THE MONUMENT TO 
 
 JOSEPH WARREN
 
 THE WARREN MONUMENT,
 
 COMPLIMENTS OF 
 
 Henry W. Putnam
 
 TO/7 
 
 MONUMENT 
 
 TO 
 
 Joseph Warren 
 
 ITS ORIGIN, HISTORY AND DEDICATION 
 
 I 894-1904 
 
 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 Municipal Printing Office 
 
 1905
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 Preliminary : 
 
 Committee 11 
 
 The Gen/ealogy of Warren, by Henry A. May . . . 13 
 
 The Facts of Warren's Life, by Henry A. May . . 16 
 The Evolution of the Warren Monument, by Capt. 
 
 Isaac P. Gragg 19 
 
 The Inscription : 
 
 Letter to Capt. Isaac P. Gragg, by His Honor Mayor 
 
 Collins 27 
 
 Inscription upon the Monument, by President Charles 
 
 W. Eliot 28 
 
 The Dedication : 
 
 Speech, by the Hon. Charles T. Gallagher .... 31 
 
 Speech, by His Honor Mayor ColUns 35 
 
 Eulogy, by Henry W. Putnam 36 
 
 The Parade : 
 
 Roster of Organizations participating 65 
 
 (5)
 
 The Banquet : 
 
 Banquet at Masonic Temple 
 
 Speech, by His Excellency Governor Bates 
 Speech, by His Honor Mayor Collins . 
 Speech, by the Hon. Charles S. Hamlin . 
 Speech, by the Hon. Charles T. Gallagher 
 
 73 
 75 
 
 78 
 80 
 85 
 
 The Exercises at the Church : 
 
 The Literary Exercises 91 
 
 The Programme 92 
 
 Introduction, by the Rev. James de Normandie, D.D., 93 
 
 Oration, by the Rev. Edward Anderson 97 
 
 Address, by the Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D. . 107 
 
 (6)
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 The Warren Monument Frontispiece. 
 
 Portrait of Warren Facing page 13 
 
 The Dedicatory Exercises " " 32 
 
 Chief Marshal and Staff " " 65 
 
 The Bas-Relief on the Warren Monument " " 75 
 
 Bunker Hill Monument " " 93 
 
 The Old House " '•' 110 
 
 0)
 
 PRELIMINARY.
 
 GENERAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 President. 
 Solomon A. Bolster. 
 
 Vice-Presidents. 
 
 William A. Gaston, Edwin U. Curtis, John D. Williams, 
 
 George G. Kennedy, L. Foster ]\Iorse, Nathan 
 
 A. M. Dudley, Charles S. Hamlin. 
 
 Treastirer. 
 Augustus Bacon. 
 
 Secretary. 
 Charles M. Seaver. 
 
 Assistant Secretary. 
 Sherwin L. Cook. 
 
 Geo. Z. Adams, 
 Horace G. Allen, 
 John Ballantyne, 
 C. Louis Berger, 
 I. Austin Bassett, 
 Wilfred Bolster, 
 Fred. E. Bolton, 
 Geo. a. Brackett, 
 Ledru J. Brackett, 
 John A. Brett, 
 Frank C. Brownell, 
 Augustus P. Calder, 
 John Cark, 
 T. W. Carter, 
 Salem D. Charles, 
 William C. Collar, 
 
 John C. Cook, 
 Norman P. Cormack, 
 Samuel D. Crafts, 
 Frederick a. Cronin, 
 Daniel J. Curley', 
 William O. Curtis, 
 John Daniels, 
 Frank A. Davidson, 
 Charles E. Davis, 
 Charles G. Davis, 
 William W. Davis, 
 James de Normandie, 
 John F. Dever, 
 Henry S. Dewey-, 
 Charles F. Dole, 
 Tileston Dorr, 
 
 (11) 
 
 Charles M. Draper, 
 Francis M. Edwards, 
 George R. Emerson, 
 Wm. H. Emery, 
 Murdkcai Farrar, 
 Charles M. Faunce, 
 Frank Ferdinand, 
 Arthur H. Frost, 
 Joseph H. Frothingham, 
 Charles T. Gallagher, 
 Frank L. Gibson, 
 Andrew P. Gilman, 
 John E. Gilman, 
 John E. Oilman, Jr., 
 Francis A. Gorham, 
 William B. Gove,
 
 Isaac P. Graog, 
 Oliver D. Greene, 
 
 JAMSS J. HAINE9, 
 
 Edward Everett Hai.e, 
 Frank G. Haley, 
 albert W. Hebsev, 
 Frank A. Hewins, 
 James L. Hilliard, 
 Harry M. IIolbrook, 
 Thomas Hunt, 
 Jediah p. Jordan, 
 ROB'T A. Jordan, 
 Wm. H. Kelly, 
 Charles H. Kent, 
 Jas. F. Killduff, 
 Harvey King, 
 William P. Kittredoe, 
 Geo. W. Knowlton, 
 Henry' 8. Lawrence, 
 Rudolph Lippold, 
 Samuel Little, 
 Samuel 8. Marison, 
 Thos. R. Mathews, 
 
 Henry A. May, 
 
 C. Edwin Miles, 
 Ray Mitchell, 
 Edward G. Morse, 
 Herbert F. Morse, 
 John Mulhern, 
 
 D. D. Murray, 
 Geo. H. Nason, 
 Harry P. Nawn, 
 John F. Newton, 
 Wm. M. Olin, 
 Chas. E. Osgood, 
 
 W. Prentiss Parker, 
 Francis B. Perkins, 
 Wm. a. Perrins, 
 Andrew J. Peters, 
 Jas. C. D. Pigeon, 
 Henry W. Putnam, 
 John A. Reed, 
 John D. Regan, 
 Edward B. Reynolds, 
 Chas. W. C. Rhodes, 
 
 Wm. S. Rumrill, 
 Edward Seaver, 
 
 ABRAHAM SHUMAN, 
 
 Samuel T. Sinclair, 
 Nathan C. Smith, 
 Timothy Smith, 
 John V. N. Stults, 
 Chas. F. Sturtevant, 
 Chas. E. Swain, 
 John A. Sullivan, 
 Albert E. Taylor, 
 S. Everett Tinkham, 
 Francis J. Ward, 
 Leonard Ware, 
 Dependence S. Waterman, 
 Frank 8. Waterman, 
 Geo. H. Waterman, 
 Varnum Waugh, 
 Fred. O. White, 
 John H. Wilson, 
 Edward H. Wise, 
 Chas. B. Woolley. 
 
 (12)
 
 GEN. JOSEPH WARREN, 
 
 From a Carbon riiotograpli. Copyriglit 
 1S97 hy A. W. Elson it Co., Boston.
 
 THE GENEALOGY OF WARREN, 
 
 By Henry A. May. 
 
 GENERAL WARREN was descended from Peter 
 Warren, who was born in 1628, and died in 
 Boston November 15, 1704, aged 76 years. In Suffolk 
 Deeds, on March 8, 1659, he is styled mariner, and 
 purchased land of Theodore Atkinson on Essex street, 
 Boston. His will is to be found in Suffolk Probate. 
 
 Peter (1) Warren, married (1) Sarah, daughter of 
 Robert Tucker of Dorchester, Mass., August 1, 1660, 
 and by her had the following children : 
 
 1. John (2), born September 8, 1661 ; 
 
 2. Joseph (2), born February 19, 1663; 
 
 3. Benjamin, born July 25, 1665 ; 
 
 4. Elizabeth, born January 4, 1667 ; 
 
 5. Ebenezer, born February 11, 1672; 
 
 6. Peter, born April 20, 1676. 
 
 He married (2) Hannah , and had : 
 
 7. Hannah, born May 19, 1680; 
 
 8. Mary, born November 4, 1683; 
 
 9. Robert, born December 24, 1684. 
 
 (13)
 
 He married (3) Esther . 
 
 His three wives were all members of the Old 
 South Boston Church, Boston. 
 
 Joseph (2) Warren, son of Peter and Sarah, sold 
 the Essex street estate in 1714, reserving to the 
 widow Esther the life estate. 
 
 He purchased in 1687 of John Ceavens seven acres 
 of land, and in 1720 built the original Warren mansion 
 on Warren street. He married Deborah, daughter 
 of Samuel Williams, who was a sister of Rev. John 
 Williams, captive of the Indians at Deerfield, Mass. 
 He died at Roxbury July 13, 1729, aged 66 years, 
 and was buried in the First Burying-place, corner 
 of Washington and Eustis streets. 
 
 They had eight children, one of them, Joseph (3), 
 born February 2, 1696, married Mary, daughter of 
 Dr. Samuel and Mary Stevens, May 29, 1740. They 
 had : 
 
 1. Joseph (4), born June 11, 1741 ; 
 
 2. Samuel (4); 
 
 3. Ebenezer (4), born Sept. 14, 1748; 
 
 4. John (4), born 1753, graduate Harvard College, 
 1771; surgeon, Essex County Regiment, at battle of 
 Lexington; surgeon at Seige of Boston; campaign 
 in the Jerseys to 1777, and afterward hospital surgeon 
 at Boston till the close of the war. 
 
 Joseph, the father, fell from an apple tree in his 
 orchard, October 23, 1775, and broke his neck. He 
 was buried in the First Burying-place, Roxbury. His 
 
 (14)
 
 remains are now in the Warren lot at Forest Hills 
 cemetery. 
 
 Mary (Stevens) Warren, the mother, was a grand- 
 daughter of Robert Calef, famous as instrumental in 
 arresting the persecution of those charged with 
 witchcraft. She died in the old homestead, Warren 
 street, Roxbury, in 1800. 
 
 (15)
 
 THE FACTS OF WARRENS LIFE. 
 
 By Henry A. May. 
 
 General Joseph (4) Warren, the eldest son of Joseph 
 and Mary (Stevens) Warren, was born in the old 
 mansion on Warren street. He graduated at Harvard 
 College 1759, and taught school in Roxbury in 1760. 
 He married Elizabeth, daughter of Dr. Richard 
 Hooton of Boston. September 6, 17G4, by whom he 
 had four children — Joseph, Richard (5), Elizabeth 
 and Mary. He removed to Boston and resided on 
 the site of the American House on Hanover street, 
 where he practised as a physician. He was the 
 Town Orator, March 5, 1771 and 1775. He took 
 part in a combat w^hich destroyed a British ship of 
 war off Chelsea beach. He was a volunteer with 
 his brothers — Ebenezer and John — at the battle of 
 Lexington. He was Grand Master of all Lodges of 
 Free Masons in the United States at the time of his 
 death. He was elected Major-General in the American 
 Army by the Provincial Congress, of which he was 
 the President. 
 
 (16)
 
 When the Americans had decided to erect the redoubt 
 on Bunker Hill, Warren declared his purpose to be on 
 the battlefield with the soldiers. On the 16th of June 
 he presided as president of the Provincial Congress, 
 slept at Watertown that night, went to Cambridge on 
 the morning of June 17, and, after meeting with the 
 Committee of Safety, armed himself and went to 
 Charlestown. He mingled in the fight, behaved with 
 great bravery, and was among the last to leave the 
 redoubt. He had proceeded but a few rods when a 
 ball struck him in the head, and he fell. The next 
 day his friends went to the battlefield, among them 
 Dr. Jeffries and Mr. Winslow (afterwards General 
 Winslow) of Boston, recognized the body and buried 
 it where he fell. After the British army evacuated 
 Boston, his remains were taken up in April, 1776, 
 identified, and carried to King's Chapel, where an 
 eulogy was pronounced by Hon. Perez Morton. 
 After the services the remains were placed in the 
 tomb belonging to George Minot, Esq., in the 
 Granary Burying-ground. 
 
 In 1825, when the foundation of Bunker Hill Monu- 
 ment was laid, it was thought proper to discover and 
 preserve the remains. Complete identification of all 
 that was mortal of Warren was made by the eye- 
 tooth, secured by a gold wire, and the mark of the 
 fatal bullet behind the left ear. The remains were 
 carefully collected and placed in a box made of hard 
 wood, with a silver plate, inscribed as follows : 
 
 (17)
 
 IN THIS TOMB 
 
 ARE DEPOSITED THE EARTHLY REMAINS OF 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL JOSEPH WARREN 
 
 WHO WAS KILLED 
 
 IN THE BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL 
 
 ON THE 
 
 17th JUNE 1775 
 
 and the box placed in the Warren Tomb, under St. 
 Paul's Church. 
 
 After the establishment of Forest Hills Cemetery, 
 West Roxbury, the remains were taken from this tomb 
 and interred in the Warren lot in that cemetery. 
 
 (18)
 
 THE EVOLUTION OF THE WARREN 
 MONUMENT. 
 
 By Captain Isaac P. Gragg. 
 
 The Congress of the United States, on April 8, 1777, 
 voted to erect a monument to the memory of Major- 
 General Joseph Warren. As no appropriation was 
 made to carry the vote into effect, the Nation's proposed 
 tribute to Warren was never expressed in marble or 
 bronze. No doubt from this Congressional proposition 
 sprang, however, the hope of the citizens of the town of 
 Roxbury that the day would come when they could see 
 their way clear to erect a monument to Warren at 
 the place of his birth. During the last one hundred 
 years the subject has been occasionally taken up at 
 its public gatherings, but without result until the 
 annexation of Roxbury to' Boston. Then, at the 
 instance of L. Foster Morse and others, at the public 
 dedication of Kennedy Hall, October 1, 1873, the 
 Hon. William Gaston, presiding, named a committee 
 to organize a Joseph Warren Monument Association, 
 and through the efforts of this committee a bill to 
 
 (19)
 
 incorporate the association passed the Massachusetts 
 Legislature on May 20, 1874, \vith Joseph H. Chad- 
 wick, Donald Kennedy, Samuel Little, James A. Keith, 
 L. Foster Morse, John A. Scott, Augustus Parker, 
 Robert C. Nichols, Franklin Williams, John L. Swift, 
 John Backup, Albert Palmer, Thomas W. Clarke, 
 William R. Gray, and Charles H. Hovey as the original 
 incorporators. 
 
 In March, 1875, Congressman Henry L. Pierce 
 obtained from Congress a donation to the association 
 of ten brass cannon. Under the stimulus of this 
 success, the incorporators, on March 17, accepted the 
 Act of Incorporation, and on the 24th of the same 
 month adopted by-laws, and elected Major Joseph H. 
 Chadwick President, Franklin Williams Secretary, and 
 Samuel Little Treasurer. On May 31, 1875, the City 
 Government of Boston set aside the triangular lot 
 on Warren street, opposite the birthplace of Warren, 
 as the site for the monument, and on October 20, 
 1834, it voted to transfer to the association ten addi- 
 tional cannon which were due the city from the 
 United States. During the following year a design 
 for a monument was adopted by the association, 
 and L. Foster Morse was authorized to go to Wash- 
 ington to endeavor to secure an appropriation of 
 1 10,000 from Congress, with the understanding that 
 $15,000 additional would be raised in Massachusetts. 
 
 After interesting Senator Hoar and Representatives 
 Ranney, Long and Collins, Mr. Morse succeeded in 
 
 (20)
 
 having the necessary bill introduced into both the 
 Senate and House. It failed to pass, and the asso- 
 ciation, discouraged by this disappointment and the 
 ensuing hard times, allowed the matter to lay dor- 
 mant for several j^ears. 
 
 In 1894 the newly organized Roxbury Military 
 Historical Society started a fresh agitation, and Mr. 
 Samuel C. Jones, one of its members, who was also 
 a Councilman from Ward 21, interested himself in 
 the matter. In the early part of 1896 he secured, 
 most unexpectedly, an appropriation of $12,100 for 
 a monument of Warren to be erected by the City of 
 Boston. The Joseph Warren Monument Association, 
 reviving its interest, decided to abandon further efforts 
 ifor a Congressional appropriation, organized a canvass 
 among the citizens of Roxbury for funds to be added 
 to the city's appropriation, and as the result of this 
 effort turned over to the city the sum of $5,258.10. 
 
 With the amount now in hand, the Hon. Josiah 
 Quincy, as Mayor and Chairman of the Art Com- 
 mission of the City of Boston, was enabled, in Jan- 
 uary, 1895, to contract with Paul W. Bartlett for 
 a monument, models of which were to be approved 
 by the Commission. This contract expired December 
 1, 1901, without an acceptable model having been 
 presented. The Art Commission, having been reor- 
 ganized meanwhile under a new act of the Legisla- 
 ture, with Mr. Samuel D. Warren as chairman, a 
 second contract was entered into with Mr. Bartlett ; 
 
 (21)
 
 a new model was furnished by him and accepted by 
 the Commission ; and early in 1904 the statue arrived 
 in New York from Mr. Bartlett's Paris studio. The 
 completion of the long-hoped-for Warren Monument 
 being thus finally assured, the 17th of June was 
 fixed upon for its dedication. 
 
 On July 27th of the preceding year the city, at 
 the solicitation of the Art Commission, had appro- 
 priated $4,000 from the Phillips Statue Fund to grade 
 and embellish the site for the monument. A few 
 weeks previous to the dedication, at a conference 
 between Mayor Collins and the officers of the Joseph 
 Warren Monument Association, it was decided that 
 the official ceremonies of the City of Boston should 
 be supplemented by such additional exercises as the 
 citizens of Roxbury might desire. Under the aus- 
 pices of the association, a meeting of delegates from 
 the association, the Roxbury Historical Society, and 
 other local military and civic organizations, was accord- 
 ingly held at the rooms of the Roxbury Historical 
 Society, in the Municipal Court-house building, on 
 the evening of April 13, 1904; a committee of 
 arrangements was organized, consisting of 125 mem- 
 bers, and designated as " The Roxbury Joseph Warren 
 Day Committee"; plans were perfected for a parade, 
 banquet, and evening exercises at the Church of the 
 First Religious Society on Eliot Square ; and the sum 
 of $1,682.39 was raised by local public subscription 
 to cover the cost of the local celebration. 
 
 (22)
 
 While Roxbury was desirous of erecting its own 
 memorial to Warren, it is perhaps more fitting 
 that the monument has been finally erected by the 
 City of Boston. Warren was born in Koxbury, and 
 passed his youth and early manhood in that historic 
 town ; he lived and practised his profession, and 
 performed the patriotic work which has made him 
 famous as a prominent leader of the Revolution, 
 while residing on Hanover street, Boston, and he 
 yielded up his life for liberty at Charlestown. To- 
 day the three towns that were the places of his 
 birth, his manhood's work, and his heroic death, are 
 all included in the greater Boston whose government 
 dedicates the monument. And the people of Rox- 
 bury, by generously contributing to this and to the 
 expenses of the local part of the ceremonies, enjoy 
 the record of having done their full part in honoring 
 Warren. 
 
 (23)
 
 THE INSCRIPTION.
 
 Office of the Mayor, 
 City of Boston, August 18, 1903. 
 
 Captain Isaac P. Gkagg : 
 
 My Dear Gcxptain^ — When you were here last 1 forgot to ask 
 what you intended to put on the Warren Monument. I had in 
 mind a quotation from a letter he wrote in 1774, which expresses 
 as pure and noble a sentiment as ever came from point of the pen 
 of man in a crisis : 
 
 " When liberty is the prize, who would stoop to waste a 
 coward thought on life?" 
 
 I think this thought should be perpetuated, and, if you and 
 your associates agree with me, the monument is the place to have 
 it. I do not know that the quotation is very well known, and it 
 may not have occurred to others. I am, 
 
 Tours sincerely, 
 
 (Signed) Patrick A. Collins, Mayor. 
 
 The above letter was laid before the Warren 
 Monument Association, and the proposed inscription 
 approved by them, and recommended to the Art 
 Commission. 
 
 (27)
 
 THE 
 
 INSCRIPTION ON THE MONUMENT. 
 
 By President Charles W. Eliot. 
 
 Joseph Warren 
 
 1741-1775 
 
 Physician — Orator — Patriot 
 
 Killed at Bunker Hill 
 
 17 June 1775 
 
 When liberty is the prize, 
 Who would shun the warfare ? 
 
 Who would stoop 
 To waste a coward thought on life ? 
 
 24 August 1774. Joseph Warren 
 
 (28)
 
 DEDICATION.
 
 THE DEDICATION. 
 
 IN Roxbury district, June 17, 1904, the Monument 
 to Gen. Joseph Warren was formally dedicated 
 in the presence of ten thousand spectators. In their 
 midst stood three stands appropriately decorated, and 
 occupied respectively by the Municipal band, by several 
 hundred invited guests, and by the following persons 
 prominently connected with the dedicatory exercises: 
 His Honor Mayor Collins; Henry ^Y. Putnam, the 
 orator of the day; Brig .-Gen. N. A. M. Dudley, U. S. A., 
 retired; Judge Solomon A. Bolster; Hon. Charles T. 
 Gallagher ; Dr. Thomas Dwight, a descendant of Gen- 
 eral Warren, and the one selected to unveil the 
 statue ; Rev. James de Normandie of the First Parish 
 Church; L. Foster Morse and the Hon. Samuel 
 Little, the two remaining members of the original 
 Warren Monument Association as organized in 1873 ; 
 F. W. Chandler, J. T. Coolidge, Jr., A. W. Longfellow 
 and C. T. Gallagher, of the Municipal Art Commission ; 
 Richard H. W. Dwight, president of the Massachusetts 
 Society Sons of the Revolution; W. Prentiss Parker, 
 of the General Committee of Arrangements, and M. 
 P. Curran, private secretary to the Mayor. 
 
 (31)
 
 SPEECH 
 
 By the HON. Charles T. Gallagher. 
 
 The Joseph Warren Monument Association was 
 formed in Roxbury in 1874; the patriotic efforts 
 of the pubhc-spirited citizens who composed it have 
 resulted in procuring from the United States Govern- 
 ment ten bronze cannon, donated to form the figure 
 of the statue, while the association itself raised 
 $5,258.10 toward the funds required for the comple- 
 tion. From the Jonathan Phillips Fund, left for 
 beautifying the streets and public squares of Boston, 
 $4,000 was paid for the development of the lot on 
 which the monument stands. The balance of the 
 money required, $12,100, was appropriated and has 
 been paid by our city. 
 
 The first favorable action by the city government 
 was a report made to the common council in 1895; 
 and after the natural mutations of legislation and 
 appropriations — although the first contract with the 
 City of Boston failed — a new contract with Paul 
 W. Bartlett for the present statue was executed by 
 the Art Commission, June 2, 1902. Unhappily Mr. 
 Bartlett is absent from our ceremonies to-day, but 
 
 (32)
 
 he has sent his congratulations to His Honor the 
 Mayor. 
 
 From the time the first of several models was sub- 
 mitted to it, throughout the slow progress of the work, 
 the Art Commission, exercising great care and 
 requiring many improvements, has approved of each 
 detail, until the figure and pedestal, as completed, 
 have met with the approval of the family of 
 Dr. Warren, of experts invited to inspect it, and 
 of the members of the Joseph Warren Monument 
 Association. 
 
 The material for the inscription was prepared by 
 President Eliot of Harvard University, with the quo- 
 tation suggested by His Honor Mayor Collins ; the 
 emblems of the Masonic fraternity, of which Joseph 
 Warren w^as Provincial Grand Master for North America 
 at the time of his death, have been placed under the 
 inscription. 
 
 June 14, 1904, at a meeting of the Art Commis- 
 sion held on this spot, the complete monument and 
 its location were formally approved. 
 
 The physician's coat — which tradition tells us he 
 wore — representing his profession and daily life, com- 
 bined with the manuscript under the arm holding 
 the sword, form the sculptor's conception of the 
 doctor, orator, and soldier. 
 
 As the master, applying his working tools to the 
 stones of the building as adjusted, declares the work 
 to be "well made, well proved, truly laid," so, in 
 
 (33)
 
 similar veiu, the members of the Art Commission 
 report their approval of tJds creation — heroic in 
 conception, artistic in design, graceful and sym- 
 metrical in proportion, faultless in workmanship, 
 appropriately inscribed. They therefore recommend 
 for your acceptance, as Mayor of the City of Boston, 
 this monument as a worthy memorial to a noble 
 man. 
 
 (34)
 
 SPEECH 
 
 By His Honor Mayor Collins, 
 
 Mayor Collins, in a speech accepting the statue 
 on behalf of the city, said : " This splendid memorial 
 is an outward sign of inward homage, and Boston 
 is proud to accei3t it." 
 
 The Mayor stated that the sculptor, Mr. Paul W. 
 Bartlett, who is absent in Europe, had sent both a 
 letter and a cablegram expressing his felicitation on 
 the event, and that Captain Newcomb, a direct de- 
 scendant of General Warren, who had expected to be 
 present, was detained by his military duties in the 
 West, but had sent his congratulations and regrets. 
 
 " To-day," concluded the Mayor, '* the adequate 
 word for the epoch, the memorable day, and for 
 Joseph Warren, will be spoken by a son of Roxbury, 
 Henry W. Putnam." 
 
 (35)
 
 EULOGY 
 
 By Henry W. Putnam 
 
 Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentlemen : 
 
 It is a beautiful and interesting trait in human nature 
 that a great man's memory is oftener honored at his 
 birthplace than even on the scene of his achievements. 
 We read that seven famous cities claimed the honor of 
 being the birthplace of Homer, — the place where the 
 first inarticulate cry broke from his infant lips, — but 
 it cannot even be intelligently guessed where he com- 
 posed a line of the poems which have charmed the ages. 
 So truly is the boy the father of the man and the 
 native soil the father of the boy, that, according to 
 the instincts of mankind through all time, the noble 
 statue which is to carry the name and person of Joseph 
 Warren down through the generations could have been 
 nowhere so well placed as where old Roxbury honors 
 herself by erecting it to-day to her greatest son. Not 
 in Faneuil Hall where he so often stirred the heart and 
 guided the judgment of the people ; not in the Old 
 South where he challenged the British power to its face 
 with weighty and burning words ; not at yonder house 
 
 (36)
 
 in Milton where he launched the resolves that her- 
 alded the irrepressible conflict, fired the Continental 
 Congress, and foreshadowed the great Declaration; 
 not on Bunker Hill itself, could he so fitly stand in 
 monumental bronze. 
 
 For here he received at his mother's knee the in- 
 spiration that only a mother can give, which shaped 
 his character and made him what he was. Here the 
 country air and simple farm life built up in youth 
 the handsome and stalwart form that endured inces- 
 sant labor in his country's cause, created the gracious 
 and commanding presence that was to sway men to his 
 will, and put the power and spirit into that bright 
 and open face that glows — nay, almost speaks to us 
 — from Copley's canvas. Here he grew to a vigor- 
 ous manhood amid that sturdy yeomanry which had 
 founded an independent commonwealth in these track- 
 less wilds, and for generations had tilled their ances- 
 tral acres until, in his own beautiful words, " the 
 virgin earth teemed with richest fruits, a grateful 
 recompense for their unwearied toil, the fields began 
 to wave with ripening harvests, and the barren wil- 
 derness was seen to blossom like the rose." Here, 
 above all, he inhaled from the very soil that passion- 
 ate love of liberty which has enrolled his name high 
 among the builders of free states, and which led him 
 gladly, even gaily, to a martyr's death. Here, too, his 
 ashes sleep amid the pleasant shades of Forest Hills. 
 
 In the plain farm-house that stood across the way 
 
 (37)
 
 within the memory of the elders still among us he 
 received from God-fearing parents of the stern 
 Puritan type those precepts which made the best 
 New England character of that day what it was. 
 His father, who died by a fall from an apple-tree 
 in his orchard when the boy was only fourteen 
 years old, said once in his hearing, " I would rather 
 a son of mine were dead than a coward," — 
 a sentiment which sank deeply into the boy's 
 mind. The religious training received from a 
 mother who remained an honored and venerated figure 
 among her neighbors till extreme old age nearly a 
 generation after his death, became a part of his nature, 
 and a book of psalms found upon his person after death 
 is still preserved in his family. In the historic church 
 to which the saintly Apostle to the Indians had minis- 
 tered for two generations, and which still retained — as 
 it does to-day — the powerful impress of that unique 
 personality, and m the old Grammar School founded 
 by him, the youth was filled with that strong sense 
 of duty and those lofty ideals of conduct which 
 impelled him to high public service. After gradu- 
 ating from college he taught a year in 1760 in this 
 ancient school, now widely known as the Roxbury 
 Latin School. At least one eminent Roxbury man 
 is known to have been his pupil there when a boy. 
 Increase Sumner, who afterwards attained the highest 
 honors in the State as governor and chief justice, 
 always related with gratitude and pride that he had 
 
 (38)
 
 sat here in his youth at the feet of the patriot 
 Warren, and transmitted the fact as a precious 
 legacy to his children. By a happy coincidence the 
 school now stands upon a part of the Warren farm, 
 and generations of Roxbury boys yet to come will 
 be inspired by this association as their predecessors 
 have been for seventy years, and by his bust 
 looking down upon them in the hall where they 
 daily gather. 
 
 This occasion permits only the most cursory re- 
 view and estimate of Dr. Warren's public career, 
 so momentous in achievement, though, alas ! so 
 short in years. From the moment of the Stamp Act 
 agitation in 1765, when he was only twenty-four 
 years old, he was zealous, active, untiring in the 
 patriot movement. He wrote much for the public 
 press, and was from the first Samuel Adams' right- 
 hand man and most trusted confidential adviser. 
 After the latter's departure for the Continental 
 Congress at Philadelphia in 1774, Warren became 
 the unquestioned leader in Massachusetts. His 
 first oration on the anniversary of the Massacre 
 in March, 1772, which first brought him promi- 
 nently before the public ; his formation with Samuel 
 Adams of the Committee of Correspondence in 1773 
 which united the other towns of the province with 
 Boston in the cause, and thus created the germ of 
 the future union of the Colonies and of the States; 
 and his carefully considered and able statement of 
 
 (39)
 
 the public grievances which was sent to the dif- 
 ferent towns, prepared him for the undisputed 
 leadership, which became his with the passage of 
 his Suffolk Resolves in September, 1774, and con- 
 tinued his until his death. 
 
 His bold and deliberate declaration in those Resolves 
 " that no obedience is due from this province to 
 either or any of the acts above mentioned ; but that 
 they be rejected as the attempts of a wicked admin- 
 istration to enslave America," electrified the country 
 as the first uncompromising utterance of a public 
 representative body proclaiming, even inviting, the 
 inevitable conflict. The clause just quoted from 
 them was in this respect not unlike Lincoln's 
 thoughtful and equally bold and significant declara- 
 tion in the Douglas debates on the eve of the civil 
 war, that "this country cannot permanently endure 
 half-slave and half-free." Each struck the keynote 
 of the impending struggle, and gave the watchword 
 for it. Lincoln's was the herald of Emancipation; 
 Warren's of Independence. The mind that conceived 
 and framed the Suffolk Resolves was at least as 
 forceful and original as the one that drew the 
 Declaration of Independence ; it was more incisive 
 and vigorous in attack, and more eloquent in expres- 
 sion. The Declaration was indeed little more than 
 an expansion of the Resolves made nearly two years 
 after the modest Boston physician had blazed the 
 way. 
 
 (40)
 
 It is almost the misfortune of Warren, as history 
 should finally know him, that his heroic death over- 
 shadows his more heroic life; so completely does the 
 halo of martyrdom conceal the plain chaplet of 
 civic courage and achievement, the emotion of our 
 hearts supplant the calm judgment that would 
 estimate the statesman, and the supreme virtue of 
 self-sacrifice outshine all lesser merits and blind us 
 to them. As we get, however, farther from the 
 contemporary fervor of the Revolution, and look at 
 it in a more detached spirit through the lengthening 
 vista of history, the figure of the statesman stands 
 out in Warren's case in ever bolder relief. 
 
 Our amiable but somewhat shallow American pas- 
 sion for fine-sounding titles has — perhaps rather 
 unfortunately — fastened upon him the name of 
 General — an office which he held for only three 
 days before his death, and never exercised. Undoubt- 
 edly he was conspicuously a man of action and of 
 the military temperament and aptitude who must 
 inevitably have achieved distinction in the field had 
 he lived. His life-work, however, was in fact a 
 civil one, and was done as plain Dr. Warren, an 
 active and successful physician practising the healing 
 art even up to the last days of his life; of a 
 scholarly and thoughtful turn of mind, who read 
 widely, and thought and studied deeply on the great 
 question of the day, speaking and writing on it 
 with eloquence, incisiveness and power, and giving 
 
 (41)
 
 unstintedly of his time and strength to the public 
 weal. 
 
 It is, therefore, a happy inspiration of the sculptor 
 which presents him to us here in the plain dress of 
 a civilian, and wearing his doctor's coat — in the 
 habit in which all his public work was done, and in 
 which he died. His day-book in the Old South 
 shows that he attended several patients on the very 
 day of his last great oration on March 6, 1775, and 
 that he made regular professional visits as late as 
 May 8, 1775, when the entries cease. A definite 
 and well-authenticated family tradition, — derived 
 originally from the patient herself, and transmitted 
 by her daughter to a nephew of General Warren's 
 whom I knew as an old man less than thirty years 
 ago, and who published it, — says he attended a lady 
 at Dedham very early on the morning of June 17th, 
 and left her in the care of his assistant with the 
 jocular remark that he must go over to Charlestown 
 and have a shot at the British. The same tradi- 
 tion — though less clearly authenticated — makes 
 him call on that morning for the last time upon 
 his mother and his motherless children, at his old 
 home upon this spot, on his way to Dedham from 
 Watertown, where he had presided over the Provin- 
 cial Congress the evening before. He was absent 
 from the morning session of the Congress on the 
 17th, as the records show, and doubtless hurried 
 from Dedham to the Committee of Safety at Cam- 
 
 (42)
 
 bridge early in the forenoon to complete the prep- 
 arations for the battle before going over to Charles- 
 town himself in the afternoon, — faithful alike to 
 his family, to his patients, to his country, to the 
 very last. 
 
 In the great public debate over the right of 
 Parliament to tax and legislate for the colonies 
 Warren's mind, while radical in denying the exist- 
 ence of the right, yet clung loyally to the crown, 
 with a sentiment akin to personal affection, while 
 denying its rightful sovereignty over us. This mod- 
 eration of attitude — evidently the result of senti- 
 ment and an affectionate temperament rather than 
 of intellectual conviction — attracted towards him 
 many of the loyalist part of the population ' whom 
 it was necessary to win over to the patriot cause if 
 it was to succeed. 
 
 At the same time, by denying on the strongest 
 grounds the legal sovereignty of the crown over us, — 
 a denial of peculiar weight coming from one who was 
 personally attached to the crown, — he strengthened 
 the patriot argument greatly at its weakest point. 
 In the great discussion between the Assembly and 
 Governor Hutchinson in January and February, 1773, 
 the argument as presented by Samuel Adams, but 
 really framed in private by John Adams, and resting 
 upon the maxims "no taxation without representa- 
 tion " and " no government without the consent of 
 the governed" had admitted the sovereignty of the 
 
 (43)
 
 crown from the beginning in granting tlie first 
 patents to the Colonists, and indeed claimed that our 
 title rested on them, while denying and attempting 
 to disprove that of the Parliament. But nine-tenths 
 — perhaps ninety-nine one-hundredths — of the people 
 of England itself were no more represented in 
 Parliament, in any real sense, than the Colonists 
 were, and the Colonists on the other hand would 
 not have acquiesced in the Stamp Act, the duty on 
 tea, the Port Bill, the Regulating Act, and the 
 quartering of soldiers in the town, if they had been 
 represented in Parliament. So that the argument 
 was theoretical rather than practical, and did not 
 quite go to the root of the trouble. 
 
 Moreover, as the revolution of 1688 in England 
 and the fall of the Stuarts had practically trans- 
 ferred the supreme power from the crown to Par- 
 liament, and Parliament itself had taken the crown 
 from the Stuarts and settled it first upon the house 
 of Orange, and next upon that of Hanover, Governor 
 Hutchinson's argument that therefore the real sov- 
 ereign power over us, which the patriots' committee 
 admitted to have been originally in the crown in 
 the days of the Stuart absolutism, must now reside 
 in Parliament, was a strong one ; and the patriot 
 reply was, to say the least, not w^holly convincing. 
 If the question had really been one of law at all, 
 the dispassionate reader to-day of that most able 
 debate must admit that the Royalists made out 
 
 (44)
 
 rather the stronger case, if our original title was 
 really derived from the crown. 
 
 Those maxims wer6, at best, lawyers' formulae 
 rather than elemental truths appealing to the natu- 
 ral reason of laymen. The admission just mentioned 
 as accompanying them was too lawyerlike and con- 
 servative, and attached too much effect to paper 
 muniments of title from the crown, — to mere parch- 
 ment and sealing wax, — to touch quite vividly enough 
 the real issue that was seething in the minds of 
 men. It is an interesting fact that John Adams 
 states in his diary that he inserted them in the 
 draft of the Assembly's reply privately submitted to 
 him for revision by Samuel Adams, the chairman of 
 the Assembly's committee, and struck out as too 
 vague the more general argument based upon the 
 natural rights of man which he suspected had been 
 inserted by his friend Dr. Warren. 
 
 But this suppression was only temporary. A 
 broader and more convincing popular appeal ad- 
 dressed to practical common sense and natural feel- 
 ing became a necessity. It was the striking 
 contribution of Warren to this debate and his in- 
 estimable service to his country that he made this 
 appeal two years later in the Old South in the final 
 summing up before the clash of arms. In it he 
 brought out boldly and clearly that the question w^as 
 not a legal one so much as one of natural right 
 and popular conviction, — a political one in the 
 
 (45)
 
 highest and truest sense, — and thus lifted the cause 
 of liberty out of the field of legal abstractions into 
 that of natural rights of the most elementary kind 
 which men are willing to die for and which all suc- 
 cessful revolutionary movements must in the end 
 stand upon. 
 
 This he did by asserting, at the outset of his ad- 
 dress, that the crown never had any sovereignty 
 originally to give us or to withhold from us ; that 
 the Colonists alone held the sovereignty by treaty 
 from the natives ; and that if the crown, which was, 
 in those days, practically absolute, never had any 
 sovereignty over us by right of discovery, a fortiori 
 Parliament had none then or now. 
 
 Listen with me a moment to his own terse and 
 almost contemptuous rejection of the idea that the 
 British crown had — even in the days of James I. 
 — any sovereignty to give to the original settlers: 
 " This country, having been discovered by an English 
 subject in the year 1620 was (according to the system 
 which the blind superstition of those times supported) 
 deemed the property of the crown of England. Our 
 ancestors, when they resolved to qiiit their native soil, 
 obtained from King James a grant of certain lands in 
 North America. This they probably did to silence the 
 cavils of their enemies, for it cannot be doubted but 
 they despised the pretended right which he claimed 
 thereto. Certain it is that he might with equal pro- 
 priety and justice have made them a grant of the 
 
 (46)
 
 planet Jupiter, and their subsequent conduct plainly 
 sliows that they were too well acquainted with hu- 
 manity and the principles of natural equity to suppose 
 that the grant gave them any right to take possession ; 
 they therefore entered into a treaty with the natives 
 and bought from them the lands. Nor have I yet 
 obtained any information that our ancestors ever 
 pleaded or that the natives ever regarded the grant 
 from the English crown. The business was transacted 
 by the parties in the same independent manner that 
 it would have been had neither of them ever known 
 or heard of the Island of Great Britain." 
 
 In other words, the patents to the Colonists were 
 really mere passports, not grants at all; the crown 
 a mere suzerain, not a sovereign ; and he goes 
 on, at length, to elaborate and supplement this 
 view from the subsequent history of the Colony, 
 drawing a beautiful picture of the Colonists, free, 
 happy, prosperous, and in all but name independent. 
 
 Here at last, after ten years of popular agitation 
 and discontent, and of discussion in which the patriot 
 leaders either shrank from the real logic of the 
 situation or were groping blindly to find it, bed- 
 rock is reached, — the very core of the revolutionarj' 
 case, — the purchase of the soil from the natives, 
 followed by its actual settlement, cultivation, de- 
 velopment, and government by five generations of 
 freemen, — boldly and clearly proclaimed in the 
 very faces of the British officers, who sat menac- 
 
 (47)
 
 ingly on the pulpit-stairs and all round him, and of 
 Governor Gage in the Mansion House across the 
 way. It was doubtless too bold an argument for a 
 lawyer to have put forward; and yet we can see 
 now — as Warren did at the time — that it stood 
 on stronger grounds even from a legal point of 
 view than did that made by the lawyers, for the 
 flimsy abstract claim of sovereignty in the crown 
 over a hemisphere by virtue of mere private dis- 
 covery — a mere legal fiction at best — was really 
 the weakest point in the royal case, and was 
 completely met, as a matter of abstract right, 
 by the Colonists' actual occupation for genera- 
 tions under a grant from the native owners of 
 the soil. These affirmative facts and the further 
 ones, — which he brings out into strong relief, — 
 that they had legislated for themselves for a 
 century and a half, that Great Britain had 
 sought to interfere only after the Colonists had 
 grown so rich and prosperous as to be a tempting 
 source of imperial revenue, and that we were separated 
 from her by three thousand miles of ocean, were 
 really the gist and kernel of the whole situation. 
 
 Warren had reached this advanced but strong 
 position gradually, by study and reflection. Nine 
 years before, at the time of the Stamp Act agita- 
 tion, he was still in the infancy of the question and 
 in the toils of the legal argument. In a letter to a 
 friend in England in March, 1766, he speaks of ovir 
 
 (48)
 
 liberties as having been " granted and received as 
 acts of favor," but as being, nevertheless, somehow 
 irrevocable, he does not show — doubtless did 
 not see — how. Now he sees clearly that England 
 had given us nothing to revoke, and had no naore 
 title to give than she had in the planet Jupiter. 
 Our liberties, in effect our independence, had always 
 been our own of right by original acquisition of the 
 soil from its owners and peaceful settlement thereon. 
 
 His picture of the Massacre, the anniversary of 
 which he was commemorating, is a powerful and 
 pathetic one. Its appeal to the feelings of the 
 reader is irresistible, as it must have been to those 
 of his hearers. But it is direct and open ; rhetori- 
 cal, it is true, but not demagogic; there is nothing 
 of the Mark Antony about it, none of the adroit 
 subtlety of malign purpose, no insidious appeal to 
 the violent passions. It is brief and moderate, and 
 wholly secondary to the main argument of his 
 address. 
 
 The little incident of his good naturedly, even 
 playfully, dropping his handkerchief over the bullets 
 which one of the officers, angered at his argument, 
 threateningly held up before him, shows a tact and 
 honhoniie which fitted in well with this temperate 
 character of his address, and must have added greatly 
 to its effectiveness. 
 
 It is interesting to note that this seemingly radical, 
 yet really most conservative and sensible, argument 
 
 (49)
 
 was delivered by the orator calmly and conversa- 
 tionally, as if it Avere obvious and a matter of course. 
 A Tory eye-witness, — who would doubtless have 
 exaggerated any inflammatory attempt by the orator, 
 — gives us a vivid glimpse of him. He says Dr. 
 Warren stood " with a white handkerchief in his 
 hand and his left hand in his breeches — began and 
 ended without action " — just as a cool Yankee would 
 talk about public matters to his fellow townsmen in 
 the country to-day. No attempt to inflame the 
 popular passions or set riot on foot; no rhetorical 
 flaunting of sophistries or false issues ; simply a plain 
 heart-to-heart talk with the people about the root of 
 the matter, precisely as Lincoln afterwards talked to 
 them in the Douglas debates, — thoughtfully, soberly, 
 moderately, but uncompromisingly ; speaking of inde- 
 pendence not as a thing to be won by violence, or 
 even to be won at all, — on the contrary he depre- 
 cated rupture or war, — but as already existing, as 
 having existed in substance for generations, and as 
 now wrongfully sought to be overthrown by Parlia- 
 ment. , 
 
 "An independence on Great Britain is not our aim," 
 he says. " No, our wish is, that Britain and the col- 
 onies, like the oak and ivy, grow and increase in 
 strength together." He, however, reveals the mettle 
 of the Colonists clearly by the following significant 
 clause evidently put in as at once a last warning and 
 a challenge to the British : " But if these pacific meas- 
 
 (50)
 
 ures are ineffectual, and it appears that the only way 
 to safety is through fields of blood, I know you will 
 not turn your faces from j^our foes, but will undaunt- 
 edly press forward, until tyranny is trodden under foot 
 and you have fixed your adored goddess Liberty, fast 
 by a Brunswick's side, on the American throne." 
 After this the British had no choice but to with- 
 draw or fight. 
 
 The same Tory observer says he was " applauded 
 by the mob ; but groaned at by people of understand- 
 ing." In fact the oration was addressed to neither, 
 in the sense in which the words are used by the 
 writer. The mob needed no inciting ; the Tories were 
 inaccessible to argument. Warren was in reality 
 addressing himself to that thoughtful remnant which 
 generally decides the issue in popular movements, — 
 those who loved liberty and its guaranties under 
 English law with a deep and reverent conviction, 
 and who also loved the mother country and the 
 monarchy, but who if they must choose between the 
 two would choose the former. He showed them that 
 if in the last resort they must so choose, they were 
 choosing only what they had always had by highest 
 right. Those that were not in the audience would 
 read his words in print, and together they would 
 turn the scale. When he sat down, his life-work 
 had been really achieved. He had framed the vital 
 issue and forced it upon his opponents in the right 
 way and at the right moment, and in doing so he 
 
 (51)
 
 took his assured i)Osition among the great statesmen 
 of his country. 
 
 It is clear enough why Dr. Warren himself sought 
 this opportunity to address his countrymen. He felt 
 his special mission. He and Samuel Adams, who pre- 
 sided at the meeting, both knew that he was the man 
 for the moment. He had already fleshed his maiden 
 sword in responsible leadership in the town meeting 
 on the Port Bill in the preceding June, in the County 
 Convention which adopted his Suffolk Resolves in 
 September, in the Provincial Congress in January and 
 February. He knew and felt his power, and knew 
 that it was recognized by others ; he knew just what 
 the patriot argument needed, and that nobody had 
 thought it out, or could present it, so clearly as he ; 
 he knew, above all, with the instinct of a man of 
 action, that the decisive moment was at hand, and 
 that he was the man to give the signal, — not for 
 the patriots, but for the royalists, — to move. Lord 
 North humorously called the regiments which were 
 compelled by the patriots under the lead of Samuel 
 Adams to leave the town after the Massacre, "Sam 
 Adams' regiments." We may with almost equal 
 truth call the regiments which marched out to Lexing- 
 ton and Concord under Pitcairn and Percy " Warren's 
 regiments." After his last oration they had to go ; 
 if he had been their colonel they could hardly have 
 done his bidding more promptly or more exactly to 
 his liking. 
 
 (52)
 
 Warren's uncompromising insistence on the sub- 
 stance of independence, — well knowing that the 
 name must soon follow the reality, coupled as it 
 was with a certain thoughtful and sober emphasis 
 also upon the ties of affection and loyalty toward 
 the mother country, and his enforcement of both 
 these views with cogency of thought, and directness 
 and eloquence of speech, are not unlike Lincoln's 
 unyielding opposition, in the Douglas debates, to the 
 extension of slavery, well knowing that this must in 
 time soon bring about its total disappearance, yet 
 not in terms countenancing abolition, much less 
 threatening a war for its extermination. The two 
 are alike, also, in resting their respective cases on 
 distinctly moral or natural grounds as distinguished 
 from legal ones, — the latter being if anything 
 rather against them in each case. Each uttered the 
 last most authoritative and influential word immedi- 
 ately prior to and leading up to the arbitrament of 
 war ; each put his country's cause on the strongest 
 ground for the coming conflict, and its enemy in the 
 wrong. Lincoln led his country up to Sumter, as 
 Warren led it up to Lexington, — to the wars which 
 created and which saved the Union, — and in each 
 case the enemy was made to fire the first shot. The 
 two achievements seem to me the most dramatic, 
 as well as momentous, in the civil history of our 
 country, and it would be hard to say which was the 
 greater. 
 
 (53)
 
 The merits of this discussion of 17G5-1775 are 
 ancient history to us of to-day ; but the man who 
 boldly threw the gauntlet down to arbitrary power 
 and truculent militarism in their very lair, supported 
 his challenge with cogent and unanswerable logic, 
 enforced it with overmastering eloquence of expres- 
 sion, and precipitated the appeal to arms, which shortly 
 followed, in such a manner as to make the British 
 the aggressors, put them wholly in the wrong, and 
 put the Colonists on the defensive against aggression 
 with their case made uj) for the bar of public opinion 
 and of impartial history on its strongest possible ground, 
 — this man is a statesman of the first rank and for all 
 time if there ever was one. No wonder that when, 
 in the early dawn of April 19th, Warren stepped into 
 the boat to cross the Charlestown ferry on his way 
 to Lexington lie exclaimed, wdth a flash of triumph, 
 to his friends : — " Keep up brave heart. They have 
 begun it, — that either party can do ; and we will 
 end it, — that only one can do." 
 
 As a mere piece of splendid oratory Warren's last 
 address is hardly inferior even to the famous outburst 
 of Patrick Henry a few weeks later in the old church 
 at Richmond ; as an aggressive attack, at great per- 
 sonal risk, upon an armed enemy to his face and in 
 his stronghold, it is unique in the history of great 
 oratory ; as a step in the Revolutionary debate it 
 was the great closing argument for the patriot cause, 
 not only summing up the familiar arguments, but 
 
 (54)
 
 adding the new and powerful one I have mentioned, 
 which the British could and did answer only by the 
 appeal to arms. 
 
 It has been profoundly said, " Let me write the 
 songs of a people, and I care not who makes their 
 laws." Of revolutionary epochs it may be said, with 
 equal truth, " Show me the man who moulds the 
 thought of a people, and I care not who holds their 
 offices or commands their armies." To be concrete, 
 if we were speaking of the greatest of modern 
 revolutions, we might say, " Show me the men — 
 Voltaire, Rousseau and the rest — who transformed 
 the mind of France, and I care little who guillotined 
 her hapless King and Queen, or who led the armies 
 of the tricolor to Madrid and to Moscow." The real 
 makers of our country, in the broad historic sense, 
 are the little group of men who formed and led the 
 popular thought in Boston in the years immediately 
 preceding April 19, 1775; and among these Warren 
 seems to me to stand pre-eminent as the strongest 
 thinker, the master mind, the first statesman, Samuel 
 Adams was the undoubted leader of the move- 
 ment until 1774, as the tireless and uncompromis- 
 ing agitator, organizer, and manager, ever radical 
 and aggressive ; but he was not conspicuously 
 an original or progressive thinker, and was 
 not an orator. James Otis culminated in the purely 
 legal argument against the writs of assistance in 
 1760, and mental disease prevented a great career 
 
 (55)
 
 for him after that. John Adams' great life-work 
 was done in the Continental Congress, and later. He 
 kept aloof from active leadership or even participa- 
 tion in the pre-revolutionary propaganda in Boston, 
 with the remark — quoting Lear and referring to 
 Otis — " That way madness lies "; while John Han- 
 cock's leadership was rather social and commercial 
 than intellectual. Warren alone, in this period, grew 
 steadily in grasp and reach of thought, in power of 
 expression, and in his hold upon the popular confi- 
 dence, through the rapidly-shifting drama of those 
 momentous years, and he reached his powerful climax 
 and his undisputed leadership in thought and action 
 at the close of the civil debate, March 6, 1775. 
 
 His personality seems to have been that rare and 
 fine compound of ardor and even impetuosity of 
 temperament with sobriety and coolness of judgment 
 in important crises ; of radical convictions with mod- 
 erate statement and a conservative, and even clinging, 
 affection for whatever is good in the existing order 
 of things ; of boldness — even recklessness — in 
 action, with wisdom and even caution in counsel. 
 Passing a group of British officers one evening in 
 Cornhill he exclaimed to his companion : '' I hope 
 some time we shall wade knee-deep in those fellows' 
 blood"; yet even after Lexington he hoped and 
 worked for reconciliation. As he walked out over the 
 Neck one day to visit his mother, here in Roxbury, 
 one of a group of officers called out to him as he 
 
 (56)
 
 passed, near what is now Dover street, " Go on, 
 Warren, you will soon come to the gallows," — which 
 stood on the Neck a short distance beyond. Turning 
 on his heel, and walking straight up to them, un- 
 armed as he was, he demanded peremptorily which 
 of them had said it. None dared reply ; all turned 
 and walked away. Yet he advised strongly and 
 wisely against fortifying Bunker Hill, — so near the 
 enemy, so far from our reserves, with our forces 
 so raw and unorganized. A remarkable blending of 
 opposites into a symmetrical and brilliant whole. 
 John Adams — the highest possible authority on 
 such a question — in his extreme old age and retire- 
 ment half a century later, looking back on those 
 years, spoke of Dr. Warren, who had been his per- 
 sonal friend and family physician, and Josiah Quincy, 
 Jr., who died even more prematurely, as the finest 
 minds and characters of the period preceding the 
 war. 
 
 The die was now cast, and with his oration of 
 March 6th, Warren's " hundred days " begin, a period 
 crowded with vigorous, stirring, incessant action. 
 Events move rapidly. He is now the undisputed 
 and recognized leader. His ardent temperament 
 plunged him at once into the absorbing and con- 
 genial work of the Committee of Safety, of which 
 he was chairman, and of the Provincial Congress, of 
 which he was President. On April 3d he writes to 
 a friend in England : " America must and will be free. 
 
 (57)
 
 The contest may be severe ; the end will be glorious." 
 On the eve of Lexington he sent Paul Revere on his 
 famous midnight errand, and earl}' the next morning 
 himself hurried to the scene of action, followed it 
 all day, and narrowly escaped death by a ball Avhicli 
 carried away a lock of his hair. 
 
 The next day he wrote a passionate and stirring 
 appeal to the towns for men, in which he says : " Our 
 all is at stake. Death and devastation are the instant 
 consequences of delay. Every moment is infinitely 
 precious. An hour lost may deluge your country in 
 blood, and entail perpetual slavery upon the few of 
 your posterity who may survive the carnage. We beg 
 and entreat, as you will answer to your country, to 
 your own consciences, and, above all, as you will 
 answer to God himself, that you will hasten and en- 
 courage by all possible means the enlistment of men 
 to form the army, and send them forward to head- 
 quarters at Cambridge with that expedition which the 
 vast importance and instant urgency of the affair 
 demand." 
 
 On the same day he wrote to General Gage about 
 the removal from Boston of those inhabitants who 
 desired to leave, and adds candidly and regret- 
 fully : "I have many things which I wish to say to 
 Your Excellency, and most sincerely wish I had broken 
 through the formalities which I thought due to your 
 rank, and freely have told you all I knew or thought 
 of public affairs; and 1 must ever confess, whatever
 
 may be the event, that you generously gave me such 
 opening, as I now think I ought to have embraced; 
 but the true cause of my not doing it was the knowl- 
 edge I had of the vileness and treachery of many 
 persons around you, who, I supposed, had gained your 
 entire confidence." 
 
 On April 27th he writes to a friend in England 
 warning the mother country of the critical condition 
 of affairs, and closes as follows : " The next news 
 from England must be conciliatory, or the connection 
 between us ends, however fatal the consequences may 
 be. Prudence may yet alleviate the misfortunes 
 and calm the convulsions into which the empire is 
 thrown by the madness of the present Administration. 
 May Almighty God direct you. If anything is pro- 
 posed that may be for the honor and safety of Great 
 Britain and these Colonies, my utmost efforts shall not 
 be wanting." 
 
 Offered the position of Physician General in the 
 patriot army he declined it, and " preferring a more 
 active and hazardous employment " he accepted a 
 Major-General's commission on June 14th. 
 
 The tragedy of his death is immeasurably enhanced 
 by the fact that, though his advice had been against 
 fortifying the Charlestown heights, yet with absolute 
 loyalty both to the military commanders and to his 
 country he acquiesced, and threw himself with ardor 
 into the redoubt, the very centre of the hottest fire. 
 Friends remonstrated with him the evening before 
 
 (59)
 
 for the unnecessary exposure of himself which he 
 proposed ; but he replied sublimely, with a smile, 
 "Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori." On the 
 field itself, at the rail fence where he first arrived, 
 his old friend Israel Putnam begged him, — after 
 he had modestly declined the proffered command • 
 there, — to keep himself in a place of safety and let 
 older and less valuable lives be exposed to the fire. 
 He, however, insisted chivalrously upon seeking the 
 post of greatest danger in the redoubt, where he 
 also declined the command tendered him by Prescott, 
 saying that he came only as a volunteer to learn 
 from more experienced fighters. He fought musket 
 in hand, being the last to withdraw when retreat 
 became necessary. Struck in the side by a ball 
 which he believed to be fatal, and bleeding j^rofusely 
 from the wound, he cried out, " I am a dead man ; 
 fight on, my brave fellows, for the salvation of your 
 country." The next moment a bullet pierced his 
 brain and all was over. 
 
 The pathos and glory of his death make him the 
 bright exemplar of the patriot hero of the Revolu- 
 tion and of all time. Happy the city that can honor 
 such a memory among her sons, that embraces within 
 her historic borders the scenes of his birth, of his 
 deeds, of his death, and can raise his effigy as a 
 model and an inspiration to her citizens, to their fellow- 
 countrymen, to all lovers of liberty, forever ! Fondly 
 and sadly will the imagination always dwell on the 
 
 (60)
 
 career that would have been his had he lived. We 
 shall picture him as the friend and associate of 
 Washington in the field, and later in the councils 
 which framed and launched the new republic, and 
 shall see him achieving the fame which must 
 have been his in both civil and military affairs. 
 Yet we would not have it otherwise if we could ! 
 We would not rob of one of its noblest members 
 that shining band of the world's immortal youth who 
 in every age and in many lands have, in the bright 
 morning of life, gloriously given all for freedom, for 
 country, for mankind ! 
 
 (61)
 
 THE PARADE.
 
 'mJim - 
 
 CAPT, ISAAC P. GRAGG AND STAFF.
 
 ROSTER OF THE PARADE. 
 
 WHILE the official city exercises were being 
 held at the monument, the parade formed on 
 Winthrop and Moreland streets, the Chief Marshal's 
 headquarters being at the junction of Greenfield and 
 Winthrop streets. The organization, numbering in 
 all about 1,500 men, reported promptly at eleven 
 o'clock, and a ration of coffee and sandwiches was 
 served to them in line. The formation of the 
 column was as follows: 
 
 Mounted Police, eight men under Sergt. George H. Guard. 
 
 Chief Marshal, Capt. Isaac P. Gragg. 
 
 Assistant Adjutant-General, Capt. Oliver D. Greene. 
 
 Chief Marshal's Colors (blue and buff), Sergt. John C. Aken, bearer. 
 Bugler, Harry F. Greene. 
 
 Staff. 
 
 Chief Aid, Lieut.-Col. John Perrins, Jr. ; Quartermaster, Capt. 
 Winthrop M. Merrill; Commissary, Charles B. Woolley; 
 Surgeon, Major William H. Emery; Assistant Sur- 
 geon, Lieut. Joseph C. Stedman; Assistant 
 Surgeon, C. Earle Williams. 
 
 (65)
 
 Aids. 
 
 Capt. Charles W. C. Rhoades, Capt. Albert W. Hersoy, Lieut. John D. 
 
 Drum, Lieut. Frederick B. Philbrook, Lieut. Daniel A. Buckley, 
 
 Sergt.-Maj. George W. States, Sergt. Elon F. Tandy, 
 
 Adjt. John Gilman, Jr.; P. C, John C. Cook, 
 
 William B. C. Noyes, and JolinL. Kelley. 
 
 First Regiment Heavy Artillery M. V. M. Band. 
 
 Battery D — First Regiment Heavy Artillery, M. V. M. — Roibury City 
 
 Guard, formerly the Roxbury Artillery Company, organized in 
 
 1784; Capt. Joseph H. Frothingham, Ist Lieut. Norman P, 
 
 Cormack, 2d Lieut. Frederick Spenceley — 100 men. 
 
 Company C, Ninth Regiment., M. V. M., Capt. Thomas F. Quinlan, 1st 
 Lieut. Maurice E. Bowler, 2d Lieut. Michael J. King — 60 men. 
 
 Troop D, First Battalion, Cavalry, M. V. M., Capt. William H. Kelley, 
 Ist Lieut. Eugene A. Colburn, 2d Lieut. Samuel T. Sinclair — 70 men. 
 
 Provisional Detachment of the Naval Brigade, M. V. M., composed of 
 
 Roxbury men — Lieut. William A. Lewis, Lieut. Dudley 
 
 M. Tray, Ensign Edward A. Stowe — 70 men. 
 
 Officers of the Joseph Warren Monument Association and the Roxbury 
 Historical Society in carriages: 
 
 First Carriage, 
 
 Solomon A. Bolster, president; L. Foster Morse, vice-president; John F. 
 Newton, vice-president; John Carr, treasurer; with banner car- 
 ried at the Lexington Centennial in 1875. 
 
 Second Carriage. 
 
 Frank B. Perkins, Lewis B. Morse, George H. Waterman and Francis 
 J. Ward, with banner carried by the Roxbury delega- 
 tion at the laying of the corner-stone of 
 the Bunker Hill Monument. 
 
 Third Carriage. 
 
 George R. Emerson, Dr. Edward G. Morse, William O. Curtis, and 
 Herbert F. Morse. 
 
 Fourth Carriage. 
 
 Dependence S. Waterman, Henry A. May, Dr. George Warren, and 
 
 J. L. Hillard. 
 
 (66)
 
 Carter's Band. 
 
 Thomas Q. Stevenson Post 26, Gr. A. R., William B. Gove, commander; 
 
 Joseph E. Stevens, S. V. C. ; Edwin S. Davis, 
 
 J. V. C; Adjt. David L. Jones — 75 men. 
 
 Roxbury Command 291, Spanish War Veterans, Commander Frank H. 
 
 Hall, Ist Lieut. John Gately, 2d Lieut. 
 
 George S. Hazlett — 75 men. 
 
 Nelson A. Miles Camp, Sons of Veterans, Commander Sherwin L. Cook; 
 
 S. V. C, Frederick H. Robinson; J. V. C, 
 
 J. H. Stevenson — 30 men. 
 
 Third Battalion, Second Regiment Boston School Brigade, Roxbury 
 
 and West Rexbury High Schools, Maj. Charles H. 
 
 Kent, Adjt. Henry W. Stucklen. 
 
 Company A — Capt. Frederick A. Cronin, Lieut. Norman F. Faunce, 
 Lieut. Walter E. Kelley. 
 
 Company B — Capt. Stanley H. Packard, Lieut. Leon T. Allen, Lieut. 
 Albert E. Kelleher. 
 
 Company C —Capt. Joseph R. Gillis, Lieut. William J. Deed, jr., Lieut. 
 
 Frank S. Lane. 
 
 Company G — Capt. T. Frank Walsh, Lieut. John J. Reilley, Lieut. 
 Lamert S. Corbett — 165 men, 
 
 Dudley School Cadets, in charge of Sub-Master Edward F. O'Dowd. 
 Drum Corps, Sergt. George Harrington, leader. 
 
 Company A — Capt. Henry Hayes, 1st Lieut. George Conklin, 2d Lieut, 
 Clifford Munroe. 
 
 Company B — Capt. Walter McCarthy, 1st Lieut. Henry Conklin, 2d 
 Lieut. Walter Vatter — 70 men. 
 
 Boston Cadet Band. 
 
 Warren Lodge 18,1. O. O. F. — Noble Grand Thomas Hunter, Secre- 
 tary William L. Hicks — 50 men. 
 
 Putnam Lodge 81, I. O. O. F. — Noble Grand John V. Anderson, Secre- 
 tary Lewis A. Sommers — 50 men. 
 
 Quinobequin Lodge 70, I. O. O. F. —Noble Grand Howard A. S. Dixon, 
 Secretary Rudolph Lippold — 50 men. 
 
 (67)
 
 Roxbury Lodge 211, I. O. O. F.— Noble (Irand C. Henry Lenth, Sec- 
 retary Eorace H. Burnham — 35 men. 
 
 Postal Association Band. 
 
 Roxbury Postal Association — Commander D. J. McCarthy, Adjt. D. 
 J. Gleason — 100 men. 
 
 Clan Ramsay 145, Order of Scottish Clans (Bagpipe and Drum Band) — 
 Chief William N. McLeod, Secretary Thomas Donald — 75 men. 
 
 Roxbury Veteran Firemen's Association (with old hand-engine, Tre- 
 mont 7) — President John Mulhern, Secretary John McCarthy. 
 Carriage containing Thomas J. Downey,Dennis A. Knee- 
 land, John Cotfey, and D. J. Curley — 75 men. 
 
 Detachment from Boston Fire Department — District Chief Edward H. 
 Sawyer, commanding. 
 
 Engine Company 13 (with hose wagon) — Capt. W. J. Gaffey, Lieut. 
 T. E. Conroy — 10 men. 
 
 Combination Ladder Truck, Ladder 6 — Capt. J. P. McManus, Lieut. 
 D. McLean — 10 men. 
 
 Protective Department Wagon — Capt. Henry E. Thompson, Lieut. 
 John H. Lane — 7 men. 
 
 Mounted Police — 2 men. 
 
 The line of march was about three miles long. 
 The column started promptly at 12 o'clock from 
 the corner of Winthrop street and Kearsarge avenue, 
 and moved over Kearsarge avenue to Warren street, 
 past the Warren Monument, where it was reviewed 
 by the Mayor, Brig.-Gen. N. A. M. Dudley, and the 
 city's guests ; thence through Warren street to Waum- 
 beck street, to Humboldt and Walnut avenues, to Dale, 
 Oakland, Thornton, Ellis and Hawthorne streets, to 
 Highland avenue, to Fort Avenue, to Cedar and 
 
 (68)
 
 Highland streets, to Eliot square, to Bartlett street, 
 where it was reviewed by the Chief Marshal and 
 dismissed. 
 
 Every street along the route was crowded with 
 sightseers. Roxbury's local population was augmented 
 by several thousand persons from other sections of 
 the city. The decorations of the residences on the 
 route of march gave that section of old Roxbury 
 the look of a true holiday. 
 
 (69)
 
 THE BANQUET.
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 AT three o'clock in the afternoon about two 
 ^ hundred representative citizens of Roxbury 
 assembled in Symposia Hall, Masonic Temple, for 
 the banquet. They were received with cordial hos- 
 pitality by the Masonic brethren, who permitted 
 an inspection of the various halls decorated for 
 the occasion with palms and potted plants. Before 
 going in to dinner an informal reception was held 
 by Governor Bates in the Lodge room. 
 
 The Hon. Solomon A. Bolster, president of the 
 general committee, sat at the head of the table. 
 "With him were His Excellency John L. Bates, 
 Governor of the Commonwealth, who was accom- 
 panied by Lieut.-Col. John Perrins, Jr., and Maj. 
 William M. Clarke of his staff; His Honor Patrick 
 A. Collins, Mayor of the City; the Hon. Charles S. 
 Hamlin, formerly Assistant Secretary of the Treasury ; 
 the Hon. John A. Sullivan, member of Congress; 
 the Hon. Charles T. Gallagher, representing the 
 Masonic fraternity; L. Foster Morse, Esq., Capt. 
 
 (73)
 
 Isaac P. Gragg, the Chief Marshal, and the Rev. 
 Frederick W. Hamilton. 
 
 The dinner having been served, Colonel Bolster 
 spoke briefly, welcoming the guests to the festival, 
 and introducing the Hon. William M. Olin as toast- 
 master. 
 
 (74)
 
 THE BAS-RELIEF ON THE WARREN MONUMENT.
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 Of His Excellency John L. Bates, 
 
 Governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster, Fellow-citizens : 
 
 It is a pleasure to respond to your introduction, 
 and to greet this audience. This event shows that 
 the citizens of Roxbury have long memories, and 
 are of those who, in the full enjoyment of the 
 blessings of liberty, forget neither the names of 
 those who made possible that liberty nor the price 
 they paid for it. 
 
 While the erection of a monument to Joseph 
 Warren has been long delayed, its dedication at this 
 time is all the more significant ; it indicates the 
 strength of a life that can so move men over the 
 expanse of a hundred years. The world is familiar 
 with those spasms of sentiment that cause the erection 
 of memorials to the departed while the heart still 
 grieves and the shadow of the loss still oppresses, 
 but rare, indeed, are the occasions when after the 
 
 (15)
 
 lapse of a century a people are moved to honor one 
 as you to-day honor Warren. 
 
 One characteristic of the man seemed to dominate 
 his entire life. It was his unselfishness. The vision 
 of some men is limited to the horizon of self. 
 Warren was far-sighted. His horizon was as broad 
 as his country. Intense was his love of his country- 
 men. "Your life is too valuable, risk it not in battle," 
 they said to him. But he knew of nothing too valu- 
 able to risk for the liberties of men. 
 
 In this spirit he typified all that is best in this 
 Commonwealth. Massachusetts has made a wonderful 
 record of achievement. Her sons and daughters have 
 been successful. They have made great conquests in 
 the fields of industry, invention, art and science. She 
 has accumulated great wealth. She has built up a 
 marvellous prosperity on a barren soil of rock and 
 sand. But it is not these things that have made her 
 truly great. Her greatness rather is in the fact that 
 she has not lived to herself alone. Like Warren, she 
 has looked out upon a broad horizon, and her renown 
 is not because of what she has done within her borders, 
 but rather because of what she has done beyond. It 
 was not for Massachusetts alone that her minute-men 
 gathered at Concord Bridge, but for twelve other col- 
 onies as well. It was not to give her alone liberty 
 that her patriots died on Bunker's Hill, but that 
 the principles of liberty might be vindicated for the 
 oppressed everywhere. It was not for Massachusetts 
 
 (76)
 
 that Garrison, Sumner, and Phillips spent their lives, 
 but for the enslaved far away. It was not for Massa- 
 chusetts that our Sixth Regiment marched through 
 Baltimore, nor was it for Massachusetts, but for human- 
 ity's sake, that her Second and her Ninth Regiments 
 held the right and the left of the line at Santiago. 
 Her inventors have given not to her, but to the world, 
 the cotton gin, the sewing machine, the telegraph, the 
 telephone. Her wealth, accumulated by tireless indus- 
 try, has not been hoarded in her vaults, but has gone 
 forth to build the railways and the cities, to develop 
 the prairies and mines of the West. Her institutions 
 of learning have opened their doors to the youth of 
 every land, and her preachers, her poets, and her 
 statesmen have proclaimed truths, sung songs, and 
 vindicated policies for the uplifting of men every- 
 where. As the representative of such a Common- 
 wealth, I come to-day to express her congratulations 
 that here, near his old home, the descendants of his 
 old neighbors, and those who have joined them in 
 this community, have seen fit to honor a memory 
 that Massachusetts will ever hold dear — the memory 
 of Warren, the Patriot. 
 
 (77)
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By His Honor Patrick a. Collins, 
 
 Mayor of Boston. 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster , Fellow-citizens : 
 
 I congratulate the citizens of this part of the town 
 on their achievement culminating to-day in erecting 
 a monument to Roxbury's most illustrious son. I 
 congratulate the committee on this gala day, made 
 possible by contributions from the citizens of Rox- 
 bury, and without any application having been made 
 to the city treasury, a fact which makes me feel 
 that this is a district whose people do their own 
 thinking and pay their own bills. 
 
 Such a memorial as the Warren Monument has 
 not merely an artistic, but an educational and patri- 
 otic value. It arrests the attention of the passer by, 
 and directs his attention to a career. This monument 
 will teach a lesson of patriotism through Warren's 
 example of sacrifice. No extremely selfish man can 
 ever make a true patriot; and to-day, as in the past, 
 every good citizen must make whatever sacrifice is 
 
 (78)
 
 necessary to that eternal vigilance which is still the 
 price of liberty. 
 
 This is what the Warren Monument will teach ; it 
 will inspire the men, the women, and the children of 
 all future generations to learn from the past, and to 
 become better citizens of Boston, of the Common- 
 wealth, and of the Republic. 
 
 (79)
 
 SPEECH 
 
 By the Hon. Charles S. Hamlin. 
 
 Gentlemen, — It gives me pleasure to come back 
 to Roxbury and to take part in this truly memorable 
 occasion. I feel that I have a right to be here, for 
 the greater part of my early life was passed in 
 Roxbury. 
 
 I remember so well the many delightful days I 
 have spent roaming through the woods and over 
 the meadows. In those days Roxbury was more 
 sparsely settled than it is to-day, and French's woods, 
 Harris' pond, and the lowering cliffs of Washington 
 street, then called Shawmut avenue, afforded ample 
 playgrounds for adventurous youth. I could spend 
 much time telling you of my experiences in the 
 public schools — the Primary School at Winthrop 
 street, then presided over by Miss Brooks — and I 
 am told that she is living and teaching to-day — 
 of the Lewis School, of the Roxbury Latin School, 
 where I spent seven profitable years. I could tell 
 of the excellent instruction we received in that 
 school, especially in Latin ; I could tell of the 
 
 (80)
 
 contests between the Latin School boys and their 
 Roxbury High School companions, of the military 
 drills and the contests arising therein. I remember 
 so well other diversions of boyhood — the Old 
 Institute Hall, where we used to gather together in 
 competition at spelling bees ; of the blood-curdling 
 tragedy known as the " Drummer Boy of Malvern 
 Hill," which used to be given yearly for some 
 charitable purpose — the Roxbury Horse Guards, 
 with their blue uniforms, taking the part of the 
 Union troops, and another organization — I think it 
 was called the Norfolk Grays — taking the Con- 
 federate side. I remember well the entertainments 
 provided by the city on the Fourth of July, and 
 many other interesting events, more so perhaps to 
 me than to you. 
 
 I wish I had time to say something of the many 
 valued citizens of Roxbury whose memory we will 
 always cherish — of Dr. Putnam, William Lloyd Gar- 
 rison, Edward Everett Hale, Charles Dillaway, Mr. 
 Weston, Principal of the Roxbury High School, and 
 that renowned educator, Mr. Collar, still with us, and 
 carrying on his valuable work. I could speak of 
 Colonel Hodges of the Roxbury Horse Guards, 
 of Mayors Curtis and Lewis, of Samuel Little, 
 of Mayor Gaston, and Colonel Olin, the Secretary of 
 State, whom we are delighted to see here to-day; 
 nor should we forget the impressive personality of 
 Admiral Winslow. 
 
 (81)
 
 But time will not suffice for these reminiscences, 
 and I must come directly to the subject of my short 
 address. 
 
 It is most difficult to realize the wonderful devel- 
 opment of our country since Colonial days. The 
 early Colonists, originally more or less independent 
 communities, soon found that they must come to- 
 gether and enter into a kind of confederation to 
 meet the assavdts of hostile Indians ; then quickly 
 followed the irritating differences with the mother 
 country, which brought forth the Committees of 
 Correspondence ; the next step produced the Conti- 
 nental Congress, which proclaimed that marvelous 
 document, the Declaration of Independence ; the 
 transition from the Articles of Confederation, which 
 followed, to our present Constitutional government 
 need only be mentioned, as it is familiar to all. 
 
 We owe much to General "Warren — one of the 
 original founders of our country's greatness. He 
 gave up his life to lay the corner-stone on which 
 our country's prosperity was to be built, and it is 
 fitting that we should gather together to-day to 
 honor his memory. 
 
 We must recognize, however, great change in our 
 government, comparing the present time with the 
 period following the establishment of the Constitution. 
 The United States has changed with years. We have 
 to-day a very different idea of our government from 
 that held in early times. Even under the Constitu- 
 
 (82)
 
 tion the prevailing theory was that the United States 
 at that time meant little more than a Confederation 
 of States. Bolder theorists, such as Hamilton, were 
 looked upon as extremists. It was only under the 
 inspiring judicial decisions of John Marshall that the 
 conception of a National Union took a firm place in 
 the minds of our people. This conception has been 
 further developed until at home and abroad we recog- 
 nize that our National government is one great nation, 
 and that this national unity can exist without conflict- 
 ing with the rights of the Confederated States — rights 
 as valuable to-day, and which should be held as sacred 
 to-day, as at any time in our national history. We 
 must recognize, I say, this national unity as universal, 
 although in striking contrast with the once prevailing 
 opinion that the rights of the states were paramount, 
 and that of the nation secondary. This radical change 
 we shall recognize at once when we consider the term 
 "United States," as used in present and in olden 
 times. 
 
 In the treaty with Great Britain, after the Revolu- 
 tionary War, the term " United States " was followed 
 by the plural verb ; in the treaty with Spain, however, 
 after the recent Spanish War, this spirit of national 
 unity was recognized by a single verb following the 
 term " United States." This is but the recognition of 
 what we all know to be a fact — that we stand forth 
 to-day as a nation. 
 
 If I can only bring one suggestion, one thought, 
 
 (83)
 
 home to your minds, I would wish it to be this — 
 that while there may be political differences amongst 
 us in town, city, country or state, yet when it comes 
 to questions concerning nations — international ques- 
 tions — we can know no such differences, but will 
 confront other nations as one united, harmonious 
 people. 
 
 (84)
 
 WARREN AS A MASON. 
 
 RESPONDED TO BY THE HON. CHARLES T. GALLAGHER, 
 
 Past Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Masons in Massachusetts. 
 
 After paying a tribute to the men of Roxbury 
 and the Joseph Warren organization for the great 
 work they had accomplished, culminating in the 
 events of the day, Mr. Gallagher spoke in substance 
 as follows : 
 
 In the war in which Warren fell Masonry occu- 
 pied a prominent part. At the time of his death 
 the patriot, himself a member of the old St. 
 Andrew's Lodge, was Provincial Grand Master of 
 Masons of North America. Gridley, the engineer who 
 laid out the fortifications at Bunker Hill, was Deputy 
 Grand Master. Warren, Bowdoin, and Pemberton, 
 all Masons, were of the Committee to commemorate 
 the Boston Massacre, and Warren served with John 
 Hancock and Paul Revere, both former Grand 
 Masters, on the Committee of Public Safety. Thomas 
 Dawes, another Mason, was sent out by Warren, on 
 the same errand as Paul Revere, to alarm Concord 
 
 (85)
 
 and Lexington on the night of April 18, 1775. 
 Palling, who hung the lantern in the North Church 
 for Revere, was a Mason of Marblehead Lodge. 
 The party that destroyed the Gaspe started from a 
 Masonic Lodge in Narragansett Bay ; and the greater 
 part of the men of the Boston Tea Party went 
 directly from the St. Andrew's lodge room, in the 
 Green Dragon Tavern on Union street, to Griffin's 
 Wharf, where they threw the tea into the harbor — 
 in fact, so prominent were Masons in those troublous 
 times that the British looked upon the St. Andrew's 
 lodge room in Green Dragon Tavern as " a nest 
 where rebel plots were hatched." In the British 
 ranks at Bunker Hill it was a Mason — an officer — 
 who prevented the severing of Warren's head from 
 his body, and protested, though in vain, against the 
 hero's burial in a trench with common soldiers. 
 
 All of Washington's generals were Masons — La- 
 fayette, the last to join the order, being made a Mason 
 at Valley Forge. In the formation of the govern- 
 ment, moreover, Masonry was as important a factor 
 as in the war. A majority at least of the signers 
 of the Declaration of Independence and of the mem- 
 bers of the Constitutional Convention were Masons. 
 And all these exemplified in their lives the principles 
 of the order which inspires, at all times, devotion to 
 country and resistance to oppression and tyranny. 
 
 The only thing akin to aristocracy and royalty in 
 outward form was found in the regalia and symbols 
 
 (86)
 
 of the fraternity; and the principles of equality, rep- 
 resentative elections of officers, submission to rulers 
 in authority for the time being, the sovereignity of 
 the various Grand Lodges independent of each other, 
 the simplicity of the order, and the high moral char- 
 acter and standard observed, all combined to suggest 
 principles and forms of government that found 
 expression in the various local and state political 
 administrations; in fact, the anti-Masonic crusade 
 from 1826 to 1834, beginning with the quarrel 
 between DeWitt Clinton, Grand Master and Governor 
 of New York, and Thurlow Weed, was purely and 
 entirely a political attack on the order that was 
 feared as a possible political organization, because it 
 resembled the existing methods of government admin- 
 istration. 
 
 From Warren, who faithfully served the principles 
 of Masonry and liberty, the patriot of to-day may 
 learn the lesson taught by his nobility of character 
 and his loyalty to country. 
 
 " His life was gentle, 
 
 And the elements so mixed in him 
 
 That nature might stand up and say to all the world, 
 
 This was a man." 
 
 (87)
 
 EXERCISES AT THE CHURCH,
 
 THE LITERARY EXERCISES. 
 
 THE closing event of the day's celebration was a 
 public meeting in the First Church in Eliot 
 square. It was attended by several hundred persons, 
 and among those present were delegations from the 
 Joseph Warren Monument Association, the Roxbury 
 Historical Society, the Masonic Lodges of Roxbury, 
 Thomas G. Stevenson Post 26, G. A. R., and Nelson 
 A. Miles Camp 46, Sons of Veterans. 
 
 The church was decorated within and without with 
 the national colors and festoons of laurel. A marble 
 bust of Warren, surmounted by silk flags, occupied 
 a place of honor beneath the elevated pulpit. 
 
 The order of exercises was as follows: 
 
 (91)
 
 PROGRAMME. 
 
 FIRST CHURCH IN ROXBURY. 
 
 Evening Service — Dedication Joseph Warren 
 monument. 
 
 Friday, June 17, 1904. 
 
 1. Voluntary. . . . Gardner F. Packard, Organist. 
 
 2. Invocation . . . Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D. 
 
 3. Chorus, " To Thee, O, Country." 
 
 Pupils of the Lewis School. 
 
 4. Introductory Remarks .by the Presiding Officer. 
 
 Rev. James deNormandie, D.D. 
 
 5. Solo, " Sword of Bunker Hill." 
 
 Comrade John E. Gilman, Post 26, 
 G. A. R. 
 
 6. Address .... Rev. Edward Anderson, late 
 
 Colonel Twelfth Indiana Cavalry. 
 
 7. Chorus, " To Our Flag." 
 
 Pupils of the Lewis School. 
 
 8. Remarks .... Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D. 
 
 9. Chorus, "Freedom's Land." 
 
 Grand Arjiy Glee Club. 
 10. "America" . . . By the Congregation. 
 
 (92)
 
 BUNKER HILL MONUMENT.
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 By the Rev. James de Noraundie. 
 
 Two persons were heard to say, as they came mto 
 this church this evening, " I wish I could sit in 
 General Warren's pew," but it was the church 
 which stood on the same site, before this one was 
 built, just a hundred years ago, in which the 
 Warren family worshipped. In that church were 
 forty large pews, and of those forty, nine were in 
 the names of those who were officers in the Revolu- 
 tionary Army. Pew No. 6 was in the name of 
 Warren. That church, the fourth on the same site, 
 was shattered by the British cannon balls, and soon 
 after the war preparations were made to erect this 
 church, which was dedicated in 1804 ; and in Pew 76 
 of this house General William Heath worshipped. 
 
 The expression falling from these lips bears testi- 
 mony to one of the strongest sentiments of the 
 human heart — a desire to pay homage to those who 
 have been brave, who have been patriotic, who have 
 despised cowards and cowardly conduct, who have 
 loved country more than life. We like to visit the 
 
 (93)
 
 places where they lived, we want to go where these 
 brave deeds were done, we hold very sacred the spot 
 where they died, we treasure their memories, we set 
 up memorials to their virtues. It has been said that 
 he would be a strange man indeed who could not 
 have his patriotism aroused by a visit to the plains 
 of Marathon. 
 
 The sentiment deepens when a life, just in open- 
 ing manhood, with all the prizes of life before him, 
 is offered up for his country; then we begin to pic- 
 ture what success, what glory, what usefulness to his 
 land might have come with added years. Then, 
 too, some persons write what they call the "True 
 Life" of the man, and bring out whatever faults he 
 had. It is not a gracious task. After the battle of 
 Shiloh a number of clergymen and surgeons were 
 sent to the relief of the wounded and dying, and as 
 the boat hastened down the rapid current of the 
 Mississippi the clergymen proposed a conference 
 meeting to fit them for the scene of the coming day. 
 There was a great deal said about the manner in 
 which they would need to talk to the dying, thus 
 suddenly brought face to face with the future ; 
 "men," as they said, "who had lived the unconse- 
 crated life of the camp, perhaps unbaptized, uncon- 
 verted, unprepared," and many of those mere pro- 
 fessional words which grate so harshly before the 
 deeper realities of life, when a man of noble bearing, 
 his countenance all beaming with love of God and 
 
 (94)
 
 love of man, rose and said, " I do not know any- 
 thing about the lives of these dying men; I know 
 only that they have given their lives for lis; I am 
 quite willing to leave them to the justice and love 
 of God." 
 
 Another word — the flag. It is not a common 
 sight to see our church dressed with our country's 
 flag, but I am sure there come occasions when 
 nothing can be more appropriate. I admire our flag, 
 its stars and stripes, its red, white and blue. In 
 itself I think it the most beautiful in the world; 
 but I love still more what it stood for when its 
 folds first floated in the breeze, and what it does 
 stand for to the oppressed nations of the world. 
 One day as I was on the deck of a steamer in that 
 wonderful harbor, the Golden Horn of Constantinople, 
 toward the evening of a beautiful day one of the 
 finest ships of our navy, at that time, cast anchor 
 near to us. As salute after salute was given and 
 replied to, and the flag waved proudly in the air of 
 that down-trodden land, two Turkish officers who 
 had been among our passengers turned to me and 
 said, quietly but sadly, '*' In that flag rests the hope 
 of the world." 
 
 My friends, the talk about patriotism is cheap 
 a)id easy. This firework patriotism — perhaps it is 
 not all entirely useless, no matter how much it wears 
 upon our nerves as we grow older, or robs us of 
 our sleep. I confess I have not yet lost all my 
 
 (95)
 
 liking for a noisy Fourth of July ; but one day in 
 the year, and within reasonable bounds, is quite 
 enough. I am heart-sick of having several thousand 
 young persons maimed, ruined, made helpless for life, 
 by this foolish and wicked liberty and riot and 
 excess. We are just now under the shadow of a 
 terrible calamity. We want, my friends, not only 
 the noise of patriotism, not only the talk about 
 patriotism, we want the real thing. We want that 
 flag, wherever it goes over the world, to represent 
 a nation that stands for the broadest, truest, divi- 
 nest idea of liberty, which offers opportunity and 
 freedom to all oppressed, which holds no land subject 
 to it for a moment that does not want our help to 
 independence and education and growth, that for- 
 sakes no land that does want our help. 
 
 There is a two-fold memorial. We want not only 
 the memorial of sentiment which sets up our tablets 
 and statues, but we want the memorial of character 
 which lives and dies for principles. Make our services 
 of to-day — another memorial we have unveiled to this 
 young life — no unmeaning centenary, but let each 
 one be consecrated anew for the fullest and wisest 
 freedom, to the freest and most unprejudiced spread 
 of the American idea, and these services shall not 
 be in vain. We have had too much that was noble 
 and glorious in our past to despair of our future. 
 
 (96)
 
 ORATION 
 
 By the Rev. Edward Anderson, 
 
 Late Colonel Twelfth Indiana Vol. Cavalry. 
 
 Wordsworth says, "The child is father of the 
 man." Back of that is the truth that the man is 
 father of the boy ; and it leads us to see that the 
 parentage of the boy is the assurance of what the 
 man is to be. 
 
 We Roxbury boys, who remember the old brown 
 house where Warren was born, can recall the stories 
 told us by our grandparents of the father and mother 
 of the statesman and soldier of whom we are thinking 
 to-day. 
 
 Stretching back from his birthplace was what w^as 
 left of the farm on which stood the trees of Roxbury 
 russets (then called the Warren russets), one hun- 
 dred and twenty-three of which were cut down 
 during the siege, when in 1775 the grounds were 
 occupied by Col. David Brewer's regiment. We 
 boys of the Roxbury Latin School could then go 
 " cross-lots " over the farm that now is covered by 
 houses and cut up into paved streets. 
 
 Here lived and died the father of our hero, killed 
 
 (97)
 
 while reaching from a ladder for one of his dusky 
 but rosy-cheeked apples — blooming as tlie blush 
 over the face of a lovely Creole — leaving the farm 
 and the four boys (Warren was then fourteen years 
 old) to the care of their talented mother. Here she 
 made a home for her children and grandchildren till 
 she was ninety years old ; and stories that were tradi- 
 tions still came to us boys and girls of Roxbury, in the 
 30's of the last century, of her wonderful Thanks- 
 giving pies. 
 
 The eldest of her sons was the coming general, and 
 the youngest the man who became the great physician 
 and surgeon. 
 
 Joseph Warren, born in 1741, was of the Latin 
 School that was close by his home. Early in his life 
 he showed the open-hearted bravery that characterized 
 his later life. 
 
 His noble courage he had inherited from his remark- 
 able mother, who was known by her neighbors as 
 "the Pacifier." By her rare wisdom and coolness and 
 fearlessness of judgment she had become the repository 
 of all the troubles of her surrounding friends. 
 
 Warren entered Harvard College at fourteen years 
 of age, and here his bravery to principle again mani- 
 fested itself. (Here were related incidents of his col- 
 lege days, illustrating this fact.) He was graduated 
 after four years, and taught the grammar school in 
 Roxbury while studying medicine, and became a physi- 
 cian at twenty-three years of age, and in time to 
 
 (98)
 
 show once again his bravery during the awful siege 
 of smallpox in Boston. He became the family physi- 
 cian to John Adams. 
 
 He seems not to have known what fear meant. 
 One evening as he was walking to Roxbury over the 
 then bleak and barren Neck — washed by the tide- 
 water on both sides of what is now Washington 
 street, where stood the old gallows on which people 
 were hanged for their crimes — after he had passed 
 three British officers, one of them threw after him 
 the remark, "You'll soon come to the gallows," and 
 laughed. Warren turned round, and facing them said, 
 " Which of you three made that remark ? He shall 
 eat it." Cowards as they were, they quailed under 
 his cold but determined eyes, and apologized as they 
 pointed to the ghastly drop further down the road. 
 
 He had become a noted patriot and orator, and led 
 in all the preliminaries for the coming struggle. But 
 he was a poet withal, and with Samuel Adams had 
 much to do with the patriotic songs of the day. One 
 verse from his poem, " Free America," will show him 
 at once poet and prophet: 
 
 " Some future day shall crown us 
 
 The masters of the main. 
 Our tieets shall speak in thunder 
 
 To England, France and Spain ; 
 And nations o'er the ocean spread 
 
 Shall tremble and obey 
 The sous, the sous, the sons, the sons 
 
 Of brave America." 
 
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 But Warren was too full of the great questions of 
 the (lay so vital to our country, then in the throes 
 of birth, to give much time to poetry, save as he could 
 fire the patriot blood by songs of war. These, sung 
 on march, or in bivouac, or as one goes into battle, 
 are the life of the army. Veterans in our Civil War 
 remember the thrilling effect of songs that swelled 
 down the column in the hot and dusty march, when 
 some one struck up " Tramp, tramp, tramp, the 
 boys are marching," or "John Brown's body lies 
 mouldering in the ground," or our "America." 
 
 Though holding a reserve that was the result of a 
 sense of very great responsibility in the affairs of 
 the colonies, Warren was ever in glad touch with 
 the people. He loved to join in everything that 
 could make men better and more united ; and so, 
 when he was only twenty years of age, he took the 
 degrees of Masonry, and was raised a Master Mason 
 at St. Andrew's Lodge of Boston on September 10, 
 1761. This lodge united with two lodges belonging 
 to the British regiments of Boston in sending a peti- 
 tion to Scotland for a Grand Lodge ; and in the 
 Boston Gazette of January 1, 1770, is this article: 
 
 " By virtue of a commission lately received from 
 the Honorable and Most Worshipful the Earl of 
 Dalhousie, Grand Master of Ancient Free and 
 Accepted Masons in Scotland, on Wednesday was 
 solemnized at a Grand Lodge of A. F. & A. M., in 
 this town, held at Masons' Hall, the installation of 
 
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 the Most Worshipful Joseph Warren, Esq., Provincial 
 Grand Master of A. F. & A. M. in North America. 
 On the occasion there was an eloquent oration, and 
 after the installment there was a grand entertain- 
 ment." 
 
 It is interesting to know how he loved the people 
 and stood shoulder to shoulder with them, helping 
 in the unity of his fellows by every means in his 
 power. Up into his early manhood — as physician, 
 as patriot, and as friend — he strove to gain an influ- 
 ence for good. 
 
 His first public appearance was at the celebration 
 of the second anniversary of the Boston Massacre, 
 when he delivered the address that Samuel Adams 
 had refused to give. Here he won the love and 
 confidence of the people by his matchless eloquence 
 and the heart he put into it. 
 
 Three years later he was made the orator at the 
 great meeting held in the Old South Church, of 
 which Mr. Putnam has spoken so eloquently and 
 exhaustively this morning. But, leading up to this, 
 he had been made a member (in 1772) of the 
 Committee of Correspondence to the Massachusetts 
 Towns ; and later, a delegate to the Suffolk County 
 Convention, to prevent the fortifying of Boston Neck 
 by Governor Gage ; and he was chairman of the 
 committee that sent the Governor two papers of 
 protest — which papers General Warren wrote. 
 
 In 1774 he was made delegate to the Massachu- 
 
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 setts Congress, and was elected President of it, and 
 also chairman of the Committee of Thirteen of Public 
 Safety ; so he was really the head of the new State. 
 
 All this brought him the honor and the danger of 
 his famous speech of March 6, 1775, in the Old 
 South Church. (Here was recited the story of the 
 ladder at the window, the surprise of the red-coats who 
 were to prevent his speaking; and some reminis- 
 cences of the Old South Church of the speaker's 
 boyhood, when Dr. Jenks was still in its pulpit.) 
 
 So he consolidated the people and helped them to 
 be strong for the coming conflict. Writing to Josiah 
 Quincy at this time, he says of the Provisional Con- 
 gress, of which he was president : " You would have 
 thought yourself in an assembly of Spartans or 
 Ancient Romans had you been a witness to the 
 ardor which inspired those who spoke on the impor- 
 tant business they were transacting." 
 
 The author of a poem of 1775, called "An Eulo- 
 gium," has this of Warren as President of the Pro- 
 visional Congress : 
 
 " Warren serene amidst the storm appears, 
 Inspired by Heaven to hush the gloomy fears 
 Of sad Columbia, frightened by the sound 
 Of roaring waters and tempestuous wind ; 
 Undaunted on the rolling deck he stood 
 And steered Bostonia in the raging flood." 
 
 Finding that the British were going to Concord to 
 destroy our ammunition, Warren dispatched Col. 
 
 (102)
 
 Paul Revere to Lexington, and rode all night himself, 
 to rouse the people. Both narrowly escaped capture ; 
 and Paul Revere, riding through Charlestown, came 
 upon a squad of British, but dashed through them and 
 rode on, followed by a hail of bullets, but preserved 
 by the God of our battles. Enough were roused to 
 check, at Lexington, the advance of the British — 
 our men led by Warren after his all-night ride — but 
 in the engagement eight men were killed and seven 
 wounded. Yet the red-coats pushed on to Concord 
 and destroyed sixty barrels of flour. They were driven 
 back to Lexington; and thence on were harried by 
 our men all the way to Charlestown, with the loss 
 of many men killed and wounded and prisoners. 
 
 General Warren, while pressing them on, had a lock 
 of hair from just above his ear cut away by a musket 
 ball. When his mother heard of this narrow escape 
 she besought him to caution, as his life was more 
 valuable to his land and his power greater in Con- 
 gress than in the army. He replied : " Wherever 
 danger is, dear mother, there must your son be. 
 Now is no time for one of America's children to 
 shrink. I will either see my country free, or shed 
 my blood to make her so. " 
 
 A pleasant relationship seems to have existed with 
 the red-coat officers, in spite of the war whose 
 mutterings were heard so often. So true, and strange 
 as true, it is that war is a national function that 
 does not necessarily involve the hate of individuals. 
 
 (103)
 
 After the Battle of Lexington an exchange of 
 prisoners was made. General Warren, as President 
 of Congress, and General Putnam, escorted by two 
 companies of Massachusetts soldiers, conducted the 
 exchans:e, and afterwards entertained the British 
 ofhcers as their guests at a dinner, Avith exchange of 
 toasts and expressions of mutual esteem. 
 
 On the 14th of June, following this, Dr. Warren, 
 having refused a commission as Surgeon-General, 
 was made Major-General of American forces in 
 Massachusetts. His combined gentleness and decision 
 gave him an unbounded influence over the soldiers 
 — so true is it that real gratitude and a genuine 
 strength always makes one gentle. 
 
 We come now to the climax in the events of 
 Massachusetts and in the life of General Warren. 
 It is the story of the meeting of the trained and 
 disciplined soldiers of Great Britain and the farmers 
 and mechanics and students of the Colonies, whose 
 only preparation for battle was patriotism and an 
 unflinching love for liberty based on justice. 
 
 The British troops occupied Boston and were con- 
 fined there, while our men held the hills about the 
 city. On the 15th of June the Committee of Safety 
 voted to fortify Bunker Hill and Dorchester Heights, 
 and Warren entered upon the work — though it was 
 over his protest. 
 
 The story of the secret march of our men from 
 Cambridge is thrilling, and on the 18th of June, 
 
 (104)
 
 when they purposed the capture of Charlestown and 
 Bunker Hill, the British were thunderstruck to find 
 the latter (really Breed's Hill) fortified and occupied 
 by the American forces. But they opened fire and 
 killed one man. Our men were tired and hungry, and 
 had had but little rest from their march and the labor 
 of throwing up breastworks. The British were fresh. 
 
 (A brief description was given of the arms of those 
 days, of our War of the Rebellion, and of now.) 
 
 General Warren, as President of Congress, had been 
 at Watertown attending a session ; but as soon as he 
 could, in spite of the protests of his friends, who felt 
 he was more important as a statesman, he joined the 
 forces in Charlestown. "I cannot help it," he said; 
 " I must share the fate of my countrymen. I should 
 die to be away when my fellows are dying for country." 
 
 Five thousand British troops under General Howe 
 attacked our worn-out men. General Warren, against 
 the protest of General Putnam and Colonel Prescott — 
 he the Major-General of Massachusetts forces — refused 
 the command of troops and went into the fight as a 
 volunteer, only seeking the most exposed place. 
 General Putnam said to the men, " Powder must not 
 be wasted. See the whites of their eyes, and aim at 
 their waistbands and at the officers. You are all 
 good shots ; shoot to hit, men." Three lines of British 
 were destroyed, one after the other, and they retreated. 
 
 More than one thousand British had fallen under 
 the galling fire of our American guns, but they 
 
 (105)
 
 rallied again to find that our men were out of 
 ammunition. Then came a strange kind of warfare. 
 Our men cluljbed their muskets and fought with 
 stones from their redoubts; but it was of no use. 
 Haggard with fatigue and liunger and lack of sleep, 
 they fell back. 
 
 General Warren was behind his men in their 
 retreat. He fought like a hero with his sword. 
 Slowly, and fighting every step, he fell back with 
 his men. Major Small of the British army, to whom 
 General AVarren had once been a savior, called out to 
 him to surrender for a refuge, and at the same 
 time ordered his men to cease firing; but it was 
 too late. A ball went through General Warren's 
 head, killing him instantly. He fell in his young 
 manhood — only thirty-four years old. 
 
 When General Howe was told that General Warren 
 was dead, he said it was the offset of five hundred 
 men ! 
 
 The skilled physician attended the birth of the new 
 Republic, little dreaming what a giant was to grow of 
 this child. As Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of 
 Masons in the United Colonies, he helped lay the 
 corner-stone of the greatest Republic of the world; 
 and so firmly was it cemented in patriotic blood 
 that it has withstood the shock of internecine war 
 and has survived to grow so powerful that all the 
 world looks to it as the harbinger of liberty for all 
 the nations of the earth. 
 
 (106)
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 By the Rev. Edward Everett Hale, D.D 
 
 In his address, Dr. Hale said that he had often 
 said the people of this generation were deficient in 
 interest in their own history. Not long ago he had 
 said in jDublic that the people of Boston did not 
 prize their own heroes as they should, and he had 
 named Warren among those heroes. But that he 
 felt sure that by noon to-morrow every man and 
 every boy in Roxbury would know that a truly 
 great man died at Bunker Hill. And they would 
 know that this was a Roxbury man. He hoped they 
 would know where he lived. He repeated from Daniel 
 Webster's oration, when the corner-stone of Bunker 
 Hill Monument was laid, this tribute to Warren, 
 reminding his hearers that Daniel Webster was not 
 a man who in any stress of rhetoric went beyond 
 the truth : 
 
 " But — ah — Him ! the first great Martyr in 
 this great cause ! Him ! the premature victim of his 
 own self-devoting heart ! Him ! the head of our 
 
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 civil councils, and the destined leader of our mili- 
 tary bands ; whom nothing brought hither but the 
 unquenchable fire of his own s})irit; Him! cut off 
 b}^ Providence, in the hour of overwhelming anxiety 
 and thick gloom ; falling, ere he saw the star of his 
 country rise; pouring out his generous blood, like 
 water, before he knew whether it would fertilize a 
 land of freedom or of bondage ! how shall I struggle 
 with the emotions that stifle the utterance of thy 
 name ! Our poor work may perish ; but thine shall 
 endure ! This monument may moulder away ; the 
 solid ground it rests upon may sink down to a level 
 with the sea ; but thy memory shall not fail ! 
 Wheresoever among men a heart shall be found 
 that beats to the transports of patriotism and liberty, 
 its aspirations shall be to claim kindred with thy 
 spirit!" 
 
 Mr. Hale referred to the early age at which some 
 of the most distinguished heroes of the Revolution 
 acquired fame. Hamilton attracted Washington's 
 attention when he was eighteen. Lafayette was 
 wounded at Brandy wine before he was twenty-one. 
 Washington, who was almost venerated by the mem- 
 bers of his stalf for his long experience, was forty- 
 three when he took the command of the army. 
 Warren was thirty-four when he was killed. We 
 ought to be careful, in what we call our more ad- 
 vanced civilization of to-day, to remind all boys at 
 our schools that the world may pivot on them when 
 they are as young as these men were, and the boys 
 
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 ought to be glad that they live in a country which 
 throws such responsibility upon young men. 
 
 Warren delivered two of the addresses on the 
 anniversary of the Boston Massacre. The town of 
 Boston maintained a series in these orations on or 
 near the fifth of March from 1771 till in 1783 the 
 orations on Independence Day were substituted in 
 the beginning of the series which has been main- 
 tained till this time. Warren delivered the address 
 in 1772 and again in 1775. You have been told 
 how his entrance to the Old South Meeting House 
 was obstructed, so that he entered through the win- 
 dow into the pulpit. The stairs of the pulpit were 
 crowded with English officers. As Warren spoke 
 one of them held out a handful of bullets, and 
 Warren with perfect presence of mind dropped his 
 white handkerchief over the hand which was guilty 
 of such rudeness. It was only six weeks later that 
 Warren was giving his directions to Dawes and 
 Revere for their midnight ride to Concord, and was 
 himself on the field in the day of Lexington. Nor 
 was he unconscious that this future was so near. 
 
 " Pardon me, my fellow-citizens ; I know you need 
 not zeal or fortitude. You will maintain your rights 
 or perish in the generous struggle. However difficult 
 the combat, you never will decline it when freedom 
 is the prize. An independence on Great Britain is 
 not our aim. No ; our wish is that Britain and the 
 Colonies may, like oak and the ivy, grow and increase 
 
 (109)
 
 in strength together But, if these pacific 
 
 measures are ineffectual, and it appears that the only 
 way to safety is through fields of blood, I know you 
 will not turn your faces from your foes, but will, 
 undauntedly, press forward, till tyranny is trodden 
 under foot and you have fixed your adored Goddess 
 of Liberty fast by a Brunswick's side on an American 
 throne." 
 
 Mr. Hale said he read these words from the original 
 edition of Warren's addresses. " This volume," he 
 said, " I will give as the first gift to the proposed 
 museum of Revolutionary and other historical relics, 
 which we ought to establish in Koxbury. For we 
 ought to make use of the historic old house in Eliot 
 square, which was General Thomas' headquarters 
 during the siege of Boston, as a museum, and it is now 
 hoped that steps will be taken to preserve the old 
 mansion, which is now falling into decay. 
 
 " The bullet with which Warren was killed is still in 
 existence. It is now in a household in a neighbor- 
 ing city. It should be secured, for presentation, as a 
 second gift to the museum in the Thomas house." 
 
 (110)
 
 TUB WAKRHN UOilJibTEAU.