty-five per cent during the decade between 1875 and 1885. New York, the greatest commonwealth in the Union in population and wealth, and once in agriculture, has made pro- digious strides in prosperity and its wealth has enor- lOO A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. mously increased, but alas ! agriculture has not re- ceived its fair share of the benefits. The statistician of the Department of Agriculture said in his report in 1887 : " New York farmers are more in debt than they were ten years ago ; the average depreciation in farming lands is fully one-third in ten years ; prob- ably one-third of the farms in the State would not sell for more than the cost of the buildings and other improvements ; thirty per cent of the farms are mortofaofed two-thirds of their estimated value. In fourteen counties, including some of the best agricultural counties of the State, the State Assessors reported In 1889, that the value of farm lands was decreasing. " City property is increasing in value, while farming property is growing less and less valu- able," said Assessor Wood ; " I cannot see any way for it to Improve and in a few years you will see more tenant farmers than any thing else." If the financial condition of the Eastern farmer has been constantly becoming poorer, the advocate of high protection has always been ready with what he considers a satisfactory explanation, in the fact that this state of affairs has not been due to protec- tion, but to the growing competition of the West. But this proves a poor defense, for the Great West is also a sufferer from protection. In February, 1889, Senator Paddock of Nebraska presented In the Senate an appeal in behalf of the Farmers' Alliance of Nebraska, in which it was stated that " The present economic condition of the State of Nebraska and of OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. lOI the country generally is anomalous, inasmuch as while the production of wealth is unprecedented, the condi- tion of the producers of wealth is not improving, but is, on the contrary, retrograding. While no period has witnessed a greater aggregate increase of wealth than in the past twenty years, at the same time the farmers of Nebraska are sinking deeper and deeper in debt." No local causes can account for the general decline in agriculture — the fault lies deeper. L. L. Polk, President of the National Farmers' Alliance, address- ing the Senate Committee on Agriculture, said: " Struggle, toil, and suffer as he may, each recurring year has brought to him smaller reward for his labor, until to-day, surrounded by the most wonderful pro- gress and development the world has ever witnessed, he is confronted and appalled with impending bank- ruptcy and ruin. We protest, and with all reverence, that it is not God's fault. We protest that it is not the farmers' fault. We believe and so charge sol- emnly and deliberately, that it is the fault of the financial system of the Government that has placed on agriculture an undue, unjust, and intolerable pro- portion of the burdens of taxation." The free trader argues that a tax is levied to pro- tect the American mill-owner from the competition of the American farmer. "The 15,000 protected mill-owners," says John De Witt Miller, " and the 2,000,000 farmers are fighting one another for the home market for manufactured goods — the mill- owners to get it all ; the farmers for a share of it If I02 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the mill-owners gain it all, the 2,000,000 farmers must abandon their land and find other work." The farmer is producing more food than he can sell under the present system. There are thousands of hungry men and women in need of this food, but they cannot buy it because they cannot find work to earn the requisite money to buy it. The trouble is that the tariff on raw material is so high that we can- not make goods cheap enough to sell in competition with foreigners. Mr. Miller continues : " The policy of these high-tariff promoters is to have the people of this country forced by law to buy of them, so that, charging whatever they please, they can make a large profit on the comparatively small amount they can sell at high prices to our own people. The low tariff (or free raw materials) manufacturers, taking the opposite view, want as cheap raw materials as possible, so that they can make large quantities of goods at low cost, and, commanding the markets of the world, get large gains by immense sales — even at low profit margin. Both are intelligently selfish — the one in his narrowness, the other in his enterprise. Neither is studying the interests of the farmer. He must look out for himself. No one else will. So far he has supported by his vote the high-tariff policy. He is now feeling its results. The cost to him of protection and the dark outlook for his future are significant." Free raw materials are urged on several grounds, as for instance, that they would decrease the average OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 03 cost of transport of products to the markets where their price is fixed on account of the iron tariff. Free raw materials would decrease the cost to the farmer of all the manufactured articles he buys for his farm or for his family, and in effect would afford them higher prices for what they have to sell. They would enable American manufacturers to make goods costing less than any to be found elsewhere, thus securing the world's markets, and largely in- creasing their force of skilled labor. That ardent free trader, Thomas G. Shearman, in a letter to Grover Cleveland, wrote : " Can there be the smallest doubt that if the protective duties were repealed and the tariff brought down to the level of i860, American farmers and planters w^ould find new customers in Europe to the full extent of $800,- 000,000 every year? There is none. Mr. Rusk (Secretary of Agriculture when this letter was writ- ten in 1892) has officially stated that there are 150,- 000,000 in Europe who never eat wheaten bread. Other protectionist orators have asserted, truly enough, that more than 150,000,000 Europeans never eat meat more than twice a week. Probably 50,000,- 000 do not eat a piece of meat, worthy of the name, more than twice a month. Is this because these poor people do not want bread and meat ? Not at all. Nine-tenths of them would be glad of all which they could get. They are hindered only by their poverty ; and their poverty is caused only by their inability to find customers for the things they pro- I04 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. duce. Open markets for their products, and they will furnish boundless markets for American produc- tions." The claim is frequently advanced, too, that in- creased imports do not mean idle factories, and that foreign manufactures are imported almost exclusively for use in the higher branches of American manu- factures, such as materials for the tailor, the dress- maker, the milliner, the shoemaker, the wagonmaker, and so on. One supporter of free trade has dryly remarked, that the protectionists have killed our shipping, so that we have to export enough more than we import to pay the Englishman for freight both ways. Naturally the tariff reformers have in readiness as many objections to urge against protection as they have arguments in favor of their pet system. Among these objections is the salient one that pro- tection gives special encouragement to certain indus- tries at the expense and sacrifice of others and tends to build up unprofitable industries, thereby involving the discouragement of self-supporting ones. Again, that its principal burdens fall upon the wage-earners, to whom it increases the cost of living, thus reducing the purchasing power of their earnings and effec- tively reducing wages. It is directly opposed to and nullified by every advance of science, which either facilitates production or cheapens transportation, and in so far as it represents a principle, is the negative of positive enterprise, charity, humanity, and religion. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 105 Further, in the language of J. DeWitt Miller: " Its precepts are those against which our commer- cial instincts and our moral conscience so revolt, that our citizens in general of the highest standard, pro- tectionists and free traders alike, are unconscious of any trespass in the violation of the tariff laws. By the extension of protection to raw materials, espe- cially to such as are natural to the soil, lumber, coal, the ores of iron, copper, lead, tin, etc., the very gifts of Providence to this people, which should have assured to our fortunate citizens an ample supply at cheaper rates than to less favored nations, are made a curse instead of a blessing to the masses of our people. That our export trade, our only safety- valve against over-production and industrial paralysis is thereby obstructed. It is the chief breeder among us of the cursed trinity — the tariff, the trust, and the tramp. It accustoms every industry and every indi- vidual to expect from legislation such aid as he may convince it is necessary to make his business a profit- able one, and thus instigates the most offensive form of communism. It makes the interest of a citizen in his Government that of a specially pecuni- ary one, which, in proportion to his wealth and claim, he promotes by fair means or foul, instead of a gen- eral patriotic one in line with the common weal. Even if a tariff were possible which should equitably and equally protect all of the industries of a country (and the objection that the result would simply be to leave each where it would be, if not interfered with. I06 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. be waived), there is no prospect of such a tariff be- ing enacted, or any prospect that any tariff enacted will not be constructed by private greed and made law by log-rolling connivance. And lastly, if other obstacles to a perfect tariff were done away with, it would be impossible to apply the protective principle, except upon the self-destructive theory, that its re- sult is to sacrifice certain sections of the country to the welfare of certain other portions. In the very nature of things a tariff is bounded by natural lines. But New York, New Jersey, Ohio, and Pennsylvania are more identical than are any other States in the world, in the nature of population, the character of their wonderfully varied products, and the extent of their mutual trade. So that we have here the very conditions, which, were each State to consult its own interests, the same protectionists must insist were fatal to its prosperity." Such is the most forceful arraignment yet brought against protection, and such are some of the count- less arguments educed by the lovers of free trade. The reader, however, should carefully peruse the succeeding chapter on "The Protection Point of View" before making certain in his own judgment and consciousness which is the preferable system for the United States, our tariff and tariff legislation. io7 The Protection Point of View. The first definite argument in favor of a pro- nounced protective system was enunciated in this country by Alexander Hamilton, and it has never been stated better since by the many statesmen and orators and writers who have been identified with it. Some of the reasons given by Mr. Hamilton in sup- port of his recommendations were these : " The embarrassments which have obstructed the progress of our external trade have led to serious reflections on the necessity of enlarging the sphere of our domestic commerce. The restrictive regulations which, in foreign markets, abridge the vent for the increasing supply of our agricultural produce, serve to beget an earnest desire that a more extensive demand for that surplus may be created at home, and the complete success which has rewarded manufac- turing enterprise in some valuable branches, conspir- ing with the promising symptoms which attend some less mature essays in others, justify a hope that the obstacles to a growth of this species of industry are less formidable than they were apprehended to be, and that it may not be difficult to find in its further extension a full indemnification for any external dis- advantages which are, or may be experienced, as well as an accession of resources favorable to national independence and safety. ■''' * * If the system of perfect liberty to industry and commerce were the prevailing system of nations, the arguments loS A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. which dissuade a country in the predicament of the United States from the zealous pursuit of manufac- tures would, doubtless, have great force. But the system which has been mentioned is far from charac- terizing the general policy of nations. The preva- lent one has been regulated by an opposite spirit. The consequence of it is that the United States are, to a certain extent, in the situation of a country pre- cluded from foreign commerce. They can, indeed, without difficulty, obtain from abroad the manufac- tured supplies of which they are in want, but they experience numerous and very injurious impediments to emission and vent of their own commodities. Nor is this the case in reference to a single foreign nation only. The regulations of several countries with which we have the most extensive intercourse throw serious obstacles in the way of the principal staples of the United States. In such a position of things the United States cannot exchange with Europe on equal terms, and the want of reciprocity would render them the victim of a system which would induce them to confine their views to agriculture and refrain from manufactures. A constant and increasing necessity on their part for the commod- ities of Europe and only a partial and occasional demand for their own in return, could not but expose them to a state of impoverishment compared with the opulence to which their political and natural advantages authorize them to aspire." OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. IO9 Certain men of influence contended that Mr. Hamilton's suggestion for the extension of manufac- tures was unwise, because agriculture was the most productive industry, and, as the population was so small, it would be wrong to divert any labor from the pursuit of farming which would thereby suffer. These opponents also maintained that there was not sufficient capital in the country to successfully en- gage in manufacturing ; that in any event we could not compete with Europe, and finally, if manufactur- ing were established, it would necessarily result in monopoly. Mr. Hamilton refuted these arguments by showing the advantages that would accrue from diversified labor. He demonstrated conclusively that agriculture would not suffer, but be benefited by the introduction of manufactures, which would furnish a broader field for enterprise and attract im- migrants to our shores, thus increasing our popula- tion. The latter result would enlarge the market for our home products. He argued in favor of a home market as being more reliable than a foreign one, and he held that it should be the first object of our national policy to supply the people with all the means of subsistence from their own soil, and that they should establish manufactures in order to pro- cure from the same source the raw materials neces- sary for their own fabrics. When John Adams succeeded to the Presidency the country had already begun to experience some of the benefits of its tariff system. Agriculture was no A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. prospering and commerce rapidly increasing. New- manufacturing enterprises were springing up and the ship-building industry was beginning to get a foot- hold in several Atlantic States. Previous to 1 791 the trade of the country had been in any thing but a satisfactory condition. For the seven years preceding that date our imports exceeded our exports by over $52,000,000. Shortly afterward a change began to take place and within a few years the trade figures began to show a substantial balance in favor of the United States, which they have happily continued to retain, with few exceptions, to the present hour. For the seven years between 1795 and 1 801, our exports exceeded our imports by more than $89,000,000. This showing was naturally distasteful to England. She saw the possibilities of serious inroads upon her own commerce in the grow- ing importance of American trade. American mer- chants had profited to a certain extent by the liberal policy in operation during the war period in Europe, but on the return of peace, in 1801, restrictive system was revived in Europe. The peace was of short duration, and when hostilities were renewed, Ameri- can commerce became so seriously affected that it was found necessary to adopt retaliatory measures. In 1805 the importation of British manufactures was prohibited ; a few years later the Berlin decrees of Napoleon, and the orders in council of England, practically closed the ports of Europe to neutral ves- sels, and American ship-owners received a great set OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. Ill back. Some measure of relief was obtained by the embargo laws of 1808, which were followed by the non-intercourse laws. The latter gave considerable impetus to American manufactures, because the people, being prevented from obtaining European supplies, were forced to make most of their goods at home. Manufacturing industries were rendered more secure by the doubling of all import duties, which was done as a war measure. Passing over the disastrous Low-Tariff Act of 1 8 1 6, we come to the Protective Tariff of 1824, a sadly needed relief measure, which proved beneficial to all classes. In a speech, delivered in 1888, Hon. James G. Blaine said of this act : " The change was as great as was wrought in the financial condition of the United States when Hamilton smote the rock of public credit and abundant streams of revenue gushed forth." In 1828 still higher protection was imposed. By this time the South had begun to squirm. Mr. Cal- houn, defeated in his presidential aspirations, had changed his mind in regard to the merits of protec- tion and took his stand in defense of slavery and free trade. Then succeeded the Compromise Tariff Bill of 1833, with its downward sliding scale of ten years. In its wake came financial calamities and the frightful panic of 1837. The farming interest suf- fered even more than it had during the period be- tween 1816-1824. Men were either out of work or slaving for twenty-five cents a day or less. In 1840 112 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the people defeated Van Buren and put in General Harrison. " The fruit of the Whig triumph was the Protective Tariff of 1842 which held the same relation to the Compromise Tariff of 1833 that the Protective Tariff of 1824 held to the Tariff of 18 16. After the act of 1842 industrial pursuits quickened. Robert J. Walker's Free Trade Tariff Bill of 1846 was placed up- on the statute book by the casting vote of Vice-Presi- dent Dallas. Then ensued the free trade period, which is referred to with such swelling pride by free trade votaries. It is true that a remarkable decade of prosperity followed the adoption of the Walker Tariff, but we must look beyond that measure for the real and unsuspected cause of those good times. Soon after its passage our Government declared war against Mexico. Our arms and military muni- tions were very scanty at the time and new supplies had to be provided and paid for. This of itself put in circulation more than $100,000,000 through- out the nation. Another adventitious circumstance in stimulating trade was the terrible famine in Ire- land, which created a strenuous demand for all our surplus grain, potatoes, etc., the large proceeds of which went largely to our agricultural popu- lation. The European revolutions, beginning in 1848, were especially advantageous to the American manufac- turer as importations greatly diminished, and thus was created an immense demand for our goods. Near the close of 1849 another factor enhanced the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. II3 national welfare, namely, the discovery of gold in California, which we had acquired only a few months previously from Mexico. For six years or more streams of wealth poured from the Pacific slope at the rate of not less than $55,000,000 a year. Our apparent prosperity was also augmented by the Crimean war, which gave us a market for our agri- cultural surplus at advanced prices. But when all these aids ceased after ten years of free trade, our prosperity, which had been purely acci- dental, suddenly waned, and in the spring of 1857 Congress passed a brief tariff act lowering the duties still further, so that our people had a tariff that brought us in direct competition with the low price labor of Europe. Stupendous panic came in the same year as the direct result. Then followed four years of " rocky times," and in truth the country did not revive until after the election of Abraham Lincoln and the enactment of the Morrill Tariff, which was the foundation upon which has been reared the present tariff system of the country. To quote from Mr. Blaine: " At no time in our country's history has the United States ever recovered from the financial de- pression caused by a low tariff until a protective tariff was enacted to take its place. The Tariff of 1824 relieved the long suffering that followed from the hasty lowering of duties in the Tariff of 18 16. The Tariff of 1842 revived the country after the com- promise and destructive Tariff of 1833, and the Tariff of 1 86 1 introduced a prosperous era after the tre- 8 114 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. mendous convulsion of 1857, which was caused by the perfidiously enacted Tariff of 1846." What are the advantages of a protective tariff to the labor and industries of the United States? Un- doubtedly, had we not early in our national history adopted the protective system, there would be now an undue proportion of agriculturalists, with few, if any, important manufacturing interests. In such cir- cumstances we could not make much of a showing of civilization and advancement. Retrogression would be wretchedly evident everywhere throughout this broad land. We seldom hear any suggestions as to what shall be prescribed to correct the alleged evils of the pro- tective system, which, it is claimed by free traders, confers all of its benefits upon a privileged class. This is simply preposterous, and proof is accessible on every hand that protective tariffs have served to distribute commercial opportunities among the whole people, diffused labor, developed our marvellous re- sources, and encouraged our multiform industries. The largest percentage of our exports is furnished by agriculture. But it must be remembered that the foreign market is limited, because foreign competi- tion is strong and constantly on the increase. The wheat of Russia, Australia, India, and South America competes in Europe with the wheat of the United States. And this fact suggests the unanswerable proposition that, if all the labor and capital be ex- erted on the land, all our agricultural surplus can OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. II 5 never find a market. It is obvious that the overpro duction in agricultural produce is due to the employ ment of too much labor and capital in agriculture But these conditions have a tendency to adjust them selves, or, at least, men are coming to understand bet ter than ever before, that when an agricultural glut occurs, the wise thing to do is to divert their atten- tion and energies to something else. The tariff has enabled the labor and capital of the nation to produce the maximum of wealth. Who of us does not wonder at the extent of our manufacturing industries ? " Were Alexander Ham- ilton, the prophet of protection, to appear among us to-day and make a second report on American manu- facture, he would behold a development of which he never dreamed. He would see the seventeen branches of manufactures that struggled for exist- ence in his day increased in less than a century to more than three hundred ; he would see the vast laboratories of nature explored and the elements turned to the service of man ; he would see on all our rivers those grand palaces of the arts which fill the air with the hum of myriad wheels. Astounded, he would survey those busy hives of industry — now the rivals, and soon to be the victors of their Euro- pean prototypes — Paterson, the American Lyons ; Trenton, the American Burslem ; Waltham, the American Geneva ; and Philadelphia, the American Manchester." Il6 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. " Better fifty years of Europe than a cycle of Cathay," sang Tennyson. We are inclined to say better ten years of the United States than fifty years of Europe, thanks to the triumphant protective system. The price of a foreign article is increased by a protective tariff to the amount of the increased cost of production of the domestic article. By reason of the tariff, therefore, the same price governs the foreign and domestic article, thus rendering prices stable for the home producer, and furnishing the whole amount denied to the home consumer. On this mooted point the Hon. George F. Edmunds has produced a succinct argument. "If," he says, "the profits of the foreign manufacturer or producer are essentially diminished by customs duties, and are essentially increased by the diminution or abolition thereof, then, so far, the money obtained from them is not by taxation of our own people, but by taxation of the foreigners ; and if the surplus revenues are to be reduced by the abolition or reduction of the cus- toms duties, so far they are reduced, not for the benefit of our own people, but to the benefit of peo- ple of other countries who are the exporters of goods to our markets. This is well illustrated by our experience in the abolition of the duties upon tea and coffee in the year 1872. Before this aboli- tion there had come into the Treasury many millions of dollars a year as duties from these two articles (in 1 870-1 there were over twenty-two millions), neither OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. II 7 of which was produced in the United States, and so it was supposed that these articles would be cheap- ened to the consumers, and that no injury could be done to any domestic interest by their abolition. And this was partly true, so far as its direct effect was concerned, but there ceased to come into the common treasury from fifteen to twenty millions of dollars a year, while the consumers of tea and coffee paid substantially the same or higher prices for these things than they did before, and the net result was that our Treasury gave up to foreign producers and operators that number of millions of money, without any advantage whatever to us, except that the Treas- ury was by that sum depleted." Mr. Edmunds fur- ther remarks that it seems to be clear that it Is not true, in a general sense, that customs duties are, as a whole, or in the greater part a tax or burden upon the domestic consumer. Nearly all of the principal pro- ducts of the United States are protected and every one interested in them is benefited by such protection. The agriculturist Is protected in respect of his cattle, his wheat, his oats, his butter, etc., just as his neigh- bor, the manufacturer. Is protected in respect of iron or his cotton cloth, and each, therefore, contributes in due proportion to the common good of all by the employ- ment of all manufacturing resources near to the places of the production of the wool, the cotton and the iron which furnish the materials and furnish useful occu- pations to large numbers of the population, who, in their turn, consume the products of the farm sub- Il8 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. stantially at the places of origin. The statement is frequently made, but it is erroneous, that the tariff develops the manufacturing industries at the ex- pense of agriculture and commerce. Has not the tariff given to American agriculture a better market at home than it could possibly find abroad ? Does not the factory remove from the soil those super- fluous farmers whose labor causes a glut, and results not in wealth but in waste? Crawford D. Hening cleverly and logically argues that under protection the farmer exchanges his produce with the domestic instead of the foreign mechanic. This is manifestly to the farmer's advantages, for the domestic mechanic consumes the manufactures of other domestic me- chanics, who in their turn consume the farmers' pro- duce, and thus increase the home market. But the foreign mechanic consumes foreign manufactures, and that confers no additional benefit on the farmer. Nobody ever thinks of disputing that the tariff has been mainly the mainstay of our gigantic internal commerce. The railroad mileage in the United States is now equal to that of all the rest of the world. Many other references could be made to the mammoth proportions that have been attained by our domestic trade. The tariff has done much to ameliorate the condi- tion of the workingman from what it was a century ago. In preceding pages statistics were furnished which show that the general rate of wages was lower by one-half than at present. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. II 9 Senator S. M. Cullom, in a magazine article, has gone so far as to assert that the farmer has received more benefit than any one else from protection. In the first place his competition has been very appreci- ably reduced by the tariff, which has induced many people to engage in manufacturing and mining in- stead of farming. Nor is the farmer robbed for the benefit of the protected manufacturer, as the free traders fallaciously assert. With few exceptions, there is no single article which the farmer consumes which is not cheaper than it was under the revenue tariff, and cheaper than it would be to-day if it were not for the development of home industries by pro- tective tariffs. His food, his clothing, his household goods and furniture, his house, his barn, his imple- ments, tools and fences, are all cheaper, while every thing he produces sells for more and his land has trebled or quadrupled in value. Now, as to the question whether free raw materials be advantaofeous to the labor and industries of the United States much may be said in the negative. The basis of our industry may be formed of materials which are the finished product of another. Thus, cotton, the raw material of the manufacturer of cot- tons, is the finished product of the Southern farmer. " Lumber is the finished product of the lumberman, and trees in the forest his raw material." Henry C. Carey, the distinguished American econ- omist, gives the following definition: "All the pro- ducts of the earth are in turn finished commodity I20 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. and raw material. Coal and ore the finished com- modity of the miner, but the raw material of pig iron. The latter is the finished commodity of the smelter, yet only the raw material of the puddler and of him who rolls the bar. The bar is again the raw material of sheet iron, and that, in turn, becomes the raw material of the nail and spike." Certain it is that if the United States pursued a free trade policy in raw materials, the only way it could hold her own markets would be to undersell her cheap land and cheap labor foreign competitors. This competition would not be solely confined to grain and vegetable products, but would extend to animals and their products. The materials of manu- facture, such as the wool-growing industry, would be similarly affected. With free raw wool, the labor employed in this industry would be forced into other lines of activity. Likewise would capital thus em- ployed seek other fields of investment. The effect of free raw materials upon our mining industries and the labor engaged therein, would be not only detrimental but destructive in the long run. The reason we are unable to compete successfully, in spite of our extensive mineral resources, with other mineral producing countries without the aid of a tariff is this: "More than half the cost of produc- tion of coal, coke and iron is in the wages paid labor. The average wages of those thus employed in Great Britain are $1.02 per working day of nine hours. In the United States they are $1.64 for an equal OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 121 number of hours. This is an advantagfe of more than sixty per cent in the labor cost alone in favor of Great Britain. With open competition our min- ing industries could not thrive unless conditions were equalized by reducing our wages to the Euro- pean level. Such reduction would not give to our mining industries greater prosperity than they now enjoy, and the effect upon wage-earners is too appar- ent to need mention." So far as free raw materials and commerce are concerned, there would doubtless result an increased activity in foreign shipping. Less than twenty per cent of the total tonnage of the United States is engaged in the carry- ing trade, the major portion of it being engaged in the coastwise and fishery trade. The great pur- pose of protection is to so diversify the four chief branches of industry that each will attain to its high- est development and provide for our twenty or more millions of workers equal opportunities of produc- tion. It has been shown, time and time again, that this cannot be satisfactorily accomplished under free trade auspices. According to that able thinker, Homer B. Dibbell, " those parts of the United States which have the most varied industry show a higher annual income to the farmer, and greater returns to farm laborers. Some sections of our country, not- ably the south, in which a single industry has been dominant, have not acquired the wealth which has come to other sections, nor is the wealth so widely distributed. These sections, with rich mineral depos- 122 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. its and extensive forests, have clung to agriculture and neglected their other resources. Those who look for a new South, if they find it at all, will find it upon the basis of a new industrial organization, brought about largely by the protection afforded to her raw materials." A low standard of living is the inevitable sequence of low wages, and low wages are the necessary outcome of free trade, and we have but to point to England in illustration of these iron- clad facts. We produce somewhat more food pro- ducts than we consume, and furnish the greater part of the raw materials of manufacture. It is well enough, in view of this, to admit free the raw materials which we do not, or practically cannot, produce, and which do not displace our American products. But " free competing raw materials can confer no advantage upon the labor and industries of the United States which are not counterbalanced by attendant disadvantages." The farmer's products are themselves raw materials ; hence, agriculture would not be enhanced by free raw materials. Nor would they help the other great industries for reasons suggested above. The permanent prosperity of the United States requires a policy which will afford labor " the largest possibilities of varied employment," and give to our raw materials such protection as will be sufficient to meet the competition of foreign countries that possess superior facilities for cheap production. The free trader denies the protectionist claim that production, both in quality and quantity, is increased OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 23 by diversity of employment. He also denies that by the laws of trade, as production is increased, the commodity is cheapened, " either directly, by a de- cline in price, or indirectly, by an increased purchas- ing power of other commodities. It is just as diffi- cult for him to concede that protection, while tending to develop and maintain this diversity of industry, at the same time increases capital and wages. Yet all these results have been verified in tHe experience of nations that have really tested the principles of pro- tection. John Stuart Mill's famous declaration : " That a country will seldom have a productive agri- culture unless it has a large town population," has evoked from Mr. C. D. Todd the pertinent query: " How can a country have a large town population without diversified industries ? " Mr. Todd adds that " an increase in the number who till the soil cannot increase the value of a bushel of corn. Enlarging the acreage has not made agriculture more profitable. It has only increased the amount of product. This increase diminishes demand and, in the same de- gree, its exchangeable value. This value becomes zero as the increase of the product becomes unre- muneratively large. The only way to restore value is to decrease production or increase demand. Evi- dently the latter would be the wiser alternative." The wide-awake protectionist firmly adheres to the belief that the tariff plays no part in the creation of monopolies and trusts. On the contrary, he is con- vinced that the tariff, in increasing the sources of 124 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. supply, renders more difficult the existence of monopo- lies and corners. Singularly, England, ever loud in her boasts of being a free-trade nation, raises next, after the United States, more revenue by her tariff than any other country in the world. In short, Eng- land's vast commercial intercourse and prosperity were founded on the most exacting kind of protec- tion ; which she pugnaciously maintained until 1846, when she repealed her corn laws and adopted a tariff for revenue, which system it is her delight to call free trade. A rather ingenious sort of shrift was this, but England is nothing if not diplomatic. Hoodwinkingr the other nations of the earth is her settled policy, and if this does not work, she often tries intimidation and bullying. The Government of the United States understands John Bull perfectly, and is not in the least alarmed whenever he com- mences to bluster. Comine back to the relation of the tariff to the farmer, the only sensible course seems to lie in the direction of more protection for him instead of less. The agricultural industry is the foundation of all other industries. It should, therefore, be in the most intimate sympathy with them to the end that the fullest measure of mutual benefit may accrue. Cheap labor has been and is the curse of Europe, and every American citizen should deem it his legiti- mate duty and right to ward off as well as lies in his power such a condition among his countrymen. We cannot afford to degrade labor to the low stand- OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 25 ard of wages that prevail across the Atlantic. In protecting home industries we protect labor in sev- eral vital ways. Hon. Thomas H. Dudley of New Jersey, formerly United States consul at Liverpool, England, has been favored with exceptional oppor- tunities to study this subject in its most complicated aspects, and the following is his summing up : " We now import only about eight per cent of the manu- factured commodities we consume or use in this country. Let Congress pass such laws as will induce our people to manufacture here at home this eight per cent of manufactured commodities which we now import from Europe, and the effect will be to draw from agriculture a portion of the labor now engaged in it and thereby to this extent to lessen the quantity of agricultural products, and at the same time to in- crease the home market sufficiently to consume all our surplus products. We should then be no longer dependent upon Europe for the sale of our surplus agricultural products, as we now are, and London would not then, as she does now, fix the price at which our farmers shall sell their wheat. The price would be determined here at home and regulated, as it is with all other commodities, by the supply and demand, without regard to the competition of India or any other country." The Bill of 1894. We now come to the consideration of the latest period of Democratic ascendency in national affairs 126 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. and the most extraordinary legislation which charac- terized it. As has been shown in preceding pages, the tariff history of this country from 1816 down to 1861 is but a chronicle of successive changes of pol- icy, many of them radical and not a few most spor- adic, varying with the party in power. In all the earlier years our tariff legislation was influenced very largely by the attitude of European nations. Eng- land, especially, having good cause to check the prosperity of alien nations, which might prove dan- gerous rivals in the markets of the world, lost no op- portunity to thwart, if possible, every effort made toward the successful establishment of manufacturing industries here, and either to cripple our agriculture or lay it under contribution to herself. Other na- tions, too, were for a time, but little more liberal in their treatment. But in spite of every hindrance and discourage- ment, manufacturing gained a secure foothold, and agriculture survived and eventually thrived. In those years, however, when the country was sparsely set- tled, the few interests of much importance were so exclusively confined to certain localities, that tariff legislation was distinctively sectional in' its aim and effect. Parties oftentimes held their control by such narrow majorities that, in order to hold the votes of important States, their interests would be highly " protected; " such a policy resulting in the imposi- tion of a heavy tax upon less favored localities. Then the ever-recurring changes with the next move OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 12/ frequently robbed the " protected" States of the bene- fits previously conferred, and other interests and other localities received co7isideration. It Is little wonder, in view of the vascillation and discrimination which prevailed for so many years, that our country made but comparatively slow pro- gress in the commercial world for a considerable time. Not till after the late civil war was the nation committed to a policy which bid fair to be perma- nent, a policy that, instead of being sectional, was national in its scope, recognizing the community of interest of the entire United States. For thirty years that policy dominated all our tariff legislation, and no one can deny that its operation marked an era of prosperity never eq led in the history of the world. The Democratic party, in its platform adopted by its National Convention at Chicago in 1892, declared most emphatically and explicitly that the govern- ment " has no right to impose and collect customs duties except for the purposes of revenue only." When Congress assembled in regular session in December, as had been anticipated, the South was in almost complete com ;ol. In the House, the Hon. Charles F. Crisp of Georgia was the Speaker, and in the make-up of committees, the chairmanship of nearly every important one was conferred upon a southern member. The Hon. William L. Wilson of West Virginia was made chairman of the committee on ways and means, upon which devolved the duty of framing a Democratic tariff measure. 128 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Mr. Wilson and his confreres began their labor, and after the lapse of about two months, presented a bill which largely reduced the average duties imposed by the McKinley law, increased a few, and materially enlarged the " free list." This bill, after a brief de- bate, was passed by the House on February i, 1894. The bill went to the Senate for concurrence, and here it was destined to hang for several weary months, while the people awaited the outcome with the utmost anxiety. The Senate passed its amended bill July '3, provid- ing for a material increase in some of the rates pro- posed in the original bill. Then began a struggle, the like of which had not been witnessed before in many years, if ever. The House was indisposed to accept the amendments adopted by the Senate and the latter body was firm in its determination not to yield. A conference committee was finally appointed by both houses, with a view to ascertaining if there was any possibility of a compromise. After holding several sessions and indulorinor in extended discus- sions, the committee was obliged to report its inability to agree, the Senate members having refused to recede from the position taken by their house. The House, however, continued its deliberations, hoping that the Senate might be induced to modify in some degree its most extraordinary demands. But all to no purpose. Senator Arthur P. Gorman of Maryland was at the helm, and held his party associates with a firm hand. He finally notified the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 29 House that it was " the Senate bill or nothing," and at last the House, seeing that further contention would be usel-^ss, surrendered, and on August 13th, concurred in the Senate amendments. From his known hostility to the measure as passed, it was believed by many that President Cleveland would exercise his prerogative and veto it, but ten days elapsed and no message came, so by constitutional limitation the bill became a law, the President not havinsf sig^ned it. What were the important features of this new law ? What were the changes which the people had to face ? In the first place It put on the free list articles which paid a duty under the McKinley law, and which were imported in 1893 to the value of $41,- 398,000. It is needless to say that agriculture was made to bear the burden of the greater part of this loss of revenue. Nearly one-half of the free list, or to be exact, $18,496,553.92 was taken from wool, the growing of which had become, under reasonable pro- tection, one of the most important agricultural indus- tries. Lumber figures a loss of $10,198,391, and other articles bring the reductions on products of the farm and forest up to $31,937,750. The balance of the free list, $9,460,249, consisted principally of manufactured articles, though painting, statuary and other works of art figured at $2,261,766. The reduction of the duties on woolen goods, based on the importation of 1893, was In round num- 9 130 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. bers, $19,000,000. Nearly two-thirds of this amount, or over $12,000,000, came from duties on wool plushes, embroideries, Axminster carpets, fine cloths and dress goods of the finer grades. Some of the other reductions were : On silk dress goods, plushes, velvets, etc., $2,720,605 ; on laces and embroideries, $1,537,890; on china ware, $2,233,987 ; on paintings and statuary, $432, 657; on ostrich feathers and flow- ers, $265,330; on kid gloves, $875,000; on pearl buttons, $224,600; opium for smoking, $400,073 ; on liquors, $1,232,950; on leaf tobacco and Havana cigars, $1,432,902, as based on the importations of 1893- ... While the tariff bill of 1894 was under discussion in Congress for the greater part of six long months, " the Sugar Schedule " absorbed more attention than any other feature ; in fact, nearly as much as all the remainder of the bill, notwithstanding that " free raw materials " had been uppermost in the minds of all tariff reformers since the election of 1892. The first provision of the sugar schedule of the "Wilson bill" which passed the House in 1894, was a repeal of the bounty provision, and In order that the sugar producers should be promptly cut off from any benefit they might derive under the old tax, during the current year, the House took care to specify that the repeal was '■'to take effect July i, 1894, and there- after it shall be unlawful to issue any license to pro- duce sugar or to pay any boiuity for the production of sugar of any kind under said act.** OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. I31 The Wilson bill also placed all sugars and molasses on the free list, but placed a duty of 30 per cent ad valorem on confectionery, and 15 per cent on glucose. The Senate readily agreed to the repeal of the bounty provision, but refused to let in sugar free, and passed an amendment imposing a duty of 40 per cent ad valorem on raw sugars, which it was consid- ered would furnish abundant " protection " to Ameri- can sugar producers. But, in addition to this, the " sugar senators " succeeded in securing a practical bounty to the Sugar Trust in the shape of an extra duty of one-eighth of a cent a pound on all sugars above No. 16 Dutch standard and all discolored sugars, and an additional one-tenth of a cent on imports from bounty-paying countries. The Senate amendment further stipulated than the treaty made with Hawaii in 1875 '^v^s ^ot to be abrogated or in anywise im- paired. On molasses, testing above forty degrees and not above fifty-six degrees, the duty was placed at two cents per gallon, and, if testing above fifty-six de- grees, four cents. Confectionery of all kinds was put at 35 per cent ad valorem, and saccharine 25 per cent. It was the above provisions which the House at first refused to agree to, but which, after the pro- longed struggle in July and August, 1894, it was fin- ally compelled to acquiesce in, and which then became a part of the bill, as passed. 132 a practical book for practical people. Free Wool. No provisions of our tariff laws in recent years have been of more vital interest to farmers generally than those which affected wool, the production of which had become one of our greatest industries. Under the protection afforded by the law of 1890, and previous tariffs for some years, the number of sheep and the wool production had been steadily increasing. In 1892 there were nearly 47,000,000 sheep in the country, and the total wool clip amounted to 364,000,000 pounds, an increase of 92,792,000 pounds over the production of 1891. By the law of 1890 "wools of the merino blood, immediate or remote, down-clothing wools and wools of like character with the foregoing, including those usually imported from Buenos Ayres, New Zealand, Australia, Cape of Good Hope, Russia, Great Bri- tain, Canada and elsewhere," paid a duty of eleven cents per pound. Upon "combing wools, Canada long wools, and hair of the camel, goat, alpaca, and other like ani- mals," the duty was twelve cents per pound, while " Donskoi, native South American, Cordova, Valpa- raiso, native Smyrna, Russian camel's hair, and wools usually imported from Turkey, Greece, Egypt and Syria, valued at thirteen cents or less per pound,'* were made dutiable at thirty-two cents per pound. The law of 1894 placed all wools, etc., as specified in the above classes, on the free list. The anticipa- tion of this act had begun to have a marked effect OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 33 some time before the measure was passed. On the first of January, 1893, the value of the sheep in the United States was estimated at $125,909,264. On January i, 1894, the total value had fallen to $89,- 186,110, a decrease of over $36,000,000. The num- ber of sheep in the country fell off during the year preceding the passage of the bill from 47,000,000 to 45,000,000. What was the cause of this ? There had been at that time no change in the tariff. The farmers knew, however, that soon there was to be an end to protection. The tariff reformers had prom- ised free raw materials, and the prospect of an enor- mous influx of foreign wool materially reduced the price in the home market, and naturally the value of the wool bearing animal was correspondingly depre- ciated. The object of placing wool upon the free list was, of course, to enable American manufacturers to compete with foreign manufacturers to better advan- tage. But on nearly every article made wholly or in part of wool, the duty was also reduced, amounting in the aggregate to about $19,000,000, which was to the benefit of the foreign manufacturer ; as, for ex- ample, woolen and worsted cloths, etc., valued at not more than 30 cents per pound, paid, under the law of 1890, ^^ cents per pound, and 40 per cent ad val- orum; the new law made it 40 per cent only. On ready made clothing, etc., taxed by McKinley at 49^ cents per pound, and 60 per cent ad valo7'em, the duty was put down to 50 per cent. Knit fabrics (not 134 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. including wearing apparel), shawls made wholly or in parts of wool, etc., not exceeding 30 cents per pound in value, paid 35 per cent under the new law, while 33 cents per pound and 40 per cent was charged under the old law. Blankets, wool hats and flannels, for underwear, valued at 30 cents a pound, or less, which previously paid i6| cents, and 30 per cent, were reduced to 25 per cent. Ladies' cloaks, dol- mans, jackets, etc., paid 50 per cent ad valorem, as against 49^ cents a pound, and 60 per cent under the McKinley law. A still greater reduction was made on webbings, bindings, suspenders, dress trimmings, laces, embroideries, buttons, nettings and various other articles made wholly or in part of wool. Upon imported carpets of all kinds there was a reduction averaging from 25 to 35 per cent, and on some much more. In fact, under the new law practically the whole woolen schedule was revolutionized, and this was little more than what was to be expected in view of the provision for free wool. In the entire list of articles which have been the subject of consideration by our tariff makers none shows so marked a depart- ure from the policy which had been pursued for many years as wool. Not only has it been '' protected " to a greater or less extent ever since the Rebellion, but even under the Democratic tariff of 1846 a consid- erable duty was placed upon it. At the time of the passage of the Law of 1894, there were in New York city alone about 125 bonded OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 35 warehouses, estimated to contain 1,500,000 packages of goods, valued at $40,000,000, upon which duties amounting to $30,000,000 remained unpaid. In- cluded in this was 13,180,808 yards of wool dress goods of the import value of $2,434,364. In addition to this it was reported that there were several ships laden with foreign wool lying at the doors of our ports of entry, patiently awaiting the day when they could enter their cargoes duty free. Other Textiles. The reductions on other textile materials and manufactures thereof were not generally so radical as on woolens, but still show a marked decrease from those prevailing under the McKinley law. Take cottons, for instance. On unbleached cotton cloth, not exceeding fifty threads to the square inch, the rate was made i cent per yard where it had been 2 cents ; bleached cloth of the same texture was reduced from 2^ cents to 1^. On similar goods of a finer texture and heavier weight the reduction was some- what less. Articles of wearing apparel, handker- chiefs, etc., of cotton, which had paid 50 per cent, were placed at 40 per cent. Cotton thread, on which the old duty had been 7 cents per dozen spools, was reduced to 5^ cents, and upon cotton yarn of various textures the changes were about the same. In the line of flax, hemp, jute and manufactures of the same, ad valorerii duties were substituted largely for specific, but a reduction was effected just 136 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the same on most articles. Hemp and jute carpet- ings were changed from 6 cents per square yard to 20 per cent. Oil cloths were cut down from 40 per cent to 25 ; cables, cordage, etc., changed from i^ cents per pound to 10 per cent ; tapes reduced from 50 per cent to 25 ; laces, edgings, etc., made of jute, flax or cotton, from 60 per cent to 50. On all manu- factures of flax, hemp and jute, valued at 5 cents per pound or less, the McKinley duty was 2 cents per pound. This was changed to 35 per cent. Silks and silk o-oods suffered much less than other goods of greater demand among people of moderate means. Silk clothing, knit goods, handkerchiefs, laces, etc., were cut from 60 per cent to 50. Silk velvets had paid $1.50 per pound and 15 per cent; only the latter was taken off. Braids, binding, fringes, suspenders and beltings were only dropped from 50 per cent to 45, and other manufactures of silk the same. Farm. Products. Aside from wool, the so-called agricultural schedule will have a greater interest for our farming popula- tion than any other portion of the law. Before Con- gress met in December, 1893, it was a foregone con- clusion that wool was bound to go on the " free list," and that other " raw materials " were also to assist in "removing the obstacles to cheaper home produc- tion," but the farmers were hardly prepared to be- lieve that even a "tariff reform Congress would re- move nearly every vestige of protection from all the OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 37 farm produced." Conceding some justification for "free wool," on the ground of "greater benefits to the greater number," even though they anticipated ruin for the native wool grower, they could not see the necessity of such a radical reduction in duties shown in the agricultural schedule. Prices of all farm products had been compara- tively low, some, in fact, so low as to warrant the abandonment of the crop. Cereals and certain other crops were raised in such abundance as to admit of a considerable export. In spite of this, foreign countries have competed, to some extent, with our farmers on their own ground, and under a reduced tariff, a greater competition was to.be anticipated. Corn, oats and buckwheat, each of which paid 15 cents per bushel under the law of 1890, rye, which paid 10 cents, and w^ieat, which paid 25 cents, were all put at 20 per cent ad valorem in the law of 1894. Barley, previously dutied at 30 cents per bushel, was placed at 30 per cent. Potatoes suffered a cut from 25 cents a bushel to 15 cents ; beans and onions both from 40 cents to 20. The duty on butter and cheese was dropped from 6 cents per pound to 4, and on eggs from 5 cents a dozen to 3. Cabbages, which had paid 3 cents each, were put on the free list. Honey was reduced from 20 cents a gallon to 10, and hops from 15 cents per pound to 8. There was also a 50 per cent reduction on hay and straw, the former going from $4 per ton to $2 and the latter from 30 per cent ad valorem to 138 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. 15. For several of these articles Canadian farmers had succeeded, even under the old tariff, in securing quite a market, and some, notably potatoes and onions, were imported in some quantities from other foreign countries. In the line of meat products, the variation was per- haps less marked, and of less importance, as the im- portation cuts no material figure. Free Lumber. One of the significant changes of the law of 1894, and one affecting a great national interest was the placing of the entire lumber schedule upon the free list. Lumbering; while carried on to a certain ex- tent in many States, became an industry of enormous proportions in the northwestern States bordering on the great lakes. In Michigan, Wisconsin and Min- nesota it involved the investment of many millions of dollars and furnished employment to nearly the entire population of vast sections of territory. In Maine, also, there has been a large output of lumber for many years. But Canada, with its immense tim- ber tracts and facilities for cheap lumbering, had maintained a sharp competition with the lumber in- terests along much of our northern border. Natur- ally, then, our lumbermen looked upon the entire removal of duties as an invitation to such greater inroads upon their market as would imperil, if not destroy, the industry in some localities at least. Lumber, however, had been subjected to only a OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. I39 moderate duty, which could hardly be considered as effective protection under previous tariffs. Even the McKinley law only retained existing duties, and on certain kinds of lumber lowered them. It had been evident for some time that lumber must, in the near future, come in free, for reasons which could not be ignored. It was also plain that importations of lumber must necessarily largely in- crease within a very few years. Few people, com- paratively, realize how rapidly our forests are being denuded, and how closely we are approaching a time when we must depend to a great extent upon the outside world for our building supplies, unless lum- bering operations are largely curtailed for a time at home. The woodman's ax and the saw-mill were aided in their work of forest consumption, in 1894, by one of the most direful calamities that ever visited the Northwest. Forest fires raged over and devastated vast tracts of land in northern Michigan and Wiscon- sin, in the late summer, destroying hundreds of mil- lions of feet of standing and cut timber, laying several villages in ashes, resulting in a money loss of several million dollars, besides causing the loss of a large number of lives. Coal and Iron. Aside from the memorable struggle over " the sugar schedule," no feature of the prolonged and acrimonious discussion of the tariff bill of 1894 140 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. caused greater friction in debate than the considera- tion of coal and iron, which form the basis of the greatest American industries. When the bill was first formulated in committee it was a foregone con- clusion that there would be practical unanimity on the Democratic side in regard to placing wool on the free list. The so-called " Wilson bill," as presented in the House and passed by that body, also made coal and iron ore free. The Senate, however, refused to accept the conditions, and would only agree to a moderation of the then existing duties on those two great " raw materials," and so, in the bill as finally passed, coal and iron ore, instead of being free, were left dutiable at forty cents per ton. Both had paid seventy-five cents under the McKinley law. This reduction was not satisfactory to either side. The great coal and iron interests of Pennsylvania had uttered their emphatic protests, before the bill had been submitted to Congress, against any material reduction of existing duties, to say nothing of their entire removal. And now, although coal and iron ore were not left entirely at the mercy of foreign competition, there was little protection left in a duty which had been cut nearly one-half. The followers of the President, on the other hand, while deploring the perversity of the Senate in checking "tariff re- form, "consoled themselves with the fact that, at least, *' a great step forward " had been taken. Following the reductions on coal and iron ore the duties on the entire metal schedule were subjected OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. I41 to a liberal scaling down. Pig iron, which under the law of 1890 paid $6 per ton, was reduced to $4. This, however, would hardly result in any material increase in importations, and the great bulk of the pig iron used in this country will probably always be produced here. The duty on bar iron was reduced from $22 to $12 per ton. On most of the varieties of manufactured iron and steel the duties were changed from specific to ad valorem or the reverse, but in nearly all cases amounting to a reduction of from one-fourth to one-half. Axles were dropped from 2 cents a pound to i^; anvils from 2^ to if; blacksmiths' hammers, crowbars, etc, from 2\ to i^; hinges and bolts the same. The rate on tin and terne plates was reduced from 2\ cents to i4- per pound. The advocates of tariff reform had for many years ridiculed the claim that protection was neces- sary for our " infant industries," saying that most of them had long since outgrown their infancy, but still clamored for protection as loudly as ever. Without commenting upon the merits of this charge in general, it may be said that the manufacture of tin plates was in every sense an " infant industry " in this country as late as 1890, for it was not until the passage of the McKinley law that any great effort had been made to establish it here. Under the stimulus and encouragement afforded by that law, several extensive plants were started in Pennsylvania and elsewhere, and the production of tin plates was began on a considerable scale. The early outputs were j42 a practical book for practical people. much inferior to the imported plates, but later efforts showed so much improvement that complete success seemed certain and there was every reason to believe that, if adequate protection was continued, Ameri- can tin plate industry would, in a few years, afford employment for many thousands of hands. Under a reduced duty the fate of the industry cannot at once be determined. The manufacture of cutlery, an industry which, under the influence of previous tariffs, had acquired considerable proportions, was materially affected by the modifications of the law of 1894. On pocket cutlery, valued at not more than $1 per dozen, the McKinley law placed a duty of 50 cents per dozen, and, 50 per cent ad valorem. The new law took just half of this off. On similar goods, valued at more than $3 per dozen, the rate was made 50 per cent ad va- lorem against the same rate with an addition of $2 per dozen under the previous law. The reductions on table cutlery, razors, etc., were not quite so large on the average. Fire-arms, saws, nails, etc., were made to pay from one-quarter to one-half less under the law of 1894, than before. Clocks were cut from 45 per cent to 25, while watches were left at the same rate as had been levied previously. Miscellaneous Changes. In the line of tobacco, the only marked change was on wrapper tobacco, the duty on which was low- ered from $2 to $1.50 per pound. The rates on OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 43 cigars, cigarettes, snuff and manufactured tobacco, were practically unaltered. No change was made on champagne and other wines, but the duty on brandy and other distilled spirits was placed at $i.8o per gallon, as against $2.50 under the previous law. While in nearly all schedules where any change at all was made, it was in the direction of lower duties, there were a few instances where even the existinof rates were increased. On matches the rate was just doubled, and the rate on unset precious stones was raised from 10 per cent to 25. Boots, shoes and leather show no very material alterations. Furs were left alone, but hats were cut from 55 per cent to 40, and feathers from 50 to 35, while the rate on palm leaf fans was increased from 30 per cent to 40. On gloves of all kinds the duties were changed from ad valorem to specific, probably resulting in a slight reduction. Among the general provisions of the law of 1894, those providing for free materials for ships for for- eign trade, prohibiting the importation of impure literature and infected animals, imposing a discrimi- nating duty of ten per cent in cases where no treaty exists, providing for free importation of machinery for repair, also for drawbacks on exports, etc., were sub- stantially the same as in the McKinley law. A new provision, and one which was universally commended, was to the effect that '' AIL goods, wares, articles and merchandise man^ifac hired wholly or in part in any foreign country by convict labor shall not be ejititled to 144 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. entry at any of the ports of the United States^ and the importation thereof is strictly prohibited^ * * * In past years several of the States had derived a considerable revenue from leasing the labor of their convicts, and the product of such labor was often sent into the market in competition with similar goods made by free labor. Reform legislation in many States has put an end to such unfair competi- tion at home, and it was but an act of justice to the American workman for the general government to take measures to protect him fron similar dangers abroad. Internal Revenue. As has been stated, the framers of the tariff law of 1894, anticipating at least a temporary reduction in the receipts from customs duties when the lower rates came into effect, determined that a liberal por- tion of the possible deficiency should be made up by increased internal revenue collections. The greater portion of the revenue derived from internal taxes is, of course, borne by spirits, so when the tax thereon was raised from 90 cents to $1.10 per gallon, an extra $15,000,000 was counted on from this source. But the immediate effect of the law gave little promise that this would be realized for the first year. It so happened that a corporation whose legal title was The Distilling and Cattle Feeding Com- pany, but which was popularly known as " The Whis- key Trust," having its headquarters at Peoria, 111., operated most of the large distilleries in the country OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 145 and therefore controlled the great bulk of whiskey produced. Before the passage of the new law there was stored in bonded warehouses throughout the country many millions of gallons of whiskey and other spirits, upon which the tax remained unpaid. In anticipation of the increased rate the officers of the ''trust" scoured the financial centers and, utiliz- ing every available resource at their command, raised enormous sums of money, with which they began withdrawing whiskey from bond, paying the tax at the old rate of 90 cents a gallon. Rarely if ever has there been such a rush of business at reve- nue collectors' offices as prevailed for a few days at this time. The receipts reached almost unprece- dented figures. In two months they amounted in the aggregate to $51,924,878, as against $25,092,304 for the corresponding period of 1893. Of this vast sum no less than $39,705,000 came from spirits, and $36,693,000 from whiskey alone. It is estimated that the consumption of whiskey in the United States is 58,000,000 gallons annually. The figures show that in the brief space of two months or less nearly if not quite 40,000,000 gallons, or more than two- thirds of a year's supply had been taken out of bond, and little if any had paid the increased tax. After this extraordinary rush of business the revenue soon dropped to a point below the average monthly figure, the first month after the new law went into effect being $18,000,000 less than those of the month pre- ceding. 10 146 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. After calculating the increased receipts to be ex- pected from spirits, the framers of the law of 1894 looked about for something else from which a few more millions might be squeezed to help out the revenue. They finally decided that playing cards could very properly be made to yield tribute, and so a section imposing a tax of two cents on each pack made and sold in the United States appeared as a new feature in the law. It was estimated that about $3,000,000 would be derived from this source. Income Tax. When it became known that it was proposed to incorporate an income tax provision in the bill pro- tests poured in from various parts of the country and Congressmen, notably certain ones from Eastern States, were earnestly besought by their constituents- to leave no stone unturned to defeat such a measure, which it was declared would be un-Democratic, un- American and a piece of discrimination of the most unwarranted and outrageous kind. The radical tariff reformers, in defense of their scheme, contended that the income tax was only designed as a temporary measure. It was finally de- cided that the desired adjustment of means to ends would probably be accomplished within five years ; and so, when the new tariff bill went through, there was a section which provided that : " From and after January i, 1895, and until January i, 1900, there shall be assessed, levied, collected and OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 147 paid annually upon the gains, profits and income re- ceived in the preceding calendar year by every citi- zen of the United States, whether residing at home or abroad, and every person residing therein, whether such gains, profits or income be derived from any kind of property, rents, interests, dividends or sala- ries, or from any profession, trade, employment or vocation carried on in the United States or elsewhere, or from any other source whatever, a tax on the amount so derived over and above $4,000, and a like tax shall be levied, collected and paid annually upon the gains, profits and income from all property owned, and of every business, trade or profession carried on in the United States by persons residing without the United States. '"'" '"'" '"'' ''"'." A further section Imposed a tax of two per cent on the net income of all companies and corporations doing business for profits, and in order that nobody capable of earning or making over $4,000 a year should escape the clutches of the tax gatherer, it was ordered that, in case any person or corporation re- fused or neglected to render a return as required, or made a false list, the revenue collector should make up a list of the delinquent's income from such infor- mation as could be obtained, and then 100 per cent should be added to the tax assessed ! Reciprocity Abandoned. Another feature of the new law which met with considerable criticism was a clause abrogating the 148 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. reciprocal ag'reements which President Harrison, under the authority of the law of 1890, had entered into with several countries with a view to promoting trade with the United States and securing an en- larged market for many of our manufactured pro- ducts. From the showings made up to the time of the passage of the law of 1894, it was evidently consid- ered that reciprocity had been only a partial success, and by their action the Democrats in Congress de- clared their belief that its continuance was unwar- ranted. To show the actual effect of reciprocity it may be of interest to give a few figures. The first reciprocal agreement was entered into with Spain February i, 1 89 1, to secure trade with Cuba and Porto Rico. April I, 1 89 1, an arrangement was made with Brazil, and on September i of the same year the agreement with San Domingo was perfected. With these ex- ceptions, the other reciprocal treaties under the law of 1890 were not concluded until 1892. Generally stated, during the operation of the arrangements, our exports increased to Guatemala, Salvador, British West Indies, San Domingo, Cuba, Porto Rico, Brazil and British Guiana. At the same time they decreased to Honduras and Nicaragua. Our imports increased from all the first named coun- tries excepting Salvador, but from Honduras and Nicaragua they were less than before the reciprocal arrancrements were made. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. 1 49 But it was with Cuba and Brazil that reciprocity showed the most satisfactory results. Our exports to Cuba had been steadily from $10,000,000 to $12,000,000 annually. In 1890, the year before re- ciprocity, they amounted to $13,084415. In 1892, the year after the arrangement, the figures jumped to $17,953,570, and in 1893, went to $24, 157,698, but in 1894, dropped to $20,125,321. The highest figure our imports from Cuba had ever reached, prior to 1890, was $70,450,652, in 1882. In 1892 they amounted to but $61,714,395. The following year they increased to $77,931,671, and in 1893, to $78,706,506. Reciprocity with Brazil received a set back owing to the revolution in that country. Our highest ex- ports to Brazil, up to 1889, had been about $9,000,000. The next year, before the reciprocal arrangement was made, they were $1 1,972,214. In 1891 and 1892 the figures were over $14,000,000, but in 1893, dropped to a little over $12,000,000. Before 1890 our imports from Brazil had never been much more than $60,000,000 annually. Reciprocity gave a great impetus to our imports, for in 1891, they rose to $83,230,595, and in 1892, reached the extraordinary value of $118,633,604. With none of the other countries, except Cuba and Brazil, did our trade show similar percentages of increase. Whatever be the ultimate effect of the abrogation of the reciprocal treaties, it is certain that not all the countries which had enjoyed advantages under them 150 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. were inclined to accept the change without making some effort at retahation. Germany, for instance, soon after the passage of the Law of 1894, began to discriminate in the matter of duties against certain American products. Whatever may be the ultimate settlement of the tariff question in this country, the results of the elec- tions of 1894, show conclusively that the people did not like their first lesson in tariff reform in recent years, and repudiated it at the ballot-box. Time may prove to them that protection is wrong, but evi- dently the great majority must have been satisfied with its workings, and preferred even its " robbery" to the "cheap prices" promised under tariff reform. The American people are usually inclined to let well enough alone. Sometimes they try experiments, but when an experiment costs several hundred million dollars they are apt to pause and inquire if they are not " paying too dear for the whistle." ^^^^2^ ^i^^C^n^^^/CA^ Engraved tor Practical Book for Practical People. The Tariff Question from a Demo- cratic Standpoint. Bv WILLIAM E. RUSSELL. BX-GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS. General Position of the Democratic Party. BEFORE proceeding to a discussion of the rela- tions sustained by the Democratic party to the great question of the tariff, it is well to consider briefly the nature and aims of Democracy. Our party was not founded for a single mission, which, accomplished, left it drifting with no fixed star of principle to guide it. It was born and has lived to uphold great truths of government that need always to be enforced. The influence of the past speaks to us in the voice of the present. Jefferson and Jack- son still lead us. Their faith and ours rests upon an abiding trust in the people, a belief that power can safely be put into their hands, and that the broader the foundation, the safer the structure of our government. We believe in the freedom and equality of all men in the affairs 152 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. of State and before the altar of their God; in the free- dom of the individual from unnecessary restrictions and unnecessary burdens; that a government least felt is the best; that taxation, the greatest bur- den and power of government, shall not be used to enrich the few at the expense of the many, but in its purpose be limited to the support of govern- ment for the benefit of all, rather than be made a gigantic instrument for distributing favors or paying political debts; that of itself it is not a blessing which excuses and demands a wild extravagance, but a necessary evil, to be lessened by prudence and econ- omy; that it should be levied justly, equally, accord- ing to men's means, and not their necessities. The tariff is taxation, taxation pure and simple. The Democratic party, believing that a government has no right unnecessarily to impose its burdens, and after years of trial, finding great inequality in the dis- tribution of wealth, and great discontent amongst the wage-earners, has demanded that this taxation be re- considered, and the people relieved of some of its unnecessary burdens. Its principle is one of plain common sense. It insists that where a tariff tax is laid upon a necessary of life which is the raw ma- terial of a great industry, and such tax is not needed for revenue, then the tax is unjust, unnecessary, and injurious, because a burden on the people and a urden on their industries. Such are taxes on coal and wool and crude iron and the raw materials of our industries. THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I53 Economy, low taxes, free wool, free lumber, free salt, free coal, cheaper necessaries of life, and raw materials that quicken industry, it believes to be the true i\merican policy. Against this it places the pro- tective policy of the Republican party which means, first, keeping the burdens of over-taxation on nearly seventy million consumers ; second, restricting and crippling industries by failure to give them free raw material ; third, raising tariff taxation in many in- stances to a prohibitory height; fourth, wild and willful extravagance; fifth, the absolute abandonment of the prior declared policy of the Republican party. Such policy taxes consumption, not wealth ; it taxes men, not according to their property, but according to their necessities. It is unjust taxation ; because it seeks to warp the power of government for the benefit of the few against the interests of all the people, to build up the fortunes of the few and then trust to their charity for a just and equal distribution. The Republican policy leads, in the words of Sena- tor Plumb, "to that point where the system of pro- tection as applied is to result in the breaking down of certain industries for the benefit of others ; where the large industries which have the most potential voice in Congress are to destroy the small ones." Bastiat's words could well be applied to the Repub- lican party. "Your system has written over the entrance of the legislative halls these words, ' who- ever acquires any influence here can obtain his share of the legalised pillage.' " 154 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. A government of bounties and of benefits by the Republican party, for the use of that party and its beneficiaries, is in strange contrast to the old principle of " a government of the people, by the people, and for the people." History of the Movement for Tariff Reform, AND THE Record of the Republican Party UPON IT. There are certain facts in the tariff discussion that all concede. There is no question that the former tariff was a war tariff, instituted for war purposes, but raised, instead of lowered, when that exigency had passed. There is no question that it was much higher than any tariff this Nation had ever known before the war. There is no question that before the war in- dustries thrived, and great industrial centers like Lowell, Lawrence and Fall River were founded and prosperous, and that happiness and contentment reigned throughout the whole country. The census shows that from the years 1850 to i860, under almost the lowest tariff that the Nation ever had, there was an increase of 90 per cent, in capital invested in in- dustries, of 60 per cent, in wages, and of 85 per cent, in products; while the increase from 1870 to 1880, under almost the highest tariff, was but 32 per cent, in capital, 22 per cent, in wages, and 27 percent in pro- ducts. Since the war it is conceded there had been a "eduction in taxation, but not in tariff taxation. THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I55 Those taxes which affected especially the rich, and were paid by them, were gradually taken off ; but the taxes which affected the humble firesides and the poorer citizens had not been lessened, but on the whole increased. It was not, however, until 1890 that the Republi- can party for the first time cut loose from all its previous traditions and declared not only that an in- crease in the tariff duties was necessary but that tariff taxation should be increased purely for the sake of protection itself, apart from the question of revenue, and so the official title of the McKinley Bill was, "A bill to reduce the revenue." In the early history of the Republican party up to the time of the war, it advocated a tariff for revenue, and gave its support to the lowest tariff the country had had for o-enerations. Sumner and Wilson, and substantially the whole New England delegation, voted for such a tariff in 1857. That was a time when industries were being founded, were infants, and needed, if ever, the right to tax people for their support. Then came the war and the necessity for larger revenue, resulting in the Morrill tariff law. Then came higher internal taxes, and, to offset their bur- den, the higher tariff laws of 1862 and 1864. The author of these tariffs, and all the Republican leaders, distinctly declared that they were revenue tariffs, and should be reduced when the necessity for the greater revenue of the war was ended. 156 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Mr, Morrill, the author of a higher tariff, said on May 8, i860: "There are no duties proposed on any article for the simple purpose of protection alone." On June 2, 1864, he said of the high protection of that year: " This is intended as a war measure, and we must as such give it our support." In 1870 this author of high tariff again said: " It is a mistake of the friends of sound tariff to insist on the extreme rates imposed during the war, if less will raise the necessary revenue." Senator Sherman, in 1867, in Congress, when not under party pressure, said: " It is simply an absurd- ity to talk now about a free trade tariff; and to talk about a protective tariff is unnecessary, because the wit of man could not possibly frame a tariff that would produce $140,000,000, in gold without amply protecting our domestic industries." Senator Allison, another Republican leader, on March 24, 1870, said: "The tariff of 1846 (a very low tariff), though confessedly and professedly a tariff for revenue, was, so far as regards all the great industries of the country, as perfect a tariff as any that we have ever had." And Mr. Blaine, in his work entitled "Twenty Years of Congress," writes: " The principles em- bodied in the tariff of 1846 seemed for the time to be so entirely vindicated and approved that resistance to it ceased, not only among the people but among the protective economists, and even among the manu- facturers to a large extent. So general was thisac- THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 157 quiescence that in 1S56 a protective tariff was not suggested or even hinted by any one of the three par- ties which presented Presidential candidates." Here are the authors of high tariff laws and Repub- lican leaders distinctly and publicly declaring in favor of tariffs for revenue only, stating that their own high tariffs were for this purpose, and averring that they were ample to protect all interests. Yet now such doctrines when uttered by Democratic lips are unspar- ingly denounced. Next the Republican party through the declarations of its leaders declared that the high tariff should be reduced. In 1882 President Arthur, in his message to Con- gress, said : " The present tariff system is in many respects unjust. It makes unequal distribution both of its burdens and its benefits. '^' * * Without enter- ing into minute details, which under present circum- stances is quite unnecessary, I recommend an enlarge- ment of the free list, so as to include within it the numerous articles which yield considerable revenue, and a substantial reduction of the duties upon those articles, and upon sugar, molasses, silk, wool, and woolen goods." The Republican Secretary of the Treasury, in his report of December, 1884, said that there must be a reduction of the tariff, and he specifically recom- mended : *' First, that the existing duties upon raw materials which are to be used in manufacture should be removed. This can be done in the interest of our 158 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. foreign trade. Second, that the duties upon the articles used or consumed by those who are the least able to bear the burden of taxation, should be reduced." And in 1884, also, Mr. (now Senator) Lodge, in his State Convention, declared himself in favor of tariff reform by freeing " entirely those great neces- saries of life which enter into the daily consumption of every household, and by wise and discriminating reductions." In 1882, under a Republican administration, the necessity for a reduction of the tariff had become so great, and was so generally conceded, that President Arthur not only recommended it, but also recom- mended the appointment of a Tariff Commission. The Commission as chosen by him was made up almost wholly of Republicans, and experts taken from and representing all the great protected industries of the country. Its chairman was one of the ablest pro- tectionists in the country, and the secretary of the Woolen Manufacturers' Association. That Commission, after a thorough examination, made a report speaking of the " excessively protect- ive period of the late war," declaring " a substantial reduction of tariff duties is demanded and is neces sary * * * as a measure of justice to consumers, and conducive to general industrial prosperity; " and it recommended a reduction of from 20 to 25 per cent, and reductions especially on steel rails, and wools and woolens. THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 159 But the Republican party, guided and controlled by selfish interests and protected capitalists, then be- gan to break its pledges to the people, and to retract its low tariff declarations. The bill for reduction framed by the Commission came out of the secrecy of the conference committee room with a general rise of duties, and later the Republican party opposed the reduction of loper cent, in the Morrison Bill, and of 5 per cent, in the Mills Bill in 1886. But again, even as late as the campaign of 1888, the party promised revision of the tariff, and only asked that the work be committed to its friends. No Re- publican convention or leader during that campaign suggested that the duties should be enormously in- creased. Yet the existing duties were generally and largely raised by the McKinley Bill, and the reason is now clear. To raise campaign funds the Republicans applied to the protected manufacturers for contribu- tions, and in the famous confidential circular, issued on May 25, 1888, by the Republican League of the United States, and not intended for the eye of the workingmen, said : " The campaign which we are about to enter will concern, more than anybody else, the manufacturers of this country. "' "^ * If you give us the means to win the victory we will do it. Are you willing? " When the victory was won, those who had paid for it demanded their share of the spoils, and received it in the form of higher duties. As the Republican Senator Plumb said, "Whatever the manufacturers loo A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. have asked in the way of duties, as a rule has been granted." It was their interest which was considered and many clauses in the bill were framed by them. Then, havingr satisfied the demands of selfish inter- ests, the Republican party declared the tariff question was settled. Its record, then, is, first, cordial approval and sup- port of almost the lowest tariff we have ever had, and a tariff for revenue only; second, raising the tariff during the war confessedly for revenue only; third, repeated promises and pledges to reduce it; fourth, opposition to every attempt at reduction, and the constant raising of it still higher; fifth, demand that the question be considered settled ; and then that party, with broken pledges and forgotten principles, boldly declared that the taxing power through the tariff could and should be used, not for revenue, but for protection only to the annihilation of revenue; not for public purposes, but private interests ; not for the benefit of the people, but to enrich the few. Protection and Prices. The Democratic party, on the contrary, insists that this great burden of tariff taxation be lifted. First, because it is a burden to the consumer. It main- tains that the tariff is a tax and that the first effect of the high protective policy of the Republican party is to raise prices and make the cost of living hiofher than it would be but for such tariff. This is THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. l6l its purpose and object. It Is Intended to shut out competition, to protect from competition by law as a trust does by mutual agreement, and to prevent people buying where they could buy the cheapest. Either protection Is useless, or It must work through higher prices. The Democratic party cites for its evidence the confession of the protected Industries In 1882, which then, through their Tariff Commission, admitted that the reduction of $35,000,000 of tariff duties would benefit consumers by hundreds of millions of dollars. It cites John Sherman, who declared in 1867: " I said It, and I stand by it, that, as a general rule, the duties paid on imports operate as a tax upon the con* sumer." Mr. Blaine, In his "Twenty Years In Congress," says, speaking of the increase of daties on Imports by the Tariff Act of July 14, 1862, that It "shut out still more conclusively all competition from foreign fab- rics. The increased cost was charged to the con- sumer." John Quincy Adams long ago declared: "The duty constitutes the price of the whole mass of the article in the market. It Is substantially paid on the article of domestic manufacture, as well as on that of foreign production." Does any one believe that the changes raising duties made by the McKinley Bill were made for the purpose of lowering prices ? How were they brought about ? Did the people ask for them ? In every case 1 1 l62 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. it will be found that the people who had goods to sell made this demand. It was the political shepherds of Ohio who had wool to sell that demanded the higher duties upon wool. It was the iron owners of Penn- sylvania who had iron and steel to sell that wanted a higher tariff upon these articles. It was the Lime Trust with lime to sell, and the Glass Trust with glass to sell, and the owners of the coal mines of Pennsyl- vania with coal to sell, these are the men who made the demand and who always stand behind high tariff duties. Does any one think that they wanted high or higher duties to make the goods cheaper which they had to sell ? It is absurd on the face of it. It must be true that the consumer pays the tax on the imported articles, because otherwise the tariff could not be a benefit to the home producer. If the consumer here pays no more for the imported article because of the tariff, his purchase will not be affected whether tariff is high or low, and he will be no more apt to buy here than abroad. Unless, then, the con- sumer pays the difference in the cost of production, the manufacturer in this country cannot produce and sell. Hence the consumer pays a price for the home goods higher than the price of the foreign articles owing to the tax. The protectionists contradict themselves in their own McKinley Bill, by pointing out that the taking off of the tax on sugar reduced the price from one to two cents. If this was so, then the imposition of the tax must raise the price to the consumer. And if reduc- THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 163 ing the tax on sugar is a benefit to every person who consumes sugar, why is not reducing the tax on woolens, and coal, and iron, and hats, and buttons, and other household necessities, a benefit to every consumer. The price that every consumer pays for protection is well illustrated by the effects of the tax upon tin plate, which was raised by the McKinley Bill from i to 2 2-10 per lb., increasing in one year the duties paid from $7,000,000 to $15,000,000. The direct result of this tax was to raise the price of a box of tin plates in this country from $4.45 in May, 1890, to $5.37, in August, 1892, a rise of 92 cents, while in the same period in England the price fell 24 1-2 cents. So to the whole canning industry in this country, employing thousands of persons, and to every person using tin utensils, and tin plates, the price of tin was raised — for what? In order to protect a tin plate industry which did not exist at the time of the bill, and which in June, 1892, only produced 2 per cent. of our total consumption of tin plate. Opposed to this policy of raising the price of necessities to the whole people for the benefit of a few manufacturers to support or build up an industry by taxation, is the Democratic policy of reduction of duties. It says to the workingman, "remove the taxes and you make the raw materials and their products cheaper. If wool, for instance, is cheaper, clothing is cheaper ; if clothing is cheaper, there is a greater demand for it. You and I might buy two suits,- perhaps, where now we buy one. If there is a greater demand, then more 164 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. clothes must be made. Then comes more work, a greater demand for labor. Then come the two jobs looking for the one man, instead of the two men for the one job, and then necessarily comes higher wages." The necessary effect of the McKinley Act and of all protection is to enable the manufacturers of protected articles at home to keep up the prices to a certain figure, no matter what may be the diminution in the cost of their raw material, or in the waofes of their laborers, because the high duty protects them against competition abroad, so long as they keep their prices just below the point which would enable the importer to bring them in and realize a profit after paying the duty. No one doubts that all the forces of civilization, with every improvement in machinery, and skill, and transportation, are constantly fighting for lower prices. No one doubts that they can in course of time reduce prices, notwithstanding the protective tariff. No one claims that the tariff tax can wholly offset and defeat the progressive reduction of prices which these forces accomplish; but just as surely as they fight for lower prices, a protective tariff tax stands in their way, fighting for higher prices. The celebrated Report of the Senate Finance Com- mittee in 1892 clearly proves this, showing that 75 of the 214 articles embraced within it increased in price while 139 articles decreased in price. Of the 75 in- creasing in price, 54, or 72 per cent., had their duties increased by the McKinley Bill, while of the 139 THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I65 articles decreasing in price, 92, or 66 per cent, had their duties unaltered or reduced by that bill. An examination of the 82 articles upon which there has been no change of tariff duty by the McKinley Bill, shows that 65, or 79 per cent., of them fell in price, while only 17, or 21 per cent., increased in price. While of the 31 articles upon which the tariff duties were decreased, 27, or 89 per cent, fell in price, and 4, or 1 1 per cent, increased in price. There were loi articles upon which tariff duties were increased. Of these, 54, or 53 per cent, increased in price, and 47, or 47 per cent., decreased in price. The Democratic party maintains that a protective duty raises prices and the cost of living higher than they otherwise would be, and to that extent it is a burden which enters into every home and is felt by every individual. This fact was conceded in the official declaration of Mr. McKinley, the author of the bill, in his report, submitting it to Congress. Speaking for his com- mittee, he said: " We have not been so much con- cerned about the prices of the articles we consume as we have been to encourage a system of home pro- duction." Then he continues: " We have not be- lieved that our people, already suffering from low prices, can or will be satisfied with legislation which will result in lower prices." But do people suffer from low prices ? Does the head of a family, earn- ing his $1.50 per day, with a half dozen little ones to support, suffer when coal is $1.00 a ton less, or l66 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. flour $i.oo a barrel cheaper? The McKinley Bill and policy says yes, and proposed to stop such a calamity. Republican Theory of the Foreigner Paying the Tax. The protectionist may endeavor to escape from the conclusion that a tariff raises prices by saying it is not the consumer but the foreign exporter who pays the tax. Let us consider this a moment. For ex- ample, from October, 1890, to July, 1891, the value of the common woolen dress goods imported here was $5,280,841. • The tax upon them was $5,423,422, making the cost to the importer at New York $10,- 704,264, If the foreigner paid the tax then he actu- ally donated $5,280,841 worth of goods to us and paid us $142,000 more in money to induce us to take them. Furthermore, if the foreigner pays the tax why should the woolen manufacturer here have been given an additional duty on the foreign goods imported exactly equivalent to and measured by the tax on the amount of wool which enters into the manufacture of native goods, and so called a compensatory duty? He received this compensatory duty of 2,3 to 44 cents per pound, on woolen cloth imported simply because the tax on the raw wool compelled him to pay more for it than if it were untaxed if he desired to use it in making his own cloths. Clearly the foreigner did not pay the duty on wool in this instance, or else we were THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 167 making a mere present to the manufacturer of the compensatory duty. Further, the McKinley Act provided that when raw- materials subject to duty are imported into the United States and converted here into manufactured articles which are exported for sale abroad, the domestic manufacturer, producer, or exporter shall have a drawback equal to the amount of duty paid, less one per cent. If the foreigner paid that duty, why in the name of common sense and common honesty did we pass a law to pay it back not to him but to somebody else, as for example, to the Standard Oil Company who exports oil in cans made from im- ported tin plate. Protection' and the Manufacturers. Second. The protective tariff on raw materials is a burden to our manufacturers. Take first, the tariff on wool, whom has that bene- fited ? Certainly not the consumers, who have had to pay just so much more for their clothing because of the increased price of foreign wool to the manu- facturer. Certainly not the wool-grower. From 1867 to 1 89 1, the number of sheep west of the Mis- sissippi river only increased 4,000,000, the number east decreased 11,000,000, and the price of wool has steadily fallen under high tariffs. The price was 50 3-4 cents in 1867. The tariff duty was increased and the price fell to 46 cents. In 1890 the price was 33 cents. In 1891. after the McKinley Bill, 31 cents. I68 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. and in 1893, 25 cents. The success of the wool- growers here depends upon that of the woolen manu- facturers. We may take the declaration of the latter as to their own condition. In 1889, 524 manufacturers and dealers in wool and woolen goods petitioned Congress for free wool, and 196 others for a reduction in duties. In those petitions they referred to '* the present depression in the wool manufacturing industry," and added : " As the only civilized country in the world, so far as we are in- formed, which levies a duty on raw wool, we ask that American industry may be relieved of this un- natural burden, and that our domestic wool interests may now be put on the same wholesome basis as the cotton manufacturing industry, with free raw material." On June 14, 1890, the Wool Consumers' Associa- tion, in a petition to Congress signed by such well- known men as Arthur T. Lyman, Jesse Metcalf, and others, and by such famous companies as the Lowell Manufacturing Company, the Wanskuck, Weybosset, and others, said : " For the protection of the wool manufacture of this country, and for its rescue from a most hampered and depressed condition, we ask for a great reduction or a total abolition of the duty on wool." The value of woolen goods made in Massachusetts in 1865 was $31,550,081, and in 1885 was $31,748,278, and the number of hands employed increased only from 18,965 to 18,970. THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 169 The protectionist paper, the American Wool and Cotto7i Reporter^ on July 23, 1891, said: "The wool industry in several departments shows greater depres- sion to-day than before the passage of the McKinley Bill. * * * If the expected benefits from the tariff are to come, they are certainly a long time in materializing." On August 6, 1 89 1, it said editorially: "The woolen mills have had a long and exhausting period of depression. Their business was dull and unsatis- factory when the iron trade was active, when the shoe and leather interest was profitable, and when the cotton mills were enjoying the handsome dividends of the year 1889 and 1890." Until its change of policy in 1894, the United States was about the only civilized country which taxed wool. France and Germany, with high pro- tection, as well as free trade England, admit wool free. Even here there was but a light tax on wool until the war. The Democratic party says that because a tariff tax on wool is a burden to the industry, the manufacturer claims and gets additional duty on his goods, exactly equivalent to, and measured by the tax on the amount of wool which enters into their manufacture, and even called a compensatory duty. It notes one important effect of such a duty. The manufacturer, shut out from getting the wool of the world, or compelled to pay a high price, has been forced to use adulterants more than ever before in 170 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the manufacture of his goods, and so the people are getting more and more shoddy, and less and less of woolen clothing and other goods. Since 1890 there has been an increase in shoddy mills of 44 per cent, a remarkable increase in the use of such materials as shoddy, animal hair, and other substitutes for wool, and a noticeable increase also of the import of these wool substitutes. So that in place of pure wool, our manufacturers are being steadily compelled, because of this high duty on foreign wools, to substitute for it old rags, cast-off clothing, animal hair, and cotton extracts. It declares that with wools free, our woolen manu- facturers, and especially the carpet men, will be able to export and compete abroad. In the carpet industry, it is necessary to mix the lower grade wools with the finer. The lower grade wools cannot be raised in this country at all, and yet they have been heavily taxed, and the price of car- pets consequently so raised that the manufacturer cannot export. With the lower grade wools free, not only will the price be reduced, but the consumption of native wools will be largely increased because of the increased demand for the mixture. It notes what the manufacturers themselves say as to the benefit of free wool. Mr. Bleakie declares, " We could sell our surplus in foreign markets profitably, if wool and all necessary dyes and chemicals were free, just as well as cotton THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I71 and shoe manufacturers, who both sell their surplus that way." Mr. Ayers, of Philadelphia, a leading manufacturer of blankets, declares, " Free wool means to the people cheap, good clothes, better food, and happier homes." Mr. Metcalf, of Providence, the head of large woolen mills, says, " With free wool, we have not half enough machinery in this country to supply the demands for goods." And it says remove the tax on wool, allow the manufacturers to manufacture cloth cheaper. Then surely will follow greater demand, increased output, increase in number of factories, increase in trade and export, greater demand for workingmen, better wages and cheaper clothes. Take the iron industry. How does this great in- dustry stand to-day under high protective tariff taxa- tion ? Let me turn to Republican authorities for a statement of the facts, and let the usual Republican answer, that he who states these facts is " calamity shrieking," be given by that party to its own utter- ances. First, I quote from the Census Bulletin, No. 156, of January 18, 1892, on the manufactures of iron and steel in the New England States, issued by Mr. Por- ter, the Superintendent of the' Census, and prepared by his special agents. It shows, in the first place, that iron and steel establishments in New England from 1880 to 1890, decreased from 61 to 35, and the number of workingmen employed from 8,654 to 6,645. 172 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. In February, 1889, a petition was sent to Congress signed by 598 iron and steel manufacturers of New England, most of them Republicans, including the Governor of Massachusetts, Oliver Ames, which de- clared that the duty on pig iron was " wiping out the iron and steel industry," but said, " there is no ne- cessity for letting it die ; it is only the existing duties on coal, ore, and crude iron that are strangling these industries ; and the abolition of these duties will not only keep it alive, but will insure it a renewed vital- ity, a large increase, and will add more largely to the wealth and population of New England than any pos- sible legislation upon any other subject." I also quote the authority of John Roach and Mr. Cramp, the great ship-builders, who have said that with free iron ore on the banks of the Delaware, they could build vessels as cheaply as they could be built on the Clyde ; the words of Mr. Bent, president of one of the largest iron and steel companies of Pennsylvania, who said that with free raw material he could "lay down pig iron in Liverpool, and send steel rails to London ;" the assertions of great manufacturers like Mr. Sargent of Connecticut, and many others to the same effect. Mr. Sargent shows that in certain branches of the hardware business, it is necessary to use a mixture of foreign irons with domestic, and yet those foreign irons are so heavily taxed that he can produce that line of goods only for domestic con- sumption, whereas with the tax off he could compete abroad, thus increasing the output of his works, em- THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I 73 ploying more men, and making the goods cheaper to consumers in this country. Who then is benefited by this tariff taxation ? The Iron Age, of January 30, 1890, referring to the bene- ficiaries of the tariff protection, said, '' The iron ore mining companies of the Lake Superior region are now reaping enormous profits," one company earning 25 per cent, dividend, another more than its entire capital in fifteen months. These profits came from taxation of the people, and were made possible by the destruction of like industries in other sections. The Democratic party says to manufacturers, with cheaper raw material, the finished product is cheaper; its cheaper price makes greater demand; the greater demand makes more work and higher wages; gives our manufacturers a better chance in foreign markets with the manufacturers of other countries whose goods are cheaper because of free material. Thus our people might have an opportunity of extending their sales beyond the limits of home consumption, saving them from the depression, interruption in busi- ness, and loss caused by a glutted domestic market, and affording their employees more certain and steady labor, with its resulting quiet and content- ment. It says, look at the leather industry. In 1872 the Republican party took off the taxes upon hides, and immediately there followed a great growth of the leather and shoe industries. Exports of leather in- creased from $500,000, to nearly $10,000,000 a year, 174 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. going into the markets of the world with a profit in competition with the labor of the world. So that when in 1890 hides were threatened with a duty, there came an earnest protest from the boot and shoe manufacturers in the country against that tax as a burden to their industry. Mr. McKinley said there was just as much reason for taxing hides as wool. He was right, but he did not put back the duty. If free hides benefit the leather industry, and free rags the paper industry, free silk the silk industry, why should not free wool and free iron and free coal be a benefit to these other industries and to the persons who have to buy their products ? Protection and Trusts. The protective system is, first, a burden to the people by increasing the cost of living; next, a bur- den to our industries by limiting our market to a home market and there even limiting the sales more than they would be with free raw material because it raises the cost and so lessens the demand for the pro- duct. Let us see what next follows. Inevitably the formation of trusts, which raise prices, reduce produc- tion, and lessen the amount of work and wages. With no outlet abroad for over-production, and a lessened demand at home by high cost, the manufac- turer turns to the trust to remedy his trouble- Through the trust he controls and raises prices, and through it he controls and limits production. With THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I 75 lessened production comes less work; and then men out of employment, and necessarily less wages. Instead of urging the manufacturer to enter the markets of the world, and giving him as the means to do it free raw material, the Republican policy compels him to stay at home, and invites him to form a trust. Protection from competition from without gives him his opportunity. Over-production at home or desire for enormous profit furnishes the incentive. Take one instance of such a trust, the steel rail trust. What are the facts ? First, a protective tariff tax of $ 1 3.44 per ton. This is a higher tax than the total labor cost of the steel rail from the mining of the ore to the time of the finished product. It is four times higher than the difference in wages here and abroad as claimed by the Republican party to exist in that industry. Now note the next fact. This duty accomplishes its real purpose, and absolutely excludes all competi- tion from without. The next step inevitably follows, the formation of a trust to exclude competition from within. So we find the six largest companies, headed by the Illinois Steel Company and Mr. Carnegie, with an annual capacity of nearly three millions of tons, formed into such a trust. Having effectually disposed of competition, this trust then determines how much profit it will extort from the people. For the year 1891 they fixed the price of steel rails at $30 a ton. Yet Mr. Carroll D. Wright, United States Commissioner of Labor, de- 1^6 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. clared that the actual cost of standard rails was and had been for some time about $22 per ton at the works. Here then is $8 per ton profit on a capacity for 3,000,000 tons fixed by a trust under shelter of the Republican protective tariff on steel rails. John Sherman recognized the sheltering influence of a protective tariff upon trusts when he declared, October 15, 1889, '* Whenever this free competition is evaded or avoided by combination of individuals, or corporations, the duties should be reduced, and foreign competition promptly invited." If reducing the duty can remedy the evil, then a high tariff stands responsible for its existence. In 1 892 there was a list of 1 39 of such trusts, " combines " and monopolies, every one of them in a protected in- dustry, and in 58 of them additional protection was given under the McKinley law. In a word, the necessity of combination to main- tain the price of any commodity to the tariff point, furnishes proof that some one is willing to accept lower prices for such commodity, and that such prices are remunerative ; and hence that protection is not really needed at so high a rate of duty. Thus, where either of these conditions exist, a case would seem to be presented for an easy reduction of taxation. Protection and the Farmer. Fourth. Protection is a burden to the farmers. The Republicans say that they make a home market for agricultural products by their tariff policy, that THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I 77 they indirectly give a benefit to agriculture by build- ing up communities for farmers to feed. The Republican goes to the farmer and says : Protection raises the price of what you sell, and re- duces the price of the manufactured articles that you buy. Hence you are benefited. But when the Re- publican goes to the manufacturer, he says : Pro- tection raises the price of the manufactured article that you sell, and makes the article that you consume cheaper. Hence you are benefited. The farmer must see the contradiction of these arguments and reason for himself how little protection helps him. Let us state the account between the farmer and the tariff, and see how he comes out, what burdens and benefits he gets from it. In any scheme of taxa- tion the interest of the farmer ought to be most care- fully considered. Nearly one-half of the people in this country who are engaged in gainful occupa- tions are farmers ; far more are so engaged than in manufactures. Their condition is well known. From all sides come up the cries of low prices for farm pro- ducts, impoverished conditions .of the farmers, and decrease in the value and number of farms. The reason why farmers all over the country are suffering is, I think, a plain and simple one. By the Republican tariff policy, most that they buy has been raised in price ; but the price of most that they sell is fixed in competition with the labor of the world, and is not raised by tariff taxes. The price of farm products in New England, no doubt, is low- 12 178 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ered by western competition, but the price of west- ern products is fixed by the price they sell for in England in competition with the world. Our farms produce much more than our people con- sume, and the surplus must find a market abroad. Unless it did this, there would be a glut of the market here, and a still further lowering of prices. So each year we export enormous quantities of grains and bread-stuffs, but under the Republican tariff policy, which discourages foreign trade, and looks upon commerce as a sin, our exports of these articles have been declining, while the exports of the same articles from India and other nations have increased. Our exports of breadstuffs declined from 1880 to 1889 to the extent of $165,000,000 ; of wheat, from 144,000,000 bushels to 46,000,000 bushels. In 1880, we furnished 69 per cent, of all the foreign wheat consumed in European markets, and in 1889 but a little over 20 per cent. In 1891 and 1892 bad crops in Europe and extraordinary large crops here in- creased our exports of grain, but the farmer cannot and does not expect those conditions every year. What is to become of the farmer of the West if the amount of his product is constantly increasing, but the foreign market for it constantly diminishing? Mr. Blaine appreciated this difficulty when he said that our great need was to extend our trade and get additional foreign markets, and showed that he was well aware of the burden of the McKinley tariff on the farmer when he said, " there is not a line or sec- THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I 79 tion of it which will open up a market for another bushel of wheat or barrel of pork." The Democratic policy is to reduce the price of articles which the farmer consumes by reducing the tariff tax and to increase foreign trade giving the farmer a chance to export more of his food products to pay for goods imported. What did the McKinley Bill do for him? It gave him only a mock protection. For instance, it doubled the protective tariff duties on beef and pork, though we export about $100,000,000 worth of these articles, and import only about $500,000 worth. What possible good can the farmer get by a tariff on such articles under these circumstances? It raised the tariff duties on butter and cheese, though we export 12 times as much cheese as we im- port, and 350 times as much butter as we import. It raised the tariff protection on wheat, though in 1889 we exported over 46,000,000 bushels, and imported a little over 2,000; on corn, though in 1889 we ex- ported 69,000,000 bushels and imported about 2,000; on rye the tariff tax was left at 10 cents, though we exported 287,000 bushels, and imported 16 bushels. Does any farmer believe that a high-tariff tax on these 16 bushels would affect the price of rye in this country? Protection and Wages. But the Republicans say that all these high-tariff taxes with their evident burdens have been for the l8o A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. benefit of labor. They try to persuade the working- man that taxation taken out of him to benefit the few is the panacea for all his woes. The truth is that these tariff taxes are put on in the name of labor, but labor does not get them. The Republicans say first that it is because of protection that our wages are high, that a reduction of the tariff means to our workingmen lower wages for them. You may, however, make any comparison you please, and you cannot show that a high tariff fixes or raises wages. You may compare free-trade England with the high protective tariff countries of Europe, and you will fixud wages lower under protection on the continent than in England. You may compare Eng- land under a high tariff and a low tariff, and at the time when she had no protective tariff, and you will find that the wag-es were hiofhest when the tariff was lowest. In our own country you may compare the period from 1850 to i860, when we had our lowest tariff, with the period from 1870 to 1880, when we had a very high tariff, and you will find that in manufac- turing industries during the first period wages in- creased 60 per cent., and during the last period only 22 per cent. You may compare the wages in highly protected industries, and those in industries which are not pro- tected, and you will find the highest wages in the in- dustries where there is the least protection. Or you may go farther, and compare wages in the different THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. l8l States in this country, between which there is abso* lute free trade, and you will find often a greater dif- ference between the wages in different States than the difference between wages here and in England. In the first place, let us compare what they call free- trade England with other countries that are highly protected and notice their scale of wages. The wages in the cotton industry in England are 50 per cent, higher than those in Germany, and ^O per cent, higher than those in France, while the hours of labor in England are shorter. In the woolen industry wages are 50 per cent, higher in England than in Germany, and from 20 to 35 per cent, higher than in France. Yet France and Germany are both highly protected countries, and England has a low tariff. Why are wages not highest in these protec- ted countries ? If we come to our own country for comparisons, we have had here a high tariff and a low tariff. We have had a low, a very low tariff long before England had. During our lowest tariff period from 1850 to i860, wages increased in the United States 60 per cent., while under high tariff from 1870 to 1880, they increased only 22 per cent. If high wages are due to a high tariff, we surely ought to find them highest in the industries that are protected, and lowest in those industries that are not protected. But the fact is exactly the reverse. Taking the census of 1880, and dividing the total Wages in an industry by the number of men employed 13 1 82 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. in that industry, you will find that the wages are almost invariably less in the protected industry, than in the one that has little or no protection. For In« stance, in the protected cotton industry, the wages average $245, while the wages of carpenters, who are unprotected, average $454. In the manufacture of men's clothing (protected), wages average $286, but the wages of bakers, (unprotected), $419. In silk goods, $292, but meat packing, $385 ; machine making, $455, but printing and publishing, $522 ; iron and steel, $393, but stone work, $477. Between the different States of the United States there is often a greater difference in wages than be- tween the United States and England. From the census of 1880, taking the total amount paid for wages in the manufacturing industries, and dividing it by the number engaged in those industries we find that the annual average wage earners in the State of Maine in her manufacturing industries was $260, while in Massachusetts it was $364 ; in Connecticut, $385 ; in California, $483 ; in Oregon, $501. But in Georgia it was $211 ; in North Carolina, $155; in Tennessee, $234 ; in Pennsylvania, $349. But if one asks, are not wages higher here than in England ? Yes, measured in dollars, wages are higher; but measured in work they are not higher. The reason labor is paid more in the United States is be- cause it earns more. Not a single dollar is paid to our labor, in comparison with the labor of any other country, that is not fully earned by the work it does. THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 183' It is the high priced labor that is the cheapest for the manufacturer. High wages are paid to the man who earns high wages by the greater efficiency of his work. It is the " pauper " labor of Europe and of India which costs the manufacturer the most, which increases the price of his goods. And the reason w^hy a reduction of protective duties will not hurt the American workineman is because his work is so much more efficient than the European "pauper laborer's," that it is actually cheaper to the manufacturers to employ him. But the Republicans insist that labor here, as compared with labor abroad, is paid more than it earns by its work. Let us see what the facts are. I will take the cotton Industry. In his report made to the State Department in August, 1886, after a very careful examination, Consul Schoenhof made a com- parison of the cost of labor in manufacturing certain yarns at Fall River, and in Lancashire, England, and he found that the labor cost in making their yarn No. 18, was in Lancashire 52 cents, and in Massachusetts only 40 cents ; No. 20 was in Lancashire 50 cents, and in Massachusetts 45 cents ; No. 28 was in Lan- cashire 61 cents, and in Massachusetts 64 cents. He reports that a weaver in America tends from six to eight looms, in England from three to four; that the number of yards a weaver turns out In America is 1,350, and in England 857; that the number of yards of woolen dress-goods a weaver turns out In America is 300, and In England 105, and of cheviot cloth in 184 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. America 120, and in England 80. The same fact is true in other industries, for example, carpets and boots and shoes ; invariably our employees do more work, and so get more wages. Mr. Blaine, in 1881, in his report as Secretary of State, said, "The hours of labor in the Lancashire mills are 56, and in the Massachusetts 60 per week. The hours of labor in the mills in the other New England States, where the wages are generally less than in Massachusetts, are usually 66 to 69 per week. Undoubtedly the inequalities in wages in English and American operatives (that is, in cotton manu- factures) are more than equalized by the greater efficiency of the latter, and their longer hours ot labor. If this should prove to be a fact In practice, as it seems to me to be proven by official statistics, it would be a very important element in the estab- lishment of our ability to compete with England for our share of the cotton goods trade of the world." Mr. Evarts, in an official report as Secretary of State, made May 17, 1878, said: "The average American workman performs from one and a half to twice as much work in a given time as the average European workman." " This is so im- portant a point in connection with our ability to com- pete with the cheap labor manufacturers of Europe," he adds, that he gives numerous consular reports in support thereof. That is the reason why we are able to send abroad and sell in competition with the whole world many THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 1S5 articles In which labor is the principal item of cost, and the raw material is the least ; such articles as hardware goods, cutlery, machinery, watches and furniture. We never could do it for a minute if it was not that our labor is more efficient than the for- eign labor and, though paid more in dollars, earns every cent that is paid to It. We pay higher wages because our men earn more. This statement is confirmed by Republican author- ity. Mr. Charles S. Hill, the statistician of the State Department, In his argument before the tariff com- mission, pointed out the fact that our manufactured product in 1882 was $8,000,000,000, made by 5,250,* 000 hands, and that for the same time the product of England was $4,000,000,000, made by 5,140,200 hands; and then he says: " Here is the positive proof that American mechanics, In the aggregate, accomplish exactly double the result of the same number of British mechanics. They are, therefore, very justly paid double in wages." The Republicans say that these high tariff taxes are needed to equalize the difference between the wages paid here and those paid In Europe, to protect Americans against pauper labor. I have shown that the American workingmen are already protected against pauper labor, because they are more capable, and higher wages are paid them on that very account. But even if the Republican argument were true, let us see how high a tariff tax would be necessary to pay the whole of the wages In our great industries. 1 86 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. In a report of the Bureau of Statistics, made Janu* ary 25, 1888, it is stated that the wages paid in the cotton industry are a Httle over 21 per cent, of the cost of the product, and that the protective tariff is over 40 per cent, or more than double the whole labor cost in that industry. So, in iron and steel manufactures, the labor cost is a little over 18 per cent., and the tariff tax has been more than 40 per cent. In silk goods, the labor cost is a little over 22 per cent., and the tariff tax has been over 50 per cent. In woolen goods the labor cost is about 17 per cent, and the tariff tax has been over 60 per cent The average cost of turning out pig iron at eleven American furnaces Is given in this report as $13.10 a ton ; In eleven European establishments the cost is $10.74, or a difference of $2.36, and this $2.36 is the basis for all the protectionist talk about the small labor cost in the production of European iron. To cover that slight difference — less than the freight rates from Liverpool to New York — protectionist law-makers imposed a duty of $6.72 a ton on foreign pig iron. There was a duty of 75 cents per ton on coal, yet the entire cost of mining is less than this duty, being from 25 to 60 cents per ton. What becomes, then, of the Republican claim that these protective duties are put on solely for the benefit of the laborer, to make good the difference between the wages paid him here and those paid his foreign competitor? THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 187 The laborer must see that there Is an enormous amount of protection here of which he does not get the benefit. How then can it Injure the worklngman to reduce or take off these duties? When his em- ployer says to him, ** If you reduce the tariff, then your wages will be reduced." Ask him how he proves that protection, I. e., the keeping on of the tariff, has increased his wages, and see If he can answer the facts o-Iven above. What, then, does determine wages ? Demand and supply and the efiPiciency of labor. If one laborer can produce more per day than another in another land, other things being equal, he will get higher wages. If there is a greater demand for laborers than the number of laborers competent to perform the work, his wages will be higher than when the number exceeds the demand. Wages, therefore, are high in this country, not because of protection, but in spite of it. They are high because wages are always higher in a thinly settled country where there is plenty of land and constant demand for labor and constant development of industry, than in an old, densely populated country. Protection and the Home Market Theory. The protectionist's final argument is that of the "home market." Protection, he says, builds up new industries in this country, develops new trades, gives employment to new men, stops our purchases 1 88 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. abroad and compels Americans to buy their goods in their own country. There is no doubt that protection may diversify industries. There is no doubt that with a sufficiently high tariff almost any industry can be built up here. Shut out the foreigner, increase the price of an article so that the producer may make a large enough profit, and you may build up a tea industry here which will employ men and give profit to capi- talists. But at what cost ? The question to be answered by those who have to buy the goods of that industry established by virtue of a protective duty is, is it worth while ? Ought a whole nation to be taxed 'and compelled to pay a higher price for an article simply to build up one special business? Take the tin plate industry as an example. In 1890 we imported $21,000,000 worth of tin plate on which the duty was $7,000,000. McKinley said: "Increase the duty to $16,000,000 and we will estab- lish a tin plate industry in this country giving em- ployment to 24,000 men. By thus producing our tin plate at home, we will save $21,000,000 which we now send abroad." On the contrary, the loss of wealth is all the other way. When we buy tin plate abroad we pay for it by means of goods which we raise or manufacture. If we cease to import we cease to export at the same time, and a home market rigidly enforced would mean distress and destruction, because it would throw all our surplus crops and THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. 1 89 manufacture, which we now sell abroad, upon our own already fully supplied markets. Now these 24,000 whom McKinley was going to employ in the home tin plate industry, if unrestricted, would go into other business. If they can produce tin plates at a cost of $37,000,000 ($21,000,000 cost, plus $16,000,000 duty), they can produce $37,000,000 of wheat or of some manufactured goods which we can make more advantageously. If they export this and sell it they can then go abroad, buy tin plate for $21,000,000, bring It to New York, and if there is no duty, have $16,000,000 of gold exchanges left to expend for additional products of domestic manufac- ture. Instead of benefiting the country, then, by building up a new industry, the protectionist, by imposing a tax on tin plate, will have destroyed a yearly profit on trade of $16,000,000, and will have reduced the output and prevented the encouragement of other industries in which we have an advantasre General Considerations. The Democratic party says that the Republican argument for a high tariff built on the home market theory is that men are induced to embark in indus- tries which they could not maintain in equal competi- tion with the rest of the world without such protec- tion. But since there are many other trades and in- dustries in which they can defy competition, the adop- tion of a protective policy operates to divert capital 190 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. from fields where It Is most productive to fields where it is less productive. It therefore seems to be a sounder policy to encourage production where the natural conditions of this country will permit it and to allow people to produce freely that which they can produce cheapest and best. To sum up, we maintain that a McKInley high tariff discourages trade, raises the cost of our pro- ducts, taxes their material, limits the demand, and fosters trusts. It substitutes enormous profits In a limited market for a legitimate and healthy growth. It causes over-production, but furnishes no outlet for it. It burdens the people through abuse of the power of taxation, and makes the basis of law privileges in- stead of rights, and Its controlling influences selfish interests Instead of justice, equality, and the public welfare. We maintain that there is no general interest either of consumer, wage-earner, or manufacturer, that will not be benefited by a reduction of taxation. But the issue of tax reduction Is a principle broader than any principle of taxation; it is the principle of equality under the law. The one great evil in public life to-day is the self- ish, grasping influence of wealth, that, seizing politi- cal power, uses it for its own purposes, that asserts the right to tax the whole people for its benefit, that creates a high tariff under which greedy trusts prey upon the people's pockets, that turns the people's law against the people's Interests. THE TARIFF FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. I9I Because this reform means something more than any question of revenue or taxation, because it in- volves the fundamental principles of sound demo- cratic government, and seeks to limit the power of government to public and to proper purposes, it is the most important question of the day — it is the people's cause. Its final triumph is death to the con- trol by organized wealth of elections and legislation, a restoration of political power to the people, and a guarantee that the people's law shall be used only for the people's interests. To the man or party accomplishing this great work may well be applied those memorable words uttered by Sir. Robert Peel, in closing the debate on the repeal of the Corn Laws: "" I shall leave a name exe- crated by every monopolist who clamors for protection, because it conduces to his own individual benefit ; but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with expressions of good-will, in the abodes of those whose lot it is to labor and to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, when they shall recruit their exhausted strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because it is no longer leavened with a measure of injustice." The Tariff Question from a Repub- UCAN Standpoint. By wm. Mckinley, GOVERNOR OF OHia IT takes more than a million dollars each day to run the United States government. This vast sum must be raised by taxation in some form, and it Is generally agreed that the expenses of running the government must for the most part be raised by a tariff. There are two kinds of tariffs — revenue and protective. In America a revenue tariff is synony- mous with free trade. It Is difficult to distinguish between them, and for all practical purposes they are the same. The advocates of a revenue tariff Insist that duties shall be levied upon foreign products which, for the most part, are not produced in the United States, the principle being that revenue should be the sole object of tariff taxation. This theory Is borrowed from England. Large revenues can be secured by levying duties upon those foreign products that have little or no home competition. A revenue tariff does nothing but produce revenue, and cares only for Engraved for Practical Itook (or Practical People. <^^lJ~Z^, THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 1 93 revenue. It does not encourage any domestic enter- prise, new or old. To speak of a " tariff-for~re venue* only, with incidental protection," is a contradiction not only of terms, but principles. A low tariff upon a foreign product, which competes with a home pro- duct, would to a small degree favor the domestic industry, but when it does that it ceases to be a tariff-for-revenue-only, because it gives some protec- tion to the domestic producer. According to the free trade maxim, "where protection begins, there revenue ends," and the question of revenue to reve- nue reformers is all-controlling. The lower the tariff the larger must be the importations to raise a given amount of revenue. A revenue tariff upon compet- ing products can therefore have but one effect — that of opening our markets to the foreign producer, im- poverishing the home producer and enriching his foreign rival. If the effect of any tariff is to induce large im- portations of articles that otherwise would have been produced at home, then such a tariff must neces- sarily benefit the foreign producer and injure the American producer. It is inevitable that the greater the importation of a competing article the less will be the home production of that article. A tariff-for-revenue-only, or free trade, admits the foreigner to our markets on equal privileges with the citizen of our o\vn country, although the former rep- resents cheap and often degraded labor, whilst the latter represents the best paid and most intelligent 13 194 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. labor in the world. In other words, that policy gives our business, our work, our money, our manufactures, our markets, to other nations, to the manifest injury of our own people. The consumer always pays a revenue tariff. He pays the original selling price of the article with the tariff added to it. This is true, because there is little or no home product to compete with the foreign product and influence its price. The foreigner con- trols the market and can therefore dictate his own price. The contention between these tariff polices, the American system of protection to home industry, as contrasted with the English policy of free trade, was commenced at the very beginning of our existence as a Nation. But it is with the controversy as it has been washed since the close of the war of the Rebel- lion that we are more directly concerned. Since then four general tariff measures have been proposed in Congress by the advocates of free trade, all of which, however, were as unlike as the American tar- iff was unlike the English tariff, but all held to the idea that a revenue tariff should be the controlline policy of this government. As time elapsed the ad- vocates of this idea grew bolder and bolder, until instead of some degree of protection to our wage- earners being admitted as indispensable to our pros- perity, all such protection was denounced as " fraudu- lent " and "unconstitutional" and " the culminating atrocity of class legislation." THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 1 95 In the Forty-seventh Congress, Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, of New York, an eminent member of the Democratic party, then in control of the House of Representatives, admitted that there were branches of American industry which could not be carried on, at our scale of wages, in competition with the wages paid abroad, without equivalent compensation in the form of protective duties, or of a bounty from the public treasury. He put the difference of wages in Great Britain and the United States as being fifty per cent, higher here than there. In a letter to Jay Gould, in 1870, Mr. Hewitt observed: " Free trade will simply reduce the wages of our labor to the for- eign standard." He subsequently explained that he applied this declaration merely to protected indus- tries, but his explanation did not destroy the force of his remark; indeed, it only vindicated what was then and is still the claim of the protectionists. It is much more difficult for labor to secure an in- crease of wages than it is to prevent a decrease. The immediate effect of a decrease of duties on a competing foreign product is to increase the impor- tation of that foreign product, and to that extent supplant the domestic product. It is axiomatic that with no work, comes no wages. To a proportionate degree it holds good that with little work comes less and lower wages. We have the lamp of experience to guide our steps in such legislation. It is the truth of history that the periods in our National career in which a revenue tariff has been the economic policy 196 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. of the Government have been the periods of the greatest financial revulsions, and industrial decadence, want and poverty. From 1833 to 1842, a low tariff period, business was at a stand-still ; our merchants and traders were bankrupt ; our industries were para- lyzed ; our labor was idle, and our capital was unem- ployed. Foreign products crowded the American market ; home competition was destroyed and the prices of household necessities were raised. Again from 1847 to 1861, another period in which a tariff-for-revenue-only prevailed, business was uni- versally depressed, and the people at large were most disastrously affected in all their resources and finan- cial operations. It is sometimes claimed by a partisan press and the advocates of free trade, that this country enjoyed great and exceptional prosperity from 1850 to i860. But this claim is easily proven false and misleading. It is only true that there could hardly have been a more favorable period in which to attempt the fool- hardy experiment of free trade with foreign nations; but as to the disastrous effects of the free trade policy, even then there can be no contention. Let us recite the plain historical facts : The so-called Walker revenue tariff law went into effect about the time of the breaking out of the Mexican war, on ac- count of which the United States government dis- bursed among our people more than $100,000,000. Then the famine in Ireland took every surplus pro- duct of American ao^riculture. Next came the dis- THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 1 97 covery of gold in California, and then the Revolution of 1848. Then there was the great Crimean war in which France, England and Russia were engaged, and which for two and one-half years paralyzed their industries and made an unparalleled demand for the products of American farms and factories. Yet, with all these helps, phenomenal as they were, at the be- ginning of the year 1857, and even before, and thence on to the repeal of the Walker law, our country, its business, its occupations, its finances and its credits, was in a most deplorable condition. The revenue tariff law of 1846 did much to produce the great panic of 1857, recollections of which are still vivid in the minds of thousands of its victims. The pecuniary distress was so great, and the need of relief so apparent, that President Bu- chanan felt constrained to appeal to Congress to do all in its power " to increase the confidence of the manufacturing interests and give a fresh impulse to business." His picture of the condition of the times may well be recalled in this connection. He said that " in the midst of unsurpassed plenty in all the productions and elements of national wealth, we find our manufactures suspended, our public works re- tarded, our private enterprises of different kinds abandoned, and thousands of useful laborers thrown out of employment and reduced to want." Then came the admission, which must inevitably be made whenever the tariff for revenue policy is adopted, that " the same causes which have produced pecu- 198 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. niary distress throughout the country have so re- duced the amount of imports from foreign countries that the revenue has proved inadequate to meet the necessary expenses of the government. With these plain facts of history in mind, let us consider the object and effects of the protective tariff policy, which was so happily christened by Henry Clay, many years ago, as " the American system." A protective tariff is a tariff imposed upon a foreign product with the object of raising revenue, and also of encouraging the domestic manufacture of a like product, and of protecting the home work- man from the competition of the lower-paid foreign workman. The tariff should equal in amount the difference between the wages paid abroad and the wages paid at home. In the case of a proposed new industry to be encouraged by protection — such, for example, as that of tin-plate making under the law of 1890 — the tariff should be high enough to permit the payment of the American scale of wages, so that the home and the foreign product can meet in com- petition in this market upon equal terms. Protection is, as Burke said of liberty, for " all or for none, and only perfect when universal." It must apply to all interests requiring the fostering care and encouragement of the government. It must be for the benefit of all classes, and all portions of our country. It must be for all within the principle, or none. It is the true National policy and should be as nonpartisan as it is non-sectional. It deserves to THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 1 99 be as firmly supported by one party as another, be- cause it sustains "the American system," founded without controversy by our forefathers, and main- tained by them without party division for the first twenty-five years of our national existence. The protective policy is more than an expedient, it is a system, a principle of government. The question of schedules is a matter of detail. Schedules may and should vary at different times and yet the protective principle remain constant and intact. When it is found by experience that the tariff on a certain arti- cle is more than enough to make up the difference between the wages paid abroad and the wages paid in the United States, then there can and should 'be a reduction of the tariff' without doing any violence to the protective principle ; but when experience dem- onstrates the wisdom of a revision of the tariff, that revision should be made by the friends and not by the enemies of the protective system. The protective tariff does more than raise revenue. The revenue tariff does nothing else, aims at nothing else. The protective policy permits foreign non-com- peting products, except luxuries, to come into our markets free, but imposes duties upon those foreign products which we produce at home or propose to produce at home, which duties, while raising reve- nue, discriminate in favor of the domestic producer. We put a tariff upon foreign products for the double purpose of raising revenue to pay the run- ning expenses of our government and of protecting 200 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. our people against the destructive effects of foreign competition. In doing this we are guihy of no wrong to the foreign producer. We have the right to dis- criminate in favor of our own people, and it is our duty to do so. Our government is supported by and for our people, not for the benefit of those who are not subject to its laws, or who do not contribute to its support. Every country must legislate for itself, according to its own peculiar conditions, geographi- cal, political and social. It is the right, province and duty of every nation to look to its own interests. In adopting the principle of protection, the American people are simply caring for themselves. Self-pro- tection is not confined to individuals or families. It applies as well to nations — for what is a nation but an aggregation of individuals and families ? As a rule, the nation that does the best by its own citizens, does the best for humanity in general. Within the jurisdiction of its flag every country has the supreme and exclusive control of its own fiscal affairs. What shall be said of that statesmanship which closes our own factories and leaves idle our own citizens to kindle the fires of the factories and enrich the manu- facturers of foreign countries? The protective system is the true American system. It is the system of the fathers. A great majority of the great names in American history are found upon the roll of those favoring protection. The doctrine was recognized as our National policy in the second act passed by the Congress of the United States. It THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 20I was, indeed, the first great legislative declaration under the Federal constitution, the only law preced- ing it being one fixing the oath of office of certain Federal officials. Washington approved that act. Its author was James Madison, of Virginia, " the Father of the Constitution," and the majority of men voting for it had assisted in framing or adopting that constitution. Hamilton, Adams, Jefferson, Monroe, Jackson, Clay, Webster, the younger Adams, Fill- more, Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Blaine, and Harrison were all on the side of protection. Even Calhoun was a protectionist until he made the discovery that protection was inimical to slave labor, and that, under the beneficent sway of protection, strong, prosperous and freedom-loving communities had grown up in the North, a standing menace to the institution of slavery. The discussion of the antagonistic tariff policies leads us naturally to consider, in view of the match- less progress we have made under protective tariff laws, the objections that are urged against a system that has brought us such unparalleled prosperity. What reasons can any American urge for the aban- donment of so wise and beneficent a system ? They are invariably insincere and futile. It is sometimes claimed that protection destroys competition and seeks to monopolize the home market for our manufactures, regardless of the best interests of the masses. Far trom this being true, the pro- tectionist expects and invites the fullest and freest 202 A rRACTICAI. BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. competition in all the lines of domestic manufacture and avenues of business. He encourages the theory that "competition is the life of trade," and points triumphantly to the fact that home competition always brings prices to a fair and reasonable level. Success, or even apparent or prospective success, in any busi- ness or enterprise, will incite others to engage in like business or enterprise; then follows healthful com- petition, and that inevitably results in cheapening the articles produced. The protective policy is not only better for the American mechanic ; it is better for the American farmer. What the farmer wants is not more farmers, but more consumers. If the American market is glutted with foreign products, there is that much less work for American operatives ; and when the Ameri- can operative is not employed, he can not consume the products of American farms. Without work at his own calling, the American operative must, as a last resort, go to the land. Then the American farmer has to face competitors who have hitherto been consumers. Agriculture is prosperous only when there is an active demand for the products of the farm. The home market is much better for the American farmer than the foreiofn market. This is so self-evident that, despite the outcry of the free traders about " the markets of the world," it seems unnecessary to pre- sent arguments to sustain the assertion. The home market is steadier, more reliable and more profitable THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 203 than the foreign market. Without the home market there is no demand for the products of the truck farm. The home market creates a demand for fruits and vegetables that will not bear exportation. Prior to the enactment of the tariff law of 1894 the work- ingmen in the American shops consumed annually more than ninety dollars' worth of the agricultural products of the American farmer, as compared with the less than five dollars' worth of his products that were consumed by the foreign workingmen. The American consumer, therefore, is eighteen times a better customer to the American farmer than the foreign consumer; and the American market is rela- tively eighteen times a better market for the Ameri- can farmer than the foreign market is. This delusion about the great advantages that would accrue to the American people '' if we would only go out and pos- sess the markets of the world " has been aptly described as " a great free trade shadow dance." The more our people think and know of this question the less attractive the world's markets become and the more substantial the home market grows. The American farmer is subject to a continuously increasing competition for the foreign market. The American farmer must not only compete with the broad and fertile fields of the Canadian Northwest, but with immense tracts of productive lands in Russia, India and Asia, and almost equally vast areas in Africa and Australia, in all of which the products of the farm, not only cereals but livestock, 204 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. can be raised cheaper than in the United States, because in all of these countries land and labor are cheaper, and in some of them there are equal climatic advantages. A quarter of a century ago this competition was only a matter of speculation. Now it is a factor of constantly increasing import- ance in American labor problems and civilization. Those who talk about the foreign market as a commercial prize, in comparison with which the home market is a small thing, apparently do not realize or properly appreciate the fact that the internal com- merce of the United States is greater than the foreign commerce of Great Britain, France, Ger- many, Russia, Holland, Belgium and Austro-Hun- gary combined. One of our great American railroads carries more freight in a single year than all the merchant ships of Great Britain together carry. We have more miles of railroad than all Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia combined. The floating ton- nage of the United States, engaged in coastwise commerce, and on our lakes and rivers, is very far in excess of that of any other nation. One or two com- parisons will convey some idea of this stupendous commerce. The tonnage which passed through the Detroit river alone during the 234 days of navigation in 1889 exceeded by 2,463,127 tons the entire British and foreign tonnage which entered and closed at London and Liverpool that year in the foreign and coastwise trade. The freight which passed through the St Mary's Falls canal during the season of about THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 205 230 days in 1890 exceeded by 2,257,876 tons the entire tonnage of all nations which passed through the Suez canal during the 265 days of the season of 1889. The freight carried on the railroads of the United States in 1890 exceeded by over 36,000,000 tons the aggregate carried on all the railroads of the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Russia in 1889. Commodities are interchanged among our own people with greater facility and at cheaper rates, dis- tance considered, than in any other country^ on earth. The increase of national wealth and prosperity, largely due to our system of protection to our home markets and domestic trade, has become the marvel of the world. Take a few comparisons, based upon the United States census of 1880, and upon figures furnished by Mr. Mulhall, the English statistician : In manufacturing we exceeded Great Britain in 1880 by $1,579,570,191, France by $2,115,000,000, and Germany by $2,305,000,000. In products of agriculture we excelled Great Britain by $1,425,- 000,000, France by $625,000,000, and Germany by $925,000,000. Our earnings or income for 1880, from commerce, agriculture, mining, manufactures, the carrying trade and banking, exceeded those of Great Britain from the same sources by $1,250,000,000, France by $2,395,000,000, and Germany by $2,775,000,000. Our increase of wealth from 1870 to 1880, as com- pared with that of other nations, was as follows : United States, $13,573,481,493; Great Britain, $3,- 206 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. 250,000,000 ; France, $1,475,000,000 ; Germany, $3,625,000,000. In 1880 our home markets con- sumed about $10,000,000,000 worth of our own pro- ducts, an amount equal to the entire accumulated wealth of Spain, three times the increase of wealth in Great Britain for ten years, and seven times the increase of France for the same period. Our home markets that year absorbed five times as much of our manufacturing products as Great Britain ex- ported of hers to all the markets of the world. Yet, it is now proposed by the free traders to open this home market, the best in the world, to the free entry of the products of the foreigner without any reciprocal compensation whatever. Did ever such madness possess any party of any other country at any period in the world's history ? Under a protective tariff we were able to prose- cute the war for the suppression of the rebellion to .a triumphant conclusion. Since then it has enabled us to undertake vast internal improvements, and to diminish with unexampled facility our enormous pub- lic debt. Under a protective tariff the balance of trade has been nearly always in our favor to a very remarkable extent ; while that balance has always been against us under a revenue tariff, with but few and unimportant exceptions. During the twenty-two years previous to 1890 our exports trebled and our imports doubled. This was under a protective tariff. Under the tariff of 1890 our export trade increased fifteen and one-half per cent ; in the same year(i89i) THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 20/ the export trade of Great Britain decreased five and one-half per cent. From 1847 to 1861, under a free trade revenue tariff, there was a balance of trade against us of $431,000,000. During the whole of these fifteen years there were only two years when the balance of trade was in our favor. From 1876 to 1891, a period of fifteen years, when we were under the protective system, there were only two years when the balance of trade was against us. During the other thirteen years the balance of trade in our favor was $1,649,445,246. In other words, a comparison of fifteen years under free trade, or a revenue tariff, with fifteen years under a protective tariff, shows to the advantage of protec- tion in the enormous sum of $3,080,445,246. In 1858 the United States procured from abroad most of the manufactured articles which it consumed, and they cost more then than they have ever cost since. Under protection we have manufactured most of the articles we have consumed, the price has stead- ily decreased, and we have risen to the position of the second largest exporting nation in the world. Before the recent changes of our tariff laws, our export trade was increasing at a greater rate than that of any other country. Now it already shows a large decrease in volume, with a steady decline against us. Free traders affect great concern about the prices of manufactured goods. Why, nothing can be cheap to the American people which enforces idleness 208 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. amonof our workmen, and bring-s with it the failure to make the most of our own rich stores of raw material. And here again the advocates of free trade attempt gross deception It is urged that we should have "free raw materials" in order to enable us to produce articles cheap enough to compete for the " markets of the world." Why, under the protective law of 1890 there was, practically, free trade in raw materials for the production of articles for export. It granted a drawback of ninety nine per cent, of the duties paid on such raw materials as were used for the manufac- ture of articles for export. This system of drawbacks is an old one, datinof back to the administration of Washington ; but the law of 1893 increased the draw- back from ninety to ninety-nine per cent, the govern- ment retaining but one per cent, for the expense of handlinof the Qfoods enterinsf our custom houses. The law of 1890 also applied the drawback provision to all articles imported to be finished here for use in the foreign market, so that imported raw materials were freer than they had ever before been in this or any other country to the manufacturers who felt obliged to have them. The only thing insisted upon, and required by the law, was that the imported raw ma- terials should be honestly used, exclusively for the export trade. The opponents of the protective system argue finally, that the American consumer should be allowed the privilege of purchasing foreign articles for the reason that they are cheaper than American-made THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 2O9 articles. " Buy where you can buy the cheapest," is their motto. But cheapness should never be our first, or even chief consideration, either as individuals or a nation. Cheapness is a relative term. What may be cheap in dollars and cents may be dear so far as the ability of the consumer to buy is concerned. If an article is sold at a dollar and the would-be pur- chaser gets only seventy-five cents for his day's labor, then the article is not as cheap to him as if the price were $1.25 and he was given $1.50 for the same labor. It not infrequently happens that when things are the cheapest, consumers are the poorest. It is historically true, in America, at least, that when goods were the cheapest, men were the poorest. Nothing is cheap which comes from abroad if it displaces a day's em- ployment needed for the support of an American workingman or his family. Anything is dear if the man who makes it is not enabled to make a decent living in producing it. If we proceed upon these lines industry will be quickened and our whole people will feel the impulse of a new and enduring prosperity. The practical operations of the protective system as to manufactured products have been not only to cheapen in dollars and cents the cost of the article consumed, but to maintain along with this cheapening of articles the old standard of fair wages, with a tendency upward. There is the highest authority for this assertion. Mr. Edward Atkinson, an ad- mitted authority, who Is not friendly to the protective 14 2IO A TRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. system, writing at a period when a protective law was in Operation, declared : " The share of the actual product which is now falling to the workingman, in the strictest sense, is a bigger share of a bigger product than working- men have ever attained before in this or any other country." The same o-eritleman made a more remarkable admission in the Forum for May, 1892, in writing about wage conditions in the United States. He said : "There has never been a period in this or in any other country when the general rate of wages was as high as it is now, or the price of goods relatively to the wages as low as they are to-day, nor a period when the workingman, in the strictest sense of the word, has so fully secured to his own use and enjoy- ment su'-^^ ?. steadily and progressively increasing proportion of a constantly increasing product." He subsequently said in the Boston Herald'. "Since 1880 there has been a marked increase in the rate of wages or earnings of all occupations of every kind above the grade of common laborers. So far as the writer has been able to obtain the data, this advance in rates of wages may be estimated at from ten to thirty per cent, as compared with the rates of 1880, the proportionate advance in each case being in ratio to the relative skill required in the work. The wages of the common laborer have not advanced very much, but he has been rendered able THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 211 to buy more for his wages on account of the reduc- tion in prices. The skilled laborer has secured the highest rate of wages ever known in this or any other country, and can also buy more for each dollar. The advocate of free trade who denies this advance makes a mistake." The testimony of Mr. Atkinson was abundantly corroborated in 1892 by the Labor Bureaus of the different States; by statistics published by the United States government ; and by the investigation of a special bi-partisan committee of the United States Senate. But the people themselves do not need the testimony of political economists or statisticians to demonstrate to them what they know from their own experience. Every workingman is his own best judge as to. his true financial condition. Dun's Review of Trade, in December, 1892, de- clared : *• The year 1892 has been the most pros- perous ever known in business." Was not this the universal observation of the American people ? This prosperity existed under the protective tariff law of 1890, just as our most abundant prosperity had al- ways existed under previous protective tariff enact- ments. The direct relation of labor and wages to the tariff has been clearly demonstrated by the every- day experience of our people. Not only has the protective tariff had the effect of increasing, or at least maintaining wages, but labor has been the first to feel the sad effects of a decrease of duties, result- 212 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ing" in increased importations of articles that had been produced at home. One of the silly and thread- bare arguments sometimes urged against a protective tariff is to say " there are strikes for higher wages under protection." So there are, and probably ever will be. There are strikes in England; indeed, Eng- land is the mother of strikes, as she is the mother of free trade. Protection is not a cure for all labor and social problems. There are questions of grave im- portance affecting the relations of capital and labor, and bearing upon the social condition of the masses, which have nothing at all to do with the fiscal policy of the country, whether it be that of protection or free trade. Still it can be fairly claimed that in bringing more work and better wages to the masses, the pro- tective system gives the workman a better chance in the settlement of the problems that most affect his livelihood and political and social conditions. Why does the foreign producer take such an interest in the fiscal policy of the United States? Why does he rejoice at the overthrow of our protec- tive system ? The reason is apparent even to the most prejudiced observer. When free trade, or a revenue tariff prevails in the United States, the foreign factory is busy supplying the American market, and the American factory has little or nothing to do. Protection not only directly benefits the great in- dustries of the country by making it possible to sus- tain existing factories and to establish new ones, and thereby furnish constant and increasing employment THE TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. 213 to labor, but it makes a steady demand for raw ma- terials of every kind and character, which, but for our manufacturing enterprises at home, would be practi- cally useless, and without value. Protection keeps money and markets at home for the benefit of our own people. In short, the protective policy means American markets for American products, American workshops for American workmen, and the highest material prosperity and civilization for the American people. Gold and Silver. By THOMAS L. JAMES, EX-POSTMASTER-GENERAL — PRESIDENT OF LINCOLN NATIONAL BANK, NEW YORK. GOLD has been known from the very earliest times. In the second cliapter of Genesis, where a description is given of the Garden of Eden, men- tion is made of a land "where there is sfold." But the precious metal was first used for ornaments. (Gen. 24:22.) When first used for commercial pur- poses it was weighed in rings ; it was not until a comparatively late period that coined money was known to the ancients. Among the early Egyptians the standard of value was a piece of copper, made in the form of bricks and circulated by weight. Gold and silver were also used in the same manner, though less frequently, and made in the form of rings, a method of coinage which was employed in Ireland down to the twelfth century, and which is still in voeue in some of the interior countries of Africa. In ancient Babylonia and Assyria, the precious metals were taken by weight and verified by the balance of scales, just the same as any other merchandise. The very early references to coins in the Bible are said, by scholars, to refer to Persian money, which Engraved for Practical Book for Practical People. c^^ GOLD AND SILVER. 215 was Struck in the fifth century B. C. Very much earlier than this date, however, we read that Abime- lech gave Abraham "a thousand pieces of silver" in expiation of his treatment of Sarah; and, again, that Joseph was sold to the Ishmaelites for " twenty pieces of silver." There is doubt about the meaning of this word ; some critics say it refers to shekels. Gold is found in solid rocks combined with other substances, in veins, and at the bottoms of rivers, or streams, the currents of which have brought it down from hiofher altitudes. The methods of extractino- it vary according to the character of the deposit. The refuse is removed by a mechanical process, shaken out in a circular sheet-iron dish with sloping sides, or, when the quantity is large, a contrivance like a child's cradle is used. When the material comes down from the mountain in a stream, the debris is separated by means of troughs, upon which riffles or strips of wood are placed. Hydraulic mining is one of the modern methods, jets of water, descending from a great height, being forced into the banks and beds containing the precious metal. Silver, which is usually alloyed, is found in masses and in fine threads which have the appearance of metallic twigs and branches. There is a mass in the royal collection at Copenhagen which weighs over 500 pounds ; another, found in Peru, weighed over 800 pounds, and one found in Sonora, Mexico, is said to have weighed 2,700 pounds. Among the silver-producing countries, the United 2l6 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. States stands first, and, with Mexico and Bolivia, fur* nishes four-fifths of the entire product. Germany, Chili and Spain follow in the order of production. The principal silver coins in use in the leading European countries are : Austria, the florin (45c) ; Belgium, five franc (91c) ; Denmark, crown ($1.03); England, shilling (21c); France, one franc (i8c), and five franc (91c); Germany, five marks (91c); Greece, five drachms (82c); Italy, five lire (91c); Netherlands, 2 1-2 guilders (96c) ; Norway, specie daler ($1.93); Portugal, 500 reis (46c); Russia, ruble (74c); Spain, five pesetas (91c); Sweden, riksdaler (26c) ; Switzerland, two francs (33c), and Turkey, twenty piasters (Sic). Probably the most interesting feature connected with gold, certainly to American readers, is its dis- covery in California in 1848. It is a curious fact that the precious metal, so much prized and so much used in all parts of the world — the cosmopolitan metal — • was found on the land of a man, who in the matter of birth and residence, should claim to be a cosmo- politan of the first rank. This man, John A. Sutter, was a Swiss by parentage ; a German by the place of his birth in Baden ; an American by residence and naturalization in Missouri, and a Mexican by subse- quent residence and naturalization in California. In 1839 he had settled at the junction of the Sacra- mento and American rivers, near the site of the present city of Sacramento. Sutter's ranch at this point was the headquarters for all the immigrants GOLD AND SILVER. 217 coming from the eastern States. Here they would stop and rest after their toilsome march across the desert, and purchase fresh supplies of food and cloth- ing before continuing their journey to their special points of destination in the interior. In his capacity as primitive hotel proprietor, or tavern-keeper, Mr. Sutter found that the Americans were not satisfied with his antiquated Mexican method of crushing grain by hand between two stones. He found that he would be compelled to build a flour- mill to grind the wheat which he cultivated on his farm in great quantity. He also determined to build a saw-mill, which was located in the mountains be- cause there was no good timber in the valleys. These buildings were erected by James W. Marshall, a native of the State of New Jersey, who is said to have been "cranky," impracticable in his business methods and full of strange notions. For all that he is the man who discovered gold in California. One of the workmen around the mill was in the habit of keeping a diary, jotting down, from time to time, what he deemed to be the important occurrences of the day. Thanks to this little diary we know the exact time when gold was discovered in California. His record of the fact is as follows : "Monday, 24th — This day some kind of mettle was found in the tail race that looks like goald, first discovered by James Martial the boss of the mill. "Sunday, 30th — Clear and has been all the last week. Our metal has been tride and proved to be 2l8 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. goald It is thought to be rich We have pict up more than a hundred dollars worth last week. February, 1848." The California mines are said to have yielded in three years gold to the value of $175,000,000. The Australian mines yielded in the same period $100,000,000. The effect of this enormous out-put of gfold on countries where silver was the standard of value was the adoption of a gold standard. In this way the silver coinage and reserve were dis- placed ; a change was made in the mint operations of England and France. In the latter country silver is a leo^al tender to a modified detrree : in Eng-land the proportion of silver once authorized has long since disappeared from the bullion reserve, which now consists wholly of gold. The German Emperor, at the close of the war 1870-71, made gold the sole standard and dislodged the old silver money of the German States. An interesting fact in connection with the precious metal is, that just before this article was sent to the press, the largest shipment of gold ore ever sent in one train to the smeltery, either in this or any other country (viz., $1,000,000), was made from Denver, Colorado. It was sent from the "Independence" mine, owned by W. S. Stratton, a typical western mining speculator, who started life as a carpenter, made and lost money by his investments until event- ually, to use the Western expression, " He struck it GOLD AND SILVER. 219 rich" and became the owner of the "Independence" mine, which is now valued at $5,000,000. The proverbs of the world which are said to be, " The public voice, coined first, and common made by common choice," throw considerable light on the precious metals from the human and sociological points of view. The power of gold is thus tersely Indicated : " Be- fore «rold, even kinors take off their hats." " Gold is the best mediator." "Gold -ules the court, the camp, the grave, and married men and men in love." •' If the walls were adamant, gold would take the town.' " There is no better friend in misfortune than gold." " There is no lock one cannot open with a golden key." " Where gold chinks, argu- ments are of no avail." "A silver hammer breaks an iron door," and " Fight with silver spurs and you will overcome everything." To prove that gold, valuable as it is, is not a cure for all the ills of life, we have : "A gold ring does not cure a felon." " A eolden bit makes none the better horse," and " A orolden crallows is still but a gallows." On the other hand, the uselessness of the precious metal in its relation to religion and character are thus sententiously set forth : "■ A golden key opens every door save that of heaven." *' Gold and goods may be lost ; a good name endures forever." " Gold goes through all doors except heaven's doors," and " Gold is the snare of the soul." 220 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Unfortunate people who cannot get gold, and cynics generally, comfort themselves with such re- flections as, " A great load of gold is more burden- some than a light load of gravel." " Better whole than patched with gold." " He who has gold has fear; who has none has sorrow." "Gold is the devil's fish-hook." While the scholarly Petrarch summed up the argument in this way : " He who ex- pends gold properly is its master ; who lays it up, its keeper ; who loves it, a fool ; who adores it, an idolater ; the truly wise man is he who despises it." I have made no attempt in this article to discuss what is generally called " The Financial Question," because my space is limited and the subject is of such far-reaching importance, that he who seeks to mold public opinion, should, with due regard to propriety, do so only after long and careful study of the matter. Such discussion would involve, at the very beginning, an argument on the fundamental question underlying all finance, to wit : '' What is money ? " The political economists, the philosophers and the doctrinaires have been writing about this question almost since the precious metals have been used as a medium of exchange; and, it may be said, that about the only point upon which they all agree is the undisputed fact, that money is a convenient commodity to have. Then they all part company, each one proclaiming his belief as to what really is money, and each one, it may be added, eager and glad to obtain the coin of the realm, or its substitute. GOLD AND SILVER. 221 for such services as he is able to render to the com- munity. As a well-known writer says : " Money is a word in continual use all over the civilized world, and perhaps there is none the meaning of which in con- nection with the business they have in hand is more distinctly understood by those who use it ; and, yet, on the other hand, there is none of which it is more difficult to give a comprehensive account or a strict definition." Under these circumstances, I can be well excused (and the reader can be happily spared) a description of the financial question, when, so to speak, the very threshold of the edifice is as large as the building itself. There is one remarkable fact, however, connected with this discussion, and that is that the production of gold has increased so much during this contest between the so-called "Gold-bugs " and the Silverites ; and such an increased value has been placed upon it, that many able financiers contend that the effect will be to make the white metal more valuable as a standard of value. After the discovery of gold in California and Australia, the price of silver increased ; but when, in our country, the Comstock mines were discovered and it was shown how easy silver could be mined, it became reduced in value, until it is cheaper than it has ever been in the history of the world. With the development of new gold mines and the extraction of the ore by modern appliances (steam-drills, etc.), some thinkers believe that the financial question will be settled by itself, and before 22 2 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. our law-makers have come to a conclusion in regard to the matter. This is a consummation devoutly to be wished for; and, judging from recent congres- sional experience, it would not be presumptuous to say that it may come about. c^ Engraved for Practical Book for Practical People. The Silver Question. By J. K. UPTON. ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY UNDER SECRETARIES SHERMAN, WINDOM AND FOLGER. 2 24 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. TO establish standards by which the dimensions or weight of material objects could be ascer- tained and expressed, engaged the best wit of man- kind for a long period. Only by resort to most exact scientific processes have our present standards been established upon a basis as permanent, unchangeable and indestructible as the laws of gravitation and the revolution of the earth. Unfortunately no standard of value having such certain and stable properties has been provided by nature. The holder of a commodity will part with it only upon terms which may suit his necessities, whim, or caprice, consequently there are as many standards of value as there are holders of com- modities. Could commodities be exchanged direct, article for article, no need of a value standard would exist. But only to a limited extent are such changes practicable, and the necessities of trade long ago led to the inter- position of a third commodity in the desired exchange, known as money. From the earliest times silver, and from more recent date gold, have been used for this purpose. These two metals, more than any other commodities, possess certain attributes peculiarly fitting them for such duty. They are but little affected by exposure to the elements ; they submit readily to any form required, and lose little or nothing by melting. They can be broken or cut in pieces without loss ; they possess a value relative to weight, THE SILVER QUESTION. 225 neither too great nor too minute, and for them there is everywhere a demand for use in the arts, which is comparatively uniform and certain. For these reasons, holders of commodities anywhere will part with their holdings for either of these two metals, knowing that they can at their pleasure obtain for it any other commodity they may desire. When Abraham bought the cave of Machpelah he paid for it in silver of current weight among the merchants. It was a simple and honest transaction, and one doubtless advantageous to both parties. If, later, human laws had not interfered, like exchanges would have gone on uninterrupted from that time to this — all differences being adjusted, each case by itself and by the parties thereto. But in an unwise moment the law attempted to control such transac- tions, and legislators have since been busy regulating and fixing the rates of the two metals to each other, and to other commodities with the only practical result that in the end somebody has been cheated. One device was to make the coin a legal tender in payment of debt, then reduce its weight, but keep its debt-paying power unchanged ; another, to give the same name to a coin of each metal of fixed weight, and leave to the debtor his option which to use in satisfaction of his obligation, a plan familiarly known as bi-metalism. The treatment by Parliament of the pound sterling illustrates this first method of interference. Origi- nally, the pound in value was a pound in weight of 2 26 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. pure silver. Out of this amount of metal, twenty pieces of even weight were authorized to be coined, to be known as shillings. King Edward III, how- ever, pressed for means to pay his royal debts, directed that a pound of silver should be coined into twenty-two pieces instead of twenty, each piece a legal tender for a shilling, as before. In this way the crown gained for its own private use two shillings out of every twenty-two coined. The successors of this king repeated the operation from time to time, as their needs demanded, until Queen Elizabeth directed that sixty-two pieces be coined from the pound, making the shilling less than one-third of its original weight. Yet, all this time, the piece was do- ing duty in paying debts at its original valuation. Violent fluctuations in the value of property neces- sarily followed this last reduction, and the people became aware that in some way there was cheating around the board, and an outcry was raised that stopped any further attempt in that country to hum- bug the public by a reduction of the monetary standard. By other countries, the experiment of bi-metalism has been tried. In this country, the Constitution having granted Congress the power to coin money and regulate its value, Hamilton and Jefferson in 1792 agreed to a plan, which became a law, by which, for debt-paying purposes, one pound of gold should be equal to fifteen and a half of silver — the supposed commercial rate. A piece to be known as a dollar, THE SILVER QUESTION. 227 was to be the standard unit of value as well as a coin for circulation. This piece, if of silver, was to contain 371.25 grains ; if of gold, 24.75. Each metal was to be coined upon like conditions for depositors of bullion, at the public mint, at that rating, and in the payment of a debt calling for dollars, the debtor, under the law, had his option which metal to use in the satisfaction of his obligation. The framers of this plan proclaimed their belief that in this way, gold and silver would circulate together as money — but soon after the plan went into operation it was found that holders of bullion brought to the mint for coinage into dollars only silver, as they could get more dollars for gold bullion in the market than at the mint. The relation in value of one to fifteen and one- half in weight, if ever alike in law and in the market at the same time, did not long remain so, and silver alone furnished the circulation, being the cheaper metal, and the law remaining unchanged. But the new silver dollar, with its quarters, halves and tenths, found a rival competitor for circulation. Through- out the country, a Spanish dollar with its " real " or eighth pieces had been previously much employed in the colonies, and Congress, to keep these pieces in circulation, declared them legal tender also in the payment of debts to the amount expressed on their face. These pieces, through long use, had become light in weight, but being just as good in payment of a debt, they were kept in circulation for that purpose, 2 28 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. while the new coins, plump and bright from the mint, were melted down for use or shipped abroad. None remained in circulation, and therefore in 1805, Mr. Jefferson, then President, directed the mint to cease coining silver dollar pieces. For more than thirty years these light foreign coins continued to furnish the metallic circulation of the country, all debts being payable in them. They circulated by the ope- rations of a law under which the cheaper currency will always drive out the dearer — a law stronger and more certain in its action than any law of Congress, for it is founded upon human greed. To improve the currency and restore gold thereto, in 1837 Congress directed the gold coins to be reduced in weight about 7-10 of a grain to a dollar. In this way, the bullion in a coined dollar of gold was made worth less in the market than the bullion in a coined dollar of silver, and the gold coins under the law mentioned being the cheaper currency, would promptly have filled the channels of circulation, but again, the worn Spanish silver pieces, being a still cheaper currency, kept them out of use. These nuisances were tolerated until 1857, when Congress authorized the issue from the mints of fractional silver pieces, lighter even than the much- worn Spanish ones, and the redemption at the mints of the latter coins at their nominal value. Immedi- ately the new coins came into use — not in excess, for their issue was limited to the demand for them at their face value for gold. Then the circulation of THE SILVER QUESTION. 229 the country for the first time consisted of both metals circulating together, and was entirely satis- factory to all sections. The silver dollar, how- ever, ceased to be issued for circulation, though authorized, its value being greater for bullion purposes. In 1878 it was noticed that silver, in relation to gold, was rapidly losing its value, and the country looked to see the silver dollar come into use as the unit of account and coin of circulation, but it was discovered that, in 1873, in a revision of the mint laws, Congress had left no authority for the further coinage of this piece. Great was the outcry that this grand opportunity to flood the country with the "dollar of the daddies " had been lost. In 1878, to appease the clamor, authority was given by Congress to coin $2,000,000 worth at least, of bullion per month on government account, the profit to go into the general treasury. But this did not satisfy, and in 1890, a bill passed the House authorizing an unlimited coinage of the silver dollar, at a ratio in weight to gold of about 16 to i — as established by the act of 1837. The bill, as amended in the Senate, repealed the act of 1878, under which $422,000,000 had been coined, and authorized the purchase of $4,000,000 worth of bullion per month, in payment for which leeal tender certificates should be issued, payable in " coin," and in this form the bill became a law July 12, 1890. This authority for the purchase of silver bullion was repealed by act approved Nov. 230 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLfi I, 1893, after about 151,000,000 of certificates had been issued, and to-day no authority for the coinage of silver dollars or the issue of silver certificates exists, except for the additional issue of fractional coins as authorized by the act of 1857, In the act of 1890, Congress declared that the parity of value between the two metals should be maintained. Ostensibly for such maintenance, the treasury has within a year issued for gold $100,000,- 000 of bonds in addition to a like amount issued in 1878, to provide a reserve for legal tender notes then outstanding. The question which now con- fronts the country is what further legislation, if any, in regard to the employment of silver for circulation is proper and necessary, gold now being the standard of value, and gold coins the only ones authorized to be issued of full legal tender quality. There seems to be no demand in any part of the country for the further purchase of silver bullion and the coinage of dollar pieces on government account, but there is, especially in the west and southwest, a persistent demand for the coinage of silver dollars, for depositors of silver bullion at the mint free of charge, as is now done for depositors of gold bullion. No other plan is suggested; no other scheme urged. If the use of silver as currency is to be further ex- tended, it will be upon the basis of free coinage, and also at a ratio to gold in weight of 16 to i, as now exists. To-day the silver necessary to coin a dollar can be THE SILVER QUESTION. 23 I purchased for somewhat less than one-half a dollar in gold. To give free coinage to silver means to put into unlimited circulation silver dollar pieces, the intrinsic value of which is less than one-half of the gold dollar, our present standard. As the govern- ment would no longer stand behind these pieces to give them a fictitious value, as at present, our stand- ard of value would at once drop one-half. The pieces would still be dollars, but their purchasing power would be but one-half as great as at present. To the public the change would come in enhanced prices for grain, meats, cloth and everything, for the price of all commodities thus measured would necessarily be doubled. When exchanges are once thus settled, perhaps no particular injury would flow out of transactions based thereon. France has the franc piece, less than one-fifth of our dollar, as a standard, with no special incon- venience. The great objection to the proposed change to a silver basis is the wrong that would be done to holders of obligations calling for dollars and payable in the future. Such obligations are mainly bonds issued by the Nation or States, by counties or other local divisions, railroads and other corporations, and mortgages issued upon real estate — all calling for dollars at some future time. The amount of these obligations include at least the following, expressed in even millions : 232 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The National debt $1, 100,000,000 Debts of the several States 229,000,000 " " counties ..., 145,000,000 " " municipalities 724,000,000 " " school districts 37,000,000 Funded debt of railroads 5,000,000,000 Mortgages on real estate ' 6,000,000,000 Total $13,235,000,000 Should the silver dollar become the standard, the total wealth of the country would, perhaps, not be affected, but there would be an actual loss to the holders of these oblifrations of one-half of the total amount, or $6,167,500,000, and a corresponding gain to the obligators. In other words, the free coinage of silver would, in its operation, take more than $6,000,000,000 of property — one-tenth of the entire wealth of the country — from its present owners, and transfer it, without consideration, to other parties who have no right to it, and this exclusive of a vast amount of personal obligations. One shudders at the thought of such an iniquity, and, when understood, there must be honor enough remaining in the American people to prevent the consummation of such bare-faced robbery. But, it is alleged by the advocates of free silver coin, in excuse for their demands, that gold has ap- preciated since its demonetization in 1873, reducing the price of agricultural products and other commo- dities, and consequently the farmer can no longer get for the products of his farm what he could in former THE SILVER QUESTION. 233 years, and that all industries are injured by the low prices arising from the relative increased value of gold. When we speajc of the value of gold or silver, we mean *"he rate at which the metal in question can be generally exchanged for other commodities, and this rate depends, as is well known, upon the demand for, and supply of, the metal, and when it is alleged that gold has appreciated in value, it only means that a certain fixed quantity of it can be exchanged for more wheat, more cotton, more meat and more bread- stuff, or more manufactured goods, than before. Whether gold has thus appreciated in reference to other commodities and to wages paid, became a very interesting question several years ago, and the Fi- nance Committee of the Senate, in 1891, authorized a sub-committee to make an investigation of this very matter. This sub-committee consisted of Senators Aldrich, Allison, Jones of Nevada, Harris and Car- lisle, and the investigation was conducted through Hon. Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor. An elaborate report thereon was made to the Senate, approved by all the members of the sub-committee, and the correctness of the figures has never been questioned. The committee extended the inquiry back to 1840, but they accepted the year i860 as a standard year, and made all comparisons of prices with those of that year. Among other things, they ascertained for all the principal agricultural products how much the owner could get in gold each year 234 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. from 1840 to 1 89 1, for a quantity which in i860 would bring him $100 in gold. Of the principal items, barley had increased during the 51 years in relative price from 83.1 to loi.o ; cotton from 83.2 to 96.0; hemp from 88 to 108; oats from 102 to 114; rye from 79.6 to 87.9 ; beeves from 65.8 to 92.3 ; hogs from 50.5 to 66.9 ; tobacco from 94.1 to 111.8 ; wheat No. 2 Spring from 43.1 to 76.6. From i860 to 1891 a few of the food products show a decrease in value, wheat noticeably so, decreasing from 100 to 60, and corn from 100 to 81.7. But, for proper comparison, the average price of the principal commodities should be compared. The following table shows the relative prices in gold of the nine staple agricultural products, barley, corn, cotton, hemp, oats, meats, rye, tobacco and wheat, combined, and, for comparison, the price of silver, for dates named, as prepared by the Finance Committee of the United States Senate : YEAR. Agricultural products. Silver. YEAR. Agricultural products. Silver. i860 1865 1870 1875 100. 97-3 107.7 116.8 lOI .4 117. I 87-5 98.4 1880 1885 1890 189I 102.9 87.9 93-7 98.4 85-9 79-9 78.4 74.1 An examination of the average prices for i860 and 1 89 1 shows that the average exchange value of gold had increased meanwhile less than 2 per cent dur- ing the 31 years in question. Had silver meanwhile THE SILVER QUESTION. 235 furnished the standard, the variation would have been 27 per cent in i 7 years. No better methods of meas- uring the relative values of the two metals has ever been devised, and the result shows the falsity of any allegation that gold has appreciated in value to any great extent, or that it is less stable than silver. The invention of labor saving machines has doubt- less cheapened manufactured articles to some extent within the last 50 years. A cheaper rate would therefore occur regardless of any variation in the exchange value of gold or silver for other commodi- ties or the employment of either metal for a stand- ard. But the report further shows that, while the farmer obtains substantially the same prices for his articles in 1891 that he did in i860, and 10 per cent more than he did for same articles in 1840, he pays less for most things that he has to purchase. New Orleans molasses, worth 100 in i860 was worth but 67 9-10 in 1891. Blankets, cotton warp, wool fillings, which were 100 in i860, were worth but 82 9-10 in 1 89 1. Carpets, ingrain, two-ply, Lowell, which were worth 100 in i860, were worth but 78 4-10 in 1891. Print cloths, which were worth 100 in i860, were worth but 54 7-10 in 1891. The prices of shirtings had fallen meanwhile from 100 to 71. Tickings from 100 to 70 6-10. Candles from 100 to 48. Matches from 100 to 77 i-io. Cut nails from 100 to 59 4-10. Common hand saws from 100 to :iy^ 5-10. Chemicals are almost invariably less, quinine having gone down from 100 in i860, to 27 3-10 in 1891. 236 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Furniture is much cheaper, having gone down from 100 in i860 to about 70 in 1891. And of glassware, pitchers have gone down from 100 to 206-10 ; tumb- lers from 100 to 41 7-10. Castile soap has also gone down from 100 to 73 5-10. There has been an in- crease in a few articles — sugar cured ham in the period of 31 years having gone up 22 per cent; mutton, 30 per cent ; Turk's Island salt, 25 per cent. The inquiry of the committee extended to 223 articles for comparison between i860 and 1891, and to 85 articles between 1840 and 1891, Grouping these by years, it is found that articles of food are 3 9-10 higher in 1891 than they were in i860 ; that lumber and building materials are about 22 per cent higher. But there has been a falling off in the prices of cloths and clothing, fuel and lighting, and metals and implements. The average of all the groups shows that what could have been purchased for 100 in i860 would have cost but 90 3-10 in 1840, and 92 2-10 in 1891. This shows that the leading com- modities which enter into the consumption of fami- lies are 7 8-10 per cent cheaper in 1891 than in i860. This may readily be accounted for by the introduc- tion of labor saving machines, and there is no need of supposing that any appreciation in the exchange value of gold caused even this depreciation in prices of manufactured goods. Notwithstanding a small decrease in the value of commodities entering into general consumption, and a still smaller decrease in the value of farm products, THE SILVER QUESTION. 237 the wages of laboring men employed in the manufac- ture of leather, gas, wool, cotton, iron, steel, and in other occupations, have steadily increased since 1840. The committee obtained 61 complete series of wage returns, from 1840 to i860, and 543 distinct series to cover the period from i860 to 1891. These returns show that, taking the average relative wages in gold of all the occupations, for every $100 the laborer re- ceived in i860, he received $80 in 1841 ; $147.10 in ^^73'> $150-70 in 1881 ; and $168.60 in 1891. In other words, the average wages of laboring men em- ployed in all the occupations reported are 68 6-10 per cent higher in 1891 than in i860. These wages, for both periods, are measured in gold, and if gold has appreciated, as alleged, there should still be added to the reported increase the amount of the appreciation to ascertain the true returns of this labor. The ap- preciation of gold, if any, has certainly wrought no injury to the great mass of laboring men in the coun- try, for their wages have increased and their expenses decreased steadily for at least the thirty years in question. But it is alleged by the advocates of free coinage of silver, that there is not gold enough in the world to furnish the needed circulation, and silver should, therefore, be also employed. This might be true were only the metal itself used for circulation. In commercial transactions to-day, however, notes and checks are principally the instruments employed in effecting changes. The New York City Clearing 238 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. House, reports show that out of $100,000,000 ex- changes passing through that institution, less than $1,000,000, or one per cent, is in coin, and the use of notes and checks is extending and increasing in every part of the civilized world. Experience has shown that under certain restric- tions, circulation notes, payable on demand, issued by a bank or nation, will circulate at par with coin greatly to the convenience and advantage of the pub- lic, A metallic reserve of one-third of the circulation is generally found sufficient to maintain the notes at par. The stock of gold in the world is more than ample for such reserve. From recent statistics published by the Director of the Mint, it seems that, exclusive of China, India and the Islands of the Pacific, concerning whose monetary condition little is known, the total of all kinds of money in circulation amounted to $7,979,578,000, in- cluded in which there was of gold $3,582,605,000, enough to have furnished a reserve at the ratio above indicated for a circulation of $10,747,815,000, or $2,968,237,000 more than the total circulation of paper and metal combined, indicating no lack of gold to provide any reasonable reserve for a sufficieat circulation. Again, the yield of gold within the last three de- cades has greatly exceeded that of any previous decade, and it seems to be still increasing. The population of Europe and America, and the yield of both gold and silver in these two continents for THE SILVER QUESTION. 239 the last one hundred years, can be pretty accurately determined. The total average annual yield of both metals per 100 of population from 1800 to 1850, was as fol- lows : For decade ending with 1800, $25.59; 18 10, $22.74; 1820, $12.29; 1830, $10.62; 1840, $13.01; 1850, $22.38. The average annual yield per 100 of population in the same countries, of gold alone, since 1850, has been as follows: For decade ending with i860, $36.81; 1870, $29.30; 1880, $23.06; for year ending with 1893, $35.53. It will be seen that the yield of gold per capita since 1850 has been greater than that of both metals previous to that period. Yet the business of the world was done on the basis of the two metals pre- vious to 1850, without embarrassment and without so enlarged a use of notes and checks, and surely there can be no deficiency in gold for the purpose hereafter, as long as the present yield continues. In some parts of the country there seems to be, also, an impression that the free coinage of silver will, in some way, bring relief to the so-called labor- ing classes. Precisely in what way the relief is to come is not stated. Certainly, there is nothing in the condition of these classes in countries having a free coinage of that metal to induce the introduction of a like coinage in this country. Our sister republic, Mexico, enjoys a free silver coinage with all the blessings the scheme can afford. 240 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. It is well known that farm laborers in that country live in mud houses upon the estates of the wealthy, in a sort of serfdom, supporting themselves upon about twenty-five cents a day, Mexican money. Skilled labor is relatively as poorly paid. The following table published officially shows the wages received in the City of Mexico on July i, 1890, for certain occupations, compared with like wages in United States at same time reduced to the common standard of gold : OCCUPATIONS. Blacksmiths Carpenters Quarrymen Railroad contractors Stone cutters Tinners House painters Gas fitters Printers Coach makers Weavers Pattern makers Machinists Engine drivers Firemen Wages in Mexico. Per Day. Mexican silver dollar. •50 ■5° .00 •25 ■87s •25 ,00 .00 ,00 ,00 ■25 ■75 •50 •50 Equivalent in U. S. gold com. .88 •13 •38 •75 •94 .66 .98 •75 ■50 •50 ■75 •94 •31 •13 •13 Wages in United States, Per Day. Gold coin or its equivalent. •50 •55 •50 .84 •50 •45 .28 •97 •50 •50 •30 ,24 ■44 79 GO C u m U oC/3 v > c 66 42 12 79 56 99 34 22 1 .00 1. 00 •55 2.30 1-73 2.66 At the same time, the prices of nearly all com- modities were higher in Mexico than in the United States, as will be seen from the table below, showing THE SILVER QUESTION. 2411 prices of several articles as published in the City of Mexico, reduced to a common gold standard : COMMODITIES. Pkicks ,. Mkx.co. Umtho^^xV."hI In favor of United States. Mexican dollar. Equivalent in U. S. gold. Gold. Flour, per barrel. . . Sugar, per pound. . Coffee, per pound. . Beans, per pound. . Rice, per pound. . . Lard, per pound. . . Ham, per pound. . . Cheese, per pound . 10.780 . 190 .740 .500 .085 .18 •30 •25 $8,080 . 140 . 180 .380 .063 •135 .225 .187 $5- 100 .050 .200 .500 •055 .060 .114 . 100 $2,980 .090 Ik ^^.020 *.I20 .008 •.075 •115 .087 There is nothing in these tables to indicate that the wage earner is better off in Mexico, with its free silver, than in the United States, on a gold basis; but there is everything to indicate that his condition is much less favorable ; which condition is generally admitted, whatever may be its cause. If there is need of more money in circulation, there are plenty of ways to obtain the increase with- out resorting to the free coinage of silver. Since January i, 1879, the greenback notes of the Government have circulated at par with gold, upon a reserve of about one-third metal. Inthiswayall the people of the country have shared alike in the gain arising from issuing non-interest bearing obli- gations in excess of the reserve. Had the green- 16 * In favor of Mexico. 242 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. backs been redeemed and retired at that time, in^ stead of retained in circulation, an additional issue of about $250,000,000 four per cent bonds at par would have been required, the interest on which would have been $10,000,000 per annum — which in- terest has been saved every year to all the people of the country alike ; and the saving is still going on. Meanwhile, the issue of these notes has been supple- mented by that of National banks, issued by permis- sion of the Government to 90 per cent of the face value of United States bonds, furnished as collateral therefor. If more circulation is needed, additional greenbacks may be issued upon a like reserve, or new banks can at any time be organized for that pur- pose, under conditions like those in existence, or, to further increase the jiote circulation, it may be advisable to permit the issue of notes to the face value of the security bonds. This would at once in- sure an increase of 1 1 per cent of the existing amount of the notes outstanding, and ultimately would, per- haps, tempt capital into the organization of more note issuing banks. This plan would be an entirely safe one for the note-holder, and should give addi- tional circulation, perhaps all that will be needed, until the bonds mature or are paid off, when other plans may become imperative. Any other scheme to increase the issue of credit paper money should receive the most careful scru- tiny, lest in avoiding certain admitted defects in the present system the country be led into a quagmire THE SILVER QUESTION. 243 of depreciated paper money. Every dollar of paper in circulation must be continued redeemable at sight in gold coin of present standard weight, or its equivalent, for the country is in little humor for even a partial return to the red dog and wildcat circula- tion of earlier days. ^^X^Ufy^^ The Silver Question. By R. p. bland. CHAIRMAN COINAGE COMMITTEE FIFTV-THIRD CONGRESS. FACTS relating to the discussion of the silver question have accumulated rapidly in the past eighteen months. The suspension of the free coinage of silver in India, June, 1893, the repeal of the Sherman Law in November of the same year, in this country, the struggle of Austria to accumulate gold preparatory to entering the list of single gold standard countries, has had the effect of depressing prices everywhere and bringing the people of all gold standard countries to the verge of bankruptcy and despair. What can be said of the gold prophets of 1893, who, clamoring for the repeal of the purchase clause of the Sherman Act, declared that this law alone stood in the way of business revival and prosperity in this country ? We were told that the repeal of the purchasing clause of this act would at once cause ^^/^ to flow to our shores, would stop all necessity for the issuing of bonds to get gold for redemption purposes. Congress was by these arguments and promises induced to repeal the act. Kiigravcd for Practiciil Hook for l>iacticiil People. /v^frU..^^^ THE SILVER QUESTION. 245 The President refused to siofn the seisriiorao-e bill for the same reasons. Yet, in a few months after the repeal of the Sherman Act, we issued fifty mil- lions of bonds to replenish the gold reserve, and in a short time after the veto of seigniorage bill fifty millions more of bonds were issued for the purchase of gold, The gold thus procured is taken from the Treasury almost as fast as it is paid in. The fault of the Sherman Law, in dealing with the question of redemption of the notes issued in the purchase of the bullion, was in giving the Secretary of the Treasury the power to redeem in gold. Had the law compelled the coinage of the bullion and the redemption of the notes in the coin struck from the bullion, there never would have been occa- sion for bond issues. During the time we purchased silver, and the law of February 28, 1878, which law compelled the coinage of the bullion as fast as it was purchased and compelled the redemption of the silver certificates issued on the coin in silver dollars, we were constantly increasing our gold supply. From 1878 to 1888 we imported $132,000,000 more gold than we exported. In 1890 the Sherman Law was passed and after its passage the Treasury notes issued in the pur- chase of the bullion were redeemed in gold instead of silver as under the old law. From that time our export of gold greatly increased. 246 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The Sherman Law declared to the world that we proposed to redeem our currency in gold. This meant the single gold standard and gave the world notice that there was to be a war for gold, and hence other countries, in order to strengthen themselves, began bidding for gold. The repeal of the purchase clause only of the Sherman Law, leaving the gold redemption part in force, was regarded as a distinct blow at silver and an evident purpose on our part to strike down silver, a warninor of a still s^reater demand for sfold. This caused an immediate scramble for gold for India, Austria and other countries. Thus it is that the sin- gle gold standard is daily driving gold up and, what is the same thing in meaning, prices down. The day of low prices, hard times and general con- fiscation is upon us, and is here to stay until the people by hard necessity are made to realize that bank notes are not money ; that nothing but legal tender is in the true sense money. That gold is the sole measure of values, and this measure of all values is itself constantly increasing by the action of the nations displacing silver as the coequal of gold in measurement of values. Cut ofT one-half of the money of ultimate redemption and all products must shrink one-half in money value. The remedy is plain. Restore the old bi-metallic standard that existed for eighty years in our history. This standard made the silver dollar, as now coined In pure silver, the THE SILVER QUESTION. 247 unit of account or value. There is no other mode of redress. Coin the silver and gold freely at our own mints. Let gold and silver certificates take the place of other form of money. The two coins will be a basis for our currency, and the supply will be ample for all business purposes. But we are told the two coins, gold and silver, would not circulate togrether. The answer is, they now circulate side by side. Again, it is said this is so because we have limited the coinaofe of silver. It was claimed by Mr. Sherman, when he was Secretary of the Treasury, when we had coined but fifty millions of silver dollars, that this amount was all the country could absorb at a parity with gold. Still we coined silver until we now have four hun- dred and twenty millions, all at a par with gold. Why should those people who decry silver as cheap money now show a hasty determination to authorize an unlimited amount of bank paper in- trinsically worth nothing ? Is it because the plan of putting the control of the volume of money in the keeping of corporate wealth is more favorable to the masses of the people than to permit the people themselves, through the laws of nature and the demands of business and trade, to supply the volume of money by the use of the gov- ernment mints ? 248 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Must a government '' of the people, by the people and for the people " surrender its prerogative of issuing money to a monopoly ? Surely, if the demand for money will be sufficient to float an unlimited issue of bank paper at par with gold, the same demand will keep at par all the silver that will come to us. The parity can be attended to by reducing the metal in the coin that goes to a premium or is hoarded. There need be no apprehension as to that. Silver has been depreciated as compared to gold by the disuse of silver as standard money, and the whole strain of ultimate redemption put on gold alone. The restoration of silver will bring gold down to its proper level without any change of ratio. The British Royal Commission of 1887, paragraphs 192-3-4 of its report, states the principal and hist- orical fact of the Latin Union maintaining the parity of the two metals as follows : 192. These considerations seem to suggest the existence of some steadying influence in former per- iods, which has now been removed, and which has left the silver market subject to the free influence of causes, the full effect of which was previously kept in check. The question therefore forces itself upon us : Is there any other circumstance calculated to affect the relation of silver to gold which distinguishes the later period from the earlier ? THE SILVER QUESTION. 049 Now, undoubtedly the date which forms the divid- ing line between an epoch of approximate fixity in the relative value of gold and silver and one of marked instability is the year when the bimetallic system which had previously been in force in the Latin Union ceased to be in full operation ; and we are irresistibly led to the conclusion that the opera- tion of that system, established as it was in countries the population and commerce of which were consid- erable, exerted a material influence upon the relative value of the two metals. So long as that system was in force we think that, notwithstanding the changes in the production and use of the precious metals, it kept the market price of silver approximately steady at the ratio fixed by law between them, namely fifteen and one-half to one. When once the conclusion is arrived at that this was the case, the circumstances on which we have dwelt as characterizing the period since 1873 appear amply sufficient to account for the fall in the price of silver, tending as they all do in that direction ; and the fact that on any particular day the supply of sil- ver and of council bills may be large while the need for remittances is small, and vice versa, would ex- plain the constant fluctuations in the price of silver which have manifested themselves in recent years. 193. Nor does it appear to us a priori unreason- able to suppose that the existence in the Latin Union of a bimetallic system with a ratio of fifteen and one- half to one fixed between the two metals should 250 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. have been capable of keeping the market price of silver steady at approximately that ratio. The view that it could only affect the market price to the extent to which there was a demand for it for currency purposes in the Latin Union, or to which it was actually taken to the mints of those countries is, we think, fallacious. The fact that the owner of silver could, in the last resort, take it to those mints and have it converted into coin, which would purchase commodities at the ratio of fifteen and one-half of silver to one of gold, would, in our opinion, be likely to affect the price of silver in the market generally, whoever the purchaser and for whatever country it was destined. It would enable the seller to stand out for a price approximat- ing to the legal ratio, and would tend to keep the market steady at about that point. 194. It has been urged that during the earlier of the two periods, which we have been contrasting, the conditions which existed from time to time were fav- orable to the maintenance of the legal ratio ; that the great influx of gold towards the middle of this century found France with a large stock of silver, and that this silver, owing to exceptional circum- stances, had a ready outlet to India. But we do not think this affords an adequate solu- tion of the problem without taking into account the existence of the bimetallic system. It may be true that the circumstances referred to were conditions which helped to make the bimetallic system opera- THE SILVER QUESTION. 251 tive. But, as we have observed before, circumstances and conditions of a like nature have been more or less operative both before and since 1873, ^^^ Y^t the effect on the relative value of the two metals has been very different. The fact that France is practically the Latin Union is proof of the contention that this country is able to coin gold and silver free and at a parity at our present ratio. Our wealth, commercial power, population and territory, are vastly greater than that of France, or the Latin Union, and to be within the lines of con- servatism you might throw in England or Germany. Indeed, our power for development and use of money is probably greater than all western Europe; yet we are asked to plead the " baby act," and beg other countries to assist us in restoring silver. We are agrain reminded that the free coinaofe of the Mexican dollar in Mexico does not place silver at par with gold. The answer is, that Mexico is not a great commercial power such as this country or France. It was a country or countries of considerable com- mercial power that the British Royal Commission unanimously agreed could maintain the relative value of the two metals at a ratio of 15A to i. Still should Mexico cease to coin silver and attempt to adopt the gold standard, the fall in silver or the r/sc in gold would be augmented. 252 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Walter Bagehot in his work, " Lombard Street," page 142, says : "After a commercial crisis — 1866, for example — two things happen: first, we call in the debts which are owing to us in other countries; and we require these debts to be paid to us, not in commodities, but in money." Thus it is that Great Britain, a creditor nation, having ten billions of money due her in for- eign counties, more than one-third of it due from us, is enabled when the pressure requires it or for any purpose of her own, can drain us of all our gold at will. She will demand money in a pinch and not commodities. Both money and commodities have been demanded by her since the panic in Australia and the failure of Barring Brothers. The stress of hard times in Europe has caused to a great extent the flow of our gold there. The drain will go when the pressure comes. The effect of free coinage of silver will be to re- plenish our lost gold currency by the free use of sil- ver and thus prevent the European gold standard panics and hard times from reacting on us. Bank notes will not answer, for they are a mere credit currency and not money of redemption. When gold goes this credit money must go with it. Must shrink or contract as the foundation for redemption is removed or narrowed. /tyfrt^^^-^.^ * » Jingraved for Practical Book for Practical People. Ci^LJUUU^%i-Uj^ Oration on Christopher Columbus. By CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW, L.L. D. PROBABLY no man in the United States is better known throughout the world than the Hon. Chauncey M. Depew, president of the New York Central and Hudson River Rail- road Company. He is not only a trained lawyer — eminent in his profession —a wise and sagacious statesman, but an orator of world-wide fame. The publishers have been accorded by Dr, Depew the privilege of publishing for the first time in this work the full text of his oration delivered at the unveiling of the Christopher Columbus Statue in Central Park, New York, May 12, 1894. As an historical exposition illustrative of the marvelous progress of civilization, wherein our country has been immeasurably blessed and mankind glorified, it is an eloquent and most instructive discourse. As an analysis of the great discoverer and the prodigious forces, we may almost say the divine inspirations, that controlled his motives and directed his actions. Dr. Depew's oration may be regarded as a masterpiece. J^r£^ ^^. New York can add nothingr to the glory of Col- umbus, but she may enforce the lesson of his life and discovery. The fire kindled by him on a little island of the Western Hemisphere, amid the dark- 254 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ness of the fifteenth century, has become the flame which illumines the nineteenth with light and liberty. Seed time and harvest have their soil and seasons with humanity as with the earth. In all ages and among all races, the winds and the waves have borne the kernels of truth, and they have been lost on the rocks and in the waters. There were patriots before Runnymede, but their blood fertilized that field for Magna Charta. Patriots had labored and died in vain before the Declaration of Independence in 1776. German Federation had been a Teutonic dream for two thousand years before Bismarck. Italian unity was the hope of Italy for centuries before Garibaldi, Mazzini and Cavour. The French Republic was the effort and aspiration of the best thinkers and boldest actors of France for a hundred years before Thiers and Gambetta. The Viking sailed along the coast of North America, and planted colonies upon its shores five hundred years before Columbus. But the time was not ripe, and the people of Europe were not prepared for America and its opportunities. The brilliant and liberal reign of Lorenzo, the Magnificent, at Florence, which closed as Columbus sailed from Palos, had stimulated commerce, art and learning. It had both awakened and opened the mind in every country on the continent. The liter- ary treasures of the great library of the Vatican were placed at the disposal of scholars, and the revival of learning was a marked feature of the period. The expulsion of the Moslems from Spain had relieved ORATION ON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 255 Europe of the strain of warring creeds. Intense in- tellectual activity was breaking the bonds of the Middle Ages, and preparing the way for independent thought and discovery. The statesmanship and the guile of Louis the Eleventh in France, and the con- centration of power in Ferdinand and Isabella in Spain, had broken down feudalism and centralized authority. The road from the dismantled castles of the Barons, to the royal palace, and from the royal palace, to the representative assembly of the people, became the highway of liberty. These wonderful and revolutionary events were for a time, the blessings only of the favored few, the great and the learned. It was reserved not for kings or nobles or the mighty of earth to utilize the past and present for the uplifting of the masses of mankind. We may say reverently, as Christianity came for us through the son of a carpenter, so the invention which opened the way for christianizing the world was wrought out by a humble artisan of Mayence. The significance of types, and the prophecy of their use, were made clear in the selection of the Bible as their first work. The printing press of Guttenberg, and the invention of paper which had preceded it only a few years, were the levers and the levelers of the future. By bringing education within the reach of all, they ele- vated the people to the understanding and practice of liberty; and equal opportunity and rights battered down privilege and caste. 256 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Incidents, which to the pious are special provi- dences, and to others trifling accidents, have often altered the course of history. The marriage of Isa- bella with Ferdinand, enabled a liberal and generous mind to influence a bigoted and miserly one for the venture, certainly rash, perhaps blasphemous, into the unknown West; and made possible the voyage of Columbus. A hungry boy, stopped his proud and mendicant father at the door of the convent of La Rabida, to meet there in the person of the Prior, the enlightened, and learned Father Juan Perega, the Confessor of the Queen, the only man living who had both the breadth and independence to under- stand and believe in the plans of the great navigator, and also the confidence of her Majesty. It was a flight of birds which changed the course of the Santa Maria and her consorts, and gave South America to Spain and Portugal, and the dominant power on the Northern Continent to the Saxon race. Thus, the United States, as distinguished from the Spanish Republics and the Portugese Empire and subsequent Republic of Brazil, is apparently an accident of an accident. It is really the result of climate and con- ditions suited to the development of that resistless strain in the blood, which circles the globe with its conquests, and, blended with Teuton and Celt, with Latin and Scandinavian, increases the power and the promise of our country. Ferdinand was a typical representative of his times. We must judge the men of every period by their ORATION ON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 257 Standards, not ours. Only fools are offended at criticisms of the State or Church of the dark ages, and only the ignorant claim that either was so abreast with the thought or education of to-day that their substitution for present conditions would re- ceive now either welcome or hospitality. The King believed the torture chamber better than Courts of Justice. He knew of no law which was superior to his autocratic will. He was frugal to meanness, and devoid of generosity or integrity. He laughed at Columbus when the great navigator was pleading for the ships to find for him an empire, and he cheated the dying hero of the rewards he promised, and the honors he had pledged, when the empire was won. To Isabella had been wafted across space a breath of the purer air of the nineteenth century. When we consider what she was, in spite of the almost insufferable barriers of her environment, a sweet and mighty spirit seems to have escaped from the bondage of the age, and, in the beautiful pres- ence of the Queen, inspired the soul of a saint and prophetess. She gave her jewels for the fleet, and with undimmed faith waited for the return which ended in triumphal processions and royal greetings. She struck the shackles from the Indian slaves which were brought her as part of the booty of the New World, and issued stern decrees against cruelty and lust ; but they were nullified by her untimely death, and myriads of innocent men, women and children were consigned to nameless horrors and final extermination. 17 258 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. This favored land recognizes Its obligations to Its benefactress, in granting to woman privileges and opportunities unknown in other countries. It gives to her independence and control in her property. It opens for her the academy and the university, and it yields to her a precedence and power at home and in society, and puts within her grasp the substance of rights which in the boasted age of chivalry were only a flowery and pretentious sham. Columbus was of that rare type of genius which belongs to no age, and rises above the errors, or superstitions, or ignorance of his period. While most of the learned, and all the unlearned, believed the earth to be flat, he 'boldly proclaimed its spheri- city; while the same overwhelming majority feared the monsters of the deep, who were waiting beyond the western horizon to devour the daring and sacre- ligious mariners and destroy their ships, he saw on the other side of the unknown sea, limitless empire for his sovereigns, and myriads of souls for the sav- ing offices of his Church. He had sailed to the farthest limits of the discoveries of the times. He had investigated with unprejudiced and unclouded mind the evidences cast up from the ocean of other lands and strange peoples. As sailor, privateer and pir'ate, he had experienced the dangers of hostile elements and armed enemies. As geographer and mapmaker, he had absorbed all the teachings of the past, and boldly placed upon his maps the new con- tinent v/ith its untold wealth of gold and precious ORATION ON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 259 Stones, and its unequalled opportunities for the power and greatness of the throne which would grant him the facilities of his voyage. The con- quest of Grenada and the expulsion of the Moors from Spain seemed to the statesmen of Europe an event of transcendant importance, but to this superb enthusiast it was a local affair which delayed the plans for the capture of a continent. The spiritual and temporal power, the pomp and pageantry of Castile and Aragon, formed an array unequalled in the brilliancy of its King and Queen, its prelates and statesmen, its philosophers and soldiers, and in the splendor of their equipment, to receive from Boabdil the keys of his capital and the capitulation of his kingdom. The enthusiasm of the hour lifted the Spanish hosts to heavenly ecstacy, all save one. This proud pauper, the royal purple of his imagination giving dignity to his rags and majesty to his mein, looked coldly upon the splendid spectacle. To the man who waited for years, because he would accept no other terms with his fleet than the Admiralty of the Ocean, the Vice Royalty of the Indies and one-tenth the revenues of the Western Hemisphere, the martial field before him was only a skirmish on the battle line of the universe. The faults of Columbus were the results of the civilization and conditions of his times, from which no man is great enough to wholly escape, but his faith was his own. After the lapse of four hun- 26o A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. dred years it is as impressive to us as it was potent with his contemporaries. It gave immortality to the humble Convent of La Rabida and its noble prior. It clarified the atmosphere and dispelled the dark- ness about Isabella, so that she could grasp the great truth. It calmed the fears and quelled the mutiny of the crew, and found its reward in the orllmmerino- light on San Salvador, which for the sailors meant land at last, and for the Admiral, the New World, of which he had dreamed, for which he had suffered, and now, after discouragements and perils innumer- able, had discovered. In 1492, was issued the cruel edict which con- fiscated the property of hundreds of thousands of Jews, and then expelled them from Spain. In the same year the same sovereigns equipped the fleet of Columbus for its immortal voyage. The un- happy and unfortunate Hebrews were landed upon the shores of Asia and Africa, but nowhere did they receive either welcome or hospitality. The little ships of Columbus as they sailed out of the harbor of Palos passed the greater war vessels which were carrying these captive Israelites from their homes. The royal frigates were bearing them to fresh horrors and persecutions, but the weak and deckless caravals of the discoverer were, unknown to sovereign or servant, guided by Divine Provi- dence to the land where all creeds and all races should dwell in the harmony of equal rights, and ORATION ON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 26 1 unite in contributing to the power and glory of a government of organized liberty. The inspiring dream of Columbus was to utilize the treasures of the New World for the redemption from the infidel of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem. He believed that by virtue of his name, Christopher, he was carrying Christ across the sea to the heathen. The lust for gold made his followers profane the name of the Prince of Peace, with such outrages and cruelties, such torturings and massacres of the confidingr aborigines, as caused even the fifteenth century to shudder. He died, with his dream of the rescue of the tomb of the Saviour still a vision. He little knew, as he lay helpless amidst the ruin of his hopes, that though he had lost an empty grave, he had found a perpetual asylum for conscience. He could not foresee that while in their savage greed those with him and those who came after, gave to the Indians, not the light of truth, but consigned them to the flames, and brought to them, not the gospel of love, but fell upon them with sword and spear, yet the country he discovered would be the bulwark and hope of the Church. The Pilgrim Fathers fled from persecution in Eng- land to religious liberty in Massachusetts. The Highlanders who fought for Prince Charles Edward Stuart, found refuge in North Carolina. The Quakers, to be free from their tormentors, sailed to Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and they received there with open arms the Germans driven from the Pala- c62 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. tinate by Louis the Fourteenth. The Huguenots, escaping from France after the revocation of the edict of Nantes, built happy homes on the Hudson and under the shelter of the groves of South Carolina. Ogelthorpe led the Teutons, seeking an opportunity to worship God according to their lights, from Salz- burg to Georgia. Irishmen, saved from the merci- less conquests of Cromwell, scattered all over the land to consecrate their altars and enjoy In safety their religion. Dutch Protestants came to New York, Swedish Protestants to Delaware, English Catholics to Maryland and the English Church Cavaliers to Virginia. The best contribution of Columbus to future generations was a continent for the cultivation of civil and religious liberty. A State built upon the individual and not upon classes or creeds Is the source and strength of American freedom. It was the supreme good fortune of the United States that for its first settlers the conditions of existence were labor, temperance and thrift. The hostile sav- ages, the rigors of the climate, the virgin forests and the resisting soil demanded the indomitable energy and dauntless courage which fashion heroes and patriots. Had there been gold mines in New England, New York and Virginia to excite the cupidity of kings and tempt the adventurers of Europe, and to demoralize the inhabitants of the colonies, and take them from their homes and their churches to the feverish excitement of minings camps, there would have been ORATION ON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 263 little permanent settlement or public sentiment. The farms on the bleak hillsides of Connecticut and Massachusetts, in the Mohawk Valley, along the Delaware and on the James, were fountains of national virtue and springs of free thought and free speech. It was the training and experience of necessity which opened the avenues of opportunity for the people of North America. It enabled the "embattled farmer" at Concord and Lexington to face the veterans of European battlefields. It nerved the members of the Continental Congress to brave the terrors of treason, and confiscation and death, by their bold and clear signatures to the De- claration of Independence. It reared and trained a race who could rescind slavery, though it was inter- woven with their political system from foundation to turret, and after bloody battles between those who upheld the one side and those who favored the other, could reunite them to labor harmoniously for the welfare and strength of the purified Republic. The Columbian idea of discovery was to find a land where gold could be mined from exhaustless stores, a land flowing with rivers of diamonds and precious stones. Limitless wealth, easily acquired, was to enrich, beyond the dreams of avarice, the sov- ereigns and people of Spain. He had no conception of the adventurous pioneer and thrifty emigrant. The bell-crowned Pilgrims, landing on Plymouth Rock in midwinter with no other purpose than to found a State for the enjoyment by all of just and 264 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. equal laws, would have aroused his wonder and con- tempt. The imagination cannot picture his amaze- ment could he have foreseen the marvelous results of the Mayflower's voyage. The wealth poured in such abundant measure from the mines in the New World into the treasury of Spain was a potent factor in the fall of her power and prestige in Europe. The founders of our Republic welcomed with cor- dial hospitality all who came to escape from oppres- sion or better their condition. The immigrants, who accepted the invitation and landed by millions on our shores, brought the qualities and purposes which have added incalculably to the wealth and glory of our country. While South America and Mexico were demoralizing Europe with gold and silver, Europe was contributing to the United States her farmers and artisans to gather from the fruitful earth and produce in the busy factory an annual and ever increasing volume of wealth ; wealth which enriches but does not enervate, which stimulates invention, promotes progress, founds institutions of learning, builds homes for the many and increases the happi- ness of all. Four centuries separate us from Colum* bus. Within this period more has been accomplished for humanity than the four thousand years which preceded him. We are here to erect this statue to his memory, because of the unnumbered blessings to America, and to the people of every race and clime which have followed his discovery. His genius and faith gave ORATION ON CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. 265 to succeeding generations the opportunity for life and liberty. We, the heirs of all the ages, in the pleni- tude of our enjoyments, and the prodigality of the favors showered upon us, hail Columbus — the hero and benefactor. CLtJuuMXy%i-Lj^ Success in Life. By HENRV W. CURTIS, OK HOENINGHAUS & CURTISS, SILK IMPORTERS, NEW YORK CITY. IF there is one thing more than another which fills the thought of every young man and woman In the land, it is the desire to make a success in life. No one is worthy to be called a man or woman who is not energized by such an ambition. If, then, the desire is universal, surely it will be as widely inter- esting to ask: What constitutes true success ? One could not help being struck with wonder as he stood and watched the almost noiseless workings of the great engine that gave life and action to every piece of mechanism in the Machinery Hall at our Columbian Exposition, or restrain the thought of what a mighty power was gathered as from the water over the fire was generated the steam that seem- ingly so easily set this little world in motion. Fire was the inspiration of that life. So the fire in our hearts, which we call ambition, keeps the great human world in motion, and noiselessly it does its work with such power as to move with its impell- ing force the whole family on earth. How import- SUCCESS IN LIFE. 267 ant it is that this motive power should be right, for only as it is right can real success be reached. That life is not a real success which finds its motive power in the thought that money-getting is the great object in life. A man may amass the wealth of a Vanderbilt or an Astor, and yet his life be a miser- able failure. It is not how long is the rent-roll or how big the vault which carries our earthly treasures that attest the victory in living. Ah, no, it rather: As you have accumulated money, what has been your thought in accumulating it ? Has it been that you might be the almoner of God's bounty, that you might help and relieve those about you less fortu- nate than yourself? If your only motive has been to minister to your own selfish comfort and luxury in the heaping up of gold, with none to call you blessed, then your life, I say, is a miserable failure. Are you living with the one thought of how you can serve your selfish ambi- tion and rise to places of influence simply to gratify a selfish greed of power? Surely such a life none, judging by right standards, will name as impelled by proper motives, neither can it be called in any sense successful. Understand, I do not belittle the power that money gives, or the laudable ambition in gain- ing it, or the influence that culture and intellectual power brings with it, but I do say it is a shame to figure from such accumulation of riches or power alone an answer of success. That life is a real suc- cess which blesses as it goes; which, while it enriches 268 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. self, enriches others; which, while it accumulates power, lifts others with it. Little words of sympathy, little acts of kindness, little deeds of love, little helping hands encircling others and making easier the way for them — these are the little successes which, when gathered into one great whole, give the pattern of life which God ap- proves. Such a life alone makes men honored and loved, makes of the life a sweet garden all fragrant with the perfume of its flowers which, while they blossom for the gardener, cheer and bless those who pass his way. Like the line of the brook which, as far as the eye can reach, you can follow by the fresher green of the field through which it flows, so the influence of the really successful life is felt by all that touch It, and when it opens up into the everlasting life beyond, will still leave behind a fragrance and a fruitage which shall be a halo of blessing and an in- spiration to others struggling along life's way. c-Xk^:^^^^;;^^ /y^ L^^^^^^Cc^ . Jingraved for Practical Book for Practical People. ^^£^C<^^=^y^y^r^lAS^ />Xrfc^ The Country Lad in the City. By EDWARD W. BOK, EDITOR ladies' HOME JOURNAL. THERE comes a time in the life of almost every country lad when he becomes ambitious and desires to go to one of the large cities and make his fortune. His energies are fired either by the young men from the city who come to his village during the summer, or, it may be, his enthusiasm is kindled by the successes of which he reads in the papers which come to the house of his parents. The rou- tine of farm life suddenly becomes more monotonous than ever, and he craves for the activity and excite- ment of city life. In short : he wants to go to the city. There, he feels, lies the chance " to make something of himself." Whether or not it is always wise for the farmer's son to give way to his feeling and leave his home, where he is at least certain of food and comfortable shelter, for the uncertainties which he must surely encounter in city life, is not for me here to consider. Sometimes I think it would be better if our young men would stay on the farm. But, on the other hand, there must be instances where it will be best 270 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. for the young man to at least attempt the change. No writer can lay down a rule In this respect. Every case is an Individual one, and the young man him- self must be the one to decide. Suppose, however, that the country lad Is unmind- ful of the entreaties of father, mother, brother and sister, and Is determined to try his luck In the city, what are his chances of success ? Country lads generally see city life through rose- colored glasses. This It is hard to make them be- lieve, but the fact remains nevertheless. Life in a great city is not what he expects to find it. In- variably it is disappointing, and this is the first thing he must be prepared for. He has heard and read wonderful accounts of the successes that have been made, and are to be made In the city. But what we hear and read of any thing In this life Is generally radically different from the actual life. Not that pens or mouths Invariably falsify, but a description of any thing Is apt to be colored by the point of view from which It Is seen. If the country lad's going to the city is based on what he has heard or read, the keenest disappointment lies In store for him. I have known so many cases of disappoint- ment of this sort that I write of what I know, not of what I think. Life In our great American cities Is selfish, at its very best. In business, men are for the most part cold and hard, cognizant only of their own interests. ** Well," says our country lad, "so are the men in THE COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITY. 271 any neighborhood. Are not men the same the world over?" Yes, my good fellow, they are: but they are likewise different. The selfishness of the city business man is intensified in comparison to that of the farmer. It must necessarily be so, since the city man, as a rule, has larger interests, and competition is keener. A man is apt to become like his sur- roundings, and the natures of thousands of our city business men are like the pavements upon which they walk each day, and the walls upon which their eyes rest. Green trees and soft grass have an enor- mous influence upon a man, and the best evidence of this truth is found in the softer natures which our city business men show to the world when they are in the country in the summer. The country lad must never allow himself to forget the great truth that the clearest natures are always to be found where the purest water exists. "God made the country, but man made the city," is a proverb in which there is a vast amount of truth. A country lad coming to one of our great cities to make a career must expect no leniency for his short- comings. I speak now of experience as a rule, not of the exceptions. There have been cases, and doubtless will be, where a young man fresh from the country has come to the city and fallen into the hands of some one who resembled the Good Samari- tan of Biblical lore, but such have always been the exceptions and ever will be. As a rule, life is very real in a great city, and likewise are its men very 272 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. earthly and of the earth earthy. Good Samaritans who will bind up the wounds which the country lad receives during his first year or two in the city are not as numerous as many of us might like to believe. And the country lad must receive wounds. He comes to city life untrained and unequipped. At his best, he is at a disadvantage with the young men who have been either born in the city or trained there from their childhood. And, as a rule, men have very little patience with a young man's short- comings in business. "My office cannot be a train- ing school : we haven't time for that sort of thing," is a statement one often hears in business circles. With competition as keen as it is to-day in every trade and profession, the business man looks around for young men who can come equipped, and who can bring at least some knowledge to the work, and the greater the knowledge, the warmer the welcome. " But surely there must be chances in such great cities as New York, Boston, Chicago, or Philadelphia for a young man to begin!" exclaims the country lad. There are, my dear fellow, there are, and plenty of them, if you are prepared for the experiences which they will mean to you. The great strength of our country is that there is a chance for every young man, and a place for him. But the beginning is hard, very hard indeed — a great deal harder than young fellows, as a rule, either dream of, or will be- lieve. And particularly difficult is it to the young man to whom every phase of city life is strange. THE COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITY. 2"^ He must learn right from the beginning. In fact he has two studies before him : the study of city Hfe itself and of business methods in a city, and he must study them both together. He cannot afford the time to take them singly. Moments are very precious things in city business life. It is a great game in which every point counts, and the loss of a single point may lose the game. Such moments of restful activity as enter into the life of a lad on a farm are unknown in the life of the right sort of a young man in business life. A young man making his career in the city must be constantly on the alert : every energy must be alive, and a moment wasted is an opportunity lost. That is, if he desires to make a success worth having. Indifferent successes do not call for all this. But if a young man seeks simply for a moderate living, he will do best to remain on the farm, and not venture into the city. Only misery and privation of the keenest sort awaits a young fellow of lackadaisical spirits in the city. There is but one way to make a success in business, and that way calls for the hardest kind of work, with scarcely an intermission for the first ten, fifteen or twenty years. I am sometimes inclined to believe if I were a country lad, with a desire to go to the great city nearest my home to make a career, I would not go directly from my home to the city itself, but, as a first step, I would endeavor to g(^t closer to th(! city, and study it from a nearer standpoint without at first i8 2 74 ^ PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. plunging Into its very midst. It may be said, in con- tradiction of this, that as the only true way of learn- ing French is to live directly in a French family where one learns per force, so the only way to know a city is to live in its midst from the very start, and not touch it gingerly from a closer distance. At the same time, while this view may be wise for some, I am strong in my belief that a conservative course is always the best. The change from a life on the farm to the bustle of a great city represents the extremes, and these are rarely healthful for any young man. The mind at twenty or twenty-five is easily swayed, and I like to believe that mental training Is a pretty good thing. Only the strongest constitutions can stand sudden changes, and what is true of us physically is apt to be true of us mentally and morally. A num- ber of successful careers demonstrate the utility of my plan. Many a young country lad has gone closer to city life, and yet has not become directly of it. There he has set up his tents and there he Is to-day, never havlnor ventured into the fjreat business life of the city, save to make commercial connections and solidify himself to the heart of commerce. It Is a mis- taken Idea that a success can only be made In the great cities. Very often can a man throw a greater light upon the metropolis at a little distance from It than if he were right in the midst of it. Great cities swallow up some mighty clever people. The man who keeps a little away from the great caldron that boils In the heart of every city often makes just as THE COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITY. 2/5 great a success as the man in the midst of it, and he wears himself out less in the attempt. When a young man who all his life has lived in the country goes to the city in search of success, he must bear in mind that his life will vary only in the minor details, but not in its general principles. It is a com- mon belief that men are morally worse in the city • than they are in the country. This is absolute non- sense. Men themselves are not one iota worse or better in the city than in the country. A man of vicious tendencies will be as vicious in one place as he will in another. A greater number of temptations exist in the city, naturally. These he can accept or reject, just as he sees fit. It depends on the man absolutely. If a young man comes to the city strong in his principles of right and wrong, he has nothing to fear from city life, and a young man cannot afford to swerve from them any more in one place than he can in the other. To say that life is more loose in some respects in the city than it is in the countr)-, is to state an untruth that cannot be verified in one sin- gle instance. It cannot be so. If anything, it is far more necessary for a man to lead an upright life in the city than in the country, since the mental strain is greater, and he has more need of his physical resources. • To tell a young man going from his country home to the city that he must leave behind him his old- fashioned notions of religion, is to rob him of the very armor which he will need more than any other 276 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. element in his life. Religion, and all that it implies, goes for just as much, and counts just the same in the city as it does in the country. The business life of our cities is created, built, sustained and will always be conducted on lines of the strictest honesty. Integ- rity is the current coin which passes for its fullest value in metropolitan commercial circles. A country lad coming to town with the determina- tion to make an honest success need leave nothing behind him. In fact, the closer he adheres to the principles taught him by his mother, the surer are his chances of success. If he was taught by his mother that profanity is never indulged in by gentlemen, he will find the verification of that lesson in the city. If he leaves his mother's home with the idea impressed upon his mind that the use of strong drink is one of the greatest curses to mankind and always stands in the way of a young man's success, he will be con- vinced of it in the city where he will very shortly learn that the most successful business men never touch a drop of alcohol in any shape or form. He will soon find out for himself the one truth to which there is no exception — that a clear mind and an absolute avoidance of intoxicants go hand in hand, and that the one cannot be separated from the other. If his mind has been trained to believe in the existence of a God who rules the destiny of every being in the uni- verse, and to whom the perplexed spirit can always go in prayer and find light in moments of the darkest doubt and anguish, he will have no occasion to de- THE COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITY. 277 part from that belief. On the contrary, as he meets with the disappointments and trials which must un- questionably come to him, the belief of his boyhood will become a living fact in his manhood. Let him depart from his country home with a high ideal of the best and truest womanhood as reflected in his mother and sisters, and he will find that the highest ideal is none too high for him to sustain if he wishes to win respect. The great principles of life do not vary one par- ticle in the city from those of the country. Some people simply imagine they do. There is but one sound basis to a man's life, wherever his lines may be cast, and that is the basis of thorough respectability. Upon that basis he can build the surest success ; without it he is as helpless as a ship at sea without a compass. There are no half-way measures of success. The same principles of honesty that exist in the country store, rule in the city counting house. A young man cannot depart* one inch in his personal life with any greater degree of safety among the pavements of the city than he can among the fields of his country home. The standard of morality is not one particle lower, and it is pure nonsense to imagine that it is so. How could it be with any safety to the great commercial interests that thrive in our cities ? Much that we hear and read of the dark side of city life, is the work of imaginative writers. I have again and again read books, and seen plays, in which life in New York was portrayed in a manner that simply 278 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. made me marvel at the ingenuity of the man who could build so much out of so little. There is another than the vicious side of city life, but because it is less attractive in its details to the mass of the people, we do not hear or read so much about it. No young man with a firm idea fixed in his mind, need hesitate to come to the city because of its morality or immorality. He has nothing to do with that — at least, he need have nothing to do with it. If he finds immorality, it will be only because he seeks it. Let him avoid it and it will never enter into his life. Vice is not thrust upon us half as much as we like people to believe that it is. It may come where it is uninvited, but it never stays unless encouraged. To the lad on a farm with an ambition to go to the city and make a success, let me say : If you feel something within you that compels the belief that you were destined to move among men and be a larger part of the great commercial interests of the nation than you can possibly be on the farm, then go to the city. But be sure, first, that you are not impelled to seek a change because of a simple dissatisfaction with your surroundings. That means nothing except a negative quality that will have no place in a larger success elsewhere. Be convinced that you have determination that lacks development purely because of the limited opportunities a life on the farm necessarily offers. In other words : Have an aim, a purpose which is practicable, and capable of being carried out. Make THE COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITV. 279 sure, too, that the purpose is not beyond your capa- bilities. Every one of us have our limitations, and it is wise first to know something of our powers of swimming before we plunge beyond our depth. Realize fully that the place has something to do with our success, but we ourselves are, after all, the most important part of a success. To thousands of young men all places are alike in that they would be a fail- ure in one place as well as in another. A young man's decision, so far as a change in his life is concerned, must be made by himself alone, and is only capable of being so made. All the advice in the world amounts to very little. It is a true saying that a person only seeks advice after he has made up his mind. Likewise is the proverb very true that every man is the architect of his own for- tune. I do not counsel headstrongness in a young man, or an insensibility to good advice. But I do say and believe that every young man must decide his own career for himself. He should not make such a decision until he is old enouLfh to know what he is about. But then he should decide by himself and for himself alone. He can seek counsel, but the decision itself must be of his own. Having satisfied himself that his path in life lies in the direction of the city rather than on the farm, let him, before he starts, bear in mind these few points: That he will find the city radically different from what he has read and heard of it. For this, his first disappointment, he must be prepared. Should the 28o A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. real prove beyond the ideal, so much the better and pleasanter. But it is not likely to be. That he has years of the hardest and most trying work before him; not one, two or five years, but double and triple any of these number of years. If he has read or heard of what are called " quick suc- cesses," he will very quickly find out that such suc- cesses are made nowadays only on paper: never in reality. Behind every instance of a lasting success lie years and years of the hardest kind of work. He must bear in mind also that there is no short road to success. He cannot " cut across lots." There is but one road to a successful life, and that is the road paved by patience, hard work and honesty. Nothing is to be had for the asking in the business world of the great cities; everything must be acquired. Nor can the majority of things, particularly those most valuable to us, be bought. They must be experienced. And a great deal of pain and hardships go with most experiences. For a concise set of rules let me give the country young man that which I published elsewhere not long since, and met with acceptance : Be sure you get into a business you like. Devote yourself to it. Be honest in everything; don't blink at honesty — ■ look it straight in the face. Be thorough. Do everything as if it were the only thing you were ever going to do, and your life repu- tation must be made upon the result. TIIE COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITY. 28 1 Employ caution; think out a thing before )'ou enter upon it. Sleep eight hours every night ; do this despite everything ; rather lose a chance than lose an hour of sleep. Do everything that means keeping in good health. Avoid liquors of all kinds. Be deferential to women always, never forgetting that your mother is a woman. Smoke moderately, or not at all : the last is best. Shun discussions on two points — religion and politics. Cultivate the society of good women ; a good woman is always a man's best friend : first and last choose the truest among them, marry her, and have your own home. And whatever else you may forget of your early days, remember that there are obligations which bind your thoughts and affections to those from whom you sprang. Success will never come to a son who either forgets his parents, or looks askance at them, because in a measure he has outgrown their ways, he bein A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. eye saves money (seed) and is managed so as to give as good results. With drill culture and long straight rows we cultivate at half the cost. Level culture saves plant-food and moisture, while shallow culture prevents injury to the roots, thus increasing the yield. Good sound unsprouted seed will show a great gain over sprouted seed. The boxes and wagons will enable us to make another gain in handling the crop, thus saving in expense. Success will come, but it is faithful, persistent, long-continued, never-tiring, well-directed work that brings it. Jj'd . Jiyiyi-u The editors wish to acknowledge their indebtedness to A. I. Root, of Medina, Ohio, the publisher of " A. B. C. of Potato Culture, by T. B. Terry," who courteously placed the above excellent work at their disposal. EDITORS. ^ -%. Engraved for Practical Book tor Practical People. Parliamentary Law. By B. a. smith. The Necessity. PARLIAMENTARY LAW is that system of procedure by which any organized assembly arrives at a definite conclusion. A little reflection will show at once that no collection of persons hav- ing assembled for some definite purpose, can obtain its perfect accomplishment without following some method of procedure. This method may be some pre-arranged system, or it may be that procedure which, by frequent usage, has come to be generally understood. To attempt to transact the business of the assembly without such a plan either expressed or implied would be to defeat the purpose for which it came into existence. To avoid disorder and to proceed with a dignity worthy the object for which the assembly is created so that the decision finally obtained shall represent the best judgment of those who have thus been called to- gether is the object of parliamentary law. Every assembly of persons represents a variety of opinions. The character of the assembly does not 44^ A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. change the question of the differences of opinion. The vast increase of newspapers, the great diffusion of knowledge by reason of cheap books and periodi- cals, the popular lecture courses throughout the country — the growing numbers of popular institu- tions of learning — all these have been factors in the spread of general information among the peo- ple. It has led to wider individual knowledge and a broader, sounder, stronger opinion upon matters of current moment. An assembly may, therefore, represent as many varying opinions as there are minds, notwithstanding the fact of its being called for some specific purpose. It may be that in such an assembly there are many who may agree touch- ing the main and fundamental principles, but in the details of arrangement and of execution the opinions vary. By a comparison of opinions, by a discussion of the real me-rits of the proposition be- fore the assembly, the divergence of opinions be- comes lessened and the conclusion finally obtained represents in the main the opinion of the largest num- ber composing the assembly. That is to say, every assembly possesses at least two sides or parties — those who agree upon some line of action and those who disagree. One or the other is numerically the stronger. To preserve the will of the stronger and give it effect, and at the same time protect the rights of the weaker, is a very important function. Any system by which this may be accom- plished has come to be known as Parliamentary Law. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 449 It may be broadly stated that we are a nation of popular assemblages. The town meeting, so com- mon in the New England States, is an assembly of the vicinage. The increasing number of societies of a secret or social nature is silent testimony of this almost national characteristic. In the early days of the nation, the practice was a perfect copy of that which obtained in the English Parliament ; and necessarily so, when on-e remembers that before the separation from the mother country the English system was the only one that could be recognized as legal. The legislative bodies of the colonies were copies of the Parliament of England and must, therefore, perform their work in a similar manner. When, however, the separation took place and the nation became free and independent, the need of reform became apparent. Cumbrous methods of procedure were dropped for better and safer methods and thus our present system came to be developed and established. The foundation of the system lies in precedents that because of usage have come to be regarded as having the authority of law. In many cases the system has reached its present stage by reason of the silent ac- quiescence of those interested. Whatever has ob- tained as a means of accomplishing a result is often regarded as equally valuable at any future time. In general, it may be stated that for the purpose of guidance, the practice of the highest legislative body of any country or State is the one that is gen- 29 450 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. erally accepted. Thus, when a political convention assembles it is customary for the convention to adopt that system which is in vogue in the State Legisla- ture, the differences between the practice of any two States of the United States being merely one of arrangement rather than of principle. Mr. Thomas Jefferson's manual is the first attempt to form the practice that obtained in his time into a definite code ; and while much that he compiled and codified is yet retained, the disputed points of his system have become now settled and fixed rules. There are still points of difference, and it is the purpose of this article to give only that which by usage and consent has become the generally accepted practice. That any assembly may change its method of pro- cedure and adopt any system which in the judgment of those interested shall the better represent the end to be achieved, is the well-known rule of parliamen- tary practice. This practice obtains in all the legis- lative bodies in this country where, by reason of ex- isting conditions, the will of the majority is defeated. In such cases new rules are made and become a dis- tinctive part of that special system which obtains in that body. Thus, the cloture rule of the English Parliament defeated the methods of those who would obstruct legislation in order to coerce the majority to do whatever a minority demanded. These assemblies must be conducted with due re gard to order and dignity. Nor is this less true in a PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 45 I business sense. Banks, railroad, insurance and in- dustrial companies have their boards of directors, and they are required by law to transact their business with due regard to the requirements of what has come to be understood as parliamentary law. Churches, eleemosynary institutions, societies of a philanthropic, educational and social character are conducted, so far as the practical business of these organizations is concerned, with due regard to some parliamentary procedure. The highest type of these assemblages using a parliamentary practice is to be found in those which, composed of representatives of the people, have the power to make laws for the comfort, safety and per- petuity of the nation. It will be seen, therefore, that this knowledge is no mean possession and, in fact, is to be regarded as a very necessary part of one's general information. The Origin. The origin of parliamentary law is to be found in that period of English history which marks the tri- umph of the people against the arbitrary power of the Kine. It is not a series of rules which have come into existence by one supreme act of a people. It is the outgrowth of many years of persistent effort. Since the days of King John of England the system has been growing. It is not claimed to be perfect. The only claim is that, just now, it best represents 452 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the highest interests of the people than any other system. What, in this country, we regard as parliamentary law differs greatly from the system now in use in the Parliament of England. There are, of course, lines of agreement, but the divergence is so sufficiently marked that we may claim for our system the dis- tinctive title of the American parliamentary practice. Kinds of Assemblies. It will be seen that all assemblies meet under some creneral understanding- that what has come to be known as general parliamentary law shall be the governing rules of the assembly. No assembly can possibly arrive at its conclusion without tacitly accept- ing this as the fundamental principle on which to pro- ceed. The creation of any special system of procedure cannot proceed unless there be this understanding. Thus, if an assembly shall come together, there is a form of organization which the precedent of former assemblies gives the authority for such organization. When, by reason of the organization under such a tacit agreement the assembly shall be ready for busi- ness, it may then proceed to create such a system as shall properly conserve the ends to be met. This general system by which organizations con- duct their business is, therefore, of highest value to us. That assemblies differ in their characteristics and require differences of organization is a fact that PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 453 can be readily appreciated. The simpler sort of an organization is sufficient for many demands, while in other cases a more complicated system is imperative, and of absolute necessity. Assemblies may be of two kinds. Those which exist by virtue of law, and those which are purely voluntary in their character. Of the first sort, all legislative assemblies, councils for the government of municipalities and conven- tions for the creation or amendment of constitutions are examples. These assemblies have definite pur- poses and its members are there by virtue of law. Other assemblies, such as political conventions, existing under the sanction of law may be classified as of the first sort, since its members have a right of membership under authority granted by a voluntary assembly of quasi legal authority. All other assemblies wherein a general invitation to those interested is all that is needed to create it, may be called voluntary assemblies. Of this sort the political mass meetings, party caucuses and meetings to form associations are examples. It will be seen that these various assemblies require varying methods of organization. When there is no question as to what constitutes a member, the organization can be very simply effected. Thus where an assembly exists by invitation of those in- terested in some given object, the organization does not require any great elaboration. In such bodies, however, where the membership is 454 ^ PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. settled by law, there may be many present whose right to participate in the deliberations may be dis- puted. It is, of course, necessary that this question shall be settled promptly and with due regard to the equities in the case. Some organization, however, is necessary to effect this purpose and some body must preside in order that an organization of some kind may be effected. In this country, this is effected in the United States House of Representatives by the Clerk of the preceding session, who calls the roll of members from a list made up of those whose certificates of mem- bership have been granted by the competent author- ity. This practice obtains generally in all the lower bodies of legislation thoughout the United States, the Clerk presiding until The Speaker shall have been elected. In the upper houses of legislation, the presiding officer is named by law and he performes the duties of his office irrespective of the wishes of the per- sons composing the body. It will be seen that in those assemblies which are created under the sanction of law and which have a definite membership, a different system must be pursued. In such assemblies, it is customary that the duty of calling the body together shall be per- formed by a member of the Committee to whose care has been committed the general management of the party's affairs. Thus all political conventions are so organized. parliamentary law. 455 The Quorum. Any assembly which is created by a general invita- tion to those interested in some subject to attend at a certain time and place transacts its business whenever, in the opinion of those interested, there are enough present to effect the object sought. All present have an equal share in the deliberation and when the or- ganization is effected all except the presiding officer, the secretary, and one other person might retire. Yet for the purpose of the invitation the assembly would be perfect. In such assemblies no specified number is required to do business. In assemblies of a different character, such, for instance, as legislative bodies, boards of directors, social organizations, etc., a certain number is required to be present before the work of the body shall proceed. This special number present is called a quorum. The reason for such a provision is very obvious. Without it a few persons might cause action which would be harmful to the organization or to the con- stituency represented. The quorum is not a definite number. Some assemblies require a fixed number. Others a majority of those who have right to partici- pate in the deliberation. When no provision is made for a quorum, those present constitute the quorum. It may be stated generally that in those bodies which derive their exist- ence by reason of legal enactments, a majority con- stitutes a quorum. 456 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Without the presence of a quorum all business ceases. It is the presiding officer's duty to see that a quorum is present before any business shall be done. But it does not follow that all must assist in the tran- saction of the business before the body. Those who are silent are supposed to give tacit consent to what is being accomplished. The presumption of the presence of a quorum is regarded as good parlia- mentary law until the opposite is shown to be true. The physical presence of a sufficient number to perform the business in hand is all that a quorum demands. If this business be voting upon a proposi- tion, then it is not the result of the vote which shall show the quorum, but the fact that when such vote is announced the presiding officer is aware that there were others present who though not voting were still physically present. Thus, if on division of a question, the vote should show 35 in favor and 25 opposed, the total number voting would be 60. If this were a quorum, the action would be final. If, however, 65 were the quorum there would be no action unless the presiding officer knew there were others present who had not voted. In such an event, the general concensus of opinion is that he has the power to add sufficient to make the quorum. "Silence gives consent" is the maxim upon which this action is based. While this is true, it is not needful that during debate a quorum shall be present. The business consists in definitely recording^ action. Action is PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 457 where an opinion is promulgated which represents the majority of all present who, under the restriction of the quorum, have a right to do business. Any other duty in which a deliberative body is engaged is preparatory to action, is not business and may be performed without reference to the quorum. The practice here in this country generally is along this line. In England, in the House of Commons, the absence of a quorum when called to the speaker's attention suspends all business of all sorts whether debating or voting until the quorum is again obtained. The only binding act which less than a quorum can perform is that of adjournment. No argument is needed to show the force of this last statement. A deliberative body could never adjourn if by some casualty sufficient of its members were unable to be present and complete a quorum. So that it will be seen that it is a very salutary provision which gives to less than a quorum the right of adjournment. This adjournment may be until the next stated time of meeting or it may be to any such prior time as those present may designate. If, however, it be simply to adjourn, then the adjournment is until the next stated time of meeting. Organization. In order that an assembly may do business some sort of an organization is needful. It has been created for some definite purpose and in proportion to the magnitude of the interests involved the 458 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. character of the organization is determined. It must record its opinions and transact its business readily and in order. In the accomplishment of this pur- pose, a simple organization may be all that is required. Mass meetings and all public gatherings, having for their object the formation of some sort of a society, usually effect this simple organization. For the purpose of making such an organization clear, we will assume that a few persons have issued an invitation for a public meeting in behalf of some needed reforms in the conduct of public affairs. Such invitation should state the purpose of such meeting, the time and place, contain an invitation to all interested to be present and should be signed by those who desire the meeting. This invitation has met with a generous response and at the appointed time and place the interested citizens have come together. It is customary for one of the persons who has signed the invitation to step to such a place where he may command the at- tention of all present and, calling for order, state briefly the object for which the meeting has been called, or he may simply read the invitation. He then asks for nominations for chairman, or he may suggest that some person present act as chair- man. Under all ordinary circumstances a nomina- tion is made or the suggestion of the speaker may be adopted. Sometimes, however, a formal motion is made in which a person's name may be nominated and which may be followed by other nominations. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 459 The person presiding presents the first name and each successive name until some one shall receive the assent of a majority present. That person, so desig- nated, comes forward, and facing those present, ex- presses his thanks for the honor conferred and asks the pleasure of the assembly. A secretary may then be nominated and is elected in the same form as the presiding officer. This is all that is needed to effect an organization for such an assembly. In practice it is customary to add vice-presidents, one or more, and also secretaries. These are marks of honor, and are useful to add to the interest in the movement about to be initiated. For all assemblies of a purely voluntary character, this is all the organi- zation that is needed to effect the purpose designed. Such an oro-anization as hereinbefore described is suitable, as has been intimated, for all assemblies in which there is no requirement as to membership. Such as we have seen are not the only kind of assemblages. There are those whose membership is restricted by law and whose members must be there by reason of certain certificates of election. It will follow that some sort of an organization is needful which shall determine whether these certificates rest upon a proper foundation. When that question shall have been settled, an organization may then be effected which shall be for the transaction of busi- ness. This first organization is known as the tem- porary organization^ which, having fulfilled its pur- pose is succeeded by the permanent organization. 460 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The temporary organization is effected in the same manner as an organization of a vohintary assembly. Its first business is the examination of the certificates which give authority for those who possess them to participate in the proceedings. These certificates are known as credentials. In all legfislative bodies as well as in all political conventions, this is done by what is called the Committee on Credentials. After this committee has examined the certificates of elec- tion, it reports to the assembly, which report having been adopted, the permanent organization is ready to be proceeded with. It should be remarked in passing that in the case of legislative bodies, the roll is called from a list pre- pared by the clerk of the preceding legislative body, and the question of membership in case of contests is determined by a Committee of Elections after the body has been fully organized. In all other assemblies which meet from year to year or oftener, the person who may hold over, or, as in the case of a state, county or town convention, some member of a committee is charged with the duty of effecting the temporary organization. Having thus settled the question of those who are entitled to participate in the proceedings of the as- sembly, a permanent organization is then effected. Often the temporary organization is made perma- nent, or a committee on permanent organization^ which, having been appointed at the same time as that on credentials, may then make a report in which PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 46 1 the names of those who are to become the officers are clearly stated, the adoption of this report elect- ing the officers of the permanent organization. A description of the organization of the Assembly of the State of New York will serve to illustrate the organization of legislative bodies. The clerk of the preceding Assembly calls to order those present who have received certificates of election from the Board of Canvassers of the several counties from which they have been elected. From a list previously prepared, from the returns in the Secre- tary of State's office, he calls the names of the mem- bers, a half dozen at a time, who then have the oath of office administered to them by the Secretary of State, or his deputy. Having taken the oath, each member signs a copy of the same and is then a mem- ber of the Assembly. After all have taken the oath of office, the clerk then states that nominations are in order for the presiding officer, whose title is The Speaker. It is the custom for each political party represented to present the name of its representative, and when all the nominations have been made, the clerk calls the roll, whereat each member rises and states his choice. The person receiving the majority is then declared to be The Speaker by the clerk. A con> mittee is appointed to conduct The Speaker to his place. A speech of thanks is then delivered by the new presiding officer and the further pleasure of the assembly is requested. The duties of the clerk are 462 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ended the moment the speaker is declared elected. Thereupon nominations for clerk are made and the election is proceeded with, in the same manner as for speaker. The organization is thus effected and, except for the allotting of seats to the members, the Assembly is ready for the transaction of public busi- ness. In the case of the upper house of legislation, the presiding officer is a constitutional officer and his selection is made directly by the people when they elect the lieutenant-governor, he being always, unless performing the duties of governor, the presiding officer of the Senate. The Senate always elects a president pro tern, and a clerk, who is chosen in like manner to that pursued in the lower house. It is always the custom for each house of legisla- tion to notify the other of its organization by a com- mittee, and for a joint committee to notify the Governor that the Legislature is ready for public business, or for any communication which he may desire to make. Officers. The Presiding Officer, It is manifest that the first officer to be chosen is the one who shall preside. He is called by various titles. In the Senate of the United States and of the various States he is called "Mr. President." In House of Representatives and in the lower houses PARLIAMENTARY LAWr 4O3 of legislation, he is called " The Speaker." In all voluntary assemblies he is called, either " Mr. Presi- dent," or "Mr. Chairman." In religious bodies he is sometimes called " Mr. Moderator." The dis- tinction between the use of the words chairman and president seems to be, that the one presiding over a committee of a body shall be called, " Mr. Chair- man," while the presiding officer of the body itself shall be called, "Mr. President." The success of an assembly depends often upon the presiding officer. He is the official mouth-piece of the assembly and is the one by whom the business can be rapidly as well as properly conducted. In order to this end, he should be a person of some per- sonal dignity, of decision, of sound sense, clear strong voice and of great good nature. He should possess a thorough knowledge of the business which occasions the meeting over which he presides, and know when the rigid enforcement of the rules is needful. He should possess a knowledge of human nature and be able to judge what action best advances the business in hand. It has become almost an invariable rule that a poor presiding officer may render the most enlight- ened assembly a most turbulent body. It is the presiding officer who becomes, by "reason of his office, the instrument of the will of the body over which he presides. . The finest exhibition of this fact is to be found in English history. Charles I. requested the Speaker of 464 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the House of Commons to point out certain per* sons whom he desired to apprehend. The Speaker replied " Sire, I have eyes and ears to see and hear only what this House directs me." While the presiding officer may have any powers which the body over which he presides may direct him to perform, the following may represent, in general, his duties: I. To call the assembly to order at the time and place designated for that purpose. n. To determine if a quorum be present. HI. To cause the journal of the previous meet- ing to be read. IV. To present to the meeting the business in the order provided by the rules. V. To present all business which shall arise by reason of a motion. VI. To announce, or cause to be announced, the result of such business. VII. To- decide all questions of order. VIII. In case of an appeal from his decision to submit the same to the assembly. IX. To preserve order and enforce the rules. X. To see that all communications are properly placed before the assembly. XI. To give authority to all orders of the as- sembly by his signature. XII. In his absence from the chair to name a person who shall preside; and, finally, to perform whatever shall represent the will of the assembly. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 465 These are the specific duties of the presiding offi- cer. As the executive head, there may come duties which are not provided for by the rules, or there may inquiries be made which are needful to exhibit the true inwardness of some proposed business. These inquiries are known 3.s parlimeniary inquiries. Sometimes they are denominated points of inforina- Hon. They are allowable and the presiding officer has sole option whether to reply or not. Generally, he may refrain from a reply when it is apparent that such reply would improperly influence the decision of some question at Issue. In that event he might pre- fer argument upon the same. The presiding officer represents the dignity of the body of which he is the executive head. He has a right to the highest respect, not because of the person, but of the office. He is under obligation because of that relation, to rise when stating a motion or addressing the assembly. Otherwise his position may be any thing he may choose to make it, so long as it comports with the dignity of his office. He is subject to removal for cause, when elected for a specified time and may be removed at any time when elected during the pleasure of the house. It may be here stated that he has the right, when a member of the assembly, to participate in the de- bate, and is supposed to be impartial in his ruling, exercising only such salutary influence upon the body discussing a question as shall bring about the highest 30 466 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. degree of decorum. He is the sole judge of what constitutes order and may at any time exercise this prerogative. His duty is to confine the member speak- ing to the question at issue. At all times he has the right to call a substitute to the chair, and he may him- self take part in the debate under such circumstances. He may while presiding give in extenso his reasons for a decision on a point of order, but beyond that has no right to debate a question while in the chair. The Secretary. The secretary or clerk is the second officer of an assembly whose presence is absolutely necessary in the conduct of business. He is sometimes called *' the recorder'' He is elected in the same manner as the presiding officer. In his absence, no matter how temporary, a substitute should be chosen so that the business of the assembly may proceed. He should be a careful, attentive and judicious person, with capacity to read well and possess some knowledge of parliamentary law. He should possess some knowledge of composition, so that the record shall clearly represent the business accomplished by the assembly. In general his duties may be stated as follows : I. To read all papers which may be required by the presiding officer, the assembly, or the rules. II. To keep and preserve a list of members. III. To record whatever is actually done by the assembly, but not necessarily what is said. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 467 IV. To preserve a record of all votes when the same has been visibly performed. V. To preserve on file all communications which, having been received by the assembly, have become a part of the proceedings. VI. To authenticate, by his signature, in connec- tion with the presiding officer, all orders of the assembly. His relations to the assembly require that he shall conduct himself with dignity, and that when reading any paper, or othewise performing any duty in which he shall be giving desired information, shall stand. The widest latitude is permitted the recording officer in the work of making a record of the pro- ceedings of the assembly. It has come to be under- stood that not merely what is passed upon and thus become the dictum of the assembly, shall enter in the record ; but whatever may add to making the record an account of all that was said or done. This will apply to all assemblies wherein a constituency desires the fullest information of what was said as well as done. The proceedings of religious convoca- tions thus give very full reports covering not only the action, but all the steps that lead up to it. The strict rule is, however, that only that which is actually done shall constitute the record. This prac- tice obtains in all deliberative bodies having their existence by reason of legal enactments. The right of the clerk to participate in the pro- ceedings of the assembly of which he is a duly con- 468 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. stituted member is not abridged. His privileges and rights are not curtailed by his acceptance of office, except so far as the proper performance of his duties shall affect them. He is the servant of all for a specific purpose and that is paramount to all other considerations. His duty as clerk he must perform or resign. Members. A member of an assembly is subject to cer- tain requirements. He is upon an equal footing with every other member present, and has a right to the largest degree of liberty in presenting subjects for consideration. Upon all subjects presented he has a right to debate. The general rule of all assemblies is that all members are free to do as they will so long as they do not trespass on the freedom of others. No member has a right to interrupt another when speaking unless to correct what he believes to have been a violation of order. Forbearance and courtesy are the basic principles which should control in all cases. Decorum and propriety are as needful when not in debate as when debate is in progress. So that all things which are not the mark of a gentleman are foreign to any deliberative body. To state the duties of a member would be a diffi* cult task, but in the main they are : I. Not to interrupt a member when speaking; without permission from him. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 469 II. To rise when addressing the chair and to remain standing until recognized by the presiding officer. III. To perform no ungentlemanly acts. IV. To refrain from passing between the presid- ing officer and a member who may be speaking. V. To maintain order himself and refrain from conversation. VI. To avoid the use of improper or intempe- rate language when speaking. VII. To appeal from the presiding officer's de- cision when in his judgment the same does not harmonize with justice to himself. VIII. To avoid all conduct that shall tend to hamper or obstruct the proceedings of the body, IX. Lastly, So to conduct himself that he shall not interfere with the rights and privileges of any or all present. These are some of the rights and duties of the members of any deliberative assembly. It will surely be seen that the good order of an assembly depends on the measure of forbearance which one member may have toward the other. The value of any deliberative body's action depends much on how orderly the proceedings have been conduct- ed. In a state of disorder and inattention improper schemes have very often been acted upon and strifes and jealousies have been aroused which have never been allayed. The highest efficiency of any assem- bly is best attained where decorum rules. 470 a practical book for practical people. The Transaction of Business. All deliberative bodies of whatever nature are created for some purpose. The accomplishment of this purpose is its business. With an organization per- fected it is prepared at once to proceed with the bus- ness which may have been the cause of its creation. That this business may be presented in proper order is the special province of general parliamentary practice. It is the commonly accepted practice that whatever is desired for discussion in any deliberative assembly shall be presented in at least one of these forms ; I. By a formal motion. II. By a communication. III. By a petition. These three methods take in all the ways by which those who may be members, or who maybe its servants, or who may have no relation to the assembly whatever" can with due regard to the fitness of things bring mat- ters of interest and importance to the attention of the assembly. To show this more fully, let us suppose that Mr. A. believes that a certain change in an established procedure will be of benefit to his community ; he presents the matter in a formal motion. If the officer of a State government desires to inform the Legisla- ture of certain needed reforms in the administration of the affairs of his office, he can do that by a formal communication in which is outlined the condition of affairs as they exist, why they are detrimental and PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 4.7I how they may be remedied. Again, should any com- pany of citizens living in a certain portion of a city desire a new street to be cut through for their con- venience, a petition to the proper local authorities would be the means by which the matter could be brought to their attention. All business, however, of every nature, in what- ever manner it may have been brought to the atten- tion of the assemby, is not properly in its possession until the same shall have been formally presented in a motion. When restated by the presiding officer it is then a question. If finally approved, it becomes either a resolution, aji order, or an act. Now, all de- liberative bodies with a distinct membership, are absolute in their control of what shall be presented. A member has a right, by motion, to present any matter for discussion, but the presiding officer need not present any communication that does not, in some way, have a relation by reason of either law or existing rules to the body over which he presides. The peti- tioner can only gain access to the assembly's ears by means of some member. The restriction of this creation of business is that it shall only proceed from those who, by reason of membership, have a right to present matters for discussion. Hence, with an organization perfected, the assembly is ready for any business which the members may seek to bring before it. How shall business be created ? Let us suppose that some member has a proposition which he desires 472 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. to submit to the assembly. He arises in his place and, addressing the presiding officer, calls out, " Mr. President," or whatever title the presiding officer may have. The chair then recognizes the person thus addressing him by saying, " Mr. has the floor," or he may curtail his recognition by simply mentioning his name. In legislative bodies the narrje is not mentioned, but the recognition is to specify the State, county or district which the rising member may represent. The person so recognized is said to have the Jiooj% and it is his so long as he shall pro- ceed in order. Having now possession of the floor, he proceeds to state concisely and with the best lan- guage, the proposition he desires to bring before the assembly, and usually precedes his remarks by say- ing, " I move that," etc. This is the formal motion and must be put in writing if so desired by either the president or any member. This is but the formal notice of the proposition. A second and further act is needed before it is completed. Another member of the assembly must arise and, after obtaining the floor, say, 'H second the motion." So far as the act of introduction goes that is complete. The presid- ing officer is now required to rise and state the mo- tion, prefixing it with the words, " It is moved and seconded that," and on completion of statement of the subject-matter of the motion, he then adds, " Is there anything to be said upon the question ?" The business is now in possession of the assembly. I PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 473 It is sometimes the practice to mention the names of the mover and seconder. It will be seen that several steps are needed before the business of an assembly is ready for action. I. To obtain the floor by being recognized by the chair. II. The statement of the motion by the mover. III. The seconding of the same by another mem- ber. IV. The restatement by the chair. Several persons may desire to obtain the floor at once and the presiding officer must decide which one shall have the floor. His decision is seldom dis- puted. He may decide by reason of several things, but generally the one whom he sees rise flrst is awarded the floor. He may not have had his atten- tion directed so as to be able to see and then his decision may rest on the first voice he may have heard. When he shall have indicated the one en- titled to the floor, all others are to be seated and there remain unless the one to whom has been accorded the floor shall be out of order. The de- cision of the chair in assigning the floor is only final by courtesy and any member has the right of an appeal from this decision. In other words, the assem- bly has the power to give the floor to some other person. In general, as stated, the indication of the chair is regarded as final ; and in the U. S. House of Representatives the decision of the speaker is final and unquestioned. Too much stress cannot be laid 474 ^^ PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. on the application of the principle that the one who is in order shall be entitled to the floor in preference to one who is out of order. Hence the preference for the one who addresses the Chair from his own place. The requirement of a second proceeds on the general principle that if the mover of a motion is the only one favorable to it, it is not worth the attention of the body. It is the custom in many legislative bodies to require no second to the ordinary motions, the use of the second being waived by consent. In all deliberative bodies this second is an absolute requirement and is the natural complement of the motion. The restatement by the Chair is the concluding act in the introduction of business. It cannot be de- bated, nor can any statements be made upon it, nor, indeed, can any other member of the assembly suggest any other business. The mover may make certain changes either by his own volition or by reason of the suggestions of another. Once stated by the Chair, it has passed beyond the mover's control and he can only change it by consent of the assembly or by an amendment. Before the formal statement by the presiding officer, the mover, with the consent of the second, may withdraw it. After such statement its fate is with the assembly. This is the strict state- ment of the practice, but the usages in many places vary ; so that in some cases the permission to with- draw a motion even when in possession of the assem- bly obtains. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 475 The requisition that a motion be in writing will be seen to be very wise. The recording officer needs know the exact phraseology of a motion. The pre- siding officer having to restate it is required to state the same verbatim. The course of debate may de- mand the re-reading of the question one or more times. In general, the motions which may arise that have to do with the disposal of the proposition itself are not required to be in writing. The proposition is now before the assembly and . the discussion of the same is in order. It may be that in the opinion of many present who are not pre- pared either to vote upon or discuss the question, the time is inopportune and so desire its defeat or postponement. There are certain means by which this purpose may be effected. This may be accomplished in the following ways: I. By raising the question of consideration, II. Point of order. III. To lay on the table. IV. To postpone indefinitely. V. To postpone to a certain day. VI. To refer to a committee or to commiL VII. The previous question. VIII. To adjourn. These motions, because they have reference to the main question, as original motion is now called, are denominated subsidary motio7is and are used to sup- press the proposition before the assembly or to de- fer its consideration. 476 a practical book for practical people. The Question of Consideration. This question must be raised immediately after the statement of the motion by the Chair. The mem- ber, so desiring, rises in his place and, after having been accorded the floor, says, " Mr. President. On that, I raise the question of consideration." This raises, at once, the question, shall the assembly de- bate the question ? It is not debatable, for there is nothing to debate. It is simply whether at this time it is wise to proceed with the debate. Those who desire thus to debate, vote favorable to the question, for, stripped of all verbiage, the question means, shall we debate or shall we not ? Those who do not so desire, vote against the question. If decided in the affirmative, the debate proceeds. If in the negative, it disposes of the question finally. There are no limi- tations to the use of this motion, except that it can not apply to amendments to the main question. The Point of Order. If the question of consideration, be not raised some member may arise and say : " I rise to a point of order," following this introduction by stating that the question is in violation of certain fixed rules of the assembly. If the Chair shall decide that this point of order is well taken, it has the effect to defer the consideration of the question, and, so far as the busi- ness before the assembly is concerned, it is as if there had been none proposed. These two methods of procedure differ in the sense that the first is decided I PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 477 by the assembly, the second by the Chair, subject to an appeal, in the absence of which the action is aS' sumed to be approved by the assembly. Both of them are to be raised immediately .after the statement of the motion by the Chair and before debate shall have begun. When debate shall have been be^run the method of disposing of the main question rests in the use of the other subsidiary motions stated in the table. To Lay on the Table. The moving of this question has the effect of post- poning the debate. It carries with it everything that belongs to the question. Should the motion be made on the amendment, it carries with it the main question also. The favorable action upon this motion has no effect on the condition of the main question or its amendments. It simply lays it all aside, and when called up at some future time is in precisely the same condition as when it was laid upon the table. If the motion to lay on the table is not carried, it cannot be again made until by reason of some amendment or other change in the main ques- tion that question presents a new phase. It is not debatable nor can it be amended. It is of equal rank with other subsidiary motions except that of con- sideration, to which it is inferior, and in practical use it is designed to kill a proposition against which it is raised. 478 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. To Postpone Indefinitely. The motion to postpone indefinitely is used when the debate, having proceeded, it is desired to lay aside the further consideration of the question with- out bringing a determination of the question. Its purpose, in addition, is to test the strength of the sentiment in favor of the proposition under dis- cussion inasmuch as a defeat of the motion itself is favorable to the main question. Since the fate of the main question itself is at stake as to its advisa- bility and practicability, it will be seen that this motion must be debatable. It is not amendable and when decided in the affirmative the main question is de- feated. It has the same standing as that to commit, to postpone to a certain day or the previous question. To Postpone to a Certain Day. The name of the motion describes it fully. It is of use in cases where further information is desired upon the subject under discussion, which is not then available. It may also occur that there are matters of greater importance which require immediate at- tention. Under such a circumstance a motion to postpone to a certain day retains to the main ques- tion all its rights and privileges until that day shall arrive. It is amendable only so far as the time to which the postponement shall take place and it is de- batable on the question of postponement only. If decided in the negative, it leaves the main question still open for debate. The improper use of this PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 479 motion is to designate a day to which the main question shall be deferred that can have no possible existence, because the assembly will then be ad- journed. Such a use practically makes it a question of indefinite postponement and is not the proper use of this motion. In the usage of the motions to lay on the table, to postpone indefinitely and to postpone to a certain day, it must be remembered, as has been stated, that their affirmative acceptance by an assembly defers the action upon the main question ; but in order to again bring these matters forward for debate and possible passage, a formal motion is needed. Even if a question be postponed to a certain day, the mere fact that that day has arrived does not bring the sub- ject again before the assembly. A formal motion when favorably acted upon brings the matter up for debate, and only by this method can the subject be officially passed upon. Otherwise it is dead. To Commit. Immediately after the statement of the motion by the presiding officer, or at any other time in the de- bate, it may appear that the subject can be more fully investigated by a committee. The assembly may desire fuller knowledge, or it may be that the proposition is not in accordance with recognized principles of action. A further discussion would be a needless waste of the assembly's time. To dispose of the matter so that the best of what 480 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE, the proposition may contain shall be sifted out, is a wise provision. This may be accomplished by the motion to co?nmit. This motion then contemplates not the passage of the subject matter under discus- sion, nor yet does it negative anything that has been proposed. It is purely for the purpose of expediting the business in hand. It is often used to dispose of obnoxious legislation, so that reaching the committee its unfavorable provisions may be removed, or the whole matter may never be permitted to reach the stage of a report. When this motion is carried, the whole matter with all the amendments goes to the committee, and this motion may direct what disposition the com- mittee is to make of the matter thus submitted. It may also create the committee thus charged with the duty where none exists. It is debatable but not so as to involve the main question, since, if decided in the affirmative, it leaves the whole discussion to that period when the com- mittee shall have made its report. It is amendable because it may or may not contain a direction or in- struction to the committee. In that event, if the in- structions involve the main question, the debate be- comes the same as if no motion to commit had been made. The Previous Question. The use of the previous question is very general in the American practice for the purpose of shutting off debate. It is the weapon by which those who PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 4^1 would obstruct the rapid transaction of business are prevented from using up time by simply talking. Originally this motion was used for the purpose of suppressing the main question. It matters came up in Parliament which involved those whose posi- tions were high in state, this motion, if carried, sup- pressed the main question and set it aside absolutely. In our American practice, as intimated, it has acquired the other and better use of bringing to a vote the proposition involved under the main question. The vast amount of time which has been wasted in many deliberative bodies has proved the value of this motion to prevent this needless talk. That all questions before any assembly are entitled to the fullest discussion is a fact that no one can deny, but often there are other and greater in- terests which are to be conserved. The previous question has the effect of conserving this purpose. Being ordered by the consent of a majority of those present, it represents the will of the assembly toward the furthering of the business in hand. In the Senate of the United States this motion has no place, the Senatorial courtesy allowing the fullest and freest debate on all subjects. The passage of time or the interests of the people apparently having no weiofht. In practice the use of the previous question is as follows : Where the debate has reached a point that some member believes it should cease, or if when the president shall have formally stated the 31 482 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. motion, debate shall not be desired, some member arises and says : " I move the previous question." The presiding officer may use the old formula •'Shall the main question now be put?" or he may say, which is now the better practice, " Mr. de- mands the previous question. Those in favor will please say aye ; those opposed, no." It follows that the previous question is neither debatable nor amendable. If carried, the amendments, if any, are first put and then the main question. If the previous question be not carried, the consideration goes on as before. The previous question itself may be de- ferred by a motion to lay it on the table, which, in the event of its adoption, permits the debate to pro- ceed ; but if defeated, the business of the assembly is to dispose of the previous question. Again the previous question on its adoption may be deferred by a motion to adjourn. This, if car- ried, makes the action under the previous question the first business of the next session of the assembly. The previous question is regarded as of equal im- portance as the other subsidiary motions except the first two named and cannot be used to dispose of any of them. The previous question is solely for the purpose of shutting off debate and bringing im- mediate action upon the main question. Amendments. The use of the subsidiary motions having failed to set aside the debate on the motion before the PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 48^ assembly, It is now ready for the fullest discussion. It is apparent that whatever its form, the question may not be absolutely satisfactory to all present. The sole object of the debate is to arrive at a final conclusion respecting the motion that shall rep- resent the concensus of the opinion of all, or if not all, the largest possible proportion of those present. Generally in deliberative bodies of a comparatively small membership, the motions are short and their general tenor can be readily borne in mind ; but In larger asemblles, especially those which are legisla- tive or municipal in character, the subject-matter for discussion involves several propositions and, there- fore, should be printed. Thus a bill is practically a motion when presented in proper form to a legisla- tive body and it is obvious that each member should possess a copy. In all assemblies of this character, the motions which have many varying propositions should be printed. A set of resolutions often con- tain a preamble as a sort of introduction to what the resolutions themselves seek to explain. It is cus- tomary to discuss the resolutions and pass upon them and then to dispose of the preamble. The main question under discussion when first proposed may not represent the opinion of some who, in a general way, may be favorable to the prin- ciple which it may contain. It Is evident that there ought to be some means by which it may be modi- fied and changed so as to be generally acceptable. This Is accomplished by amendment. To be de- 484 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. prived of this method of correction would require the acceptance of that which was dissatisfactory in part or in whole, or the rejection of that which may have contained somethingf that was commendable. So it has come to be regarded as a principle of parliamentary practice that whatever the assembly has a right to originate, it has also a right to amend. An amendment then is a motion havino- relation to a preceding motion in order that the same may be changed or modified. It is proposed in the same manner as the original motion and must be seconded and restated by the presiding officer before it can be debated. The general method of amendment is by one of four ways : I. Inserting words. II. Striking out words. III. Striking out and Inserting. IV. By substitution. The amendment itself Is susceptible of amend- ment and at that point the amendments cease. If the process of amendment were to be prolonged, it will be seen that an infinite number would be added, so that great confusion might ensue. Hence, the amendment to the amendment is fixed as the limit. The amendment to the amendment must first be disposed of and all discussion when that Is pending must be upon the proposition therein. When this shall have been voted upon, the amendment must then be taken up. But the amended amendment PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 485 may be amended by a new motion to amend. The amended amendment having been decided the amended motion becomes the question for decision. The general rule Is, that whenever an amendment shall have been disposed of, It Is right, if deemed needful to the proper completion of the business in hand, to amend. A negative action upon an amend- ment disposes of that amendment permanently and It cannot again be proposed. To amend by inserting words is the simple process of adding words to the main question or of interpo- lating In the body of the main question. It is neces- sary that the mover of such an amendment shall specify where the words are to be inserted and what will be the nature of the main question with the new words inserted. If there be no debate on the amend- ment, the presiding officer shall then rise and say, '* The question is upon the amendment to insert," statinof what is to be Inserted. If carried it then becomes a part of the main ques- tion. A negative action prevents the matter being brought forward again in that shape and the main question remains the same. To amend by striking out Is similar to the preced- ing method. The mover should state in his motion to amend what words are to be stricken out and what the main question will be when they are so eliminated. This amendment, like all others of first degree, is susceptible of amendment and of debate, which, if not offered, the presiding officer shall rise and say, " The 486 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. question is upon the amendment to strike out," stating what is to be stricken out. If the action on the amendment is in the affirmative, then the words become no part of the main question. If it fails to receive the assent of a majority present, it leaves the main question in its original form and the same amendment cannot again be proposed. There may arise a question which, in order to make it agreeable to the opinions of those present, may re- quire that some words be stricken out and others in- serted. This may be effected by the third method — by striking out and inserting. The amendment must state the words to be stricken out and those to be inserted. This motion to amend cannot be divided. It is one act of change. It must be decided as it is presented. It can be amended by adding other words to be stricken out in addition to those mentioned in the original amendment and by inserting others, but the amendment is a unity and must be taken as such when decided. If not debated or amended, the presiding officer shall rise and say, " The question is on the amendment to strike out and insert," stating the words thus to be removed and inserted. The affirmative action removes from the main question the words to be eliminated and inserts the desired addition. The negative of the amendment leaves the main question or amendment as it stood. To amend by substitution, is in effect the same as the preceding motion. A person desiring to thus PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 487 amend, in effect, takes away from a proposition cer- tain portions and substitutes others. In the use of the preceding method of amendment, the portion to be stricken out may occur in a different section of a paragraph under discussion from that wherein words are to be inserted. Whatever is stricken out, is out forever and the same rule applies to whatever is in- serted. Usage has made it that when a paragraph is stricken out and another inserted, those who favor the old paragraph shall have the privilege of pcrfect- ino; it before the motion to strike out shall have been decided. A little reflection will show that without such a provision, the rejection of the original para- graph would remove it forever and the new one might not possess the requirements acceptable to all. The difference between these last two methods of amendment is that of location. In practice, motions to amend by substitution simply supply a new and perhaps totally different proposition to that one con- tained in the original question, and, in effect, strikes out and inserts. It applies to but one place in a proposition. The use of the amendment by substitution is sometimes preferable to that of amendment by strik- ing out and inserting. In general where whole paragraphs are to be stricken out and new ones inserted, or where the amendment is by substitution of one paragraph for another, the right to perfect each is undisputed, and until such perfection of both the old and the new 488 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. paragraph is completed the motion lies in abeyance, unless ordered by the previous question. If neither paragraph is acceptable, then a negative action on the motion to substitute prevents the new paragraph from being accepted, and a second motion to strike out the original paragraph removes that paragraph. The adoption of an amendment does not adopt the main question. The adoption of the amendment to the amendment does not adopt the amendment. Whenever an amendment shall have been adopted, the question of which it is now a part is to be adopted. So that whenever the discussion on an amend- ment to an amendment shall have reached that point where action is ready to be taken, the presiding officer shall say, "The question is on the amendment to the amendment." When that is decided and the debate on the amended amendment is completed, the presiding officer then says, " The question is now on the amended amendment." When all amendments have thus been disposed of, the presiding officer then says, " The question is on the motion as amended." No more than one amendment can be pending at one time and when settled by the assembly other amendments are always in order. It has been stated that the mover of a motion has lo control over it after it has come into the posses- sion of the assembly. This is the strict rule. In many cases the custom has permitted the modifica- tion of the motion by the mover accepting suggested amendments, and thus avoiding the debate and action PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 489 by the assembly. All this is purely by courtesy and common consent, and can be proper when no objec- tion is made. Strict application of the principles of parliamentary law makes this an infringement of the practice. The main question may present a series of propo- sitions which may be so crudely drawn as to fail to represent that which may be acceptable to all, but which may contain that which, if properly arranged, would be of the highest utility. Such a question may be amended by adding certain paragraphs to- gether, or by transposing the order, or by separating into paragraphs the whole question itself. Such a course would be an amendment of the original ques- tion. In a deliberative body, such as a State Legisla- ture, the work could be much better accomplished by a committee, but where the assembly must perform the task, the amendments are by additio7i, separatio7i and transposition. The main question may contain two propositions; the first may be highly satisfactory, but the second may be objectionable. To act upon it as a whole, would be to imperil the part that was acceptable because of the character of the second part. Such a difficulty is avoided by dividing the question and submitting each proposition separately. Such a course of amendment is known as division. It is evident that when the main question is thus tli- vided, each division must be a clear and distinct proposition and be capable of representing a state- ment of fact that is unmistakable. In practice, this 490 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. amendment can be demanded by any member, and if the assembly refuse, the same purpose can be effected by a motion to strike out the offensive por- tion. The filling of blanks in the main question is not regarded in the strict sense of an amendment. All the amounts proposed are set down by the pre- siding officer and the highest amount is presented for approval. If this is disapproved, the next lower one is submitted. Thus the process proceeds until an amount shall have been reached which shall repre- sent the wishes of the majority. To treat the filling of blanks as an amendemnt would prevent those who might desire a different and greater amount than that suggested in the amendment from voting against it lest another amendment might suggest a less amount. The object of all amendments is for the purpose of perfecting the main question. It is evident that they should be in harmony with the main question and not brincr in matter that is foreiijn to the sub- ject. Those who may not favor the main question may often so construct an amendment which if adopted will present the opposite aspect to that in- tended by the main question. Such an amendment has the effect of making the mover and friends of main question its enemies. Such a use of the amendment is allowable, and properly so, because it is a means by which offensive and highly improper motions may be disposed of when all subsidiary motions have failed. To propose an amendment PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 491 which shall change the substance of the main ques- tion is in order. However, to simply amend so that the affirmative shall be changed to the negative of a question is not in order and is not an amendment in the true sense of the word. The constitutionality of an amendment is entirely a matter for the assembly to decide. Any amend- ment which shall seem to be incompatible or incon- sistent is open to discussion and the assembly has the sole power of accepting or rejecting it. In all cases when this condition exists a point of order upon the amendment is out of order, since the presid- ing officer cannot pre-empt the powers which belong to the assembly. Motions. The proper conclusion of a main question is its decision affirmatively or negatively by the assembly. Before such a conclusion can be reached, other motions havine more or less o-eneral reference to the main question may arise and must be decided before any conclusion can be reached on the main question. These motions are grouped under three general heads. Their use is mainly for the general protection of the rights of the members and for the elucidation of the subjects proposed in the questions to which they more or less relate. They are as follows : I. Questions of privilege. II. Subsidiary questions. III. Incidental questions. 492 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. When these questions are raised they must receive immediate attention. In some cases, as we have seen, they dispose of the main question absolutely. In other cases, they simply defer action. Some of them are subject to debate and amendment. Others are to be decided without debate and cannot be amended. Privileged Motions. By Privileged Motions are meant those motions which because of their importance require immediate attention and action. They may have a reference to the main question under discussion and may be of use to defer action upon the main question. In prac- tice, however, they stand alone without involving subjects which may be before the assembly for action and are privileged in that sense. They are as follows : I. Motions to adjourn. II. Motions to fix the time to which the assembly shall adjourn. III. Motions for a recess. IV. General privilege in which the whole as- sembly is involved. V. Personal privilege involving the rights of a member. Adjournment. The motion to adjourn, as its name implies, per- mits an assembly to cease from its labors. When no other provision exists, the ordinary use I PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 493 of the motion to adiourn has reference to a cessation of the business of the assembly until the next period appointed by the rules for its assembling. The old statement that a motion to adjourn is always in order is true in a sense, but there are exceptions under which it is not in order. It cannot be proposed when three conditions obtain, namely : If a member shall have the floor, or the assembly shall be ascertaining the correctness of a vote, or the assembly itself is dividing upon a motion. Under such circumstances, it would not be in order. Among the questions of privilege it stands first, and if having been put and lost it cannot again be moved until some other busi- ness shall have been acted upon. The motion to adjourn is not debatable nor amendable unless the motion, if carried, should cause the dissolution of the assembly. All legis- lative bodies are, by law, made to continue from day to day, and the motion that " we do now adjourn," is under the express understanding that it is to assemble the next day. Hence, the matter of when the sittings of any deliberative body shall take place, is a very important consideration. It is evident that because of the character of this motion its affirmative passage will cause a cessation of any business in hand ; and for that reason it may be used in the sense of a subsidiary motion to defer debate. The effect of such an adjournment does not place the business of the next session at the same point where the last session left it. The 494 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. business must be brought forward in the usual man- ner, if it is to be again discussed, as the unfinished business. If, however, it should be the purpose of an as- sembly to lay aside all business for a short period in order that some needful rest might be obtained, the motion then is for a recess rather than for an ad- journment. Such a motion should state the time to which the intermission extends. Such a motion has all the privileges of the motion to adjourn. The motion to fix the time of adjournment is a privileged motion, in the sense that when made it takes precedence over all other motions, unless a mo- tion for a recess is pending. It is obvious that a motion to take a recess is in its essence substantially a motion to adjourn to a certain day. It is evident that a motion cannot be privileged against itself. Such a motion would be in order if an assembly whose regular meeting came each day desired to adjourn for two days. If so moved, it would be debatable and amendable and would be a privileged motion. Questions of Privilege. The next two prominent motions are termed Ques- tions of Privilege. As observed in the table, they are of two kinds ; the infringement of the rights and privileges of the assembly ; the infringement of the rights and privileges of its members. Questions of privilege, whether general or per- PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 495 sonal in character, are to be defined as those which, in the first case, affect the dignity and integrity of the assembly itself; or, in the second, the honesty, character and reputation of the members. Any in- fraction of the good order of the assembly from without, such as the disorderly character of any visi- tor who may be permitted to be present, would come under the head of a question of general privi- lege. Any attack by newspapers upon the good name of a member or a personal encounter during the session of an assembly can be regarded as a question of personal privilege. Whenever a question of privilege shall be raised by a member, he is required to rise and say : " I rise to a question of privilege." He then proceeds to state what the question is. He may have been falsely charged with improper conduct. He addresses his remarks to the presiding officer. It is the pro- vince of the presiding officer to decide whether it be a question of privilege. If he so decides, the assem- bly immediately takes formal action by which the matter may be thoroughly sifted. The question of privilege decided, the assembly proceeds with the consideration of whatever business was interrupted. Should the decision of the presiding officer be a negative one, the assembly proceeds with the work that was interrupted when the question of privilege was raised. Whatever the decision of the presiding officer, it is subject to appeal, and the assembly, in effect, decides whether the subject-matter thus 49^ A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. brought forward when the question of privilege is raised is of such importance as to need adjustment. Subsidiary Motions. Subsidiary motions have already been treated in the preceding pages. Incidental Questions. Incidental Questions are those which arise from other motions, whether they be privileged or sub- sidiary. They are to be decided before any decision can be given on the main or other questions to which they are tributary. They are six in number, viz.: I. Questions of order. II. Reading of papers. III. Withdrawinor a motion. IV. Suspension of a rule. V. Division of a question. VI. Amendment to an amendment. Questions of Order. To the presiding officer is delegated the power of preserving order. He is not the sole arbiter of what constitutes order. That has been decided by the assembly when it created the rules for its guidance. To the presiding officer the task obtains to see that these rules are carried out. It is manifest that with- out orderly regard for these rules on the part of the members themselves, the presiding officer can have but little hope to preserve order. No business of any sort can be properly done unless order is PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 497 preserved. This matter of order is general in its character and has reference to what is said as well as done. Any departure from the rules is a breach of order which the presiding officer is to correct. In his absence so to correct, it is the right of any member to call attention to this fact and insist on an enforcement of the rule. If the presid- ing officer himself fails to see that the regular pro- cedure of business is not beino- followed, his atten- tion should be called to that fact in order that the business may be done in order. It is the right of any member to have the business proceed with due regard to the rules. Thus, if the rules provided that no member should speak more than twice on any motion, and some member should essay to speak a third time, it would be the province of any member to rise and say " I rise to a point of order." The pre- siding officer should then require him to state it. The statement of the point of order would be to show what the rules provided and call attention to the fact that the member was offending against the established rule. The presiding officer would then say " The point of order is well taken," indicating thereby that the member thus essaying to speak was out of order. All decisions of a presiding officer are subject to an appeal and such appeal is debat- able Whenever an appeal is taken from a decision of the Chair, the question then for the presiding officer to propound is, " Shall the decision of the Chair stand?" This question is subject, as before 32 498 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. remarked, to debate in which the presiding officer has a right to participate. The affirmative action of the assembly sustains the decision of the Chair. An appeal does not require to be seconded and is subject to all other motions as the main question itself. Whatever questions of order may come up in the process of the debate on an appeal from the Chair's decision, must be at once decided by the pre- siding officer, since but one appeal can be under ad- justment at same time. Reading of Papers. It is apparent that whenever a motion shall have been offered and become the possession of the as- sembly, the right to have the same read by any member cannot be disputed. It is for the sole pur- pose of informing the member, so that he may be en- abled to vote intelligently, When so requested the clerk, by direction of the presiding officer, is to read the paper. There come, however, times when in the course of debate, some member may desire to have read some paper not a part of the question, nor in any sense an amendment thereto, but a paper which shall give further information upon the ques- tion at issue. If the wholesale reading of such papers were permitted, it is quite easy to see how very prolix might become the discussion upon the subject in hand. General parliamentary practice has very wisely limited the reading of papers to such ones as the assembly by vote shall desire to hear. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 499 Hence, the request by a member to read a paper Is an incidental question to the main question and is to be decided as of the same character as a motion, but without debate. In common practice the reading of papers is by courtesy, and if objection is made it cannot be read except as stated. Withdrawing a Motion. A motion once stated by the Chair is the sole and absolute possession of an assembly. The mover may desire its withdrawal, but only can this be done when the assembly pleases. He is powerless except by a regular motion to withdraw, and whenever so made by the mover of a motion, must be decided at once and without debate. The affirmative action on a motion to withdraw, removes the main question. If the motion receives a negative action, the as- sembly retains possession of the main question. In some assemblies a special rule permits the mover to withdraw a motion before amendment or decis- ion upon it. Suspension of Rules The regular course of business in coming to a de- cision on the main question may reach a point wherein an existing rule made by the assembly for its guidance may prevent a continuance of the de- bate. It may be that the highest interests of the assembly are to be conserved by the passage of the proposed question under debate. To accomplish 500 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. this purpose the existing rules must be suspended. It is then in order to move a suspension of the rules. Parliamentary practice has come to recognize such a contingency, by requiring that such a provision shall be inserted in the rules that govern the assembly, since in the absence of such a provision no suspen- sion can be had. When a suspension of the rules is allowable, a motion to suspend is to be decided at once and is not, of course, debatable. This pro- vision to suspend rules is surrounded by safeguards, and as a rule, something more than a majority vote is needed to effect a suspension. Ordinarily three- fifths and often three-fourths of those present and voting are needed to suspend a rule. The incidental motions of division and of amend- ment have already been treated at length in this treatise. P.ECONSIDERATION. The rule of all deliberative assemblies, that what- ever is voted upon and so disposed of represents the judgment of the assembly, is a wise one. Having discussed a subject and expressed an opinion favor- able or otherwise thereto, it is assumed that this is the best judgment of the assembly, and, hence, is not to be chanofed. In the English practice, to change such action, or even to review it, seems to be impossible. In our American practice, the mere passage of the main question, whether amended or not, does not finally dispose of it. It is still subject to review and may PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 5OI again be properly considered. To effect this pur- pose the motion to reconsider becomes operative. A motion to reconsider is not debarred from any course of action by the assembly. It may be used with reference to the vote on an amendment as well as upon the main question and applies equally as well upon an afifirmative action as upon a negative one. Before considering at length the motion to recon- sider, it is proper to call attention to the fact that certain amendments may be proposed which may be an equivalent one of the other. Thus to negative a motion to strike out would be equivalent to a motion to insert words which would make the words the assembly refused to strike out of no effect and would be considering an amendment the substance of which had been before proposed. It is evident that this would be an infringement of the general rule that what has once been considered cannot again be considered. The motion to reconsider has the effect of avoiding the infraction of the rule and, at the same time, giving opportunity for further discus- sion. The value of the motion to reconsider cannot be too highly esteemed. The final action of an assem- bly in the light of certain developments may become both embarrassing and highly dangerous to the assembly itself. The work of a legislative body may be wrong in principle notwithstanding the care which may have been taken. The corrective power of the 502 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. motion to reconsider is so very valuable that the American system of parliamentary practice has care- fully retained it. The use of the motion is not restricted to any particular condition that may arise. It is practically unlimited in its scope and is only circumscribed by the one who may use it. A motion to reconsider must be made by one who has voted favorably for the passage of the resolu- tion to be reconsidered. It is upon the generally accepted rule that if no person of the favoring party desires the reconsideration, it would be useless for one of the opposing party to attempt a reconsidera- tion. If the presiding officer does not know that the mover is of the party favorable to the original motion, he may inquire whether he had voted for the proposition originally. The practice that has obtained requires that the motion for reconsideration shall be made on the same day on which the motion was originally disposed of, but the general rule is to permit it to be moved also during the session next following. It is not neces- sary that the motion be considered the day it is moved. The motion may be made on the day permitted by the rules, and its consideration may be deferred till some future time. Whenever a motion to reconsider shall have been carried, it brings the whole matter up for discussion. If, for instance, an amendment shall have been decided upon, a motion to recon- PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 503 sider, if adopted, brings the amendment before the assembly. If the main question shall have been adopted, the motion to reconsider brings up all the business which belonged to the question in its oriorinal condition. There are certain limitations to the motion to re- consider. When once a motion has been recon- sidered, it cannot be again reconsidered. A motion to reconsider cannot be reconsidered, neither can a motion to adjourn, the affirmative vote to lay on the table, or to suspend the rules. If the assembly shall have acted upon the requirements of a motion which it has adopted, it cannot reconsider its action. The motion to reconsider is not amendable, but is debatable whenever the question it seeks to reopen is debatable. Whatever motions of a subsidiary character that are applicable to any other motion are applicable to this. It is a common practice in legis- lative bodies to move to reconsider the vote by which a bill shall have been passed and then to lay the mo- tion on the table. The affirmative of the last motion has the effect of finally disposing of any attempts to again bring up the matter. It is a method of killing the bill. Whenever debatable, the previous question can be used to suppress debate and bring- a vote at once. Summary. The appended table will shov/ the relations of all possible motions to the main question. The main 504 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. question when pending, as we have shown, may be influenced by two classes of questions — subsidiary and incidental. The table shows their subdivisions and their relative importance to each other is shown in order, It will be observed that there are four orders of subsidiary questions. Each of superior precedence in the order named. Those of the same order have no precedence one over the other. Privileged motions, as the name implies, have a privilege over any other business ; but when they be- come the main question, the subsidiary and incidental motions have an application to its disposition. Whenever the main question becomes affected by the raising of any of the motions set forth in the table, the precedence of the motion is in the order set opposite. The rule for the guidance of any presiding officer is that what- ever motion or question has right of way and is re- lated to the main question must first be decided. Thus, for instance, the main question being before an assembly, an amendment might be proposed to which another amendment could be offered. The motion to lay on the table could then be moved; another member might raise a point of order on the propriety of the motion to lay on the table ; a ques- tion of general or special privilege could be raised and finally a motion to adjourn could be made. All these could be pending at once and must be de- cided in the reverse order of their proposal. It will be seen how, under such an arrangement, all of which PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 505 IS in perfect harmony with the modern parliamentary- practice, the main question might not reach a deter- mination until some time had elapsed after its pro- posal. A reference to the table will show how far all are debatable and amendable. Motions: Their Precedence and Value. I. To adjourn; Not debatable, nor amendable and of highest privilege. II. To adjourn to a certain day: Debatable and amendable. If time not previousl)' fixed with superior precedence over the preceding. III. To take a recess: Debatable and amendable, unless time has been fixed, when it becomes like a motion to adjourn. IV. Questions of general privilege: Of privilege over all others. V. Questions of personal privilege: Of privilege over ail others exrept general privilege. Privileged Motions: Always in order. Subsidiary Motions: Have reference to -J main question. I. Questions of consideration: Neither debatable nor amendable. II. To lay on the table: Neither debatable nor amendable. ■"To postpone to a certain day. Debatable and amendable. Previous question: Neither debatabPc nor amendable. III. -J To postpone indefinitely: Not amendable; debatable only on the main question. To commit: Debatable and amendable. IV. To amend: Debatable and amendable. Not amendable nor debatable. fl. Questions of order. II. Reading of papers. III. Withdrawing a motion IV. Suspension of rules. ) V. Division. ) Amendable I^VI. Ways of consideration. C only. 506 a practical book for practical people. Debate. The sole object of debate is to arrive at a com- mon opinion upon the subject in hand. This can be obtained by an interchange of opinions. It is evident that the mover of a motion may suggest that which is not approved by all present. The very moment that a subject is suggested, that moment a division of the assembly may become an existing consequent. All may not express themselves. There may be reasons which cause no debate and the subject may receive the approval of all present. If the matter be very important, the debate represents the contest of those who favor the mover and those who are opposed. It is evident that the discussion will involve a deliberate judgment of all present upon those who may oppose, as well as those who may favor the proposition. The aim of the debate is to cause those who may disagree to the proposition to agree ; and this is to be effected by argument. It will be observed that in the course of debate the object is not the motives of the mover, but the subject-matter under debate ; and while per- sonal criticism is found to be the outgrowth of any debate, there are certain things which those who de- bate are under obligation to observe. As to the member : He is to be in order; he has no right to talk while another has the floor; he must be silent and attentive ; engage in no other business; throw nothing about the room; refrain from passing between the member speaking and the presiding PARLIAMENTARY LAW, 507 officer ; and without the consent of the speaker, refrain from interrupting him while speaking. The member when speaking must mention no other member's name, but must refer to him with courtesy and dignity by mentioning him as " the gentleman who last spoke " or " as the honorable gentleman from," giving the State or district from whence he comes. In legislative assemblies, such a designation is possible, but in deliberative bodies of other character, he must be identified only as the gentleman having performed some act which the reference shall clearly point him out as the one referred to. Nor shall the member speaking use terms which are highly improper be- cause of their suggestiveness or because they charge a fellow member with motives of impropriety and dis- honor. In speaking, the member shall always keep in mind that it is the subject-matter of the proposi- tion that is to be discussed and not the persons. Hence the old rule, "Avoid personalities in debate" becomes a very excellent one. It is very evident that common sense, common fairness and common decency are the three superlative requirements of successful debate ; while the sole object of all debate is to win adherents to the speaker's view of the question at issue. It has been stated that the presiding officer per se has no right to participate in debate. His connec- tion is solely to control the debate so that it shall proceed on orderly lines and fulfil the general as well as implied rules of decorum. Whenever a motion 508 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. has been properly moved, seconded and restated by the Chair, it is ready for debate. Whoever shall first rise is entitled to the floor. Where the subject is important, it is often the case that many may rise. It is a question for the presiding officer to decide to whom he shall award the floor. The practice has grown, as already stated, to regard the presiding officer's decision as final. He is actuated by but one object. Fairness and impartiality are the governing motives in all his decisions. He may have heard Mr. A. first. He may have seen Mr. B. first, and Mr. C, the mover of the motion, may have been the last to have risen and to have been heard, yet he awards to floor to Mr. C. The basis of such a de- cision, and it is founded on a very good principle, and one generally accepted — that the mover being the one who is most interested in the proposition should be the one to first explain why the action which it contemplates is desired. When the mover does not desire to speak, the presiding officer awards the floor to whomsoever he will, basing his decision on the one whom he shall see first rise. In the suc- ceeding awards of the floor he shall alternate be- tween those who favor and those who oppose the proposition under discussion, and thus bring about the fullest elucidation of the subject. When thus awarded the floor, the member's remarks must be upon the subject at issue. If the main question is under discussion, all his remarks ought to be upon that subject. If it be the amendment, then upon PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 5O9 whatever the amendment proposes. So long as the subject in hand is being treated by the member speaking, just so long is he secure in his possession of the floor. Any remarks which are not relevant to the discussion are out of order, and for their utter- ance he may be compelled to take his seat on a tech- nical point of order raised by a fellow member, or by the command of the presiding officer to be in order. Under certain conditions, and when certain motions are pending, the widest latitude may come into the debate. It would be difficult to state here just what constitutes a member out of order when in debate. Human passions, desire to win in any proposed action, bias of opinion are elements against which the presiding officer has to contend. He controls the debate as to subject matter, and where he pos- sesses judgment, common sense and decision, the debate will bring out what it is desirous the assembly in question shall know. The prolongation of the debate, all things being equal and no motions having been made to defer or suppress it, is to that extent when all shall have spoken either in favor or to the contrary. It is the right of every member to ventilate his views upon it. Once speaking upon the question is the acknowl- edge right ; but the question of how man)' more times and how much time are questions which every assembly must regulate for itself. Generally a member may speak twice on a subject in the ordinary deliberative bodies, and may speak 5IO A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. again, if all have spoken who wish. In the U. S. House of Representatives, the member is restricted to but one speech on a subject. It will be seen to be a wise precaution in any deliberative assembly to restrict the number and length of time which any member may speak. The question of whether a member is in order maybe largely controlled by his manner of speaking. The language may be uttered in such a tone of voice as to be highly disrespectful to those present, while the subject-matter may be entirely pertinent to the question, but the insinuations which may lurk be- neath may reflect very seriously upon the character of some person present. Such a circumstance would be a violation of the dignity of the assembly and would be out of order. Under such circumstance the member could be deprived of the floor by a point of order, or by demanding that the words be taken down. In small assemblies, not of a quasi political or legislative character, such a proceeding is not of general usage. The practice of taking dozun words, obtains in legislative bodies, and a simple point of order brings about the needed remedy. Whenever, in the progress of debate, the presid- ing officer shall rise, it is the mark of respect for all other persons to seat themselves. This is but a mark of courtesy to the office. A requirement of this sort does not permit the presiding of^cer to cause a member who has the floor to desist for his benefit. In the course of debate a member may ob- PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 5 i i tain the floor, not for the purpose of debate, but to propound an inquiry. These inquiries are termed, as already stated, parliamentary inquiries or points of information. They have no special privilege, but may be addressed to the presiding officer whenever the member so desiring to raise one, can obtain the floor. Their purpose is to elucidate information upon some subject in course of the debate germane to the sub- ject, or to obtain information as to the status of some subsidiary or other motion under process of adjustment, or to produce action which shall dispose of a matter under discussion. They are addressed to the presiding of^cer and by him answered. They are purely for information and have no binding force on the assembly unless the information thus ob- tained is put into action by the member. It is then subject to the rules which obtain in such a case. A member having obtained possession of the floor has it as an absolute possession so long as he is in order. When he shall have concluded his remarks his possession of the floor ceases. He may, however, temporarily yield the floor for an inquiry addressed to himself, or for a motion to adjourn, or to take a recess. His possession of the floor is not invalidated. If the assembly should adjourn his position would be the same when the business thus interrupted should again come up for discussion. These are the only conditions under which he may yield the floor and be entitled to its possession again without further effort on his part. 512 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Whenever, in the course of debate, the order shall become so objectionable that the presiding officer must call the assembly to order, all business ceases at once. If a member has the floor he must sit down, and no further business is done until the as- sembly shall be in order, when the member may proceed. It may be stated, as a general rule, that when a member speaking shall be called to order, he is out of order until he shall take his seat and the question of his disorder shall have been settled. In debate, a member's disorder in speech, when called to the presiding officer's attention, does not deprive him of the floor, unless he shall persist in remarks of an irrelevant character. The right of any assembly to punish its members for disorderly and highly improper behavior in both language and manner is regarded as its prerogative. All rules for the guidance of any deliberative body should be made with such an end in view. Voting. The debate having concluded, the decision of the question is at hand. This is accomplished by a vote. The assembly, in possession of the question by reason of there statement by the Chair, may show its anxiety to vote by calling " Question," in response to the in- quiry of the presiding officer, "Is there anything to be said on the question?" It is of frequent occur- rence that when a question shall have been debated and the presiding officer may conclude that further PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 513 discussion is not desired, because no one offers to debate, and asks, " Is there anything further to be said on the question ?" Such a question is in the nature of a warning that the vote is about to be taken. He may, if he chose, order the main ques- tion reread, or if it be an amendment, order the same to be read in conjunction with the main question. It is evident that the right to propose business and to debate upon such propositions carries with it the right to vote. All persons thus entitled are under obligation to vote. The mere fact of physical pres- ence carries with it the right of choice, and unless the member be excused by the presiding officer or the assembly, he must vote. The methods of voting are various and, in general, they may be stated thus : I. By sound. II. By rising or show of hands. III. By yeas and nays. Whenever an assembly is ready to vote the presid- ing officer says : " Those who favor the question (or amendment) please say aye." Then those who favor the question at issue respond by saying, "Aye." The presiding officer then puts the negative side in the same manner and those who are opposed say, " No." By the volume of tone, he judges which prevails and says:*' The ayes have it," if by the tone of those favor- able, he determines more of those present said "aye" than said "no." He then adds. **The question is car- ried." This formula of words varies with differing 00 514 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. presiding officers and the general intent is to allow sufficient time between the taking of those who favor and those who oppose to enable the reply to be given fully and completely. This is voting by sound or viva voce, and is the usual method of voting. If, however, when announcing the decision he may be in doubt or any member shall demand a count, then the vote is taken either by rising or by showing hands. In such a case the presiding officer says, ''Those who favor rise," or he may say, " Those who favor raise your hand." Then those who favor rise and remain standing until counted, which the Chair pro- ceeds to do. Having counted them, he requests them to be seated. He then addresses the same question in proper form to those who are opposed. They rise and the pr«eslding officer proceeds to count, which fact having been accomplished, he requests them to be seated. Pie then announces the result and decides the passage of the motion, If more rise who were favorable; the failure, if the opposite be true. The methods of effecting this vote on a moti-on are various. In some cases those who favor are required to stand on one side of the room, while those who oppose on the other side. In some other cases two tellers are appointed who, taking a station opposite each other, permit all those who favor the motion to pass between them in one direction and then those who are opposed in an opposite direction. The tell- ers count those who thus pass, and comparing their PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 515 results, If they agree, report to the presiding officer, who in turn announces the result to the assembly. In bodies of a legislative character where a record of votes is kept, the system of voting by yeas and nays obtains. It can be demanded by any member, and is ordered if a majority concur. When so ordered the clerk calls each member's name, who must vote if present unless excused by the assembly. The yea or nay reply of the member is entered in the appro- priate column opposite his name on the paper from which the clerk is reading the names. When all the names are called, the clerk recalls the names of those who have failed to reply. On the conclusion of this he reads the names of those who have voted " yea " and those who have voted " nay " and also the list of those who are absent, and reports the total result to the presiding officer, who thereupon declares the re- sult. A call of the yeas and nays once begun cannot be interrupted and must proceed to a finish. The right of the presiding officer to vote when a member of the body is unquestioned. If, however, he be not a member his privilege to vote obtains when there is a tie. Such a vote on his part is known as the casti7ig vote. He may refrain from voting, In which case the motion is lost. Until the result of a vote is decided, that is until the negative of a question is taken by the presiding officer, the question is still open for amendment and debate. The negative taken, the only method of re- opening the subject is by reconsideration. 5l6 a practical book for practical peoplb. Elections. The selection of the officers of any deliberative body in its temporary organization is usually by the viva voce method of choice. When, however, the or- ganization is perfected and its procedure is adopted, the election is by ballot. The election of officers, unless provided for by the order of business, is arranged for by a formal motion to proceed to an election. The affirmative of this motion presents the whole matter of election to the disposal of the assembly. It is always proper to take the highest office first, the presiding officer calling for nominations for that office. The names having been presented and seconded, though this latter mat- ter is one of custom rather than rule, the Chair names two or more persons who act as tellers. These per- sons supervise the election, count the ballots and re- port the result to the presiding officer. When the ballots have all been cast, the presiding officer gives warning of the closing of the polls, and then declares them closed. The report of the tellers must state the number of ballots cast, the number necessary to a choice, which must be a majority, the names of those balloted for and the number each received. The person who receives the majority, if there be but one, is declared elected by the presiding officer. In the event of no person receiving a majority, the balloting must be repeated in like manner till an election shall be had. PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 517 It is the right of each member to vote once in each balloting. He is not restricted in his choice, but usually those nominated are the ones for whom the ballots should be cast. In some assemblies a nominating committee is ap* pointed which reports to the assembly the names of those whom it regards as suitable for the offices to be filled. The report becomes subject to the rules of the assembly and maybe amended or disagreed to or recommitted. When adopted, it becomes the ac- tion of the assembly and the officers so nominated are elected. Frequently when but one nomination is made, some person is, by motion, authorized to cast a unanimous ballot for the person so nominated. The unanimous passage of this motion delegates the power of ballot to the one so appointed. This for- mal act of vote elects the nominee to the office. The principle of all elections, as, indeed, it is the principle of all deliberative bodies, is that a majority shall denote the will of the assembly. Committees. Whenever a deliberative body desires information upon a subject, which, because of its nature, it can- not readily obtain in its capacity as an assembly, it delegates its work to a portion of its membership. The portion of the assembly thus charged with the duty of assisting the main body Is called a committee. It will be seen that in large assemblies, or even in 5l8 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. any kind of a delibrative body, there are questions of importance which could not be readily investi- gated by the whole assembly, except at the expense of great losses of time. There would be other mat- ters which ought to occupy the assembly's time. The delegation of this work of Investigation insures a thoroughness which could not possibly come with the original body. This process of referring a sub- ject to a committee secures when the subject shall again come up for discussion and possible passage, a few persons whose knowledge of the subject at issue would be so complete that many errors of judg- ment could then be avoided. Some one has wisely said, " What is everbody's business is nobody's busi- ness." The creation of a committee is in order that the business In hand may be somebody's business. Every deliberative body may possess committees of two kinds, standing and special. As their names signify, they are either those which continue during a stated interval or are of temporary and specific designation. In all legislative bodies these standing committees are provided for by the rules, and their specific dnties are carefully outlined. The special commit- tees are created as the occasion may demand. In addition to these, there are committees which exist because of the intimate relations existinof between the upper and lower houses of legislation. These are called joint and conference committees. A committee which has a peculiar relation to the PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 519 legislative body to which it belongs is called the Committee of the Whole, and as its name signifies, is the entire legislative body. It is of curious origin and relates to that time in English history when the speaker of the House of Commons, being the ally of an arbitrary king, sought to reveal whatever the members said that might be derogatory to the mon- arch. This form of committee enabled the House to dismiss the speaker from its presence, and under the presidency of one of its own members, transact its business in secrecy. A standing committee performs the duties which are delegated to it by the rules, and It is usual to refer all matters which belong to the subject over which it has charge to it for investigation and report Special committees are the creation of the assem- bly to satisfy special needs. Thus, a subject may be proposed which cannot be investigated by any stand- ing committee. In order to such an end, a special committee is created. All committees are the servants of the assembly proper. They exist by its command and perform only such work as the assembly directs. The ap- pointment of a committee may be the result of one of several methods. It may be given absolute power not only to investigate and report, but it may be required to effect the action of the assembly itself. The work of a committee is only limited by its in- structions. If these are not sufficient to meet the demands of the investigation committed to its care, 520 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the assembly can give a power equal to whatever may be the possession of the assembly Itself. Hence Investigating committees of a legislative body have power to summon witnesses and to punish In the event of a refusal to do what the committee directs. The appointment of a committee Is either by the presiding officer, by resolution, by vote on nomina- tion, or by ballot. Whenever a member desires a committee ap« pointed, he may specify In his motion either the number and the manner of selection, or both. He may also define the duties which he desires the com' mittee to perform. Whenever no such provision obtains, the assem* bly must settle the matter both as to the number and manner of selection. The number is usually an odd number, and wisely so, In order that there may be a majority either one way or the other in its final judgment. When the appointment is left either by consent or direction to the presiding of^cer, he, having no right to perform this task unless so directed, appoints the committee, exercising his judgment as to whom shall be the members. It has become the custom for the mover and seconder of a motion to be made members of the committee. This is not obligatory upon the pre- siding ofificer. His judgment is relied upon In such a matter. In apolitical assembly he is expected to appoint a majority from the prevailing party senti- ment. The same Is true of a legislative body. In PARLIAMENTARY LAW. ^21 Other assemblies, those favorable to the matter of having the subject thus Investigated by committee, are preferred to those who oppose upon the genera] theory that those who are opposed to a measure could not give It a favorable consideration, and thus a complete Investigation Is Insured when committed to the hands of Its friends. In the lower houses of legislation, the speaker al- ways appoints the standing committees ; but in the upper houses the presiding officer, not being a mem- ber, the selection of the committee Is made either by the president /r^* tcm. or by the house Itself. Should the resolution state the names of those who are to constitute the committee, then the pas- sage of the resolution creates the committee. If the resolution leaves the names and number blank, then it Is the province of the assembly, on the passage of the resolution creating the committee, to proceed to nominate those who are to serve on the committee. The members are nominated by some fellow mem- ber and when so nominated the presiding officer pre- sents each name for vote by the entire assembly. It may be here stated that any one of these methods subserves the purpose and neither may be said to possess any special advantage. The appointment of a committee by ballot Is open to the objection of the time which it must consume. As its name Implies, it is by formal ballot. Each name or a set of names being voted for at one time. The committee appointed, the next proceeding is 522 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. to begin the task which is set for it to perform. The preHminary work requires organization. For this purpose it must have a chairman. Usually the person first named acts as chairman, though the assembly may designate the chairman or the committee may elect its own. If the rules provide for a clerk, it is ready for business whenever it meets. The absence of a provision for a clerk requires that a member of the committee shall act as recordinof officer. The times and places of meeting are the province of the committee, although this may be left to the chairman. No committee can be said to be in session unless every member has been notified of the time and place of meeting, and no business can properly be performed unless a quorum of the committee be present. A quorum is always a majority of the committee. In general, it may be stated that whatever is in order in the assembly itself is in order in the com- mittee. The same rules which govern the assembly are for the government of the committee so far as they are applicable. Its officers perform similar duties as in the assembly and by the mouth of the chairman, it communicates with it. In the transaction of its business it may require the views of those who have no connection with the body to which it belongs, and hence it may hold public meetings at which it receives the needed ad- vice and information. In all ordinary assemblies the committees are for the purpose of aiding in giving more specific knowledge. If a faulty resolution be PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 523 submitted to it, oi if it be required to prepare a reso- lution, the subject matter is carefully gone over amendments are suggested and the best judo-ment of the committee is exercised to perfect what is sent for correction. Whatever papers are transmitted are to be returned to the custody of the proper officer in the same shape they were received. A committee's work is not final, but only advisory. Whatever the conclusion of a committee, it is the concensus of a majority. Those who disagree from the opinion of the majority have no standing before the parent body. It is only by courtesy that they can be heard as such, and this privilege is rarely refused. The finished work of a committee is called a REPORT. In the process of its deliberations, it may reach conclusions which may not represent complete knowledge on the subject, but which shall be such as the assembly may need. In such cases it makes partial reports and these are said to denote progress. Reports are always in writing and are presented by the chairman. They have always a formal be- ginning and are addressed to the organization of which the committee is a part. The following may illustrate : '• Yoin" committee to whom was referred the subject of bonding the town of Oak dale, for the benefit of a fund to build a new Town Hall^ respectfully presents the folloiui^ig report : " After the formal introduction, follows the conclu- 524 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. sion which the committee has reached. Whoever agrees with the conclusions signs this report, but such a report must be signed by a majority of the com- mittee. The presentation of a report does not necessarily require its acceptance. There is in all assemblies a distinction between its acceptance and adoption. In all legislative bodies, the report of a committee when presented may be prevented from being made the subject of comment or of original action, by raising the question of consideration. The mere presentation of a report is, in substance, like the main question, and by all the methods of parliament- ary practice may be prevented from being considered. In other deliberative bodies, a report may be received by formal motion to receive. When so received the work of the committee is done. When presented and received it is the property of the assembly and must be read. If the assembly so de- sire, it may have the minority report, if there be one, read as well. Wlienever a report is received it is not the action of the body, nor does it confirm it, nor does the question of its confimation arise until a formal motion to adopt the report shall have been made. Such a motion opens up the whole subject and brings the report before the assembly as a main question, to be treated accordingly. The relation hvhich the committee sustains to the report is that of being favorable to its passage. If the assembly shall not be satisfied with it, it may substitute the PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 525 minority report for it, or it may again charge the committee with its further correction. The question of whether, in the case of a report of a special com- mittee, its reception discharges the committee, the writer is of the opinion that it does. Its work is done if it be a final report. It is to do a certain work. That being accomplished, its work ceases when the report shall have been received, and at that moment it ceases to exist unless revived by a motion to recommit. Hence, a motion to receive a report and discharge the committee is an error as to its last provision. Whenever the report of a committee shall contain several paragraphs, such, for instance, as the report of a committee on by-laws, wherein the rules are sub- mitted in paragraphs, it is usual for the assembly to consider the motion to adopt the report in sections. Each paragraph being read and adopted, and then, when all the paragraphs have been adopted, to adopt the report as a whole. The use of the Committee of the Whole is of such rare occurrence in ordinary assemblies that a detailed discussion is out of place here. Its use is valuable in the discussion of subjects wherein a wide range of subjects is under debate. As its name implies, it is the committee wherein the whole assembly acts. The difference being that some member present, on the direction of the pre- siding officer, takes the chair and becomes the chair- man. The assembly, on motion, resolves itself into 526 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the Committee of the Whole. The difference In procedure between the assembly and this committee is that the rules which apply to the assembly apply to the Committee of the Whole, except that, in gen- eral, a member may speak as often as he can get the floor and debate cannot be deferred or suppressed by any of the rules usually applicable. The com- mittee cannot adjourn, but when ready to cease from its labors, it, by formal motion, rises and reports to the presiding officer by its chairman the work which it performed. Its report has the same standing as any other. General Suggestions. In what has preceded, it has been the intention to describe as fully as might be the general provision of parliamentary law as held in the American practice to be the generally accepted usage. As in common law, whatever is not specifically directed by statute is held to be of binding force, so here whatever is not provided for by special rules, the general parlia- mentary practice is made the basis of decision. All deliberative bodies provide a code of rules based upon the general provisions of the parliament- ary practice. In legislative bodies, these are known as rules. In other assemblies, they are called by-laws. They define specifically the rules for the government of the body and set in order the precedence of motions of whatever character. They also provide PARLIAMENTARY LAW. 527 what shall be the quorum and In what order the business of the assembly shall proceed. Many assemblies may desire to know an order for the transaction of their business and what may be re- garded as a basis for any assembly is herewith given: I. The calling to order by the president when a quorum shall be present. II. Reading of the minutes of the last meeting, their correction and approval. III. Communications of all sorts, whether from committees or from those who have a right to inform the assembly in this manner. IV. New business. V. Unfinished business : to be taken up at the point discontinued at the last session. VI. Adjournment. Always to the next regular meeting time unless by some other arrangement a different time is set. It will be seen that this takes In all the possible business which can come before any ordinary assembly. The dispatch of the business under such an ar- rangement will require that an adjustment of the motions which have privilege shall be effected. In the table given, the arrangement is under the opera- tions of general parliamentary law. The motions to adjourn, to lay on the table, to postpone indefinitely, the previous question, to take a recess, to commit and to postpone to a certain day are capable of infinite arrangement. 528 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. In the table given their order is as follows : I. To adjourn, II. To lay on the table, • III. The previous question. IV. To postpone to a certain day. V. To commit. VI. To postpone indefinitely. VII. To amend. It will be found advisable in preparing a set of rules for the guidance of an assembly, to prepare them with reference to some standard work on parlimentary practice. If based upon such a founda- tion, this becomes the final arbiter in case of a dis- pute as to the meaning of the rules. It is a frequent usaofe for the rules which obtain in the lower house of the State Legislature to be thus made the basis upon which the by-laws are prepared. Special assem- blies require special rules, and so, while this simple treatise may give the general practice, it can only serve as a guide to those who desire to inform themselves upon this very wide, but none the less useful subject. In houses of legislation, the decisions of a compe- tent presiding officer are made the bases of future de- cisions and, as remarked in the beginning of this treatise, the power of such a precedent in the deter- mination of disputed points, is very strong indeed. I /S^M-^JL^ Ensraved for Practical Book for Practical People. /^^PT'I'S^ Things You Should Know. Bv JAMES H. MANNING. THIS is preeminently the business age. Never before have commercial schemes and under takings assumed such vast proportions. Never be- fore has the spirit of business permeated every avenue and relation of life as it does to-day. Business is King, and the man of affairs, is to-day the moving figure on the world's stage. He has reduced commercial interests to a science and has so advanced competition that high pressure is the rule, and unremitting watchfulness the price not only of success but also of self-protection. Every one is sooner or later swept into relations with this modern spirit of business. The day has gone by when man or women can, without inevitable disaster, disregard the necessity for sufficient knowledge of how to transact ordinary business affairs. The constantly enlarging sphere of women in modern days is making it increasingly important for them as well as for men, to understand the forms and the processes of commercial life. In the following pages the most important and 34 530 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the most commonly used of these forms are given, and in brief and ordinary language is also given a comprehensive explanation of the technical terms used in commercial law and in ordinary business affairs, to which is added a chapter on the wrong use of words. Among the subjects treated of are bank- ing, including checks and promissory notes, days of grace in the different States, demand, payments, protest, guaranty and the presumptions of law, part- nership, including the relations and powers of part- ners, articles of partnership and dissolution of the relation. Special attention has been paid to the essentials of Contracts and to the requirements of the Statute of Frauds. Agency, special and general, powers of attorney, wills, duties of executors, deeds, and the rights of married women are also important matters, which are here explained. The last mentioned subject is of especial importance to women, and includes the provisions of law in force in the several States of the Union in respect to this subject. The experienced man of affairs will find these pages a convenient reference as to many points which he is apt to forget, and the novice will find herein an introduction to all the ordinary terms and transactions of business life. THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 53 1 COMMERCIAL LAW AND FORMS. Agency. ** Whatever business a man may do, he may employ another man to do for him." An agency may exist by hnplication^ Verbally, or by Writings. By implicatio7i when the acts and words lead people in general to believe that the agency exists. Verbally, whenever there is only the verbal agree- ment between the parties. A verbal agency permits the agent to make a contract even in cases where the contract must be in writing. By writings, as notes, memoranda or formal instru- ments under seal. The authority conveyed must be equal to the deed to be performed. The instrument of agency must be under seal when the conveyance requires a seal. When the business to be transacted does not require a seal, the instrument of agency need not be under seal. Kinds. — General agents; special agents; profes- sional agents. h general agent is empowered to transact all the business of a particular kind. He may bind his prin- cipal, generally, with innocent parties so long as he keeps within the apparent scope of liis authority, even if he e.yice.t.ds private instructions. A special agent is one invested with limited powers for the performance of some especial business. He cannot bind his principal whenever he exceeds his 532 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. authority. Who deals with a special agent, deals at his peril when the agent passes the limit of his power. Prof essional agents ; as attorneys, brokers, captains, auctioneers, factors, etc., are usually licensed by com- petent authority to transact a particular kind of busi- ness. They are invested with ample power and the law holds them responsible for the proper performance of their duties. Liabilities of Principal. — Private instructions to a general agent do not avoid the principal's liability to innocent parties. A principal is responsible for fraud on the part of the agent, if committed while transact- ing his business. A principal is not bound by the acts of a special agent who exceeds his authority. A principal is not generally liable for the willful wrong done by his agent. Forms of Powers of Attorney. Know all ineti by these presents : That I, A. B., of , have made, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do make, constitute, and appoint B. C, of , my true and lawful attorney, for me and in my name and stead (state purpose for which issued), giving and granting to my said attor- ney by these presents, full power and authority to do and perform all and every act and thing necessary to be done in and about the premises, as fully to all intents and purposes as I might or could do if per* sonally present, hereby ratifying and confirming all THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 533 that my said attorney shall lawfully do or cause to be done by virtue hereof. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this day of , A. D. 189. . A. B. [l. s.] Sealed and delivered in the presence of B. C. Married women, lunatics, and minors, in general, are disqualified from appointing agents, but a mar- ried woman in the State of New York, if over twenty-one years, may appoint an agent the same as though unmarried. A minor may authorize an agent to perform an act that is to his advantage, but not that is to his prejudice. DEEDS. The grantor is the person who makes the convey- ance and the grantee is the person who receives the conveyance. A deed, beinof a contract, has the same essentials. (See contracts.) In most states married women may convey real estate which they own in their own right. A partner cannot convey real estate belonging to the firm unless empowered by special authority from the partners to do so. Co7isideration. — A sufficient consideration is nec- essary to a valid deed. (See consideration under contracts.) Subject-matter. — The description of the land and its boundaries should be extremely accurate. The 534 -■^ PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. usual words of the transfer are "give, grant, sell and convey," though any others conveying the same idea could be used. Land sold without reserving any crops at that time growing on it, conveys the crops or everything attached to the land. When a building is sold it convevs evervthinor that belonorsto it. The words "heirs and assigns " are necessar}' in some States to convey an unconditional title. Forms of Deeds. Deed with full covenants. (New York Laws of 1S90. This indenture, made the .. day of in the year between A. B.. of .... (^give occupation and residence\ of the first part, and C. D.. of (occupation and residence), of the second part. Witnesseth : That the said party of the first part, in consideration of .... dollars, lawful money of the United States, paid by the party of the second part, doth hereby grant and release unto the said party of the second part, his heirs and assigns forever (here describe property), together with the appurtenances and all the estate and rights of the party of the first part in and to the said premises. To hai't and to hold the above granted premises unto the said party of the second part, his heirs and assigns forever. And the said party of the first part, doth covenant with said party of the second part, as follows : First. That the party of the first part is seized of THINGS VOU SHOULD KNOW. 535 the said premises in fee simple, and has good right to convey the same. Serom/. That the party of the second part shall quietly enjoy the said premises. Thi7\i. That the said premises are free from in- cumbrance. Fouj-fh. That the party of the first part will exe- cute or procure any further necessary assurance of the title to said premises. Fifth. That the party of the tirst part will forever warrant the title of said premises. In witness whereof, the said party of the first part hath hereunto set his hand and seal the day and year first above written. A. B. In the presence of, [l. s.] B. C. Acknowledgment for the above. State of New York, ] County of ) On this . . day of in the year before me, the subscriber, personally came A. B. (^and C. B., his wife\ to me known to be the person (or persons) described in and who executed the within instrument, and (severally) acknowledged that he (or they) exe- cuted the same. J. A.. (Give official title.) New York : — " Everv coiivc}'ance unless recorded is void against a subsequent purchaser in good faith, whose conveyance shall be first duly recorded. To 53^ A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE, entitle a conveyance to be recorded it must be acknowledged by the party or parties executing the same, or shall be proved by a subscribing witn-ess." " The acknowledgment of married women may be made, taken and certified in the same manner as if they were sole." Ohio: — All deeds, mortgages, etc., executed within the State of Ohio must be signed by the grantor and acknowledged before two attesting witnesses, and the said grantor must also acknowledge the same before a judge of the court of record of that State or some other competent authority. (Laws of Ohio, 1890.) State of Ohio, ] County of .... , S Be it remembered that on this .. day of ...., 189.., before me, the subscriber, a (give official title), in and for the said county, came A, B., and C. B., his wife, the grantors in the foregoing instru- ment, and acknowledged the signing thereof to be their voluntary act and deed for the uses and pur- poses therein mentioned. And the said C. B., wife of the said A. B., being examined by me separate and apart from her said husband, and the contents of the said instrument being by me made known and explained to her as the statute directs, declared that she did voluntarily sign and acknowledge the same and that she is still satisfied therewith as her act and deed. ss. THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 537 In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and affixed my official seal, the day and year [l. s.] last above written. (Signature and title.) The following States require no separate examina- tion in acknowledgments by husband and wife : Connecticut, the Dakotas, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minne- sota, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hamp- shire, New Mexico, New York, Wisconsin, Wyoming and Washington. The following States require a separate examina- tion : Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Idaho, Kentucky, Nevada, New Jersey, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee and Texas. COMMON CARRIERS. A common carrier is one who, for a compensation, carries the goods of whosever offers, as a regular business. Carriers Obligations. — He must take all goods offered, unless of a dangerous kind. He must charge one person no higher rates than another. He must take such care of the goods as a prudent man would of his own. He must carry them by the usual route and make a proper delivery of them. He must place the goods in a proper place and give notice of their arrival. 53^ A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Carrier s Liabilities. — In common law they are lia- ble for all losses " except those occasioned by the act of God or the acts of the public enemy." He is responsible for losses by theft, robbery, etc. Railroad companies are responsible as carriers to parties sending goods by express over their lines, irrespective of the said parties' contract with the ex- press company. A carrier's liability begins as soon as he has ac- cepted the goods. It ends as soon as he has carried them to their destination and has deposited them there. The notices on their receipts whereby they seek to avoid all responsibility, are " no evidence of assent on the part of the owner," and the liability cannot be avoided that way. He may avoid almost anything by making a special contract. He might avoid liability by notice if he could prove that the shipper had read his notice or was familiar with its terms, though there is some question about this in New York at least. Carriers of Passengers. — They are bound to make use of all ordinary methods for the safety of their passengers. They must employ proper vehicles and competent servants. In general, they are bound to run trains on their advertised time. They are liable to passengers for the misconduct of their servants. If any person is injured through their negligence, they are liable not only for the damage that person has received, but ior prospective damage as well. He THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 539 is an insurer of his passengers' baggage. He is lia- ble for such baggage as his passengers carry for their own personal use. He cannot avoid liability by no- tices, as a notice is no evidence of the assent of the owner of the baggage. The carrier may avoid liabil- ity to some extent by a special contract. They must take each person who tenders the price of transportation and wishes to be carried. They are not obliged to take disorderly or persons of doubtful character, or those afllicted with some con- tagious disease. They are not responsible to their passengers for accidents where all skill and diligence has been employed. Passengers are required to sub- mit to all reasonable rules and regulations, to show their tickets whenever asked, and to surrender their tickets whenever required. CURRENCY. The National Bank Act fixes the capital required to establish a National Bank as follows : Towns of less than 6,000 inhabitants, a capital of not less than $50,000 ; towns of from 6,000 to 50,000, a capital of not less than $100,000; in towns of over 50,000, at least $200,000 will be required. Each bank must deposit v/ith the Treasurer at Washington, government bonds to the extent of at least one-third its capital, as security for the notes of the bank. The orovernment then issues to the bank, ninety per cent, in notes, which, when properly filled and signed, constitute the circulation of th(,' hank. 540 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Such banks are required to keep on hand at least twenty-five per cent in legal tender of its circulation and deposits. The notes of such banks are secured to the hold- ers, but depositors run the same risk of loss as with other banks. Checks. A check is an order to a bank to pay the holder a certain sum of money on presentation and without days of grace. A check, as in the case of a promissory note, may or may not be negotiable according to the way it is drawn. A check given is no payment of a debt unless paid when presented. Payment of a check may be stopped at any time before it is presented if notice is given the bank. Every indorser of a check is liable to each follow- ing indorser as in the case of promissory notes, but for no lonorer time than he would have been held had he been the maker of the check. Certificates of Deposit partake of the nature of certified checks and are used when money is depos- ited for a short time and no regular bank account opened. When wishing to draw your money in person, dra'.v the check payable to '' Self " or " Cash." Write the amount of the check both in words and figures, taking care that no blank spaces are left that could be filled to " raise " the amount of the check. THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 54I Indorsements. — The left-hand end of a check is the top. Write the indorsement across the back, a short dis- tance from the top. If your name has been improperly spelled in the body of the check, indorse it exactly as written therein, then below write your name properly. If titles are used in the body of the check, they must appear with the name in the indorsement. In drawing a check payable to one not known at the bank you can avoid the necessity of identification by having him indorse it in your presence and you write under it, "Above indorsement correct " and sign your name. Checks that are to be deposited are usually in- dorsed, " For deposit," or " For deposit to the credit of," and such indorsements may be made by clerks and the checks deposited to the credit of their firm. For further reference see indorsements of promis- sory notes. NOTES. A promissory note is an unconditional promise in writing, to pay a certain person a certain sum of money at a certain future time. The essentials are that it be certainly paid, not out of any particular fund, nor dependent upon any contingency ; that it be for the payment of money only. Five important points of a negotiable promissory note are : (i) That the date of payment be specified. 542 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. (2) That the amount be plainly stated. (3) That it be paid only in lawful money. (4) That the promise be without conditions. (5) That it contain the words "order" or "bearer," or other words showing the in- tention to make it negotiable. Indorsement: A note is indorsed when any thing relating to it is written upon the back. The writer of the name is called the mdorse7^, and the person for whose benefit it is written is the indorsee. There are five kinds of indorsements : (i) In full. (2) In blank. (3) Conditional. (4) Qualified. (5) Restrictive. 1. In full : When the name of the indorsee is mentioned, when none but he can demand payment. If he wishes to transfer it he must add his own in- dorsement in writing. This is the usual form and shows through what hands it passes. 2. In blank: Indorsement in blank consists of the indorser's name alone. It is then payable to bearer, and is transferred by simple delivery from hand to hand. The indorser in full or in blank is obligated to any subsequent holder if the maker does not pay it and the indorser is given due notice of such failure. 3. Conditional : When the payment is made con- ditional upon some uncertain event. 4. Qzialifcd: When the usual form is departed from and the indorser restrains, limits, or enlarges his liability as such. An indorsement " without recourse to me " trans- THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 543 fers the title and releases the indorser from any lia- bility. The exact words used do not matter if they show the intention to avoid responsibility. When acting for another party the words " agent," "attorney," or their equivalent will release, if added to the indorsement, the said agent from personal responsibility. 5. Restrictive: When the indorsement restrains the negotiability to some certain person as, " Pay to John Doe only," or, "Pay John Doe for my account." Transfer: An indorsement to bearer is transferred by delivery; or, if indorsed in blank, it can be done in the same way by the indorsee, though drawn paya- ble to order. 1. Before inaturity an innocent purchaser can enforce the collection of a note, even if it be found to have been lost, stolen, or obtained by fraud. Five things are necessary: (i) That he obtained it in good faith. (2) That he was not aware of any defect in the title of the one from whom he obtained it. (3) That it be negotiable. (4) That it was ob- tained for value. (5) That it was obtained before maturity. Should he be aware of any defect in the title at the time of obtaining it, he takes it subject to any defense that could be legally brought against it at first. 2. After maturity : A note may still be negotia- ble, but the purchaser now takes it subject to any defense originally existing. 544 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Days of Grace. — These are called ' ' days of grace," because they were formerly allowed as a matter of favor ; they have at last come to be recognized as a right in nearly all cases. The statutes of the differ- ent States may vary from the " law merchant " relat- ing to classes of paper on which grace is to be allowed. The general law is, that when the last day of grace falls upon Sunday or a legal holiday, the demand must be made on the preceding secular day. Penn- sylvania, Maine and Georgia allow the demand to be made on the succeeding secular day. Days of grace have been abolished in New York. In Pennsylvania, when the last day of grace falls upon Good Friday — there a holiday — the demand must be made the following Monday, since Saturday is also a holiday there, so far as demand of payment is concerned. Demand. — -1:^0 demand is necessary to hold the maker. For the purpose of holding those condition- ally liable, a demand must be made first on those primarily liable. 1. Notes should be presented for payment by the holder or his authorized agent. 2. Demand should be made on the maker, or, in his absence, on his authorized agent. 3. To hold indorser, the demand must be made on the very day of maturity, no sooner, no later. 4. If no place of payment is specified in the note, it must be presented at the residence or place of business of the maker, and during regtilar business THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 545 hours. A personal demand is not necessary when the place of payment is specified. It is sufficient if the note be sent there in due time. Law of Place. — When given in one State and payable in another, it will be governed by the laws of the State where payable, in the matter of interest, if the rate is not mentioned. The " law merchant " is, that the maker is bound by the laws of the place where made ; the indorser by the law where indorsed ; demand, days of grace, etc., by the laws where payable. Payment. — Possession is presumptive evidence of title on paper drawn or indorsed, payable to bearer, and payment may be made to the one presenting it. Before paying, the maker should be careful that any indorsements are genuine, and that the title is prop- erly transferred. Payment by an indorser satisfies only so far as the subsequent indorsers are concerned, for the note is not discharged until paid by the maker. After an indorser has paid a dishonored note, he may put it in circulation again. The holder takes his title from \\\^ first indorser if made in blank or is a general indorsement, and the maker is protected in making payment to him. No7i-payment. — If the only parties concerned are the origmal ones, demand need not be made at maturity. The whole object of demand, protest, and notice of nonpayment is to hold the indorsers or others conditionally liable. 35 546 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Protest. — A protest is a formal statement made by a notary public, giving a copy or description of the note, stating that payment has been demanded and refused, giving reason of refusal, if any, and the purpose and object of the protest. The protest must be made by the notary pcrso7ially, and duly signed and sealed. Notice. — I. Notice should be given by the holder or some suitable person authorized to act for him. The notary may do this. 2. Notices must be served on all whom the holder wishes to make responsible for the payment. He may notify all prior parties, or only the immediate indorser, as he may wish. Each indorser should protect his own interests by notifying all parties re- sponsible to him. Indorsers are liable, in order of their respective indorsements, to each subsequent indorser. 3. Due diligence must be exercised in giving the notice. It is best to give it the same day, but if the dishonor occurs Saturday or immediately preceding a holiday, it will be in time if given the succeeding secular day. Certain obstacles, as war, prevalence of a contagious disease, floods, or act of Providence, will be accepted as legal excuses for want of notice. 4. Any place will do, if given personally. Notice in writing may be left at the place of business or at the house of the persen to be notified. When the person resides at a distance he may be notified by a THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 547 letter properly addressed and mailed to the office where he receives his letters. 5. The notice may be either verbal or written, and any form that clearly conveys the idea intended will be sufficient. The note should be clearly described. It is well described when its maker, payee, date, amount, and time and place of payment are named. Personal notice must be given when the holder and person to be notified live in the same place, unless the laws of the State do not require it. In New York and many other States written notice properly ad- dressed and mailed is sufficient. Notice of Protest. $587.00. Second National Bank, Utica, N. Y., June 23, 1894. Take notice that the promissory note made by C. M. Taylor for $587 and interest, dated October 2, 1893, payable to your order at this bank, payable this day and indorsed by you, is protested for non- payment, and the holder, J. B. Morrow, looks to you for the payment thereof, payment of the same having this day been demanded and refused. Respectfully yours, H. K. Long, Notary Public. To J. L. Browne. The indorser may waive demand of payment, notice of protest, etc., at the time of the indorsement, or even at any time before maturity. The following is the 548 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. usual form : " I hereby waive demand, protest, and notice of dishonor." (Signed) . Guaranty. — Guaranties are of two kinds, guaranty of payment and guaranty of collection. 1. Guaranty of payment absolutely guarantees that the note shall be paid at maturity. 2. Guaranty of collection holds the guarantor after the holder has failed to collect of the maker. The general rule is that the guarantor is not entitled to demand and notice of protest. The following is the usual form . " For value received I hereby guaranty the payment (or collection) of the within note." (Signed) John F. Herrick. Defenses. — i. Want of consideration, if total, is a perfect defense. If it is only a partial failure it will defeat recovery only to that extent. 2. Obtained through fear or compulsion. The threats and duress must be such as would cause a person of ordinary firmness of mind to apprehend danger to himself, reputation, or property. 3. Fraud. Fraud vitiates all contracts. 4. Obtained by finding or theft. This is no de- fense against a bona fide and innocent purchaser who obtains the note before maturity and gives a valuable consideration for it. 5. Illegal consideration. A note illegal on its face gives warning to all. A note showing on its face that it called for more than the legal rate of interest would be subject to such defense. Notes given for "debts of honor" are void be- THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 549 tween original parties, but if indorsed and negotiated, the first indorser would be holden. Presumptions. — i. The law presumes that the negotiable paper was given for a consideration, whether expressed or not. The contrary must be proven to constitute a defense. 2. The holder is presumed to be the owner. 3. Indorsements and transfers are presumed to be made before the paper became due. 4. The law presumes the holder to have acquired the paper in the the usual course of business. 5. It is conclusively presumed that the paper means precisely what it says and parol evidence will not be allowed to offset it. A note given by a lunatic, an intoxicated person or a minor, is void, A note given by one who cannot write should be witnessed by an uninterested person. A person receiving a note, knowing it to be defec- tive, has no better title than the person from whom he purchased. A note as a gift, being without consideration, is voidable. If the holder of a note extends the time of payment to the maker, his action releases all persons con- ditionally liable. In a note containing ^' zve promise" or ''we jointly promise,'' the liability is a joint one, and all must be sued; ''we or either of us promise^' or "ive jointly 550 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. and severally promise," here the liability is both joint and several and either or all the parties may be sued. In a note containing '' I promise'' and signed by two or more persons, each signer is obligated for the whole amount, and either or all may be sued. After becoming of age a minor may ratify a note given during his minority. Forms of Indorsements. /-v O !«Pi ^ 3 o C^ O t3 U a; ■s. 0) < < s to t A.J John 3 O Xi o 1—1 o 0. S 53 "^ 6 ^ 6 a: 5^ oo fS •■Si V C ^ ° r^ I — .(U ° > o fTudgtnent Xote. $425t¥7- ^(S'r z^^/z^f? received, I promise to pay to John Doe, or order, Four Hundred Twenty- five and 25l[oo dollars (^425.25), three months after date; and I here tiotninate, constitute, and appoint the said John Doe, or any attorney at law of this State, my true and law- ful attorney, for me and in my name to appear at any court of record of this State, at any time after the above promissory 7iote becomes due, and to waive all processes and services thereof, and to confess judgmetit in favor of the holder herein, for the sum that may be due and cnving hereon, with interest and costs and waiving all errors. In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal at Williamsport, Pa., this first day of June, 1895. Richard Roe. THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. Check — Usual Form. 551 i:yLt/>t^ 552 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Ifetv Yorh Form of Married Woman's yote. ^25.00. Albany, N. V., June i, 1895. For value received, I promise to pay to John Doe, or order^ Twenty-five dollars (^25.00), one year frojn date, with interest. And I hereby charge my separate estate with the payment of this note. Helen Gladstone. tToint and Several yote. $100.00. Albany, N. Y., June r, 1895. Three months after date we jointly arid severally promise t& pay , or bearer ^ One Hundred dollars (^100.00), value received. A. B. C. D. Certificate of Deposit. CENTRAL NATIONAL BANK. Troy, N. V., June i, 1895. This is to certify that H. J. Moses has deposited in this bank One Thousand dollars ($1,000.00), payabk to his order on return of this certificate, properly indorsed. F, W. Greenman, Cashier CONTRACTS. A contract is, " an agreement for a suitable consid- eration to do or not to do a certain thing." The essentials of a contract are : i. The Parties; 2. Consideration; 3. Subject-matter; 4. Assent; 5. Time. These are essential and the other elements are those that give to the contract its particular char- acter. I. The Parties. — The parties must be com- petent. A contract with a minor is not binding upon him for anything except necessaries, though he may hold the other party to a strict accounting. What THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 553 constitute necessaries would depend upon the age, the rank, and fortune of the minor. 2. Consideration. — No contract is valid without a sufficient consideration. Consideration may be di- vided; as, (A) Valuable; (B) Good; (C) Insufficient. (A) Valuable considcratio7i is usually expressed by money or is convertible into money. (B) K good consideration is founded on love, affec- tion, or gratitude. It will be accepted as considera- tion for a contract already performed, but is not good for contracts to be performed sometime in the future. As a gift already made but not holding for one promised. (C) Insufficient consideration may be classed, as (D) Gratuitous; (E) Illegal; (F) Impossible; (G) Moral. Gratuitous. — A contract based on a promise wholly gratuitous is void for want of consideration. Exam- ples: Public subscriptions, charities, etc. Illegal. — A contract with an illegal consideration is void. A contract to commit, conceal, or compound a crime is void. Either party may avoid the contract where the consideration is illegal. Impossible. — If the consideration is impossible the contract is void. The law compels no one to per- form impossibilities. That the consideration was difficult would not be an excuse. Moral. — A moral obligation, alone, is not a suffi- cient consideration. A person is not legally obli- gated to pay for services already rendered a relative, even though he promise to do so after the services are 554 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. performed. Had the person promised before the service was performed, the case would be different. The position of a parent and minor child would be an exception. 3. Subject-matter. — All contracts the subject- matter of which is illegal, immoral, or impolitic are void. Contracts in restraint of trade are void even though given for a valuable consideration. A contract not to carry on a lawful business anyzukere, whether the time be limited or not is invalid. An agreement in partial restraint of trade if confined within reason- able bounds or to certain persons and given for a sufficient consideration would be valid. A doctor might sell his practice and agree not to practice within a certain number of miles of the place. If given for a valuable consideration, the contract would be valid. The court would decide the reasonableness of the limitation. Contracts in oreneral restraint of marriag-e are void because against public policy. A contract not to marry a particular person would be valid. A con- tract not to marry until of a suitable or reasonable age is valid. The condition that a widow shall for- feit certain portions of her deceased husband's estate if she marry again may be valid, if she accepted it under those conditions. Fraud vitiates any contract if the innocent party so wishes, otherwise the other party may be held. A contract that operates as a fraud on third parties is THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 555 void. Examples : Fraudulent assignments ; fraudu- lent sales; perversion of insolvent laws. " Fraud consists in the employment of any kind of cunning, deception, artifice, or concealment to cheat, circumvent, or deceive another in a business matter." If both parties are equally guilty, neither has usually any redress at law. If one party is more innocent, the reverse is true. The innocent party may many times hold the other if he chooses, or himself refuse to be bound by the contract. The guilty party can- not avoid the contract on account of his own fraud if the contract is already executed. 4. Assent. — There can be no contract valid and binding, unless the parties assent to the same thing and in the same sense. There must be a proposition by one party and an acceptance by the other. If the proposition and acceptance are made by mail, the contract is presumed to be completed as soon as the acceptance is mailed, and even a telegram coun- termanding it before the letter was received need not necessarily be allowed to avoid it. 5. Time. — Time enters into the contract as an es- sential element and is either expressed or implied. Something to be done between two certain days is not performed if done on either of those days. If the day for performance falls upon Sunday, the per- forming party has the privilege of performing on the next secular day. 55^ A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. STATUTE OF FRAUDS. By the " Statute of Frauds," which has been adopted by most States, certain contracts must be in writing The following are those adopted by New York and most other States : " Every contract for the leasing of a longer period than one year, or for the sale of any lands, or any interest in lands, shall be void, unless the contract or some note or memorandum thereof, expressing the consideration, be in writing and be subscribed by the party by whom the lease or sale is made." Annual crops resulting from cultiva- tion, if the price is less than fifty dollars, do not come within the meaning of the statute ; as corn, wheat, oats, potatoes, etc. In the following cases every agreement shall be void unless such agreement, or some note or memo- randum thereof, be in writing and subscribed by the party to be charged therewith : 1. Every agreement that, by its terms, is not to be performed within one year from the making thereof. 2. Every special promise to answer for the debt, default, or miscarriage of another. 3. Every agreement, promise, or undertaking, made upon consideration of marriage, except mutual promises to marry. 4. Every contract for the sale of any chattels, goods, or things in action, for the price of fifty dol- lars or more shall be void unless, ''''First, A note or memorandum of such contract be made in writing and subscribed by the parties to be charged thereby ; or, THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 557 ^^Secojzd, Unless the buyer shall accept and receive part of such goods or the evidences, or some of them, of such things in action ; or, ^^ Third, Unless the buyer shall, at the time, pay some part of the purchase-money." In addition to being written, there must be a con- sideration in the contracts, as above, either express or implied. "A party to a contract is not bound until he yields a full, free and intelligent assent of its terms." "An offer made may be retracted any time before its acceptance." A competent party making a contract with a minor cannot hold the minor, except as before noted, but the minor can sue and recover for the non-perform- ance of the other party. Contracts required to be in writing by the '* Statute of Frauds," hold only the party signing if but one signs. The other has it at his option. Damages. — "Perform your contract or pay dam- ages." The law cannot compel the performance of a contract ; it only knows a money remedy for non- performance. In a contract for personal service which cannot well be filled by another, the sickness of the promising party will excuse non-performance. A court of equity may compel the performance of certain agreements ; as the conveyance of real estate. Construction. — The following rules arc observed in the interpretation of contracts : I. Intention. — The first care is to give effect to 55^ A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. the intention of the parties so far as the intention was mutual and leo^al. 2. Meaning of Terms. — The terms of a contract are to be interpreted according to their usual mean- ing, if that seems to satisfy the intention of the par- ties. Technical words are interpreted according to their use in the profession, or the trade to which they belong. Interpretatio7i. — Certain contracts are expounded according to the usage or custom of trade when needed to explain the meaning of peculiar terms. The law of place would also enter as a factor ; if the custom of the place where the contract was made differed from other places, that would give a different meaning to its terms. The interpretation is made upon the whole con- tract and not upon its parts. The object of the par- ties is to be gathered from the ivhole instrument, and one clause will be interpreted by another. Wherever one portion cannot be reconciled with the obvious intention of the parties, it will be ex- punged. *' Effect will be given to the whole inten- tion." Forms of Contracts — A General Release. Know all men by these presents : That I, A. B., of , in consideration of , and other good and valuable considerations to me in hand paid by A. C, of , have remised, released and forever discharged, and by these presents do, for me, my THINGS YOU SIIOULn KNOW. 559 heirs, executors and administrators, remise, release, and forever discharge said A. C, his heirs, executors, and administrators, of and from all and all manner of actions, suits, debts, dues, sums of money, accounts, reckonings, bonds, bills, specialties, covenants, con- tracts, controversies, agreements, promises, variances, damages, judgments, executions, claims and demands whatsoever, in law or equity, which against the said A. B. I ever had, now have, or which I, my heirs, my executors and administrators hereafter can, shall, or may have, for, upon or by reason of any matter, cause or thing whatsoever (or by reason of ), from the beginning of the world to the day of the date of these presents. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal, this day of , A. D., 189. . (Signed) A. B. [l. s.] Signed and delivered in the presence of D. E. Memorandum of sale. — It is agreed by and between A. B. and B. E., of, etc., that said A. B., in considera- tion of two hundred bushels of wheat, sold to him this day by the said B. E., free of all charges or ex- penses, whatsoever, at , on or before , shall and will pay or cause to be paid to the said B. E., or his assigns, upon such delivery, the sum of dollars. And the said B. E., in consideration of the agree- ment aforesaid of the said A. B., doth promise and 560 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. agree, on or before the said at his own ex- pense, to send in and deliver to the said A. B., or his assigns, the said two hundred bushels of wheat so sold him as aforesaid, and the said B. E. shall and will warrant the same to be good, clean and merchantable grain. In witness whereof, the said parties have here- unto set their hands the day and year first above written. A. B. In presence of B. E. C. D. Lease of house. — I, of , hereby lease to of , for the term of , to com- mence on the dwelling-house (describe it) with its appurtenances, for the yearly rent of , to be paid Said , agrees to pay said , said rents at the times above specified and to surrender the premises at the expiration of the term, in as good condition as reasonable use will allow, fire and un- avoidable accidents excepted. In witness whereof, the said parties have hereunto set their hands this of , A. D., 1 89 . . (Signed) . (Signed) . General form of contract. — • Memorandum of an agreement made this day of , in the THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 56 1 year, 189. ., between A. B., of , as first party and B. C, of , as second party, Witnesseth : That the said first party hereby agrees to, etc., (Here insert first party's obHgations.) In consideration of the above being faithfully kept and performed by the said first party, the said second party, etc. (Here insert second party's obligations.) In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands and seals the day and year first above written. A. B. In the presence of B. C. C. D. A seal on an instrument is usually conclusive proof that it was eiven for a consideration, but the laws of New York permit evidence to be submitted on re- buttal of this presumption, PARTNERSHIPS. "A partnership is a contract between two or more competent persons for joining together their money, goods, labor and skill, or any or all of them, under an understanding that there shall be a communion of profit between them, and for the purpose of carrying on a legal trade, business or adventure." — Story. Partners : Any person of sound mind and able to conduct ordinary business may enter into a partner- ship. An infant may be a partner, but in general he could incur no liability and might disaffirm the con- tract at any time. A married wonian can be a part- -.6 562 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. ner only in such States as have removed their disa- biHties. Partners are grouped as follows : Ostensible, those whose names are known and appear as partners ; nominal, those who appear to the world as partners, but who have really no interest in the business. Nominal partners are responsible to all creditors who gave the firm credit because of their apparent connection with it. Doi'inant partners are those who do not appear to the world as partners, but are actually interested in the business. They are liable to creditors of the business. Special partners are those who supply a certain amount of capital, and on complying with certain requirements are not liable for debts of the firm above the amount they invest. Relations of partners : Mutual respect, confidence in the honesty, skill, judgment, and good business instinct of each other must be the basis of each part- nership. On this account, if the partnership suffers through the neglect of any partner, he is liable to the others. He is liable in damages to the other part- ners for any breach of partnership contract. No partner has any right to engage in any private business that will in any way operate to the detriment of the partnership. The powers of all partners in ordinary cases are equal and neither can exclude the other from a share in the management of the business or from the pos- session of partnership property. THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 563 A partnership can only exist by voluntary contract, and no third party can be introduced into the firm without unanimous consent. Powers of partners : The acts of one partner bind all the rest. Each partner has power to transact any and all necessary business for the partnership. The frauds of one partner bind the firm, though the others have no knowledge of his action. The partner should transact all business in the name of the firm, other- wise he alone is liable. He has no power to bind the partnership outside the transaction of the regular business of the firm. The fraud of a partner will not bind the partnership if the third party is aware of the fraud or that the partner is exceeding his au- thority. Each partner is liable to third parties for partnership debts to the extent of his whole private property. Subject-matter : By this is meant the business in which they have engaged. The essence of the con- tract is, that the partners are jointly concerned in the profits and losses, or at least the profits of some legitimate business. If the contract does not specify the manner of division, they will be supposed to be divided equally. Articles of co-partnership. — If the business is ex- tensive, or the relations to continue for a great length of time, formal articles should be adopted. Any form that clearly sets forth the nature of the business, the investments of each partner, the division of the profits and losses, the powers and duties of 564 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. each partner, the commencement and termination of the partnership will answer the purpose. The part- nership commences at once if no other time is speci- fied. The laws of New York prohibit the use of fictitious names in the firm name. " & Co." cannot there be used unless it represent an actual partner. If no time is expressed for termination, the partner- ship is presumed to be " at will " only and may be dissolved at any time. DissoliUion. — This may take place by acts of tiie parties, by judicial decree, by operation of law. A partnership may be dissolved at any time by mutual consent. If the partnership is for any specified time it may be dissolved by one partner refusing to act with the other, or by his assigning his share to a third party. Such assignment does not constitute the third party a partner without the con- sent of all the others. A partnership for a certain time, expires when that period has passed. The partnership could be dissolved by judicial de- cree at any time for good and sufficient reasons, as unfitness or inability of a partner developed after the commencement of the partnership, or should the business be impracticable or when founded in error. The law would operate to dissolve the partnership if one partner became insane, idiotic, or in any way incapable of performing his duties. All right, title and interest of any partner may be sold under execution against him. The bankruptcy THINGS YOU SHOULD KNOW. 565 of one partner would dissolve the partnership unless provided for by special agreement. After dissolution no power remains to create new obligations, and a partner could not renew a partner- ship note, or even indorse one to pay a prior debt of the firm. Unless provided for, to the contrary, each partner has power to collect accounts and to settle up the affairs of the business. A notice of dissolution to all persons dealing with the firm is necessary when the retiring partner wishes to avoid further liability for debts incurred by the partnership. The retiring partner is already liable for all prior debts. To avoid responsibility, notice must be given to each person who has had dealings with the partnership. A notice published in the local paper will do for all subsequent creditors. GUARANTY. A guaranty is the promise to answer for the pay- ment of some debt or the performance of some duty or contract of another, in case of his failure to pay or perform. Being in nature a contract it must have the elements of a contract. The parties of a guar- anty are, the debtor, the creditor, and \\\ not mis-chev'us. mistletoe, miz'l-to, not mis'l-to morale, mo-riil', not mo-ral'. moslem, moz'lem, not mos'lem municipal, mu-nis'i-pl, not mu'ni-sip-al. museum, mu-ze'um, ftot mu'ze-um. naive, na'ev. naivete, na'ev-ta. nape, nap, not nap. nasal, na'zal, not na'sal. nauseous, naw'shus, not naw'se-us. neuralgia, nu-ral'ji-a, not nu-ral'i-jL nuncio, nun'shi-o. o. obesity, o-bSs'i-tl, not o-be'sl-tl. obligatory, ob'li-ga-tory, 7iot ob-lig'a-to-ry. obsequies, ob'se-kwiz, not ob-se'kwiz. off, 6f, 7tot awf. orang-outang, o-rang'oo-tang', not o'rang-ow'tang. orion, o-ri'un, not o'ri-un. orison, or'i-zun, not or'i-sun. oxide, oks'Id. Palestine, pal'es-tin, 7iot pal'es-tln. papa, pa-pii'. tiot pa'pa. Parisian, pS-riz'yan. ale, at, are, 3II, 6ve, gnd, h6r, Ice, Ink, Cwn, Sn, oSze, PRONUNCIATION. 599 pariah, pa'ri-ah. pedal (adjective), pe'dal, not ped'al. pedal (noun), ped'al, not pe'dal. pedestal, ped'es-tal, not pe-des'tal. penitentiary, pen-e-ten'sha-ri, not pen-e-ten'shl-a-rt. Persian, per'shan, not per'zhan. phonics, fon'iks, not fo'niks. phosphorus, fos'fo-rus, Jtot fos-fo'rus. photographer, fo-tog'ra-fer, not fo'to-graf-er. phrenologic, fren-o-loj'ik, not fre-no-loj'ik. pianist, pi-ii'nist. piano-forte, pi-ii'iio-for'ta, fiot pl-an'o-fort. pith, pith, not peth. placard (noun and verb), pla-kard', not plak'ard. plateau, plii-to', 7iot plat-o'. plebeian, ple-be'yan, not ple'be-an. prairie, pra'ri, not pa-ra'ri. precedence, pre-sed'ence, not pres'e-dence. preface, pref ace, tiot pre face. preposterous, pre-pos'ter-us, not pre-pos'trus. privacy, pri'va-si, not priv'a-si. profuse, pro-fiis', not pro-fuz'. project (noun), proj'ekt, not pro'jekt. prosaic, pro-za'ik, }wt pro-sa'ik. protege, pro-ta-zhil', 7iot prot'a-zha. pyramidal, pi-ram'i-dal, 7iot pir'a-mld-al. Pythoness, pith'o-nes, 7iot pi'tho-nes. Q. quadrille, kwa-dril' or ka-dril', not kwod-dril'. quoit, kwoit, not kwat. R. radish, rad'ish, not red'ish. raspberry, raz'ber-ri, not rawz'ber-ri. rational, rash'un-al, not ra'shun-al. recess, re-ses', not re'ses. recognize, rek'og-niz, tiot re-kog'niz. iidbd, use, up, ow-1, aw-1, tfi-&, th-ink, go, ch-at. 6oO A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. reconnoitre, rek-on-noi'ter, not re-kon-noi'ter. recourse, re-kors', not re'kors, regular, reg'u-ler, not reg'ler. reparable, rep'a-ra-bl, 7iot re-par'a-bl. research, re-serch', not re'serch. retail (noun), re'tal. retail (verb), re-tal'. retributive, re-trib'u-tive, not ret'rl-bu-tlv. reveille, re val'va. ribald, rib'ald, not ri'bald nor rib'awld. rid, rid, 7tot red. rinse, rinse, not rense. root, root, not rdt)t. roil, roil, not ril. romance, ro-mance', not ro'manC6. ruffian, ruf'yan, not rufin. s. sacrament, sak'ra-ment, not sa'kra-ment. sacrifice, sak'ri-fiz, not sa'kri-flz. sacrilegious, sak-ri-le'jus, not sak-ri-lij'us. sagacious, sa-ga'shus, not sa-gash'us. salary, sal'a-ri, not sal'ri. salve, sav, not sav. Samaritan, sa-mar'i-tan, not sa-ma'ri-tan. scarce, skarce, not skurce. scared, skard, not skart. secretary, sek're-ta-ri, not sek'u-ta-rt. siren, si'ren, 7iot sir'en slept, slept, 7wt slep. soft, s5ft, not sawft. soiree, swa-ra'. souse, sows, not sowz. stolid, stol'id, tiot sto'lid. stupendous, stu-pen'dus, not stu-pen'du-ua. suavity, s\vav'i-ti, not su-av'i-ti. subpoena, sub-pe'na, Jiot sup-pe'na. snpple, sup'l, not soo'pl. surveillance, sur-val'yance. ale, fit, iire. all. eve, end. her. Ice, Ink, 5wn, Gn. o5ze. PRONUNCIATION. 6oi T. tapestry, tap'es-trl, not taps'trl. Tartarean, tar-ta're-an, not tar-ta-re'an. telegraphy, te-leg'ra-fl. temperament, tem'per-a-ment, tiot tein'per-munt. tenacious, te-na'shus, 7iot te-nash'us. tenet, ten'et, not te'net. tiara, ti-ji'ra, not tl-a'ra. ticklish, tik'lish, not tik'1-ish. tiny, ti'ni, not tin I' nor te'ni. tryst, trist, not trist. turbine, tur'bln, not tur'bin. Uranus, u'ra-nus, not u-ra'nus. usage, uz'-aj, not us'-aj. V. vehement, ve'he-ment, not ve-he'ment. veterinary, vet'er-e-na-ri, not vet'ri-na-rl. vicar, vik'ar, not vi'kar. viscount, vi'kownt, not vis'kownt. vitriol, vit'ri-ul, not vit'rul. visor, viz'ur, not vi'zur. volatile, vol'a-tll, not vol'a-tll. w. wan, w5n, not wSn. was, w5z, not wuz. water, waw'ter, not wot'er. wife's (possessive case), wifs, fiot wivz. wiseacre, wiz'a-ker, not wiz-a'ker. won't, wont, not wunt. wrath, rath, not rath. wrestle, res'l, not ras'l. h(3t)d, fise, up, ow-1, aw-1, ///-e, tii-ink, go, ch-at. 602 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Y. yacht, y5t, not ySt. yolk, yok, or j-olk. youths, yooths, not y6bthz. yclept, I-klept'. z. zealot, zgl'ut, not zel'ut. zenith, ze'nith, not zen'ith. zoology, zo-ol'o-ji, not zoo-ol'o-ji. zoological, zo-o-loj'i-kal, not zoo-o-loj'I-kal. zouave, zoo-av' or zwav, not zoo-av'. Difficult Proper Names. Agassiz — ag'-a-see. Alsace — al-sas'. Argyle — ar-gil'. Avon — a' von. Baton Rouge — bat'-un roozh'. Blucher — bloo'-ker. Buddha— bood'-da. Carnegie — kar-neg'-e. Crimea — kri-me'-a. Dumas — dii-ma'. Geikie — ge'-ke. Guizot — ge'-zo. Hawaii — ha-wi'-e. I ago — e-a'-go. Jean Valjean — zhan val-zhan. Pail-Mall — pel-mel'. Psyche — si'-ke. Schurz — shdbrts. Soult — soolt. Tolstoi — tol-stoi. Wellesley -wglz'-ll. Youghioghen)^ — y5-hQ-ga'-nI. Zeus — zus. ale, at. are, all, eve, end, h6r, Ice, Ink. own, 5n, ooze, h<3t)d, use, up, ow-1, aw-1, tfi-e, th-ink, go, ch-at. essentials of letter writing. 603 Letter Writing. A letter may be subdivided as follows : The Head- ing ; the Introduction; the Body; the Conclusion, and the Superscription. Heading. The heading comprises the name of the place at which the letter is written and the date. If writing from a place having a "free delivery," give name of street and number of door ; if at a hotel or some well-known institution, its name may take the place of the street and door-number. If writing from a small place give the county and state. Date. The date comprises the month, the day of the month, and the year. Begin the heading about an inch and one-half from the top of the page and near the middle of the sheet. If the heading is very short, it may occupy but one line. When the headino- consists of more than one line, each line should begin a little to the right of the preceding one. Place the date on a line by itself when the heading comprises two or more lines. Begin each important word with a capital letter, set off each item by a comma, and close the whole head- ing with a period. The street number, the day of the month, and the year are written in figures. Business men sometimes write all the date in figures, 6o4 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. but it is allowable only in the rush of business cor- respondence. The following examples will illustrate the fore- going rules : Utica, N. K, 6-23-94. Scipioville^ Cayuga Co.^ N. K, May 7, 1894. i 742 West Fourth St. , Williamsport, Pa., February 27, 1S94. Executive Chamber^ Albany^ N. K, May 7, 1894. Hotel IroquoiSy Buffalo, N, F., June 22, 1894- Introduction, The introduction comprises the Name, Title, Residence or place of business of the addressee, and the Salutation. Titles of respect or professional titles should always be used unless addressing one of the sect of " Friends." Titles of respect and military titles are usually placed before the name ; professional titles are sometimes placed before and sometimes after the name. ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITING. 605 Do not give a person two titles of the same rank ; as Mr. John White, Esq., or, Mr. Dr. Smkh. Observe the following rules : Prefix Mr. to a man's name ; Messrs. to the names of two or more gentle- men ; Miss to that of an unmarried lady ; Mrs. to that of a married lady ; Dr. to that of a physician ; Rev. to that of a clergyman, or Rev. Mr. if his chris- tian name is unknown ; Rev. Dr. to that of a Doctor of Divinity or ; as Rev. John NewmaUy D. D.; Hon. to that of a member of Congress, a member of the State Legislature, a member of the Cabinet, the head of an executive department of the government, a minister abroad, a mayor, a judge, or the Vice-Presi- dent of the U. S. Prefix, His Excellency^ to the name of the Presi- dent, to that of a governor, and to that of an em- bassador. Prefix Prof, to the name of a teacher of some especial science or branch of learning. Do not use this title indiscriminately. Give the title of her husband to a married lady. If two titles are added to a name, give them in the order in which they were conferred ; as A. M., Ph. D., D. D., LL. D. Do not use many titles ; the lower is implied in the higher. Salutations vary with the rank of the person ad- dressed or the writer's intimacy with him. The fol- lowing are the usual ones : For strangers — Sir, Rev. Sir, General, Madam, etc.; for acquaintances — Dear Sir, Dear Madam, etc. ; for friends — My dear Sir, 6o6 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. My dear Madam, My dear Whitney, etc. ; for near relatives and dear friends, the more cordial or affec- tionate ones may be used. The salutation is gener- ally omitted in business letters to an unmarried lady, though she may be addressed ; as Dear Miss White, but the form " Dear Miss" should not be used alone. The Address. — • Beg'in on the line below the head- ing, or on the next line but one, and on the left-hand side of the sheet. In a very formal letter, or to an intimate friend, the address may be placed at the bot- tom. Begin each line of the address a little to the right of the preceding one. Begin the salutation a little to the right of the marginal line when the ad- dress occupies three lines ; a little to the right of the beginning of the second line when the address occu- pies two lines ; a little to the right of the marginal line when the address consists of one line ; on the marginal line when the address is written below. Begin each important word of the salutation with a capital letter and set off the whole by a comma and dash, or by the colon. Begin all important words in the address with cap- ital letters ; set off all the items by a comma ; it being an abbreviated sentence, close the whole with a period. Addresses and salutations : The Rt. Rev. A. Cleveland Cox, D. D., Btiffalo, N. K Sir : ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITING. 607 Miss Helen A. Browne^ 642 Brighton Ave.^ Rochester^ N. K We arey etc. Helen A. Browne, 642 Brighton Ave.y Rochester, N. Y. Dear Miss Browne : We are, etc. J. M: Stilwell, M. D., 1 2 3 Cortlandt St. , Chicago, III. Dear Sir : Body. Begin the body of the letter on the same line when the address consists of three Hnes or more ; otherwise on the line below. Style. Business letters should be brief and perspicuous. Let each sentence be short and to the point. Avoid all flourishes. Be sure to give the town, county, state, and date of writing. In ordering goods, state carefully just what you want and how and where you wish them sent. Do not mix other matters in an order ; let it be on a sheet alone. In letters of business write on but one side of the sheet. Send money by express, money order, draft, 6o8 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. or registered letter, and always state the amount. Answer a letter promptly, acknowledge its receipt, mention its date, and take up all points therein re- quiring your notice. Enclose stamp when the reply benefits you more than the person addressed. Letters of friendship should be easy, natural, and familiar. Letters of introduction or of recommendation should never be sealed. Observe the following : Use simple words ; use words that express your meaning clearly and prop erly ; be careful in the use of pronouns and see that they have their appropriate case form ;. avoid expres- sions that are not sanctioned by good usage ; and use no more words than are required to express your meaning clearly. In the arrangement, place the subject before the object when there would be any doubt which was the subject and which the object if the position of the words was reversed. Place all word, phrase or clause modifiers where their position will leave no doubt as to what they modify. Remember " a sentence is not a bag to be stuffed with miscellaneous matter, its value increasing with the quantity crowded into it." See ** Wrong use of words" for common mistakes. Conclusion, The conclusion consists of the complimentary close and the signature. The forms of complimentary I ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITING. 609 close vary with the kind of correspondence and the relations of the writer and the one addressed. The ones most used in friendship are, Sincerely yours, Truly yoitr friend, Cordially ^ozcrs, and Yotirs affectionately. Ordinary correspondence employs the following : Yours, Yours truly ^ Truly yours^ Yours respectfully, Very respectfully yours, etc. A lady in writing to strangers should give her title —Miss or Mrs. — as (Miss) Mary A. K7iigJit. Superscription. Begin the name a little to the left of the centre of the envelope ; let each line slope to the right, as in the headings, placing the post-office on the second line, the county on the third, and the State on the fourth near the lower ricfht-hand corner of the envelope. The county may also be written on the same line as the State but in the left-hand corner. In a city address, the county is omitted and the door number and street occupy the second line. Titles following the name should be separated from it and from each other by the comma. Each line should end with a comma, except the last one which should be closed with a period. Mr, S. G. Pollard, Belmont^ Allegany Co., N. Y. 6lO - A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Mr. S. G. Pollard, Belmont, Alle, Co, N. K Mr, W, H, Perceyyjr., 8/6 Linwood Ave,, Rochester, N, K Mr, Thomas H, Wenlworlh, I2J Eucnd Ave.y Cleveland, Ohio, Thomas Faulkner, A, M., Ph. D., M. D„ % London, England, Royal Medical Council. W, H. Hardi^ig, Esq,, 1 134 Prospect Ave,, Politeness of Chicago, Mr, H, A, May, III. Mrs, Dr, Henry A, Brown, Presented. The Matthews-Northriip Co., Buffalo, N. Y, Introducing, Mr. H. A, Swift, ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITINa 6ll Form of address for both husband and wife where the husband has title : Dr. and Mrs. C. H. Smith ; where both have titles, Drs. John A. and Sarah J. Brown ; where the wife alone has title, Mr. C. H. and Dr. Helen A. Cooke ; wife alone with title, Mrs. Dr. Helen A. Smith. Unmarried lady with title, Miss Dr. Helen A. Knight; Miss Helen A. Knight, M. D.; Rev. Miss Helen A. Knight ; Rev. Helen A. Knight. Put your address in the upper left-hand corner of the envelope, and if not delivered, the letter will be returned to you at the expiration of thirty days with- out going to the dead-letter office. Letters of introduction or recommendation should not be sealed, and should be given with due caution, as the writer, in a measure, vouches for the bearer. Jtemittlng money. The Eagle Publishing Co.^ Albany, N. V. Gentlemen — Enclosed find draft on New York bank, for $187.23, with which you will please credit my account. Very respectfully, Thomas Payne. Acknowledging remittance, Mr, Thomas Payne, Cayuga, N, Y. Dear Sir : Your favor of the 10th tnst. containing draft for One Hundred Eighty-seven a?id 231100 dolhirs ($187.23) is duly received. Please accept our thanks for your promptness. Respectfully yours. The Eagle Publishing Co. 6l2 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Order for goods. Richfield Springs, N. Y., June 4, 1894. C. H. Ditson &* Co., 867 Broadway, New York. Messrs. — Enclosed find $2.00 for which please send me by American Ex. two copies of '"''Piano Classics." Respectfully yours, {Miss) Florence M. Woods. Mr. James L. Morgan, Secretary of School Board. A-pplicatioti for a. position, Cleveland, OhiOy May 18, 1894. Sir : — J am informed that there is a vacaiicy in the of your school, and I beg leave to ofi^er myself as a candidate for the position. I was graduated at in.... atid have taught steadily since then. I hand you, herewith, testimonials from A. S. Draper, Supt. of Schools of this city, and I am per- mitted to refer you to the presidejit of the above named institution. Should you desire a personal i?iterview, I shall be glad to present myself at such time and place as will best suit you. Very respectfully, {Miss) Mary If. Ives. Jtequest for testimonial. Williamsport, Pa., March 24, 1894. Secretary of Board of Education, Dear Sir : — As I am about to make an application for a position in a school nearer home, I venture to ask if you will be i ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITING. 613 SO kind as to give me a line stating with what success J viet while discharging my duties as teacher in your school. If th( reply is as favorable as I hope it will be, I shall find it of great value to me. Trusting that you will kindly favor me with an early reply, I beg to remain^ Very respectfully yours, Ellen H. Bronson. Mecommendation. To whom it may concern : I have known the bearer, Mr. Henry A. Mills, for a long time and it gives me pleasure to speak of the high esteem in which he is held in this community. His habits are of the best, his intelligence is of a high order, and we have ever found him honest and conscientious in the perfortnance of his duty. I take pleasure in recommending him to any one who requires the services of an active, energetic, atid trustworthy young man. John D. Stone. Itequest for more time in settling an account, Pittsburgh, Fa., May 23, 1894. Wheeler 6^ Grossman, Buffalo, N. Y. Gentlemen : — / am very sorry that circtimstatrces I could not forsee have rendered it itnpossible for me to settle my account li'ith you before the last of next month. Regretting that I am forced to disappoint you in the matter, I am. Most respectfully yours, James P. Carter, Itequeat for catalogue, Wellsville, N. V., June 25, 1894. James M. Milne, Ph. D., Oneofita, N. Y. Sir : — Will you please send me a copy of your latest catalogue t 6l4 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. I expect to attend school the coming year and your institution has been highly recommended to me. Ve) respectfully yours, T. W. Olney. Request for settlement, Rochester, N. K., March 17, 1894. H. W. Powers, Esq., Hartford, Conn. Dear Sir : — We hand you, herewith, statement of your account atid regret that unexpected demands compel us to ask you for an early scttleinent. Trusting you will appreciate our position and thanking you for the attention you have always given us, we are. Yours respectfully, Weed 6r» Browne. liBtter of introduction. Carlisle, Ky., May 23, 1894. Mr. James H. Wade, Elmira, N. Y. Dear Sir : — This will introduce to you Mr. Charles A. Brown, of this place, who is a warm friend of mine. He expects to remain in your city for a short' time and any favors you may show him will render me your debtor. Cordially yours, M. J. White. Acknowledging receipt of goods. Messrs. Brown &= Baker, 23 Walnut Street, Syracuse, N. Y. Gentlemen : — Your favor of the 2^d, enclosing B. of L. and invoice, was duly received. ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITING. 615 The goods were all that could be desired^ and' we thank you for your promptness in fillmg your order. Enclosed fijid in payme7it Express Money Order for Thirty-one and 25-100 dollars ($31.25). Please acknowledge the receipt of the same and oblige. Yours respectfully, Frank J. Harvey. Urging settlement, Hornellsville, January 13, 1894. Mr. Henry F. Burdick, Olean, N. Y. Dear Sir : — We hand you herewith statement of your account for the last month, which we trust you will find correct. May we ask that you will give the matter your earliest attention and oblige us by sendittg your check for the amount. Most respectfully yours, Brown &^ Babcock. Batavia, N. F., May 5, 1 894. Mr. James C. Harter, Brockport, N. Y. Dear Sir : — Enclosed find statenmit of your account, the amount of which is so trifling that it has probably escaped your notice. Thanking you in advance for the prompt attention which 7ishe (not her^. Last, for latest. I have received your latest (not last^ letter. ' Lie, lay. Remember lay expresses transitive action, and lie means rest. We lay the book on the table and the book lies where we have placed it. ESSENTIALS OF LETTER WRITING. 62 1 Learn, for teach. Learn means to acquire knowl- edge ; teach, to impart it. Like, for as. As (not like^ the others did. Loan. " This word is a noun, the verbal form of which is lend." — White. Afussu/men, for Mussulmans. This word forms its plural the same as German. Example : Several Mussuhnans were present. Mute, dumb. Mute denies the act of speech, du7nb the power of speech. Need to have. Omit to. None means no one. Do not use with plural verb. Example : None is (not are) satisfied. Over his sigjtatjcre, for under his signature. Writs are issued zmder the authority of the court, though the sig)iattcre is at the bottom of the writ : a soldier fights tinder his country's flag, or by its authority : a letter is issued under or by the authority of the writer's signature. Ought, ought not, never had ought or hadn't otight to. Party, for person. Avoid it. Quite, is not to be used for nearly. Quite means wholly, completely, or thoroughly. Restive, for restless. Restive signifies stubborn, unwilling to move, "balky." Remember, recollect. We rcmc7nber without effort and recollect with some exertion. Set, sit. Set expresses transitive action and sit means rest. Example : Set the lamp on the table. 622 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. (Action.) Sit down to rest. (Rest.) We set the hen and the hen sits. The coat sits well. So, as. Use so after all negatives. Example : He is not so well. Suck, for so. Example : I never saw so (not sucJt) strong a man. Two good ones. Two onesl How can this be? Try, for make. Make (not try) an experiment. Engraved for Practical Book for Practical People, ^.X^ Uc.^- r- Manners and Usages of Society. By Mrs. JULIA M. DEWEY. *' High thoughts seated in a heart of courtesy." — Sidney. "Love as brethren, be pitiful, be courteous." — St. Paul. "Prepare yourself for the world as the athletae used to do for their exercises ; oil your mind and your manners to give them the necessary suppleness and flexibility ; strength alone, will not do it. All your Greek can never advance you from secretary to envoy, or from envoy to ambassador ; but your address, your air, your manner, if good, may." — Lord Chesterfiei.d to his son. "Give a boy address and accomplishments and you give him the mastery of palaces and fortunes wherever he goes; he has not the trouble of earning or owning them ; they solicit him to enter and possess. — Emerson. William of Wyckham, the founder of the famous Winchester School in 1393, had inscribed on the buildings : "Manners makcth the man." Definition of a Gentleman. IT is almost a definition of a gentleman to say that he is one who never indicts pain. This description is both refined, and, so far as it goes, accurate. He is mainly occupied in merely removing the obstacles which hinder the free and unembar- rassed action of those about him, and he concurs with their movements rather than takes the initiative himself. 624 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. His benefits may be considered as parallel to what are called the comforts or conveniences in arrange- ments of a personal nature, like an easy chair, or a good fire, which do their best in dispelling cold and fatigue, though nature provides both means of rest and animal heat without them. The true gentleman, in like manner, carefully avoids whatever may cause a jar or a jolt in the minds of those with whom he is cast, — all clashing of opinion, or collusion of feeling, all restraint, or suspicion, or gloom, or resentment, his great concern being to make every one at ease, and at home. He has his eyes on all his company ; he is tender to- ward the bashful, gentle toward the distant, and mer- ciful toward the absurd. He can recollect to whom he is speaking ; he guards against unseasonable allu- sions, or topics which may irritate ; he is seldom prominent in conversation, and never wearisome. He makes light of favors when he does them, and seems to be receiving when conferring. He never speaks of himself except when compelled, never defends him- self by a mere retort; he has no ears for slander or gossip, is scrupulous in imparting to those who inter- fere with him, and interprets everything for the best. He is never mean or little in his disputes, never takes unfair advantage, never mistakes personalities, or sharp sayings for arguments, or insinuates evil which he dares not say out. From a long-sighted prudency, he observes the maxim of the ancient sage, that we should ever con- MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 62^ duct ourselves toward our enemy as if he were one day to be our friend. He has too much good sense to be affronted at insults. He is too well employed to remember injuries, and too indolent to bear malice. He is patient, forbearing and resigned, on pliilo- sophical principles ; he submits to pain because it is inevitable ; to bereavement because it is irreparable, and to death because it is his destiny. Cardinal Newman. Courtesy. This is love in society. Love in relation to eti- quette. " Love doth not behave itself unseemly." Politeness has been defined as love in trifles. Cour- tesy is said to be love in little things. And the one secret of politeness is to love. Love cannot behave itself unseemly. You can put the most untutored persons into the highest society, and if they have a reservoir of love in their hearts they will not behave themselves unseemly. They simply cannot do it. Carlyle said of Robert Burns that there was no truer gentleman in Europe than the ploughman poet. It was because he loved everything, the mouse, and the daisy, and all the things great and small tliat God had made. So with this simple passport, he could mingle with any society, and enter courts and palaces from his little cottage on the banks of the Ayr. You know the meaning of the word "gentleman." It means a gentle man, — a man who does things gen- tly, with love. And this is the whole art and mys- 40 626 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. tery of it. The gentle man cannot, in the nature of things, do an ungentle, an ungentlemanly thing. The ungentle soul, the inconsiderate, unsympathetic nature cannot do anything else. " Love doth not behave itself unseemly." — Henry Drummond in " The Greatest Thing in the World." Manners. How far are manners to be made a matter of rule ? From zvithhi out — is the fundamental law in man- ners ; still there is an external view of the subject quite worth heeding. There is a certain fine robustness of character that is prone to pay little heed to the " thou shalt," and "thou shalt not" of society; and there is a certain spirituality that says : " Make your own rules." There is much truth in both positions, but it is delicate ground to tread on ; one needs to be very sure-footed and quick-eyed to avoid falls. Upon the whole, and for the most of us, it is better there should be a code of social laws, well understood and rather carefully observed ; at least, one should always have them at hand, ready for use. There are many things that help to make life easy and agreeable that are not taught by intuition. Nor could we live to- gether in mutual convenience unless we agreed upon certain arbitrary rules as to daily intercourse. If it is well to have these common habits and interchanges of courtesy, it is well to have them in the best form, even to punctiliousness. Without doubt, what are MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 627 called the manners of society are not only a part of gentlemanhood, but are extremely convenient. I am not about to indicate these rules, but I may suggest that in all matters of dress, of care of the person, of carriage, of command of the features and voice and eyes, and of what are called the ways of good soci- ety, it is of great use to be well informed. They will not take you one step on the way, but they will smooth it, and the lack of them may block it alto- gether. If one is centrally true, kind, honorable, delicate and considerate, he will almost without fail have manners that will take him into any circle where cul- ture and taste will prevail over folly. Still, the inward seed needs training. It should levy on all graceful forms, on practice and discipline, on observation, on fashion even, and make them sub- serve its native grace. Watch those of excellent reputation in manners. Keep your eyes open when you go to the metropolis, and learn its grace; or, if you live in the city, when you go to the country, mark the higher quality of simplicity. Catch the temper of the great masters of literature ; the nobility of Scott, the sincerity of Thackeray, the heartiness of Dickens, the tender- ness of MacDonald, the delicacy of Tennyson, the grace of Longfellow, the repose of Shakespeare. Manners in this high sense, and so learned, take one far on in the world. They are irresistible. If you meet the king he will recognize you as a brother. 628 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. They are a defense against Insult. All doors fly open when he who wears them approaches. They cannot be bought. They cannot be learned as from a book ; they cannot pass from lip to lip ; they come from within, and from a luitJmi that is grounded in truth, honor, delicacy, kindness and consideration. T. T. MUNGER. There is no personal defect which a well-bred man- ner, a pleasant voice, and that gentle kindness which shines through the homeliest face, will not make love- able. '* He gentil is," said old Chaucer, " who doth gentil dedes," and the true gentleman, or gentle- woman, always has a large following of lovers and friends. — Selected. Do not underrate polish. A diamond in the rough may possess value, but a diamond after the cutter's tool has brought out its smoothness and beauty will command a much greater price in the market. — Margaret Sangster. William Wirt's letter to his daughter on the "small, sweet courtesies of life," contains a passage from which a deal of happiness might be learned : " I want to tell you a secret. The way to make yourself pleas- ing to others is to show that you care for them. The world Is like the miller at Mansfield, who cared for nobody because nobody cared for him. And the whole world will serve you so if you give them the same cause. Let every one, therefore, see that you MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 629 do care for them by showing them what Sterne so happily calls the 'small, sweet courtesies/ in which there is no parade ; whose voice is to still, to ease ; and which manifest themselves by tender and affec- tionate looks, and little kind acts of attention, eivine others the preference in every little enjoyment at the table, in the held, walking, sitting, or standing." — Selected. The society of women is the school of good man- ners. — Goethe„ Visiting. To friends or very intimate acquaintances visits may be left to create their own etiquette. Not to go too frequently to the same house ; not to stay too long when you do go ; to let no intimacy overstep the bounds of courtesy, are facts that should be appreciated. It is hardly in good taste to volun- teer a visit to a friend unless you have what is called a " standing invitation," with every reason to believe it was sincerely and cordially given. Even when convinced that such an invitation is sincere, it is best to apprise your hostess of the exact day and liour when she may expect you, and aKva)-s with the proviso if it be convenient to receivj you at that time, and with the expressed wish that she will tell you candidly if it is not. However close your intimacy, an unexpected ar- rival may possibly produce inconvenience to your 630 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. hostess. When visits are attempted as agreeable surprises they are very seldom agreeable to the surprised. Having received an invitation, reply to it immedi- ately. Do not keep your friends waiting day after 'day, in uncertainty, not knowing whether you mean to accept or decline it. It is in good form for the one who invites a visitor to mention the lengfth of the visit. When a definite time is not stated, it is often awkward for the visitor to know whether the invitation is for a day, a week, or longer. If the time is not mentioned by your hostess, when you arrive take occasion to mention how long you intend to stay, that your hostess may make her plans accordingly. When the allotted time has expired, do not be per- suaded to extend it, unless you are earnestly, and with undoubted sincerity invited to do so. Be care- ful not to make your friends " twice glad." On the other hand, there should not be undue urging on the part of the hostess or others that the visitor should prolong her visit beyond the time she has fixed upon. This is rudeness rather than hospi- tality. " Welcome the coming, speed the parting guest," is a maxim to be followed. On your first evening enquire about the hours of the house that you may be ready to comply with them. Rise early enough to be dressed in time for breakfast. Accommodate yourself to the regime of MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 6^1 J the family. Notwithstanding all that may be said to you about feeling perfectly at home, and considering your friend's house your own, be very careful not to do so literally. Avoid encroaching upon your friend's time. Do not expect her to devote an undue portion of it to you. When she is occupied with household cares, do not intrude upon her, but amuse yourself with reading, or some occupation of your own until you see that it is convenient for the family to have you join them. Try to assist in entertaining your entertainers. A silent visitor, whether from stupidity, or indolence, or natural taciturnity, is never an agreeable one. While you are a guest at the house of a friend do not pass too much of your time in visiting at other houses unless she is with you. Do not take the liberty, when a guest yourself, of inviting any of your friends to spend a day or days with you. On concluding your visit tell your entertainers that it has been pleasant, and express your gratitude for the kindness you have received from them and the hope that they will give you an opportunity for reciprocating. After reachincr home write, within two or three days, to the friend at whose house you have been staying, telling her of your journey home, and again alluding to your pleasant visit. 632 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. After the visit is over, be careful not to repeat anything that has come to your knowledge which your entertainers might wish to remain unknown. Having been their guest and partaken of their hos- pitality, you are bound, in honor, to keep silent on any topic that might injure them in the slightest de- gree, if repeated. The hostess and members of her household have specific duties as entertainers. The visitor should be met at the station either by the hostess, or a member of her family, or if that Is impracticable, by a ser- vant who should secure a conveyance for the guest, and attend to the luo-oraore. 00 o So far as is possible every thing in the guest-room should be arranged for the convenience and comfort of its occupant. For such deficiencies as may be avoided or remedied, refrain from making the absurd apology that you consider your guest " no stranger," or that you regard her as " one of the family." You are in duty bound to do whatever you can for the comfort and pleasure of your visitor. You should not, however, make your efforts in this direction so apparent as to lead your guest to feel that you are exerting yourself for her. When your visitor is about to leave, make every thing ready for her departure. Let her be called at an early hour if she is to leave in the morning. Send a servant to strap and bring down her trunk, and see that an early breakfast is prepared and some of the family present to share it with the departing gfuesL MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 633 Have a cab or carriage at the door in due time, and let some member of the family accompany her to the station, procure tickets and attend to the baggage. Visits of Ceremony. Almost every kind of social gathering is now called an "At Home," with the exception of a dinner, or wedding breakfast. These "At Homes" are taking the place of the more elaborate entertainments of days gone by, and are much more convenient, inex- pensive, and sensible. There are dancing "At Homes," musical "AtHomes," conversational "At Homes," and many others, and any of them may take place in the afternoon or evening. The etiquette of all is pre- cisely the same. Cards, with the name of the host- ess, stating the date and hour of the "At Home," are sent out a fortnight or a week previous to the date, accordincf to circumstances. If the entertainment is to consist of music, the word " Music " appears on one corner of the card ; if dancing, the word " Danc- ing." If the hostess wishes to know how many guests she is to entertain, she writes on the card — "The favor of an answer is requested." R. S. V. P. is now rarely used. This request should be answered witli- out delay. If the "At Home" is in the afternoon, ladies do not remove their bonnets. Refreshments are served in the dining-room, where the gu(\sts re- pair during the intervals of music, etc. Small sand- wiches, wafers, cakes, tea and coffee, bon-bons, and salted almonds are the ordinary refreshments. Fresh 634 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE fruit is also on the list, and when used, plates are necessary. Otherwise, unless ices are included in the refreshments, no plates are used. At small five o'clock teas, tea, coffee or chocolate is passed in the drawing-room, and not ordinarily by a servant. The hostess dispen-ses the tea herself, and if gentlemen are present, they naturally under- take the task of waiting upon the guests. In the absence of gentlemen, any friends of the hostess will volunteer to assist her. Gloves are not removed when tea and wafers only are taken. At an after- noon tea, the hostess may wear a " tea-gown " or not, but the guests are much more elegant in rather plain, high, and close-fitting dresses. Gentlemen should not appear at an afternoon en- tertainment in evening dress. As to wearing gloves, the fashion for gentlemen is variable, and if one is in doubt in regard to the prevailing custom, he must ascertain from some one who knows. Calls and Cards. Different writers on etiquette differ in regard to the matter of first calls. As a rule, however, resi- dents call first upon new comers. In Washington the custom is reversed, and new-comers call first upon residents. Calling upon strangers should be considered not merely an act of politeness, but of common humanity. In a place of any size, one can- not call upon all new-comers, but a little thought, and a little sense of obligation, will lead to a wise MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 635 discrimination in this matter, and absolve many from the charge of indifference and inciviHty. First calls should be returned within a week. In cities and large towns it is sometimes allowable to send cards instead of calling. This is not allowable in return- ing first calls. When calling, a lady should send in her card by a servant, but should not give it to the one for whom the call is intended should she meet her at the door. When a gentleman calls on ladies who are at home, if he knows them well he does not send in his card, but his name. If he does not know them well, he sends in a card. In leaving cards it is not neces- sary to leave seven or eight, should the call be made upon that number, but it is customary to leave two, one for the lady of the house, the other for other members of the family or guests. Sometimes, to avoid leaving many cards, the end of the card is rolled over toward the name, and this indicates that the call is intended for all. In returning calls, observe the exact etiquette of the person who made the first call. A call must not be returned by a card only, nor a card by a call. If a personal call is made, return it by a personal call ; if a card is left without an enquiry as to whether you are at home, return the same courtesy. If a caller leaves the cards of the gentlemen of her family, re- turn those of the gentlemen of your famil)-. A lady often leaves her own and two of her hus- band's cards, one for the lady, and one for the gen- 636 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. tlemen of the house. When cards have been left once in the season it is not necessary to leave them agfain durino;- the season. After a dinnerparty a guest must call in person, and enquire for the hostess. After balls, amateur con- certs, theatricals, "at homes," etc., unless personal calls are made, cards should be left by all invited guests within a week after the invitations, especially if the invited gfuest has been oblis^ed to decline. After a " tea " (unless it is a " high tea " ), it is not consid- ered necessary to call nor to leave cards, but the com- pliment should be returned by giving a tea and invit- ing all of one's entertainers. In sending to enquire for a person's health, cards may be sent by a servant, with a kindly message. When gentlemen who are calling do not find ladies in, they should leave cards for the master and mis- tress of the house and for the young ladies. No gentleman should call on a lady unless she asks him to do so, or unless he brings a letter of in- troduction, or unless he accompanies a friend who is sufficiently intimate to invite him to call. If he re- ceives an invitation from a stranger, to dinner, or to a large party, he is bound to send an immediate an- swer, and to call after the entertainment. After any entertainment (not by a stranger), a gentleman should leave his card in person, instead of sending it. If a lady is invited to any entertainment by a new acquaintance, whether the invitation comes through a friend or not, she should immediately leave cards MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 637 and send either a regret or acceptance. To lose time in this matter is a rudeness. Whether she at- tends the entertainment or not, she should call after it, within a week. If invited to a reception or to a wedding, and obliged to decline, it is proper to send a visiting card on the day of the receptioji or wedding. Calls of con- gratulation should be made without delay, as also visits of condolence. Unless one is very intimate in a family, it is in better taste to leave a card than to intrude upon private sorrow. The time of calling must, in every case, be settled by the custom of the place. After two o'clock and before six is, however, generally safe. It is better to deliver a letter of introduction in person, but if the letter is sent, enclose a card with your address upon it. A card of courtesy should be sent with flowers, books or any small gifts which are freely offered among intimate friends. The gift, however small, should be acknowledged at once, but not by a card. A note should be written. The Etiquette of Weddings. The invitations to a wedding should be sent by the parents of the bride, or if the parents are not living, by the people who are to give the wedding. These invitations should be engraved on note-paper and sent two weeks before the wedding. If friends are invited to a wedding breakfast, that fact is stated on 638 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. a separate card enclosed in the same envelope. There is also often enclosed another card stating when and _! where the bride will receive her friends after the wed- ■ ding journey. If the wedding ceremony is at the " church, it is probable that many more will be invited to the church than to the house. This should not give offense. To these invitations the invited guests make no response save to go, or leave cards, unless there is a breakfast at which the guests sit at table. In that case an invitation should be accepted or de- clined, that the hostess may arrange her table accord- ingly. All invited guests are expected to call on the married couple, and if possible to invite them during the year. If the wedding is in church, the bride is generally driven to the church in a carriage with her father. Her mother and other relations precede her and take the front seat. The bridesmaids also pre^ cede her, and await her in the chancel of the church. The ushers then form the procession — first the ushers, two and two ; then the bridesmaids, two and two ; then the bride, leaning on her father's right arm. As the cortege reaches the altar, the ushers break ranks and go to the right and left, the bridesmaids do the same, leaving a space for the bridal pair. The clergyman is already in his place, and the bridegroom, who has been waiting, takes his place by the bride. After the ceremony the bridal pair walk down the aisle, arm-in-arm, and are driven home. The rest fol- low. After congfratulations and some conversation, refreshments are announced. The bride and groom MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 639 lead the guests to the dining-room, then come the groom's father with the bride's mother, the bride's father with the groom's mother, the best man with the first bridesmaid, then the bridesmaids with attendant gentlemen, and then other invited guests. After giving an hour and a half to her guests, the bride re- tires to change her dress. She soon returns in her traveling dress, and is met by the groom, who has also changed his dress, and they are then driven to the station. Of course there are quieter weddings, and more simple arrangements. Many brides prefer to be married in traveling dress and hat, and leave immediately without congratulations. Weddings should be gorgeous, elegant, plain or simple, accord- inof to the wishes and circumstances of the most interested parties. The bride's dress is a matter of her own taste. Whether the wedding is in the morning or evening the bride may be in full dress. The groom should not wear a dress-coat before seven in the evening. Ladies should not remove their bonnets at a wed- ding breakfast, but if a reception is given in the evening, guests are expected to be in evening dress. In the matter of eloves orentlemen should conform to the prevailing fashion. At a wedding breakfast the refreshments should consist of both hot and cold dishes — such as bouil- lon, salads, oysters, ices, jellies, etc 640 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. If an evening wedding reception is given, refresh- ments are similar to those of other evening enter- tainments. They may be elaborate, or simple. In either case the wedding cake is quite essential, and should be cut by the bride. Wedding cake is no longer sent about. It is neatly packed in boxes, and each guest takes one if she likes, as she leaves the house. It is a pleasant custom, if not overdone, to send presents to the bride. They may be sent any time within a month of the weddino^. The bride-elect should write a note of thanks to every one who sends a present, before she leaves home. These notes should be written on note paper rather than on cards. It is not necessary to wait for an invita- tion to a wedding before sending a present, although it is quite customary. All persons who send gifts should be invited to the wedding, but all who are invited are not under obligation to send presents. Wedding presents, like any other, should be free gifts, and until they are, what should be a pleasure will be turned into a burden. It is not in good form for the groom to furnish any thing for his own wedding but the ring and bouquet for the bride, presents for the bridesmaids and the best man, and some token to the ushers. He also pays the clergyman, or the best man does it for him. manners and usages of society. 64 1 Table Usages and Etiquette. " Familiarity with table etiquette can be learned only by the constant practice of courtesies, which are acknowledged to be sensible and beautiful." Whatever the hour of a dinner or high tea, the guests should take care to be punctual to the minute. After removing wraps, the lady and her escort should descend to the hall, and possibly there the gentleman will find a card with his name and that of the lady whom he is to take in to dinner. If not, he will be informed by the hostess whom he is to take in. In entering the drawing-room the lady should precede the gentleman, and should not take his arm. At a dinner, or any other visit of ceremony, the guests should greet the host and hostess, or those receiving, as soon as possible after entering the room. When dinner (or tea) is announced, the host leads the way with the lady for whom the dinner is especially given, and the hostess followslast with the gentleman whom she wishes to honor. These honored guests sit at the right of host and hostess respectively. The other ladies and gentlemen are arranged so as to separate married couples as far as possible. Sometimes the place of each guest at the table is designated by a card with his or her name written upon it, beside the plate A gentleman is expected to be attentive to the lady he takes in, who is seated at his right. He is also to be somewhat attentive to the one at his left, and to the one opposite him. 41 642 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. The table should be laid with the greatest care. After it has been drawn out to its proper length, it .should be covered with a cotton flannel table-cloth, and over that there should be a perfectly clean, and perfectly ironed, white table-cloth. The finer the damask the better, but cleanliness is the great essen- tial. The lonof fold of the cloth down the middle serves as the mathematical center of the table. It adds much to the attractiveness of a table to have a center ornament. This may consist of flowers, or fruit, and should be high or low, according to the prevailing fashion. It also adds much to have laid in regular order at each plate a few flowers tied with ribbon. These flowers may be of one kind, or many. It is, perhaps, more customary to use a variety at lunches, and but one kind, or, at the most, two kinds, at dinner. Fancy dishes filled with bon-bons are also used in ornamenting a table. Every thing should have its exact place upon the table. The knives, the forks, the spoons, the glass, the napkins, salt-cellars, and carafes should be definitely placed so as not to suggest that they have been carelessly thrown on* When the table is first laid, there should be as many glasses, knives, forks, and spoons as may be needed before the table is cleared for dessert. If a salt-box is not placed at each plate, there should, at least, be enough to accommodate all. If the dinner consists of several courses, the knives, forks, and spoons used are removed after each course. Before the dessert is brought on, everything should be MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 643 cleared from the table, except the cloth. Even with the simplest dinner, it is well to have dishes of meat and vegetables, and the condiments removed. These matters may seem unimportant, but they are not. Every elegant custom observed adds so much to the refinement of our lives. Spoons, forks, etc., for the dessert should be laid at each plate as they are needed. The small spoon for the after-dinner coffee should be brought with o the coffee. There are a few rules in dining or in eating at any time, which should never be violated. Nothing more plainly shows the well-bred person than his manners at table. He may be well-dressed or may converse well, but if he is unrefined, his manners at table will expose him. There are people who are happy in their manner of eating as in everything else ; but if one has not had the advantage of early training, it is safe to study minute points of table etiquette, that he may learn to eat without offending the sensitive taste of the well-bred. If one defies the regulations that society has made relative to table manners, he is classed as decidedly ill-bred or ignorant. A few hints are as follows : Sit reasonably near the table, neither too near nor too far away. Never place the elbows on the table. Do not bend over the plate. Do not spread the elbows when cutting meat, etc. 644 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. While waiting to be served, the knife, fork, or any table article should be left untouched. The hands should be quietly folded in the lap until one has been served. The napkin should be spread over the lap when one first sits down at the table. It is considered outr^ to tuck the napkin under the chin. It is proper to begin eating as soon as served, although there should be no indecorous haste. An exception to this rule is, that no one should begin to eat the dessert until all are served. The old, or the honored guest should be served first — that is, if they are ladies. At small dinners, or lunches, or suppers, the hostess is sometimes served first. This is a help to the uninitiated, who can observe the hostess and do likwise. It is not proper to reach in order to help one's self to anything. If servants are not near, a polite re- quest that the dish be passed should be made of some one at the table. The mouth should not be filled full, and it should be closed when the food is chewed. Smacking the lips, or drawing in the breath when eating soup, drinking coffee, etc., is vulgar, and most offensive to the well-bred. One should not attempt to eat the last drop of soup, nor the last morsel of food on the plate. The knife is used in cutting up the food but it should not convey the food to the mouth. The fork should be used for this purpose. There is a proper MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 645 way of holding knife and fork that can be learned best by observing some one who does it properly. The fork should be raised laterally to the mouth, with the right hand ; the elbow should never be crooked so as to brinor the hand around at a riofht angle, or the fork directly opposite the mouth. The fork should not be overloaded. It is said that to pack meat and vegetables upon the fork is a common American vulgarity, originating in the hur- ried way of eating at railway stations and hotels. It is an unhealthy and an ill-mannered habit. To take but little on the fork at a time, a moderate mouthful, shows good manners and refinement. The knife must not be put into the mouth. It is considered almost a barbarism. It is a disputed question what to do with the knife and fork when the plate is passed for a second sup- ply. (This is not done at a formal dinner.) It seems the better plan not to leave them on the plate, as they are liable to. fall off, or to be in the way, but to hold them in the right hand or to place them on the table in such a manner as not to soil the cloth. When tea, coffee or other liquid food is taken from a spoon it should be from the side. A writer on table manners says : " The spoon has its Scylla and Charybdis, and if a careless eater makes a hissing sound as he eats his soup, the well-bred eater looks around with dismay." Tea or coffee should be drunk from the cup and not from the saucer. 646 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Pears and apples should be peeled with a silver knife, cut into quarters, and then picked up with the fingers. Grapes should be eaten from behind the half-closed hand, the stones and skins falling into the fingers un- observed, and thence to the plate. If necessary to eject anything from the mouth while eating, use the fork in conveying it from the mouth to the plate. Fruit stones may be removed with the fingers and placed upon the plate. If a plate of food is sent to a person, at the table, that person should keep it, unless particularly re- quested to pass it to some one else. A hostess should not apologize for the failure of any dish. All small preferences for any dish should be kept in the background. Neither host nor hostess should press guests unduly to eat. It is not a delicate compliment. Guests should not ask for a second supply of soup or fish. Servants should not be reproved in the presence of guests, even if awkward, or careless. All unpleasant topics of conversation should be avoided at table. If any guest so far forgets the rules of good breeding as to speak disparagingly of others, the host or hostess should use tact in turning the at- tention of the party to something else. A gossip is always deemed a nuisance in really polite society, but especially so at table. Conversation relating to sickness should be banished from the table. MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 647 When the dinner is over, the hostess indicates it by rising from the table, and the guests should follow. At the close of a fashionable dinner or tea, or at a hotel, no one folds his napkin. It should be left at the side of the plate unfolded. After a social tea, or breakfast, the napkin should be folded. The hostess does not fold her napkin until all the guests have done so. Every lady who aspires to elegant housekeeping should remember that she must not allow the same napkin to be put on her table twice. Once used it should be sent to the laundry before it is used again. Especially should a guest have a fresh napkin at every meal. Napkin rings at ceremonious meals are not used. A tooth-pick should be used only when a person is entirely alone. In inviting to a dinner, or to any company of limited numbers, the hostess should be careful to select congenial spirits. At the close of a ceremonious visit of any kind the departing guest should make his adieux to host and hostess or other entertainers before going to the dressing-room to don wraps. Outdoor Etiquette. Only a quiet demeanor is allowable on the street Loud talk and laughter is rude. Care should be taken to recognize friends and acquaintances on the street 648 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. A gentleman takes off his hat when he meets gentlemen or ladies whom he knows. It is an in- excusable rudeness not to do so. In this country, a lady bows first when she meets a gentleman acquaintance on the street. A bow, when people are near each other, should be accompanied by some polite salutation, and the name should be added, as, " Good morning, Mr. Brown." In bowing, the face should show respect to acquaintances, and cordiality to friends. If a gentleman is walking, or driving with a lady, he should take off his hat to any lady whom she recognizes. It is impolite for people to gather in groups on the sidewalk and obstruct the way. If two people who wish to converse with each other meet, one should turn and walk in the direction in which the other Is going. Well-bred people do not eat fruit, nuts, nor any thing else on the street. When a lady with whom a gentleman is un- acquainted, addresses an enquiry to him on the street, or when he has restored something 'which she has inadvertently dropped, he should touch his hat ceremoniously and with some phrase, or accent of respect add grace to a civility. The lady should not fail to acknowledge the courtesy. Should ladies unattended be observed by a gen- tleman acquaintance when alighting from or entering a carriage, he should at once proffer his assistance ; MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 649 or if familiarity and his own wish sanction it, he may accompany them to any place they may be about to enter. In attending them into any shop or store he should always give them precedence, holding the door from without if practicable. It is rude to turn and look at people after they have passed. It is rude to stare at them if peculiar in dress or manner. Gentlemen should carefully avoid all semblance of staring at ladies on the street, and should make no comment, even of a complimentary nature, in ti voice that can possibly reach their ears. Gentlemen should show ladies the most punctilious politeness on the street or elsewhere. Walkinof with them, sfentlemen should, of course, assume the relative position best adapted to protect them from inconveniences or dano-er. No cfeneral rule can be laid down in regard to offering the arm to ladies on the street. Where persons are known. local custom will be the best guide. At night the arm should always be offered. To relatives or elderly ladies it is always a proper courtesy, as it is to every woman, when a gentleman can thus mostelfectu- ally secure her safety or comfort. Manners at Church. Good taste dictates the most quiet and unnotice- able bearing at church. Some one says it is a part of one's religion not to disturb the relii/ion of others. One should enter early enough to be well seated be- 650 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. fore the service begins. If unavoidably late, one should enter quietly between parts of the service. To attend politely, but very unostentatiously, to the little courtesies that may render others comfortable, to avoid all rude staring and every semblance of irreverence, will appeal to all well-bred people as re- quired by decorum. All nodding, whispering and exchanging glances in church are in bad taste. In attending a church of a different denomination from one's own, it is the better way to comply, as far as possible, with all the ceremonies observed, even if some of these observances are not in conformity with our own opinions and feelings. It is unpardonable to show curiosity, or to ridicule ceremonies that may seem peculiar. In entering a church, a lady precedes a gentleman. When a lady is to take a seat in a pew already par- tially occupied by gentlemen, it is not now considered necessary that the gentlemen should file out and give her the seat nearest the corner. Manners in Places of Amusement. Perhaps nowhere are bad manners so disagreeable as in public places of amusement. These being places to which people are admitted on payment of a fee, it becomes actual dishonesty when they are defrauded of the pleasure they have paid for by the conduct of those about them. A gay group of acquaintances who chat freely and audibly during a sweet strain in MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 65 I Opera or oratorio, whose smothered laughter obscures the light and shade of the music's loveliest passages, are, for the moment, thieves and robbers. Not that they appreciate the enormity of their ill-breedin^-- ; far from it ; offenses against taste are always very lio-htly esteemed by those who commit them ; but the amount of distress they cause, the suffering they inflict upon innocent people who wish to listen, to say nothing of the insult they offer to the performers, can hardly be over-stated, — Selected. In going to a place of entertainment it is not polite to performers or audience to arrive late. One should arrive in season, take his seat quietly, and remain quiet and attentive throughout the whole entertain- ment. If there is any delay before the entertainment begins, the time should not be spent in loud laugh- ing or talking. Nothing should be done to attract attention. Eating candy, nuts, or anything else, at a concert or other public occasion, is ill-bred. It is the height of ill manners to leave the place before the entertainment is concluded, in order to avoid passing out with the crowd. Loud and contin- ued applause is in bad taste. In other public places, manners sometimes chal- lenge criticism. All pushing, taking the best places and occupying, in a thronged conveyance, more room than a ticket entitles one to take, are contrary to good manners. Gentlemen should give up their seats to ladies who are standing in a car. This 652 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. polite custom seems to be more and more ignored, but it should not be so. Ladies should not fail to acknowledge this courtesy, nor any other. Etiquette of Introduction. In point of precedence in presenting, the younger woman should be presented to the older; a gentle- man to a lady. In introducing a professional man, his title should be named. The lady in her own home should always shake hands when a guest is presented. Men should shake hands with each other. At a dinner party, a few minutes before dinner, the hostess should introduce to a lady the gentleman who is to take her in to dinner, but she should make no further introductions, except in the case of a dis- tinguished stranger, to whom all the company are introduced. The room where they meet is a suffi- cient guarantee that they can converse if they have not been formally introduced. At a ball the presentations should be distinctly formal. Hand-shaking is not proper. Ball-room in- troductions are supposed to mean, on the part of the gentleman, either an intention to dance with the young lady, to walk with her, or to talk with her, or to show her some attention. Introductions which take place out of doors, as on a tennis ground, in the street, or in any casual way, are not to be considered formal unless the lady chooses so to consider them. A lady need not after- MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 6S3 ward recognize a gentleman if she does not wish to do SO. It is, however, more poHte to bow. After a gentleman has been introduced to a lady- he must wait for her to bow first before he ventures to claim her as an acqaintance. When two strangers are presented it is well for the one presenting to say something which may break the ice and make the conversation easy, and agreeable ; as, for instance, "Mrs. Jones, allow me to present my friend, Mrs. White, of New York." People who are introduced should make some conversation with each other, and not turn rudely away without a word. At any func- tion less than a large ball it is always proper to add a little note of interest to the presentation which leads the way for conversation. A hostess should take pains to introduce shy people. Correspondence. Conventional forms of letters and cards — Letters of friendship, notes of acceptance, etc. Letter writing as once carried on is becoming a lost art. An almost perfect postal service, ciieap postage, telegraph, telephone, type-writer, and various other less direct causes have nearly done away with correspondence in the old sense. The writing of short letters or notes has corre- spondingly increased. There is much attention now paid to the paper on which letters are written. A style of paper always considered in good taste for letters of friendship or invitations, etc., is the thick 654 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. white or cream, unruled note-paper, folded square and put into a square envelope. There are three desirable sizes. Sealing wax is now rarely used. Colored paper decorated in one corner with flowers, etc., is not desirable. The plan of having all the note paper marked with the address is an admirable one, as it ensures neces- sary information concerning the place to which the answer is to be sent, an item often omitted by absent- minded people. This address should be printed or engraved at the head of the paper in rather small, plain letters, and may be in colors, although plain black is preferable. The ink for writing should invariably be black. Good penmanship is desirable, but what style of penmanship is preferable, is difficult to be decided. Penmanship is said to be characteristic of the writer, therefore a cramped, slovenly handwriting should be avoided. By custom, a formal letter consists of six parts — the heading, the address, the salutation, the body of the letter, the complimentary ending, the writer's sig- nature. The heading should give the place and date of writing. It may occupy one, two or three lines, ac- cording to the space it requires. It should begin near the top, and about half way across the page to- ward the right. The whole of the date should be on one line. Except in business letters, it is allowable to omit the heading and write the name of the place MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 655 and the date at the left of the page, lower than the signature. The address of a letter consists of the name and title of the person, or firm, to whom it is written. Sometimes, especially in business letters, the residence or place of business is added. It is polite to use an appropriate title with the name of the person addressed, such as Mr., Mrs.,*Miss, Dr., Rev., Hoji.., Rev. Dr., etc. The address may, like the heading, occupy one, two or three lines. It should be lower than the heading, and should begin near the left margin of the paper. In familiar letters the formal address may be omitted. The form of the salutation depends upon who is writing, who is addressed, and what degree of intimacy there is be- tween the two. It is not necessary to be conventional in the salu- tation of familiar letters. No explicit directions can be given for the body of a letter. A business letter should be concisely, clearly and politely expressed. In any letter avoid the too frequent use of the pronoun /. None but the most common abbreviations should be used, and no figures except in connection with dates or large sums of money. Do not use the sign " «& " except in the name of a. firm. The complimentary ending is a courteous assurance of good faith, respect or affection which is added to the end of a letter. One should say something in keeping with the style of letter he has written, and 656 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. with his relations to the person addressed ; and he should, at the same time, express his feelings truth- fully. In business or formal letters the common forms are : Yoii7^s truly, Yours respectfully, Very truly yours, etc. In extremely formal letters, ^'■Your obedient sej'vajit" is sometimes used. For friendly or familiar letters there is a great variety of forms, such as, Faithfully yours, Yozcrs sincerely. Ever most gratefully yours, etc. The signature is to be written distinctly on the line following the complimentary ending. The signature in all formal letters and docu- ments should be the full name, and never a nick- name. A lady when writing to a stranger should sign her name so as to show whether she is to be ad- dressed as Miss or Airs. Fold a letter-sheet by turning up the lower edge to meet the upper evenly. Then fold twice the other way, — first the left edge, then the right, making the distance between the folds a little less than the width of the envelope. If the envelope is nearly square fold the paper once in the middle. The envelope and the paper should match in size and tint ; the superscription should consist of the name and title with the post-office and state, and sometimes the street and number ; also sometimes the county, and sometimes the name of the person in whose care the letter is sent. The stamp should be evenly placed, right end up, about an eighth of an inch from the upper right-hand corner. MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 657 A letter of introduction should have written on the lower left hand side of the envelope,- — " Intro- ducing Mr. ." A letter of introduction should not be sealed. Always enclose a stamp when a reply is asked as a business favor. The style of letters and cards of invitation differs according to the occasion. A large dinner, being a formal affair, would require a formal invitation, either engraved or written. If paper is used, the paper referred to for letter-writing would be in good taste. If cards are used, as they vary in style at different times, it would be a safe plan to consult some one who knows what the pre- vailing style is. The formula of the invitation should be as follows. Mr. and Mrs. Henry Brown request the pleas2irc of Mr. and Mrs. Jones s compa7iy at dinner, November twelfth, at seven o'clock. 125 Chase A venue. The reply should be couched in just as formal (or informal) language as is the invitatioa For example : Mr. and Mrs. James Jotics accept with pleasure the kind invitation of Mr. and Mrs. Henry Brown, for ditmcr, on November fiftee?it/i, at seven d clock. 42 658 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Invitations to evening or day receptions are gen- erally "At home " cards. A lady may use her own visiting cards for five o'clock tea. For other enter- tainments, " Music," " Tennis," etc., may be engraved in one corner, or written in by the lady herself. When gentlemen are to entertain they should not invite by "At home " cards, but should " request the pleasure," etc. Wedding invitations are engraved in small script on note paper. The style can be obtained from a fashionable engraver. The same rule holds in receptions. Never write simply " Regrets " on a card. Either send a visiting card, or write a note, thus : *' Mrs. Brown regrets that a previous engagement will deprive her of the pleasure of accepting the kind in- vitation of Mrs. Jones." No one should economize politeness in accepting or refusing an invitation. It is better to err on the other side. No form can be given for a letter of condolence written by an intimate friend. If an acquaintance wishes to express sympathy, but does not feel at liberty to write a note of condolence, a visiting card may be sent or left with the word " sympathy " writ- ten on it. Any card should be scrupulously plain. Titles are rarely used on visiting cards. A gen- tleman should prefix Mr. to his name, and a married woman Mrs., and an unmarried woman Miss. MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 659 A married woman should have her husband's name engraved on her card (as, Mrs. James Fulton Brown), during his life. A widow does not use her husband's given name. She may have on her cards, Mrs. Mary Brown, or simply, Mrs. Brown. Should a son bear his father's name, so that there may be two " Mrs. John Browns," and as "old Mrs, Brown, or young Mrs. Brown " may be objection- able, there is no other way than to use the Christian name. Mrs. John Brown, Jr., may be used until the husband ceases to be a junior. If cards are left or sent preparatory to leaving town, the letters P. P. C. {pour prendre co7igd), or T. T. L. (to take leave), should be written in pencil on one corner Miscellaneous Suggestions. "Complimenting is one of the duties of life. No one is exempt from the obligation to pay compli- ments at the proper time to the proper person. No one can be too humble to be entitled to receive com- pliments from the highest. No one can be too high, or too great, to receive compliments from the low and little. It is courteous to commend what is commenda- ble. Many find it easy to speak words of blame, but do not seem to think what gratification a word of de- served praise affords. The language of compliment is not that of mere fiattery." Gentlemen should not remain seated when there are ladies, or older people, standing in the room. 66o A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. Young people should not occupy the easiest chairs, nor the most comfortable places in a room, when older people are present. When one is trying to entertain a company by music, or reading, the company should give respect- ful attention, never annoying the performer by talk- ing, or moving about. One should give respectful attention to another who is talking to him. It is rude to allow one's eyes to wander, or to give divided attention at such a time, even if what is said is not interesting. Demonstrations of affection are out of place in company, or anywhere else in public. Reading to one's self in company is inexcusable. Reading aloud is still worse, unless by special re- quest. When entering a private house, gentlemen should remove their hats. Any one should remove rubbers. It is allowable for a gentleman to retain his hat and stick, in his hand, if he does not choose to leave them in the hall. On no account should the hat be placed on a chair or table in the parlor. In entering a parlor, host and hostess should be first sought out and spoken to. If the family only be present, the one entering may properly shake hands with all. This is partly a matter of choice, but if it is either a formal, or an informal call, it is highly proper. When the company is large it is unnecessary, The same direction applies in leaving. MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY. 66 1 When in company, or when making a call, loung- ing or rocking should not be indulged in. Sittin<^ with the chair tipped, or with the feet on the rounds, is not allowable. Ladies should not sit with the feet or knees crossed. Gentlemen should not sit with the feet elevated. The feet should remain on the floor, and should be as inconspicious as possible. Fumbling or fussing with the watch-chain, or with any thing else should be avoided ; also drumming with the fingers, or twirling things. When the hands are not necessarily occupied they should be kept quiet. Constant and unnecessary motion of hands or feet gives one an appearance of restless- ness which is not at all conducive to elegance of manner. Passing directly in front of people should be avoided, if possible. It is better, however, to pass in front of others with a " Pardon me," than to crowd behind them. A gentleman should allow a lady to pass through a door before him, holding it open for her. Gentle- men should go up-stairs before a lady, and behind her coming down. No definite rule for the making of gifts can be laid down, but it may be stated that the promiscuous gift-making now so prevalent in this country is vulgar. It would seem in good taste to make gifts to special friends only. Gifts should always be acknowledged, but it is indelicate to make an immediate return, as if in payment. 662 A PRACTICAL BOOK FOR PRACTICAL PEOPLE. It is better to buy than to borrow, but if borrow- ing is unavoidable, the article borrowed should be speedily returned. Under no consideration should the liberty be taken of lending a borrowed article. If a borrowed book, or other article, is irreparably injured, it is a duty to replace it. Borrowed articles should be returned by the bor- rower, or by a servant. It is rude to ask the owner of a borrowed article to take it home. There are many optional civilities in life which add much to its charms, but which cannot be laid down in a treatise on etiquette. To know what to say, " Pray, be seated," " Do not stand without your hat," " Do not rise, I beg of you," and a thousand other polite phrases, depend upon the thoughtfulness and ready tact of the person who says them. Dr. Munger has finely said : " Delicacy leads one instantly to see the line beyond which he may not go; to detect the boundary between friendliness and fa- miliarity, between earnestness and heat, between sincerity and intolerance in pressing your convictions, between deference and its excess. It is the critic and mentor of the gentlemanly character. It tells him what is coarse, and unseemly, and rude, and ex- cessive. It warns him away from all doubtful acts and persons. It gives little or no reason — it is too fine for analysis and logical process, but acts like a divine instinct, and is to be heeded as divine. A man maybe good without it, but he will lack a name- MANNERS AND USAGES OF SOCIETY- 663 less grace ; he will fail of highest respect ; he will make blunders that hurt him without knowing why; he will feel a reproach that he cannot understand. It is this quality more than any other that draws the line in all rational society." r^,U^ ^-.^- V- The author wishes to acknowledge her indebtedness to Messrs. Houghton & MifBin, Harper & Bros., The Taylor-Austin Co.. Dr. T. T. Munger and Henry Altemus, who have courteously allowed her to make the foregoing quotations. INDEX. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION. Free Trade. pac«. Advalorem duties 57-59 Definition of 86 Doctrine of 82 Farmers and 92-^8-101 Laborer and 91-93 Principles of 88 Protection. Advantages of 114 Articles selected 61 Blaine on 113 Early feeling 2 Edmunds on 116 Farmers and 119 Hamilton on 107 Operation of 55 Specific duties 57-59 Trusts fostered 104 Wages, United States and England 77 Webster's opinion 44-45 Raw Materials. Argument of '03 Farm products I3^* Free lumber '38 Relation to shipping ... 121 Those to be admitted «22 Wool free >32 Reciprocity. Abandoned '47 Brazil '49 Cuba '49 666 INDEX. OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION — Continued. Reciprocity. pagb. McKinley Act 53 Spain 148 State Rights. Jackson 27-33 Nullification 31 South Carolina and Georgia 27-28-34 Statistics. Acres in tillage 66 Acres in crops, pastures, etc 72-80 Cotton, tobacco, sugar, potatoes , 71 Capital in agriculture 67-68 Cotton mills, 1804 63 Duties No., 1804-1870 58 Farm mortgages 81 Farm products, value of 74 Farming area 71 Food, cost of 77-78 Grain crops, increase of 65 production in 1887 65 in 1700 to 1884 69 by States 70 Labor in manufacturers, per cent of 63 Live stock production 73 Meat production 66 Persons engaged in tillage 66 Rate of capital and products 67 Value of farm manufacturings and products 82 Wages, 1795 62 1840-1880 76 Trades 79 TarifT, opinion of Adams 10 Calhoun 14 Clay 17-22 Hamilton 9 Madison 5 Position of the different States 6 Story 4 Washington 8 Webster 18 INDEX. 66; OUR TARIFF AND TARIFF LEGISLATION — Continued. Tariff Laws. rxct. Act of 1816 14 1824 17-21 1828 23 1846 43 1857 46 1864 48 1870 50 1883 o 51 Bill of 1844 125 "Corn Laws" 44 Compromise bill , 33-3^ Effect of 40 Embargo Act 12 First Act 4 Effect of " Madison Act 6 Millsbill 52 McKinley Tariff 52 Non-Intercourse Act ^3 War Tariff 47 THE TARIFF QUESTION FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT. Free trade. Campaign funds ^59 Protection and prices '^ Revenue iSg-Kjl Republican record (Russell), '54 Republican utterances (Russell) 156 Protection. Farmer and ' 7^ Home market '°7 Price of '^3 Trusts fostered ^7-* Wages compared *'9 Wages, why higher '®5 Wages, determined by "7 Who pays the tax ^^^ Raw material. Ames on ''* Consumer, benefit to ' '7 t>b8 INDEX. THE TARIFF QUESTION FROM A DEMOCRATIC STANDPOINT— Continued. Raw material. pacb. Cramp on 172 Democratic position , 153 Producers, benefit to 167 Relation to wages Roach 172 Shoddy used 170 Wool and manufacturer 168 Tariff. Democratic position 15I Tariff tax 152 TARIFF FROM A REPUBLICAN STANDPOINT. Protection. Advocates, prominent 20X Farmer and 202 Home market 203 Protective tariff 198 Sirikes, not caused by 212 Wages, effect on 195, 211, 212 Raw materials. Law of 1890 208 Cheapness of articles 209 Statistics. Compared 204, 205 Commerce, national and foreign manufacturers, value of 205 Wages (Atkinson) 210 Tariff. Consumer and ^94 Differences I99 Effect of 193 Kinds 192 Revenue, theory of ^9^ Reason for *92 GOLD AND SILVER QUESTION. Gold. Coins reduced in weight .... 928 Discovery in America 2l6 Proverbs concerning S'S INDEX. 669 GOLD AND SILVER QUESTION —Continued. Gold. Scarcity of 237 The gold dollar 227 Where found ... 215 Yield of difTerent mines 21S Yield in Europe and America 238 Money. Antiquity of 214 Debasing coinage 225 Greenbacks 241 Necessity of a standard of value 224 Origin of the " dollar " 226 Standard in France 231 Silver. Effect of free coinage of silver dollars 232 Coins of different countries 216 Demand for silver dollars 230 In Mexico 239 Jefferson stops coinage of silver dollars 228 The silver dollar 227 Where found 215 Silver question. Obligations of the country 232 Relative to stable products 234, 235, 236 Wages 240 Values, relative, of gold and silver. Committee of investigation 233 Declaration of Congress in 1890 230 In 1878 229 CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS. Columbus, Dream of 2^>i Earth's form, Theory of 25S Ferdinand 256 Guttenberg 255 Isabella 256 Moslems 255 New World, Popular idea of =^'3 Posterity affected by earthly trials 262 Vikings ^54 670 INDEX. COUNTRY LAD IN THE CITY. page. City life 270 Constitution, Value of a 274 Dispatch, Value of 273 Early ambitions 269 Filial obligations 281 Mother's training 276 Temptations 275 Principles of life 277 Religious notions 275-276 Success, Chances of 278 Road to . . 280 Rules for .. 280-281 What to expect 271 HOME ON THE FARM. Arnold Matthew 29! Concrete 303 Clover 323 Clover, chemical action of 324, 325 Drives 300 Farm boys in other positions 291 Farm's best product 292 Farm products, value of , . . . . 311 Farms, large or small 312 Fertility, how maintained 317 Fences 304 Flowers 299 Garden 307 Home made attractive 293, 295 Literature in home 293, 294 Manures, value of 319 Commercial 321 Green 322 MONEY IN GARDENING. Best location 349 Drainage 366 Marketing 343, 351 Onions 257 Parsnips 356 Soils adapted to different crops 341, 355 INDEX. 671 POTATO CULTURE. p^ce. Blight 429-431 Bugs 420-423 Burying seed 406-407 Care of crop 418 Care of seed 404-405 Clover 438 Commercial fertilizers ; 389 Cultivate, Why we 423 Cultivation 418-424 Cutting seed 413-415 Digging 434-437 Drills 400 Harrowing ... 380-3S2 Hills 400 Manures and their application 3S2 Planting 392-399 Plowing 375-378 Production and profit 445 Rotation of crops 43S-445 Scab, Prevention of 410-412 Varieties of seed 401-403 PARLIAMENTARY LAW. Adjournment 492 Amendments 482 Committees 5'7 Debates 5o6 Elections 5'" General suggestions 526 Kinds of assemblies 452 Members 4^3 Motions 491 Motions — their precedence and value 505 Nominations 45° Officers 4^'2 Organization 457 Point of order 47^ Previous question 4 o Privileged motions ••■ 492 Questions of order 49<' Questions of Privilege 494 6/2 INDEX. PARLIAMENTARY LAW — Continued. page. Questions of consideration 476 Reading of papers 498 Reconsideration , 500 Secretaries 4^6 Subsidiary motions .475-496 Sumnnary 503 Suspension of rules 499 To lay on the table 477 To postpone indefinitely 478 To postpone to a certain day .. 478 To commit 479 Transaction of business 470 The quorum 455 The origin 451 The necessity 447 Voting ; 512 Withdrawing a motion 499 COMMERCIAL LAW AND FORMa Agency 531 General 531 Professional 532 Special 531 Attorney Power of 532-533 Carriers (common) 537 Carriers of passengers 538-539 Liabilities of 538 ^ Obligations of 537 Checks 540 Drawn to "self " , 540 Indorsements 541 Stopping payment , 540 Top of note 541 When negotiable 540 Contracts 552 Assent 555 Construction 557 Consideration 552-554 Damages 557 Forms of 558-560 INDEX. 673 COMMERCIAL LAW AND FORMS — Continued. Contracts. ,^^^ Force of seal on e6i fraud 555 Interpretation of 558 Intention 558 Meaning of terms 558 Subject-matter 554 The essentials 552 The parties .. . , 552 Time 555 Currency.... 539 Bonds deposited 539 Cash on hand 540 Capital required for bank. . 539 Notes, security of 540 Days of grace 544 Falling on Sundays or Holidays 544 Law merchant 544 Defense of notes 54S Compulsion 548 Fraud 548 Want of consideration 548 Demand 544 During business hours 545 To whom presented 544 When presented 544 Where presented 545 Deeds 533 Acknowledgement 535-537 Consideration 533 Forms of • • • 534 Subject-matter 533-534 Separate acknowledgments 537 Essentials of Letter-writing 582 Body ^'♦'^ Capital Letters S^a. 583 Conclusions ^'*^ Date <«3 Examples of Dates and Headings ^>"4 Forms of Different Letters 6ii-^>i<' Heading of Letters ^"^S 674 INDEX. COMMERCIAL LAW AND FORMS — Continued. Essentials of Letter-writing. page. Introduction .. 604 Pronunciation 590-602 Punctuation 583-588 Salutations 605-607 Spelling 589-590 Style 607-608 Superscription 608-611 Forms of Notes 550 Certificate of Deposit 552 Joint and Several Note 552 Judgment Note 550 Married Woman's Note 552 Promissory Note 551 Suaranty 548 Forms of 548 Guarantee of Payment 548 Collection 548 Law of Place — governs payment, indorsement, days of grace, etc 545 Married Women, Rights of 573 Alabama 573 Arkansas 573 California 573 Colorado.. 573 Connecticut 574 Idaho 575 Iowa 576 Kansas 576 Massachusetts 577 Michigan 57S New Hampshire 579 New Jersey 579 New York 580 Ohio 580 Vermont 581 Virginia 581 Wyoming , 582 Notes 541 After maturity 543 Before maturity 543 INDEX. 675 COMMERCIAL LAW AND FORMS — Continued. N°'^S- PACB. Essential points 541-542 How transferred e43 Indorsements 5,2 What they are 5^ j Payments 5(,t, Labor might be payment 567 When a receipt in full is a release 566 When the amount is in question 566 Partnership , 561 Articles 563 Dissolution 564 Partners 561 Powers of a partner 563 Subject matter , 563 What it is 561 Protest 546 By whom made 546 Forms of . 547 How to be served 547 Kinds 547 To whom made 546 Waiving protest 547 What it is 54^ Presumption in case of notes. Holder is owner ... 54') Regular acquired 54'» Transfers made before maturity ? ; i That it means what it says 51) Resolutions 6'