BltLOGY LIBRARY O 'MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS THEIR PSYCHOLOGY AND PSYCHOANALYTIC TREATMENT BY H. W. FRINK, M.D. Assistant Professor of Neurology in Cornell University Medical College, Adjunct Assistant Neurologist to Bellevue Hospital, Ex-president of the New York Psychoanalytic Society. Secretary of the American Psychopathological Association, Member of the American Psychoanalytic Association, etc WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY JAMES J. PUTNAM, M.D. Emeritus Professor of Neurology, Harvard University NEW YORK MOFFAT, YARD AND COMPANY 1918 P8 L1BRM* G Copyright. 1918. by MOFFAT. YARD AND COMPANY Published, March, 1918 TO CHARLES LOOMIS DANA, A.M., M.D., LL.D. PROFESSOR or NEUROLOGY IN CORNELL UNIVERSITY MEDICAL COLLEGE THIS BOOK IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED 376 I 9.1 INTRODUCTION The day has fortunately gone by when the far- reaching investigations associated with the name of Sigmund Freud need to be introduced, as if for the first time, to any such circle of readers as that to which this book is likely to appeal. Indeed, so familiar have men grown with the more salient features of the so-called psychoanalytic move- ment, and so pronounced is the interest which it has evoked, that one feels a sense of lack, if, on looking through a volume or a magazine where human motives are discussed, one does not find some reference to the doctrines here at stake. That this increased and growing interest is not due to curiosity alone is shown by the fact that many eminent scientific men psychologists, biol- ogists and educators have used Freud's general- izations largely, in connection with their own in- quiries. Not only have these men published books and papers of which the psychoanalytic movement was the text, but they have made it the basis of discussion in academic courses. This is an important indication. For these able men stand as representatives of the so-called "normal" members of the community; it is "nor- mal" psychology, both individual and social, and vi INTRODUCTION "normal" life processes and the education of "normal" people that they study. But what is "normal," and to what extent is it possible to distinguish it from what, for one or an- other reason, we call "abnormal"? Much has been written on this point, and prac- tically always the answer to the above question has been that there are no means of distinguishing these two states. That which goes by the name of "evil" or "disease" finds its analogue in the instability that is inseparable from life and prog- ress; and the forms that disease takes in the so- called "pervert" or the nervous invalid, or even the criminal, do but represent, in an accentuated form, tendencies of which traces are to be dis- covered in the history, and as an element in the make-up, of every member of the community. There is then good reason why all those who wish to understand the weaknesses of society and work for the betterment of the race, should take inter- est in this movement. What is it (over and above external conditions)' that causes the terrible misery in our social life, of which the dramatists and novelists have so much to say and which breaks out in the form of strikes and anarchy, and lies widespread, just be- neath the surface, in the form of superstitions, depressions, unreasonable fears, or of "hatred, malice and all uncharitableness"? Why is it that some persons are so much more overwhelmed than others by the recitals of the horrors of the war? INTEODUCTION vii People afflicted with these tendencies present, fre- quently, the same front to the community that is presented by the happiest and most prosperous of men. But they present this front, in many cases, not from deliberate and reasoned choice, but because, separated in feeling from their as- sumedly happier or more successful fellows, they feel impelled to seek, as if through a sort of " pro- tective coloration, " to preserve every outward sign that is possible, of good health, good fellow- ship and success. Close observers realize more or less of what is going on with such persons, and the more intelligent of these observers see also that the facts and doctrines that have been brought out through the psychoanalytic movement afford a better explanation of these situations than is pro- vided in any other way. The present book does not make it one of its main purposes to take up these social problems ; but the author has a keen sense for the analogies to which I have referred, and in both parts of his treatise that is, in the part in which the history and fundamental doctrines are laid down, and in that in which the compulsions and obsessions are more specifically studied he gives illustrations which every social student may well take to heart, of the varied and significant modes of action of men's unconscious motives. And yet so difficult is the subject; so hard is it to really grasp these elusive motives that play so large a part in all our lives, to exchange a viii INTEODUCTION "knowledge about " them for a real "acquaint- ance with" them, that there will be room and wel- come, during many years to come, for any book that deals consciously and clearly with the prob- lems here involved. The present volume fulfills these requirements admirably within the limits which the author sets for himself, and inspires confidence by evidences of abundant knowledge and of conscientiousness in forming judgments. Dr. Frink is evidently writing for physicians and those who are ready to take the physician's point of view. This has always been Freud's method, also; and in follow- ing it, that is, through keeping before his mind that he would choose for his imagined audience those only who were ready to gaze at the truth without shrinking, he was able to cultivate his power of accurate observation to a remarkable degree. If his statements became now and then too blunt, or too one-sided, or extreme, that fact should and will be forgiven, when it is borne in mind that unless he had trained himself to be keenly alive to the presence of certain special mo- tives rather than a judicial evaluer of all motives, the psychoanalytic movement would never have attained the position that it holds. This is an important consideration in Freud's intellectual history and that of the most stalwart of his followers. If their work has been marked by "defects," they have shown, as a rule, "quali- ties" enough to justify these defects. It has INTRODUCTION ix often been urged against Freud, for example, that his analyses of characters in history and fiction, such as those of Leonardo, Hamlet and (Edipus, give a distorted idea of their lives and person- alities. In itself this criticism is just, and analo- gous comments can be made on the psychoan- alytic movement as a whole. But they should be made in the light of what I have just now said. The time has perhaps arrived, it is true, when the leaders of this movement should be called upon to cease being monographic, and, instead of this, to take their places, consciously, as students of the mind and its sources of energy from all points of view, even if they continued to emphasize espe- cially one aspect of these matters. And yet, even now, it must be kept in view that knowledge moves forward by a zigzag path, and that the most im- portant thing, where the contributions of men of genius are in question, is that nothing of value shall be lost of what they have to give. The errors of omission of important men and im- portant movements can easily be forgiven. This consideration should be especially borne in mind when one is dealing with the sex problem, which Dr. Frink discusses clearly, in a simple and straightforward manner, proposing at the same time a new name, in order to call attention afresh to the very important generalization, that when one uses the word "sexual" one should have in mind all the connotations that go with the word "love," understood as he defines it. x INTRODUCTION It is true that other emotions are " repressed" besides those classifiable as sexual. But the point mainly at stake is the pragmatic one that the sexual emotions involve a peculiarly large num- ber of dominant, unreasoning passions, of a sort that each individual is least willing to acknowl- edge (or else, it may be, is over-zealous in assert- ing) and the subtle signs of which it is especially important that the student of medicine should train himself to detect. Having said this much about those character- istics of Freud's work which perhaps more than any others have laid its author open to criticism, and having thereby, I trust, made it clear that I am not inclined to deal with Freud's conclusions in anything but a friendly spirit, I shall claim the privilege of indicating some of the points with re- gard to which I think his critics are in the right ; or, to speak more exactly, to indicate the direc- tions in which, as it seems to me, the boundaries of his work may profitably be widened. Freud was, and is, above all things, a man to whom the exact methods of natural science were very dear, as, in his estimation, the only reliable means of investigation even in matters of per- sonal motive and conduct. In this respect he be- longs, of course, to that large class of persons whose labors are absolutely indispensable to the evolution of human knowledge; and Dr. Frink's expressions of opinion make it clear that he would wish to be classified in the same group. But there INTRODUCTION xi are also many men, whose voices never have been, and never can be, silenced, who feel convinced that the dicta of the natural scientists, that is, of those who would eventually refer everything back to the laws of chemistry and physics, are not to be allowed to have the last word. There are, in- deed, many members of the scientific group itself, who have testified to their belief in this fact. Such persons not only feel it clear that these natural laws do not explain all the phenomena of life ; they feel also that one of the most interesting outcomes of scientific, and still more of logical in- quiry, is the fact that these sciences seem to prove not only that the laws which they recognize as valid are not only themselves limited in their ap- plication, but also that they actually point to the existence of forms of energy which they are pow- erless to describe. The fact that Freud was so devoted to the scien- tific method, and, from the same standpoint, so devoted to the belief that mental phenomena are just as much subject to inflexible laws of causa- tion as physical phenomena, and, in fact, that the causation in the two cases is virtually of the same sort, would perhaps have done no harm had it spent itself (as it did to a considerable extent) in leading him to measure and define the degree to which this doctrine represents the truth. But, unfortunately, as it seems to me, he went fur- ther than this, and in spite of disclaiming, as he has always done, any obligation to adopt a general xii INTEODHCTION attitude toward the "ultimate nature of things," in a philosophical sense, he does nevertheless do this very thing in his claim that we live, body and soul, in a deterministic world, 1 a world in which the last word belongs to physical science. No one could, of course, deny him the right to this opinion ; but if it is held, it should be justified through the presentation of evidence, on his part, of having taken all the arguments of both sides into account; and this evidence Freud has not given. Dr. Frink brings the matter to a clear issue in his thesis (which is quite in accord with Freud's doctrine) that every individual when looked at from the standpoint of his childhood must be recognized as following two, and only two, tenden- cies, those namely of self preservation and of race preservation. This is the accepted formula among perhaps the majority of biologists. But unless the word " preservation " is interpreted in such a way as to include far more than the simple preservation of life, that is, unless it is admitted that from first to last the highest attributes of the human being are thought of as virtually present, (as in the form of what is vaguely described as "free will," existing as -a partially guiding influ- ence), I should not feel at liberty to grant the claim. The antithesis is between those who look on iE. g. see statements of this sort in his paper entitled Totem und Tabu. Translation Totem and Taboo, N. Y., 1918. INTRODUCTION xiii what (for want of a better term) one must call the higher, more spiritual manifestations of life, as definable in terms of chemistry and physics, as ordinarily conceived of, and those who believe that chemistry and physics are to be defined in terms of these higher manifestations of life. The sig- nificance for therapeutics of the problem here in- volved is very clear. The next point which seems to me important has reference to the scope of psychoanalytic work. Freud, with his keen sense of the difficulties and dangers lying in the path of the psychoanalytic movement, has strongly maintained that psycho- analysts would never do their best in the direc- tion of keeping the movement free from degra- dation, or of helping their patients to make their memories and power of reasoning penetrate into the depths of their repressed experiences, unless they made these outcomes virtually the sole object of their treatments and resisted the temptation to act as mentors and advisors with reference to specific social difficulties of the hours. In spite of the apparent insistence and importance of the patient's immediately present problems, Freud held that the problems which they were really thinking of and needed most of all to solve, were those related to their repressed complexes. On similar grounds he has strenuously objected to the introduction of ethical considerations, or aiming for ethical results. While believing that a psychoanalytic treatment was in a high degree a XIV INTRODUCTION form of education, he has felt that the physician's part was only that of Vergil, in Dante's cele- brated journey through Hell, Purgatory, and Paradise ; not at all that of Beatrice. The patient comes to the physician, let us say, skilled in the art of self-deception, and suffering under a self- wielded lash. The physician's task is to see that he becomes undeceived, by helping him to bridge the wide chasm between his logical consciousness and his unlogical phantasies. When this task is accomplished, and thus a better understanding of himself is brought about, and when his fears or compulsions, or such other symptoms as he may have presented, have been dissipated by a thor- oughgoing psychoanalysis, the physician's task, so Freud would say, is ended. The physician is under no obligation to inquire what use the pa- tient makes of his newly acquired freedom, or to lead him further on the path of sublimation. As against this view of the duty of the psycho- analyst, which I trust is fairly stated, it is reason- able to urge that whatever the actual so-called "symptoms" are with which the patient comes to his physician, he brings inevitably the virtual symptom which consists in an incapacity to ex- press through his life the recognition of his social obligations and possibilities as an integral por- [ tion of the social organism. Yet these obliga- tions and possibilities are his by birthright. From this standpoint a psychoanalytic treatment is not logically complete until the patient so thor- INTRODUCTION xv oughly understands himself that he is not only able, but feels himself compelled to see himself and his social obligations in the best form possible to him. Looked at in this way the functions of Vergil and Beatrice coalesce. If this mode of looking at the matter is correct, the psychoanalyst of the future must himself be a person of broad and ethical outlook, and yet must learn to see and avoid the danger that he may lose sight of his psychoanalytic ideals and forget the technique of psychoanalytic practice. Is this possible? I think, Yes. Finally it is well known to all those who have followed the literature of this subject, that many persons who have been students, (and some of them well-wishers) of the psychoanalytic move- ment, claim that Freud has made too much of the sexual motivation of men's conduct and of the sexual content of their unconscious yet active men- tal life. A prominent representative of a view akin to this is Alfred Adler of Vienna, who ap- proaches the subject of conduct from a somewhat special standpoint, though one that Freud himself has never failed to recognize. He calls attention to the striking difference between individuals as they start on their course of life, in that some are handicapped by defects, of which the most typical are weaknesses in certain organs and their func- tions. In consequence of these defects the per- son's life is spent partly in an instinctive seeking for compensation, which may become "over- xvi INTEODUCTION compensation," partly in an effort to escape re- sponsibilities which he feels he cannot meet. It is not my place or desire to enter here on any adequate discussion, or even statement, of the situation raised by Adler. I would only say that in my opinion it does represent a more biological mode of looking at the causes of men's conduct, which at times has its convenience, and which, to say the least, is not incompatible with Freud's doctrines. It is unfortunate that his emphasis which is a valuable one could not have been given without his having found it necessary to attack Freud's fundamental doctrines, which have been of such immeasurable value. But behind both of these modes of approach, there lies the immensely important fact that man is a social animal and that he has, of necessity, ideals of life and con- duct and the good, which, in a sense, transcend his recognition of weakness, temptation and defect. JAMES J. PUTNAM. AUTHOR'S NOTE There are three classes of readers to whom a book on psychoanalysis might be of interest. In the first, would be those entirely unfamiliar with Freudian psychology and who wish to make a first acquaintance with the subject; in the second, those who already know something about psycho- analysis and are desirous of learning more, with the intention in some instances of using it in prac- tice. The third, and by far the smallest class, would be made up of those having considerable training and experience in psychoanalytic work and whose interest therefore would be in the finer details of theory and technique and in the more elaborate reports of analyzed cases. It is to the second class of these readers that this book will be most likely to appeal. That such is the case is not entirely in accord- ance with the plans I had in mind on beginning to write the book. The .chapters that are pre- sented here were intended, according to the orig- inal scheme, to serve a semi-introductory func- tion in preparation for two final and more highly technical chapters wherein an elaborately ana- lysed case and the more intricate details of the- ory and practice would be considered. But partly because I found unexpected difficulties in the way of compressing the case report sufficiently xvii xviii AUTHOR'S NOTE to conform to the physical limits set for this book, and partly from the reflection that such matter would have its interest for a different and smaller audience than the one to which the present chap- ters might appeal, I eventually decided to use this clinical material as the basis for a second vol- ume, supplementary to this one, and in which also the question of analytic technique could be more suitably considered. I am not greatly in sympathy with the theor- etical and technical innovations in psychoanalysis introduced rather recently by the schools of Jung and of Adler, and the views set forth in this book are intended to represent the purely Freudian doctrines in so far as I am able to understand and interpret them. In some of the more highly theoretical parts of the present volume I have followed Freud's writings very closely, not hesi- tating at times even to borrow his words. Be- lieving, however, that one may get a clearer view of involved material by looking at it from more than one angle, I have ventured to introduce, in some portions of the book, what amounts to a hybrid behaviorism. In doing this I have felt some misgivings, for behaviorism is a field in which I have little reason for feeling sure of my- self, and I am aware that my efforts to produce clarity may perhaps result in confusion. Some of the material utilized in this book I have published before. That which constitutes Chapter VI is, except for some minor changes and omissions, as it originally appeared in the Psychoanalytic Review, under the title, "A Psy- AUTHOR'S NOTE xix choanalytic Study of a Severe Case of Compul- sion Neurosis." A large part of the chapter on dreams is taken from two papers entitled, " Dream and Neurosis," and, "On Freud's The- ory of Dreams," which were published in the Interstate Medical Journal, and American Medi- cine, respectively. The two analyses of name- forgetting are taken from "Three Examples of Name-Forgetting," and "Some Analyses in the Psychopathology of Everyday Life," which ap- peared in the Journal of Abnormal Psychology. I wish to express my indebtedness to these jour- nals for permission to reprint this material. I owe a similar acknowledgment to the New York Times, the New York Tribune, and the Louisville Times, by whose courtesy the cartoons used in Chapter III are reproduced. In reporting clinical material throughout this book I have made such minor changes or omis- sions as seemed to me necessary to conceal the identity of the patients in question, but none of these alterations are serious enough to affect the scientific value of the reports. The bibliographies for the various chapters in this book are intended to serve as general refer- ences and to indicate lines for collateral reading. They are not intended to be at all exhaustive. For more complete lists of psychoanalytic litera- ture the reader is referred to those given in the Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. VI., 1914. Spe- cific references are given in some parts of this book but omitted in other parts, as for instance, in the Second Chapter, where to give them would xx AUTHOR'S NOTE involve referring almost every paragraph to the same small list of authoritative works. In conclusion I wish to express my great in- debtedness to Mr. Wilfrid Lay for his assistance in the preparation of this book. H. W. FBINK. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE THE SEXUAL SYNTHESIS 1 Sexual origin of functional neuroses suspected by the ancients given a scientific basis by Freud. Meaning of the term sexual. The individual as a separate entity and as a member of the race. The instincts preserva- tive of individual and of race hunger and sex. Every human feeling traceable to one of taese two. Everything connected with hunger on the one hand and reproduction on the other forming two groups, the second correspond- ing to the broad use of the word sexual. Self preserva- tive instinct and holophilic instinct. The parallel be- tween higher and lower is reproduced in the parallel be- tween infant and adult and first adequately recognized by Freud. Adult sexuality a composite of impulses already present in the infant. All physical sexual machinery present in infancy, needing only the new secretions of adulthood to set it in motion. Three phases of development of human sexuality: 1. infantile or pre-inhibitory, 2. childhood and 3. adult. Infantile holophilic phenomena. Erogenous zones and pleasure from their stimulation. Pleasure incidental to alimen- tation later sought for its own sake. Reason why these pleasures are classed as holophilic and not as self-pre- servative in their latest manifest connection with the holo- philic. Similarities between thumb-sucking and adult sexuality. In infancy all erogenous zones equal in pleas- ure sensibility and independent of each other. The par- tial impulses: sadism-masochism, exhibitionism, impulse to touch and be touched. "Polymorphous-perverse" and autoerotic nature of infantile sexuality. Allerotic phe- nomena in infancy differing from adult in lack of syn- thesis of the erogenous zones and the partial impulses under the primacy of the genital. In adults the re- lation of partial impulses to the erogenous zones that of fore-pleasure to end-pleasure, while in infancy all holo- philic pleasures are end-pleasures. Inhibitions in period of childhood: shame, modesty, disgust, etc. Ameliora- tion of the (Edipus complex. The latency period and the normal interruption of it at puberty. The building up of the hierarchy under the primacy of the genital sys- tem. Morbid disturbances possible at every step in this development. Infantile sexual theories and their sig- nificance in determining psychoneurotic symptoms in adult life. Later amnesia. xxi xxii CONTENTS CHAPTER II PAGE THE UNCONSCIOUS .30 The concept of cause and effect valid in the psychical as well as in the physical realm. Objections answered. Illustrations from hypnosis, abnormal psychology, prej- udices and religious beliefs. Rationalization blinds us to the validtiy of the causal principle in psychology. The Foreconscious and the Unconscious distinguished; ideas in the Foreconscious accessible; those in the Uncon- scious inaccessible to consciousness except by analytical inference. Repression the cause of this inaccessibility; repression and activation. Activation and counter- activation, the former mediated by pain, the latter by society. Origin of repression in infancy. The first re- pression; the Narcissistic period; the period of the ego- ideal. The Ego-ideal as an assimilation of the social environment. Conscience as a re-externalization of the father imago, and contains more than specific morality. The Ego-ideal a structure of the foreconscious and not consciously formulated. The Censor as an effect of trends in the foreeonscious. The Unconscious present in the psychic apparatus from the beginning both of the race and of the individual, and has no regard for reality or for time. Difference between the blind, instinctive urge and its visible manifestations. The former as real as the latter. Instinct as a creator of tensions inhibited in the foreconscious, which is the seat of counter-activa- tions. The foreconscious likened to a screen not so good a metaphor as being likened to a theatrical manager, who impresses certain attributes upon the unconscious ma- terial. Instability of the control of the foreconscious. The drug-taking compulsion. Its origin in an infantile sexual theory. The descendants of the repressed. The second or superficial censor. CHAPTER III Two KINDS OP THINKING, AND THE PSYCHOLOGY OP THE DREAM 89 Thinking according to the Reality Principle and that according to the principle of Pain and Pleasure. The former done mostly in words, is fatiguing, is directed by a goal idea, the latter in images and not so directed and does not fatigue. The two types correspond roughly to the two psychic systems, Pleasure Thinking to the uncon- scious, Reality Thinking to the conscious system. Suck- ling infant realizes satisfaction by the hallucinatory route. CONTENTS xxiii PAGE Gives place to Reality Thinking in adult life, but not completely. Day dreams and night dreams a residue of Pleasure Thinking in adult life. The dream the "imag- inary fulfillment of a wish." Falsity of this statement only apparent. The dream interpretable somewhat as a rebus, allegory or cartoon. Dream of Palmer's perfume. Roman soldier cartoon. Symbols in dream and in car- toon, the latter labelled, the former not. Dream of Springfield, Mass. ; of the peri-anus. Manifest and latent content of dreams. In night dreams the wish disguised. Dream of shop window, and interpretation. The dream processes: 1. Condensation, 2. Displacement, 3. Drama- tization. Typical symbolism in dreams. 4. Secondary Elaboration. The dream a preserver, not a disturber, of sleep (except nightmares). Significance of the dream for psychoanalysis. Symptom and dream. CHAPTER IV THE MECHANISMS OF PSYCHOPATHOLOGICAL MANI- FESTATIONS 124 Neurotic symptoms have psychical mechanisms, the same as those in dreams. The cause of a young woman's forgetting the name "Milton." Overcompensation. Com- pensatory hypertrophy and its analogue in the psychic sphere overcompensation. The neurotic girl's constant alarm concerning her mother. Married woman's extrava- gant solicitude for her children. Interest in Christian Science. Overcompensation in a militant feminist and what it covered. Most radical movements have neurotics as conspicuous supporters. Antivivisectionism, Southern chivalry and lynching as overcompensations for sadistic trends. Displacement. Sublimation one of its forms. Sublimation of a sadistic trend in the study of chem- istry. Displacements of the drug-taking young woman; of the man catching trains; the young man who breaks rules. Origin of kleptomania. Displacement in young man needing a studio away from his home. Diffuse displacement. Projection ordinarily a defense mechan- ism, e.g., in the widow who moved away from a sub- urb to New York. A girl's projection of her guilty feelings into an attack on the physician. The projection of a reproach. A girl's projection of her desires on to the teachers with whom she studied. A man's projection of self-reproach for impotence, into accusing his wife of infidelity. Morbid jealousy in women and in men. Introjection. The reverse of projection and also called t Identification, of which there are two kinds, subjective and objective. Normal identification. Case of a woman identifying herself with Evelyn Nesbit Thaw; of a phy- sician who identified himself with a murderer; of a xxiv CONTENTS PAGE patient who identified himself with a patient of Dr. Brill's. Rationalization. Neurotics rather more intel- ligent than the average. Few even normal people really know the causes of their actions. Patient who declared he would marry a rich girl gives wrong reason for marrying a poor girl. Rationalization in another pa- tient's arguments in favor of woman suffrage, of elec- tion of Wilson, against Wilson's election. A married woman rationalizes her wearing of black clothes. De- fense and Distortion Mechanisms. Patient with un- conscious wish for mother's death distorted to re- morse at death of another. Patient who dissuaded his prospects from buying advertising space, on account of not giving full return for value received. Patient who would not bathe in cold water on account of "small- penis complex." Washing compulsions; religious and charitable work. The physician who blames the patient for lack of understanding. Transference or objective- identification. Examples. The "conditioned reflex" and the "sensory pattern." Reaction patterns formed before the end of sixth year, e. g., the OEdipus and Electra com- plexes. Freud's "Interpretation of Dreams" quoted. Warning against misunderstanding Freud's statements. The "Imago," not necessarily an accurate picture. Pa- tient transfers to physician feelings she has had for father. Resemblance of this process to psychical proc- esses of certain primitive races. Case of young man infatuated with divorcee older than he, to whom he had transferred his mother imago. Reactions from father complex; and from mother complex in man who could have intercourse only with servants. Transference to physician occurs in every analysis, both positive and negative; and is uncovered, but not created by it. CHAPTER V THE NEUROSIS AS A WHOLE 220 Neurosis at time of its appearance seems something unprecedented in the individual, but is really not dis- continuous with patient's former life. Continuity every- where complete. Neurosis conditioned by a failure of repression, which is, however, never complete. Neurotic symptoms, like dreams, are manifestations of the Uncon- scious, which can only wish. Each symptom an at- tempted realization of one or more unconscious wishes, chiefly sexual or holophilic. Question why this is so not relevant. Sexual factor, present in all reported cases, even when not seen or admitted by the writers. Physi- cian with unsolved complexes unable to remove his own and patients' resistances against sex confessions. Neu- rosis the negative of the sexual perversion; both repre- CONTENTS xxv FADE senting a partial arrest of development. Fixation and inhibition of instincts by habit. Fixation of holophilic impulse not merely upon an object but upon an aim or type of action. Holophilic impulses not specific in aim, a condition which alone renders sublimation possible. Libido fixed on type of action becomes specific. Second object selection occurring after puberty influenced in normals by the unconscious portion of the libido, and dominated in neurotics. The love specifications of the neurotic more numerous. Early fixed libido can only exceptionally be satisfied in reality and wishes must remain in the Unconscious. Fundamental difference be- tween neurotic and normal person is that neurotic has learned to love and hate too soon. Fixation points are weak points in the holophilic synthesis. Regression of libido to earlier lines of discharge paralleled by a regres- sion to more internal paths of imagination, producing Introversion. Masturbation and phantasies later giving way to a real sexual object, a process reversed in neuro- sis. Regression a preliminary to neurosis. The neu- rotic uses his illness as a means to attain various ends. The neurosis a defense against the pain of non-realiza- tion of narcissistic wishes. Neurotics neither immoral nor unmoral. Immediate cause of outbreak of neurosis is deprivation of some love gratification; sexual absti- nence. Freud quoted. Morbid fear or anxiety a result of damming up of libido. Difference between morbid and normal fear is that former is a relatively excessive one, and is a difference of origin. Normal fear originates from external world, morbid from the Unconscious. Nature of emotion a deed yet retained within the or- ganism. Sexual emotion physiologically like any other, but psychically less dependent on external stimulation than other kinds. Anxiety neurosis as described by Freud. Biological significance of fear. Source of mor- bid fear within the organism nothing novel as the dis- tinction between external and internal is comparatively late in ontogenetic development. That which causes pain is regarded as external. Morbid fear causes sub- ject to act toward a part of himself as if it were hostile. Morbid fear in one sense not morbid but a normal re- action to an abnormal condition. Anxiety neurosis a variety of anxiety hysteria. Warning against taking word sexual too narrowly. CHAPTER VI PSYCHOLOGY OF THE COMPULSION NEUROSIS . . . 270 Neurasthenia a misnomer. Phobias and panics. Ex- amples of compulsions showing mesalliance between affect and idea content, both qualitative and quantitative. xxvi CONTENTS PAGE Source of affects entirely in the Unconscious, and affects are attached to wrong ideas. Necessity of admitting un- conscious psychic activities. Repressed wishes just as dynamic as the undepressed. Compulsion in the drug- taking case shows wish entering consciousness as a wish but attached to new idea. In compulsive fears the wish energy is transformed into anxiety. Case of young man buying a straw hat, showing overcompensation. RCle of sadism in compulsion neuroses. Love and hate for same object. Weakness of will, in matters of love, spreading to other situations. Compulsions represent effort to compensate for doubt in love life. Compulsions are sub- stitute activities. Two-sided compulsive acts, opposite impulses being discharged separately. Ambivalence. Regression of libido in compulsion neurosis which is the negative of the sadistic perversion. The curiosity im- pulse causes morbid pondering. Superstition in compul- sion neurotics concerning the death of others. Omnipo- tence of wishes. Difference between compulsion neurosis and hysteria. Case of prostitute showing failure to see connection between her neurosis and her life. CHAPTER VII A CASE OF COMPULSION NEUROSIS 308 Introduction. Historical. Results of previous treat- ment. Analytic data. Father complex. (Separation complex. Assault obsession. Resistance against mar- riage. Analysis of the assault obsession. R<51e of the tuberculosis complex in the love choice. Analysis of the Kishef obsession. Further details. Conclusion. CHAPTER VIII THE PSYCHOLOGY OP ANXIETY HYSTERIA . . . 430 Most common in women, the compulsion neurosis in men. Chief manifestation of anxiety hysteria is morbid fear. Phobia and panic. Three examples. Ideational element. Story of the farmer getting drunk. Genesis of the anxiety through displacement of wish energy to substitute idea of dangerous man. Fears cannot be reasoned away. Revolver no protection against thirst. Morbid fear an expression of essentially feminine traits Anxiety neurosis the negative of the masochistic perver- sion. Stella's fear of "dead souls" displaced from anal- erotic wishes. CONTENTS xxvii CHAPTER IX PAGE A CASE OF ANXIETY HYSTERIA 444 History. First seizure, followed by two others in three weeks. Hypnotism suggested but rejected. Psy- choanalysis accepted. (1) The "spookiness" of hypno- tism, (2) The love look of the hypnotized subject, (3) The expression: "I'm crazy about him!" (4) The read- ing of newspaper reports about white slavery, (5) The talk with the girl friend, (6) The fear of infection and, (7) The association of it with hair on the back of Mr. D.'s hands. Relevance of these seven thoughts all point- ing to fear of sex. Dream of being chased by a Japanese girl. Dream of being bitten by a dog. Its interpreta- tion withheld. Associations: Talk with girl friend about prostitution, disease and abduction. Phantasies about first coitus show sado-masochistic conception of sexuality. Indentification of the dog in the dream as Mr. D. The dream contradicts Miss S.'s remarks about disliking Mr. D. Her fears of going to the office now explained as a fear that she would fulfill her sexual wishes. Interpretation of dream presented to patient, the first sex information imparted, produces increase of resistance signifying a definite sexual experience, which was then related by patient an attempt at masturbation by an older girl friend. Strong feeling of remorse in spite of words of priest. Overcompensation. More sex information imparted. Resistance at time of explanation of dog dream due to the homosexual experi- ence. Resentment against her parents for not warning her of possible sexual advance of girls. Protestations of ignorance. Her learning about coitus at the age of thir- teen. Her enuresis from five to six. The consequent connection of intercourse with dirtiness. New resist- ances. The flower incident. Fear to make the next visit. Phantasy of the girl who eloped with a doctor. Trans- ference phenomena. Belittling the psychoanalyst caused by the transference. The feelings thus discovered really directed in the unconscious toward some one else now represented by the psychoanalyst. Patient admits the feeling for Mr. D. once experienced when he touched her arm. Episode of Dr. Y. Interruption of the analysis. The affair with Dr. Y. a compromise. Dream of riding on a subway train. Its interpretation resulting in prog- ress. Her continued dislike of Mr. D. masking a real sexual attraction toward him. Her ineradicable feeling that sex was sinful. The dream of going for treatment. Its interpretation. Reading of "His Hour" as material for assault phantasies. Interpretation of the neurosis. 1. Flash of sexual feeling toward Mr. D. on subway, 2. reading white slave reports, 3, reading "His Hour," 4, in- cident of being chased by a man, and 5, her first attack on xxviii CONTENTS PAGE day of expected visit to her homosexual friend all show inclination for Mr. D. Her idealized love shown as an infantility. Dream of flying bird. Dream of being in wedding dress. The divorce phantasy. Its unreasonable- ness not admitted. The displacement-of-disadvantage mechanism. Dream of running away from marrying a Chinaman. The wealthy foreigner. Money as a resist- ance against marrying Mr. D. Conclusion. SYNOPSIS OF CHAPTER X v THE THEORY AND MECHANISM OP THE PSYCHO- ANALYTIC CURE 496 Historical; use of hypnosis to restore memory aban- doned. Emphasis removed from symptom to resistance. Neurotic compared to imprisoned man. Unhappiness of both due to sense of guilt. Resistance due to conscience, which is habit and not instinct. A retriever carries birds as if they were full of pins. The neurotic acts in accordance with an infantile pattern. Psychoanalysis lets the patient know what he is doing. Filling of gaps of memory is the removing of resistance, and shows the patient the significance of his actions. The reformed Jew and his reaction to ham. Case of male patient losing affection for wife an instance of habit or complex formed by childhood experience. Psychoanalytic expla- nation cured by showing him what he was doing. Psy- choanalysis diagnostic and disintegrative. The disinte- grations are accomplished in two ways ; first by patient's recalling the experiences which formed the complexes and second by re-living them in the form of transference. Re-living or re-enactment described in the case of male patient. While convention is frequently a pushing back (repression), psychoanalysis is a true re-education or drawing out of the powers of the individual. BIBLIOGRAPHY . 555 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS CHAPTER I THE SEXUAL SYNTHESIS HIPPOCRATES, the Father of Medicine, taught that the malady known as hysteria arose when the unsatisfied womb, longing for the seed of the male, broke loose from its fastenings and restlessly wandered about the interior of the body. In accordance with this theory he applied sweet perfumes to the vulva of the patient and evil-smelling substances to her nostrils, with the idea that by such means the mutinous organ might be induced to return to its proper locus. Remnants from this theory are handed down to present day medicine as the name we apply to the disease (hysteria, from voWpa, the womb) and the practice of administering to neurotic patients certain ill-smelling drugs such as asafoetida and valerian. Since the days of Hippocrates the theories ad- vanced to explain hysteria and the other psycho- neuroses have been both numerous and varied, some of them being no less fantastic than his. But throughout there has been noticeable a persistent, 2 M0K3ID : FEARS AND COMPULSIONS if ill-defined, tendency to locate the cause of the trouble in the organs of generation. The constant search for malpositions of the uterus, cervical or perinea! lacerations or other pelvic disturbances in neurotic women, and the multitude of operations that have been undertaken with the idea of curing the neurosis by removing these conditions are but a few of the manifestations of this tendency. It remained for Freud to show that this inclina- tion to regard the reproductive organs as the site of the causal factors of the functional neuroses had, in a way, its justification, and really amounted to a dim, imperfect intuition of what actually is the truth. We know now, thanks to his genius, that in these cases the trouble really resides not in the sexual organs of the patient but in the sexual Instinct. The violent and bitter prejudice which arose against this doctrine of Freud's could in large measure be ascribed to the peculiar feeling preva- lent among Caucasian peoples that there is some- thing inherently shameful and indecent about sex, in consequence of which they are quick to resent whatever implies directly or indirectly that the erotic impulses are of much consequence to them. Another important factor which interfered with Freud's teachings was that people failed to under- stand just what he meant by the term sexual, and thus saw in his writings meanings that he never intended, and derived impressions totally differ- ent from those he wished to convey. These false notions caused many to reject his teachings who, had they understood him, might have investigated INFANTILE SEXUALITY 3 further and readily accepted his views. What in many instances excited prejudice was really some- thing quite different from what Freud had tried to teach. In view of this, I think it well to begin by an at- tempt to make clear what is meant by the term sexual when used in the Freudian sense, and what we shall understand the sexual instinct to be. Each individual leads a double existence ; on the one hand he is an entity in himself, on the other an insignificant component of that larger entity, his race or species. Corresponding to these two roles he has two great groups of impulses or instinctive tendencies, the one wholly egoistic or self-preservative, the other essentially altruistic and preservative of the race. Of the first group hunger is the chief sensational representative, of the second the desire for sexual congress. If one studies some simple organism, for in- stance the amoeba, it is easily apparent that all its processes fall readily into one or the other of the two groups, self-preservative and reproduc- tive. If comparative studies are then made with other organisms higher in the phylogenetic scale, it will be found that there is nothing, not excepting even the most complicated mental processes of civilized man, that is not represented in some sim- ple and rudimentary way in the lower organisms, even to the amoeba. Thus every item of human behavior whether it be " explicit " (action) or " im- plicit'' (thought or feeling) l is revealed, either to i J. B. Watson, "Behavior," Henry Holt & Co. 4 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS direct observation or by tracing it back through phylogenetic history, as belonging either in the self -preservative or in the race-preservative group of reactions. Now suppose we name these two great groups each according to its chief representative. All processes belonging to the self -preservative group would then be called hunger processes, all those of the other would be termed sexual processes. Thus our desire to have warm clothes in winter and cool ones in summer would be called a hunger phenomenon, while a wish that these clothes might look well would be considered to belong to the sphere of sex. It is exactly in this broad and in- clusive sense that Freud uses the term sexual. With him it embraces all those reactions that are race-preservative in purpose or effect according to their phylogenetic or ontogenetic history. His use of the word would be exactly paralleled by including all the self -preservative processes under the term hunger. The word sexual in the Freud- ian sense is thus most nearly synonymous with the Greek 'Epws (Eros) or the English word Love, though having an even broader meaning than either of them. The phenomena popularly termed sexual represent only a comparatively small por- tion of the group which are sexual in Freud's sense. 1 * It may be conceded that Freud's selection of this term to denote the large group of phenomena to which he applies it was not particularly happy, for apparently it has led to much mis- understanding. Also it has been complained that he stretched the meaning of the word beyond all reason. The situation was, of course, that since there is no term current that expressed the INFANTILE SEXUALITY 5 Corresponding to the two great groups of pro- cesses or reactions into which the phenomena of the individual life may be divided, there are as- sumed two great groups of impulses or tendencies, the self -preservative or ego-instinct, and the sexual or holophilic instinct as the source from which each group of processes gets its primal push and drive. For our reactions to the stimuli we receive usually if not invariably represent out-puts of energy en- tirely out of proportion to the amounts of energy impinging on our sense organs as the stimuli themselves. If for instance a photographic plate in a camera is exposed to the light rays coming from a grizzly bear, an impression is made on the plate which is directly proportional to the amount of light and the length of time of exposure. But exact meaning he wanted, he had either to invent a new word or else broaden the meaning of the one already in use. That he chose the latter course instead of the former would have been all right, could people have been made to understand, as they did not, that it was in this new and broad sense that the word was generally used. As a matter of fact, in a good deal of psycho- analytic writing the word sexual is used now in the broad sense and now in the narrow sense, without the authors' always taking the trouble to state in which sense it is to be construed. It has occurred to me that the word holophilic, from 6Xos, whole, and 0iX&;, love, thus meaning all kinds of sexual or love phenomena, might be a convenient synonym for the word sexual in Freud's sense, and that its judicious use would serve to avoid some pos- sible misunderstanding. I do not wish to replace the word sex- ual entirely, for that, too, might lead to misunderstanding. In this book, therefore, I propose to use the two words interchange- ably and as synonymous with one another, hoping by so doing to emphasize the broad way in which the word sexual should be construed without tiring the reader with repeated statements about it. I shall attempt particularly to use the word holophilic in such connections where the word sexual would be most apt to be erroneously taken in its narrow sense. 6 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS if these same rays impinge on another sort of sen- sitized plate, the retina of a human being or of an animal, there results an effect in the shape of fear and flight, the energy output of which bears no def- inite ratio to the energy-content of the incoming rays, and is of infinitely greater magnitude. The role of the stimulus in this and practically all other cases is that of releasing into kinetic expression energy that is latent within the organism. To express this notion of latent energy we require the term instinct which we conceive to be the source of the energy which is released as the responses to various external or internal stimuli. To the en- ergy itself which is thus released we give in the case of the holophilic group of phenomena the name Libido. 1 Just as everything in the lives of the higher or- ganisms can be found represented in some simple or rudimentary way in the lives of the lower, so practically everything in the adult has some sort of representation in the child. However trite this statement may appear, its application in the psy- chosexual sphere was hardly recognized at all until the work of Freud. The sexual instinct was pop- ularly supposed to appear at the time of puberty; the child was tacitly assumed to be practically asexual before that period. Whether the instinct i Like the word sexual the word libido must be construed in psychoanalytic writing in a broad sense while popularly it is used in a narrow one, and hence the same objections apply to it that arise against the former. For this reason Jung has sug- gested that it be replaced by the Greek bpti-fi (Horme"). "On Psy- chological Understanding," Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. IX, No. 6. INFANTILE SEXUALITY 7 has any prepubertal representation or in what this representation might consist hardly anybody stopped to enquire. One of Freud's great achievements was the demonstration that the sex- ual instinct as first manifested at the time of pu- berty is not new but so to speak a synthetic prod- uct, formed by uniting certain of a number of holo- philic trends or impulses which were present throughout childhood and thus that the germs of sexuality are present in the individual from his very birth. That this discovery of Freud's should have given rise to astonishment and incredulity is from one point of view very surprising. All the recep- tor surfaces, all the complicated systems of volun- tary, sympathetic and autonomic arcs and end-or- gans involved in the reactions represented by the love life of the adult are present in practically their fully developed form long before the begin- ning of puberty. Apparently the change which takes place at puberty results not from new arcs being introduced or in old ones suddenly becom- ing permeable, but rather in the maturing of cer- tain glands which now begin to pour their inter- nal secretions into the blood stream and, in the male, furnish a new substance for external dis- charge. It would be hard to believe all this com- plicated machinery waited silent and idle, or was responsive only to non-sexual stimuli and capable only of non-sexual reactions during all the years preceding puberty and this glandular activity. On the contrary it would be logical to expect the occurrence of many and complicated reactions, 8 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS lacking to be sure something possessed by the sexual processes of the adult, but nevertheless fully deserving to be called sexual. This doctrine that adult sexuality develops by a sort of synthe- sis out of a preexisting sexuality we should have been prepared for by expecting that the effect of the internal secretions appearing at puberty would be merely that of adding further power and emphasis to certain reactions of the compli- cated machinery already present and freely re- acting before the attainment of sexual maturity. We should have known that the psychosexual phenomena of the adult could not have developed de novo at puberty, but could only represent what had been present much earlier, now brought into high relief through the added effect of the new secretions. In the sexuality of the human being three phases or periods of development may be distinguished: (1) an infantile or pre-inhibitory period which corresponds to the first three or four years of life ; (2) the childhood or latency period which succeeds the first and ends with the onset of puberty, and (3) the adult period, or phase of object-love. The first period may be called the pre-inhibitory period because it represents a stage in which the so-called reaction-tendencies, (the inhibitory trends such as shame, disgust, modesty, sympathy, etc.) are not yet manifest. The child, during this first period, is incapable of any of these feelings ; as soon as he becomes capable of them the period comes to a close and the latency period has its be- ginning. INFANTILE SEXUALITY 9 The holophilic phenomena of the first period consist chiefly in the pleasurable sensations which the infant derives from the stimulation of certain sensitive areas which are known as the erogenous zones. These zones are represented by the anal, oral, and urethral orifices, the penis in the male and the labia and clitoris in the female. The first pleasurable stimulations from them are incidental to the performing of the functions of alimentation. In the infant the pleasure derived from the taking of nourishment is not represented entirely by taste pleasures and the actual satisfaction of the craving for food; the tactile and kinesthetic sensations created during the act of sucking are distinctly agreeable and pleasurable in themselves. In the same way the voiding of excrement not only repre- sents something more than simply the relief from the discomfort of not voiding, but also gives rise to tactile and muscular sensations that have a definite pleasure value in themselves. Having experienced these pleasurable sensa- tions as incidents to the performing of the alimen- tary functions, the infant soon seeks to re-expe- rience them for their own sake. Thus, for in- stance, he develops the habit of sucking his thumb or some other available object, purely for the sen- sory pleasure the act of sucking affords and quite apart from any desire for nourishment. In the same way other children refuse to empty the bowel when placed upon the toilet, and hold back the f eces until there is an accumulation of sufficient size and consistency to give the act of evacuation the great- est possible amount of pleasure. 10 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS It may be asked why such tricks of the infant as thumb-sucking and the holding back of the feces are classed in the sexual or holophilic group, and not as hunger phenomena. We may answer that the principal reason for so regarding them is be- cause of their later history. By the study of the oral perversions or perversities (feHatio, cunni- lingus, etc.,) the perverse action can be demon- strated as a direct descendant of the infantile pleasure-sucking which in most cases of such per- version had been indulged in with great fervor and continued for a long time. Then too the analysis of certain neurotic disturbances such as hysterical vomiting and some food idiosyncrasies reveals them as a reaction against similar oral- erotic longings and phantasies, now offensive to the controlling trends of the personality, but likewise easily traceable through the de- velopmental history of the individual back to the pleasure-sucking of infancy. The oral erot- ism of the infant is represented in the normal adult as the pleasure in kissing. Of course the rudi- mentary sexual activities cannot be expected to be in every particular like those of the adult. Kiss- ing in the adult excites the genital system while the sensations excited in plea sure- sucking remain local. But we must remember that the intercom- munication of the various holophilic impulses (the sexual synthesis) has not yet been established, for the reason that the glands whose internal secre- tions are largely instrumental in its accomplish- ment have yet to mature. Nevertheless the infan- tile erotism as exemplified in pleasure-sucking is INFANTILE SEXUALITY 11 not set off so sharply from adult sexuality as one might perhaps expect. In certain cases at least, it proceeds to an orgastic climax succeeded by a pe- riod of complete passivity and relaxation, the whole phenomenon bearing such a striking similar- ity to the sexual acme and immediately subsequent relaxation in the adult that it could hardly escape the observer. The first stimulations of the penile and clitoris zones appear to result either from irritations pro- duced by discharged secretions or excretions in contact with them, or from the manipulations in- volved in keeping the child clean. These pleas- urably experienced stimulations the infant then seeks to repeat either by thigh rubbing or the use of the hand. The former appears to be more com- mon in female infants, the latter in males. All the erogenous zones in infancy have, at least to start with, about the same degree of pleasure- sensibility. As time goes on the significance of one zone may be accentuated over that of the others through repeated stimulation, but there is nothing corresponding to the primacy that in the normal adult the genitals have over all other re- gions of the body. Furthermore, the zones or- dinarily remain perfectly independent of one an- other ; excitement of one does not of itself produce an excitement or heightened sensibility in any of the others, as happens in the adult when for in- stance the oral zone is stimulated and the phenom- ena of sexual excitement occur in the genitals without their being stimulated directly. In addition to the zonal components of the holo- 12 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS philic instinct there appear a little later a set of impulses which have at first no connection with the erogenous areas. These so-called partial impulses (Partial-triebe) go in pairs of which the one is ac- tive and the other passive. One of these pairs con- sists of the sadistic and masochistic impulse. The former is an aggressive tendency, and is mani- fested as a desire to dominate, to use force, rough- ness or violence, and if it goes far enough, to in- flict pain. 1 The masochistic tendency has just the opposite nature, and is shown as a pleasure in obe- dience, submission, and the enduring of humilia- tion or pain. A second pair consists of the impulse to show- ing and looking, the former passive and the latter active. They refer not only to the genitals them- selves, but to the entire body. Out of a union of the looking impulse with a contribution from the acquisitive trend of the self-preservative group there develops the curiosity impulse, of which we shall have a good deal to say in some of the later portions of this book. The impulses to touch and to be touched, etc., belong in the same group of partial desires. These partial desires of infancy are readily identified as fore-runners of tendencies apparent in the sex-life of the normal adult. The sadistic impulse, for instance, corresponds to the normal aggressiveness in courtship shown by the male in comparison with the female, and his inclination to i The wish to cause pain is not primary in the sadistic im- pulse, though early becoming associated with it. See Freud's "Triebe und Triebschicksale," Int. Zeitaotvrift fur A. P., 1916. INFANTILE SEXUALITY 13 master, and occasionally to be rough with the loved object. This inclination corresponds to an evolutionary period when the male had need of other means of overcoming the resistance of the fe- male than those implied by the term courtship, (marriage by capture, etc.) The disposition of the looking and showing im- pulses in adult life is well illustrated by the differ- ences in the evening dress of the male and the female. As shown by this the female has a greater desire to be looked at than has the male, while in the male the pleasure in looking and the curiosity impulse (sexual curiosity) is stronger than in the female. It must be pointed out that the partial impulses represent rudiments corresponding not only to tendencies normally present in adult life, but also to those of certain perversions, sadism, maso- chism, exhibitionism, etc. In fact there is a per- version corresponding to each one of the partial impulses of infancy. The same may be said with regard to the zonal components. In other words the perversions represent great exaggerations or over-developments of some one or other of the holophilic tendencies which are normally present in every child. This has led Freud to designate the infantile sexuality as "polymorphous per- verse.'' This is perhaps an unfortunate term for while it is true that the infant evinces holophilic pleasure in all these diverse ways there is nothing abnormal about it at that stage of development. The true perverseness results only when those trends experience a disproportionate develop- 14 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS ment and fail to become subordinate to the genital zone at the time of the sexual synthesis of puberty. The conspicuous feature of the sexuality of the infantile period (and for that matter of the child- hood period also) is that it is predominantly auto- erotic. By this is meant that the child for the most part gains his satisfaction from his own body; he is not dependent as is the adult, upon a second person for the satisfaction of holophilic needs. In the normal adult love life the sexual object (this second person) is indispensable; the sexuality of the infant is for the most part ob- jectless. Yet the predominance of autoerotism in child- hood is not absolute. Often as early as the begin- ning of the second year one can see signs of the rudimentary object-love which foreshadows, and in a sense is the model for, that great factor in adult life. Before the end of the infantile period these indications are very clear and ordinarily bear the stamp of the normal heterosexual selec- tion. The first extra-egoistic holophilic interests developed by the infant have as their objects the persons of the immediate environment, parents, nurses, etc., but the libido is distributed in unequal quantities to these individuals so that there is soon revealed (in normal children) a preference for the opposite sex. Thus the little boy loves the mother more than he does the father, while with the little girl it is the father who has the preference. Quite generally the parent of the same sex as the child is looked upon as an interferer and rival for the affections of the parent more greatly loved. The INFANTILE SEXUALITY 15 little boy, for instance, wishes that his father were out of the way so that he could have his mother all to himself. l This early object-selection forms the foundation of those important constellations, the CEdipus Complex (in the male) and the Electra Complex (in the female) which are of great signifi- cance not only in the later life of the neurotic but in normal people as well. In these allerotic phenomena, as distinguished from the essentially autoerotic processes which constitute the major portion of the infantile holo- philic reactions, the nearest approach is made to the phenomena of love in the adult. The essen- tial difference is the lack of synthesis of the va- rious impulses into any definite pattern or hier- archy such as exists in normal adult life. That is to say, all the impulses remain as separate and independent sources of pleasure; the significance of the genital zone is not, as in the normal adult, accentuated over that of all the others, and the partial impulses are not intimately connected with it. For instance, in the adult the gratifica- tion of one of the partial impulses, for example the desire to touch the loved object, though giving pleasure at the same time creates a desire for a greater pleasure, that of coitus. Thus the two stand to each other in the relation of fore-pleasure and end-pleasure. In infancy there is no differen- i That this desire frequently takes the form of a wish that the father were dead need cause no astonishment, for at this period the idea of death means nothing more to the child than simply "gone away," and excites none of the horror that it has for the adult. 16 MOBBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS tiation into pleasures of different order. All the holophilic pleasures are end-pleasures, and what organization exists among the various impulses is a pregenital organization. The sexual pleasures of this period are for the most part lacking in the genital component, unless the genitals are directly stimulated. It must not be understood from what I have said about the (Edipus complex and the heterosexual predominance in the infantile object-love that all the child's holophilic interest or libido is distrib- uted to the opposite sex. On the contrary a bisex- ual or, to use Ferenczi's term, an amphierotic ten- dency is apparent. Thus some of the libido takes a homosexual direction, being applied (in the boy) to the father, brothers, or other males in the fam- ily. This homophilic application of the libido in infancy corresponds to the normal friendships and attachments for one's own sex in the normal adult, and, in the abnormal, to the homosexual perver- sions. The holophilic activities of the infantile period reach a high point somewhere between the third and the fifth years of life. There then begins a period of latency, relatively complete in some in- dividuals, but broken through in varying degrees by expression of sexuality in others. The begin- ning of this period is marked by the first appear- ances of such reactions as shame, modesty, dis- gust, sympathy, etc. They are the foundation and the forerunners of all those ethical and es- thetic forces which play the role of inhibitions upon the later sexual life and, like dikes or dams, INFANTILE SEXUALITY 17 narrow the avenues of holopkilic expression. The first appearance of these inhibitory tendencies is spontaneous and probably organically condi- tioned. But the further development of the in- hibitory forces, which takes place all through the latency period, is dependent in great measure for its extent and direction upon the cultural and edu- cational influences of the environment. 1 The controlling forces which are thus shaped by edu- cational influence and which eventuate in an appar- ent disappearance, more or less complete, of the infantile sexuality as manifested in the first period are in large measure developed at the expense of the infantile sexuality itself and derive much of their motive power from it. For instance, the masochistic partial impulse furnishes the motive for obedience, and leads the child to accept and to embody into his own personality the codes or standards of those about him. The exhibitionistic impulse manifested at first in the desire to have the body looked at, later expresses its energy in what- ever actions may serve to win parental approba- tion and praise. In other words the energy of these impulses may eventually lead the child to i Freud remarks that education remains properly within its assigned realm only if it strictly follows the path sketched for it by the spontaneously appearing inhibitory tendencies and limits itself to emphasizing and developing them. The truth of this statement will, I think, become clearly apparent at certain points in the clinical portion of this book, where we shall become ac- quainted with instances where the well-meant educational and corrective efforts of parents overstepped the limits indicated by the spontaneous inhibitions and went too far in some directions, thus producing an ultimate effect upon the child that was very different from the beneficial one intended. 18 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS avoid the very acts by which he gratified them orig- inally. In this manner the control and suppres- sion of the primitive infantile sexuality is in large part accomplished by motives derived from the in- fantile sexuality itself. The measures of libido distributed to the mem- bers of the family or other persons of the environ- ment tend more and more to be displaced from the sexual aims of the first period and to depart from manifestations coinciding with the popular mean- ing of the term sexual, taking on an aspect which coincides with the meaning of love in its narrow sense, that is to say, affection. The love for the mother thus loses whatever crassly sexual appear- ance it might at first have possessed, while the in- fantile hostility and jealousy exhibited toward the father may disappear from view entirely or be represented only as a diffuse inclination to disobe- dience, dislike of authority, etc. In other words the manifestations of the (Edipus complex un- dergo a profound amelioration. This refining process, through which the ener- gies of the primary components are divorced from their original aims and applied to new aims and activities of a higher and socially more valuable order, is not limited to the formation of controlling or inhibiting trends as just described and which in large measure represent the basis for estheticism and morality, but occurs in other connections. The primitive sexual curiosity thus becomes a desire for general knowledge, the sadistic impulse finds expression as a desire to win or to excel in games, sports or any other sort of competition, INFANTILE SEXUALITY 19 etc. Such employment of the primitive energies for higher aims is known as sublimation. The extent to which it occurs in normally educable children is really enormous. We shall hear some- thing more of it later. 1 The latency period, as has been said, is by no means always complete and in many individuals is occasionally or even constantly broken through by some form or other of definitely sexual mani- festation. In children with whom this occurs ex- tensively it often may be interpreted as the fore- shadowing of a later neurosis or sexual abnor- mality. A wholly normal suspension of the latency oc- curs with the onset of puberty and with it the latent period is terminated. The holophilic in- stinct now changes from its infantile to its adult form. Hitherto its manifestations have been pre- ponderantly autoerotic ; now begins the predomi- nance of object love. Hitherto the various partial impulses and zonal pleasure sources existed for the most part side by side in a sort of democratic equality; now they become organized into a hier- archy. The genital zone receives a primacy over all the other components of the holophilic impulse, and to this primacy everything else (normally) is subordinated. The partial impulses, looking, touching, sadistic aggression, etc., and their pas- sive counterparts ; the oral or other zones still sus- ceptible to sexual stimulation, now fall into the subordinate role of fore-pleasure production, and the whole fore-pleasure machinery now serves the i In Chapter IV on Mechanisms. 20 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS unified purpose of preparing for and urging to- ward the final holophilic act through which sex- uality is articulated with the function of procrea- tion, in the end-pleasure of coitus. Autoerotism, though in most cases holding its ground for a time in the form of the masturbation that ordinarily ap- pears about the time of puberty, is gradually re- placed by the new regime of object-love. The lib- ido is eventually withdrawn from its affectionate fixations upon members of the family or their sur- rogates, and, combining with the sensual libido corresponding to the new glandular influences, is at length transferred to extra-familial individuals of the opposite sex with whom, as foreshadowed in the masturbation phantasies of puberty, a com- plete love life can eventually be carried out. Only with the complete synthesis of puberty do the nor- mal differences between the sexuality of the male and the female come into high relief. The active or aggressive trends come to predominate in the character of the male, the passive in the female. Incidentally it may be remarked that the change at puberty from infantile to adult sexuality is more sharply marked and more sudden in the male than in the female. The love life of the female retains in perhaps most cases a good deal of the character of infantile sexuality all through adoles- cence and often well into, or even throughout, adult life. This sketch of the ontogenetic development of the holophilic impulses is intended (beyond mak- ing the reader familiar with the terminology I shall need to use later) principally to indicate INFANTILE SEXUALITY 21 what is the normal course of things. I shall not attempt to discuss the abnormalities or anomalies that may arise out of the many possibilities for aberration presented by the developmental changes taking place in a machinery so compli- cated. It will be sufficient at this point to say that every step in ontogenetic development, every tran- sition that must be passed through, offers possibil- ities of morbid disturbance, through a persistence of this or that phase that should normally be passed, through the opening up of avenues for aberrant development, or through the formation of a locus minoris resistentiae at which the appar- ently normally accomplished sexual synthesis may give way under the strains and stresses of adult life. Later we shall gain some incidental famili- arity with those particular types of imperfect synthesis known as the perversions and which correspond to an over-accentuation of some one or more of the normal components and to their con- sequent failure to become subordinated to the primacy of the genital zone and the end-aim of heterosexual coitus. Our particular study how- ever concerns another sort of developmental aber- ration which we shall learn to know as the nega- tive of the perversion, namely the psychoneurosis. Before closing this chapter I must mention a matter that really belongs under the heading of infantile sexuality : the formation of the so-called infantile sexual theories, which as we shall learn are often of much significance in the determination of the psychoneurotic symptoms in adult life. 22 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS Children of normal intelligence, about the age of four or five ordinarily pass through what is well named the period of sexual investigation. Previ- ous to this period the small child is likely to take for granted the existence of himself, his family and his various neighbors and acquaintances, and dis- plays no particular curiosity as to how he or they came to be. Then, partly through subjective and partly through objective influence, a new and burn- ing desire for knowledge has its birth. In typical cases this interest appears as a reaction to the ar- rival of a new baby in the family. Such an event is not one which, by the average child of four or five, is looked upon with favor. On the contrary he is likely to regard the new-comer as an unat- tractive intruder with whom in future he will be compelled to share his cherished importance, his worldly possessions, and, worst of all, the parents * love. 1 Through the feelings of hostility born of such considerations the child is led to ask himself the important question: "Where do babies come from?" in many cases apparently in the hope that an answer thereto may place him in a position to prevent any repetition of the undesired occur- rence. Confronted with this problem the small investi- gator naturally turns first of all to his parents, a source of aid and information hitherto found reli- i A child in whose family no hirth takes place during his early years learns of the dreaded possibility from his acquaintance with other households. Older children are much less likely to be jeal- ous of a newly arrived brother or sister than are younger ones, and in many cases they welcome their small relative with un- mixed satisfaction. INFANTILE SEXUAL THEORIES 23 able. But in most cases he gets little satisfaction ; his questions meet with a laughing and evasive answer, an admonition not to speak of such mat- ters, or some such interesting statement as "The stork brings the children, " or "The doctor finds them in the woods. ' ' All such answers ordinarily affect children in much the same way. The stork or the doctor story is soon doubted, and, like ad- monition or evasion, merely serves to give the child the impression that the theme of birth is one to be avoided in the presence of adults. These stories, instead of removing his curiosity, simply cause him to conceal it and to pursue any further investigation in a less open and direct manner. At the same time the failure of his parents to aid and instruct him in a matter so serious to him gives rise to more or less distinct feelings of re- sentment, suspicion and distrust. Finding that the parents will not explain birth for him, the child attempts to discover its explana- tion by himself. In secret he ponders the prob- lem, and, from watching his elders, from seeing the sexual acts of animals, from the examination of his own body, from certain physical sensations, from vague impulses, inclinations and longings that begin to stir within him, he collects material, and from it constructs his own theories of repro- duction, which, though grotesque and faulty, are on the whole surprisingly near the truth. The content of some of these theories we shall now con- sider. Practically all children who form any theory whatever come to the right conclusion in the one 24 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS important particular that the baby grows in the abdomen of the mother. It would seem at first thought, that if children are able to guess this much then the formation of correct concep- tions of impregnation and birth would naturally follow. Yet such is not the case, for by certain faulty premises the infant theorist is led widely astray. The first of these erroneous premises is the theory, very commonly entertained, that every human being, female as well as male, possesses a penis. That among small boys who have never seen the female genitals such a belief should exist is of course not strange. But even those who have seen the genitals of some small female mem- ber of the family still cling to this notion, and reconcile their preconceived views with the actual evidence to the contrary by the reflection : "She is still little; when she gets older it will grow." Some little girls also have the penis theory, for after having seen the male organ, they conclude that they too are entitled to a like appendage. Misled by the faulty premises involved in the penis theory and by being ignorant both of the exist- ence and of the functions of the vagina, the in- vestigating child is prevented from guessing cor- rectly the route by which the baby reaches the outer world. His most natural conclusion is that the baby must make its exit from the abdomen through the same opening as do the other solid products of bodily activity, in short that birth takes place via the rectum (the "cloaca theory"). 1 i In this connection it must be remembered that children of an age to form such theories would feel toward this hypothesis none INFANTILE SEXUAL THEORIES 25 This theory, since it does not contain the con- cept of anatomical differences between the sexes, naturally results in the supposition that males can bear children as well as females. When the child has answered to his own satis- faction the questions of where the baby develops and how it reaches the outer world, there remains another riddle to be solved. What starts the process ? How does the baby get into the mother 1 The explanation most obvious to the child's mind is, that since the baby comes out like f eces, it must go in like food. Therefore to start a pregnancy the mother must eat or drink something, a fruit or seed, or something furnished by the doctor, and from this substance the baby develops. This be- lief is strengthened if the child learns that rain and manure are required for the proper develop- ment of seeds planted in the ground. He reasons by analogy that urine and f eces must be designed to favor in like manner the development of a "baby seed" within the abdomen. Another fairly common theory, which was first described by Eeitler, is that impregnation is ac- complished by the parents placing the buttocks to- gether and blowing flatus into one another. 1 A notion somewhat different from these already described is formed by children who, through shar- of the esthetic objections which could occur to an adult. "Then," as Freud says, "defecation was something that in the nursery could be spoken of without reserve; the child had not yet divorced himself from his constitutional coprophilic tendencies; it was no degradation to come into the world like a mass of excrement." Ueber infantile Sexualtheorien. iR. Reitler, "Zentralblatt fiir Psychoanalyse," Hft 2, 1912. 26 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS ing their parents' sleeping room or in some other way, happen to overhear the act of sexual inter- course. From such an experience they often de- rive the so-called " sadistic " conception of coitus. "They see in it something that the stronger does, by force, to the weaker; and they compare it (boys especially) to a scuffle such as those with which they are acquainted from their association with other children." 1 It seems probable that some children recognize the true significance of coitus and assume a connection between it and birth. But a larger number apparently do not guess this connection, and, therefore, look upon the act sim- ply as one of violence. The tendency of children to regard coitus as a sort of assault and battery committed by the male is strengthened if they see the apparently hostile sexual activities of fowls, cats and other animals, or if they find blood spots in the bed or upon the linen of some woman in the family. Added to this is the fact that in certain homes the entire married life presents to the ob- servant child the spectacle of continuous strife, expressing itself in loud words and hostile de- meanor. From this he takes it as a matter of course that the quarrel is continued into the night, and is decided by the same means that he is ac- customed to employ with his brothers, sisters or playmates. This early period of sexual investigation and theory formation ordinarily comes to an end with the beginning of the latency period. The inhibi- tions that develop at that time against matters i Freud, 1. c. INFANTILE SEXUAL THEORIES 27 sexual soon cause these theories to fade from con- scious memory, so that in adult life the individual is usually unable to recall ever having had any views upon or interest in sexual matters at this early period. During the latency period, and consequent upon the quiescence of the investigating instinct, chil- dren often accept without any particular conscious doubt the stories that babies are brought by the stork or the doctor, or else they conclude that God makes some mysterious and supernatural ar- rangement by which infants appear in the homes of the married. These beliefs then remain in con- scious memory and are recalled in after life as if they were the only ones that existed in childhood. In most children, at the close of the latency period, the dormant sexual curiosity again ap- pears, and a second period of sexual investigation begins. But the conditions are quite different from those of the first period. Children now dis- cuss matters of sex with each other ; the older and better informed share their knowledge with the younger, or, occasionally, more or less complete sex instruction is given by parents or teachers. Thus in some cases children learn the whole truth about reproduction. But more often the child is ignorant or misinformed concerning one or more important facts and so is prevented from drawing correct conclusions. Consequently the theories which are formed at this time are often extremely absurd and, because they are based upon such variable external conditions, of infinite variety. To be sure, a partial revival of the earlier theories 28 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS may occur and serve to color or modify later con- clusions, but the uniformity of the primary and, so to speak, endogenous theories no longer exists. As these later theories are from the medical standpoint much less important than the earlier ones, I shall limit myself to making little more than a brief mention of a few of them. One of the most frequently found secondary theories is the belief that birth takes place through the umbilicus, through the linea alba, or through an artificial ab- dominal opening made by a doctor. Even grown women occasionally entertain some such view. Such conceptions are really remnants of the cloaca theory. When repression of the anal and copro- philic interests occurs the original cloaca theory becomes objectionable and is excluded from con- sciousness. Then some less objectionable part of the abdomen, such as the umbilicus, takes in the new theory the place formerly occupied by the perineal region. One set of secondary theories depends upon the fact that many children, though no longer in ig- norance of the existence of the vagina, have not yet learned of the seminal fluid. Hence, in some cases, they conclude that the urine possesses the power of fertilization ; in others, that mere contact of the male and female genitals (without penetra- tion) is all that is necessary for impregnation. According to my experience, the latter, or " con- tagion " theory, is usually found only among females. Other beliefs that may be mentioned are the following : That impregnation results from kissing, that coitus takes place by rectum, that INFANTILE SEXUAL THEORIES 29 birth follows invariably or immediately after coitus, etc. One of my patients, apparently be- lieving that some close analogy existed between human copulation and the incubation of eggs, con- cluded that intercourse had to take place every night for nine months in order to produce a child. What significance these periods of theory formation may have in the later life of the neu- rotic we shall learn in some of the succeeding chapters of this volume. CHAPTER II THE UNCONSCIOUS IP you hold horizontally in your hand a sheet of stiff paper upon which some iron carpet tacks have been placed, and then move a magnet back and forth under the paper, the tacks will follow the magnet. To an ignorant person, not seeing what was beneath the paper, the be- havior of the tacks would seem lawless and inex- plicable. The phenomena of mental life are quite as un- accountable as the movements of the tacks if we take into account in the former only the content of the individual's consciousness. Not only in the psychically abnormal but in the normal as well there are many mental occurrences for the cause of which the individual's conscious- ness may be searched in vain. We are frequently surprised to find that we have dreamed of a per- son or event which we have not thought of for years. A tune starts running in our heads, or an unfamiliar verse, or we suddenly begin to hum or whistle some long-forgotten air. What evoked it! We have ideas, impulses, tastes or prejudices the causes of which we do not know; continually we find ourselves entertaining beliefs or arriving at conclusions the origin and basis for which we are entirely unacquainted with. There are sudden 30 PSYCHIC CAUSES 31 likes and dislikes, such as an unaccountable antip- athy once felt by a young woman patient of the writer's for all men with light hair. 1 We feel sure of the guilt or the innocence of some one on trial for murder, though we cannot say exactly why we have that feeling. A man will suddenly in the middle of his busy day become sick of his business and want to give the whole thing up. Not only for our dreams but for our defective ac- tions and, in neurotic individuals, for the various symptoms (anxieties, compulsions and the like) the content of the individual consciousness gives no adequate explanation. In short, if we attempt to explain every conscious psychic phenomenon by relating it to some other conscious phenome- non, we are utterly baffled and confused. The majority of mental happenings seem so entirely independent of any other mental happenings as to be entirely inexplicable on any causal basis that includes only conscious factors. In psychology, just as in physics, we are com- pelled to assume that the law of cause and effect holds good. Every idea, impulse or feeling that appears in our consciousness, every action we per- form, must have some adequate cause. None of the phenomena of either normal or abnormal men- tal life can be regarded as merely the result of accident or chance. Therefore, just as a think- ing person who saw the tacks moving about a sheet of paper, as if they were themselves autono- mous, would assume that they were actuated by some force the origin of which he could not see, i See Chap. IV, p. 126. 32 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS so too we must assume the agency of unseen psy- chic forces if we are to regard the phenomena of mental life as having any law and order, or even continuity and connectedness. We are obliged to posit psychic acts and influences lying outside of the field of consciousness and inaccessible to ordi- nary introspection which in other words are un- conscious. Without this assumption it is abso- lutely impossible to reduce things psychic to any semblance of law, order, continuity or comprehen- sibility. Another reason for assuming the existence of the non-conscious psychic factor is that the con- tent of our consciousness comprises only an ex- tremely small portion of what we are wont to call our conscious knowledge. I "know" the multi- plication table, the date Columbus discovered America and an infinite number of other things varying from the names of the twelve apostles to the function of the cerebellum; but the greatest part of this information only occasionally occu- pies a place in my conscious thinking, and then only for a relatively short time. At all other times it is latent. I can recall any portion of it, if there is any occasion for so doing, but, unless attention is directed to them, all these memory impressions remain unconscious like an electric light bulb with the current turned off, inactive, unilluminated. Yet even when they are inactive we must at- tribute to these memory residues some sort of psychic existence. I meet a man on the street and he speaks to me. I recall where I met him PSYCHIC CAUSES 33 and all the circumstances, but cannot remember his name. What is his name? Is it Marshall? No it's not Marshall. Is it Parsons? No it is not Parsons, although it begins with a P. Sev- eral other names occur to me but I reject them. An hour later I suddenly recall the name; it is Pierson. But had I not some memory of the man's name in the meantime, even though that memory was not a conscious one? How can I tell what a man's name isn't, unless I have some sort of psychic record of what it is? And is not this unconscious memory identical in every respect with a conscious memory, save that it lacks that quality which we know as awareness? Is it not a part of the psyche, even when it is non-conscious ? It has been maintained, on the contrary, that these memory impressions, when outside of con- sciousness, are not psychic states, do not belong to mind but are physical and pertain to physiol- ogy; that in other words, they are correlates of somatic processes in the brain cells, from which the psychical emerges only in response to new stimuli or with shifts of attention. To such an objection one might, of course, reply that they are equally entitled to be called the residues of psychic processes, and that they are no more physical or physiological than are conscious psychic activi- ties, which of course must be assumed to have their physical, chemical or physiological counter- parts, although we do not know what they are. This sort of argument is, however, rather sterile. A refusal to call latent memories a part of the psyche is either a begging of the question as to 34 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS whether only that which is conscious is mental, or else a matter of conventional nomenclature which arbitrarily defines the mind as that which is con- scious. This being the case, the question of whether we should adhere to the arbitrary and con- ventional definition of mind or abandon it in favor of a conception that includes non-conscious mental elements is really a pragmatic one and turns upon which one of the two ways of looking at the matter best accords with known facts and is the more useful. Once stated in these terms, the question becomes a very simple one. To de- fine mind as only that which is conscious, and to remove from the field of psychology the latent memory impressions and other non-conscious ele- ments of which we are obliged to infer the exist- ence, is a procedure that cannot be defended from the point of view of utility. As Freud points out it separates phenomena that are actually continu- ous, plunges us into the insoluble problem of psycho-physical parallelism, and obliges us to narrow the field of psychological investigation without correspondingly widening any other field. 1 To accept such a way of looking at the psyche would be much the same as binding our- selves never to judge our fellows except on the basis of what they say, or refusing to employ any data for interpreting the behavior of our friends, acquaintances and people in public life except that furnished by what they choose to tell us. On the iDas Unbewussten "International Zeitschrift far Arztliche Psychoanalyse," Vol. Ill, 1915. UNCONSCIOUS CAUSES 35 other hand, a psychology which includes the non- conscious is extremely useful. This will, I feel, be so clearly shown in the following pages as to relieve me of the task of arguing the point just now. If now we grant the right to posit an uncon- scious portion of the psyche, it is evident that latent, i. e., inactive, memory impressions and their like are not the only non-conscious mental elements which we must assume to exist. "We have reason to infer the existence of other ele- ments which are not simply latent but which, despite their not being conscious, are active and may exert an influence, even a profound one, on the individual's conscious thinking and behavior. In order to make this perfectly clear, let us sup- pose that I hypnotize a man and give him the sug- gestion that, fifteen minutes after he awakes, his arm will become completely paralyzed. He is roused and remembers nothing of what I have said to him during the trance. Nevertheless, when fifteen minutes have elapsed he is utterly unable to move his arm. He still has no recollection of what was said to him during the hypnotic sleep, nor does he realize what it was that caused his paralysis. In other words, my suggestions, the mental impressions causing his paralysis, though potent and active are at the same time uncon- scious. This proves conclusively that a mental element does not necessarily have to be in con- sciousness in order to be active or produce an effect. A similar example we can take from the realm 36 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS of the abnormal. A young woman, a patient of the writer's, suffered from an uncontrollable im- pulse to take drugs. But the case was not one of a drug habit in the ordinary sense, for the drugs she took were not as a rule of the habit forming variety, and she showed no preference for any one drug over any other. She did not take them for their taste, nor for any pleasing effect they had upon her, for many of them were ill tasting or had some action which she found very unpleasant. Any substance so long as she could think it was "medicine" suited her just as well as any other. She had many times been questioned as to why she had this peculiar impulse, and she had tried very hard to find the explanation herself, but with- out any success. The reason for her morbid compulsion was as much a mystery to her as to every one else, and was utterly inexplicable as far as the data furnished by her consciousness were concerned. But while the compulsion could not be explained by referring it to anything contained in the pa- tient's consciousness, our conclusion should not be that it had no cause, but rather that of its cause she was unconscious; that it depended upon a mental activity which lay outside the field of her conscious introspection. It was just as if some one had hypnotized her and by suggestion given her the impulse to take drugs, which upon awaking she obeyed without remembering the suggestions from which it originated. In fact such an impulse could be produced for a time at least, in that way. In such a case we would know what caused the im- UNCONSCIOUS CAUSES 37 pulse, even if the subject did not ; in pathologically produced compulsion we lack such knowledge until after the case has been analyzed. We shall learn later, indeed, how it is possible to ascertain the causes even of these compulsions. In the case of this young woman, for instance, it will not only be shown that we are right in assuming some un- conscious ideas and impulses as the real basis for her drug compulsion but also we shall learn what these unconscious ideas and impulses were. It should be understood at the outset that we do not have to go into the field of psychopathology or to such unusual states as those induced by hyp- nosis to find examples of the influence of mental processes which are active though at the same time unconscious. Many are at hand in the phe- nomena of every day experience. Thus a man's religion is rarely chosen by him only through conscious reflection. When a per- son is a Protestant, it is ordinarily supposed that he was caused to be so by what is popularly termed his ' ' bringing up. ' ' That is, it is assumed that a large number of experiences which he has undergone, and of influences to which he has been subjected, have somehow prejudiced him in favor of the particular religion he has chosen and are really responsible for his choice. This does not mean, however, that he remembers all these ex- periences or is clearly conscious that they are in- fluencing him. On the contrary the impressions having perhaps the greatest influence are usually the ones that relate to the moral and religious in- struction he received in childhood, and these can 38 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS be recalled only imperfectly, and many of them not at all. It is obvious therefore that to explain why a person has accepted a given religion we have ordinarily to assume that there exists a non- conscious biasing agent which is probably the most important factor in determining his choice. If we now attempt to formulate some concep- tion of this biasing agent (of this unconscious cause of belief) our result will be somewhat as follows: We shall expect it to be a very large group of memory traces, ideas and feelings con- nected in various ways with the central theme of religion. Some of these presumably had their origin in the various incidents of early moral in- struction from the parents, of intimate family life, of childhood visits to church and Sunday- school, or in different vague perceptions of things wonderful and mysterious. Others resulted from various allied experiences occurring throughout the person's later years. Some of the elements of the group are doubtless recalled frequently, others seldom, a great many others never. That is, the biasing agent consists very largely of un- conscious ideas. 1 Such a system of connected ideas, having a strong emotional tone, and displaying a tendency to produce or influence conscious thought and ac- tion in a definite and predetermined direction, is called a complex. A great part of our conscious activities is de- termined by such groups of thoughts, only a few iFrink "What Is a Complex?" Journal of the American Medical Association, 1 ' Vol. LXII, p. 897, 1914. KATIONALIZATION 39 members of which are ever in consciousness. We have complexes concerning the different members of our families ; complexes relating to each one of our important loves, hates, ambitions and recrea- tions, and complexes concerning our politics, patriotism, pride, morality. A statement like this will not be instantly ac- cepted by every one. According to most people our thinking is determined by external facts, by our logical and reasoned judgment of them, by what we know and perceive, not by that of which we are unconscious. But though we do not un- derestimate the part played by logic and reason in mental life, it must be admitted that such forces have not by any means the wholly dominant role that is often unthinkingly attributed to them. "When the emotions are sitting as judges, facts make poor witnesses " will hardly be disputed by anyone who stops to think. We all have preju- dices and are subject to their influence. "The wish is father to the th ought " applies to all of us at times. But, common as the phenomena are, how seldom do we hear a person admit that he is biased in his thinking, or see him give any evi- dence of a realization that such is the case ! Ask a German if he approves of Zeppelin raids and he says: "Certainly." Ask an Englishman and he answers: "Barbarism!" Then ask either one of them to give the reasons of his opinion, and you will get a more or less logical explanation. But is this explanation correct? Is it not more likely that the reason that the German believes in Zeppelin raids is that he is a German, and the 40 MOBBED FEAES AND COMPULSIONS Englishman condemns them because he is an Englishman? Is it not practically certain that in nine cases out of ten the person is incapable of thinking without bias on a question so intimately affecting his mother country and himself, and that his complexes even more than the actual merits of the question are the main determinants of his opinions? But does the person himself realize and admit this? In most instances certainly not. On the contrary he is sincere in believing that the reasons he gives for his opinion are the actual cause of his entertaining it. It is an extremely common occurrence that ideas, beliefs, actions, really having their origin in some one of the individual 's complexes, and be- ing at least partly determined by ideas and im- pressions of which at the time he is not conscious, he represents to himself and to others as being the result of a logical train of conscious thought. He manufactures ex post facto a plausible explana- tion of his belief or action which he unquestion- ingly accepts as its cause. This process of sup- plying the place of the missing (unconscious) link in the chain of reasoning with another (conscious) link has been named by Ernest Jones rationaliza- tion* It is because we all rationalize very ex- tensively that we greatly overestimate the role played by logical and reasonable judgment in de- termining the trend of our conscious thought and conduct, and, to the same or even a greater de- gree, underestimate the influence and potency of those factors which are not in consciousness. i "Papers on Psychoanalysis," Chapter I. THE FORECONSCIOUS 41 (b) The Unconscious and the Foreconscious Non-conscious mental elements may be roughly divided into two classes. For instance, it comes to my mind as I am writing, that the dose of phos- phorus is one hundredth of a grain. I am sure that at any time since I first studied materia medica I could have remembered the quantity of the dose, if any one had asked me. But I am al- most as sure that this is the first time I have thought of it since I left college. Though this particular memory was in the Unconscious all that time it could have been brought into my conscious- ness at any time if I had wished to recall it. On the other hand, the hypnotic subject may be en- tirely unable to recall the hypnotist's suggestions, the neurotic young woman was absolutely unable to bring to her consciousness the ideas which op- erated to form her drug compulsion, nor can the German through any effort of voluntary intro- spection, become aware of any but a relatively small portion of all those past impressions, going even back to his childhood, which make up his complex concerning the Fatherland. Some un- conscious mental elements, then, can be brought into consciousness at the will of the individual; others can not, but remain in the Unconscious in spite of any ordinary effort of the individual to recall them. Mental impressions or processes of the first class above mentioned are spoken of as forecon- scious and are said to belong to a region or system in the psychic apparatus which is named the Fore- 42 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS conscious. 1 Those of the second class are known as unconscious and are said to belong to a system or region called the Unconscious. The word Un- conscious is often used to embrace both systems all the non-conscious impressions and processes, those of the Foreconscious as well as those of the Unconscious proper. The mind, then, in Freu- dian psychology, is conceived as having three levels, the superficial one or Consciousness, em- bracing all those mental processes which at any given moment possess the quality which we call awareness. The next, the Foreconscious system or level, contains those elements which could be reached by voluntary introspection, and are capa- ble of being brought to consciousness, but at the time lack awareness. The third and deepest level, the Unconscious Proper, embraces all those im- pressions or processes which not only lack aware- ness but also cannot, by any unassisted effort of the individual, have it conferred upon them. Ob- viously the boundaries between the three systems are not sharp or absolute. An idea that is con- scious at one moment may be foreconscious the next, and perhaps eventually unconscious. But the interchange between the foreconscious and consciousness is much more free than that be- tween the foreconscious and the unconscious or between the unconscious and consciousness. What is it that prevents ideas or processes of the unconscious proper from being accessible to consciousness? Processes belonging to the un- conscious system may be active, and capable of i Called preconscious by some writers. THE FORECONSCIOUS 43 exerting a strong influence in and through con- sciousness may, in fact, as I hope to show even- tually, possess nearly every quality or attribute of conscious mental processes save that of awareness. What is it then that keeps them from gaining entrance into consciousness? In the case of foreconscious processes the lack of awareness seems easy to explain. I walk along the street with my mind absorbed in some en- grossing problem. I have no true consciousness of what is going on about me. Nevertheless I turn the proper corners, avoid collision with other pedestriarj|, and stop at the right house. All the processes necessary for doing these things are carried of without exciting awareness or divert- ing my conscious attention from the problem which absorbs it. These processes are carried on in the foreconscious. Not enough attention, or better, interest is distributed to them to give them the quality of awareness. Yet at any time they could come into consciousness and acquire aware- ness if my interest or attention were directed to them. In the same way my memory impression of what is the dose of phosphorus remained latent and in the foreconscious until attention and interest were distributed to it. When, how- ever, it was thus energized or activated, it came into consciousness, only to return to the forecon- scious state as soon as the activation-energy was withdrawn. 1 Foreconscious memories or proc- esses seem, then, to be those which either are prac- 1 1 have preferred to use the terms "activation" and "activa- tion-energy" instead of "occupation" and "occupation-energy" 44 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS tically unactivated or else carried on with such a low pressure of activation-energy that they fail to rise above the threshold of consciousness. The lack of awareness of those processes be- longing to the unconscious proper cannot be ex- plained in any such manner. When, for instance, they produce such an imperative and powerful compulsion as that exemplified by the young woman who was impelled to take drugs, we can- not believe that they possess only a low degree of activation. On the contrary, their activation must be very high. We must therefore find some other explanation of their not being conscious than that of a withdrawal of activation such as would ac- count for our lack of awareness of the content of the f oreconscious. Of the little outlays of money I make during the day, for carfare, lunch, telephone calls, etc., I have no conscious recollection at night. If there were any occasion to do so, I could perhaps recall how much I had spent and for what I had spent it, but ordinarily these minor outlays have not suffi- cient importance to keep their mental records long before my consciousness. They promptly lose their activation ; its withdrawal is a passive and negative process. Suppose, on the other hand, I pay a high price for a piece of furniture under the impression that it is a genuine antique. Hardly do I get it home when a friend, who is an authority on such mat- ters, demonstrates to me that it is not genuine, but which Brill, the translator of Freud's works, has employed as the equivalent of the German "Besetzung" and "Besetzungs-Energie." BEPKESSION 45 a relatively valueless imitation. I investigate and find that the conditions under which I bought it are such that I cannot make the dealer take it back and return my money. Now the memory of this expenditure does not quietly and passively fade from my consciousness like the recollection of the nickel I spent for carfare. Instead it con- tinually intrudes upon me, causes me to berate myself for the credulity that allowed me to be taken in so easily, and keeps me in a state of exas- peration and annoyance. But finally I say to my- self that there is no use crying over spilt milk. * * If I am a fool, I am, and that 's all there is to it. I will put the matter out of mind and forget it. I refuse to think or worry about it any longer." With an effort of will I extrude the incident from my consciousness. It returns again after an in- terval but I again extrude it. Soon the extrusion becomes easier. Eventually it is automatic, and the memory of the annoying incident either en- tirely ceases to be reproduced in my consciousness or else appears only at long intervals. Now it is obvious that the process by which this memory is eventually rendered unconscious is quite different from the quiet and passive loss of activation which causes the fading of the memory impressions of insignificant matters. There is no passive withdrawal of activation from my memory impression of the disagreeable incident, at least not at first. On the contrary it is highly activated, and insists upon forcing its way into my consciousness even when I am trying to give my attention to other things. How then do I get rid 46 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS of it? Apparently by attempting a forcible with- drawal of conscious activation and by initiating through a conscious act of will a counter-activa- tion which is shortly taken over by the f orecon- scious and becomes automatic, serving to protect me from the displeasure of having the recollection of the disagreeable incident reproduced in my con- sciousness, and apparently persisting at least un- til the activation of the memory itself in the course of time is eventually withdrawn. 1 This gives us the key for an understanding of why it is that certain processes of the Unconscious, in spite of their high activation, fail to gain en- trance to consciousness. The reason is that their reproduction is opposed by a counter-activation lo- cated for the most part in the f oreconscious, which automatically and without involving the partici- pation of consciousness, keeps them submerged. The non-consciousness of the elements belonging to the unconscious system is not then something passively conditioned, but the result of a positive and active counter-force. The process which consists of the withdrawal of conscious or foreconscious activation from a mental element and which consists also of the es- tablishment of a foreconscious counter-activation, which confines it to the Unconscious, is called re- pression. The mental element so relegated to the unconscious and unable to return therefrom is i Strictly speaking, the counter-activation is not initiated by a "conscious act of will"; in fact, the act of will might be more accurately said to be initiated by it. The counter-activation is really represented by my wish to forget the incident. REPRESSION 47 \ said to be repressed. The repressing force im- peding the return of the repressed element to con- sciousness is often spoken of as a resistance. The unconscious consists in large part of re- pressed material, though not everything in the un- conscious is repressed or is there by virtue of re- pression. The facts are as follows: the psychic apparatus is to be thought of after the model of a reflex arc. Thus it has its sensory, or afferent, side, which receives the stimuli coming from the external world or from the internal end-organs excited by changes within the body. It has also its efferent side through which discharges take place to the voluntary muscular apparatus as mo- tility, or to the involuntary muscular and glandu- lar systems as feeling or emotion. The Uncon- scious is toward the afferent side, the Forecon- scious next to the efferent. All excitations of the psychic apparatus (all mental processes) begin at the sensory end of the system and are thus, to start with, unconscious. l Some of them remain unconscious, while others pass through to the foreconscious and to consciousness to discharge ultimately as emotion or motility. Whether a given process remains unconscious or is allowed to gain access to the foreconscious or to conscious- i This is not strictly true unless we make the assumption that sensations or sense perceptions coming from the end organs ap- plied to the external world pass through an unconscious phase. Freud regards consciousness as, functionally, a sensory organ for perceiving psychic qualities. He speaks of it as having two surfaces, one which is excited by the stimuli entering through the sense organs applied to the external world, the other by changes or processes within the psychic apparatus itself. 48 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS ness and so to efferent discharge, depends on whether or not it meets on its way with a resist- ance. For at the border line between the uncon- scious and the f oreconscious the repressing forces or resistances exert a certain censor-like action. Mental processes beginning in the unconscious have, as it were, to undergo an examination before they are admitted to the higher psychic degrees or systems. Depending on their character or qualities (a matter of which we shall hear more later) 1 some of them are rejected, and remain re- pressed and in the unconscious ; others are allowed to pass to the foreconscious system from which they may or may not enter consciousness. In normal conditions the foreconscious system must be traversed before an excitation gains discharge as affectivity or motility. The most important function of this system is that of opening or clos- ing the avenues to such discharge. The content of the unconscious is, then, made up of latent (un- activated) psychic formations, mental processes that are in statu nascendi, and other processes or activated impressions which are not allowed to pass the censor and are thus repressed. We shall consider the content of the unconscious from a different point of view later. 2 At present we must devote ourselves to gaining a clearer under- standing of repression, its function and the motive for it. A repressed element, as I have indicated, is one from which conscious and foreconscious activa- tion is withdrawn (if the element ever possessed i Page 57. 2 Page 62. CONSCIENCE 49 such activation) and against which a counter-ac- tivation exists in the foreconscious. Its activa- tion, if it has any, belongs entirely to the uncon- scious system. What is the purpose of this proc- ess? Why is anything ever repressed? We get a hint of the answer to this question from the example I have given. I repressed the recollec- tion of my being taken in by the furniture dealer because this memory was annoying me, and giving me displeasure, for the most part apparently be- cause it showed me in such a light as to injure my self-esteem. That is to say, we get the suggestion that repression is a protective mechanism, that its motive is the avoidance of pain, or a painful feeling. This is, in fact, the correct explanation. The function of repression is that of defending the ego against those ideas or processes which are incompatible with, and painful from the point of view of, the main trends of the individual's con- scious thought and feeling. This means in gen- eral that the elements in question depend, for their power to cause pleasure or pain, upon their being out of accord with his individual ethico-es- thetic ideals and impulses and upon their militat- ing against his self-satisfaction and self-esteem. (c) Repression and the Psychology of Conscience Since the concept of repression is one of the most vital in psychoanalysis we must consider it in greater detail. But to get a fuller appreciation of it, we have to depart from the somewhat meta- psychological point of view which we have been 50 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS occupying and approach the subject from another angle. This will involve what may seem a con- siderable digression, though on the whole our course will be one of progress. In the first years of childhood there is nothing resembling that which in the adult we call self-con- trol. The infant fulfills every wish he has, if it is physically possible for him to do so. There is no subjective restraint, no inhibition arising from within, to oppose or interfere with anything he wants to do. He knows no shame, no disgust, nothing resembling morality. He has no motives save those of getting immediate pleasure or avoid- ing immediate pain. Of pains and pleasures tem- porally and spatially remote he takes no cogni- zance; they mean nothing to him. His behavior consists solely of simple responses to the stimuli of his environment, and of expressions of the va- rious tendencies of the hereditary instincts, the self -preservative, and the rudimentary sexual. As we have seen, 1 a different state of affairs is initiated with the beginning of the period of lat- ency, somewhere about the third year. There then appear certain inhibitory impulses or reac- tion-tendencies : shame, disgust, sympathy and a rudimentary morality. 2 These new tendencies to some extent oppose and limit the freedom of ex- pression previously enjoyed by the primary in- 1 Chapter I. 2 These reactions which appear spontaneously do not for the most part bring with them their object. That is to say: they are first represented by a capacity for such responses. The type of situation or condition which provokes the actual response is determined in large part by education and environment. CONSCIENCE 51 stinctive impulses. Situations and reactions that formerly were wholly pleasure-giving now be- come, to a varying extent, sources of displeasure. Thus acts, like running around naked, so much enjoyed by young children, which gave pure pleasure through gratification of the exhibition- istic impulse now provoke the displeasure of shame or embarrassment; those acts which, like torturing animals and teasing, gratified the sadis- tic impulse now give rise to feelings of sympathy or moral repugnance, etc. The possibility of in- ternal conflict has been introduced into the psy- chic life. In this way comes about the first repression. An impulse, when opposed by one of the newly developed counter impulses in such a way that ex- pression of it gives a greater amount of displeas- ure than pleasure, shortly disappears from view. In other words, it is repressed. The activation energy which it originally possessed (its libido, if it is a question of a psycho-sexual impulse) is with- drawn ; a counter-activation, corresponding to the inhibiting trend, appears in place of it. The beginning of repression is the beginning of the Unconscious, as such. In early infancy there is no differentiation into systems, just as there is no repression. The first repressed elements form the nucleus of the unconscious. To them is added all that which later succumbs to repression in the course of the psychic development of the indi- vidual. But the process of repression is not all so sim- ple as that which we have described as the first 52 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS repression. Though the avoidance of pain or dis- pleasure is throughout the immediate motive for repression (whether the element repressed be a wish-presentation or a memory) the sources of such displeasure are not to be found solely in the hereditary and spontaneously arising inhibitory reactions, as we shall presently see. There is in childhood a certain phase of develop- ment, (the existence of which is better demon- strated by some of the pathological conditions of adult life than by direct observation of the child) which is known as the phase of Narcissism. It is a transitional phase interposed between the pre- dominant autoerotism of infancy and the later state of object love, and partakes of the nature of each. It is distinguished by the fact that the individual's holophilic impulses and interests are for the time being directed toward himself, in much the same manner that in the adult they are directed toward another person. That is to say, the child is for a time his own sexual object ; he loves or is in love with himself. Subsequent to this transitional phase in the psy- cho-sexual development, the main streams of libido are withdrawn from the self and applied to sex interests and objects of the external world. But not all the libido is so employed. Some of it remains directed selfward, though not now to the real self primarily, but rather to an ideal. The complete self-satisfaction which the child enjoys during the phase of primary narcissism, when he is his own ideal, he can not long retain. Admoni- CONSCIENCE 53 tions and criticisms from the parents, his observa- tion of the people about him and the comparisons he makes of himself with them soon give him a sense of imperfection and disturb his self -content- ment. Thus he begins to desire to be, in certain respects, what actually he is not ; to have qualities which actually he lacks ; to be rid of traits which in fact he possesses. He forms, in other words, an ideal for himself, of what he would like to be, and to this ideal that portion of the libido remain- ing in selfward distribution is now transferred. In so far as he can bring his real self into corres- pondence with this ideal of self, his narcissistic libido is gratified, and in a measure he regains the self-satisfaction he formerly enjoyed. On the other hand, to whatever extent a disparity is per- ceived between the real self and the ego-ideal, to that extent the narcissistic libido fails of gratifica- tion and remains free, as some form of self -dissat- isfaction or discontent. What later becomes an ego-ideal was at first an external critique. The control which the child primarily exercises through fear of his parents' disapproval (or punishment) he eventually main- tains through fear of his own disapproval. Such terms as right and wrong, proper and improper, at first mean nothing to him in and for themselves. He would just as soon do a thing labeled "wrong" as one labeled "right," if it were equally pleasur- able. But with one group of terms he learns to associate displeasure in the shape of disapproba- tion or punishment from the parents; with the 54 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS other, pleasure in the form of rewards and praise ; and he begins to avoid actions belonging to the first category and to cultivate those of the second purely because of the extrinsic consequences of so doing. But gradually the external standards are assimilated. To do "wrong" begins to mean not only to be less loved but to be less lovable. "Eight," "proper" and "nice" connote not sim- ply praise but to be praiseworthy. Just as the first specifications of the ideal are founded on considerations of what would win or lose parental approval and love, so later contri- butions to it have their origin in the desire to be thought well of by one's teachers, by admired or respected persons, by one's fellows and by the general public. Thus the essentially homosexual libido, originally (in the boy) the desire for the approval of his father, contributes largely to the formation of the ego-ideal. The narcissistic libido, and that portion of the homosexual libido directed toward the self, find their satisfaction through the individual's bring- ing (or thinking he brings) his real self into cor- respondence with the ideal he has made for him- self. This gratification is what we know as self- satisfaction, self-esteem and self-content, the pleasures of self-respect, of moral or esthetic self- satisfaction. If, however, a disparity is per- ceived between the real self and the specifications of the ego-ideal, a portion of the self ward directed libido fails of satisfaction, remains a free tension or yearning, and is felt as shame, guilt, humilia- tion or a sense of inferiority. The free homosex- EGO-IDEAL 55 nal libido is converted into anxiety * and is per- ceived as a fear of the public (shyness, diffidence, self -consciousness) or a fear of "the father " (self -consciousness, etc., before men who are older or distinguished or in positions of authority and who are therefore unconsciously identified with the father). We perceive at this point that what we have really been talking about is the psychology of con- science. Conscience is nothing other than a cen- sorial function or " instance " of the psyche which performs the task of watching over and insuring the gratification of our narcissistic libido by warn- ing us of any disparity existing between an im- pulse or contemplated action and the specification of the ego-ideal. The inner voice which torments us with "You must" and "You must not" was primarily the voice of the parents, later of our teachers and those about us, from whose verbally conveyed praise or dispraise we built up the struc- ture of our personal moral and esthetic ideals. In the symptoms of certain pathological states, notably paranoia, the developmental history of conscience is seen regressively reproduced. The patient complains that some one knows all his thoughts, and watches and foresees all his actions. He hears the voice of this person continually com- menting and criticising. At times it reviles him, accuses him of foul thoughts, of abnormal prac- tices. In some cases the voice seems to be that of some particular man, especially an elderly man. i See Chapter VII for the relation between free desire and anxiety. 56 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Other patients complain that all people watch them when they appear in public, pass unfavor- able comments upon them, call them bad names, etc. That " something, " however, which knows the patient's thoughts, foresees and criticizes all his actions, is merely an externalization of conscience, which, with all of us was once external, and now for paranoiacs has become external once more. The voice which these patients hear is the same voice to which all of us have to listen; only it is perceived by them not as an inner but as an outer voice as it once was with everybody. We see much the same thing in neurotics and even in so-called normal people. The speaker who trembles in stage fright before his audience, which, despite all his reason may tell him to the contrary, seems to him hostilely critical, the over- conscientious clerk who lives in constant anxious expectation of a "call down" from his employer, which however never comes, these and similar people are suffering from symptoms produced in much the same way as are the paranoid delusions of critical observation. For the sense of impend- ing hostile criticism, referred in one case to the audience, in the other to the employer, really has origin in the criticizing instance or element of the individual's own psyche his conscience. In some connection (one, however, that has nothing to do primarily with either the audience or the employer) a disparity between the real self and the ideal is felt by the individual; a certain measure of the narcissistic homosexual libido thus EGO-IDEAL 57 fails of satisfaction, and regresses in the direction of those earlier points of attachment whence the ideal came, thus becoming an anxious concern over the opinion of the public (the audience) or of the person in loco parentis, the employer. The paranoiac who thinks he is watched and unfavorably commented on by the public, or who hears himself reproached and accused by the voice of some elderly man, is showing regressive phe- nomena of essentially similar significance. Our consideration of the psychology of con- science is really but a preliminary to the state- ment we now wish to make that the formation of an ego-ideal is one of the chief conditions for re- pression. Those wish-presentations (impulses, desires, cravings, etc.) which of themselves or be- cause of the sort of action to which they impel us, run counter to, and are incompatible with, the specifications of the ego-ideal, tend to succumb to repression. Thus if they are in consciousness, the conscious or foreconscious activation energy (their libido if it is a case of psychosexual wishes) is withdrawn and a counter-activation is estab- lished against them. Or if they are unconscious to start with, they are prevented by the counter- activation from gaming activation in the conscious and foreconscious systems. Not only wishes are repressed but also ideas, memory impressions or any mental element which is sufficiently incom- patible with the ideal. A considerable amount of psychic material is also repressed which, though in itself eligible for consciousness, meets with re- pression because it has close associative connec- 58 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS tion with what is ineligible and already repressed. Let us again point out that the purpose of re- pression is in every case the avoidance of displeas- ure or pain. Those elements, whether they be wishes, memories or ideas, are repressed which, if admitted to or retained in consciousness, would create a sense of disparity between the real self and the ideal, and deprive some of the narcissistic libido of its gratification, would in other words lower the individual in his own eyes, and subject him to the displeasure of a loss of self-respect or the tortures of a guilty conscience. The term conscience, as it is ordinarily used, implies an endopsychic censorship which deals with moral matters almost exclusively. But the ego-ideal contains many other specifications than merely moral ones, and self-satisfaction has other components than simply moral self -content. Our self-satisfaction is disturbed quite as much by non-moral disparities between the ego and the ideal as by strictly moral ones, and in either case the narcissistic libido is freed in just the same way, and the type of displeasure experienced has essentially the same quality. To use the wrong fork at a formal dinner, to pass flatus in public accidentally, to make a serious mistake in diag- nosis, or to have on dirty underwear, are not mat- ters that can be classed as sins, though in certain circumstances they can produce a sense of shame and humiliation which has no essential qualitative difference from that produced by actions which the individual does regard as sinful or immoral. "We are apprised of incompatibility between a EGO-IDEAL 59 wish or contemplated action and the esthetic, am- bitious or grandiose specifications of the ego-ideal apparently in just the same way and by just the same function as that which applies in matters ethical. It would seem then not only convenient but justifiable to broaden the term conscience to include not only that which measures the self ac- cording to the purely ethical terms of the ideal, but also that which does all such self-measurings whether they be according to moral, esthetic, am- bitious, patriotic or any other variety of ego-ideal specifications. 1 If we ask a person (or ourselves, for that mat- ter) : What is your ego-ideal? What are the standards and specifications that you try to live up to? we are not likely to get a satisfying answer. Some would say frankly that they could not an- swer such a question. Others might attempt to formulate their standards for us, and perhaps feel that they had succeeded in doing so. But in such a case, if we had a chance to observe the person further, we would see that he does things that are entirely contrary to the standards he stated, yet without displaying any sign of unpleasant emotion or appearing to suffer any loss of self- esteem; while certain other acts which are per- i Perhaps it should be pointed out that the specifications of the ego-ideal are not necessarily consistent with each other. Thus, one of my patients, who in company with a friend "picked up" a couple of prostitutes, felt ashamed to go to a hotel to spend the night with them, yet almost as much ashamed to back out. A man who would be ashamed to appear irreligious may also feel ashamed to say his evening prayers in the presence of another man who occupies a room with him. 60 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS f ectly in accord with any standards lie mentioned seem nevertheless to cause him acute shame and humiliation and seriously to injure his self-con- tent. Observations like this, if carried far enough, teach us two important things: first that a mere intellectual acceptance of a given action as right or as wrong does not constitute an incorporation of that judgment into the specifications of the indi- vidual's ego-ideal. A person may say and really believe that we ought to return good for evil and yet not feel the slightest compunction or self-re- proach when he fails to do so. Nor does an intel- lectual rejection of a given moral code mean that it has ceased to exist as one of the stipulations of that individual's ego-ideal. Thus one of my pa- tients, an ardent feminist, railed against marriage and advocated free love, asserting that as soon as she became entirely self-supporting, she would enter such a relationship. Nevertheless when at length she came to the point of actually putting her long contemplated plan into execution, she was overcome by a spasm of moral repugnance and broke out with a neurosis. Thus for a given code or standard to be a part of the ideal means not an intellectual but an emo- tional, not a descriptive but a dynamic acceptance of it; it means, on the other hand, that consider- able libido is attached to it and that it has expe- rienced an incorporation into the individual's per- sonality. Observation shows that impressions re- ceived in early childhood are the most potent in determining what sort of an ideal the individual EGO-IDEAL 61 fashions. Later experiences which contribute to the ideal or modify its specifications as a rule gain their power to do so through some similarity or associative connection with the earlier impres- sions or the persons making them. The second important fact that is brought out by questioning people as to the nature of the ego- ideal they possess is that the ideal is not con- sciously formulated. They can give some of its specifications very readily, but are unable to draw a definite word picture of it. The ego-ide*al is not a conscious formation. For the most part it be- longs to the foreconscious system. Nobody is continuously or completely conscious of what his ego-ideal is, though perhaps the major portion of it (even if not definitely formulated) is accessible to consciousness in accordance with the demands of any given immediate situation. It should be added that the foreconscious sys- tem is the seat not only of the ego-ideal but of all the rest of the controlling trends which distin- guish civilized man from the savage and the con- stitutional criminal, and adapt his thinking and behavior to the demands of civilized life. It is the system which in the main brings about and main- tains repression. I have spoken of the existence of a censor be- tween the unconscious and the foreconscious, which determined the eventual admissibility or inadmissibility to consciousness of the mental processes starting in the unconscious. By the term censor was not meant any separate psychic entity but rather the effect exercised by the trends 62 MOEBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS of the foreconscious upon the unconscious activ- ities impinging upon their lower surface. * The action of this censor we can now identify with the action of conscience (I am here using the word in the broad sense in which I earlier denned it). At the same time I recognize that the censoring, re- jecting and repressing action which conscience ex- ercises upon wishes and ideals that press toward conscious representation and expression does not have to be deferred until the elements in question have already entered consciousness, and is not limited to ejecting and expelling them therefrom after they have entered, but may be, and exten- sively is, exercised still earlier, and may entirely prevent the presentations from reaching con- sciousness. Consciousness does not participate in any but relatively a small number of the acts of rejection and repression. (d) The Content of the Unconscious From what has been said about the development of conscience and of the role of the foreconscious as a controlling and repressing system, we get the suggestion that the unconscious or the nucleus of it must represent something existing in the psy- chic apparatus from the beginning, while the fore- conscious must develop gradually in the course of life. This is found to be the fact. The uncon- scious is the primitive both phylogenetically and ontogenetically. It represents that which is un- controlled in the savage but controlled in the civi- 1 1 hope to be excused for using such mechanistic phraseology in the discussion of such intangible matters. CONTENT OF UNCONSCIOUS 63 lized; what is uncontrolled in the child but con- trolled in the adult. The foreconscious repre- sents all that is introduced in the higher stages of the evolution of civilized man out of the savage, and of the adult out of the infant. This is true not only in the sense that the content of the uncon- scious consists largely of trends or tendencies to action that are more primitive than those of the higher psychic systems, but in the sense that the mental processes themselves, the ways of thinking, are also more primitive. l The content or nature of the unconscious as compared to the higher systems will be made clearer by the consideration of the following ex- ample. A friend once came to me to ask advice about a neurotic young woman in whom he was much interested. The girl was an only child of a widowed mother who was not in the best of health or of financial circumstances. The mother showed the utmost devotion to the girl, thought only of her, and never hesitated to make any sac- rifice, no matter how great, if her daughter de- manded it, or if it promised in any way to contrib- ute to the girPs health or happiness. The daugh- ter, my friend said, was equally as fond of the mother. She was always praising her mother, worrying about her health, and bemoaning the fact that she had been the cause of so much anxiety, and could make so little return for her mother's sacrifices in her behalf. Yet strangely enough all the many attempts she was continually making to relieve her mother iSee Chapter III The Two Kinds of Thinking. 64 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS of some of her burdens, and be a help and comfort to her, invariably came to naught, and in many instances had just the reverse of the happy effect for which they seemed to be intended. For in- stance the girl at one time had a physical illness which left her in a very much incapacitated condi- tion and required her to go to the country to regain her strength. The mother succeeded in finding a satisfactory place for the daughter where at a very small expense she could remain until her convalescence was complete. The girl seemed to improve quite rapidly, and the mother was de- lighted. Very shortly however the girl returned home. She could not bear, she said, to be away from her mother any longer. She felt she must be home to help her mother, to relieve her strain and to avoid expense. Compared to her mother's welfare her own health was nothing. The fact is that this return home had upon the mother just the opposite effect to that for which it seemed to be intended. Instead of helping her mother and allowing her to rest, the girl caused more work and more worry by being home than by remaining away. She saved no expense by being home for it cost less to keep her away than at home; because when she was home she was so helpless that her mother had to hire an extra serv- ant. And by delaying her convalescence she pro- longed what was the immediate cause of her mother's anxiety. This is only a sample of many instances of a similar character where by attempt- ing to make life easier for her mother she actually made it harder. CONTENT OF UNCONSCIOUS 65 In commenting upon these things my friend said with exasperation: "The girl acts as if she wanted to make trouble for her mother, as if she hated her and was not satisfied to let her have a moment's peace or happiness. But to say such a thing is absurd, for I've told you how fond she really is of her mother." Yet what my friend said was not as absurd as he thought it. In a way he had interpreted the girl's behavior correctly, only he took no account of the unconscious. The obvious fact of the girPs protestations of love for her mother made him reject this interpretation. His statement (that the girl acted as if she hated her mother; as if she wanted to make trouble), was right as far as it went. But where he said as if she hated, he should, to be entirely correct, have said uncon- sciously. In the normal person, the f oreconscious and con- scious systems dominate the avenues to motor dis- charge to aff ectivity or action. 1 Only those im- pulses or excitations which are in accord with the trends of the foreconscious, and which pass its censorship are given efferent expression. 2 But in cases such as that of this young woman the sway of the higher psychic systems is imperfect. Im- pulses which normally belong to the unconscious and are repressed perfectly are here not fully con- trolled but find their way to action. The effects of these actions indicate the quality of the uncon- 1 Of this I shall have more to say later. Chapter VI. 2 The higher psychic systems control only the form of the ex- pression of the urge and not its quantity or continuousness. 66 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS scious processes which furnish their motivation. From these "as if's" of the girl's conscious life we learn the Is of the unconscious. As far as the consciousness and foreconscious of the girl were concerned she had a real 'and great love for her mother. But unconsciously she hated her and did desire to make her unhappy. If we seek to learn how this strange state of affairs came to be so, we get a good deal of information about the unconscious. We see first that the un- conscious is primitive. 1 The hostile, vindictive reactions constantly expressed in the girPs be- havior are not what we expect from a cultured civ- ilized woman under any normal circumstances but are more in keeping with the character of an American Indian or any other savage. In the second place we see that the unconscious has no regard for reality. It was not to the girPs ultimate advantage to make her mother miserable. Nor was hate the appropriate emotion for the actual situation. The mother was devotion and kindness itself; so why should her daughter hate her? The ethical values of the situation were entirely ignored. In the third place, if we go far back into the girPs psychic history (to her childhood, in fact), we find that there was a time when hostility to- ward the mother was an emotion not so entirely senseless as it seemed later. For as a little child the girl was greatly attached to her father and envied the position the mother occupied with him. *I may say that what is true of the unconscious in the cast of this girl is true of the unconscious generally. CONTENT OF UNCONSCIOUS 67 The hate toward the mother was originally the hate of jealousy ; the little girl wished the mother out of the way in order to have her father all to herself. But at the time I saw the patient the father had long been dead, and there was no pres- ent reason why the daughter should be jealous of her mother. Yet the old infantile jealousy and hate remained. Thus again we see not only that the processes of the unconscious are uninfluenced by reality but also that they are not oriented ac- cording to time. We get the further suggestion that the unconscious is infantile and that it has to do with the holophilkj impulses ; and that there- fore its content is in large measure sexual. To recapitulate then what has been indicated by this case (for in fact it gives a good indication of the qualities of the unconscious in general) we may say that the unconscious is instinctive, primi- tive, infantile and unoriented as to time and reality. Perhaps it may not be entirely clear just what is meant by these statements. What, for in- stance, is meant when we say the unconscious is instinctive ? I say to a man : ' * Have you a sexual instinct I ' ' ' ' Certainly, " he replies. "Of course I have." "But how do you know that?" I ask. "How do I know it? How can I help knowing it? If I see a pretty girl, I want to kiss her. If I fondle her, I get an erection and desire inter- course. If I have intercourse, I enjoy it and for a time feel satisfied. And if I do not have it at regular intervals, I find myself thinking of sexual 68 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS things and craving sexual gratification even though I might will to do otherwise. " "Yes," I say, "but what of the instinct itself? These thoughts and feelings and actions of which you speak are not your sexual instinct. The most you can say is that they are some of its mani- festations. What of the thing itself? Of that you say nothing. "As a matter of fact, have you not accepted the assumption of a sexual instinct simply as a way of explaining the phenomena you describe, very much as a savage explains the growing of a tree or the flowing of a river by assuming that a spirit dwells within them? Is this instinct, as far as you can say, anything more than a hypothesis? Have you ever seen it? Or touched it, heard it or smelt it? Have you, in short, any direct knowl- edge of it, any more than the savage has of the spirit he believes to reside in the tree? Can you know of it in any other way than inf erentially, or in terms of its manifestations ? " "No," he replies, "you are right. My sexual instinct, as such, never is and never can be an object of my consciousness." Yet though we cannot have direct knowledge of any of our instincts or instinctive tendencies, we must assume their existence, just as we assume the existence of ether waves which we know as light, or the waves of air which we know as sound. We do not doubt them though our knowledge of them is purely inferential. At the same time we recognize that what to-day we call instinct may sometime in the future be translated -by science CONTENT OF UNCONSCIOUS 69 into terms of reflex arcs and glands, of nervous impulse and tensions, of chemistry and electric- ity, just as we replace the spirit with which the savage explains the flowing of a river by another (and equally hypothetical) something, the attrac- tion of gravitation. Of the reality of that which we call instinct and of the reality of what the savage called spirit there can be doubt. There is a something which makes the tree grow or impels us to sexual actions. Only when we try to draw conclusions as to the nature of the force in ques- tion do we go wrong. When we say the unconscious is instinctive we mean that we include within it all those primal urges and impulses which we must assume to be- long to the nature of man, to be inherent rather than acquired from education or environment, but which we know indirectly only, as causes inferred from some of their effects, never as themselves. Likewise we say the unconscious is infantile, be- cause of certain phenomena, particularly appar- ent in abnormal states, which we must infer to be effects of the persistence of certain urges or tend- encies which are normally present and quite manifest in the actions of the child, but which dis- appear under the refining influences of education and of which the consciousness of the adult gives no direct information. We say further that the unconscious is, in large part, psychic material that has been repressed, for we assume that every person has nearly the same heritage of instincts, and possesses the same infantile tendencies. Those which are not repre- 70 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS sented in his consciousness or apparent from his behavior we do not assume to be necessarily non- existent but rather that they are inhibited and perfectly controlled. To our thinking, then, they exist as potential rather than as kinetic forces, and in this assumption we are confirmed by the observation that in certain individuals, in whom they are the least apparent, they may unexpect- edly some day become manifest under the guise of neurotic compulsions or other psychopathological symptoms. Inasmuch as the unconscious is largely made up of instinctive forces or of infantile tendencies which behave like instincts, the statement that it is not oriented with regard to time and reality is not difficult to accept. An instinct represents a measure of energy which urges toward a certain more or less specific type of action, and may there- fore be called a creator of tensions. These ten- sions remain until they are released in the acts which satisfy the instinct or, possibly, dissolved by some change within the organism. Obviously these tensions occur without regard for time or for reality. Thus we may feel hungry irrespec- tive of whether or not it is the logical time to eat or whether eating is at the moment convenient or food accessible. The inhibition and control of the instinctive urge, the deferment of its gratifica- tion according to the demands of time and reality, belong neither to anything in the instinct itself nor to anything in the unconscious, but rather to forces of the foreconscious and conscious systems. In the unconscious there is no inhibition, no nega- CONTENT OF UNCONSCIOUS 71 tion, no conflict. Its energy is all wish-energy, continuously urging and pressing for outlet like steam within a boiler. It is all tension. There are no counter-tensions, a phenomenon which oc- curs only in the conscious and f oreconscious sys- tems. ' ' The unconscious can only wish. ' ' We have said that the unconscious, as far as its energic content is concerned, is all wish, urge or tension, pushing for discharge. All inhibition, denial, conflict, control, moral or esthetic; all adaptation to the demands of reason, logic and reality come not from the unconscious but from the higher pyschic systems, consciousness and the foreconscious, especially the latter. Thus the f oreconscious stands like a screen, to use Freud's metaphor, between the unconscious and conscious- ness. It controls, directs, inhibits or modifies the energy outflowing from the unconscious, decides the eligibility or ineligibility for consciousness possessed by the presentations coming from the unconscious and admits only those compatible with its trends and which pass its censorship. All people are practically alike in the content of the unconscious. The differences between people, between personalities, depend upon differences in the foreconscious. For in the foreconscious re- side all the controlling forces derived from edu- cation, culture, morality, judgment and reason. The unconscious comprises all that belongs to primitive man and to the child; the foreconscious, that belonging to civilization. I believe that the comparison of the forecon- scious to a screen between the conscious and the 72 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS unconscious is somewhat unsuitable because of its implication that the foreconscious is passive. Really the foreconscious is active and in other ways than merely that of admitting or obstruct- ing presentations that press forward to it from the unconscious. Another figure perhaps more appropriate to represent the psychic processes of the foreconscious would be that which compared it to the managerial staff of a theater. We may compare the whole mind to all the persons in a given city engaged, or desiring to engage, in the- atrical production, whether they be actors, would- be actors or those constituting the machinery of management. The persons actually occupying the stage at any given instant would correspond to a moment of consciousness. Like our thoughts, they appear, occupy our attention for a limited time, and retire to be succeeded by others, or to reappear after an interval. When off the stage and waiting in the wings for their cue they are like thoughts in the foreconscious, latent mem- ories, such as that of the multiplication table. They are not dead and non-existent, but merely out of sight for the time being, though ready and waiting to play their respective parts as soon as the cue is given. These are the thought-processes passed by the censor and eligible for conscious- ness but not actually in consciousness. To the unconscious correspond the great mass of people with histrionic aspirations who have not theatrical engagements. It is from this horde that those actually on the stage originally came and to it some of them will at length return. They CONTENT OF UNCONSCIOUS 73 represent the primal urge toward the stage, the force back of it which makes it possible, in a way its fans et origo. Those actually occupying a place before the audience are but end-effects, epiphenomena from that great lift and urge repre- sented by the whole mass of the theatrically aspir- ant populace. As our conscious thoughts correspond to those persons actually playing in the glare of the foot- lights, and the unconscious to the horde of as- pirants from which these players came, the fore- conscious in its censoring action corresponds to the managerial machinery of the theater, the un- seen forces which sift from the mass of aspir- ants those worthy to play a part upon the -stage. Just as the management stands between those who aspire and the longed-for place upon the boards, the foreconscious stands between the urge and drive of the unconscious -and the opportunity for expression in the lime-light -of consciousness. The actors whom we see and the thoughts of which we are conscious are thus resultants from the action of two systems of forces both of which are unseen, the one being a lifting force which strives for expression, the other a sifting force which examines, inhibits and directs, and allows expression to only a relatively small proportion of the aspirants that present themselves to it. We come now to the point which this figure was selected to emphasize. The action of the fore- conscious is not limited to merely letting through or refusing to let through the presentations sub- mitted to it. Those let through do not as a rule 74 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS enter consciousness in exactly their original form. The foreconscious adds something to them, or forces them to conform to qualities of its content. Its action is therefore more accurately described by comparing it to the managerial system of the theater than to a screen or sieve. Those aspir- ants who are accepted by the management to play parts upon the stage are not ordinarily free to choose their parts. The would-be Hamlet may have to appear as a coal heaver ; the aspirant for show-girl honors may be compelled to play the part of a hag. So it is with the relationship be- tween the foreconscious and the unconscious. An unconscious idea, in order to become eligible for consciousness -or to enter consciousness must gain activation from the foreconscious system in addi- tion to its activation from the unconscious sys- tem. It must unite with, and conform to, some- thing already existing in the foreconscious sys- tem, or else remain in the unconscious, just as an actor must accept the role provided for him by the theatrical management or else be resigned to remaining unheard and unseen. The foreconscious system not only determines the admissibility or inadmissibility of ideas to consciousness, but also controls the outflow of energy toward a motor discharge, whether to the voluntary system, as motility (conduct and be- havior) or to the involuntary as affectivity (feel- ing, emotion). If those excitations or tensions, belonging to the unconscious and called wishes, are out of accord with the trends of the forecon- scious, they are denied efferent expression. The FAILURE OF REPRESSION 75 ideas representing them are not admitted to con- sciousness; their energic quota develop no affects. 1 (e) Failure of Repression, and Descendants of the Repressed The control exercised by the foreconscious (re- pression) is none too stable, even in normal per- sons. This is particularly noticeable in respect to discharge into affectivity. Even in the most nor- mal, the unconscious at times forces its way to emotional expression in defiance of the controlling tendencies. The periods of unreasonable irrita- tion or worry, the seemingly inexplicable preju- dices and antipathies and the transitory feelings of discouragement and depression to which all healthy people are at times subject are instances of imperfect control by the foreconscious over the avenues to affective outflow, and thus represent slight failures of repression. In the psychoneuroses are represented the more serious failures in the control exercised by the foreconscious. Tensions and wishes, arising in the unconscious, and of a nature really incompat- ible with the trends of the foreconscious, force their way to discharge as emotions in spite of its inhibiting tendency, and become manifest as neu- rotic symptoms. Only in the major psychoses, however, do such massive failures of repression i Strictly speaking there are no unconscious affects, the affect being a sensory report of a bodily state. See Chapter IV, also cf. Freud : "Das Unbewusste." To speak of unconscious affects ( love, hate, etc.), is a clinical inaccuracy BO current as to be legitimate. 76 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS occur as to allow the unconscious free access to motility. The purpose of repression, as we said, is the avoidance of pain or of the development of pain- ful affects. This is accomplished by withdrawing or withholding from objectionable ideas any fore- conscious activation and by maintaining against them a counter-activation. Eepressed ideas are thus activated only by the energies of the un- conscious system. The activation-energy of the unconscious (and generally this means holophilic energy or libido) can never of itself be an object of consciousness. The libido-strivings, or as we say, "wishes," can gain representation in con- sciousness only when attached to, and activating some idea. But this idea must be of a kind that will be passed by the censor. Otherwise neither affectivity nor movement is developed from the unconscious wish or striving, no matter how in- tense it may be. Though the idea representing or activated by an unconscious wish is rejected, the wish may in certain circumstances gain representation in con- sciousness or in efferent discharge by transferring itself to some new idea which is not inacceptable to the censor nor incompatible with the trends of the f oreconscious or with the specifications of the ego-ideal. In this way impulses of the uncon- scious which are qualitatively at variance with the ruling forces of the personality do at times evade the repression by hiding behind an appar- ently unobjectionable idea. Thus the protective FAILURE OF REPRESSION 77 purpose of repression is defeated, for repressed tensions develop affects, or, less often, produce action. The repression is in part a failure for it keeps unconscious only the ideational and not the energic content of the unconscious presentation. This matter of the transfer of the activating libido from a rejected idea to one that will pass the censor can perhaps be made clearer by means of a concrete example from a case where it has taken place. I choose one with which we already have some acquaintance, namely the case of the young woman mentioned in the early part of this chapter who suffered from a morbid impulse to take medicine. This drug-taking compulsion was obviously an example of an effect produced by unconscious forces, for the young woman was entirely unable to explain what its motivation was, by any effort of voluntary introspection. It is clear that the wish-energy which reached her consciousness in the shape of the powerful compulsion to take medicines must have belonged in the unconscious to some other idea than that of taking drugs, but this idea we should suppose was repressed by the censor. The idea of taking medicine, against which the f oreconscious interposed no resistance, thus played the part of a substitute for the first one and took on the activating libido belonging to it. 1 The energy of the compulsion thus presum- ably belonged to some wish of the unconscious in- i Such a substitute idea is ordinarily found to have some close associative connection with the first one. 78 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS compatible with the trends of the f oreconscious, a wish which escaped repression only by means of displacement. We find confirmation for these theoretical ex- pectations in viewing the ascertained facts of the case. The young woman in question was a de- vout Catholic. To be a good Catholic involves more repression than is required of the adher- ents of most other faiths. This girl was unmar- ried, and the church not only puts a strict pro- hibition on a single woman doing anything of a specifically sexual nature, but it also teaches that thinking sensual things and entertaining lustful wishes is wrong and must be vigorously combated. Thus the f oreconscious of a Catholic girl (assum- ing that she seriously accepts these teachings) would contain strong resistances against any ideas, or wishes of a sensuously erotic character. Counter-activations would exist against such ideas ; they would be denied activation in the fore- conscious or the conscious, and their activation which is derived from the sex impulse and from the unconscious would be likely to find expression in feeling or action only if it succeeded in attach- ing itself to some apparently non-sexual ideas which would not meet with counter-activations or resistances. The young woman of whom I speak was in most robust physical health, and, as might naturally be expected, had an equally vigorous sexual impulse. She had a strong instinctive (one might say or- ganic) yearning for sexual experience and to bear children. For these longings no legitimate outlet DESCENDANTS OF REPRESSED 79 was provided, since she was not married, while her conscience and reason withheld her from any actions that might gratify them in illegitimate ways. In addition the religious and family teach- ings incorporated in her ego-ideal and in the trends of the foreconscious created counter-acti- vations and resistances against her admitting to herself the whole reality of these wishes or in- dulging in any phantasies corresponding to their fulfillment. Had her repression, in accordance with the teachings of her religion, been perfect (as it was not), practically no sensuously erotic ideas would have been allowed access to her con- sciousness and no affects would have been de- veloped from her sexual longings. Complete repression of such powerful forces is by no means easy of achievement and we need not be surprised that this patient failed to accomplish it. She was fairly successful, to be sure, in ex- cluding from her consciousness the ideas corre- sponding to her sexual wishes, but she did not suc- ceed in keeping their energy confined to the un- conscious. In the course of my analytic work with her she at length recalled that as a little child she had been much interested in the question of where babies come from. She had asked her parents to answer it and had received the very unsatisfy- ing statement that they grew on trees in the gar- den. Thereafter she pondered the question in private and came to some conclusions of her own that seemed more acceptable. She had made the observation that the arrival of a new baby in the 80 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS family invariably coincided with an apparently severe illness on the part of her mother. She soon concluded that a causal relation existed be- tween the two phenomena. Then arose the ques- tion as to what caused these illnesses of her mother which gave rise to such remarkable se- quelae. It must be, she at length decided, that her mother made herself sick by means of some drug or medicine obtained from the doctor. Little girls, then, if they only knew what this medicine was and could get some of it, could have babies just as well as the mother and would not have to play with dolls. We realize at this point what was the meaning of the patient's compulsion. It is clear that in carrying out her impulse to take medicine she was acting just as she might have acted in her child- hood if she had been desperately anxious to have children. At the time of her childish meditation she never did decide what drug the doctor gave her mother, and thus, as far as she knew, any drug might have been the one to produce a baby. By virtue of her infantile sexual theory the taking of any kind of medicine could be a symbolic equiv- alent for the act of fertilization. Though an in- nocent and harmless idea in itself, it served to rep- resent in consciousness the libido really belong- ing to the idea of coitus and reproduction, wishes, which, because of her moral resistances, were denied either free entrance to her consciousness or discharge as feeling or action of obviously sexual quality. Now that we know from what source this compulsion derived its motive power, DESCENDANTS OF REPRESSED 81 we need not be astonished that the patient was unable to resist it. It may be pointed out that the substitute idea of taking drugs not only bears a close associative re- lation to the repressed ideas, but also that it must once have formed a part of the same sexual com- plex which, at the time of the patient's illness, was subject to repression. In short we may say that it was a descendant of the repressed. It should here be mentioned that the foreconscious is in large measure made up of what in one sense must be regarded as descendants of the repressed, and thus of the unconscious. This is true not only of ideas and memories which have associative con- nection with unconscious ones, or were at some time a part of the repressed, but likewise of trends or activations some of which, from the point of view of function, are directly opposite to the re- pressed. Some of the inhibiting impulses, some of the specifications of the ego-ideal, really had a common origin with certain trends of the uncon- scious which in their nature would be regarded as the least ideal and most fully deserving of re- pression. Repressed and repressing forces in many instances really developed out of the same primitive instinctive tendencies. This is a fact which we have mentioned in Chapter I in discuss- ing the latency period. I have brought up the matter of foreconscious descendants of the unconscious in order at this point to correct the impression which was per- mitted to be made in the early part of ihis chap- ter, that all of the content of the foreconscious is 82 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS eligible for consciousness and thus within the reach of voluntary introspection. Such, as a mat- ter of fact, is not the case. Though a large part of the f oreconscious is passed by the censor and thus is eligible for consciousness and within the reach of introspection, some of it, represented by certain descendants of the unconscious cannot be brought into consciousness by any ordinary in- trospective effort. These are the descendants of the repressed which possess close associative con- nection and qualitative similarity with it. In con- sequence of their quite readily demonstrable exist- ence in the f oreconscious we have to assume a sec- ond censor which stands at the border between the foreconscious and conscious systems just as the other censor stands between the foreconscious and the unconscious. This superficial censor operates against certain descendants of the unconscious which exist in the foreconscious but which bear the closest association with the unconscious and with the original repressed. Whether such de- scendants are rejected by the superficial censor or whether they are admitted to consciousness not only depends on their quality and their close asso- ciation with the unconscious but often on the in- tensity of their activation. Ideas or phantasies, which through their content, might be deemed de- serving of repression may be admitted to con- sciousness provided they have a relatively weak desire content. For instance a married woman may not object to being attracted by a man not her husband, or to having a few erotic day dreams about him as long as she feels that the attraction DESCENDANTS OF REPRESSED 83 for him is not strong or that the happenings de- picted in the day dreams do not indicate an in- tense wish that they might take place in reality. But if, for any reason, her feeling for the man threatened to become stronger, her resistances would be brought into action, the ideas and phan- tasies might be repressed completely, and she would soon cease to be conscious of any interest in him whatever. To illustrate what has been said about the ex- igence in the f oreconscious of numerous descend- ants of the repressed, a concrete example may well be in order, even though the introduction of it may involve anticipating certain matters the full dis- cussion of which is reserved for later chapters. A friend once asked me if I knew of a firm dealing in a certain commodity he desired, and no sooner had I replied that I did than I found that I had forgotten the name of the firm. I did re- member the location of their place of business, a large down-town office building, and, as I hap- pened to be passing there a few days later, I stepped in and found that the missing name was Pond. This forgetting is to be explained as follows: We should assume that in my mind there must have existed some resistance against the word Pond, in other words that I was unable to recall this name, which really is very familiar to me, be- cause of the action of the censor which refused to pass it. We should also expect that the resistance which prevented the word from coming to my con- sciousness arose not so much against the word it- 84 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS self as against some group of ideas of which the word formed a part or with which it was associ- ated. The word, presumably, was repressed not because it was offensive in itself, but because of its association with the offensive and repressed. At the time I was unable to recall it we should suppose it existed in the foreconscious as one of the descendants of the repressed to which the superficial censor denies entrance into conscious- ness. The essential procedures of psychoanalytic technique rest upon the assumption that many de- scendants of any repressed trend or complex ex- ist in the foreconscious, and one seeks to learn of the repressed by bringing into the patient's con- sciousness some of these descendants. The pati- ent is therefore instructed to give up any goal-idea in his thinking and to tell all the thoughts that come to his mind, carefully resisting every tend- ency to ignore or reject any of them. This really means that he is to combat as far as possible the rejective action of the superficial censor and so to allow some of the descendants of the repressed to enter his consciousness, for this is just what these seemingly random and meaningless associations really are. In seeking then to discover why I could not re- call the name Pond, or rather with what group of ideas painful to me it had become associated, I applied the technique above described with the results that are here recorded. Upon fixing my mind on the word Pond it oc- DESCENDANTS OF REPKESSED 85 curred to me that a certain Dr. Pond used to be a pitcher on the old Baltimore baseball team. Next I thought of Indian Pond, where I used to go fish- ing as a small boy, and I had a memory picture of myself throwing into the water the large stone used as an anchor for the boat. Then I thought of a man named Fischer who is at present a pitcher for the New York Americans. Continuing, I thought of Pond's Extract and of the fact that it contains witch hazel. This re- minded me that I used witch hazel to rub my arm when in my school days I was pitcher on a base- ball team. I also thought of a certain fat boy who was a member of the same team and recalled with amusement that in sliding to a base this boy once went head first into a mud puddle, so that as he lifted his face plastered with dirt, this, com- bined with his marked rotundity, had given him an extremely laughable and pig-like appearance. I further recalled that at that time I knew a boy nicknamed " Piggy 7 ' and that at a later time I had been nicknamed "Pig." At this thought I was interrupted for a few mo- ments, and when I returned to the analysis the word Pond brought the associations: Ponder think "sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought" Hamlet the memory of my having re- ferred to a certain village as a hamlet the recol- lection that a farmer in this village once told me that a neighbor, out of spite, killed two pigs and threw them into his (the farmer's) well. Then there suddenly occurred to me the follow- 86 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS in 1 incident from my seventh year which appears to have been the cause of my forgetting the word Pond. At the time I refer to I had a dog to which I was greatly attached. My brother and I were playing one day on the edge of a small pond near our house, and this dog was in the water swim- ming. We began to throw small stones into the water in front of the dog, and as each stone struck the surface he would jump for the splash, try to bite it, and bark in joyous excitement. Finally, I was seized with the malicious desire to scare the dog and, picking up a stone weighing three or four pounds, I threw it, intending it to strike just in front of him and frighten him by its enor- mous splash. Unfortunately, my aim was bad. The big stone struck the dog squarely upon the nose and stunned him, so that he sank beneath the surface and was drowned. My grief over this incident was without ques- tion the greatest that I experienced in my child- hood. For days I was utterly inconsolable, and for a long time there were frequent occasions when I would be so overcome with sorrow and re- morse as -to cry myself to sleep at night. I sup- pose, however, that my grief seemed greater than it actually was. That is to say, it was exagger- ated to serve as a compensation and penance for the painful perception that a cruel impulse on my part was responsible for the dog's untimely end. At any rate, as is plain, the memory of the in- cident was a very painful one, and, in consequence, DESCENDANTS OF REPRESSED 87 I had good reason to wish to forget not only the incident itself but also any word (such as Pond) which might serve to bring it before my conscious- ness. The matter to which I wish particularly to call attention is the relevancy of my seemingly irrele- vant associations. For instance, my first associa- tion that of the pitcher, Dr. Pond contains three ideas connected with the repressed memory ; viz., Doctor (myself), Pond (the place of the inci- dent), and pitcher (one who throws). My second association concerning Indian Pond and my throwing into the water the big stone used as anchor is equally relevant. Indian Pond is in the same town as the other pond in which the dog was drowned ; my memory of throwing over- board the anchor is connected with the memory of throwing into the water the other big stone which caused the dog's death. The association pig which came up several times in the latter part of the analysis seems at first glance to have no connection with the concealed memory. A connection does exist, however. The letters P-I-G reversed are G-I-P, which spells the name of the dog. Thus the association concern- ing the pig-like boy and the mud puddle which contains the elements P-l-G, baseball (i. e., throw- ing), and water or that of the farmer and the pigs P-I-G, death, throwing, and water is seen to be perfectly relevant. 1 Thus it may readily be seen that every idea that i Frink "Some Analysis in the Psychopath ology of Everyday Life," Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. XII, No. 1, 1917. 88 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS came to my mind was in some way associated with the repressed memory, either directly, as are those I have mentioned, or through some intermediate idea, such as the drowning of Ophelia, which con- nects Hamlet and the quotation therefrom with the drowning of the dog. This little analysis gives a miniature view of what takes place in analyzing a case of psycho- neurosis. The associations the patient produces in the therapeutic analysis are relevant to, and suggestive of, the repressed material on which the symptoms depend just as in this analysis all the associations bore a certain similarity to the repressed memory, so that, even if it had not come up to consciousness, one could have, from these associations, drawn some conclusions as to its probable content. Thus we may close this chapter with the state- ment that our knowledge of the content of the un- conscious is derived chiefly from the study of the descendants of the repressed which exist in the f oreconscious and which, by abandoning any goal- idea in one's thinking and resisting the action of the superficial censoring tendencies, may be re- produced quite freely in consciousness. 1 i The repressed painful memory which caused me to forget the word Pond, though an entity in itself, is at the same time a part of a larger entity, the whole sadistic complex. The facility with which it was repressed (I do not suppose I had thought of it in many years until I attempted to analyze my forgetting) was doubtless in part dependent upon its association with other repressed material belonging to this complex. CHAPTER III TWO KINDS OF THINKING, AND THE PSYCHOLOGY OP THE DREAM IT is readily apparent upon a moment's reflec- tion that there are two distinct types of men- tal processes going on in our minds, and obeying two entirely different general laws or principles. The one type of thinking, which is represented in its most highly developed form by reasonings, judgments and various sorts of in- tellectual work, takes place in accordance with what Freud calls the Reality Principle. The other, most familiarly exemplified by day-dream- ing, is governed by what he has termed the Prin- ciple of Pain and Pleasure, or, more briefly, the Pleasure Principle. Thinking of the first mentioned type, or Eeality Thinking, concerns itself mainly with actualities, with the answering of questions and the solving of problems, and serves to bring us into closer touch with the world as it is, and to assure and perfect our adaptations to it. Thinking of this type is for the most part done in words, it is di- rected in accordance with some goal-idea, and it tends to produce fatigue. The second type of thought activity, or Pleas- ure Thinking takes place in pictures, in images rather than in words. It is not directed by any goal-idea, but wanders in apparent aimlessness from one theme to another, and does not tire us. 89 90 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Its only concern is with that which is pleasant, and instead of bringing us into closer touch with real- ity, tends rather to withdraw us from it, particu- larly when reality is unpleasant. The gain or pleasure in this type of thinking comes from what is thought rather than from the result of thought, as is mainly the case with reality thinking. Real- ity thinking seeks to achieve the fulfillment of our wishes by things actual, and leads to the making of such changes in the external world as are re- quired for that result. But in pleasure thinking the wishes are fulfilled in an hallucinatory man- ner, by imagination, and in total disregard of time, space and reality. Thus no amount of reality thinking can restore the past or awake the dead, yet in pleasure thinking I can, for example, be- come a general under Alexander the Great, fight in his armies, hold converse with him or for that matter, be Alexander himself ; and if I want more worlds to conquer, find them and conquer them, in total disregard of time or space and every law of nature. Thus in day dreaming we have pleas- ure thinking exemplified in its most familiar form. In a measure, though not accurately, the two types of thinking correspond to the differentiation of the unconscious from the higher psychic sys- tems. While processes of the pleasure thinking type may occur in the conscious or f oreconscious systems, reality thinking belongs to them exclu- sively and all the processes of the unconscious are of the pleasure thinking type. This is in accord with the statements made in the preceding chap- ter to the effect that the processes of the Uncon- PLEASURE THINKING 91 scious are unoriented with regard to time, space and external reality, and that the Unconscious can only wish. Obviously those processes governed solely by the pain and pleasure principle and disregarding reality are the more primitive and the older in the history of the mind. They correspond to phy- logenetic and ontogenetic phases antedating the use of words, but in a sense are even more primi- tive than is implied by that statement. One can conceive of a period in the history of the psychic apparatus when they were the only type of mental process. Against this assumption the objection of course arises that an organism which merely hallucinates its inner needs and disregards reality could not maintain itself for even a short time and hence never could have existed save as a fiction. But the employment of such a fiction is, as Freud ex- plains, justified by the observation that the suck- ling infant almost realizes such a state of affairs through the aid of the nursing by the mother. "He apparently hallucinates the fulfillment of his innermost needs, displaying meanwhile through the motor discharge of crying and kick- ing, the displeasure arising through the increas- ing tension and failed satisfaction, and thereupon he experiences the satisfaction hallucinated. 1 Only later does he learn to use these discharge expressions purposely as a means of communi- cation. " At first he hks no appreciation of what i"Jahrbuch ftir Psychoanalytische und Psychopathologische ForBchungen," Bd. Ill, Hit I, 1912. 92 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS intervenes between a wish and its fulfillment ; for anything he may sense to the contrary a wish ful- fills itself. His crying, etc., is at first simply an epiphenomenon of unsatisfied wish-tensions ; that it informs another person of his desires and that the satisfaction shortly experienced comes only through the instrumentality of another being he does not at first know. The attempt to realize all satisfactions by the hallucinatory method is abandoned with the first disappointments. The psychic apparatus is com- pelled to image what is actual, not simply what is wished for ; it must depict the real, even if reality be unpleasant, and must strive for real changes, not simply imaginary ones. From these necessi- ties reality thinking, so important in its results, begins. In his paper Formulierung uber die zwei Prinzipien des Psychischen Geschehens? Freud gives a schematic outline of the development of the psychic functions a portion of which is some- what as follows. The progressively increasing significance of external reality which begins as soon as the purely hallucinatory method of wish fulfillment commences to decline, correspondingly increases the significance of the sense organs re- ceiving impressions from the external world and of that part of consciousness connected with them. The individual now becomes interested in sense qualities in addition to the qualities of pain and pleasure with which he was exclusively concerned i"Jah.rbuch fiir Psychoanalytische und Psychopathologische Forschungen," Bd. Ill, Hft I, 1912. EEALITY THINKING 93 at first. A special function, that of attention, is then arranged which examines the external world in order that data concerning it may be on hand at any time an urgent need arises. Instead of merely waiting for the coming of sense impress- ions, this activity goes out to meet them. At the same time a system of records is devised in which the results of this examination are preserved and which constitutes a part of what we call the memory. Instead of repressing everything painful, in- stead of denying activation to all those presenta- tions tending to create displeasure, of ignoring everything unwished for, the psychic apparatus begins to exercise the function of judgment which seeks to decide whether the incoming presenta- tions are true or false, that is to say in harmony with reality, accepting that which so harmonizes even if it be unpleasant, and determining what shall be accepted as true by comparing the pre- sentations in question with the memory records of reality. The motor discharges which during the reign of the pleasure principle simply served the func- tion of relieving the apparatus from the tensions produced by incoming stimuli, by draining off these tensions as affective phenomena, motor rest- lessness, etc., now become employed in a new func- tion, that of producing desirable changes in the external world. They now become purposeful actions, the forerunners of work. The stimulus no longer results immediately in a complete motor discharge. Between the receipt 94 MOEBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS of the stimulus and the motor discharge as ac- tion now intervenes the process of thinking which was originally represented by, and is formed from, the act of imaging. Originally thinking as a process distinct from mere imaging, and applied to the relations between impressions of objects, was probably unconscious. Only through con- nections with verbal residues does it gain such qualities as render it perceptible to consciousness. The psychic apparatus learns to tolerate the greater degrees of tension necessitated through the deferment of motor discharge, and thinking, that is to say reality thinking, really represents a sort of experimental paying out of these accumu- lated tensions in small quantities. While those processes dominated exclusively by the pleasure principle represent nothing but wish, and strive for nothing but the securing of imme- diate pleasure or the avoidance of immediate pain, the goal of reality thinking is essentially that of utility. Thus the replacement of the pleasure principle by reality thinking in the consciousness of the individual is never complete, as we know. From the beginning of the influence of the reality principle in the mental life there remains split off a certain amount of thought activity dominated by the old laws and absolved from being tested or evaluated in accordance with the impressions of reality. It is represented in the play and "make believes " of children and by the phantasies and day dreams of the adult, where real objects are dispensed with throughout. The processes of the unconscious remain always under the domination PLEASURE THINKING 95 of the old principle of pleasure. It is the only law they know, and of this fact, we shall, in the following pages meet with numerous examples. 1 The general tendency to satisfy with pictures i "The release from the principle of pleasure by means of the reality principle, with the psychical results which proceed from it (the release) which here in a schematic exposition is restricted to a single proposition, really is completed neither at once nor simultaneously on the whole line. But while this development takes place in the ego-impulses, the sexual impulses are released from it in a very significant manner. The sexual impulses at first behave autoerotically ; they find their satisfaction in the individu- al's own body, and do not reach the situation of denial which com- pelled the installation of the reality principle. When later the individual begins the process of finding an object, he waits a long time because of the period of latency, which prolongs the sexual development up to the time of puberty. These two elements autoerotism and the period of latency have the result that the sexual impulse is retarded in its psychic development and remains a great deal longer under the dominance of the pleasure princi- ple, from which many persons can never free themselves. "Because of these relations there is a closer connection between sexual impulse and phantasying on the one hand and the ego- impulses and the activities of consciousness on the other. We find this connection, in normal persons as well as in neurotics, a very intimate one, although, by means of these considerations from genetic psychology, it is recognized as a secondary one. The continually operating autoerotism makes it possible that the easier momentary and phantastic satisfaction on the sexual object is retained so long in the place of the real one which however requires trouble and delay. In the realm of phantasy repression remains all-powerful. It makes possible the inhibition of ideas (Vorstellungen) in statu nascendi before they can enter con- sciousness, if their activation can occasion a release of pain. This is the weak spot of our psychic organization, which may be em- ployed to bring under the dominance of the pleasure principle again those thought processes which have already become rational. An essential bit of the psychic disposition toward neurosis is accordingly produced by the delayed education of the sexual im- pulse to regard reality through the conditions which render pos- sible this delay." Freud, I.e. 96 MOEBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS of the imagination (images .of any sense quality) the desires that reality leaves ungratified, as most familiarly exemplified in our day dreams is not limited in its operation to our waking hours. The tensions represented by various ungratified wishes of the day persist in some measure after we go to sleep and, if of sufficient intensity, serve to dis- turb our rest. Then pleasure thinking comes to our aid and, as in the suckling period, an attempt is made to still and satisfy these longings by the hallucinatory route by pictures of the imagina- tion and upon awaking we say that we have dreamed. In short, the night dream and the day dream are really analogous. We may define either one as the imaginary fulfillment of a wish. Neverthe- less, the truth of this statement is by no means self-evident. That the day dream is a phantasied wish-fulfillment is perfectly obvious. But that the night dream invariably fulfills a wish seems on first thought impossible. Over fifty per cent, of dreams seem to the dreamer distinctly dis- agreeable, while many others, though not actively unpleasant, nevertheless apparently fail to rep- resent anything for which a sane person might be supposed to wish. Yet the apparent unlikeness between the night dream and the day dream is not due to any lapse of the principle of wish fulfillment but rather to a difference in the way the desired things are rep- resented. The representation in the day dream is direct; the thing or occurrence desired is pic- tured as actual and present without any ambigu- Courtesy of the New York Tribune NIGHT DREAMS 97 ity or vagueness. But in the night dream the rep- resentation is indirect. What is desired, instead of being pictured in its true form, is represented by implications, innuendoes, symbols, allegorical figures, etc. Thus while the day dream may be taken more or less at its face value, the meaning of the night dream is not to be found on its sur- face. The night dream, like a rebus or an alle- gory, has to be interpreted if we wish to know its meaning. Only in this way can we learn what wish it fulfills. That our night dreams seem to be senseless and absurd is not due to their actually lacking meaning but for the most part to the fact that indirect rather than direct representation has been employed. In order to make perfectly clear the difference between direct and indirect representation, and how readily an appearance of absurdity is created by the use of the latter, I will introduce an ex- ample of indirect representation in the shape of the picture, Figure 1. This is a copy of a cartoon which appeared in the New York Tribune, March 6th, 1916, just after Mr. Bryan had made a trip to Washington, ostensibly in the interests of pacifism. It ex- presses the artist's opinion that this trip did not spring from entirely altruistic motives that, in figurative language, the Great Commoner, in ap- pearing in the role of the dove of peace, really had an ax to grind. A direct expression of the ideas represented by the cartoon would be the simple statement that Mr. Bryan's visit to Washington was primarily 98 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS intended not so much to further the interests of pacifism as those of Mr. Bryan himself. But the cartoon, which expresses the same thought in an indirect manner, if taken merely at its face value would seem to refer to something entirely differ- ent. If, for instance we were in the position of an Icelander, and unfamiliar with American politics and the figures of English speech, the cartoon would seem just as senseless, bizarre and fantastic as do most of our dreams, and precisely for the same reason, for it would then be a case of indi- rect representation which we had not interpreted. To us the cartoon has a meaning only because of our ability to interpret it. To be able to make the interpretation we need to possess certain in- formation which is not given by the cartoon itself. Thus we have to know the setting what was go- ing on in the political world at the time the cartoon was drawn. We must be able to recognize the features of Mr. Bryan, and must be familiar with the symbolic figure, the dove of peace, and the col- loquialism "to have an ax to grind." If we do not have this information we can take the cartoon only at its face value and then it seems utterly senseless. What is true of indirect representa- tion as exemplified in this cartoon also applies everywhere else. In order to see any sense or meaning in it, one has to have certain informa- tion not given in the representation itself, and to use this as a means of interpretation. When we have the required information and use it, the ap- pearance of senselessness vanishes at once. I will now relate a real dream and I think it NIGHT DREAMS 99 will be apparent that the means by which ideas are represented in it are almost identical with those of the cartoon. To see what it means, the same sort of extra information and interpretation is required as in the case of the cartoon, and, when the interpretation is made, what seemed nonsense suddenly appears as sense. An acquaintance of mine once dreamed that he was kicking a skunk but that animal, instead of emitting its usual odor, gave off a strong smell of Palmer's perfume. This dream of course seems absolutely absurd and meaningless. But we must remember that as yet we know nothing of the dreamer, nor of the setting in which the dream occurred. In short we are in about the same position as would be an Icelander in attempting to interpret the cartoon. When, however, the setting is known the dream is not at all difficult to interpret. In discussing his dream with me the dreamer, whom we may call Taylor, was reminded by the idea of Palmer's perfume that he had been em- ployed as clerk in a drug store at the time the dream occurred. This brought to his mind the following episode which, as will readily be seen, was what gave rise to the dream. There had come to the drug store one day a man who demanded ten cents' worth of oil of wormseed (Chenopodium), and, as this drug is not classed as a poison, Taylor sold it to him with- out asking him any questions. The man then went home and administered a teaspoonful of the oil to his six months baby. The child vomited the 100 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS first dose, a second was given and thereupon the child died. Then, instead of taking the responsi- bility upon his own shoulders, the father sought to blame Taylor for the child's death. The town in which the occurrence took place was a small one and in a day or so most of the inhabitants had heard his very untrue account of the affair. Then Taylor, who was naturally very unwilling to be thus exposed to public censure, sought to defend himself by setting forth his version of the matter to every customer that entered the drug store. In a few days the proprietor, annoyed by this con- stant reiteration, said to him: "Look here, Tay- lor, I want you to stop talking about this affair. It does no good. The more you kick a skunk, the worse it stinks. " That night Taylor had the dream I have related. It is not difficult to see why it occurred and what it meant. By the proprietor's command Taylor had been robbed of the only means at his disposal for squaring himself with the public, and in con- sequence he went to bed that night very much worried and disturbed. Though he dropped off to sleep, these tensions persisted sufficiently to dis- turb his rest. He therefore dreams that he is still kicking the skunk but without any unpleasant results, for it has a sweet smell instead of an evil one. In other words the meaning of the dream is that he continued to defend himself and that good rather than ill came of it. The way these thoughts are expressed in the dream is ob- viously almost identical with that employed by the artist in the cartoon. For instance the dream " !*;**,* I* * * I J&S-* Courtesy of the New York Times NIGHT DREAMS 101 uses the proverb of the proprietor in just the same manner that the artist employed the phrase "to have an ax to grind. " One might easily imagine a cartoonist for the local paper in Tay- lor's town (if all the circumstances were known to the public) drawing a cartoon with the title "What Taylor would like to do" which would be identical with the dream. We may now consider another instance of in- direct representation as exemplified by the news- paper cartoon. (Fig. 2.) We behold a picture of a man who, judging from the armor he wears, would seem to belong to the time of Julius Caesar. Nevertheless, he stands near a very modern lamp post on a curb of what one would suppose to be Spring Street. He holds in one hand a watch of remarkable size and in the other a bouquet ap- parently composed of flowers and bayonets. In short the picture gives about the same impression of fantastic absurdity as do most of our dreams, and like a dream it requires interpretation. This cartoon is not, however, as easy to inter- pret as was the first one. In fact, as it stands, it absolutely defies interpretation. We assume that indirect representation, some sort of symbolism, was used in forming it, but in order to interpret it we must know the meaning of these symbols and something of the setting or of what the artist had in mind when he drew the picture. As we look at the picture now, we are just as ignorant of the meaning of its symbols as we are of the dream symbols of another person. 1C2 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS This picture appeared in the New York Times in the spring of 1915, with the title "This is the Place, but Where's the Girl?" In the original the symbols employed by the artist were labeled. On the sheet of paper which lies on the sidewalk in front of the man was inscribed the phrase "Italy to go to war in the Spring" and the tag attached to the bouquet he carried bore the words "For Miss Italy." At the time the picture was pub- lished, Italy, in spite of numerous predictions, had not yet joined in the European war. By the aid of these hints the picture is very readily interpreted. The meaning is something like this : "Italy is behaving like a fickle girl. No reliance can be placed upon her." The artist has used as symbols a man, a bouquet and a lamp post to express a thought about something entirely different, namely the attitude of that country to- ward the great conflict. In this cartoon, as in the first one, the same method of indirect representation is employed that is used in dreams, with one difference how- ever. The artist has labeled his symbols. The symbols in the dream are not labeled as they were in the original of this picture. The dream is like the picture as I have displayed it that is, with- out the hints to interpretation that appeared in the original. Hence if we wish to interpret a dream we must get the dreamer to label his sym- bols in the waking state and after the dream is finished. This is accomplished by the "method of free association" with which we already have some slight acquaintance from the analysis of my NIGHT DREAMS 103 forgetting of the word Pond. The dreamer is asked to fix his mind upon each part of the dream in turn and to relate, without exerting any critique, all his incoming thoughts. For, as will be ex- plained shortly, the dream is really a product of the unconscious and of the repressed, and we learn what it means by getting the dreamer to re- produce by free association various descendants of the unconscious. These descendants, or asso- ciations, play in dream analysis about the same role as the words the artist painted in his cartoon ; they represent labels for the dream symbols. By means of them we may learn of the hidden mean- ing of the dream. 1 The following simple examples in the form of parts of two dreams show anew the way thoughts are expressed through indirect representation, and also the relation of the free associations to the thoughts represented, or in other words how dream symbols may be labeled. A woman received a visit from one of her old lovers who now lives in Massachusetts. A few nights later she had a dream in which she found herself standing in an open window. The grass all about her was of a very fresh brilliant green. Close by was a tiny stream of water which seemed to have its source at the base of a rocky ledge a short distance away. i It may be remarked at this point that not much can be ac- complished unless there exists a certain trust or rapport on the part of the dreamer toward the person analyzing his dream. Without this, so much censorship is exercised over the incoming thoughts that the reproduced associations are superficial and it is difficult to deduce much from them. 104 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS This, it will be remembered, was indirect repre- sentation. We cannot interpret it without the dreamer 's associations ; we must get her to label her symbols. Her associations were as follows: The bright fresh color of the grass reminded her that she had seen just this color when as a girl she lived in the country and went out to gather cow- slips early in the spring. The little stream of water coming from the ledge of rocks she recog- nized as a memory picture of an actual stream which rose from a spring in a meadow near where she lived in her childhood. This particular meadow was spoken of in her family as the "spring lot." Her associations, then, were a field in the spring and a field with a spring in it, which, furthermore, was known as the spring lot. I may therefore, state, without more ado, that the field in which she found herself in the dream represented the city of Springfield in Massachusetts. This is the town in which her former lover lives. The dream fulfills a wish to be there with him. A second example of indirect representation is the following. A man who was much annoyed with himself for having done something very fool- ish had a dream in the first part of which he found himself in the center of an oval sheet of paper. The sheet of paper had a hole in the middle and his body was thrust through this hole so that the paper stuck out horizontally from his waist on all sides. When he wa-s asked for associations, the sheet of paper brought to his mind the fact that he always carries with him sheets of tissue NIGHT DREAMS 105 paper with a hole in the center which he uses to cover the closet seat when he has occasion to use a public toilet. A sheet of paper of this sort he is accustomed to refer to humorously as a "peri- anus. ' ' In the dream then he finds himself in the center of a * * peri-anus. ' ' But the thing one might expect to find in the center of a * * peri-anus "is an anus itself. This fact the dream utilizes to make reference to the foolish act I have spoken ; that is, the dream, by representing the dream in the center of a "peri-anus," expresses his annoyed convic- tion that he is an ass. I hope that these examples have made it clear that in a way there are two parts to every dream. These are the actual text of the dream (the collec- tion of pictures which the dreamer remembers on awaking) and the hidden thought which these pic- tures represent, and which can be obtained only by analysis. Those who read the New York Evening Mail may realize that the way in which the thoughts are expressed in the examples of dream symbolism I have given is very similar to that employed in the "Book Lovers* Contest" which used to appear in that newspaper. The Mail used to print a series of pictures, each one of which was supposed to represent the title of some book, and the reader sought to guess from the picture what particular book was represented. Now the dream as we remember it upon awaking, corresponds to the picture representing the title of a book. This part of the dream is known as its manifest content. The hidden part of the dream (the part which we obtain only by analysis) cor- 106 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS responds to the actual title of the book in the news- paper contest. This part is known as the latent dream content. It is not the manifest but the latent content of the dream which in each dream corresponds to the thing or occurrence wished for. The manifest content simply represents what is wished for, in the same way that the pictures in the newspaper represented the title of some book but were not the actual title. This distinction between the manifest and the latent content of the dream has been repeatedly emphasized by all psychoanalytic writers, but their readers with almost unbelievable regularity have failed to comprehend and appreciate it. Again and again one hears the objection that the dream cannot represent a wish fulfillment because all people have unpleasant dreams. Such an ob- jection is possibly only through misunderstanding. The manifest content is not what is wished for any more than the United States Ambassador to England is the United States. The manifest con- tent, like an ambassador, merely represents some- thing, and what fulfills the wish is not the repre- sentative but the thing represented. The fact, then, that the manifest content or representative may appear unpleasant does not imply that the thoughts represented must be unpleasant. In the clinical chapters of this book we shall be- come acquainted with dreams which, from the point of view of the manifest content, were very unpleasant but which were revealed upon analysis to represent wish fulfillments, nevertheless (e. g. the case of Miss Sunderland, pages 451, 452). DISTORTION 107 Through what has been brought out by the examples of dreams already given, we are now pre- pared for the statement that while the night dream and the day dream are both phenomena of pleas- ure thinking and both represent an effort to attain satisfaction by the old hallucinatory route, the night dream ordinarily differs from the day dream in that its wish fulfillment is disguised. The ex- planation of this fact takes us to a point with which we are already familiar, namely, the inhib- iting power and censoring influence exerted by the f oreconscious over wishes and ideas coming from the Unconscious. The chief reason why the hallu- cinated wish fulfillment in the night dream occurs as an indirect and distorted presentation is that disguise is required to evade the censorship. For the wishes fulfilled in night dreams are either those directly repressed or else those closely as- sociated with the repressed ; are, in other words, those of such a nature that a phantasy depicting frankly and directly what is wished for would be rejected by the censor. The disguise really has the purpose of protecting the dreamer from real- izing what it is he is dreaming about. As a matter of fact it is only because of the relaxation of cen- sorship that occurs with sleep that many of the dream wishes are able to find any representation at all in consciousness. During the day repres- sion is so strong that their exclusion would be practically perfect; in sleep the inhibition by the f oreconscious is relaxed, and the wish tensions of the Unconscious are then able to secure hallucina- tory fulfillment provided always that it is so dis- 108 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS guised and distorted as to appear unobjectionable. The dream then represents a compromise be- tween two opposed psychic streams or forces, the repressing force from the foreconscious which would repudiate the wish, and the repressed trend of the Unconscious which seeks wish fulfillment. In the dream both are satisfied in a measure. On the one hand the repressing stream can tolerate the repressed ideas corresponding to the wish fulfillment because their meaning is so veiled as to be unrecognized and the wish is not perceived by consciousness as a wish. On the other hand the wish in the repressed stream finds representation in consciousness but is forced to secure its hallu- cinatory gratification in a modified form. Fur- ther conflict is thus avoided and the dreamer con- tinues to sleep. The amount of distortion and censoring which the latent dream content is made to undergo varies directly with the amount of repression. In young children there is little or no repression, and so there is little difference between the manifest and latent content of their dreams. The dream of a child can be recognized, often without analysis, as a direct fulfillment of an unfulfilled wish of the preceding day. In some dreams of adults that result from desires arising during sleep, such as the desire for micturition, there is little or no repression and hence little or no distortion. Whatever distortion appears in such dreams comes from their wishes being associated with others that are repressed. I will now relate a dream with its analysis and AN INTERPKETATION 109 after this take up some of the special processes in dream formation. A young woman, a patient at Cornell Dispen- sary, told me a dream as follows : "I dreamed last night that I walked up Fifth Avenue with a girl friend. We stopped at a millinery store and looked at some hats in the window. I think that I finally went in and bought one." The analysis is as follows : When the patient was asked what was suggested to her by a walk with the girl of her dream, she immediately thought of an occurrence of the preceding day. On this day she had really walked up the same avenue with the same girl, and looked at hats in the same store window that she saw in the dream. In real life she bought no hat, however. Asked what more came to her mind, the following occurred to her : On the day of the dream her husband was in bed with some slight illness and, though she knew it was nothing serious, she had been terribly worried and could not rid herself of the fear that he might die. On this account, when the friend of the dream hap- pened in, the husband suggested that a walk with this girl might help her. After telling me this it also occurred to the patient that, during the walk, some mention had been made of a man she knew before her marriage. When urged to continue, she hesitated but finally said that she believed that at one time she had been in love with him. Asked why, then, she did not marry him, the patient laughed and replied that she had never had a chance, and then explained that the man was so 110 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS well off and so far above her socially that she had always considered him out of her reach. After this, in spite of my urging, she could not be in- duced to pursue the subject further, and persisted in saying that it had been merely a silly, girlish affair which amounted to absolutely nothing. I then asked her to think of buying a hat and relate everything this suggested to her. She then told me that she had very much liked the hats she had seen in the store window and she wished that she could buy one of them, though she knew this was out of the question as her husband was a poor man. Evidently this wish is fulfilled in the dream, however, for in it she does buy a hat. But this is not all. She suddenly remembered that the hat she bought in the dream was a black hat, a mourn- ing hat, in fact ! This little detail, hitherto concealed, when con- sidered with the associations previously brought out, immediately gives the key to the interpreta- tion of the dream. On the day of the dream the patient had been fearful that her husband might die. She dreams that she buys mourning, thereby implying the phantasy that his death has occurred. In real life she had been prevented from buying a hat by the fact that her husband was poor. In the dream she is able to buy one and this certainly suggests a husband who is not poor. To answer the question of who this rich husband might be, we need only turn to the associations of the first part of the dream, i. e., the man of whom she refused to talk and with whom she might have been in love. He, as she said, is well off and as his wife she could LATENT CONTENT 111 buy hats as she wanted them. One may therefore conclude that this patient was dissatisfied with her husband, that she unconsciously wished to be free from him even at the cost of his life, and that she longed to marry another man who would be better able to supply her wants. When the patient was informed of this interpre- tation of her dream, she not only admitted the truth of my conclusions but, as her resistance was then broken, gave a number of other facts in cor- roboration. The most important of these was that, after her marriage, she learned that the man whom she had considered above her was by no means as indifferent to her as she had supposed. This, as she acknowledged, tended to rouse her old love for him and make her regret her hasty mar- riage, for she felt that if she had waited only a lit- tle longer, she might have fared better. Let us now consider some of the processes at work in the formation of dreams. In the example given, the manifest content is the dream story as related by the patient. This as we have seen, gives expression in consciousness to certain un- conscious ideas, the latent dream content, which may be stated about as follows: "I am tired of poverty. I do not care for my husband. He dies and frees me. I marry the man I prefer and so am no longer poor." In this dream, as is gen- erally the case, the material forming the manifest content (the representatives for the unconscious dream thoughts) is taken from the thoughts of the day before. However, in some dreams, older ma- terial, often from early childhood, is employed. 112 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS As in this dream, the dream material usually ap- pears to concern matters which seem very trivial. The conversion of the latent dream thoughts into the manifest content is called the dream work (Traumarbeit) and is accomplished by the coop- eration of four different processes or "mechan- isms." The first of these is called Condensation (Verdichtung). This mechanism accomplishes just what its name implies. It forms a conscious surrogate by abbreviating, symbolizing, fusing and condensing the unconscious ideas of the latent dream content. The manifest content of the dream is therefore laconic. It is always much less in extent than the latent content. Hence, it follows that quite generally one element in the manifest dream represents several in the latent. Such an element is then said to be "overdeter- mined." This overdetermination is well shown in the example given. The purchase of a mourn- ing hat expresses both escape from poverty, the death of a husband and a new and better marriage. Condensation may also produce a fusion of the memories of different scenes or objects into new scenes or objects, different persons into one com- posite person or different words and sentences into seemingly senseless phrases or neologisms. Thus one of my patients dreamed that he received a letter signed ' ' Helva. ' ' This word, upon analy- sis, resolved itself into the two words " Helen " and "Elva," names which belonged to two young women with whom he was anxious to correspond. An example of condensation exactly like that which occurs in dreams is afforded by the first car- DISPLACEMENT 113 toon given above. Essentially it is a composite formed by the fusion of the three images into a single one, namely that of Mr. Bryan, the dove of peace and a man with an ax. Similar examples of condensation in dreams will be found in the clinical chapters, for instance the dog in the dream of Miss Sunderland (Chapter IX). Many of the most fantastic dream figures, such as strange looking animals, persons half human and half beast, are condensation products whose absurdity disappears as soon as they are resolved into their constituent elements. 1 The second dream mechanism operating to form the manifest content from the latent is called Displacement (Verschiebung). Through dis- placement important ideas in the latent content are made to seem unimportant in the manifest, i Condensation, a phenomenon of comparatively infrequent oc- currence in the thought processes of the foreconscious and con- scious systems, is not a peculiarity of dream thinking per se but of unconscious processes generally. The same may be said of displacement, the mechanism we are next to take up. The exist- ence of these peculiarities of the unconscious processes bears wit- ness to the high importance of the primitive activation energies being readily mobile and facile of discharge. The fact that we find these processes frequently occurring in the foreconscious and conscious systems only in pathological cases does not indicate that they are abnormal in themselves. The fact is they are pri- mary in the psychic apparatus; they occur wherever thoughts abandoned by foreconscious activation are left to themselves and can fill themselves with uninhibited energy striving for discharge from the Unconscious. They are, in short, natural modes of activity of the psychic apparatus when freed from foreconscious inhibition. Compare Chapter VII of Freud's "Interpretation of Dreams," and his later paper, "Das Unbewusste." When such activities do reach consciousness they give rise to a feeling of comicality. 114 'MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS while some minor thought in the latent content may be represented as the central feature in the manifest part of the dream. This mechanism is well shown in the dream just given. In it, the walk up the avenue is the most prominent portion of the manifest content, though in reality it is the least significant part of the dream. At the same time, the most important part of the dream, the purchase of the hat, was given a minor place and mentioned by the patient almost as an after- thought. Thus the manifest content of the dream may said to be eccentric. Its central idea is not directly in line with the central idea of the latent dream thoughts. The following cartoon is also an example of displacement. The central thought in its latent content is one of impatience over the delay in set- tling the Lusitania matter. This is expressed by a mere detail of the manifest content of the car- toon, namely the long beards and the aged appear- ance of the men represented. There is nothing in the cartoon itself save the word "Lusitania" to indicate that it has to do with the sinking of a great ship and an international controversy. Equally important is the displacement of af- fects. In the second chapter we learned that an unconscious wish whose idea content would be re- fused passage by the censor might gain represen- tation in consciousness and access to affective discharge by transferring its activation energy to an associated and more acceptable idea. Many such displacements occur in the formation of dreams. Thus one finds in a dream some emo- Courtesy of the Louisville Times Von Bernstorff Presents Lansing with Germany's Revised Answer DISPLACEMENT 115 tion such as anger, love or fear referring to an image of some logically indifferent object, or vice versa. This mechanism is responsible for the fact that so many dreams are made up of trivial and hardly noticed impressions of the day pre- ceding. Such impressions are used in the dream to represent more significant ideas whose affects have been transferred to them. One should not judge that a dream deals only with trivialities if its manifest content seems trivial. The following dream is an example of this fact. A young woman suffering from a compulsion neurosis, dreamed that there was at her house some person (whose identity in the dream was very vague) toward whom she felt herself in- debted for many attentions. Wishing to recipro- cate in some way, she offered her hair comb for this person's use. This is all there was of her dream. Judging from its manifest content one would hardly expect that it dealt with anything of great importance. As an introduction to the understanding of this dream I should state that the patient is a Jewess and that about a year before this dream occurred a young man, a Protestant, fell violently in love with her and besought her to marry him. She liked him very much, and, as she explained to me, had it not been for the difference in race, she could easily have reciprocated his feeling. But not only did she regard the question of race and religion as important in itself but even more so as applied to the matter of children. Marriages between Jews and Gentiles turned out well enough, according to 116 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS her observation, so long as there were no children, but as soon as children came and the question arose as to whether they should be brought up as Jews or Christians, the situation at once became complicated, and, it seemed to her, trouble and un- happiness invariably resulted. In view of this she had schooled herself, she stated, not to care for her Christian admirer. The dream which I have related occurred one night after she had had a violent quarrel with her mother, as a result of which (when she retired for the night) she reproached herself for the trouble she was continually causing, and decided that it would be better for both herself and her family if she did not live at home. She fell asleep thinking of ways and means to get away from home and to support herself without calling upon her family for assistance. Once asleep, she had the dream just related. In the light of these facts as to the setting the interpretation of the dream is very easy. Without going into details, I may say that the person in the dream to whom she felt indebted for many attentions represented her Gentile lover, for whom, as I have said, she had schooled herself not to care because of the question of children. The offer of her comb in the dream refers to this question, for in telling what she associated with the comb she mentioned that when one person is about to use another 's comb or brush the remark is sometimes made : " Don't do that ; you will mix the breed." In the dream the offer of the comb for another's use represents an intention to mix the DISPLACEMENT 117 "breed in the sense of marrying a Gentile and hav- ing children by him. The dream thus expresses as fulfilled her wish to accept her Christian lover and corresponds to a reflection that, in view of the trouble she has at home, a marriage with him in spite of the disadvantages of mixing the breed might be better than remaining with her family. Thus the affective content of a matter of great im- portance, namely her very real and strong re- pressed interest in the Protestant lover and her wish to give herself to him, finds expression in the dream by displacing itself to ideas apparently most trivial. The third dream-forming mechanism is known as Dramatization (Riicksicht auf Darstellbarkeit, regard for presentability ) . It concerns the means by which the thoughts of the latent content of the dream are represented in consciousness. In the manifest content of a dream there is no intellec- tual activity. All the thinking is done in the Un- conscious. * The manifest content consists merely of various ideas that have been sifted from the unconscious dream thoughts by the action of the censor. These ideas are then rendered objective in the form of pictures (images) mostly visual, though tactile, auditory or other sensory impres- sions do occur, and they are comprehended by the iThe fact that in some dreams intellectual operations do ap- pear (both the forming of judgments and the drawing of conclu- sions) is an apparent but not a real contradiction to this state- ment. These processes originate not in the manifest content but in the underlying dream thoughts. They may be reproductions of actual intellectual operations that had taken place previously, i.e. memories. 118 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS dreamer as something outside of himself. This mechanism thus presents to the dreamer the rep- resentatives of the latent dream thoughts by dramatizing them, so that they are expressed as in a pantomime or by moving pictures. This is shown by some of the examples I have given. This kind of representation, however, has its lim- itations. For instance, as in a play, events which really extend over a long period of time have to be represented in a few moments. Logical relations often can not be represented at all. Thus ideas such as "if," "when," "either," "because," etc., cannot be pictured and usually no attempt is made to represent them. Occasionally such relations between the various latent dream thoughts are ex- pressed by special devices. Thus thoughts cor- responding to a subordinate clause are repre- sented in an introductory dream while the ideas corresponding to the principal clause follow as the main dream. Identity or similarity between two ideas or things or persons is expressed by combining their representing images (Condensation). Many of the dreams in the clinical chapters show this mech- anism. It is the same as that employed in the fol- lowing cartoon from the New York Tribune, No- vember 26, 1915 (an excellent example of conden- sation) which expresses through a fusion of im- ages the idea that this country is like the statue of Venus, or in other words, is lacking in arms. In connection with dramatization I desire to mention two special points. The first is that the dreamer is always represented in the dream and is Courtesy of the New York Tribune Preparedness DKAMATIZATION 119 usually the chief actor therein. The following is an example. A young lady dreamed that a man was trying to ride a very frisky small brown horse. He made three attempts but each time was thrown off. At the fourth attempt he was suc- cessful, however, and began to ride the horse up and down. Apparently the dreamer is not repre- sented in this dream. Yet we know that she must be there, masquerading as the man or as the horse. This is shown in the analysis as follows. When the patient was asked what horse suggested to her, she suddenly recalled that, when she was a little girl, her father told her that her surname, Cheval, was the French word for horse. The pa- tient is small, dark and lively. In similar words she had described the horse of her dream. We suspect therefore that this horse represents her- self. The man of the dream she recognized to be one of her most intimate friends. When she was asked to relate what came to her mind about this man she finally confessed that she had been carry- ing on a very ardent flirtation with him. He at- tracted her very strongly and on three occasions she had betrayed so much sexual excitement that the man tried to have intercourse with her. Each time her moral feelings came to her rescue, how- ever, and at the last moment she repulsed him. All this is symbolized in the dream by the three efforts of the man to mount the horse. But in sleep the inhibitions that saved her while awake were less active. Her repression was relaxed and she dreamed that she received the sexual gratifica- tion for which she really longed. This is shown 120 MOBBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS by the man's finally mounting the horse and rid- ing it up and down. This brings me to the second point which I wish to mention. Any one familiar with dream analysis would know in a general way, the mean- ing of the. dream just related without having to ask the patient any questions or collect any asso- ciations. That is, in some dreams, of which the foregoing is an example, the latent content is ex- pressed by means of symbols which nearly always mean the same and, if we are familiar with this symbolism, we can often read these dreams with- out depending on the lengthy process of free asso- ciation. This symbolism is not only to be found in the dreams of all people, no matter what their language or environment, but also it may be de- tected in folk lore, myths, proverbs, and ancient ceremonies of all nations. This is explained by the assumption that, deep down in the minds of even the most cultured people, there still goes on the same kind of primitive thinking that, in our prehistoric ancestors, gave rise to the legends and customs that have been handed down to us. The symbolism in the preceding dream, an ani- mal for a person, riding for coitus, is very com- mon, and is no doubt familiar to many readers. Others of the many common dream symbolisms that might be mentioned are the dream of losing a tooth, which, in women, sometimes means a fan- cied fulfillment of a wish to have a baby, and in men usually signifies masturbation; dreams of sword, spear or snake, all of which usually sym- SECONDARY ELABORATION 121 bolize the male genitals, or of fighting, dancing or climbing stairs which signify coitus. The fourth dream mechanism is known as Sec- ondary Elaboration. It comes into play after the dreamer wakes. For the waking mind tends to alter the recollection of the dream by smoothing out its inconsistencies and forming it into a story with some semblance of logical sequence. The portions of the dream most likely to be affected in this way are those points at which the disguise of the latent thoughts is weakest, and the changes in general serve to strengthen this disguise. In perhaps the majority of dreams the role played by this mechanism is an insignificant one. Exam- ples are not required. The function of the dream is that of satisfying, in so far as is possible, those unfulfilled wishes of the day having a combined tension sufficient to disturb the sleeper and to tend to wake him up. The dream is thus the guardian of sleep. The first dream is a good illustration of this function. What was disturbing the sleeper was the fact that he would no longer be permitted to defend him- self in the matter of the child's death. But in the dream he imagines himself continuing his defense and with good results. The dream phantasy was thus a direct antidote to the reality which caused the concern menacing his rest. We often hear people complaining that they rested poorly be- cause dreams disturbed their sleep. The real situation is the reverse, however; what disturbed their rest is the tensions of unsatisfied or conflict- 122 MOEBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS ing wishes ; but for the dreams they might have slept even less. In one notable class of dreams, the nightmares, the sleep-preserving function of the dream fails and the dreamer awakes in fear. The origin of the fear dream is as follows. Due either to unus- ual relaxation of repression or to unusual strength of a repressed desire, the fancy corresponding to a wish fulfillment has begun to be represented in consciousness with inadequate disguise. Just as the dreamer is about to become aware of what he is really thinking, the feeling of fear takes the place of the censorship and awakens him before his dream is complete. The fear is really con- verted desire (libido) escaping from repression, the same desire that the dream phantasy attempts to satisfy. Of the relationship between fear and desire we shall learn in detail in the clinical chapters. The significance of the dream for psychoan- alysis grows out of the fact that, as Freud says, the dream is the via regia to the understanding of the Unconscious. As we shall shortly learn in detail, the neuroses represent a breaking through of wishes of the Unconscious despite the control of the foreconscious, in other words a partial failure of repression. The symptoms, like the dream, thus correspond to a compromise between two psychic streams, the repressed and the re- pressing. But the wishes fulfilled in the dream are, as we have said, repressed wishes, and thus arise from the same part of the personality as do those forces which in predisposed individuals DREAMS AND NEUROSIS 123 represent the motive force of the neuroses. Hence by studying and analyzing a patient's dreams one gets direct information regarding those trends responsible for the symptoms of his neurosis. And since, as we shall shortly see, the analytic treatment largely consists in the physi- cian's gaining and imparting to the patient a full knowledge of the impulses or wishes from which the symptoms derive their motive power, dream analysis is of infinite importance. This will be so amply illustrated in the clinical chapters as to make examples unnecessary here. CHAPTER IV THE MECHANISMS OF PSYCHOPATHOLOGICAL MANIFESTATIONS IN the preceding chapter we learned that the manifest content of the dream is formed from the unconscious dream-thoughts by the opera- tion of certain techniques or processes which were designated by the not altogether satisfactory name of "Mechanisms." Now, the same or simi- lar mechanisms participate in like manner in the formation of still other phenomena which occur in consciousness but have origin in the unconscious processes. Chief among these are the neurotic symptoms. These mechanisms likewise play a role in the mental activities of even the most normal people, on the one hand, and in the ab- normal productions of the insane, on the other. They are not in themselves abnormal though they take part in the formation of all sorts of psycho- pathological manifestations. We have to have knowledge of these mechanisms in order to interpret or explain any given neurotic symptom for one or more of them is sure to have participated in its formation. In addition a knowledge of them is required for the interpreta- tion of the material which comes up in the daily work of an analysis those "descendants of the repressed" through the study of which we at last 124 COMPENSATION 125 gain insight into the basic trends from which are derived the symptoms themselves. For this rea- son I shall devote considerable space to describing and illustrating these mechanisms and allied mat- ters even though their bearing on the question of fears and compulsions as such is not entirely an immediate one. Unless we are thoroughly familiar with them the report of an analysis could not readily be understood or appreciated. Not all the examples to be given are in them- selves abnormal or taken from abnormal persons. The interpretations are in no case exhaustive, for that would require a fuller description of the de- tails of the person's life than is practicable in this connection. (a) COMPENSATION At the close of the chapter on the unconscious we considered an example of the forgetting of a name and learned that this forgetting was really a phenomenon of repression and signified a pro- tective effort against the reproduction in con- sciousness of the painful group of ideas with which this name happened to be associated. We may now consider another example of name for- getting and we shall immediately be introduced to a new form of defense phenomena. Some time ago I was for a few days the guest of a certain married couple with whom I am in- timately acquainted. One evening while my host- ess, her husband and I sat reading, she suddenly looked up from her book and asked: "Who was it that wrote l Paradise Lost'? Was it Dante?" 126 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Her husband replied that she had confused the authors of " Paradise Lost" and of the "In- ferno," and nothing more was said at the time. A little while later her husband left the room, and, just as I was about to speak of her forgetting, she herself brought up the subject of psycho- analysis by asking me to explain a very annoying feeling which she had for some time experienced. This feeling consisted in a sense of aversion or repugnance toward all young men with light hair and blue eyes. She had been caused much dis- comfort by this singular antipathy as a number of her husband's friends belonged to this type, and their frequent visits to her house always made her uneasy and unhappy. She realized per- fectly that there was nothing in the character or behavior of these men to justify her peculiar feel- ing, but all her efforts to reason it away had been of no avail. There, obviously enough, was an affective reaction the source of which must have been in the Unconscious. No introspective effort on her part had furnished conscious data suffi- cient to explain it. Pursuing the technique of free association, with which we have already become familiar, I asked her to fix her mind on the particular type of man she had described, and to relate all her incoming thoughts, expecting that in this manner she would produce descendants of the unconscious trends causing her strange aversion and sufficient to give some insight as to its nature. In response, she reported that she found herself thinking of a certain blond man, with whom we are both slightly COMPENSATION 127 acquainted, next of another of much the same appearance whom also she knew only slightly. Then, after a short pause, she suddenly laughed, blushed and said with some confusion, "I just now thought of some one else." Having had from the start some rather definite suspicions as to the general significance of her antipathy to blond men, I asked at this point: "And towards this man you felt no aversion?" She at once ad- mitted that I had guessed correctly, and then went on to relate what follows, which, as may be seen, affords an explanation both of her dislike of light haired men and also of her failure to re- member who wrote "Paradise Lost." The man she had thought of was her first cousin. He is a very handsome specimen of the blond, blue-eyed type that later inspired feel- ings of repulsion. When she was about sixteen years of age she had seen a good deal of this man and had found herself falling seriously in love with him. But because of their close relationship and the fact that he was nearly ten years her senior, she had decided that it was very wrong in her to entertain any amorous regard for him. She had therefore resisted his attractions and endeavored to banish from her mind all senti- mental thoughts concerning him. These efforts at repression were apparently successful for, as far as she was aware, he had ceased to be of any particular significance in her emotional life. But this complex, though it had become in great part unconscious, was by no means entirely deprived of expression. For instance, when, just before her 128 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS marriage, she destroyed her collection of photo- graphs of former admirers, she "forgot" to destroy the only picture she had of her cousin. This forgetting we can hardly regard in any other way than as purposeful. Unconsciously she desired to keep the photograph. This little item, small as it is, has no mean significance. From it we are easily led to suppose that, in the Uncon- scious at least, more of her holophilic interest re- mained attached to the memory of her cousin than she was consciously aware of or ready to admit. In other words, her efforts to forget him, instead of annihilating this interest, had merely accom- plished its repression. But no sooner have we made this statement than we notice that her aver- sion toward all light haired men is a trend dia- metrically opposite to that which we have just assumed to exist in the Unconscious. Are we therefore to suppose that because of this aversion we must have been wrong in assuming that toward that particular light haired young man, her cousin, she had feelings just the opposite of aversion f Hardly. We can better explain the conditions by assuming that this aversion toward all light haired young men was rather an overdevelopment of those trends or counter-activations which pro- duced the original repression, and that the reason for this overdevelopment was that the repression was threatening to fail and required an increase of activity on the part of the repressing forces in order to prevent this. In other words this over- activity on the part of these trends from the fore- conscious served as a correction or antidote for COMPENSATION 129 what existed in her Unconscious. Thus con- sciously she wished to forget her cousin and was unwilling to care for him; unconsciously she still retained some love interest in him and wished to remember him. Her forgetting to destroy his photograph is an expression of the love trend. Her failure to recall who wrote "Paradise Lost" was an effect of the repressing trend. For it so happens that her cousin ' name was Milton. We have thus been introduced to a new form of manifestation of unconscious processes, in addi- tion to the dream and the forgetting -of names the two with which we are most familiar that is to say, an exaggeration or overdevelopment of conscious and foreconscious trends serving as a defense against unconscious wishes of an oppo- site character, which threaten to break into con- sciousness. This may recall to us the phenom- enon known in pathology as compensatory hy- pertrophy. A defect or deficiency in some organ is made up for by an overdevelopment and in- crease of functional activity on the part of the same organ or of its mate. Thus -the effect of a leaky heart valve is discounted by an increase in size and strength of the heart muscle, or an in- crease in the frequency of the heart's action; dis- ease or removal of one kidney results in an in- crease in size and functional capacity on the part of the other kidney, etc. The somewhat analogous phenomenon which occurs in the psychic sphere, as has just been ex- emplified, goes, by the same name, compensation. Thus when a given trend succumbs to repression, 130 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS there usually appears what amounts to a compen- satory hypertrophy on the part of the repressing forces, the counter-activations of the forecon- scious. When the repressed trend is a particu- larly strong one and the repression maintained with difficulty, the counteractivity on the part of the repressing trends is then correspondingly ex- aggerated and the phenomenon is known as over- compensation. It may be added incidentally that some of the energy manifested in the form of the compensatory activities is probably derived from the same instinctive sources as the tendencies they serve to repress. One of the most commonly observed over-com- pensations is represented by the exaggerated anx- iety so often displayed by neurotics over the health of some person close to them. Thus for example a neurotic girl is continually in a state of alarm concerning her mother. If her mother complains of being over tired the girl thinks this presages an apoplexy. If the telephone rings while her mother is out, she thinks this is a mes- sage from the police saying her mother has dropped dead on the street. If she hears a noise during the night, she interprets it as her mother choking in a death agony. Or again a married woman shows a similar con- cern about her children. As soon as they are out of her sight she begins to worry about something happening to them. If a fire engine goes by the house, she has a vision of it crushing their bodies. If they are late in coming home from school, she goes out to search for them fearing they have COMPENSATION 131 been killed or kidnapped. If they cough or sneeze, she is in terror lest this be a sign of im- pending pneumonia. Such exaggerated concern, which ostensibly in- dicates an affection of unusual strength, is hardly that in either of these cases but rather an over- compensation for repressed wishes of a hostile character. The married woman referred to was unhappy and dissatisfied with her husband. On more than one occasion she had allowed herself to think that had she no children she would leave him. Her exaggerated concern over their welfare thus serves to compensate for the wish that they might die and allow her to be free. In the case of the daughter who worried about her mother a similar state of affairs prevailed. As a little girl she had wished her mother might die so she could have her father all to herself. Later as a young woman she fell in love with a man and would have married him had it not been for her mother's op- position. Thus her unreasonable worries about her mother really conceal and compensate for the instinctive wish that her mother would die and leave her to the man of her choice. In these and all other examples of over-compen- sation it is to be seen that the compensating mo- tives belong essentially to the cultural, ethical and acquired group of reactions and so to the fore- conscious. The repressed trends which are com- pensated for are in the main more primitive, and are derived from instinct and the unconscious. A not uncommon form of compensation for re- pressed sexual trends that are conceived by the 132 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS subject to be base or sinful is represented by an effort to divert the thoughts to some theme of an opposite character as for instance religious work, philosophical or metaphysical -studies, the ascetic pursuit of music or art. An excellent example is afforded by the case of a young woman who in a sudden and apparently inexplicable way developed a profound interest in Christian Science. After studying for a short time she announced herself entirely convinced of the truth of its tenets, and soon after became a healer. Then she alternated between preaching its doctrines and railing at doctors in a quite fanatical manner, until at last she broke out with neurosis. The analysis revealed the following facts. Pre- vious to the beginning of her interest in Christian Science she had suffered from an or- ganic illness which required the constant atten- tion of a physician for a long period of time. Not unnaturally she became much attached to her medical attendant and, though he happened to be a married man, she got into the habit of having certain romantic phantasies about him. He in turn soon began to display more interest in her than is demanded by an ordinary professional re- lationship and shortly a little rather furtive love- making began. Then, without further warning, the doctor made what was practically an attempt to rape her, and before she had time fully to re- cover from the shock of this experience (which was not lessened by her discovery that something within her strongly impelled her to let him have his way) she learned of his having made a similar COMPENSATION 133 attempt with another of his female patients who happened to be one of her acquaintances. Her suddenly born interest in Christian Science was a reaction to her romance with the doctor and served as a compensation for that stream of her libido which was applied to him. Thus in place of her love for the doctor there appeared mockery and hate of all medical men. In place of sexual interests, which to her mind were of the flesh and degrading, there appeared interests in the spirit, in God, in religion. Instead of being absorbed in what she had felt to be bad she was now steeped in the good. 1 il have often wondered if some considerable number of Christian Scientists are not perhaps cases parallel to this one; but my experience in this direction is too limited to allow me to venture any positive statements. I am inclined to think, how- ever, that there is a good deal to be said on this point. The image of the doctor has a most intimate relation with the sex life. The child is early impressed with the fact that the doctor sees what nobody else sees, hears what nobody else hears, and knows what nobody else knows. He could, if he would, answer all questions and satisfy all sexual curiosity. In connection with "playing doctor" many children have their first gross sexual experiences. Partly through early impressions of the family doc- tor along these lines, and partly through the objectively condi- tioned role of guide, philosopher and friend to which the doctor accedes by reason of the necessary intimacies of later life, it is extremely common for women to develop strong, even though unconscious, erotic attachments for their medical attendants. It seems to me highly probable that no small number of the cases of sudden conversion to Christian Science represent reactions to trends of this sort which were developing such strength as to break through foreconscious control. I can also trace one or two cases to the masturbation complex. The patient could not bear to undergo examination and treatment at the hands of a medical man. She feared that the secret guilt would be revealed by such means. She therefore sought other means of healing her ills where there would be no danger of such a revelation. 134 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS An interesting example of compensation is af- forded by the case of an unusually intelligent young woman who, from about the age of eighteen had been a most ardent and militant feminist. On all such questions as woman suffrage, equal pay for teachers, marital reform, etc., she had talked, written and fought with the enthusiasm of a fanatic. Her dream was of a time when woman should be on the same plane with man in all par- ticulars, doing the same work, enjoying the same rights, having, in short, complete equality. Aside from problems such as these there was very little in life that seemed to interest her. There were certain features of the case, how- ever, which, even before she broke out with a defi- nite neurosis, might well have indicated that her absorption in these matters was not entirely a normal one. In the first place, for any one pos- sessed of such really unusual intelligence and knowledge of her subject, her methods were very ill-considered and her results surprisingly meager. Though a very industrious worker, she was an astonishingly inefficient one. In addition to this was the fact that her emotions on some of the questions of feminism were so markedly ex- aggerated as to be quite obviously abnormal. For instance, the slightest suggestion that women were in any way inferior to men, even in physical strength, would set her in a passion of the wildest anger and let loose a flood of vehement and for the most part unreasonable denials. For her to hear it mentioned that the first coitus is painful to the woman, or, for that matter, any statement that COMPENSATION 135 tended to associate the idea of pain with the per- formance of the sex functions, would have a simi- lar maddening effect, as would a tale of a man's being brutal or domineering to a woman, compell- ing obedience from her, or treating her as an in- ferior. Upon analysis this patient's violent warfare against all forms of subordination of women was revealed to be very largely a compensation for a strong but imperfectly repressed masochistic tendency. That is to say, the idea of a man's mastering, domineering over, and inflicting pain and violence upon a woman, particularly in an erotic way, strongly appealed to the patient's in- stincts and Unconscious, though in the main re- pellent to her conscious personality. Some of the very stories of brutality and suggestions of subor- dination which most excited her rage at the same time gave rise to intense sexual emotions and com- pelled her to masturbate. Her militance against the subordination of women was thus in essence an effort to do away with those sources of stimuli which, in her, inspired feelings she felt to be mor- bid and shameful. I have reason to believe that this case of mili- tant feminism is not entirely unique. A cer- tain proportion of at least the most mili- tant suffragists are neurotics who in some in- stances are compensating for masochistic trends, in others, are more or less successfully sublimat- ing sadistic and homosexual ones (which usually are unconscious). I hope this statement may not be construed as an effort on my part to throw mud 136 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS on woman suffrage, for on the whole I am very much in favor of it. As a matter of fact it is nothing to the discredit of any movement to say that perhaps many of its conspicuous supporters are neurotics, for a?s a matter of fact it is the neurotics that are pioneers in most reforms. The very normal people who have no trouble in ad- justing themselves to their environment, are as a rule too sleek in their own contentment to fight hard for any radical changes, or even to take much interest in seeking such changes made. To lead and carry through successfully some new move- ment or reform, a person requires the constant stimulus -of a chronic discontent (at least it often seems so) -and this in a certain number of in- stances is surely of neurotic origin and signifies an imperfect adaptation of that individual to his environment. Genius and neurosis are perhaps never very far apart, and in many instances are expressions of the same tendency. Compensation for an overdeveloped and im- perfectly repressed sadistic tendency seems not infrequently to take the form of a passionate de- votion to antivivisectionist activities. In certain cases that have come under my notice the patients, during early childhood, were exceptionally cruel to animals, and delighted in torturing them. This was succeeded by a period of relatively perfect repression. Then when the repression began to fail, the antivivisectionist interests became con- spicuously manifest. That this interpretation of certain cases is correct will not, I think, be difficult to believe. One would expect a person really COMPENSATION 137 lacking in cruelty and possessing a real sympathy for children -and animals to be slow to suspect and accuse others of being cruel to them. In fact such a person might readily underestimate the likeli- hood of such cruelty and refuse to believe in its existence where actually it did occur. At any rate he would welcome, and be relieved by, reason- able evidence tending to prove that where he had feared cruelty existed, there was no cruelty at all. But not so the antivivisectionists, if my experience is worth anything. They see all kinds of out- landish cruelties and barbarities where in fact there are none, evidence to prove that there is no cruelty where they suspected it enrages rather than soothes them, and in spite of their own pro- fessed tender-heartedness it is impossible to per- suade them that the rest of the world is not ex- tremely cruel. This seemingly paradoxical state of affairs can be readily understood if we remem- ber what has been said about the Unconscious. Their tendency to see limitless and fiendish cruelty where nothing of the sort exists is a prod- uct of the Unconscious and expresses their own instinctive pleasure in that very sort of thing. Their warfare on cruelty, real or phantastic, is then a compensation for their own unconscious sadism and represents an hypertrophy and over- activity of the counter-activations of the f orecon- scious serving to maintain a repression which con- stantly threatens to fail. 1 A not altogether dissimilar but more compli- i The cruelty which such persons so readily believe others capable of is really a projection of their own sadism, which by 138 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS cated form of compensation, which, however, serves a valuable adaptive purpose, is to be found exemplified so commonly in the character of men of our Southern states as to be a popular rather than an individual constellation. 1 What I have reference to particularly is the atti- tude of the southern man to the opposite sex. Woman is idolized and adored in the South to a degree that is quite unique. Nowhere in the world is she treated with more courtesy, delicacy, respect and homage. Nowhere is she so consist- ently protected, honored, deferred to and waited upon. And nowhere is any act involving coarse- ness, meanness or brutality to a woman so little tolerated or so summarily punished. Chivalry toward women is one of the most conspicuous traits of the Southern character. This attitude of exalted chivalry is really a by- product of the influence of the negro upon the character of the people of the South. It is in essence a compensatory development serving to correct some of the ill effects of this influence. The presence of an inferior race in the environ- ment of the Southerner, toward the members of which the same limitations or inhibitions of con- duct which govern the relations with the whites do not prevail, serves to develop or keep alive the inherent sadistic tendencies of man, or at least to such means they escape from perceiving as an endogenous force. The mechanism of projection is discussed elsewhere. (Page 155.) i Certain adaptive reactions characteristic of whole races or peoples Brill has discussed in a most masterly study, shortly to be published. His observations on the psychology of the Jews are particularly interesting. COMPENSATION 139 prevent their fundamental repression. In his re- lations with the negro the Southerner is (and if we are to believe him, he has to be) somewhat barbaric. The negro apparently needs a master. He must be dominated. The resources of fear and pain cannot always be dispensed with in deal- ing with him. He cannot always be governed by the milder methods that serve well enough for laborers and servants who are white. Thus the environment of the Southerner has this peculiar feature, reminiscent of a barbaric age, which not only makes possible the relatively free exercise of more or less brutal or sadistic tendencies but even encourages and perhaps demands them. It is natural, therefore, that southern men should as a class be more sadistic than their northern neigh- bors. That they are so is clearly apparent. The Southerner is proverbially impetuous, hot headed and hot blooded. He is quick to resent an injury and quick to avenge it. In his anger he resorts to physical violence and to firearms with quite aston- ishing readiness. Call him a liar and he instantly responds with a blow. Injure him and he threatens to shoot you; injure him again and he keeps his promise. 1 iAn article in The Spectator, an insurance journal, on "The Homicide Record for 1915" says: "The homicide impulse is most strongly developed in the Southern and far Western States, and least so in the New England, Middle Atlantic and North Central States." Memphis, Tennessee, had the highest homicide rate for the country, 85.9 per 100,000 population. The rate for New York City was 4.7. Reading, Pennsylvania, had the lowest rate, 1.9. Of the seventy-four lynchings which took place in the United States during 1915 nearly one-third were committed in Georgia. 140 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS But it is in the measures with which he punishes brutality that his own brutality, or as we prefer to call it, sadism, is most clearly apparent. Take, for example, the institution of lynching, an essen- tially southern one, though unfortunately by no means unknown in other parts of this country. Here we find sadistic tendencies plainly express- ing themselves under the very transparent dis- guise of a horror of the sadistic. There is little room for doubt as to the real significance of these occurrences. Is it conceivable that without a strong sadistic tendency any man would choose to assist in lynching a fellow being when the pun- ishment of the offender could just as well be left to properly constituted authorities? Would not a man lacking in brutality shrink, no matter how " public spirited " he might be, from participating in such an act as the burning of a negro at the stake! Would he not infinitely prefer to leave to the law the taking of lives, particularly in view of the fact that when one joins a lynching party, he can hardly escape some grave misgivings as to whether it will be the right negro who will be lynched? It is true that in many instances of lynching the provocation has been great, but this is by no means always so. A good many lynchings have occurred for some other and much le>ss serious offense than the "usual crime" and in many instances the alleged malefaction has been so trivial as hardly to deserve being called an excuse. The cause of the lynching was not anything that particular negro had done, but rather the exuberance of Southern sadism, which COMPENSATION 141 southern environment has so successfully fostered. The Southerner's chivalry, and, to a less extent, his generosity and warmheartedness, are very largely compensatory corrective reactions devel- oped against his strong and imperfectly repressed sadism. His environment will not admit of any complete repression or sublimation of the sadis- tic tendencies. He has therefore to compensate for them and perfect his adaptations by over- developing some corresponding virtues. The reason the compensations take the form of chivalry is this : Tendencies to brutality when fostered always tend to express themselves in the sexual life. The sadistic instinct is a survival of those evolutionary periods when it was normal and necessary for men to take delight in the pur- suit, capture, torture and killing of other men. An environment which fosters it by reproducing even on a milder scale these older conditions tends also to reproduce the attitude of primitive times towards women. The male in savage life courted the female with a club. Marriage began as a forcible abduction of the female and con- tinued as a relationship more like that of slave and master rather than that of husband and wife in the modern sense. A regression to this sort of attitude is strikingly exemplified in cases of sadis- tic perversion, where the sadist is impelled to reduce the female of his choice to a state of slave- like subjection, to submit her to gross indigni- ties, and to inflict upon her various degrees of violence and physical pain. But an environment that fosters brutality in 142 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS one direction favors the growth of all tendencies of that character. A person can not be brutal or sadistic in one department of his life without fostering a tendency to the same in all depart- ments of his life, and particularly in the sexual sphere to specific sadism. But to be sadistic or barbaric to a white woman is very different to the mind of the Southerner from expressing such tendencies toward a negro. A tendency to bar- barity of the latter sort he can permit to enter his consciousness. Even so flimsy an excuse as is afforded by some of the occasions for lynching is sufficient to reconcile with the foreconscious, sadism in one of the grossest forms. But sad- ism of the other sort (toward respected white women) must be firmly excluded from conscious- ness and withheld from action. And thus, as if to make assurance doubly sure against any mani- festations of such impulses in the direction of his womankind, the Southerner compensates by go- ing to the opposite extreme. Instead of making woman his slave he places her on a pedestal and professes to be a slave to her. Instead of in- flicting pain upon her, he displays an exaggerated chivalry and is ready to defend and shield her against anything suggesting violence even at the cost of his life. His attitude of chivalry and gallantry is, in short, diametrically opposite to that of the sadist and savage. And the reason the Southerner has so consistently to maintain it, is that, as regards the Unconscious, he is to such a large extent one with the sadist and the savage. His chivalry performs the function of correcting DISPLACEMENT 143 and compensating for this identity. It is to his character what a blow-out patch is to an automo- bile tire. It covers a point where trouble threat- ens ; it strengthens a weak spot. 1 (b) DISPLACEMENT As was indicated in the second chapter, the control and inhibition which the Foreconscious ex- ercises over the processes and trends of the Un- conscious is none too stable and, even in normal persons, is not perfectly complete. The material just given, most of which either belongs to or borders on the domain of the pathological, tends to demonstrate the instability of repression. The phenomena of compensation are, for the most part, representative, so to say, of desperate efforts on the part of the Foreconscious to maintain the re- pression of trends so strongly activated that the repression constantly threatens to fail. In some of our examples appears a partial failure of re- pression. A part of the energy of some compen- satory measures comes from the repressed trends themselves and in some instances retains their qualities. In this way a sort of compromise is formed between the repressed and the repressing lit may be noted that the "Age of Chivalry," a period in which this highly commendable quality was carried to extremes far surpassing anything to be observed in the South, was one in which, as in the Southern environment, sadistic tendencies were on the one hand fostered ( in wars, the customs of dueling, beating servants, public whippings, beheadings, etc.) and on the other required to be controlled and repressed. Thus similar conditions in periods temporally remote from one another called forth practically identical adaptive compensations. 144 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS forces so that they find simultaneous expression in a single form of activity. Lynching is an ex- ample of this. In it are expressed a sadistic tendency and a rage against the sadistic. The tendency of some of the anti vivisectionists to see unspeakable cruelties where none exist and at the same time vehemently to condemn them has a similar significance. So too the sense of discom- fort and aversion experienced by the young mar- ried woman in the presence of young men with light hair and blue eyes. Some of the desire to get away from them came from the repressing forces. Yet a part of the unrest she felt in their presence was really love-desire for them, in a somewhat transformed state (or, more accurately, a desire for the person of whom they reminded her) and was thus a part of the repressed ener- gies. The processes by which the trends of the Un- conscious find representation in consciousness we must now view more narrowly. Repression is a process that occurs at the border between the Un- conscious and the Foreconscious, and I must now emphasize the fact that it has to do primarily with ideas. A wish presentation arising in the Unconscious remains there repressed unless its i-dea-representative secures activation in the fore- conscious. This activation, according to some of Freud 's most recent teachings, 1 appears to be a gaining of access to the word memories which are only of the Foreconscious. The processes of the Unconscious are in all probability wordless, just Unbewusste Zeitsch. f. Arzt. Psychoanalyse Vol. III. I DISPLACEMENT 145 as the thought processes of infancy are wordless, but nevertheless contain ideas of things. Word ideas belong to the conscious and f orecon- scious systems and correspond to a higher de- velopmental state of the psychic apparatus than the thought processes of the Unconscious. So that unless an unconscious excitation or wish suc- ceeds in getting the thing-ideas representing it translated into word-ideas (but not necessarily into actual words), or, to express it differently, unless in the foreconscious the word-memory residues are activated which correspond to the unconscious ideational representatives of the wish, it remains an unconscious and repressed one. Its energy develops neither affects, nor movement. 1 In the chapter on dreams we learned, however, that an unconscious wish could secure representa- tion in consciousness by indirect means, provided that the ideas in the Unconscious corresponding to the wish were replaced by others more accept- able to the censor. One of these important dis- torting mechanisms, which consisted of a trans- position of the wish energy or activation from its i There are no unconscious affects. One often speaks, to be sure, of unconscious affects (love, hate, guilt, resentment, etc.) and this usage, though not strictly correct, is a legitimate clinical convenience. An affect is really a conscious sensory perception of a bodily state. Without consciousness it does not exist. When we speak of an unconscious affect we mean either that the affect is really developed and therefore conscious, though attached to some other ideas than those originally representing it, or else we mean merely a potentiality of its development the tensions of the Unconscious that might develop as affects of hate, love, etc., if released from foreconscious inhibition. 146 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS unconscious ideas to new and associated ideas which would pass the censor, is familiar to us under the name of displacement. Displacement is a phenomenon occurring not only in dream formation. It has also very much to do with the formation of practically all the various kinds of psychoneurotic and psychotic symptoms and is likewise very frequently exemplified in the hap- penings of normal mental life. Like all neurotic symptoms the manifestations included under displacement are compromises formed between repressed and repressing trends. The compromise consists in the fact that though the ideas which, in the unconscious, represent wishes or libido strivings remain repressed and withheld from translation into word-ideas, yet the wish-energies themselves are given access to con- sciousness and to the avenues of expression as feeling or action by transposing themselves to word ideas of the f oreconscious which are ap- parently innocent and so passed by the censor- ship. What in the first chapter we briefly referred to as sublimation is really a sort of displacement or at least allied thereto. By sublimation is meant the utilization of the energy really belong- ing to one of the primitive holophilic impulses or sexual components for some higher and non-sex- ual aim. The original crassly sexual aim of the impulse is abandoned and the libido displaced to find outlet in some useful and socially valuable form of activity. 1 Thus the exhibitionistic im- i One of the most interesting contributions to the psychology DISPLACEMENT 147 pulse finds outlet in histrionic activity ; the sadis- tic is sublimated into an interest in surgery, mili- tary matters, business competition, etc. ; the curi- osity impulse leads to study, investigation, re- search or philosophical speculation. In many in- stances the early sexual curiosity later leads to an interest in the study of medicine. What in cer- tain easels was originally rebellion against the authority of the father, later becomes a devotion to legal reform, to socialism, or to other move- ments designed to better the conditions of the wage-earning classes who have to submit to au- thority or to certain forms of oppression. One of my patients who in his childhood was very fond of his aged grandfather who was very tender and indulgent with him, and to much the same degree hated his mother, a rather puritan- ical widow who was extremely and unreasonably strict and severe with him, was always seeking as a little boy to learn if there were not some medi- cine that would prevent his beloved grandfather from growing older and dying. Less openly he kept on seeking for some other medicine that would quietly put his mother out of the way. As a boy he took great interest in doctors, but finding them somewhat disappointing as regards knowledge of how to preserve and prolong ex- istence, his early desire to possess the secret of a control of life and death eventually found a sublimated outlet in a passionate devotion to the study of chemi'stry, which became productive of of sublimation is Brill's study of choice of avocation, to be pub- lished shortly. 148 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS socially valuable and financially profitable results altogether different from the early homosexual and hostile aims from which these interests de- rived a large part of their motive power. But we are more interested in the pathological forms of displacement than in that sort which is represented by normal sublimations. Some of the most interesting examples are afforded by the symptoms of the compulsion neurosis, a malady which we will consider in detail later. We are already acquainted with an example of such dis- placement in the drug-taking compulsion of the young woman mentioned in the second chapter. The energy driving this compulsion was specif- ically sexual wishes. The ideas corresponding to these wishes were refused passage by the censor, but their energic content was able to evade the censorship by means of displacement to the ap- parently innocent ideas of drugs, against which there were no serious resistances. This obses- sive impulse, like many other compulsive phenom- ena, resembles in its formation certain examples of wit "smutty" wit, particularly. 1 For in- stance, a man says, in mixed company, that though he was brought up to be religious, industrious and serious-minded yet there are periods when he for- gets that it is better to watch, with the wise vir- gins, than to sleep with the foolish ones. His words, if taken at their face value, are perfectly innocent, yet they express, through the double meaning of the phrase "to sleep with," certain ideas which his hearers would not have tolerated i Compare Freud's, "Wit and the Unconscious." DISPLACEMENT 149 had he stated them directly. But the resistances of his audience, operating as an inhibiting force upon open expression, he circumvented by a spe- cial technique in much the same way the f orecon- scious resistances of the young woman just men- tioned were circumvented and certain essentially objectionable ideas and impulses allowed expres- sion by the use of equivocal terms. In the case of this patient, the word-idea, "to take medicine" could represent two different thing-ideas. One was the actual thing-idea of taking drugs, while the other ais the result of an infantile sexual theory, the memory of which had long faded from her consciousness corresponded to the thought "Something one does to have a baby." Yet by virtue of this double meaning the later thing- ideas of what one does to have a baby that is to say, intercourse and the strong corre- sponding impulses, had at their disposal a word- idea to represent them in consciousness which on the one hand seemed totally innocent, yet on the other contained their true meaning. Hence the patient could release into action a portion of her sexual wish-tensions, which had they been more plainly labeled would have been denied even this imperfect outlet. A business man, who had to do a fair amount of traveling, had a peculiar habit about catching trains. If he planned to go anywhere, he would not look up a time table to find what time the trains went or what would be a convenient one. Instead he would take his time about attending to what work he had to do at his office, and when 150 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS this was finished, would leisurely proceed to the station, where, if there was no train ready to depart when he got there, he would wait until it was time for one. Naturally this habit caused him to waste a good deal of time, a fact which he realized perfectly, but nevertheless he would not abandon it. He'd be damned, he said, if any railroad company could hurry him at his office and make him adjust his work according to the demands of a miserable time table. He would go to the station when he got ready and not be- fore, and neither the railroad company nor any- body else might dictate when this should be. This habit was really a displacement of im- pulses belonging to the father complex, and rep- resented a rebellion against the father's author- ity. The patient's father was really an excep- tionally fine man to whom he was greatly at- tached. Nevertheless the old gentleman had a certain tendency to dictatorialness, from which the patient had as a boy suffered considerably. It was characteristic of his father that when once he made up Ms mind he wanted a thing done, it must be done at once; he would brook no de- lay. Thus when he gave his son an order, it mat- tered not what the boy might be doing at the time, he would have to abandon it instantly and carry out his father's wish. Because of his very deep affection and respect for his father the pa- tient very naturally repressed any resentment over this impatience, and had no consciousness of ever feeling rebellious against the authority which, during his boyhood, at least, the father DISPLACEMENT 151 had exercised in no uncertain manner. Any such rebellious impulses would have met with vig- orous resistances on the part of the f oreconscious, if directed at his so greatly loved father. They could, however, through displacement evade the repression and discharge themselves in some in- different quarter as for instance against the rail- road companies. In that connection he could act the way, which as far as his Unconscious was con- cerned, he would at times have liked to act towards his father, but from which he was withheld by resistances conditioned by love and respect. Instances of this sort are very common. Some rule, prescription, specification or anything else giving the suggestion of authority is taken as an object to which to displace and discharge re- pressed impulses to rebellion and disobedience primarily referring to an authoritative parent usually the parent of the same sex. I recall a young man who, if he saw a sign: " Don't walk on the grass, " would go out of his way to walk on it. The legend: "No smoking" would cause him instantly to light a cigarette even though per- haps he had just finished smoking. The direc- tion: "Slow down to ten miles an hour" would invariably impel him to speed up his car. The mania for doing things forbidden which so gen- erally attacks boys or young men when they first go away from home to school or college is really a breaking through of the impulses of rebellion against the father which hitherto had been better repressed but now begin to find outlet by dis- placing themselves to almost anything that is 152 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS prohibited. Often the thing done represents in a symbolic way some specific act forbidden or condemned by the father (usually a sexual one) and thus two sorts of impulses find a common outlet. According to Stekel and others, klepto- mania has this origin. The thing stolen is usually symbolic of some sexual thing unconsciously wished for, and which in childhood the authority of one of the parents stood in the way of attain- ing. The stealing thus simultaneously expresses through displacement the desire for the thing or experience in question and the rebellion against the parent whose influence or authority originally interfered with its fulfillment. I have had one such case. I live on Long Island and have my office in an office building in New York. One of my patients, a writer by occupation, with whom I was just be- ginning an analysis, opened the conversation at the third visit with the question: "How do you like having your office away from your house?" Upon my replying that I liked it very well, he con- tinued: "Well, it's the only way to live. IVe got to do something of the kind. I can't prop- erly get down to work at home. There's some- thing always interfering, and my writing suffers from it. I shall have to rent a room somewhere in an office building away from my house, where there will be no one to bother or interfere with me and then I can get down to real work and ac- complish something, instead of puttering around as I do now." He expressed himself with so much feeling DISPLACEMENT 153 about the home interfering with his work that my attention was arrested at once, and I wondered if we were not dealing with a displacement. Cau- tious questioning confirmed my suspicions for it became quite apparent that whenever he showed a disposition to write, his wife religiously left him to himself, and took great pains that neither she nor the children ever disturbed him unless it was absolutely necessary. It further devel- oped that he had not felt it any great handicap to have to work at home until perhaps seven or eight months before he came to me. In view of these facts I at length said to him; "Perhaps work is not the only thing you want to do that the home interferes with." He seemed quite confused and startled for a moment and at last said with an embarrassed laugh: "I guess you hit it right that time," whereupon he went on to tell me that for two or three years he and his wife had been gradually getting out of touch with one another, and the state of sympathy and harmony which had marked the early part of their marriage had been slowly replaced by one of relative indifference. This had not disturbed him greatly at first for he had felt it to be a part of the natural course of things that married peo- ple should eventually become more or less tired of one another and thought that what he was experiencing was no exception to the general rule. Also he had vaguely felt that, as his devotion to his wife became less, that to his work became greater, a state of affairs with which he was quite well satisfied. But then, perhaps about a 154 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS year before lie began treatment with me, he made the acquaintance of a young woman, who as time went on made it quite apparent that she admired him exceedingly and would not regard any atten- tions from him as at all unwelcome. Her obvious interest in him had at first merely amused him and left him quite indifferent, but it was not long before he found himself responding to it with a warmth of feeling that surprised him, and the next thing that happened was that when one day they were left alone together for a few moments, he threw his arms about her and kissed her. After this he began to meet her occasionally and indulge in some love-making, which however did not go very far. He knew however that she was a very sophisticated person and in his own mind was perfectly satisfied that if he wanted sexual relations with her, she would be completely responsive. She was a very attractive and ap- parently passionate woman, and the knowledge of what he might experience with her exerted on him a powerful appeal, but nevertheless he hesitated to go any further because he was married, and out of regard for his wife. It was the state of con- flict and uncertainty arising out of this situation that was really the main reason for his not being able to settle himself at his work. His feeling that his home was interfering with his work was really a displacement, though in a certain sense there was an element of truth in this idea. It was toward the possibility of a liaison with the young woman that his home acted as an interference; only secondarily and through this medium did PROJECTION 155 it interfere with his work. His desire to get a room where he felt he could work more freely was really a desire to get away from the inhibiting in- fluence of his home upon his desires toward the young woman, or (what is almost equivalent) from the inhibition of his conscience. There is a form of what might be called diffuse displacement which results in a state in which the person finds fault with nearly everything. For instance, a woman when she goes out to din- ner finds the food too hot or too cold, too salty or not salty enough ; the dress she buys is either too tight or too loose, or else the wrong color. Al- ways there is something wrong with her servants, her house or her friends, in fact, everything she comes in contact with. The explanation of this continual dissatisfaction, apparently arising from a multitude of minor things, is that it really had origin in a dissatisfaction with her life with her husband, but she had displaced it elsewhere. In succeeding chapters we shall become ac- quainted with other clinical examples of simple displacement, and no more need be given, at this point. We will consider instead some examples of more complicated mechanisms, all of which more or less involve displacement, but have their special features and are known by different names. (c) PROJECTION AND INTRO JECTION In early infancy the individual has no com- plete appreciation of where the self ends and the external world begins. The small hand the baby sees before him he does not recognize as a part 156 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS of his own person. The supply of milk that ap- pears at such times as he is beset with hunger is not at first referred to the agency of another in- dividual. In the psychological sphere in adult life, par- ticularly in abnormal cases, occur phenomena which parallel this early failure to distinguish between the ego and the non-ego. Thus on the one hand mental occurrences belonging to the ego are perceived by consciousness as of external or- igin, while, on the other, essentially external hap- penings are assimilated by the personality and made a part of the self. The former mechanism is known as projection, the latter as introjection. The mechanism of projection is ordinarily one of defense. That which is perceived as of exo- psychic origin represents trends or ideas which are painful to the conscious personality of the individual and out of harmony with the ruling im- pulses of the foreconscious. A completely suc- cessful repression such as he might desire would drive them entirely from the sphere of conscious perception ; projection represents an effort at re- pression which is only partially successful. Fail- ing to accomplish obliteration of the disagreeable presentations, the repression does succeed in more or less completely preventing the recognition of ownership. The presentations are then seen as of external origin, not as manifestations of tend- encies of the individual himself. A simple example of projection which borders on the pathological is the following. One of my patients, a widow of forty years of age suffered PEOJECTION 157 from a mild neurosis which came on shortly after her husband's death. At the time he died they had been living in a suburb of New York. She continued to live there for about a year after her bereavement and then moved to New York, feeling, as she explained to me later, that the atmosphere of this small town was largely re- sponsible for the nervousness to which she was becoming subject. For, as she went on to say, in a place so small every one was interested in every one else's business and to live there meant being continually under the microscope. She knew, she said, that all the townspeople looked upon her as a " designing widow" anxious to entrap a second husband, and she could not speak a civil word to a man without the feeling that she was being watched and that everything she said or did was certain to excite malicious comment. This sort of thing made her extremely nervous and uncom- fortable. It was to get away from it that she finally moved to New York. Without denying that small town life does ordi- narily give some objective basis for the notions of being watched and criticized from which this pa- tient suffered, I early recognized that the external facts, whatever they were, did not represent the true cause of the patient 's complaints. Her sense of being suspected really had origin in her own psyche. What appeared to her as thoughts of her neighbors was really her own ideas external- ized through the mechanism of projection. For in a certain sense she was a designing widow and had reason to know it. Her married life, though not 158 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS positively unhappy, had not been entirely satis- factory, for her husband was a very matter of fact person and failed to satisfy her sentimental long- ings. In spite of her loyalty to him the reflection had on more than one occasion crossed her mind that his decease might mean the opening of the doors to another relationship considerably more romantic than what she had experienced. Fur- thermore she found that the craving for physical sexual gratification, which annoyed her little dur- ing her husband's lifetime, began after his death to be a very insistent yearning with which she found it very difficult to deal, and not unnaturally she looked toward a second marriage as a means of solving this problem. But her conscience (foreconscious) was of such a quality as to interpose resistances against these various wishes. She felt that loyalty to her hus- band's memory should prevent her from enter- taining any dreams of a second and more satisfac- tory marriage, and that the longing for sexual in- tercourse, at least for a woman of her age, ought not to be a troublesome factor, that she ought easily to be able to suppress it. Thus she re- fused frankly to admit to herself that she really was a " designing widow" (in the sense that has been indicated). Consequently the idea that she was, which she could not completely repress, was then perceived by her consciousness as something her neighbors thought, that is to say, as a pro- jection. Her moving to New York, which pur- ported to be an attempt to get away from the sus- picion and criticism of her neighbors, was really PROJECTION 159 an effort to escape from what she thought of her- self and, naturally, was unsuccessful. A second illustration of a very common form of projection occurred in the case of a girl of eight- een who came to me suffering with attacks of in- tense pain in one side of her face. Her family physician and one or two other doctors who had seen her were not quite certain whether these pains were of organic origin (tic douloureux) or psychic, that is to say, hysterical ; and she was sent to me to have this question settled and, should the condition prove to be one of hysteria, for analy- tic treatment. When, after the first examination, I intimated to the girl and to her mother that the malady was not organic, the young woman be- came very angry, and both to me and later to her family expressed in no uncertain terms her very great contempt for me in not being able to rec- ognize an out and out organic disease when I saw one. Nevertheless she eventually came to me for treatment and I was finally able to establish that her extreme emotional reaction against my view as to the nature of her pain was essentially a defense against the projected knowledge that I was right. For it appeared that these attacks of pain came on when the young woman was indulging in erotic day dreams, and then only; that she never had them apart from these dreams; that they lasted only as long as she kept on dreaming; and that she could at any time stop them by stopping the day dream. Thus she had every reason to know that they were of psychic rather than of somatic 160 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS origin. She was a Catholic and she knew that if she were to confess to the priest that she was having such phantasies he would tell her they were wrong and that she must stop them, a thing she was unwilling to do. As a way of evading this, her mind formed a compromise in the shape of the pains, which served the purpose of a punish- ment and a penance for the phantasies she re- garded as sinful, and thus in her opinion to a certain degree absolved her from the obligation of confessing them and from the sin of not doing so. What she attacked as a manifestation of my stupidity was really a projection of her own un- willing knowledge that her pains were not or- ganic. 1 Another projection phenomenon displayed in the same case is as follows. The analysis which, once begun, proceeded for a time with fair prom- ise of success, came to a standstill when the young woman began to display toward me an attitude of the most open hostility and antagonism. This was shortly explained as having the following origin. Her neurosis began at the time her par- ents interfered between her and a young man in whom she had become interested and who pro- i It is not rare to find neurotic patients who very much resent being told that their trouble is psychic. In my experience this always means that they not only have some reason for knowing that the condition is psychic but that they connect it, usually rightly, with something sexual of which they are ashamed. The craving of the neurotic to find some physical cause for his trouble, intestinal indigestion, eye strain, overwork, etc., is really an effort to find some other explanation for the neurosis than the sexual, which he vaguely senses to be its real cause. PROJECTION 161 fessed to want to marry her. Her hostility to me, as she herself admitted, developed when she came to the conclusion that the reason her par- ents sent her to me was that I might be able to get so much influence over her as to make her willing to give up the young man and conform to her parents' wishes, a thing she had asserted she never would do even if her life depended on it. The more patient and sympathetic I was with her and the more I professed to be quite indif- ferent as to what she did about the young man, the more convinced she was that this was all a scheme on my part to get her to like and trust me so that eventually she would be willing to give him up to please me, and consequently she became more and more stubborn and antagonistic. As a matter of fact she was quite correct in feel- ing that a strong influence was being brought to bear upon her in the direction of making her give in to her parents' wishes and renounce the young man, but she was wrong in supposing it originated with either them or me. In reality it came from her own mind and consisted of her own impulses and wishes to give up the young man in order to please her parents and continue as a dutiful daughter. Thus the force influencing her to give up her lover, and which she perceived as emanat- ing from me, was really her love for her parents and her wish to do whatever was pleasing to them. Her antagonism against me was really an antag- onism to that part of her own self that interfered with her romantic intentions. 1 i It may be added that she had identified me with her father 162 MOKBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS It is to be noticed that in these and in all other examples of projection the reaction against the ideas projected is really a part of the resistances causing the projection and thus a part of the re- pressing forces. Were it not for these resist- ances (these objections) to the presentation in question, the ideas would be frankly admitted and there would be no projection. Thus, had not the girl just mentioned felt that there was a re- proach contained in the assumption that her mal- ady was of psychic origin, she would have been relieved rather than angered that such was my opinion of the case, or she would have honestly recognized it herself. The phenomenon of "the projection of a reproach " of which these cases are fair examples, is the basis for such common phrases as "A guilty conscience needs no ac- cuser," "The wicked flee when no man pursueth," "It's only the truth that hurts" and the like. The most elaborate examples of projection are furnished by paranoia or major psychoses of the paranoid type. Detailed studies of such cases are already to be found in the literature of psy- choanalysis, the most noteworthy being Freud's analysis of the Schreber case,- and shorter papers by Ferenczi, Brill and others. I will give some brief examples of cases approaching the paranoid type. A young woman student had at various times a number of delusional attacks which invariably began with her becoming attracted by some one and transferred to me feelings that really belonged to him. Matters of this sort will be discussed shortly. PROJECTION 163 of her professors. She would for a time talk a great deal about him, of how able and attractive he was, but without intimating that she was fall- ing in love with him. Then she would begin to think that he was falling in love with her. This would seem to please and amuse her at first, but soon she would get the notion that he was hypno- tizing her, and her pleasure would be succeeded by anger. She would complain that through hypnotic influence he was putting into her mind all sorts of erotic phantasies about him, that against her will he compelled her to masturbate with him in mind, that by telepathic suggestion he gave her impulses to come to his apartment, to have sexual relations with him, etc., all of which would get her into a state of great rage and excite- ment and she would have to abandon her studies. Thereupon the attack would gradually subside, only to be repeated in connection with some other teacher when she resumed her work. It is apparent that this patient's delusional ideas were nothing but a projection of her own erotic interests in her teachers. What she felt as an hypnotic or telepathic influence brought to bear upon her from without was simply an ex- ternalization of her own desires. Her anger against the teachers represented her pathological resistances against these desires. Presumably had she been able to regard her sexuality in a normal way, as something perfectly legitimate and wholesome, what appeared as delusional at- tacks would otherwise have been ordinary love affairs. 164 MORBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS Some years ago I learned that the father of a girl I was treating in the clinic suffered from the delusion that his wife was untrue to him. He was madly jealous of the multitude of lovers he supposed she possessed and kept the house in a continual uproar with his threats and accusations. I thought little about his condition at the time, beyond sympathy for his family and some mild amusement at the idea of his wife (a somber, de- pressed and most unattractive Jewish woman well past the menopause) in the role of a Messalina, until there came to the clinic no less a person than the father himself, and the basis for his de- lusions was revealed to me. He had been im- potent for ten years. This was the reason he thought his wife unfaithful to him. His own dissatisfaction at being impotent he had projected to her. She must, he believed, be dissatisfied with him. Then by elaborating this idea into the de- lusion that she consoled herself with other men he was able to reproach her in the same degree that he imagined she privately wished to reproach him. Notions similar in content but somewhat dif- ferent in origin are represented by a case of morbid jealousy in a woman. In this case the projected ideas did not quite reach the delusional stage. The woman was continually suspicious of her husband. If he displayed any ordinary civility to another woman, she thought he was trying to flirt. If he was late in coming home from his office, she was persuaded that a ren- dezvous with a chorus girl had caused his delay. PROJECTION 165 If he informed her he was called out of town on business, she would be convinced that this was merely a ruse to spend a week end with some one of his paramours. The chief argument on which she based her suspicions, which at the same time discloses their meaning, was that her husband rarely had intercourse with her more than once or twice a week. If he were not untrue to her, she felt, surely he would want intercourse more fre- quently than that. She knew men, she said, and no one could make her believe that anything short of having intercourse six or seven times a week would satisfy the creatures, and particularly such a man as her husband. This woman 's ideas of her husband's infidelity were really a projection of her own imperfect sexual satisfaction. For the facts were that to have intercourse only once or twice a week did not give her complete relief, but left her a prey to erotic longings in the intervals and inclined her to have day dreams of relations with men more passionate than her husband appeared to be. These, however, were facts that she could not face squarely. Her bringing up had led her to suppose that the woman should regard intercourse merely as a wifely duty to be submitted to with pious resignation out of consideration for the baser nature of the male. That a true, gentle- woman could look upon it in any other way was almost unthinkable. Hence, when with inter- course once or twice a week she was incompletely satisfied, she was caught between the two horns of a dilemma. If she granted that this was 166 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS enough to satisfy man's evil nature, and that her husband really was true to her, this involved the admission that she was more passionate and therefore more evil than even the man. But if she allowed that even a lady might need inter- course more than once or twice a week, it then followed that her husband, who, being a male and therefore infinitely more sensual than the female, must require it still oftener, which could only mean that he was satisfying himself else- where. She chose the latter alternative, for pain- ful as it was to her to think her husband un- true to her, this was less painful than would have been the reflection that she was more erotic than he. Had her education, and consequently her foreconscious, been different, so that she could have recognized that passion in a woman is no disgrace, she could have perceived her imperfect sexual satisfaction directly instead of through the roundabout route of projection, and then per- haps, instead of pushing her husband further away from her through her unjust accusations, she might have rendered herself sufficiently attrac- tive to him to bring about the satisfaction of her sexual needs. 1 i These two cases are quite typical. Undue jealousy in a man usually means that he has, or thinks he has, some deficiency of sexual power. It means in a woman not, as many seem to think, that she is unusually in love with her husband but rather that she is not perfectly satisfied with him, and often, that she thinks if he really knew her, he would not be satisfied with her. In most patients suffering from morbid jealousy there is an over- accentuation of the homosexual component of the libido. INTROJECTION 167 The mechanism known as Introjection, is as was said, a process almost the reverse of that of projection. Where in the latter case the individ- ual narrows his ego to a degree that processes actually belonging to it are perceived as of ex- ternal origin, in the former he broadens the self to include within it what really belongs to other persons or objects. Thus for example that which happens to some other person causes him to feel or behave as if it had happened to him instead. This involves something more than ordinary sym- pathy. There is a definite, though usually uncon- scious, sense of oneness or continuity with the other person. For this reason the phenomenon is commonly known under the term Identification. 1 The phenomena of introjection or identification are very common and essentially normal. It is only when carried to extremes that identification becomes abnormal. It is for example a normal part of love. He who loves identifies himself with the love-object, and that person's pains or pleasures, successes or failures, honor or disgrace become in a measure his own. It expresses a sort of recognition of this love identification when we say of a married couple that the two have been made one. iAs we shall learn shortly, there are really two kinds of identification. The individual may identify himself with another person, which might be called subjective or introjective identifica- tion, or he may identify one person with another previously known person, and experience feelings toward, or see qualities in, the former that really belong to the latter. This is one of the many forms of displacement and might be called objective identi- fication, but is usually spoken of as Transference. 168 MOKBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS We identify ourselves not only with loved per- sons, our friends and the members of our families, but also with things essentially impersonal or in- animate, our possessions, our country, its em- blems, customs, institutions, etc. Thus we have a sense of identity with our house, our dog or our automobile, and see in them virtues peculiar and different from those of the houses, dogs or automobiles belonging to other people and which, in all tangible respects, are equal or superior to our own. 1 The resident of New York or Chicago experiences a glow of personal pride on listening to some comment on the greatness of his city (to which in all probability he has not made the slightest contribution) or the dweller in the coun- try may feel a flash of resentment on hearing some slur at country customs or country manners even though he is as thoroughly sophisticated and un- provincial as well could be. We have also a great tendency to identify our- selves with people of importance who excite our admiration but whom we do not, in any ordinary sense, love. Such identifications usually corre- spond to a wish fulfillment. The inmate of an insane asylum who proudly informs us that he is Alexander the Great and conquered the world, or that he is Jesus Christ and saved it, is merely displaying an exaggerated form of the same kind iA person who suffers from a feeling of inferiority may not show this normal overestimation of his own possessions, but on the contrary project to everything that belongs to him some of his own feelings of insufficiency, so that whatever he has never seems to him as good as the equivalent thing possessed by some- body else. IDENTIFICATION 169 of identification which enables us to find pleasure in such a statement as that our handwriting closely resembles ex-president Koosevelt's, or that our new maid was formerly in the employ of John D. Eockefeller. Identifications of this sort which often lead to imitation have much to do with the rapid spread of fads or fashions when once adopted by the great or near-great. We may now consider some examples of iden- tification which are taken from the domain of the pathological, though not all of them are in themselves abnormal. A young woman who came to me complaining of insomnia and a depression of two years stand- ing, mentioned during the course of the second visit that the night before she had dreamed of Evelyn Nesbit Thaw. I asked her, very casually, what she thought of Mrs. Thaw, whereupon she at once launched upon a most vehement and pas- sionate defense of that celebrated young woman. Since her emotion concerning Mrs. Thaw, whom she had never even seen, was obviously excessive, I concluded the patient must identify herself with her. Inasmuch as her defense had to do entirely with the question of sexual temptations to which that lady had been alleged to have succumbed, I also decided that she too must have yielded to some temptations of that character, and that such was the basis of the identification. And this proved actually to have been the case. The pa- tient had been seduced two years before and this experience was one of the chief determinants of her state of depression. Her defense of Mrs. 170 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Thaw was then in essence a defense of herself. Several years ago I was standing on the plat- form of an elevated railway station waiting for a train when a doctor with whom I am acquainted came up and spoke to me. We entered the train together and while we were talking he noticed in the headlines of the paper I had been reading the statement that the Philadelphia physician, Dr. Crippen, had just been executed in England for the murder of his wife. My companion at once dropped the subject which had previously engaged us, and began to talk about the case of this un- fortunate doctor and the impression it had made upon him. Ordinarily, he said, he had taken no interest in murder trials and had been completely indifferent to the fate of the murderer, but this case had affected him profoundly. Almost against his will he had followed it in the papers, continually hoping that either the doctor would be acquitted or at least get off with life imprison- ment. For, as he explained, it had seemed to him that for a doctor to have to suffer the death pen- alty, a man of education and culture and devoted by profession to the prolonging of life, was some- thing unspeakably horrible and unjust. If such a man did commit murder there must surely have been, he felt, many extenuating circumstances. "Who knows, " he cried, rather excitedly, "just what sort of woman that man's wife was? May be he married her with the best intentions in the world, only to find that instead of a friend and companion he had on his hands a regular she-devil who continually pestered him in all those sleek IDENTIFICATION 171 and fiendish ways of which only a woman is capable! Who knows? Perhaps if all the facts came out, the world which now blames him would in true justice feel that his wife, who broke no law, really deserved death more than he!" At this point something in my expression must have betrayed that I involuntarily saw more meaning in his remarks than he had expected to convey, for he interrupted himself to say, with a laugh: "Oh, you analyst! I suppose you know all my secrets now! Well, go ahead and tell me what you have discovered." I protested with well intended mendacity that I had discovered nothing and, as by that time the train had reached my station, we parted. A couple of weeks later I happened to meet the doctor again, whereupon he said: "I know that the other day you suspected that everything is not well with me, so I may as well tell you the truth, for I really want your advice." He then went on to say that his wife had turned out to be anything but the sweet and amiable companion he had expected when he married her, but that she was selfish and ill tempered and apparently bent on doing everything in her power to make him miserable and unhappy. He was profoundly distressed, for he was very much in love with her at the time they married, and even though that love had considerably waned, he still could not re- sign himself to seeing her as apparently she ac- tually was, a thoroughly selfish, unscrupulous and malicious woman. He had tried to be patient and to please her in every way, feeling all the time that 172 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS it was perhaps his fault that she behaved in such a manner, and that if only he made more effort or understood better how to please her, the happy state he had imaged before their marriage might really be brought about. On the other hand, though he rarely complained to her, he was be- coming increasingly subject to internal spasms of rage and resentment against her and at such times there would flash into his mind all sorts of murderous thoughts, prayers that she might die, images of himself choking her or smashing her head against a wall and other phantasies of a similar character, the like of which he had never experienced before. It was bad enough, he felt, to have had to make such unpleasant discoveries concerning his wife's character without being compelled to add to them equally unpleasant ones concerning his own. It requires no further discussion to render per- fectly clear why this doctor felt as he did over the case of Dr. Crippen. His compulsive sym- pathy for that unfortunate man was essentially sympathy for himself. For on the basis of the murderous thoughts which, in spite of himself, his wife inspired in him, he identified himself with the murderer. He felt as if he too were on trial, and his wish for the acquittal of the ac- cused and his sense of injustice at the execution were conditioned not by any actual facts of that man's case but by features of his own. It may be remarked incidentally that this case of what appeared to be exaggerated sympathy is quite typical of manifestations of that kind. The IDENTIFICATION 173 person sympathized with is very frequently, as in this case, some one with whom the sympathizer unconsciously identifies himself and his great con- cern is thus not so entirely altruistic as it might at first glance seem. Another and slightly different example of iden- tification is as follows. I was treating a young man for homosexuality and during the course of one of the early visits he recalled that shortly after puberty there was a time when his feelings toward girls had been quite normal, but that his mother had so vigorously opposed all his inter- ests in the opposite sex that after a year or more of struggle with her he finally gave in, and there- after had only homosexual attachments. After having lived over again during this visit the bit- ter conflict he had had with his mother, which un- til he spoke of it on this occasion had for the most part faded from his mind, he remarked that he felt this discussion meant a great step toward recovery. He added that before he began the treatment he had had a feeling that we would suddenly come upon some discovery, whereupon he would all at once be well, and he now felt that the recollection of this warfare with his mother was that which he had been expecting. Upon my asking him what gave rise to this expectation, he replied that probably it was some case that he had read about but could not at the time recall. Shortly we discovered that the case was one men- tioned by Dr. A. A. Brill, of a young man who suffered from an obsessive idea that he was only killing time, and took all sorts of precautions in 174 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS order never to waste a minute. From the analy- sis of a dream Dr. Brill discovered that the fig- ure of the old man representing Father Time was in this patient's case a symbol for the father and that his fear that he was killing time really rep- resented a repressed wish to kill his father, which explanation the patient accepted and the obses- sion at once disappeared. My patient, from read- ing this case, developed the expectation that he too would get well in this sudden way. This meant that he unconsciously identified himself with Brill's patient. The basis for this identifica- tion was the wish that his mother would die. Such a wish was altogether foreign to his con- scious thoughts, but existed as an unconscious one. So when he read Brill's case the idea of its simi- larity to his own instead of being presented to his consciousness directly and in some such form as: "I am like that man because 1 wished my mother dead/' appeared as an identification phenomenon in the shape of the expectation: "In the analy- sis I too will get well through a sudden discov- ery." He felt that the discussion of the conflict with his mother was a matter of great import, because it tended to bring to his mind that it was in this relation that the wish that his mother might die mainly arose. The identification contains the thought: "If my mother were out of the way I would be sexually normal," and this idea we can accept as pretty nearly correct, if for the word "mother" we substitute "mother's influence." KATIONALIZATION 175 (d) EATIONALIZATION It may have struck some of my readers that the patients who furnished the various examples of psychopathological reactions which have been de- scribed must have been singularly blind about themselves not to recognize at least in some cases, that these reactions were determined by their complexes and not to realize what the reactions meant. One might even go so far as to feel that neurotics, if these cases represent any fair sample of them, must be a rather stupid lot. As a mat- ter of fact, neurotics, as a class, are rather above the average in intelligence (compulsion neurotics especially), and their failure to understand them- selves is neither a function of a lack of intelligence nor of the neurosis as such, but results rather from the resistances, numerous parallels of which are to be found in the mental lives of even the most normal. The most well balanced people have many peculiarities and shortcomings which are all too apparent to their friends and acquaintances but to which they themselves are serenely blind. In fact it may be said with a fair degree of ac- curacy that neurotics are less blind to the work- ings of their own minds than are normal people, in the sense that the neurosis represents an unsuc- cessful effort to become oblivious to the same things that normal people succeed in ignoring completely. The normal man, who feels that his every action springs from reason rather than from his complexes, is deceiving himself more than does any neurotic. 176 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS This may seem a rather unreasonable and un- justifiable assertion and therefore demands ex- planation. Ask of any normal man: "Why did you do that? Why do you like this? Why do you dislike the other?" and he is pretty certain to give you an explanation that seems plausible and to his mind completely satisfactory. He will not reply: "That action or feeling came from some of my complexes or was, I suppose, the re- sult of something in my Unconscious and I don't understand it myself." Never, practically, will one hear such an admission, or anything that is the equivalent of it. Our actions and feelings, even when most illogical and wholly determined by unconscious factors, rather than by reason and judgment, seem to us either perfectly logical and reasonable and determined on such a basis, or else accidental and requiring no explanation at all. This, as was mentioned in the second chap- ter, is accounted for by the fact that those reac- tions which are determined by our complexes and our Unconscious are almost invariably rational- ized; that is to say, furnished with an apparently reasonable and plausible explanation, often manu- factured ex post facto, and which is more ac- ceptable and agreeable to us than would be a cor- rect understanding of the real motive forces. In the case of intelligent neurotics these rational- izations are often so extremely plausible that the analyst has to be constantly on his guard lest he himself be deceived by them and overlook the un- conscious factors really at work. One of my patients confessed to me that it had EATIONALIZATION 177 always been his intention to marry a rich girl, though as a matter of fact the girl he had mar- ried had no money at all. Before he became en- gaged he had taken advantage of every oppor- tunity to meet, and bean the society of, rich girls, hoping to find one that would be attractive and at the same time willing to marry him. I felt somewhat surprised that his devotion and indus- try in this direction had met with so meager a result, and so expressed myself, whereupon he explained that all the rich girls he had ever met were so spoiled by their money and so utterly selfish that no matter how rich they were he would not marry any one of them. All of them, he said, put clothes and dances and yachts and cars, and all the other things that money could buy, ahead of love and sympathy and companionship, which, he assured me, were to his mind the vital features of marriage. But though I did not feel in a posi- tion absolutely to deny that great wealth may have a prejudicial influence upon character, the fact remained that this man had known a great many girls with money, and it did seem rather unlikely that every single one of them had exactly the same group of faults which he seemed to dis- cover in them. His failure to carry out his in- tention to marry a rich girl (a thing he had many opportunities of doing) was, it appeared to me, due in all probability not so much to the alleged defects in the character of the young ladies, as to certain peculiarities of his own, while the ex- planation he offered was not the true one but a rationalization. The real determining factor, as 178 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS at length appeared, was his own money complex. He felt that rich girls would be more interested in money than in companionship because to a certain extent he was that way himself. Since he doubted if he could care for a girl who was not rich, he was compelled also to doubt whether, since he was not rich, any such girl would care for him. He could feel sure of the love only of a girl who had no money at all, for such a one would appreciate, he felt, the moderate amount of money he did have. One of my patients was engaged before he came to me to a rich girl and expected to be married in about a year. He then received the news that the parents of his intended lost all their money and that contrary to his expectation his bride would be penniless. He then insisted that they be mar- ried right away. The reason that he gave for this was the extremely convincing one that since the girl's parents could now support her only with difficulty, he fejt that it was only right that he should step in, even though at some inconvenience, and care for her himself. The real reason was as follows. He had known the girl only slightly when he became engaged to her, and it was the fact that her parents had plenty of money that had been one of her attractions. An important reason he married her earlier than he had ex- pected was that he was afraid that some one might think that now her parents had lost their money he would want to back out of the engage- ment, which, as a matter of fact, was the very RATIONALIZATION 179 thing he did want to do, though he would not ad- mit it even to himself. 1 Another patient gave me a very lengthy and rather logical explanation of why he was in favor of woman suffrage. The further course of the analysis revealed, however, that the basic reason for his position was his racial complex. He is a Jew and had felt very keenly the effects of the anti-Semitic prejudice that prevails in New York. He sympathized with women because he, like them, belonged to a group often regarded infer- ior and which is denied some of the rights and privileges that certain others may enjoy. His in- terest in equality of the sexes was really a mani- festation of his more intimate and personal in- terest in equality of races. 2 The reasons given for his position were simply a rationalization. At the time of the presidential campaign of 1916 another patient gave me a very logically formed set of reasons why in his opinion every one should vote for Mr. Wilson's reelection, the principal ones being variations of the theme: "He kept us out of war." The real reason that this pa- tient on all occasions took Mr. Wilson's part and defended him and his, at that time, unwarlike policies, was that the patient felt himself to be a coward and afraid to fight. He really thought Mr. Wilson belonged in the same category and 1 This reaction is obviously an over-compensation. Fortunately the marriage turned out very well in spite of this unpromising beginning. 2 In cases such as this the castration complex is sometimes an important factor. 180 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS secretly despised him as lie despised himself, meanwhile defending and making excuses for him as he himself wished to be defended and excused. The perfectly plausible reasons he gave for his approval of Mr. Wilson really had practically nothing to do with his position in the matter but were simply rationalizations of the attitude de- termined by his complexes. In the case of another patient who with the greatest bitterness attacked the President in his efforts to avoid war, meanwhile giving a most plausible and reasonable explanation of why he did this, was also displaying a purely complex- determined reaction. This young man had quar- reled with his family, thinking that rather than avoid an open break with him they would give in and do a certain thing he wanted. He sadly mis- judged them for not only did they fail to be dis- turbed by the prospect of a rupture, but appeared to be totally indifferent as to his fate, after it oc- curred, so that he not only failed to gain what he wanted but lost many things he had previously enjoyed. Thus not only had he reason to feel that he had made a great tactical mistake, but at the same time he suffered from a certain sense of guilt for the attitude he had taken. But he was unwilling to admit to himself or to anybody else that he had been wrong in quarreling with his family or that there was any reason he should feel guilty over it. Hence he was compelled to hate Mr. Wilson or any one else who championed peace or condemned war, for it was as if that person were telling him in general terms what his con- BATIONALIZATION 181 science was insisting in particular ones, namely that peace was right and his quarreling wrong. 1 I noticed that a married woman, a patient of mine whom I had seen only four or five times, was invariably dressed in black. I supposed she was in mourning, though she had said nothing about a death having occurred in the family, and at last I asked her about it. She replied that she was not in mourning and that the reason she wore black was that she thought such material was more durable. This explanation seemed to me rather unsatisfactory, for in the first place the woman was sufficiently well off not to have to be con- cerned about the durability of her clothing, and in the second it was summer time, when black clothing is particularly uncomfortable and nobody wears it unless there is some reason for so doing. It later developed that her habit of dressing in black had a symbolic significance and that her ex- iAs familiar as I am with the frequency with which people's opinions on all sorts of objective matters are determined by their complexes rather than the actual merits of the case, it has been a never failing source of surprise to me to see the extent this has been true in regard to the present war and Mr. Wilson's policies. In the case of every one of my patients, and for that matter of all other persons with whom I am well enough acquainted to be able to judge of their complexes, the individual's opinion, whether pro-German or pro-Ally, pro-Wilson or anti-Wilson, was largely and in most instances wholly determined not by the facts known to him with regard to any one of the questions, but rather by his own intimate complexes. The reasons given for his opinion, though in many cases most plausible and convincing, proved on close examination to be little more than rationalizations. I doubt if any one unfamiliar with actual psychoanalytic work can realize or believe how entirely these statements are true, not only of neurotics, but of normal persons as well. 182 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS planation that such clothing is more durable was simply a rationalization of that action. She was dissatisfied with her husband who was a rather prosaic individual and paid little attention to her ; though as a girl she had been very popular and liked pretty clothes and masculine admiration. Her humdrum husband had failed to satisfy her craving to be admired while her conscience forbade her seeking to gratify it elsewhere. Her dressing in black was a symbolic expression on the one hand of her wish to be a widow and receive attention as of old, and on the other of penitential impulses for her guilty feeling that it was her inordinate fondness for clothes and admiration that made her unhappy with her husband, who in many respects was a very considerate and worthy man. (e) VARIOUS DEFENSE AND DISTORTION MECHANISMS There are a great many symptoms or symptom- like formations which serve as defenses against a sense of guilt. One of these consists in displacing the guilt affects, which repression has failed to prevent, to the idea of some other and lesser male- faction than that from which they really have origin. Thus a patient of mine 1 who had volun- teered to help one of her neighbors in caring for a very sick old woman, fell asleep while watching at the sufferer's bedside and was in consequence half an hour late in administering a dose of medicine that the doctor had ordered. When a few days later the old woman died, my patient began to reproach herself as being guilty of her death, feel- DEFENSE MECHANISMS 183 ing that if she had given the medicine on time it might not have occurred. This was despite the fact that the old woman had an incurable illness from which recovery was impossible, and that the death occurred at just the time it had been pre- dicted by the doctor. The guilty sense of having caused the old woman's death really came from another quarter. My patient was approaching the forties without having married, a circum- stance largely attributable to her mother's inter- ference and tyranny, for she had rarely permitted her daughter to have any suitors and had soon interfered in the case of the few that did present themselves. The daughter had wished (even at times con- sciously) that her mother, who was not in the best of health, would die before it would be so late as to place marriage out of the question. When her mother did die, a few months before the old woman just mentioned, my patient had a vague sense that her evil wishes had killed her. The guilty feelings arising in this way she was able to keep down until, at about the time of the death of the old woman neighbor, they were aug- mented by the effect of a certain sexual tempta- tion to which she was unexpectedly subjected. Then, no longer able to suppress her sense of guilt entirely, she partially escaped from it by means of the displacement just described. Another method of defense against guilt com- plexes consists of various sorts of penitential measures or ceremonies. The action of the woman who wore black in the summer time was 184 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS in part conditioned in this wise. Another example is that of a salesman whose business it was to secure advertising for a certain magazine. Though for a time very successful at this work, his sales at length began to fall off very con- siderably, to such a degree, in fact, that he even- tually lost his position. The reason for this change was that he had become, as he expressed it, "over conscientious." Instead of enthusiast- ically explaining to the prospective advertisers the great advantages to be expected to result from buying space in the magazine, as at first he had done, he would ask himself: "Now really would this man's business profit by the kind of advertis- ing I am supposed to sell him?" a question that he often felt had to be answered in the negative. On such occasions he would be impelled to advise the prospective purchaser, against buying and naturally made no sale. He expressed the situa- tion to me by saying: "I've gotten so that I can't stand it to feel that my clients are not go- ing to get full value received. ' ' The origin of this compulsion, for such it was (in many instances he advised against the pur- chases of advertising where it really would have been of advantage to the buyer), was from quite another matter in his life, in which he had a much more logical reason to feel that he was not giving value received. He had made the acquaintance of, and eventually seduced, a somewhat innocent- minded and unsophisticated young girl, who, though he had never said so in so many words, had all along had the impression that he intended to DEFENSE MECHANISMS 185 marry her. He had not disabused her of this notion, for on the one hand he wished to con- tinue his sexual relations with her, and on the other dreaded the storm of tears and reproaches which he knew would be forthcoming as soon as she knew how she had been duped. Meanwhile he tried to excuse himself by believing that the girl was not really as innocent as she appeared to be and that if she was foolish enough to expect him to marry her when he had never in so many words promised that he would, there was nobody to blame but herself. Failing then to give value received in this quarter he tried to make up for it in another, and through the falling off in his commissions and the eventual loss of his position, suffered an essentially self-inflicted punishment for the sin he really believed he was committing in spite of all his efforts to persuade himself other- wise. A patient of mine who lived on the seashore where there was an excellent bathing beach of which nearly every one took advantage, had a marked aversion to going into the water, in spite of the fact that he was well able to swim. It was not through any idea of danger, and he had almost as much dislike of taking a cold bath in the tub in his house. Hot water he did not mind. He could remember a time in his childhood when he had no such aversion, but enjoyed going in swim- ming with the rest of the boys. The explanation of this antipathy is to be found in what is known as the " Small Penis Complex. " Little boys, of say four or five years of age, when 186 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS passing through the period of sexual investiga- tion, are often profoundly impressed with the dif- ference in size between their own organs and those of grown men, the older brother or the father. From these comparisons arises a feeling of envy and jealousy and also a sense of inferior- ity, and this forms a nucleus for a complex which grows and persists long after the impressions with which it started have faded from conscious memory. It is a common experience for a person who as an adult revisits for the first time some place in which he lived when a small child, to be much as- tonished to see how much smaller are the rooms and buildings and how much shorter are the dis- tances, than he had remembered them. This is paralleled in the formation of the small penis com- plex. The memory impressions of the adult or- gans with which the little boy first compared his own keep in the Unconscious the original ratio of bigness, so that despite later comparisons in adolescence or adult life, which logically should serve to dispel the original sense of genital infe- riority, it nevertheless persists. It is as if these old memory impressions, which became progres- sively magnified through the period of growth and so preserved their original ratio, remained as the final criteria of comparison. Naturally the per- son may be conscious only of the feeling of in- feriority and through various defenses more or less escape awareness of the idea that this has a genital basis. Thus the person who unconsci- ously projects to the female his own high estima- DEFENSE MECHANISMS 187 tion of the significance of the size of the penis is apt to be backward with women, and to feel that he has little sexual desire, the real reason being that he fears revealing to the woman the (often purely imaginary) smallness of his genitals. This patient's aversion to swimming had some- what this origin. Some of his early painful com- parisons were made at the country swimming hole where he and the rest of the youths of the community were wont to bathe in a state of na- ture. It did happen that he matured rather slowly, and most of the boys of his age developed genital hair and the other signs of sexual matur- ity before he did. He was painfully conscious that their organs were larger than his ; and par- ticularly so when he had been in the water, the coldness of which caused his penis to shrink into almost complete obscurity. As may easily be seen, swimming or cold bathing tended in later life to stimulate the small-penis complex through reviving these old memories, and thus threatened to bring into his consciousness, despite his de- fenses, ideas and affects that were very painful to him. As a defense his aversion or resistance to the complex was then transferred to appear as an aversion to bathing (i. e. to a stimulus of that complex) a mechanism much the same as that, by which as we shall see later, some of the symptoms of anxiety hysteria are formed. Another and very familiar defense against a sense of guilt is exemplified by the common wash- ing compulsions or ceremonials. A sense of moral impurity or uncleanness of whatever origin 188 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS is replaced by the notion of physical uncleanness or defilement, which the patient then seeks to get rid of by continual washing and scrubbing. Even more common, though less often recog- nized, is a certain feverish devotion to religion or to church or charitable work. In women par- ticularly this is a very common defense against a sense of guilt arising from the masturbation con- flict. Feeling herself to be "bad" the patient de- votes herself to those activities which because of their nature tend to give her a feeling that she is "good," which then serves as an antidote for her inculpatory affects. Still another very common defense phenomenon is that of finding fault with others for shortcom- ings of which one is possessed oneself, though un- willing to admit it. It is as if one were making an effort to bring those about him down to the same level where he feels himself to be. A num- ber of the examples which have been given to illus- trate other points are at the same time instances of this mechanism. For instance the woman who was continually accusing her husband of infidelity was really at the same time defending herself against the guilty sense of having been unfaith- ful to him in her thoughts. The man who felt that rich girls put the things that money could buy before considerations of love and sentiment was only accusing them of what he vaguely felt himself also to be guilty. In the case described in Chapter VII we shall find some excellent ex- amples of this form of defense. I may also men- tion one from my own personal experience. I DEFENSE MECHANISMS 189 found at one time that I was becoming very im- patient at what I was pleased in my own mind to call the stupidity displayed by a woman I had been analyzing for some time with very meager suc- cess. If, for instance, I explained something to her, and, as often was the case, she did not grasp my meaning, or asked me to explain the thing over again, I would feel exasperated at her dull- ness in failing to comprehend what seemed to me very simple. On one or two occasions when she had made some feeble complaint to the effect that she was not improving very much, I had felt an unreasonable impulse to tell her that a person with no brains need not expect to get well rapidly by a method that required understanding. It is true that this patient was not remarkably intelligent, yet, as it at length occurred to me, I was at the same time analyzing another young woman who was no more intelligent than she, but toward whom I never felt irritable, and if she asked me to repeat or clarify an explanation I did it with complete patience and good nature. The first patient was not, as I had sometimes told my- self , too stupid to be analyzed, for as I knew, once I stopped to think of it, I had had good success with other patients no more intelligent than she, and in some instances her mental inferiors. Finally I realized that the reason I felt irritated with her, and in my own mind called her a fool, was that the circumstances were such that she was making me feel that I was one. The reasons for this were as follows. She was referred to me by a certain doctor who had never 190 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS sent me any cases before and who I knew from con- versations I had had with him was rather skep- tical as to the value of psychoanalysis. He had been rather interested in the case of this patient and had for a long time tried to cure her himself by various physical means. I suspected that one reason he sent her to me was that he had at last gotten tired of her continued complainings, more than that he had any deep faith in my being able to do her any good. When I saw the patient for the first time I thought the case would not be a very difficult one, and I was malicious enough to take pleasure in the thought that when I did cure her, I would wind up the thoroughly good-natured arguments I had had with him about psycho- analysis by the triumphant statement that it had succeeded when his methods, carried out for even a longer time, had met with absolute failure. I knew also that if I did succeed with this case, the doctor in question, who has an excellent practice among well to do people, would send me other pa- tients, a consideration to which at that time at least I was anything but indifferent. For these reasons I accepted the woman for analysis even though, as I knew, I would have to treat her for a smaller fee than I was in the habit of charging. But after the analysis was begun I found that the case was really a much more difficult one than I had expected, and that there was a certain amount of danger that instead of my being able to report triumphantly to my friend that I bad succeeded where he had failed and to enjoy the rewards of this success in the shape of other patients referred DEFENSE MECHANISMS 191 by him, he would be able to crow over me and to say that the method I had so stoutly defended was no better in results than his own. In addition to this I would have to reflect that instead of my acquaintance with this patient reacting to my profit, in the form of new cases referred by him, I would have nothing to compensate me for the time I had spent on her but a fee so small as to constitute no reward at all. Thus though all these facts were not ever continuously before my mind, nevertheless I had some basis for feeling that I was a fool or had made a fool of myself, and I could not see the patient without being, so to speak, unconsciously reminded of them. The irritation I experienced was really not so much a product of thoughts about her stupidity as about my own. With the other patients who were equally or even more slow of comprehension I had felt no irritation, for there was nothing in the situation to injure my self-esteem. I may add that once I had faced these facts which I was in- voluntarily trying to escape from, I was able to dispel my sense of irritation with the woman and to make of the analysis a fairly complete success. A mechanism of disguise or defense which is most commonly observed in the compulsion neuro- sis is that by generalization. Feelings which in the patient's consciousness are attached to a class or group really refer in the unconscious to a spe- cial one of its members. This is exemplified by the case of the young woman who had an antipathy to all blond, blue-eyed men, which was really founded on repressed wishes concerning one par- 192 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS ticular man of that type. The woman who was converted to Christian Science and " hated " all doctors concealed within this generalization mixed feelings of love and resentment toward one par- ticular member of the profession. Brill reports the case of a Hebrew who suffered from the obses- sive idea that the Gentiles were going to kill all the Jews. 1 This obsession had origin in a death wish against one particular Jew, namely, the pa- tient's father. (f) TRANSFERENCE Among the phenomena occurring under the head of Displacement we became acquainted with a form of identification which I suggested might be called subjective or introjective identification. This was to distinguish it from the other and even more important variety which we might designate as objective identification, but which we shall con- sider under the more commonly used term of Transference. In subjective identification, as was said, the ego is broadened to include within it other persons or objects that are really external. In objective identification, or transference, the individual, in- stead of identifying external objects or persons with himself, identifies them with each other, and behaves or feels toward one in a way that is ap- propriate to, and conditioned by, experiences and impressions which really refer to the other. The subject is usually not conscious of the existence i "Psychoanalysis" Chapter on the Compulsion Neurosis. TRANSFERENCE 193 of the identification nor as a rule does he remem- ber at all completely the experiences from which the transferred feelings really arise. To make clear what is meant by transference I will give an instance of it from my own life. I was at one time confronted with a very difficult problem in my personal affairs which I soon felt was too much for me to solve alone and would necessitate my seeking some help and advice. There were among my friends three men with whom I was very intimate, to any one of whom I might have gone in this emergency with every as- surance of receiving full cooperation and most valuable advice. Instead of doing this, I went to a fourth man about whom, though I had some pleasant acquaintance with him, I really knew very little, and whom I could hardly regard as a friend. I had in fact no logical grounds for be- lieving that this man, whom we may call X. was really qualified to give me the help I needed, or that I could safely trust him with full knowledge of the situation. I now know that I could not have chosen a better person, yet for all the informa- tion at my command then, he might very well have been the worst. When I went to him I had no realization that I was doing a very illogical and possibly unsafe thing. Such a possibility had not occurred to me nor did I think there was anything peculiar in my choosing him in place of some one of the three other men who, under the circumstances, were the logical persons for me to go to, until my wife 194 MOBBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS expressed her surprise at what I had done. Then all at once I realized how strange my choice had been. As soon as I asked myself the reason, it came to my mind that during the night preceding the day I went to see X. I had had a dream in which appeared certain perplexities, which, I could read- ily see, represented the problem then confronting me, and I called to my assistance a certain man named T., who had been a member of the house- hold during my childhood. It then at once be- came clear to me why in my difficulty I had so unhesitatingly gone for help to X. For, as I now realized for the first time, X. and T., though of very different ages, look a great deal alike. On the basis of this similarity in appearance I had unconsciously identified X. with T. Consequently I felt toward X. the sense of trust and confidence that, on the basis of childhood experiences, I really had reason to feel toward T. In short, I felt and acted as if I were dealing not with the relative stranger X. but with T., a person whom I could logically regard as a tried and true friend. In- cidentally it may be remarked that X. and T., though alike in appearance and, as I can now say, in being equally dependable friends to me, are, in most respects, about as unlike as two persons well could be. My failure to go with my problem to any one of the three intimate friends I have mentioned also appears to be, in part at least, the result of a transference involving them. When as a little boy I got into difficulties and needed some help, TRANSFERENCE 195 I always went by preference to T. rather than to my father or grandfather (in whose home I spent a large part of my boyhood) not only because I had the greatest confidence in T. 's ability to help me but because I was sure that he would be toler- ant and sympathetic, as at times the others were not. If, as was usually the case, the trouble I got into was a result of some deviltry or mistake of mine, T. would be just as good-natured about helping me out of it as if I had been perfectly blameless. With my father or grandfather, how- ever, I ran a certain danger of being scolded and told that if through my own fault I got into trouble, it was only what I deserved. The diffi- culties which led me to consult X. would not have arisen had I not made certain mistakes of a char- acter not calculated to enhance my self-esteem. My three friends, who were the logical persons of whom to seek advice, as my father and grand- father had been in my childhood, were, it so hap- pened, the sort of persons who, whatever mis- takes they might make, would surely have avoided the kind which at that time was the cause of my perplexities. In this respect I could identify them with my father and grandfather who were entirely superior to the deviltries responsible for most of my childhood worries. For this reason I ex- pected (very unjustly, I think) that my friends would blame me for the mistakes I had made as, without being quite ready to acimit it, I was then blaming myself. I projected to them my own self- criticism, which was originally parental criticism. My behavior and feelings throughout are thus 196 MOKBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS seen to be a repetition of reactions carried out many times in childhood and were conditioned al- most entirely by experiences of the past and only partly by the actual facts of the present. That I was so fortunate as to find in X. an equally de- pendable ally as in my boyhood T. had been was simply a stroke of great good luck. The point in this example to which I wish espe- cially to call attention is that the practically com- plete transference and identification had such a really insignificant basis, a not even striking simi- larity in appearance between the two men. But there is nothing unique about this. Psycho- analysis furnishes multitudes of examples of transference of even the profoundest of feeling, where the features common to the two persons identified are of the most trivial character the manner of holding a cigar, the color of the hair, some little mannerism or trick of speech, etc. That such insignificant stimuli should have at times the power to produce such profound and apparently disproportionate reactions seems at first thought hardly credible, or at least without parallel with anything else within the sphere of our observation. Nevertheless there is a parallel to be found (perhaps it is really the same thing) in certain phenomena that have been observed particularly by students of animal behavior. Pawlow, Watson, Lashley and others, 1 have shown i Pawlow "Investigation of the Higher Nervous Functions." Watson "The Place of the Conditioned Reflex in Psychology" Psychological Review, Vol. XXIII, No. 2. Lashley "Human Salivary Reflex and its Use in Psychology" Psychological Review, Vol. VII, No. 6. TRANSFERENCE 197 that when the primary stimulus of a motor or secretory reflex is associated a number of times with an indifferent stimulus, then this indifferent stimulus alone may have the power of exciting the whole efferent part of the reaction. Let us con- sider an example. The sight of food is a stimulus which normally excites the flow of gastric juice in the dog. Now suppose that for a period a bell is rung in a dog's hearing each time just before food is shown him and he is fed. When at length he has sufficiently associated this really indiffer- ent stimulus with the appearing of the food, then the ringing of the bell alone will be sufficient to activate the efferent paths constituting the " motor pattern " and produce a pouring out of gastric juice. This is known as a ' ' conditioned re- flex. " The principle holds good not only for sec- retory reflexes but also for affective and appar- ently for motile responses as well. These observations that a small and indiffer- ent part of the stimuli corresponding to an orig- inal "sensory pattern " gain through temporal as- sociation the power of exciting the whole motor pattern and efferent discharge are perfectly par- alleled by and, to my mind, identical with what in human beings we call transference. In the ex- ample of transference I have cited, my feelings and behavior toward X. really represented a sort of "conditioned reflex. " My action and my af- fective state were really produced by the excita- tion of an old efferent pattern marked out in my childhood by contact with T. That which excited this pattern was the relatively unimportant visual 198 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS stimuli corresponding to those features in the ap- pearance of X. which, though I was not conscious of it, were reminiscent of T. They were thus a small and indifferent portion of what corresponded to the original sensory pattern. The fact then that even trivial similarities may serve to produce apparently disproportionate affective transfer- ence is not a phenomenon really unique and with- out parallel but rather a manifestation of some- thing fundamental in animal reaction. We may now ask how and when those motor patterns are formed which, when excited by stim- uli from new objects, produce the reactions called transference. What is the source of that which is transferred? We may answer that the most im- portant of these patterns are formed in childhood, usually before the end of the sixth year, and that the first source of the affects transferred is to be found in the relations of the child to his parents and to the other persons constituting his early en- vironment. This brings us to a matter to which brief reference was made in the first chapter but which we must now take up in considerable detail, namely the formation of those important constel- lations known as the CEdipus and the Electra com- plexes, as well as those usually less significant ones which refer to the brother or sister. To this end I can do no better than to quote di- rectly from Freud. 1 As he has boldly stated, a sexual preference becomes active at a very early i The paragraphs here quoted are from Freud's "Interpretation of Dreams," Chapter V. I have made some changes in their original order. TRANSFERENCE 199 period. "The boy regards the father as a rival in love; the girl takes the same attitude toward the mother, a rival by getting rid of whom she can- not but profit. " "Before rejecting this idea as monstrous, let the reader consider the actual relations between parents and children. What the requirements of culture and piety demand of this relation must be distinguished from what daily observation shows us to be the fact. More than one cause for hostile feeling is concealed within the relations between parents and children; the conditions necessary for the actuation of wishes which can- not exist in the presence of the censor are most abundantly provided. Let us dwell at first upon the relation between father and son. I believe that the sanctity which we have ascribed to the in- junction of the decalogue dulls our perception of reality. Perhaps we hardly dare to notice that the greater part of humanity neglects to obey the fifth commandment. In the lowest as well as in the highest strata of human society, piety towards parents is in the habit of receding before other interests. The obscure reports which have come to us in mythology and legend from the primeval ages of human society give us an unpleasant idea of the power of the father and the ruthlessness with which it was used. Kronos devours his chil- dren as the wild boar devours the brood of the sow; Zeus emasculates his father and takes his place as a ruler. The more despotically the father ruled in the ancient family, the more must the son have taken the position of an enemy, and the 200 MOKBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS greater must have been his impatience, as desig- nated successor, to obtain the mastery himself after his father 's death. Even in our own middle- class family the father is accustomed to aid the development of the germ of hatred which naturally belongs to the paternal relation by refusing the son the disposal of his own destiny, or the means necessary for this. A physician often has oc- casion to notice that the son's grief at the loss of his father cannot suppress his satisfaction at the liberty which he has at last obtained. Every father frantically holds on to whatever of the sadly antiquated potestas patris still remains in the society of to-day, and every poet who, like Ib- sen, puts the ancient strife between the father and son in the foreground of his fiction is sure of his effect. The causes of conflict between mother and daughter arise when the daughter grows up and finds a guardian in her mother, while she desires sexual freedom, and when, on the other hand, the mother has been warned by the budding beauty of her daughter that the time has come for her to renounce sexual claims. All these conditions are notorious and open to every one's inspec- tion. "* iH. G. Wells in "Ann Veronica" has given expression to the father complex in the following words of his character Capes: "1 don't believe there is any strong natural affection between parents and growing up children. There was not, I know, be- tween myself and my father I bored him. I hated him. I suppose that shocks one's ideas. It is true. There are senti- mental and traditional deferences and reverences, I know, be- tween father and son, but that is just exactly what prevents the developing of an easy friendship. Father-worshiping sons are abnormal and they are no good. . . ." TRANSFERENCE 201 "It is found that the sexual wishes of the child (in so far as they deserve this designation in their embryonic state) awaken at a very early period, and that the first inclinations of the girl are di- rected towards the father, and the first childish cravings of the boy towards the mother. The father thus becomes an annoying competitor for the boy, as the mother does for the girl, and we have already shown in the case of brothers and sisters how little it takes for this feeling to lead the child to the death-wish. Sexual selection, as a rule, early becomes evident in the parents; it is a natural tendency for the father to indulge the little daughter, and for the mother to take the part of the sons, while both work earnestly for the education of the little ones when the magic of sex does not prejudice their judgment. The child is very well aware of any partiality, and resists that member of the parental couple who discourages it. To find love in a grown up person is for the child not only the satisfaction of a particular craving, but also means that the child's will is to be yielded to in other respects. Thus the child obeys its own sexual impulse, and at the same time reenforces the feeling which proceeds from the parents, if it makes a selection among the parents that cor- responds to theirs. "Most of the signs of these infantile inclinations are usually overlooked ; some of them may be ob- served even after the first years of childhood. An eight-year-old girl of my acquaintance, when her mother is called from the table, takes advan- tage of the opportunity to proclaim herself her 202 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS successor. 'Now I shall be Mamma; Charles, do you want some more vegetables? Have some, I beg you,' etc. A particularly gifted and viva- cious girl not yet four years old, with whom this bit of child psychology is unusually transparent, says outright: 'Now mother can go away; then father must marry me and I shall be his wife.' Nor does this wish by any means exclude from child life the possibility that the child may love her mother affectionately. If the little boy is al- lowed to sleep at his mother's side whenever his father goes on a journey, and if after his father's return he must go back to the nursery to a person whom he likes far less, the wish may be easily ac- tuated that his father may always be absent, in order that he may keep his place next to his dear, beautiful mamma; and the father's death is ob- viously a means for the attainment of this wish; for the child's experience has taught him that 'dead' folks, like grandpa, for example, are al- ways absent ; they never return. "Being dead means for the child, which has been spared the scenes of suffering previous to dying, the same as 'being gone,' not disturbing the survivors any more. The child does not dis- tinguish the manner and means by which this ab- sence is brought about, whether by traveling, es- trangement or death." Feelings of hostility and death-wishes are in- spired not only by the parent of the opposite sex but in the relation of children to their brothers and sisters. Freud goes on to say: "I do not know why we presuppose that it (the relation of TRANSFEEENCE 203 brothers and sisters), must be a loving one, since examples of brotherly and sisterly enmity among adults force themselves upon every one's experi- ence, and since we so often know that his estrange- ment originated even during childhood or has always existed. But many grown up people, who to-day are tenderly attached to their brothers and sisters and stand by them, have lived with them during childhood in almost uninterrupted hostil- ity. The older child has ill-treated the younger, slandered it and deprived it of its toys; the younger has been consumed by helpless fury against the elder, has envied it and feared it, or its first impulse towards liberty and first feelings of injustice have been directed against the oppressor. The parents say that the children do not agree, and cannot find the reason for it. It is not diffi- cult to see that the character even of a well-be- haved child is not what we wish to find in a grown up person. The child is absolutely egotistical; it feels its wants acutely and strives remorselessly to satisfy them, especially with its competitors, other children, and in the first instance with its brothers and sisters. For doing this we do not call the child wicked, we call it naughty ; it is not responsible for its evil deeds either in our judg- ment or in the eyes of the penal law. And this is justifiably so ; for we may expect that within this very period of life which we call childhood, altru- istic impulses and morality will come to life in the little egotist, and that, in the words of Meynert, a secondary ego will overlay and restrain the primary one. It is true that morality does not 204 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS develop simultaneously in all departments, and furthermore, the duration of the unmoral period of childhood is of different length in different in- dividuals. In cases where the development of this morality fails to appear, we are pleased to talk about degeneration; they are obviously cases of arrested development. " Many persons, then, who love their brothers and sisters, and who would feel bereaved by their decease, have evil wishes towards them from earl- ier times in their unconscious, which are capable of being realized in the dream. It is particularly interesting to observe little children up to three years old in their attitude towards their brothers and sisters. So far the child has been the only one ; he is now informed that the stork has brought a new child. The younger surveys the arrival, and then expresses his opinion decidedly: 'The stork had better take it back again." "I subscribe in all seriousness to the opinion that the child knows enough to calculate the dis- advantage it has to expect on account of the new- comer. I know in the case of a lady of my ac^ quaintance who agrees very well with a sister four years younger than herself, that she responded to the news of her younger sister's arrival with the following words; 'But I sha'n't give her my red cap anyway.' If the child comes to this realization only at a later time, its enmity will be aroused at that point. I know of a case where a girl, not yet three years old, tried to strangle a suckling in the cradle, because its continued pres- ence, she suspected, boded her no good. Children TRANSFERENCE 205 are capable of envy at this time of life in all its intensity and distinctness. Again, perhaps, the little brother or sister has really soon disap- peared; the child has again drawn the entire af- fection of the household to itself, and then a new child is sent by the stork ; is it then unnatural for the favorite to wish that the new competitor may have the same fate as the earlier one, in order that he may be treated as well as he was before during the interval? Of course this attitude of the child toward the young infant is under normal circum- stances a simple function of the difference of age. After a certain time the maternal instincts of the girl will be excited towards the helpless new-born child. "Feelings of enmity towards brothers and sis- ters must occur more frequently during the age of chilhood than is noted by the dull observation of adults." 1 i Before going any farther let us be perfectly clear about what Freud does not mean by the above quoted remarks. He does not mean that the (Edipus complex consists, as some seem to think, merely of a wish on the part of the four or five year old boy to have intercourse with his mother. As a rule, boys of that age do not know that intercourse exists and (except out of curiosity or a desire to experience everything the father experienced) prob- ably would not greatly care for it if they did know. There are, however, cases of more or less marked sexual precocity which present exceptions to this rule, but a strong desire for intercourse for its own sake belongs not to the infantile but to the adult sexuality, and does not appear as a dominant impulse until the primacy of the genital zone is established and the sexual synthe- sis is fairly complete. The dreams or phantasies of intercourse with the mother (conscious day phantasies of this character are by no means uncommon about the time of puberty and in many instances for some time after) are not manifestations of the 206 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS In these ways, through repeated excitations and discharges, certain reaction patterns are formed corresponding to each one of the persons impor- tant in the child's environment. They are well defined and more or less permanently fixed by about the time of the beginning of the latency period and before the end of the sixth year. Their form or content depends not only on the nature of the impressions received from the per- sons constituting the infantile environment but also upon the child's constitutional make-up. These patterns the individual carries with him throughout life and in larger or smaller measure they serve to determine the form or quality of his reactions to all succeeding persons. He has a tendency to repeat in all later contacts the modes of reacting represented by the primary efferent patterns. His feeling or attitude to any new per- son is in part determined independently of the CEdipus complex in the infantile form but with the addition of new contributions from the beginning adult sexuality. In the second place Freud does not mean, as again many have seemed to think, that the little boy's feeling toward the father or the other children felt as rivals is all hostile. Such a state of affairs almost never exists. There is always (at least in my experience) love mixed with the hostility, no matter how great the latter may be, and in many instances the degree of love ex- isting alongside the hate or jealousy is of no mean proportions. Furthermore, it should not be understood that a hostility existing toward a parent in childhood is never to be replaced by love in later years. In childhood the father and the father-imago are essentially one. In later life they may not coincide at all. The real father may thus be loved while the father-imago remains invested with the full measure of infantile hate. Mutatis mutandis the same may be said in regard to the mother-imago and mother love. TRANSFERENCE 207 actual sum of peculiarities or total make-up of this person, but is also partly determined by that one of the original sensory patterns with which the stimuli proceeding from this person happen to coincide. The extent to which the individual's later reac- tions follow the old patterns and the degree to which these patterns are modified or added to by new impressions and experiences varies a good deal with different individuals. It may be said, however, that those of neurotic predisposition and those who, after attaining adolescence are kept by objective or other conditions longest under the influence of the family, have the greatest tend- ency to repeat in their feelings and behavior the infantile modes of reacting and to retain the orig- inal efferent patterns in the least modified form. To express some of this in more strictly psy- choanalytic terms, 1 there is formed in childhood an " Imago " corresponding to each one of the per- sons of the family, and these imagines, which rep- resent a precipitate of a large group of emotion- ally toned experiences, are permanently retained by the individual in the Unconscious. Upon each one is fixed a varying amount of the libido (hostile 1 1 hope I need not apologize for borrowing certain terms from the behaviorists to express strictly psychoanalytic ideas. It is to the behaviorists rather than to the "orthodox" psychologists, that psychoanalysis will, it seems to me, look for help and co- operation in the future, and I would like to see the terminology of the two schools interchangeable as far as possible. The most understanding and valuable contribution to psychoanalytic litera- ture yet made by a member of another school is from a be- haviorist, Prof. E. B. Holt. ("The Freudian Wish.") 208 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS or tender) which is not actually applied to reality, and this tends to become transferred (temporarily or permanently) to those persons of later life who can be fitted into the infantile imago, and in such connection to discharge itself in repetitions of the corresponding infantile reactions in so far as subjective inhibitions and external circumstances will permit. Thus a man who as a child hated his father tends in later life to hate in like manner those persons, say his employers, who have some features in common with the unconscious father- imago, often when these features are of them- selves indifferent ones, and neither they nor any others give logical grounds for hate. In the same way he chooses his love-objects after the model of the mother. The more closely a woman tends to coincide with the unconscious mother imago the more is she likely to be loved, while toward those who fail to recall the adored parent he tends to remain cold. It should perhaps be said that the unconscious imago of father, mother, sister or brother is not necessarily an accurate picture of the person in question. On the contrary it is usually a very un- true one, as might be expected. The real mother is seldom as angelic or as beautiful as the boy of five thinks her, nor the father the cruel and powerful tyrant he can appear in his son's eyes. But the fact that in his later years the boy may clearly see that his mother is not an angel nor his father an enemy does not prevent him from re- taining in the Unconscious the quite unaltered par- TRANSFERENCE 209 ental imagines formed in early years. Thus it is quite possible for a person to be displaying hostile reactions to surrogates for the father (persons un- consciously identified with the father imago) while with the real father he is the best of friends. 1 In the normal course of things the (Edipus (or Elec- tra) attitude toward the real parents, which has experienced an amelioration or apparent disap- pearance during the latency period, is to some ex- tent restored for a time with the onset of sexual maturity, but then, as the adolescent gradually transfers his libido to objects outside the family, it ceases to exist as such, even though in the most normal the influence of the parental imagines al- ways continues to play an important role. In neurotics the infantile attitude may be kept up toward the real parents, even consciously, but in any event the amount of libido fixed upon the parental imagines in the Unconscious (as distin- guished from that which is applied to real objects in the external world) is with them dispropor- tionately very large. The fact that in the Uncon- scious the infantile attitude to the parents or their -surrogates persists indefinitely is in line with iSuch statements as that a patient "hates his father" or "is in love with his mother" have been used rather carelessly by some psychoanalytic writers when it was not the real father or mother but the parental imago that was meant. Of course cases in which the patient in every sense of the word hates the real father or is in love with the real mother are not at all uncommon, but this does not justify us in failing to distinguish in our re- ports whether it is the real parent or the distorted subjective conception of the parent (the parental imago) which in any given case is hated or loved. 210 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS what was said in the first chapter in regard to the processes of the Unconscious being unoriented as to time and reality. Imagines of later persons as well as those of the infantile environment may also be formed and retained in the Unconscious as the basis for still other identifications and transferences. For ex- ample, as described in Freud's "Bruchstiicke einer Hysterie Analyse " (Sammlung kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre, Bd. II) his patient Dora iden- tified Freud with Herr K., the man she had loved, and applied to the former certain sentimental and revengeful impulses which really referred to the latter. In succeeding chapters of the pres- ent book we shall meet with similar examples, for instance in the case of Miss S. (Chapter IX) and in the case of Stella (Chapter VII). It may be said, however, that, as a general if not always demonstrable fact, these transferences from one to another person of adult life are really in the last analysis transferences from the infantile im- agines. Thus, had the work been carried far enough, it might have been clearly revealed that Dora's love and revenge impulses for Herr K. which she transferred to Freud, had earlier been similar feelings for her father which she had transferred to Herr K. In regard to the fidelity which our reactions bear to early impressions it might be said that we resemble certain primitive races such as the Bushmen of Australia, who have practically no abstract words or ideas. In place of such a word as hard the savage thinks like a stone; long is MOTHER COMPLEX 211 like a river; blue is like the sky. In the same way, to our unconscious thinking, Miss Jones is not beautiful, amiable or sympathetic, nor Mr. Smith overbearing, quick tempered or in the way, but like Mother, like Father, or like brother or sister, as the case may be. But in a certain sense neu- rotics, and to a less extent all of us, exceed the limits indicated by this feature of savage thought and language. The savage's idea of a path which is long may be like a river but he does not act toward the path as if it were a river, and, for instance, try to swim in it. Yet the qualities such as beauty in a woman or overbearingness in a man which to the Unconscious are like Mother or like Father, lead us, within certain limits, to feel, and even to act, as if the case were not one merely of like but, more or less completely, of is. For example, a wealthy young man became in- fatuated with a divorcee considerably older than himself, who, as was clearly apparent to every one but him, was a thoroughly unscrupulous ad- venturess. But in his eyes she was the purest, truest and best of all women. His friends who tried to save him from her clutches by bringing forth evidence from her past record or present behavior to show that she was absolutely mercen- ary, were to his mind but slanderers made malici- ous through envy of his love. He confided to her all his intimate affairs, allowed her to ex- tract large sums of money from him on the flimsi- est of pretexts, and put himself absolutely in her power with childlike trust in her being heart and soul devoted to him. The explanation is that 212 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS certain features of this woman, her being older, having belonged to another, her treating him like a small boy, these, together with some vague similarities in appearance, caused an unconscious identification with his mother (a sense not merely of is like but of is), whereupon the whole motor pattern corresponding to the mother-imago was brought into play, and he experienced toward her all the feelings of love, trust, and devotion which had been felt toward the actual mother, but which, as any one but himself could clearly see, were pitifully inappropriate here. Eeactions from the father complex are exem- plified in the case of a male patient, an able and fairly successful professional man, of consider- able wealth and social standing, who complained of often being overawed by persons who, in many cases his reason told him, were really beneath him. If a loud voiced aggressive man made a statement, the patient was impelled to agree with him, even when he knew the other to be wrong. When a street-car conductor would shout roughly : "Move up forward!" he would feel constrained instantly to obey, even while he realized that per- haps nobody else in the car was paying the slight- est attention. Once when on going to a hotel he found the room assigned to him was almost unin- habitable, and he went to the clerk to protest, that individual's somewhat cold and insolent glance so overcame him that he instantly abandoned his purpose and asked for some postage stamps. An agent was able to sell him a rather large policy of life insurance, which he had not the slightest de- FATHER COMPLEX 213 sire to purchase, because the man had such a com- manding presence and authoritative manner that the patient lacked the courage to say No. These are only a few of a great many instances of a similar nature, which even went so far that on one occasion he caught himself saying "Yes, Sir" to a waiter whose severe countenance and for- bidding mien had half consciously impressed him. With persons more logically deserving of respect he was equally, if less conspicuously, un- assertive. Meanwhile he hated those persons who overawed him, and hated himself for being unable to prevent it. The significance of these reactions is of course quite simple. Indications of authoritativeness, dictatorialness, sternness or severity in another man (especially an older man) produced an iden- tification with the father and caused a transfer- ence-reaction in the shape of the mixed feelings of submissiveness, fear and obedience, and the less clearly perceived ones of hate, rebellion and antagonism, which were appropriate to the father alone. The rough order of the street-car conduc- tor or the forbidding countenance of the waiter which should at most have only served as a re- minder of the father (an is like reaction), instead activated the whole motor pattern corresponding to the father and resulted in a reaction of identity. The feelings belonging to the father complex may be transferred not only to logical surrogates for the father (the teacher, employer or any other person in authority) but likewise are capable of being brought into play by essentially impersonal 214 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS things. As in the life of the little boy restraint, control and punishment are ordinarily repre- sented by the father, thus whatever in later life restrains, prohibits or threatens ill consequences may be unconsciously identified with the father. Thus what was primarily the rebellion of the boy against his father's authority may in later years be directed to religion, the law, convention, etc., and the person so becomes an active atheist, an- archist or railer at conventional restraints. Or if over-compensations have developed, he may dis- play the other extremes of religious fanaticism, over-conscientious and scrupulous obedience to every sort of code, standard or prohibition, or of great devotion to the state or ruler. One of my patients who belonged in the category of compen- satory over-conscientiousness well described him- self by saying: "I have always been so afraid of doing something wrong that I have never yet done anything right. ' ' 1 Other examples of objective identification and transference are as follows. A patient who suf- fered at times from psychic impotence and who as a rule seemed to care little for women, was most iThe cases we have cited to illustrate other points contain instances of transference. For example the girl suffering with a pain in her face had identified me with her parents (really with her father) and her antagonism to me (corresponding to the notion that I was desirous of breaking up her love affair) was a transference of the similar feeling she had had for her father. Underneath her antagonism was the affectionate trans- ference, originally the wish to do what he wished in order to please him. The example of the man who would not submit to the tyranny of time-tables shows a different transference from the father. MOTHER COMPLEX 215 attracted by comparatively ignorant servant girls or nurse maids older than himself, and as a rule only by those who were very thin and dark. His only serious love affairs were with such women, and in these relations he was completely potent. His preference for women of this type was espe- cially striking, since he had always lived in most refined surroundings and was a man of unusual intelligence and culture in short, one who would be expected to find congenial only women who possessed cultural and educational attainments comparable to his own. But such women, though he was perfectly capable of experiencing the great- est admiration, respect and liking for them, never aroused in him any sensual emotion or desire for physical contact and caresses. One peculiarity of his attachment to the women who did sensually attract him was that he was very jealous, not of grown men, but of the children under their care, and quite unreasonably suspected that some sort of sexual practices were going on. The peculiarities of this patient's attitude to- ward women is readily explained on the basis of identification and transference. The patient was the oldest of several children. He had been the favorite of his mother, a woman of great force and brilliance, as well as exceptional culture and refine- ment, who had lavished upon him the wealth of affection she was unable to bestow upon her quar- relsome and alcoholic husband. The patient was attached to his mother most deeply, and regarded her as the most wonderful, pure and angelic of all the women that had ever lived. When he 216 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS was about five years old his mother was away for some months, leaving her children in the charge of a nurse who had for a long period been in the employ of the family. This nurse began the prac- tice of having one of the children sleep with her, usually the patient, but sometimes one of the other children. He awoke one morning before she did, and finding that the bed covers were thrown back so she was partially exposed, he began a cautious investigation of her genitals, in the midst of which she woke up and discovered him. Instead of scolding him, as his mother had done when on certain occasions he had displayed some sexual curiosity, the nurse laughed and kissed him, and then exposing herself still further encouraged him to go on with his investigations. After this nearly every morning she would play with his genitals, often taking them in her mouth, and would en- courage him to look at and handle hers. He took no little pleasure in this, and in the affection and petting he now received from her; and on those occasions when she took one of the other children to sleep with her, he was mad with jealousy, fear- ing that she might carry on with the others the same practices he wished to be reserved for him. The morning sexual play continued until after his mother's return, when she somehow discov- ered it, and, in an extremity of rage and horror, turned the nurse out of the house. Her vehement expressions of disgust and the attitude of shrink- ing and aversion which she for some time dis- played toward her small son, gave him the im- pression that what had taken place was unspeak- MOTHER COMPLEX 217 ably evil, and that both he and the nurse were somehow contaminated for life. This very per- ceptible change in his mother's attitude toward him caused him the most acute and profound dis- tress. These events, the memory of which had in large measure faded from his mind, to be recalled or reconstructed as here given only in the course of the analysis, were mainly instrumental in determ- ining the peculiarities of his adult love life. The nurse was a thin and very dark woman. Those nurses or servants with whom the patient fell in love and experienced full sexual attraction were persons whom he unconsciously identified with her on the basis of similarity of appearance and social level. These external similarities caused, him unthinkingly to expect a total similarity, which included a willingness to participate in about the same sort of sexual experiences he had known from his childhood. 1 But while he tended to identify nurses and serv- ants with the " bad " nurse of his childhood and be- cause of their real or fancied badness to feel com- paratively free sexually with them, the superior type of woman, who showed signs of refinement and culture, he identified instead with his mother, who had been horrified at what took place with the nurse and whom he considered immaculate and far above such base interests as those of sex. To i He was best satisfied when in his relations with these women the earlier practices were reproduced, perferring them to inter- course, though often feeling some hesitation in stating this preference. 218 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS think of sexuality in connection with such women was to his mind a sacrilege, while in addition there existed the unconscious expectation that they would be horrified and disgusted by any display of erotic tendencies on his part as, in his childhood, his mother had been. For this reason he could love them only the "pure" way he had loved his mother. His sensual longings were inhibited by anything in them reminiscent of her and he was impotent in consequence. With these examples we may be prepared for the mention of another and most important as- pect of the question of transference, which we have not yet considered, namely the transference to the physician which occurs in every analysis. Many have seemed to think that this transference consists in little more than the development in women of love wishes for the doctor. But the case is not so simple. Any conceivable sort of impulse or feeling that the patient has previously experienced may be transferred to the analyst, irrespective of his age, sex, personality or any other external factor. The patient may, in other words, unconsciously identify the analyst with any previously known person of either sex, and feel or act toward him accordingly. The trans- ference is never love or hate alone, but always a mixture of both sorts of feeling, though one may predominate and for a time obscure the other. For this reason we distinguish the "positive" (af- fectionate) from the "negative" or hostile trans- ference. Because of the nature of the relationship the TRANSFERENCE 219 doctor (if a man) is most commonly identified with the father and consequently the feelings transferred are in women predominantly love wishes and in men hostile ones, envy, jealousy, etc. But this is not invariably so. The doctor may be identified with brother, mother or sister (despite difference in sex) or with persons be- longing to the patient's adolescent or adult life. He may at one time be identified with one person, and later with quite another. The transference which occurs in the analysis is not created, but merely uncovered, by it. Pa- tients carry on the same transferences with other physicians under different therapeutic regimes, and to just the same degree. The transference to the physician is simply one phase of the neurotic's " passion for transference" generally, and finds expression in every contact of life. 1 There is no analysis in which transference does not occur and in which it is not of vital impor- tance. Its proper handling is the most difficult but the most vital part of psychoanalysis. In the clinical chapters we shall deal with examples of such transference. i See Ferenczi : Introjection and Transference, Chapter II of his "Contributions to Psychoanalysis." CHAPTER V THE NEUBOSIS AS A WHOLE ANEUEOSIS, especially when it suddenly breaks out in a person previously in seeming good health, has the appearance of something bizarre, foreign and devoid of all continuity with the rest of the individual's men- tal life. No data within the reach of his con- sciousness serve satisfactorily to explain its ad- vent or its 'meaning, or to connect it with the main trends of his ordinary thought. The mal- ady appears not to be of endopsychic origin, but more as if the mind had been invaded by a strange something which, like an infectious disease or a demoniac possession, would have origin primarily from without. The seeming discontinuity between the neuro- sis and the rest of the individual's personality and psychic life is not real but only apparent. It is conditioned by the fact that the malady has origin in trends which are unknown to the patient, rather than in those whose existence he realizes. As soon as these unconscious processes are known it is easy to see that there is a continuity between the neurotic symptoms and all other elements of the patient's mental life a continuity which is everywhere complete. The neurosis is neither an invasion of the personality by something foreign, 220 FAILURE OF REPRESSION 221 nor a neoplastic excrescence which develops on its surface, leaving the underlying strata unchanged, but rather a composite expression of its totality, an extract which contains something of all its vital constituents. The necessary condition for the processes of the Unconscious to manifest themselves in this abnormal way (as neurotic symptoms) is a fail- ure of repression. The efferent avenues to dis- charge as affectivity or action are normally un- der the control of the f oreconscious and conscious systems. Only those trends come to expression which are in accord with their specifications and are passed by their censorship. When a neurosis comes into existence it means that the sway of these normally ruling forces has in some degree been broken through. The trends of the Uncon- scious which in this way come to the surface as symptoms are not necessarily greatly different from what a normal person would possess. The essential pathologic feature is the failure of the repression. Thus an outlet is gained by forces which in the normal would either be repressed completely or their energy diverted to paths of discharge which presented no conflict with the ruling trends residing in the foreconscious. The content of the Unconscious in both normal and neurotic is qualitatively about the same. The failure of repression which allows the Un- conscious to manifest itself in what we know as symptoms is, however, in the neurosis, never com- plete. The repressing forces are not overthrown en masse (as in certain forms of psychosis) nor do 222 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS those of the Unconscious gain full license to ex- press themselves. The failure of repression is only a partial one. To some degree the repress- ing forces give in to the repressed, and the re- pressed to the repressing. The result, the neuro- sis and its symptoms, is thus a sort of comprom- ise brought about by mutual concessions on the part of forces which actually are at war. While the repressing trends sacrifice something in allowing to the repressed any manifestation at all, they in their turn make a reciprocal sacri- fice in the form of limitations as to the modes in which they are to be expressed. Though allowed some expression they are restricted to such varie- ties as appear to conform with the censorship and show no open disharmony with the individ- ual's ethico-esthetic feelings and his ego-ideal. Trends really incompatible with the superior strata of the personality and which a perfect re- pression would exclude, now secure representation in consciousness under the condition that they be so disguised and distorted that their true mean- ing is not revealed. The neurotic symptoms, like the dream, are then manifestations of the Uncon- scious, accomplished by means indirect, menda- cious, and equivocal. The qualities of the symp- toms are neither wholly those of the Unconscious, nor wholly those of the higher systems, but in varying degree partake of the nature of both. As we know, the Unconscious can only wish. It has no other energy than conative tensions ; its active content is all desire. The forces which break through the repression and supply the mo- SEXUAL FACTOR 223 tive power for the neurotic symptoms are wishes of the Unconscious. The symptoms (again like the dream), are an attempted realization of one or more unconscious wishes. But we can say some- thing about the nature of these wishes. " Ac- cording to a rule which I had always found sub- stantiated, ' ' writes Freud, * * the symptom signifies the representation (realization) of a phantasy with a sexual content, and so a sexual situation. I might better say, at least one of the meanings of a symptom corresponds to the realization of a sexual phantasy, while for the other meanings there is no such limitation of content. " J The wishes which the symptoms attempt to realize, in other words, belong in the main to the holophilic instinct. Statements of this sort have excited a great deal of opposition. Why, many have asked, must the central factor of the neurosis be a sexual one? Why cannot conflicts between non-sexual wishes produce symptoms'? Why may not cases occur in which the sex factor plays no important part? I do not know that these questions really have to be answered. The essential matter at present is not so much why the sexual factor is the central one in the neurosis but that it is. Freud's state- ments are based on empirical observation, not on theoretical speculation. I am well aware that cer- tain individuals have published reports of cases in which, they assert, the sexual factor was ab- sent, and that all the symptoms were to be ex- i "Bruchstttck ciner Hysterienanalyse," Samml. kl. Schr. z. Neurosenl. II. 224 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS plained on other grounds. But there are no real exceptions to Freud's rule. I do not hesitate to assert that the sexual factor was present in these cases but that the observer failed to see it. This is evident ordinarily from the reports themselves. For on the one hand they show the sexual ele- ment present in some veiled form, and on the other that the observer was -totally ignorant of the means (and often of the need) of overcoming the patient's resistances in order to allow this factor to come to clear expression. No one would be so absurd as to assert that per- sons exist who have no sexual instinct at all. The most frigid woman has a sexual instinct, even granting (what is most unlikely) that she has not and never did have any conscious sexual feelings. And if she has a sexual instinct, it must play some part in her mental life, even supposing (another impossible state of affairs) that it is wholly con- fined to the Unconscious. In the face of the num- berless observations which found the sexual fac- tor present and dominant in the neurosis, the only sort of case report that should have any weight against Freud's statement would be one which not only connected the symptoms with ex- clusively non-sexual factors, but at the same time traced the sexual instinct through all its ramifica- tions and showed what it was doing and how it did manifest itself. Nobody has ever done this or apparently ever attempted it. Those who assert that the symptoms in their cases were of non- sexual origin tell us nothing of how the sex im- pulses were disposed of in these patients. With SEXUAL FACTOR 225 a force so subtle, so pervasive and so wide in its radiations as the sex instinct no one should trust himself to say where it isn't, unless he knows in fullest detail where it is. My own experience is that the sexual factor comes to expression in every analysis almost at once usually within the first two or three visits. And I am sure that for this result no special tech- nique or dexterities are required ; about all that is necessary being to let the patient talk. On the other hand there is something required of the analyst. Neurotic patients are quick to sense what sort of impression they are making. And if the doctor is himself tied up with sexual re- sistances and repressions, so that he cannot look upon the content of the patient's "confession" without prejudice and without emotion, and sim- ply as a matter of biological fact, the patient, in many instances, will divine this beforehand and the confession will consequently never be made. Nobody can thoroughly investigate the permea- tions of the sex impulses in another person with- out having first traced them in himself. And this he cannot do alone. It requires the help of an- other person to overcome the resistances (which all of us have) and until these are overcome and one is permitted to see himself clearly, he will be blind to whatever in his patients he also possesses but would not wish to see in himself. A person can not see through the disguises of sexuality in his patients when in himself the same or similar disguises exist unpenetrated. When I say that the doctor's own blindness 226 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS rather than any real absence of the sexual factor was responsible for the cases reported as excep- tions to Freud >s rule, I intended no reproach to these men, for I believe that they are thoroughly sincere. The reproach, if there is any, belongs not to them but to our unnatural and hypocritical cultural and conventional standards, in the face of which, for those who accept them, self-deceit is well nigh unavoidable and only ignorance is bliss. As long as we are taught and believe that there is something disgraceful about having a sex in- stinct, we have either to give up being honest with ourselves or else to give up our self-respect. To the question with which we began the discus- sion, Why is the sexual factor dominant in every neurosis? I shall not attempt to make any de- tailed reply. The answer is perhaps to be sought in the direction indicated by Meyer when he says : "No experience or part of our life is as much disfigured by convention as the sex feelings and ambitions." * That is to say, if we had other im- pulses which throughout the whole life of the indi- vidual were so consistently and unremittingly warped, cramped and deformed in every conceiv- able and unnatural manner, and they had the same strength to rebel against such treatment as have the sex impulses, then we might have neuroses in which they and not the sex factor played the dominant role. The statement that the wishes which the neu- i Adolf Meyer: A Discussion of Some Fundamental Issues in Freud's Psychoanalysis, State Hospitals Bulletin,, Vol. II, No. 4, 1910. SEXUAL FACTOR 227 rotic symptoms attempt to realize are predomi- nantly sexual requires some qualification. The word sexual must not here be interpreted in its popular sense. TJie wishes in question belong more to the infantile than to the adult sexuality. The basic ones are continuations and descendants of holophilic impulses normally present in infancy or childhood but which in a perfectly evolved sex life become subordinate to the genital primacy, give up their energy to sublimation formations or subside into a state of latency and perfect repres- sion. But in the neurotic they either retain measures of energy that should have been em- ployed elsewhere, or else, having been temporarily deprived of such activation, they regain it through a damming up of libido consequent upon failures to secure satisfaction through the external world. It is from that portion of the individual's sexu- ality which has failed to complete the normal ontogenetic evolution, rather than from the nor- mally synthetized and adult portion, that the mo- tive force of the neurotic symptoms is mainly derived. 1 i Some years ago a prominent neurologist said tome: "Freud's theory that the neuroses depend upon unsatisfied sexual wishes is absurd on the face of it. Why at least fifty percent, of neurotic women haven't any desire for intercourse at all." I quote this as a fair example of some of the criticisms of Freud's views. It shows quite typically how ignorant many of his critics are on the one hand of the facts of the sex life, and on the other of the theories they are criticising. It is not Freud's theory that a conscious desire for intercourse is responsible for the neurosis. In fact the presence of a well developed desire of that character instead of indicating that a woman was likely to develop a neurosis would more reasonably 228 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS But to say that the wishes which are expressed in the neurosis have the character of infantile sex- uality rather than that of adult life is the same thing as saying they or their sources are essen- tially perverse. For we have learned that the characteristic feature of the infantile sexuality is that it is " polymorphous-perverse." Both neurosis and perversion represent a disposition of a portion of the libido to channels at one time normal but from which, for an adult love-life, its main currents should be withdrawn and employed elsewhere. Those tendencies which, in the per- version, are continued on the surface and con- sciously, are in the neurosis maintained in the Unconscious in subjection to varying degrees of repression. The neurosis, afs Freud expresses it, is the negative of the perversion. 1 Both represent a partial arrest of development. Meanwhile it may be added that though every neurosis is an attempted realization of infantile, sexual and per- verse wishes, not every wish that the neurosis attempts to realize is either infantile, sexual or signify that she would not. It is the unconscious and repressed /sexual wishes of the patient which furnish the neurosis with its motive power. The desire for intercourse is only a small part of sexuality, not the whole of it, as this speaker seemed to think and it is often the least among those sexual wishes which go to form the neurotic symptom. "Frigid" women are no more lacking in sexuality than are "passionate" ones but are more likely to develop a neurosis. As a matter of fact, many of the women who are anaesthetic during intercourse are continually indulging in erotic day dreams, and in many cases are chronic masturbators. i Freud : "Selected Papers on Hysteria and Other Psychoneu- roses," Chapter IX. ' NEGATIVE OF PERVERSION 229 perverse. The neurotic symptom is almost in- variably a condensation product, expressing several wishes, and is thus ' ' overdetermined. ' ' Non-sexual, non-infantile and non-perverse wishes may furnish determinants, but they alone do not cause the neurosis. What has been said about the libido remaining in channels of distribution corresponding to de- velopmental phases that should have been left be- hind brings us to the important matter which is technically known as "fixation." James points out a phenomenon which he calls "the inhibition of instincts by habit." "When objects of a cer- tain class elicit from an animal a certain sort of reaction," he writes, "it often happens that the animal becomes partial to the first specimen of the class on which it has reacted and will not afterwards react on any other specimen. "The selection of a particular hole to live in, of a particular mate, of a particular feeding ground, a particular variety of diet, a particular anything, in short, out of a possible multitude, is a very widespread tendency among animals, even those low down in the scale. The limpet will re- turn to the same sticking-place in its rock, and the lobster to its favorite nook on the sea-bottom. The rabbit will deposit its dung in the same cor- ner; the bird makes its nest on the same bough. But each of these preferences carries with it an insensibility to other opportunities and occasions an insensibility which can only be described physiologically as an inhibition of the new im- pulses by the habit of the old ones already formed. 230 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS ... A habit, once grafted on an instinctive tend- ency, restricts the range of the tendency itself, and keeps us from reacting on any but the hab- itual object, although other objects might just as well have been chosen had they been the first- comers. ' ' * This establishing through use or habit of a partiality for particular specimens of general classes is apparently the same thing as that which, when occurring in the human sexual sphere, Freud calls fixation. For the holophilic impulses, when repeatedly gratified either singly or in con- junction by a given person (or object), tend to become partial to that particular person and cor- respondingly insensitive to others of the same class. These impulses or their libido are then said to be " fixed " on that person or the corre- sponding " imago. " Normal love constancy is an example of an " inhibition by habit ' ' or ' ' fixation ' ' which involves the main current of the libido and practically the whole group of the synthetized holophilic impulses. But what James has said concerning the tend- encies of an impulse to become fixed upon the object which has gratified it also applies (at least in the case of the human holophilic impulses) to the aim as well, that is, to the type of action which gratifies the impulse and gives the libido dis- charge. A peculiarity of the holophilic impulses is that they are not in the beginning specific with regard to aim. Each one may secure gratifica- tion in many ways, or through any one of a num- i William James : "Principles of Psychology," Vol. II, page 394. FIXATION 231 ber of really quite different actions, in distinction to the hunger impulse which can be satisfied in no other way than by eating. Were it not for this non-specificity of the holophilic tendencies, such a thing as sublimation, where the libido belonging to a holophilic impulse finds satisfaction in actions that are not sexual at all, would be quite impos- sible. But, through repeated activity, part or all of the libido of an impulse may become inhibited by habit or fixed on the sort of action that pro- duced the gratification, whereupon the claims of the impulse to that extent become specific; its libido is deprived of the original mobility, a pref- erence is established for this particular sort of action, with a corresponding indifference to others which might also have represented possibilities of satisfaction. In fact the tendency of the libido to form fixations applies not only to aim and object but in some degree to the whole ensemble of repeated gratifying experiences, even including incidental and essentially indifferent features of external circumstance associated with the gratifi- cation. 1 The essential point in all this is that the greater the portion of the individual's libido which has undergone fixation, the more circum- scribed is the range of its possibilities for appli- cation and the more the individual is limited to loving certain particular objects and in certain particular and definite ways. I said in the first chapter that though auto- erotism preponderates in the picture of the inf an- i Compare what has already been said concerning the condi- tioned reflex, in the section on Transference, page 197. 232 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS tile holophilic activities, nevertheless there is some object-love even in these early years, namely that which the child feels for the members of the family. A second object-selection occurs after puberty when the sexual synthesis has been com- pleted and object-love is the main feature of the sexual life. It has also been indicated (in the section on Transference) that the first or infan- tile object-selection has a lasting influence, more profound in some persons than in others, through- out the individual's life. In other words, a vary- ing portion of the individual's libido is fixed upon the unconscious imagines of the loved persons of early years and strives continually to repeat the early love experiences, either in phantasy (con- scious or unconscious) or in the form of transfer- ences to new persons who can be identified with and form acceptable substitutes for the old. 1 This unconscious portion of the libido has a directing i We must not be confused by such cases as the one mentioned in the section on transference of the man who reacted to many persons, including street car conductors and a waiter, as if they were his father. At first glance such a case might not seem to be the inhibition by habit through which the individual "will not afterward react on any other specimen of a certain class." It seems rather the reverse of such inhibition and as if habit, instead of limiting the numbers of a class to which the individual would react, had abnormally increased them. The case is only an apparent contradiction to the rule. Psychologically the pa- tient was not reacting to different members of a class, now a conductor, now a waiter, etc., but rather to the same person all the time, namely the father. The fidelity of the fixation was so great that it required only, as it were, a part of the father (loud voice, stern manner, etc.) to touch off the reaction. The possi- bilities of reacting to a waiter, an hotel clerk or a conductor were ignored. FIXATION 233 influence in the second object-selection. For in- stance, the man is most drawn to those women who give promise of satisfying these unconscious strivings those who present such qualities that give rise to an unconscious identification with the imago of mother, sister or some other loved woman of the years of childhood. This influence is perhaps most apparent in the first love affairs of a young man which quite frequently are with a woman considerably older than himself, in many cases a married woman, while he tends to show toward her more or less of the same respectful adoration he felt for his own mother. 1 But though the influence of the first object- selection always makes itself felt in the second, it cannot be said to dominate the picture in the case of normal people. The normal person reaches adult life with a wide range for object choice. Thus a healthy man can fall in love almost equally readily with any one of a large number of women, and when, through the accident of propinquity or some similar factor, he has done so with one of 1 Does the woodpecker flit round the young ferashf Does the grass clothe a new-built wall? Is she under thirty the woman who holds a boy in her thrall ? KUDYARD KIPLING: "Certain Maxima of Hafiz." I was a young un at Oogli, Shy as a girl to begin; Aggie de Castrer she made me, And Aggie was clever as sin; Older than me, but my first un More like a mother she were The Ladies. Many of this writer's stories give good pictures of object-selec- tion dominated by the mother complex. 234 MOEBID FEABS AND COMPULSIONS them, he is satisfied with her, and relatively indif- ferent to others for an indefinite period. In other words, his sexual ideal is quite inclusive and his love specifications are not very strict. But with the neurotic it is otherwise. His love specifications are much more strict and numerous, his sexual ideal is exclusive, his requirements for loving are difficult to fulfill. Instead of his being able to content himself with any one of a large number of women, there are but few whom he could fall in love with and find satisfying for long. This results from the fact that a larger portion of his libido is fixed upon the images and the aims corresponding to the first object choice. His tastes in love matters are already formed when he is still a child, and, up to a certain point, their demands are peremptory and inexorable. Fixation means, ordinarily, that the greater portion of that libido which is distributed to the infantile channels and strives to repeat the early love experiences, can only to a limited degree be gratified by reality. For on the one hand, there are lacking in reality the objects that would gratify these earlier formed wishes, or external obstacles would stand in the way of such gratifi- cation, even if the objects were available ; and, on the other, the situations necessary to gratify these wishes cannot be realized because of internal inhibitions. That is to say, the unconsciously desired object is an incestuous one, or the desired aim pervejse ; hence the constellation meets with resistances on the part of the f oreconscious which not only prohibit real gratification of the wishes, FIXATION 235 should real gratification be possible, but also pre- vents the individual from becoming aware of their existence. The wishes in question have, in other words, to remain unconscious and repressed in- stead of being directed to real and external things ; and in the main no gratification is possible save when a breaking through the censorship al- lows their representation in consciousness in such forms as neurotic symptoms and dreams. 1 i It has seemed to me that somewhere in this problem of fixa- tion is to be sought the answer to that very baffling question, In what respect is the constitutional neurotic different from the normal person, fundamentally? Jung has said: "In a certain sensitiveness," which to my mind is about the same as saying: "In possessing a greater tendency to form fixations." Neither statement, it must be confessed, means very much. I am, how- ever, of the opinion that "the greater tendency to form fixations" is not something primary or inherent but secondary to a sexual precocity. The neurotic is a person who has learned to love and _haie too soon. His holophilic feelings possess almost adult intensity while, in years and in his modes of reaction, he is still a child. The greater tendency to form fixations is, then, it seems to me, simply a result of this holophilic prematurity. It is as if the holophilic impulses tend to become fixed when they attain a certain level of intensity or possess a certain measure of libido. Thus if this intensity is reached prematurely, a premature fixa- tion occurs. This is in accord with the observations that exter- nal factors such as repeated seductions or too much love and petting from the parents, both of which tend to develop intense love emotions in the child, have almost the same tendency to pre- dispose to a neurosis as the constitutional factors. I should perhaps emphasize that I mean not a qualitative but a quantitative precocity. So far as I know there is no essential difference in kind between the infantile holophilic impulses and interests of a normal child and those of one who will later become a neurotic. The basic difference is, it seems to me, that those of the latter are more intense, and represent a greater measure of libido. On the other hand, it is just as possible that it is not so much the intensity as the frequency of the reactions which is 236 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS The practical element in the question of fixation is that the points at which fixation occurs (whether they be fixation in respect to ob- ject or in respect to aim) are loci minoris resistentice in the synthesis of the holophilic impulses. Whatever portion of the libido is sub- ject to fixation diminishes the amount which is left free for distribution to aims and objects of the external world. And when that portion which has been directed and satisfied externally is, through meeting with some obstacle, loss or disappointment, cut off from that which had satisfied it, a damming up of the libido all too readily occurs and the tension has a tendency to expend itself in those directions which formerly afforded an outlet. In other words, the libido is apt to regress to earlier lines of discharge and thus augments that portion already fixed and im- perfectly satisfied. The unconscious strivings for repetition of the infantile gratification experi- ences thus receive a powerful reenforcement, which menaces the previously serviceable repres- sion and may be strong enough to break through it and form a neurosis. This regression doubtless follows the same familiar principle that the tensions corresponding to states of temporary excitement may overflow through earlier chan- nels of discharge, and produce reactions which are entirely unoriented with and unadapted to the the deciding factor for fixation. The same reaction patterns which exist in the normal child may be worn more deeply in the neurotic through being more often traversed. All this, again, does not mean very much. KEGRESSION 237 realities of the immediate situation. For in- stance, a German living in this country who has habitually spoken and thought in English for years nevertheless will, if very angry or otherwise excited, relapse into his mother tongue, despite the fact that perhaps none of his hearers can un- derstand a word he says. Examples such as this are within the sphere of every one's experience. When I was an interne in Bellevue I was struck by the fact which at that time I could not inter- pret, that oftentimes a man in sudden and intense pain (such for instance as might be caused by manipulating a fracture) would call for his mother. To hear wails of "Mama! Mama! Help me !" from some of those hardened old repro- bates of the alcoholic or prison wards whose grim, craglike faces gave as little suggestion of the lurking presence of soft memories of mother love as would the rock of Gibraltar, was indeed a thought-provoking experience, particularly if one happened to know that the mother in question had been in her grave for years, assisted thereto by unfeeling abuse received at the hands of the wailer. The essential futility of the reaction (calling for help to a person neither present nor living), its implicit lack of orientation as to time and reality, its infantilism and its utter diseon- gruity with all that ordinarily held sway in the individual's character, might well have prepared me for the regressions I was later to see expressed in neurotic symptoms, whose only essential differ- ence is that they are not so short lived. But the regressions of the dammed up libido to 238 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS the old paths left by earlier real or attempted dis- charge is not merely one from the present back to the past, but from the real and the external inward to the imaginary. The libido, or a portion of it, is withdrawn from reality, the individual losing some of his interest in the world and persons about him, and this energy is then applied to phantasy, and seeks gratification according to the old pain and pleasure principle which attempts to satisfy all wishes by the hallucinatory route. This process has been generally known as Intro- version, according to the convenient term which Jung introduced. Introversion is an essential preliminary to the production of any neurosis. The great increase in the amount of libido which normally attends the attainment of puberty usually results in a period of masturbation in which phantasy supplies the sexual object, chosen after the model of the infantile imagines, but which reality still withholds. Later the libido gradually becomes transferred from these phan- tasies and goes over into action which shall event- ually win real satisfaction from real objects in the external world. Now, introversion reverses this process. The libido is withdrawn from those actions which might serve to win a sexual object and real satisfaction in the external world. In- stead of to the real sexual objects and gratifica- tions thus despaired of, it is directed to phan- tasies of gratification; first perhaps to conscious ones, but shortly it regresses still further to phan- tasies which are unconscious. The phantasies thus re-activated are either those which were once INTROVERTED LIBIDO 239 conscious, in the form of some of the masturbatic phantasies of puberty, which were later forgotten, or those which had been formed in the Uncon- scious and were never known to the individual. In them the external sexual object of adult life is usually succeeded by an incestuous one corre- sponding to the infantile imagines, while perverse aims take the place of those of normal sexuality. 1 This return of the libido from reality to refill the channels left by the infantile holophilic reac- tions and revivify the old unconscious phantasies corresponding to the incestuous images and per- verse aims is an invariable and necessary prelim- inary to the production of any neurosis. The neurosis has origin from the introverted portion of the libido which, partially overcoming the re- pression, seeks to realize unconscious phantasies corresponding to an earlier developmental phase. i Any given symptom is ordinarily a condensation product cor- responding to the attempted realization of several unconscious phantasies, not all of which are necessarily infantile nor for that matter, even sexual, though the central ones are usually both. When I say that the neurosis attempts to realize the now un- conscious phantasies corresponding to the abandoned masturba- tion of puberty, I hope this may not be construed to mean that masturbation either directly or indirectly caused the neurosis. One could more truthfully say that it was not the masturbation but the giving it up which caused the neurosis, inasmuch as it is the damming up of the libido and not its gratification which produces neurotic disease. Both the phantasies attending the masturbation and the neurosis have a common "cause" for they express the same trends. Masturbation is normal or abnormal in youth according to whether it expresses normal or abnormal wish constellations. Cp. Freud: Hysterical Fancies and Their Relation to Bisex- uality in "Selected Papers on Hysteria and Other Psychoneuroses," Chapter IX. 240 MOKBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS But the neurosis is not only an attempt to grat- ify, after the manner of the old hallucinatory method, wishes belonging to the Unconscious which are returning from repression. It may also serve to secure gratification for other and even conscious wishes and not through essentially phan- tastic but through real means. The first form of wish fulfillment Freud calls the primary function of the neurosis, the latter its secondary function. For, at least in any cases of long standing, the neurotic uses his illness as a means or instrument to various ends. Though when the neurosis first breaks out, it is regarded by the patient as wholly a calamity, he begins at length to make capital out of it, after the manner, as Freud expresses it, of a workman who, having lost his legs in an acci- dent, becomes a street beggar, thereby converting what was at first wholly a loss into an important business asset. The neurotic takes advantage of his illness to gain attention, sympathy and love, to avoid things disagreeable, to revenge himself on others, or to punish himself and do penance for what he conceives to be his sins. And just as a legless mendicant with a well established begging business, who has become adjusted to a life of that sort and forgotten the trade by which he originally earned his bread, might hesitate to take advantage of the opportunity, should he find his legs could miraculously be restored ; so the neurotic is loath to give up what the neurosis gains for him, and the more it wins him through its secondary function the greater will be his resistance against the MORAL STRUGGLE 241 analysis or any other procedure which seeks to bring about a cure. In pointing out that the neurosis is a wish reali- zation from the side of the unconscious part of the personality, we must not lose sight of its other aspect, namely that, considered from the point of view of the upper strata, consciousness and the f oreconscious, it is a defense. It signifies a with- drawal from and a denial of facts that are dis- agreeable, a purposive blindness to what the patient does not want to see. For, whatever an individual's conscience, standards or ideals may be (and in this respect persons differ enormously) the trends from the Unconscious which are seek- ing expression are of the very sort which, accord- ing to his lights, are the most undesirable to have, and the most painful and mortifying to acknowl- edge. The neurosis is thus an effort to maintain the individual's narcissistic satisfaction or self esteem ; a sort of self-deception which attempts to treat as if non-existent whatever trends in his make-up are uncongenial and would lower him in his own eyes. It tries to prevent the displeasure which results from the perception of a disparity between the real self and the ideal set for the self by denying that there is any disparity. These resistances, at the same time, are an expression of the ethical part of the personality, and reflect a moral struggle and an effort on the part of the individual to be what he thinks he ought to be, a yearning to live up fully to his own ideals. Some who read reports of analyzed cases get the impres- 242 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS sion that the neurotics are by nature exceptionally immoral or even unmoral people. But this is be- cause the analysis is particularly devoted to the study of the unmoral (instinctive) tendencies. The truth is that neurotics are very moral people (too moral, perhaps) despite the fact that their behavior would not in every instance appear to confirm such a statement. Compared with the average normal people their moral impulses are unusually strong and compelling. For whatever they do that is not moral, they have to pay in re- morse and self-reproaches to a degree which, in spite of all their displacements and defensive mechanisms, exceeds that which the ordinary per- son suffers for any equivalent misconduct. If it now be asked what is the immediate cause for the regression of the libido and introversion which is manifested by the breaking out of a neu- rosis, no better way of reply can be found than by quoting at length from Freud's illuminating paper on this subject. 1 "The cause of neurotic illness easiest to find and understand is that external factor which may be described as deprivation. The individual is healthy as long as his need of love is satisfied by a real object in the external world ; he becomes neu- rotic as soon as this object is taken away from him, without his finding a substitute for it. Fortune and health, misfortune and neurosis here coincide. A cure is brought about more easily by fate, which 1 Freud : Ueber die neurotischen Erkrankungstypen, Zentral- blatt f. Psychoan. Bd. II., 1912, pages 297-302. DEPRIVATION 243 may send a substitute for the lost possibility of satisfaction, than by the physician. "In this type, which includes the majority of people, the possibility of disease therefore begins only with abstinence, a fact from which one may estimate how significant the cultural limitations upon accessible satisfaction may be in the etiology of the neurosis. Deprivation acts pathologically because of the fact that it dams up the libido and so puts the individual to the test of how long he can endure this increased psychic tension and what course he will pursue to free himself from it. There are only two possibilities of remaining healthy in a long continued actual deprivation of satisfaction, first that of transforming the psychi- cal tension into kinetic energy which continues to be directed towards the external world and finally forces from it a real satisfaction of the libido ; sec- ond, that of renouncing the love satisfaction and sublimating the dammed up libido by turning it to attainable aims which are no longer erotic. That both possibilities are actually found in the fate of mankind shows us that misfortune is not abso- lutely coincident with neurosis and that depriva- tion is not the only deciding factor for the health or illness of the individual. The result of de- privation is primarily that it brings into action the previously latent dispositional factors. "Where these are sufficiently strong, there is a danger that the libido will become introverted. It turns away from reality, which on account of its obstinate denial has lost interest for the indi- 244 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS vidual, turns to the life of phantasies, where it creates new wish formations and revivifies the traces of earlier, forgotten ones. As a result of the intimate interdependence of the phantasy activity and the repressed and unconscious infan- tile material existing in every individual, and by virtue of the fact that phantasy activity is ex- empted from having to conform to reality, 1 the libido can revert further, find infantile channels by way of regression and strive toward the aims corresponding with them. When these strivings, which are incompatible with the actual circum- stances of the individual, have gained enough intensity, there must occur a conflict between them and the other part of the personality, which has retained its true relations to reality. This conflict is compromised by symptom formations and comes out as a manifest illness. That the whole process comes from the actual deprivation is shown by the fact that the symptoms, with which the level of reality is again attained, are substitute satisfactions. "The second type of the exciting cause for the illness is not at all as obvious as the first, and as a matter of fact may be discovered only by penetrat- ing study in conjunction with the 'doctrine of complexes' of the Zurich 2 school. Here the indi- vidual becomes ill not as a result of a change in the external world, which has put deprivation in 1 Formulierungen uber die zwei Prinzipien des psychischen Gcschehens, Jahrb. f. Psychoanalyse, Bd. III. 2 Jung: Die Bedeutung des Vaters filr das Schicksal des Em- eelnen, Jahrb. f. Psychoanalyse, I, 1909. DEPRIVATION 245 the place of satisfaction, but as the result of a fruitless effort to get the satisfaction which is accessible in the world of reality. He becomes ill in the attempt to adapt himself to reality, and to fulfill the demands of reality, an attempt in which he meets with insurmountable internal difficulties. "It is desirable to distinguish the two types of illness sharply from each other, more sharply than observation generally permits. In the first type a change in the external world is the prominent feature, in the second, the emphasis falls on the internal change. According to the first type one falls ill of an experience, according to the sec- ond, of a developmental process. In the first case there is set the task of doing without a satisfac- tion, and the individual falls ill of his inability to endure the privation; in the second case the task is to exchange one kind of satisfaction for another, and the person is wrecked by its difficulty. In the second case, the conflict between the effort to re- main as one is and the effort to change oneself according to new designs and new requirements of reality exists from the beginning; in the first case it arises only after the dammed up libido has chosen new and at the same time unacceptable modes of satisfaction. The roles of the conflict and the early fixations of the libido are incom- parably more striking in the second type than in the first, where such impracticable fixations arise only as the result of the external deprivation. " A young man who has previously satisfied his libido by phantasies terminating in masturbation, and now wants to exchange this regime, so near 246 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS to autoerotism, for real object love ; a girl who lias given her father or her brother her entire affection and now in her relations with her lover ought to ad- mit into consciousness the previously unconscious, incestuous libido wishes; a married woman who desires to give up her polygamous tendencies and prostitution phantasies, in order to be a true wife to her husband and a blameless mother to her chil- dren all these fall ill of the most praiseworthy efforts, if the earlier fixations of their libido are strong enough to resist a displacement, a matter in which disposition, constitutional make-up and infantile experience are the deciding factors. In a way they all suffer the fate of the little tree in Grimm's fairy tale, that wanted to have other leaves. From the hygienic standpoint, which to be sure is here not the only one, one could but wish that they still had remained as undeveloped, as inferior and as irresponsible as they were before their becoming ill. The change which the patients strive for, but produce only incompletely or not at all, has regularly the value of progress in the sense of the real life. It is another matter if one measures them with an ethical standard. One sees that people quite as often fall ill if they wish to give up an ideal as if they wish to attain it. "Despite the very significant differences be- tween the two types of becoming ill, they yet coin- cide essentially and are easily reduced to a unity. Falling ill from deprivation also comes under the heading of a failure to adapt to reality, in the case, for example, where reality refuses satisfaction of the libido. Falling ill under the conditions of the INTROVERSION 247 second type reduces to a special case of depriva- tion. In it not every form of satisfaction by reality is withheld, but merely the one which the individual insists is the only one for him, and the deprivation comes not directly from the external world, but primarily from certain strivings of the ego. The deprivation remains the common element. As a result of the conflict which imme- diately takes place in the second type, both kinds of satisfaction, the accustomed and the newly striven for, are inhibited. This amounts to a damming up of the libido with the same results which follow it in the first case. The psychic processes on the path to symptom formation in the second type are rather clearer than in the first, as the pathogenic fixations of the libido had not first to be established here but had been in force during the period of apparent health. A certain degree of introversion of the libido already ex- isted; a part of the regression to the infantile is dispensed with by the fact that the development did not have to travel back over the entire way. "The next type which I will describe as a be- coming sick through an arrest of development, appears as an exaggeration of the second type, the falling ill through the demands of reality. There is no theoretical requirement for differenti- ating them, but there is a practical one, since it is a question of persons who fall ill as soon as they leave the irresponsible age of childhood and there- fore have never reached a phase of health, i. e. of a wholly unlimited efficiency and well being. The essentials of the disposing process are quite clear 248 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS in these cases. The libido has never abandoned the infantile fixations, the demands of reality do not suddenly burst upon the partly or wholly mature individual, but arise from the fact of be- coming older, for quite obviously they continu- ously change with the age of the individual. The factor of conflict here recedes before that of de- fect, and yet, according to all our other views we must assume an effort to overcome the fixations of childhood, otherwise the issue of the process could not be a neurosis but only a stationary infantilism. "As the third type has shown us the dispo- sitional factor almost isolated, the fourth, which now follows, calls our attention to another which plays a role in all cases, and, for that very reason, might be overlooked in a theoretical discussion. Thus we see individuals falling ill who were well previously, but to whom no new experience has occurred, and whose relation to the external world has suffered no change, so that their falling ill must impress us as being spontaneous. Closer ex- amination of such cases shows us that a change has taken place in them nevertheless, and one which we must consider of the greatest significance in the causing of illness. As a result of attaining a certain period of life and in connection with reg- ular biological processes, the quantity of libido in their spiritual economy has had an increase which of itself is enough to upset the balance of health and produce the conditions for a neurosis. Such rather sudden increases of libido are familiar and are regularly connected with puberty and meno- pause, and the attainment of a certain age in DAMMING UP OF LIBIDO 249 women. In many men they may be manifested also in still unknown periodicities. The dam- ming up of the libido is the prime factor here ; it becomes pathogenic as a result of the relative deprivation on the part of the external world, which would still permit the satisfaction of more limited demands of the libido. The unsatisfied and dammed up libido can open the path to regres- sion and kindle the same conflicts which we have posited for the absolute external denial. We are thus reminded that we should not lose sight of the quantitative factor in any consideration of the etiology of the illness. All other factors (depri- vation, fixation, arrest of development), remain without effect if they do not relate to a definite measure of libido and cause a damming up to a definite height. This quantity of libido which seems to us requisite for a pathogenic effect, is of course not measurable. We can postulate it only after the illness has taken place. In only one di- rection can we estimate it more closely; we may assume that we are not dealing with an absolute quantity but with the relation of the actual amount of libido to that quantity of libido which the indi- vidual ego can control, i. e. maintain in tension, sublimate or directly apply. Therefore a relative increase of libido quantity may have the same effect as an absolute one. A weakening of the ego by organic disease or by a special requisition upon its energy is able to cause neuroses which otherwise would have remained latent in spite of any disposition. "The significance in the causation of the illness 250 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS which we must grant to the quantity of the libido agrees very well with the two main principles of the doctrine of the neuroses which have been gained from psychoanalysis. First with the prin- ciple that the neuroses arise out of the conflict between the ego and the libido, second with the view that there is no qualitative difference between the conditions of health and neurosis, that the healthy have to struggle much more vigorously with the task of controlling the libido, but that they succeed better. "It still remains to say a few words about the relation of these types to experience. When I think over the patients whom I am just now an- alyzing, I must say that none of them is a pure example of any one of the four types of falling ill. I rather find in each one of them a bit of depriva- tion operative alongside of a partial inability to adapt to the demands of reality. The concept of arrest of development, which coincides indeed with the rigidity of the fixations, comes into view in all, and we can never neglect the significance of the quantity of the libido, as before mentioned. Indeed I learn that in several of these patients the illness has appeared in installments, between which were intervals of health, and that each one of these installments may be reduced to a different type of causation. The putting forward of these four types has therefore no great theoretical value ; they are merely different ways of establish- ing a certain pathogenic constellation in the spiritual domestic economy, namely the damming CAUSATION 251 up of the libido, against which the ego, with the means it has, cannot protect itself without injury. The situation is in itself pathogenic only by vir- tue of the quantitative factor; it is not a novelty introduced into the mental life by the intrusion of a so-called * cause of disease.' "A certain practical significance we gladly con- cede to these types of falling ill. In individual cases they may be observed in their pure state. We should not have noticed the third and fourth type, if they had not contained the only causes for the illness of many individuals. The first presents to us the extraordinarily powerful in- fluence of the external world; the second, the no less significant role of the make-up of the individ- ual which resists this influence. Pathology can- not give the correct solution to the problem of the cause of the disease as long as it concerns itself merely with the distinction of whether these affections are of endogenous or exogenous nature. Against all experiences which point to the signifi- cance of abstinence (in the broadest sense) as the cause it must always raise the objection that other persons suffer the same fate without falling ill. But if pathology emphasizes the idiosyncracy of the individual as the essential for illness and health, then it neglects the fact that persons with such peculiarity may remain healthy for a very long time, as long as they are permitted to retain it. Psychoanalysis has suggested our giving up the fruitless antithesis of external and internal factors, environment and constitution, and has 252 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS taught us regularly to find the cause of the neu- rotic disturbance in a definite psychic situation which may be produced in various ways." While we still have in mind the question of the damming up of the libido, it may be well to enter into some general considerations concerning a common result of this damming up^ namely mor- bid fear or "anxiety," a symptom which, as Jones remarks, is undoubtedly the most frequent one in the whole realm of psychopathology. 1 First let us ask what is the difference between a fear that is morbid and a normal fear. In the quality of the emotions themselves there is noth- ing which would invariably distinguish them. Though in morbid fears there is often a prepon- derance of the physical manifestations, this is by no means invariably the case. Nor is the intens- ity of the emotion a definite index. Morbid fears are usually more intense than any fears that a normal person suffers under ordinary circum- stances, but situations of great danger can pro- duce perfectly normal fears which are quite as intense as any morbid ones. What really dis- tinguishes the two sorts of fears is the fact that, as Jones points out, a morbid fear is a relatively excessive one. 2 It occurs on occasions where a normal person would either feel no fear at all or *The word anxiety, as used in psychoanalytic writing, has about the same significance as the German word Angst, i.e., an intense fear. The words fear and anxiety are, however, often used interchangeably. 2 Jones : "Pathology of Morbid Anxiety" in his Papers on Psy- choanalysis. MORBID FEAK 253 else a less intense one. An additional fact is that normal fears are usually short in duration, while morbid ones may be very persistent. None of these criteria is, however, absolute. The basic difference between a morbid and a normal fear is one of origin, and this is not revealed to superficial observation. A normal fear is a reaction to an external, material situation or condition of which the individual is clearly aware. A morbid fear, on the other hand, has its real source in an in- ternal and psychic situation, of which the individ- ual is unconscious. The external stimulus which evokes an attack of morbid fear is not, as the patient may think, the cause of the emotion, but merely serves as a cue to set off a reaction which has its real source elsewhere. The essential cause of morbid anxiety or fear is a damming up of the libido. The fear is an over- flow phenomenon, the result of the pent up energy forcing a way of escape despite opposition or re- pression. The dammed up wish-energy which the repression withheld from action now breaks out as feeling. The effect of the repression has been to transform this energy into fear. Morbid fear, in other words, is really desire in the broad sense, sexual desire which various inhibitions have diverted from more natural channels of ex- pression. That morbid anxiety really results from desire seems, at first thought, hardly credible. A wish and a fear are so utterly unlike in their qualities that it seems impossible that ever under any cir- cumstances the one could be the cause of the 254 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS other. Nevertheless, the more we become ac- quainted with the facts relating to the situation, the less improbable all this seems. Let us ask what an emotion is, and see if this does not throw some light on the question. An emotion, one might say, is an undischarged action, a deed yet retained within the organism. Thus anger is an unf ought combat ; fear an unfled flight. Perhaps it would be more accurate to say that an emotion is a state of preparedness for action, which however in many ways is almost the action itself. The involuntary nervous system is excited in the same way as in action. The same changes take place in the blood. A state of tonus is pro- duced in the same voluntary muscles that would be innervated to produce the action itself. Thus Crile writes: " There is (in emotion) a specific stimulation or inhibition of every organ and tissue in the body, in accordance with the role each is to play in the intended adaptive muscular response. Blood is transferred from the parts non-essential to muscular action (the stomach, intestines and genital system) and concentrated upon the ma- chinery necessary to muscular action (the heart, lungs, central nervous system and skeletal muscles). The circulation is accelerated, metabo- lism is increased, the production of waste prod- ucts is at its maximum, the breath comes faster, the heart beats quickly, the skin is moist from excessive perspiration, the limbs tremble, the ex- tremities tingle, every detail of the intended muscular action is simulated. ' ' 1 The organism i Crile: "Man, an Adaptive Mechanism." EMOTION 255 is like a car which, with throttle open, spark ad- vanced and engine racing, throbs and trembles with liberated energy, while the clutch which shall connect this power with the locomotor machinery is not yet thrown in. The identity of emotion and action goes so far that, as Crile points out, strong feeling results in the same fatigue phenomena (subjective and objective signs of exhaustion, histologic changes in various organs) that would result from the exertion itself. In short, emotion is the same as action in practically every respect, save that of massive movement. But what is of particular interest is the fact that, as shown by Cannon, by Crile and by others, there take place, in strong emotion, characteristic changes in the blood content which anticipate and prepare for great exertion, such as that of combat or flight. Iodized protein, Crile thinks, is thrown out in abnormal amounts from the thyroid in strong emotion and has the effect of sensitizing the organism by facilitating the passage of elec- trical currents through semi-permeable mem- branes, and so lowering the threshold to all stim- uli, and increasing the energy transformation. As Cannon showed, there is an increased amount of sugar furnished to the blood, which increases the capacity of the muscles for work and thus pre- pares for struggle or flight. Similarly as he demonstrated there is an increased output of adrenin, which not only aids in bringing out sugar from the liver's store of glycogen, but has the property of restoring to fatigued muscles the same readiness for response which they had when fresh. 256 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS It has the further effect of constricting vessels in such parts of the body that are not active in exer- tion and thus driving the blood to those regions where in strong effort it is most needed. It also relaxes the muscle fibers in the bronchioles and favors respiration as in preparation for great effort. The clotting time of the blood is at the same time decreased as if to prepare for the pos- sible wounds that might come in the course of combat. The emotion, from the point of view of physi- ology, is these various preparatory changes in the content of the blood, in the innervation of the various muscles, endocrine glands and other viscera. The emotion, from the point of view of psychology, is the afferent, sensory report of these changes. Thus, as James epigrammatically ex- pressed it, we are afraid because we tremble, not that we tremble because we are afraid. 1 One is accustomed to think of sexual emotion, or excitement, as being something essentially very different from all other emotion, say anger or fear, and so it is from the subjective side. On the other hand, from the physiological point of view, it is not so different as one might expect. In fact it can be shown that these states of sexual tension and of fear are so closely related that it need not be considered surprising that one merges into the other i. e. that a condition of tension or prepared- i William James : "Principles of Psychology," Vol. I, page 450. The state of tension or tonus, which, according to the channels along which it is expressed, is either emotion or action, is the physiological equivalent of what in Freudian psychology is spoken of as the unconscious wish. SEXUAL EMOTION 257 ness which is primarily sexual can give the sub- jective report of fear. But to show this is as far as one can go at present. Our knowledge is insuf- ficient to explain why, under some circumstances, a damming up of libido must be felt as fear and what are the exact details of the process. We have to be content with knowing that this relation- ship, which clinical observation demonstrates cer- tainly to exist, is, on physiological grounds, well within the bounds of the eventually explicable. Popular opinion would regard sexual emotion or excitement as conditioned mainly by an accumu- lation of semen in the testicles. This notion is obviously incorrect, for sexual excitement occurs in children long before there is any seminal secre- tion, in males castrated after puberty and in women, who have no specific external sexual secre- tion. About the same sort of objection applies to the theory that sexual excitement is wholly de- pendent on accumulations of internal secretions from the specifically sexual glands. In short, the sexual secretions, either internal or external, probably are not the chief immediate basis for sexual excitement, but at most supply only its specific factors. Cannon, Crile and others seem to think that there occur in sexual emotion the same blood changes anticipatory of exertion that take place for other emotions, namely an increase of thyroid products, of adrenalin, of sugar, etc. It is per- haps, then, not unreasonable to think that sexual excitement has both specific and non-specific com- ponents. The specific factors would very likely 258 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS include the accumulations of internal secretions of the sexual glands, and the stimuli represented by the pressure of seminal secretion upon the walls of its receptacles. Most, if not all of them, would come into play only in adult sexuality. The non-specific elements would be changes in the blood content and in the sympathetic-autonomic balance, much the same as those that prepare for any sort of vigorous action or exertion such as attack or flight. Sexual emotion, tension or preparedness is less dependent on external stimulation than are other normal emotions. We do not feel continuous nor- mal anger or fear unless we are continuously sub- ject to an external menace. But sexual tension or preparedness may arise in the absence of any external stimulation and tends to persist until relieved by some suitable action, of which coitus, in the adult, is normally the most satisfactory one. Thus, in the absence of actions adequate in quality or in frequency to discharge the libido, there may come about a state of organic sexual preparedness which is chronic. 1 In other words a lack of ade- quate sexual outlet (and by this is not meant simply abstinence from intercourse) may result in an accumulation in the blood of abnormal quanti- ties of thyroid bodies and perhaps of sugar, adrenin and other substances which constitute an important part of the state of preparedness for non-sexual exertion such as attack or flight, and this very likely is accompanied by corresponding i This does not mean that the individual need be continuously conscious of sexual desire. ANXIETY STATES 259 changes in the sympathetic-autonomic balance. It is not then difficult to imagine that this accumula- tion and these changes in the involuntary nervous system which have so much in common with the states of preparedness from which come the afferent reports known as anger and fear, could reach such a point as either to create abnormally low threshold and exaggerated reaction to slight occasions for normal anxiety or fear (e. g., an ex- cessive anxiety over what would normally be a matter for slight worry) or even give the afferent report of fear (or anger) in the absence of any special external stimulus. 1 Certainly the clinical facts are in accord with this hypothesis. In 1895 Freud wrote a paper describing a condition which had formerly been classed as one of the varieties of " Neurasthenia " which he named Anxiety Neurosis. 2 The symp- toms were (1) general irritability and hyperes- 1 It cannot be advanced as an objection to this hypothesis that if a damming up of the libido can cause fear it also ought to cause anger, for the reason that, in certain cases, it does cause anger (or at least an over intense reaction to what in normal persons would cause but slight irritation). The constant state of irritability, exasperation or ill temper (in short, of chronic anger) which is manifest in some nervous people is so familiar as hardly to require comment. Why a damming up of the libido should more frequently cause fear than anger is a question that cannot yet be answered more than to say that conditions of in- hibition or repression which are usually in part responsible for the damming up are surely closely allied to fear; while anger more nearly coincides with the freer or self-assertive state of mind that leads to or goes with an adequate sexual outlet. 2 Veber die Berechtigung von der Neurasthenic einen beatimm- ten Symptomen-lcomplex ala "Angstneurose" dbzutrennen. Brill's translation appears in "Selected Papers on Hysteria and Other Psychoneuroses. 260 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS thesia, (hyperacusis, insomnia, etc.), (2) anxious expectation, fearfulness, worry, with perhaps occasional severe attacks or seizures of intense anxiety, and (3) somatic symptoms such as dis- turbances of heart action, attacks of dyspnoea, of sweating, trembling, vertigo or diarrhoea. This condition Freud considered an "Actual Neurosis" (as distinguished from a psycho-neu- rosis, an essentially psychic disease) which arose under such conditions as lead to "an accumula- tion of somatic sexual excitement" which had not been allowed to become elaborated into psychic excitement or to obtain adequate discharge. Conditions such as those of voluntary sexual ab- stinence, the practice of coitus interruptus or reservatus, or the failure of gratification in the woman which results from premature ejaculation on the part of the man, he found to be typical for its causation. The establishment of a better regime (for instance, the substitution of coitus condomatus for coitus interruptus) which made full sexual gratification possible, had in many cases the effect of removing all symptoms. These symptoms which Freud describes indi- cate very clearly the presence of the endocrine fac- tors and correlated disturbances of the sympa- thetic nervous system. 1 The condition of general irritability (i. e. of lowered threshold and too i Freud has pointed out the resemblance of the physical ac- companiments of the anxiety attacks to those of sexual excite- ment rapid heart action, hurried breathing, perspiration, dry- ness of the mouth, involuntary muscular contractions, etc. They also resemble those of angry excitement. ANGER AND HATE 261 ready response to all sorts of stimuli) is what we expect from an abnormal amount of thyroid secre- tion in the blood. It is altogether like that which occurs with Graves 's disease (a condition, by the way, in which morbid anxiety is often a promi- nent symptom) or can be produced by the admin- istration of thyroid. The palpitation, diarrhoeal attacks and other symptoms are apparently the same as those occurring with hyperthyroidism of other origin. The vaso-motor symptoms and oth- ers referable to the sympathetic nervous system might indicate the presence of an excessive secre- tion of adrenalin or might be the effect of thyroid bodies themselves. (Elliott * asserts that adren- alin can produce every result of stimulation of the sympathetic nervous system except an increase in the secretion of adrenalin.) Anger, hate and the impulses to overcome or attack blend with the sexual sadistic, aggressive and self-assertive reactions, while fear and the impulses to submission or flight are likewise shaded into the masochistic reactions. The sadis- tic impulses and the combative or destructive im- pulses were doubtless identical early in phylo- genetic history, if not indeed in the ontogenetic. We know how readily, either in animals or in man, a state of anger or the act of attacking may be converted by relatively slight changes in the incoming stimuli into fear or flight, and vice versa. It is not so very strange, then, if we find the energy corresponding, in the broad sense, to sexual excitations or tensions shifting from pro- i Quoted by Cannon. 262 MOBBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS gressive or aggressive manifestations and becom- ing fear in much the same manner as rage or anger may readily become fear. Coitus, as many have said, is, in a way, an overcoming, a struggle, a combat, and this might prepare us for the fact .that the impulses thereto, and particularly those that have their somatic fulcrum in the voluntary mus- cular system, undergo the same shifts and trans- formations as do those of anger and combat which are designed for self-preservation. At any rate, and however we explain it, there is abundant and incontrovertible evidence that dammed up forces corresponding to inhibited, or ungratified, or undischarged impulses that, in the broad sense, we must call sexual, do certainly result in fear. Perhaps for all practical pur- poses we have sufficient explanation in the follow- ing principles suggested (in a somewhat different connection) by Spencer. "It is an unquestion- able truth that, at any moment, the existing quan- tity of liberated nerve force, which in an inscrut- able way produces in us the state we call feeling, must expend itself in some direction must gen- erate an equivalent manifestation of force some- where. " " Overflow of nerve force, undirected by any motive, will manifestly take the most habitual routes ; and, if these do not suffice, will next over- flow into the less habitual ones. ' ' 1 'In short, the holophilic energy (and by this is meant not simply the desire for coitus), if denied an adequate natural outlet, sublimated or otherwise, will force iH. Spencer: "Essays, Scientific, Political," etc., quoted by Dar- win in his "Expression of the Emotions." FEAR 263 for itself an unnatural one. It "must expend itself somewhere. " * So much for the physiological aspects of the question. Let us now look at it from the psycho- logical point of view. The biological function or purpose of fear is protective or preservative. Every one of us alive to-day owes his existence to the fact that his human and prehuman ancestors were afraid. It has often been stated that the human skin, with its acute sensitiveness to pain, is a better protective medium than the enormously thick and tough hide of the rhinoceros, or the bony casing of the armadillo. In the same sense it may be said that a readiness to fear is as valuable a protection as the poison fangs of the serpent or the strength of the elephant. 2 That is to say, fear constitutes an insurance for the preservation of the animal or species by compelling withdrawal from situations that threaten injury or death, or by prohibiting approach to such situations. It hardly seems probable that in morbid fear the emotion has lost this biological significance. At most we should expect that there could be only a miscarriage of it. Normal fear, however, is provoked only by external conditions or objects. iWe cannot even attempt to explain on a physiological basis why morbid fear attaches itself to certain special objects and not to others. 2 As Crile points out, animals like the rabbit, antelope, horse, monkey and man, which depend for self-preservation on a swift locomotor reaction, exhibit fear and an irrepressible impulse to flee from danger. The skunk, however, whose chief means of protection is its odor; the porcupine, defended by its quills; the turtle, protected by its shell; the lion and the elephant, secure in their superior strength, show little if any fear. 264 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Morbid fear has origin from conditions that are internal. This seems to us something entirely novel. Nevertheless it is not. "We have seen that in infancy there is no accurate distinction made between the ego and the non-ego. A similar state of affairs may also exist in adult life. Ob- jects or persons really external are felt as a part of the self (identification) while processes really belonging to the individual's own psyche are per- ceived as influences arising from without (pro- jection). This really is the expression of a gen- eral principle. That is to say, the ego has a tend- ency to treat all sources of pleasure, whether they be internal or external, as a part of the self (for instance, the identification that comes with love) ; while to all sources of pain or displeasure, whether they, are inner or outer, it tends to react as if they were hostile and a part of the external world. 1 That the ego can react to really endopsychic processes or conditions as if they were external and hostile is really then no absolute novelty to us. Morbid fear seems to occur according to the principle just stated. Though it is justifiable to speak of morbid fear clinically as being converted libido, this may not be entirely accurate, as Jones points out. 2 The morbid fear is perhaps not the libido itself, converted, but rather a fear reaction against the libido. That is, the repressed libido, striving for forms of wish-fulfillment, which from the point of view of the individual's conscious and i Compare Freud's "Triebe und Triebschicksale," Int. Zeitschr. f. arzt. Psychoanalyse, Vol. Ill, 1915. 2L. c. FEAR AND DESIRE 265 foreconscious trends, are repugnant and would cause displeasure, is treated like other sources of displeasure, as something external and hos- tile, and so provokes the protective reaction of fear. The prayer: "Lead us not into temptation " in a certain sense implies that the individual is afraid of his own desires. We often hear it said that a certain man is his own worst enemy, which means that his welfare is menaced, as through a hostile influence, by wishes that are really his own. In morbid fear it is as if such a statement were taken literally, and the individual reacts to what is really a part of himself as if to an enemy. When a woman, finding herself in danger of being forced to have intercourse with a strange man, reacts with fear, we call the emotion normal. If, however, the impulse that threatens to force her into sexual relations with a stranger is her own dammed up libido, and the danger is thus one that arises primarily from within, we call the fear ab- normal, though in each case the impending experi- ence which she dreads is exactly the same. Morbid fear is then an excitation of the normal fear instinct provoked, however, by the individ- ual's own sexual impulses, which, breaking through the control of the higher psychic systems, threatens to become a menace. Naturally the more powerful the unruly impulses and the greater the failure of repression, the more intense will be the morbid fear. In one sense morbid fear is not morbid at all. It is rather a normal reaction to 266 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS the danger arising from an abnormal condition- the damming up of the libido to a point where it breaks through f oreconscious control. As I have pointed out elsewhere, the existence of a causal relationship between desire and fear has not everywhere been unsuspected, even before Freud. Certain writers such as Krafft-Ebing, Nystrom, Eohleder, Kisch, Leyden * have noticed that sexual abstinence resulted in states of anxiety and nervousness. There has also been some pop- ular recognition of this fact. I have used the fol- lowing story to bring out the latter point. The traditional Miss Antique came to the board- ing house table one night in a state of great excite- ment. ' ' Oh, ' ' she cried, " I Ve had such an experi- ence ! Just now as I was coming home through a dark and lonely street I saw a Man! And, My Goodness, how I did run ! ' ' "You don't say so !" returned one of the board- ers, looking up with an expression of sympathetic interest, ' ' and did you catch him, Miss Antique 1 9 ' To illustrate the point in question this story does not have to be true. Women of the sort it describes unquestionably do exist. And their ex- aggerated fear of men has, in other instances than that of the cynical boarder, been correctly inter- preted as an over compensation for unsatisfied desire. 2 We have offered two explanations of the origin of neurotic fear from dammed up desire, a physio- iSee H. Ellis: "Sex and Society." 2 Fielding and Dickens, among other writers, show a keen Insight into defensive reactions of about this sort. FEAR AND DESIKE 267 logical and a psychological one. The latter seems to me the more satisfactory and perhaps the best substantiated. As a matter of fact it is probable that both are correct. In one case what we would call the strictly physiological factors may predom- inate, and the psychic ones in the next, while both are, in varying degrees, involved in all. This may be paralleled with the fact that morbid fear cases may have two types of origin. In one the damming up of the libido results primarily from physical factors, in the other mainly from psychic ones. Where the essentially physical factors form the starting point (as for instance where coitus interruptus, or premature ejacu- lation on the part of the husband, leaves the woman ungratified) the symptoms may be done away with by establishing a better regime (coitus condomatus in place of coitus interruptus) which allows the woman's gratification to be completed. A damming up which arises as the result of psy- chic factors (repressions, resistances and con- flicts) is not noticeably affected by any alteration of the physical factors in the sex life. Pure cases of the anxiety neurosis, which corre- spond to the first type of origin, and which, when Freud first described the condition, he regarded as an "actual" neurosis (a non-psychogenic mal- ady), probably do not exist. It now seems quite certain that even in those cases where the physical factors interfering with discharge of the libido are the primary and significant ones, psychic con- flicts come into play secondarily and have a role in the formation of the symptoms conflicts which, 268 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS however, may subside as soon as the physical pri- mary factors are properly attended to. But the anxiety neurosis nevertheless remains as a valu- able concept, and represents a real condition, even though it cannot be observed clinically in a pure state. The anxiety neurosis is now included within the term anxiety hysteria, which at one time was reserved for those cases where primarily physical factors played no important role. It may be added, however, that even in the cases which are most truly "psychical," the physiolog- ical element of endogenous intoxication by reten- tion of secretions is without doubt always present and has a definite role. 1 In the hope of correcting certain false impres- sions that may have arisen in the course of this discussion, let us again warn against taking the word sexual in a too narrow sense, and regarding genital sexuality as the whole of sex. When we say that for health any individual requires an adequate sexual outlet, it must be understood that this outlet may be secured in a great number of different ways. A person may be having regular and frequent sexual intercourse (excessive inter- course, in fact) without this affording him an ade- quate outlet or preventing his libido from becom- ing dammed up. On the other hand, another per- son may not be having intercourse at all, and yet his sexual outlet be entirely adequate, for he can work off most of his libido through sublimations i Cf . Jones : "The Relation Between the Anxiety Neurosis and Anxiety Hysteria," Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. VIII, 1913. SEXUAL OUTLET 269 and in aims that of themselves are not erotic. If all that is required for an adequate sexual outlet were frequently repeated orgasms, then masturba- tion would cure every neurosis. CHAPTER VI THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE COMPULSION NEUROSIS very long ago practically all neurotic disturbances which on the one hand were not manifest cases of hysteria nor on the other of major psychoses, were as a rule grouped indiscriminately under the one designation of Neurasthenia. Though this easy if slipshod diag- nostic practice is not yet entirely done away with, even among neurologists, nevertheless most neu- rologists and psychiatrists now clearly recognize that what was formerly called neurasthenia really comprises several distinct disease entities differ- ing from one another in clinical characteristics and pathological structure, and that, as applied to most, if not all of them, the term neurasthenia is a decided misnomer. For most of these con- ditions are not, strictly speaking, nervous disor- ders at all. They are states of mind, psycholog- ical disturbances ; and the nerves, as such, are not immediately involved in their pathology. The term ." nerve weakness," whether in English or Greek, is therefore a poor name to apply to them. A group of cases most obviously purely psycho- logical and among the first to be recognized as such are those which Janet rescued from the diagnostic waste basket and designated by the name psy- 270 PSYCHASTHENIA 271 chasthenia. They comprise the variously called obsessions, fixed ideas, morbid fears (phobias) doubts, compulsions and impulsions. Later ob- servations, particularly those by Freud, resulted in the division into two groups of these cases which Janet included under the one term psychas- thenia. One contains certain fear states or " pho- bias'' of which agoraphobia is a type, and is desig- nated by Freud as anxiety hysteria. The other is now usually known as the compulsion (or obses- sional) neurosis. We shall begin with a consider- ation of the latter condition. Let us study some examples. A man killed a fly which annoyed him by buzzing about the room. Hardly had he done so when there came to him the thought, accompanied by an intense feeling of horror and fear: "My God, what if I should kill a person like that!'' He was not conscious of ever having had a desire to kill any one; he was not really in fear that he ever would kill any one, but nevertheless the thought "But wouldn't it be awful if I did?" stuck in his mind for months at a time and he was utterly unable to banish it. A young married woman, who happened to be watching another woman who was seated at a window across the street, suddenly discovered that she could not get the thought of this other woman out of her mind. She had to think of her, she did not know why nor to what end, but she could not stop it. These thoughts, accompanied by a sense of apprehension and depression, persisted for the greater part of the time for four or more years. These two cases are examples of what are known 272 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS variously as compulsive ideas, fixed ideas or ob- sessions. An intelligent young Jewish girl, who was her- self not at all superstitious, was induced by a rela- tive to consult a fortune teller in reference to a love affair. Shortly afterwards she was sud- denly seized with a terrific fear that the fortune teller was exerting some sort of magical spell over her and that as a result she would go insane. She knew this was perfect nonsense, yet the fear con- tinued to force itself upon her with remarkable intensity and she was absolutely powerless to drive it from her mind. (Obsessive or compul- sive fear.) A young woman, whenever she uses the word "I" is tormented by the question "Who is 1? What is it?" To use or to hear the word "My" has a similar effect. "Who is My?" she has to ask herself. "My is not my body or I wouldn't say 'my hands.' It's not my mind or I wouldn't say 'my mind.' Who or what then is it!" She felt continually impelled to ask other people these questions, and many had tried to answer them or convince her that they were unanswerable, but to no avail. "I've got to know!" she would say. "I must find out. I never can rest until I do." All the time she suffered from a tense, anxious feeling which, it seemed to her, could be relieved only by her finding the answers she sought. (Compulsive thinking, Grubelsucht.) A boy in high school was supplied with some second hand books. He began to doubt the accu- racy of them, for, as they were not new, he thought COMPULSIONS 273 they might be out of date, and what he read might not be the truth. Before long he would not read a book unless he could satisfy himself that it was new and the writer of it an authority. Even then he was assailed with doubts. For he felt uncer- tain as to whether he understood what he read. If for example he came across a word of which he was not sure of the exact meaning, he could not go on until he had looked up the word in a dictionary. But as likely as not in the definition of the word there would be some other word with which he was not entirely familiar and he would have to look that up, so that at times half an hour or more would be taken up in reading a single page, and even then he would feel doubtful as to whether he had gotten the exact truth. (Compulsive doubt.) A young woman was impelled at frequent inter- vals to rip up her clothes and make them over again, feeling that she could improve their fit. Another was forced to eat bread in enormous quantities. Still another had to count ten before every contemplated action and then while carry- ing out the action she would have to tell herself what it was she was doing. Thus if she were go- ing out she would have to say: "Now I am put- ting on my hat; now I am opening the door; now I am going down the steps ; now I am turning the corner, etc." Before beginning each of these actions she would have to count ten. These are cases of compulsive or obsessive actions. In each case the patient had to obey the impulse in question. An effort to resist it invariably re- sulted in an unbearable sense of tension and 274 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS anxiety which was relieved only when the act was carried out. Now what feature have these cases in common to be classed as compulsions? In what does a compulsion consist? From the point of view of the patient the term compulsion is accurately descriptive of his own feeling with regard to his symptoms. The com- pulsive idea, fear or impulse, as the case may be, appears in his consciousness as something foreign which is forced upon him as if from without. There is to him a sense of must-ness which invests the compulsive activities. He is compelled to T think, to fear or to act in a certain definite way, although his reason and his inclinations are op- posed to his so doing. From the point of view of the observer the essential fact of a compulsive symptom would appear to consist in a mesalliance between affect and idea-content. This mesalliance is most com- monly quantitative. The emotion or impulse ap- pears altogether excessive for its ideational ac- companiment. The fear of the young woman that the fortune teller was driving her insane by means of magic might not have seemed excessive, had she really believed that he had that power, but as a matter of fact she did not believe it, and was quite convinced that he was merely an ignorant char- I latan. Thus the amount of her fear was entirely ^ disproportionate to her ideas of the thing feared. In the same way it was quite reasonable for the high school boy to wish to assure himself that the books he studied were reliable and that he under- COMPULSIONS 275 stood what lie read, but his feeling in the matter was altogether excessive in proportion to the like- lihood of his receiving any serious misimpression either through inaccuracy of his books or a failure to understand all the words he read. There may also be a qualitative disharmony in addition to a purely quantitative incongruity be- tween the affective and idea content of a compul- sive symptom. Such was the case in the example of the patient who could not stop thinking about the woman across the street. There was a quan- titative incongruity inasmuch as the woman across the street was a perfect stranger and there was no apparent reason why the patient should have any emotion about her at all. But the kind of feeling which accompanied her thoughts was also qualita- tively unsuitable, for there seemed to be nothing in the woman's appearance or the patient's con- scious knowledge of her to account for the fact that thinking of her gave rise to apprehension and gloom. It would seem, on approaching the matter as we have done, that the chief problem presented! by compulsive phenomena is that of explaining the lack of accord between affect and idea. If J the considerations represented by the idea-con- tent of a compulsive symptom are obviously in- adequate to account for its emotional content, we feel then that we must account for the emotional content in some other way. It would seem, in\ short, that the affects must have some other source than that represented by the ideas to which] they are attached. But if in pursuance of this 276 MOKBID FEABS AND COMPULSIONS hypothesis we ask of a patient: "Is there any- thing in your life that troubles you, or that could give rise to the strong emotions of which you complain ?" he replies: "No, nothing at all. If I could only get this terrible fear out of my mind, I'd have nothing else to bother me, and I'd be perfectly happy and well." In the face of such an answer, unless we are willing to abandon our hypothesis entirely, we are forced to conclude either that the patient is lying or that he does not know. But with these last words Tie does not know we have hit upon the truth of the matter. If we were acquainted with every detail of the patient's men- tal life, it would at once be plain that there are most adequate reasons for the strong affects in question, but that he was not fully aware of them, that they were partly unconscious. Or we might find that though he was conscious of the causes of the strong affects, he was not conscious of them as causes of these affects, that, in other words, he did not recognize the connection between the affect and its cause. The apparent dispropor- tion between affective and ideational content in the compulsion would then be seen to be due to the fact that the affects had been attached to the wrong ideas. Of the right group of ideas (those in full accord with the affects) he had been at best only dimly conscious while the con- nection of these ideas with the "morbid" impulse and emotion he had not recognized at all. 1 In other words, to seek to explain the phenomena i This fact alone goes a long way toward explaining why logic COMPULSIONS 277 of the compulsion on the basis only of what the patient is aware of is really to seek the impossible. Their true significance does not appear until we bring the symptoms into relation with certain motives, wishes and considerations of which the patient has not complete comprehension and con- sciousness. Such a word as "Unconscious" or "Subcon- scious" as applied to mental processes for niost people smacks of the transcendental and the un- real. It seems to them hard to believe that ideas or impulses which are more or less unconscious can at the same time be significant and exert a potent influence in the individual's conscious life and conduct. And it often appears particularly hard to believe that unconscious or unrecognized thoughts produce symptoms, that is to say pain- ful effects, sickness and suffering. "If there is anything in a person's life bad enough to make him sick, surely he'd know all about it" I once heard a prominent physician say, and this remark expresses a quite general feeling in regard to the matter. But, as a matter of fact, all of us, even those who have been most vehement in denying the real- ity or significance of unconscious mental proc- esses, do in a way recognize both their existence and their potence in determining human conduct, and we frequently interpret the behavior of our acquaintances upon such a basis. How often, for instance, do we hear some such statement as this : and reason are powerless to dispel obsessions. Such attempts cannot be directed to the real (unconscious) cause. 278 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS " Stokes thinks he is in love with Miss Ehodes, but I'm sure he isn't. It's really her money he's marrying her for, but he doesn't know it." And what does such a statement imply, if not that Stokes is swayed by a powerful motive of which he is not vividly conscious? Who has not made remarks containing similar implications? Even the physician quoted above, who does not "believe in" the Unconscious, gave evidence of a keen appreciation of the potence of the non-con- scious factors in determining behavior. Com- menting upon a woman who had suddenly dis- played a fanatical and obviously neurotic enthusi- asm and activity in the cause of woman suffrage, he said: "It isn't a vote that she wants." His meaning, obviously enough, was that what she did want was a man, and that her feverish activity in behalf of "the Cause" was really the product of repressed longings the reality and nature of which she was unwilling to recognize and admit longings which were, in part at least, uncon- scious. It is hardly to be denied then that an impulse or an idea does not have to be a clearly compre- hended and conscious one in order to be of sig- nificance in the life of the individual. Conse- quently the statement that the real causes of the apparently exaggerated affects in the compulsion neuroses are for the most part unrecognized or unconscious is not really so much at variance with every day experience as perhaps it first ap- peared. It is now to be asked what the reason is that the PARTIAL REPRESSION 279 forces causing the compulsive symptoms are not apprehended by the patients. What is it that prevents them from being aware of the factors that are really at work? We had a hint of the answer to such questions from the two examples of unconscious influence that have been given. For in both cases it will be noted that the unrec- ognized trend was of a nature which the individ- ual would have been rather reluctant to admit of possessing or giving in to. And if one searches his memory for similar cases, as furnished by the behavior of his acquaintances, he is quite cer- tain to find this feature common to all. Such is the explanation of why the neurotic patient does not know the nature of the forces producing his compulsions. For in the mam.JJh.ese- impulses (and their representing ideas) are of such a kind as to be repugnant to his conscious personality and contrary to, or out of accord with, the trends of his ethical self. The lack of knowledge is a result of the automatic censorship exercised by consciousness and the foreconscious, an effect of repression. But, as has been many times indicated, the fact that a wish is out of consciousness does not mean that it has ceased to exist. Repression is not annihilation. A wish which is repressed may persist in the Unconscious entirely unchanged in quality or intensity and in no way differing from a conscious wish save in the one particular that the individual has ceased to have awareness of it. A neurosis is then a partial failure of repres- sion. The repressed elements in such a case are 280 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS neither completely excluded from consciousness nor have they wholly free entrance into it. What happens is that the repressed forces again mani- fest themselves in consciousness, not, however in their original, but in a disguised and distorted form which conceals their true meaning. The disguise corresponds to what is left of the repres- sion, and in general the more extensive its fail- ure, the less complete the disguise. Depending to some extent on the degree of failure of repression, we have three types of neurosis: (1) hysteria proper, or conversion hys- teria, (2) anxiety hysteria and (3) the compulsion neurosis. The mechanism or structure of the symptoms differs with each type. That which returns from repression (the active element at least) consists of instinctive and infantile wishes and strivings which, as was said, are out of ac- cord with the individual's adult and ethical self. Now, in what we may call a wish-presentation there may be distinguished two parts: a purely energic element called by Freud the "affect- sum" (Affektbetrag) which I have already men- tioned as activation energy, and an ideational ele- ment. Thus when, in the middle of the day I find myself desirous of eating, I am able to divide this presentation into its energic content (the more or less undifferentiated urge or tension) and its ideational content (thoughts of lunch instead of thoughts of dinner, ideas of some particular kinds of food, certain anticipatory images of eat- ing, thoughts about where the meal is to be ob- tained, etc.) CONVERSION HYSTERIA 281 In conversion hysteria the ideational elements remain repressed (unconscious) while the energic element (the libido) is employed in somatic in- nervation, sensory or motor, excitor or inhibitory, producing a purely bodily symptom (a pain, anaesthesia, spasm, paralysis or the like). The locus, thus over-innervated, is found, on analysis of the case, to bear a definite relation 1 to the na- ture and content of the wishes thus side-tracked and in some way represents an attempted fulfill- ment of them. In cases where the conversion is complete, the patient shows toward the symptoms the typical " belle indifference" of hysteria. Some of the activation energy may, however, es- cape somatic conversion and lead to the develop- ment of affects (anxiety, depression, etc.) in a varying degree. In the one case a woman tells us, for instance, that she has a perfectly excru- ciating pain in her abdomen, yet at the same time she is perfectly serene and smiling and seems totally indifferent to her "agony." But in the other, the patient is worried. She asks anxiously if the pain may be due to a cancer, she expresses a fear that her case is incurable, and she begs for some medicine to bring her relief. Since in cases of complete conversion no affects are developed, the repression or defense may be said to be fairly successful inasmuch as it is the purpose of re- pression to spare the individual the development of painful affects. In anxiety hysteria and the compulsion neurosis, on the other hand, the repression is essentially un- i Freud: "Sammlung Kleiner Schreften," Vol. II, Chapter I. 282 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS successful. The idea-content of the repressed presentation is withheld from consciousness and remains repressed. But the activation energy (the libido) goes fully over into affect develop- ment. In the former neurosis it is converted without loss into an equivalent amount of fear. In the latter there is again no loss, affects are developed proportionate to the amount of libido, which may take the form of fear or almost any other, usually unpleasant, feeling or impulse. The repressed idea is replaced in the individual's consciousness in each case by a substitute idea. In other words all that is accomplished by the repression is an avoidance of the ideas. By means of the mechanism of displacement the en- ergies themselves break through the repression and fully manifest themselves in consciousness. The energy displayed in the compulsive symp- tom (wish, fear, imperative impulse, prohibition, inhibition or what not) is displaced or misplaced energy, in other words a force designed for some other activities than that in which we fifiei it ex- pressing itself. The symptoms are thus substi- tute activities and take the place of some other form of action which has been inhibited. This will perhaps become clearer when we have con- sidered the examples which follow. I shall first take up some cases in which the energic element of the wish-presentations return- ing from repression entered into consciousness unchanged, that is, still in the form of a wish. The " compulsion" in these cases depends upon the fact that this wish : energy is attached in con- SUBSTITUTE ACTIVITIES 283 sciousness to some new idea-content, is, in other words, directed to a substitute, rather than to what is actually wished for. With such a com- pulsion we are already acquainted, namely that of the young woman who had a morbid impulse to take drugs. A similar case is that of the woman who suffered from an imperative craving to eat bread. When a little girl, she, like many other children, gained the impression that the fertilizing substance entered the body by way of the mouth, that pregnancy was brought about by the mother's swallowing something a seed or some medicine. Bread is very familiarly the " Staff of Life" and hence could be a symbol of the penis. Her compulsion came on when, after a not very happy wedded life, her husband died, leaving her childless. The unhappiness of her married life had caused the patient to resolve r not to make a second venture. But her natural crav- ings for sex satisfaction and for motherhood, thus denied their natural outlet, were displaced, to find expression in a substitute action. The symbolism of the substitute action was, as is easily seen, com- pounded partly from infantile and partly from adult conceptions of the initial act of reproduc- tion. In these cases it is to be seen that practically the sole effect of repression was to push the wish- energy or libido away from its natural ideational accompaniment over to a new one, thus producing a compulsive wish and a compulsive action. In another type of compulsion, repression not only separates the wish from its original ideational ac- 284 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS companiment but also produces a transformation of the wish energy into anxiety. We have then a compulsive fear. Indeed it is not difficult to imagine such a thing occurring in the case first mentioned, that, instead of a desire for drugs and an impulse to take them, there had appeared a fear of drugs, or, as is usually the case, a fear of being poisoned. Such fears are not uncom- mon and, ordinarily, have precisely the same sex- ual significance as in the case we have mentioned. I have in mind a very similar case in which the patient, a young unmarried woman, suffered from a fear of dust, particularly a fear that she might swallow some accidentally. Thus, as soon as her food was cooked, she covered it with a carefully shaken napkin, which remained in place until she was ready to eat. Before she could bring her- self to eat, she would carefully brush her clothes, dust the table cloth, and repeatedly wash and rinse her dishes, all for fear that some particle of dust would get upon her food and she would un- knowingly ingest it. She was very conscious of the absurdity of her fear and often argued with herself saying : ' ' Why should I be afraid ? Dust couldn't hurt me, even if I ate a lot of it. It's perfectly harmless; in fact, according to the Bible it's what we are made of. So how could it do me any harm?" But these thoughts, though not interpreted by the patient, disclose the meaning of the compul- sion. Dust being "what we are all made of" is a symbol for the fertilizing substance, semen, and thus, to an unmarried woman, at least, is not SELF EEPROACH 285 in every sense harmless. Her fear of eating dust is similar in its symbolism to the other cases that have been mentioned and depends upon the same infantile theory of oral impregnation. As I was careful to emphasize in the second chapter, the role of the foreconscious is not a purely passive one, or limited to the screening out of elements that would be objectionable to consciousness. It represents rather an active, positive force. A wish remains repressed only through the continuous activity of a counter-wish. That this is true the cases thus far cited do not sufficiently emphasize. By virtue of the fact that repression is active and positive we often, and in fact almost invari- ably, find that the energy or driving force dis- played in a compulsion is not derived from the repressed force alone but that some of it is con- tributed by the repressing forces. This is true to an even greater extent in the compulsion neuroses than in hysteria or anxiety hysteria. This fact is indicated in the first case analyzed, as I may now mention, for the young woman had herself often felt that the desire to make herself sick was to some extent an impulse to self -punish- ment, an abortive suicidal attempt, so to speak, which was designed to expiate what she regarded as sinful in her thoughts and actions. This is very typical. A compulsion as a rule is a result- ant of two sorts of forces, the one represented by the repressed wishes which are breaking through repression, the other (of a character directly op- posite to the repressed) has its origin in the 286 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS ethico-esthetic part of the self and corresponds to the repressing forces. The following is a good example. A young professional man, unmarried, began to suffer from compulsive self-reproachres which came on rather suddenly after a disappointment in love. The reproaches concerned themselves with most trivial matters, as a rule, sometimes one thing, sometimes another, yet he was re- proaching himself about something practically all the time, and in a seemingly exaggerated man- ner. Thus one day he went into a store to buy a straw hat. He selected one that suited his fancy, put it on and left the store. Hardly was he outside the door when the thought came upon him: "You ought not to have bought that hat." Absurd as it may seem, the sense of having done wrong which he experienced was of very great intensity. He continued on his way, arguing with himself to the effect that his feeling was absurd, that he had done nothing wrong, yet all the while the sense of self-reproach remained. Finally his distress was so great that he turned and began to retrace his steps toward the store, intending to exchange the hat for another one. On the way back he was assailed with new doubts, for he kept thinking: "Maybe it would be better if I kept this hat. Maybe I am making a mistake if I take it back." By the time he had- reached the store, he had decided that it would be better to keep the hat, so he started for home again with his purchase still on his head. Before he had gone very far, the first sense of guilt again assailed SELF REPROACH 287 him and finally he did return to the store and, when exchanging the hat for another one, felt considerably, if not entirely, relieved. He went through a similar performance on another occa- sion when he had gone to his bank to get a new check book. No sooner had he received the book than he felt he ought not to have it, that he must take it back, that he was doing a great wrong in delaying an instant. On still another occasion, a friend suggested to him that he ought to join a certain regiment. Without thinking of the mat- ter at all seriously, he replied: "Well, perhaps I will join before long." Soon after leaving his friend the idea suddenly seized him : "You ought never to have said that. You shouldn't join the regiment, " and he could not rest until he had got- ten into communication with his friend and taken back his words. Having done so, however, he still felt dissatisfied, and kept thinking: "Maybe it would be better if I did join. Maybe I should not have said I wouldn't, etc." A day or two later, having berated himself continually in the meantime, he called up his friend and told him he had decided to join after all, and then im- mediately the first set of reproaches returned, so that still later he had to retract this decision, etc. This patient, let it be understood, was a man of education and of unusual intelligence. Yet against these absurd doubts and fears he was absolutely powerless. And though continually beset with an overwhelming sense of doing wrong, he could not in any instance point out what there 288 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS was wrong in the things he had done, or explain why he felt guilty and reproached himself. I should add that there was apparently nothing in his life that should give occasion for such feelings of guilt, for he was a man of quite exceptional morality, and commanded the liking and respect of every one. His peculiar symptoms are, however, by no means inexplicable, if we take into account cer- tain elements of his mental life that were not clearly before his consciousness. He had, as was said, been disappointed in love. The situation and circumstances of the disappointment were such as to give rise to a considerable degree of resentment on his part toward not only the young lady herself, but towards his family, his father in particular. His hostility to his father was, however, really a revival of earlier hostilities dating from his childhood, which related to in- terference and punishment but which, for the most part, were quite fully repressed and withheld from his consciousness. A knowledge of the existence of this hostile or sadistic trend is sufficient to enable us to explain the symptoms that have been mentioned without taking up its origin in further detail. The ex- planation of his compulsion is really absurdly simple. The straw hat which he selected in the store had, at the back of the sweat-band inside the crown, a tiny bow of red ribbon. This fact he perceived as he examined the hat, without its really arresting his conscious attention. But the important thing was that the tiny red bow looked, SELF EEPROACH 289 as he glanced at it, not unlike a small splotch of blood. Thus, for him to wear that hat was, in a way, to have blood upon his head. This was the reason he reproached himself. For if he had put into action the hostile impulses he was re- pressing, he would in fact have had blood upon his head; he would have murdered some one. The incident of the check book depends upon a similar association of ideas. The one he first received at the bank had a bright red cover, thus suggesting blood, and to keep it suggested having ' ' blood upon his hands. " When he had taken it back and exchanged it for a yellow one, he felt considerably relieved. In the same way the idea of joining the regi- ment had become connected with the repressed murderous trend, for there had passed through his mind the thought: " Suppose I join the regi- ment and there is a strike or a riot, for which the militia are called out. 1 Then I might kill some one.''' His compulsive vacillation is thus seen to have had its origin in two opposed and displaced trends. The one which led him to reproach himself for having purchased the hat, received the check book and promised to join the regiment was derived from his conscious, ethical, social and affectionate self. The other consisted of primitive, savage, asocial impulses, inhibited very naturally from direct expression, but nevertheless not kept en- tirely subdued by repression. It was the non- satisfaction of this trend which led him to criticize i This was before the beginning of the European War. 290 MOKBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS his desire to take back the hat and the check book, etc. and was responsible for his lack of complete satisfaction when he had done so. / It is to be seen that in this case, if anything, more energy is contributed to symptom forma- tion by the repressing forces than by the re- pressed. His compulsion for the most part was an over compensation on the part of his conscious personality for his unconscious sadism. It was as if, vaguely perceiving his subliminal murder- ous tendencies, he could not be content merely with avoiding actual murder but must avoid also every- thing even remotely suggesting it. We may now take advantage of this case to introduce a consideration of some typical features of the history and characteristics of compulsion neurotics. This young man was, as I have said, quite exceptionally moral in his ordinary behav- ior. He was a most dutiful son, devoted to his parents in a very marked degree. He was to all appearances good tempered, conscientious to a fault, and inclined more to gentleness and sub- missiveness than to aggression and pugnacity. But these traits, be it remembered, were expres- sions of his conscious personality. 1 The history of his early childhood presents quite a different picture. For as a very small boy he was very un- ruly, jealous and subject to most violent fits of anger and rage. He had also shown at times a certain tendency to be cruel to other children and i The words "conscious personality" as used in this book mean the combined tendencies of the foreconscious and conscious systems. REPRESSED SADISM 291 to animals. His brother, of whom he was jealous at times, he had often wished dead, and on one occasion in a fit of anger nearly killed him. Now this early history, or the equivalent of it, is typical of the compulsion neurosis. Careful study invariably shows that the so-called sadistic impulse (the tendency to aggression, anger, vio- lence and cruelty, a trace of which is found in every person) is manifested very early in the lives of these patients and in a very vigorous form. But, and partly, no doubt, because of its premature display, the impulse early gets into disrepute, for, coming into conflict with the corrective dis- cipline on the part of the parents, often not very gently administered, it succumbs to a premature and all too fundamental repression. This repres- sion is often very complete by the fifth or sixth year of the child's life, and thereafter, instead of showing the sadistic tendencies which earlier manifested themselves, he is more apt to be dis- tinguished by an exaggerated over-conscientious- ness and even submissiveness, particularly to par- ental authority. What happens is as follows. The repression of the sadistic impulse produces not its annihilation but merely its transfer from consciousness to the Unconscious. And there, withheld from the neutralizing influence of con- scious reasoning, this impulse and the phantasies derived from it are not only preserved without deterioration but may even grow in vigor and in- tensity. Thus, despite the fact that in many in- stances the individual's conscious life is appar- ently singularly irreproachable, nevertheless this 292 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS life is lived coincidently with an undercurrent of impulses of anger, hate, hostility, and revenge and their corresponding phantasies. To compensate for this substratum of hostile trends the conscious qualities of love, sympathy, considerateness and scrupulousness are developed often to an unusual extent and participate in the task of maintaining the repression. The period of apparent normality, but really of successful repression, which succeeds upon the earlier phase of more or less free sadistic activity is terminated with the outbreak of the neurosis when, the repression in part failing, the hostile tendencies are allowed a certain limited access to consciousness, subject, however, to disguise and distortion, particularly in the form of displace- ment. The symptoms produced by the return from repression are in part then derived from impulses, in the shape of hate, hostility, etc., com- ing from the Unconscious and in part from the highly developed conscious and foreconscious im- pulses of love and conscientiousness which serve as reaction against them. The fact that the hostile responses (or rather the impulses so to respond) are for the most part confined to the Unconscious produces a very sin- gular condition, namely, that the individual is able to have toward the same persons simultaneous im- pulses of both love and hate, both possessing a high degree of intensity. The love, no matter how great, fails to neutralize the hate, which is with- held from it in the Unconscious and merely ac- complishes its repression. /I ABOULIA 293 The first effect of this strange constellation of the love-life is a sort of "weakness of will," an inability to make decisions in matters which per- tain to love. For the unconscious hostility pro- duces an inhibition or resistance in carrying out all those actions for which love would be the im- pelling motive. Thus important and decisive ac- tions are put off, while those of minor importance are carried uncertainly, irresolutely and without any subjective sense of full satisfaction and final- ity. Evading major love decisions, the patient very typically concentrates his energies on mat- ters preparatory to deciding, but here too the ir- resolution and lack of decisiveness displays itself and the patient is unable to achieve anything final, even in these minor matters. The aboulia, the inability to decide, thus does not long remain limited to the original love problems but gradu- ally diffuses itself over all departments of the patient's life. The further the spread of irresolution and doubt is carried, the greater is the tendency for thinking to take the place of action. "The native hue of resolution is sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought"; doing is replaced by doubting, per- formance gives way to pondering. The compulsions themselves represent an ef- fort to compensate for the doubt and conflict in the love-life. The energy dammed up through the mutual inhibition of the opposed impulses of love and of hate is continuously seeking an outlet. Unable to discharge into the actions appropriate to its qualities, it forces for itself new avenues 294 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS i of outlet, somewhat in the manner that the cur- rent of blood, after ligation of an artery, tends to swell the smaller branches and establish a col- lateral circulation. Thus we find large amounts of energy discharging, or attempting to discharge, through channels represented by mental or motor activities of so little intrinsic dignity and im- portance as to be entirely out of accord with such great expenditures. These collaterals, tapping the store of energy corresponding to the impulses of love and hate denied expression elsewhere, are those strange phenomena which clinically we know as compulsions. Sometimes they give expression to a hostile impulse, sometimes to a tender one, but the rule is that the activity which becomes compulsive is one of a sort to give to the hostile and tender impulses a more or less simultaneous discharge, and thus represents a sort of comprom- ise between them. The compulsions are then, as was said earlier, substitute activities and come about through dis- placement. But the energy which is displaced is that derived from impulses of love and hate which have reciprocally inhibited one another. Depend- ing on the extent to which thinking has replaced action, we have compulsive thinking or " ideas" (obsessions) instead of compulsive actions in the narrow sense. Whether the compulsive activi- ties take the form of imperative wishes, impulses, doubts, etc., or that of fears depends on whether the original energic content retains more or less its true form or is transformed by the repression into anxiety or some similar emotion. SECONDARY DEFENSE 295 In the majority of cases there develop the so- called * 'measures of secondary defense." They are activities which occur after there has been a failure of repression, and have the appearance of being directed against the symptoms them- selves. For instance a person with a compulsive fear often has some formula or prayer which he re- peats, or some gesture or rite which he performs in order to prevent the feared occurrence from taking place. But the measures of secondary de- fense are not sharply marked off, either clinically or psychologically, from the primary symptoms. For the secondary defensive action is usually found upon analysis to have received some of its motivation from the very impulses causing the primary symptom and against which it is in- tended to defend. For example a young man who suffered from an obsession that he was notice- ably effeminate in appearance conceived the idea that by injecting himself with testicular extract he might gain a more virile and masculine aspect. This obsession, apart from the hostile elements in its motivation, was mainly dependent upon a repressed homosexual trend. Thus the measure which was intended to do away with the appear- ance of effeminacy (which was a projection, a sub- stitution of an outer for the repressed inner per- ception of homosexual tendencies) was one sym- bolic of a coitus, in which the patient, in the feminine role, received the semen of the male. A typical occurrence in the compulsion neurosis is that of "two-sided compulsive acts," where a 296 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS hostile movement alternates with a tender one. They are a manifestation of the state of ambival- ence, the coexistence of opposite trends of love and hate toward the same individual. Freud gives the following example. 1 His patient, a young officer, while walking along a street struck his foot against a stone lying in the roadway. The young man's fiancee was going away that day, and the thought came to him that on her way to the station her carriage might pass along this street and be wrecked on this stone, and she come to in- jury. In consequence he was compelled to pick up the stone and carry it to one side of the street. But a few minutes later it occurred to him that what he had done was very foolish and absurd, whereupon he had to return and replace the stone in its original position in the middle of the road- way. Cases such as this one of Freud's or my case of the young man who had such a conflict about his straw hat show a type of symptom formation that is usually not to be found in conversion hys- teria or anxiety hysteria. In those maladies the rule is that compromises are formed which sat- isfy opposite trends in a single presentation ; here, however, the opposite impulses are discharged separately, first one and then the other, of course not without some attempt to rationalize into some semblance of harmony the contradiction between them. The patient's removal of the stone from the street is an expression of the overdeveloped i "Bemerkungen iiber einen Fall Zwangsneurose," Jahrbuch f . psychoan. u. psychopath. Forsch. Bd. I., Hft. 2, 1909. AMBIVALENCE 297 love impulses; but his action in returning it to its original position did not come from a purely objective judgment of his morbid act nor signify a healthy erasing of it, as the patient might have thought. It was in itself a compulsion, a part of the morbid action, and motivated by an opposite trend from that of the first part. The first part expresses the thought: "I hope no injury be- falls my beloved "; but the second does not mean, as the patient probably believed, "I must not be so foolishly anxious about her" but rather "I hope something does happen to her." The state of ambivalence which distinguishes the compulsion neurotics seems to arise through a constitutional accentuation of the sadistic com- ponent of the holophilic instinct. The undercur- rent of hostility which in these patients exists in all relationships is a continuation of the strong sadistic trends which in early childhood had suc- cumbed to a premature and perhaps too extensive repression. The neurosis itself coincides with a fixation in, or a regression to, a certain stage in the evolution of the holophilic impulses which precedes the final genital organization. The holophilic impulses, as I said in the first chapter, are more or less independent of one another be- fore puberty. Their complete synthesis into an harmoniously operating hierarchy under the primacy of the genital zone does not occur until the beginning of sexual maturity. Nevertheless, preceding this final synthesis, there are states of incomplete organization or synthesis, and the com- pulsion neurosis results from a regression to one 298 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS of these, namely the so-called sadistic-anal-erotic organization. This is a stage in which the in- dividual is past the predominantly autoerotic phase, and object-love has already been well es- tablished ; but the primacy of the genital zone has not yet come about. A division of the holophilic impulses into antithetical groups which rule as " masculine " and "feminine" in the normal adult sexual life, has taken place, but the groups at this stage cannot be so distinguished, and are rather to be called "active" and "passive." 1 The active or sadistic group coincides with the in- stincts for acquisition and mastery and its main organic complement is the voluntary muscular and kinesthetic systems (as the genital system is the prime organic complement in the adult organ- ization) while for the passive group the anal zone is the chief somatic focus. Each group has its sexual objects which are not necessarily alike or identical. A regression of the libido (after a period of more normal distribution) to the old channels marked out by the pregenital organiza- tion is the underlying essential factor in the out- break of a compulsion neurosis. A somewhat similar return, Freud points out, is at times to be observed in women when, having passed the menopause, the genital function is given up. They become on the one hand ill tem- pered, quarrelsome, tyrannical and malicious (sadistic traits), and on the other envious and ob- iThe antithesis "masculine-feminine" as distinguished from "active-passive" does not exist until the genital zones become the prime foci of sexual reference. CURIOSITY IMPULSE 299 stinate (anal-erotic traits) though during the period of sexual functioning they had shown no such characteristics. 1 Thus, as he says, such characteristics, corresponding to a sadistic-anal- erotic organization of the impulses may not only be a precursor to the genital phase of the sexual life but likewise its aftermath. But whereas the post-climacteric regression meets with no par- ticular opposition on the part of the individual, it is resisted in the case of compulsion neurosis, is confined chiefly to the Unconscious, and causes conflicts, reaction formations, compromises, com- pensations, etc. The character of the compulsion neurotic might be described as that of an ill tem- pered, willful sadistic child or of a querulous hate- ful old woman, upon which has been superimposed a corrective stratum of such qualities as senti- mentality, over-conscientiousness and over-moral- ity which the tumultuous undercurrents continu- ally threaten to break through. The compulsion neurosis is the negative of the sadistic perversion. The curiosity impulse which, like the sadistic, has one of its roots in the acquisitive and domina- tive impulses is unusually highly developed in compulsion neurotics and may contribute a good deal to the clinical picture. These patients as a class are above the average of intelligence and are great thinkers, though their intellectual activi- * Freud : "Die Disposition zur Zwangsneurose," Int. Zeitschr. f. Aerztliche Psychoanalyse, Vol. I, No. 6, 1913. Cp. Freud: "Charakter und Anal-Erotik," Sammlung kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre, Bd. II or Brill: Anal-Eroticism and Character in his book on "Psychoanalysis." 300 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS ties, at least after the outbreak of the neurosis, are by no means regularly productive of any tang- ible or valuable results. But a good deal of the libido that in less inhibited persons would go over into action is in these cases taken over by chan- nels derived from the curiosity impulse and ex- pends itself in thought. " Where the curiosity impulse preponderates in the constitution of the compulsion patient, morbid pondering will be the chief symptom of the neurosis. The reasoning process itself becomes sexualized, while the sex- ual pleasure, which was already connected with the content of thought, now becomes diverted to the act of thinking, and the satisfaction of accom- plishing an intellectual operation becomes felt as sexual satisfaction. This relation of the curios- ity impulse to the reasoning process makes it par- ticularly able, in the different forms of compulsion neurosis in which it plays a part, to tempt toward reasoning, where there is offered the possibility of pleasure gratification, the energy which labored in vain to express itself in action. ' ' * Freud is of the opinion that there occur cases of compul- sion neurosis which have as their basis not the sadistic impulse but the curiosity impulse alone. Compulsion neurotics have a certain typical peculiarity with regard to superstition and the pos- sibility of the death of other persons. Though a great proportion are very materialistic and not religious, nevertheless they are almost invari- ably superstitious. Their superstitious ideas * Freud : "Bemerkungen liber einen Fall Zwangsneurose," Jalir- buch fur psychoan. u. psychopath. Forschungen, Vol. I, 1909. SUPERSTITION 301 exist along side, and in spite of their mate- rialistic convictions. As Freud expresses it, they are superstitious and at the same time not superstitious, having, as it were, two convictions on the matter, rather than the uncertainty of an unformed opinion. In many cases their super- stitions are not of the sort current among the un- educated, but rather private ones which have a common origin with their neurosis. The thoughts of the compulsion neurotics are continually occupied with the possibility of the death of others. "At first their superstitious tendencies had no other content, and in general perhaps no other origin. Above all things they need the possibility of death in the solution of their yet unsolved conflicts. Their essential char- acteristic is that they are incapable of decision, particularly in love matters. They endeavor to postpone each decision and, in doubt as to what person should be decided for or against, or as to what rule should be employed in making the de- cision, they follow the model of the old German courts, the processes of which were commonly ended by the death of one of the contesting par- ties before any judgment was handed down. So in each conflict they lie in wait for the death of some one significant to them, usually a loved per- son, whether it be one of the parents, or a rival or one of the love-objects between whom their inclination wavers." 1 The superstition of these patients is related to and based largely on a belief (unformulated and iLc. 302 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS in the main unconscious) in the omnipotence of their wishes, particularly their evil wishes against others, the so-called Omnipotence of Thought. This is something, however, that is to be observed more or less in persons with other types of neuroses and in many normal persons. How such a belief arises has been ably discussed by Ferenczi and need not be considered here. 1 It is sufficient for our purposes merely that we know it exists. Inasmuch as in the preceding chapters we have heard so much about the highly important role of the Unconscious in the neurosis, while in the next chapter we are to consider a case in which we shall find that a leading part was played by factors which were not unconscious, it may be well for me to say that in the compulsion neurosis the rule is that the recent factors in the patient's falling sick are not reduced to amnesia by the repression, as is so often the case in hysteria, but are dealt with by a different defensive technique. In the compulsive cases the "infantile precursors of the neurosis may sink into an (often incom- plete) amnesia. On the other hand the recent cause of the illness is retained in memory. The repression has here employed a different and really more simple mechanism. Instead of caus- ing the trauma to be forgotten, it has withdrawn the affect belonging to it, so that there is left in consciousness an idea-content which is deemed indifferent and non-essential. The difference re- i Ferenczi: "Contributions to Psychoanalysis," Chapter VIII, tr. by Ernest Jones. DISPLACED REPROACH 303 sides in the psychic process which we must infer as being back of the phenomena. The result is about the same as in hysteria, for the indifferent ideas only seldom become reproduced and play no role in the thought activities of the patient. In differentiating the two forms of repression we can utilize the assurance of the patient that the con- tent of the ideas recovered in the analysis was in the one case always known, and in the other had been forgotten for a long while/' "It is therefore no rare occurrence that the compulsion patients who suffer from self re- proaches and have connected these affects with false causes, make the correct confession to the doctor without perceiving that it is from what they have confessed that their reproaches are de- rived." 1 And when it is explained to them what the relation is, they still fail to see it, saying: "Oh, that doesn't bother me. I never worried about it." I recall a striking example of this which, though I did not analyze the patient, is sufficiently con- vincing. One day as I was entering the rooms be- longing to the neurological department at Cor- nell Dispensary, an intelligent looking young woman got up from the benches belonging to the skin department, which is next door, and stopped me. "Doctor," she said, "is there any one in your department who knows how to hypnotize?" "Yes," I replied, "why do you ask?" "Because I want to stop smoking cigarettes, 304 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS and I can't. I thought maybe if I could be hypnotized it would help me. I've got to stop. The things are killing me." "All right," I said, "come in and we'll see what can be done," and, sitting down, I began to take the usual routine history. "Your age?" "Twenty-five." "Occupation!" "I am a prostitute." "What diseases have you had?" "I've had gonorrhea and syphilis. I'm being treated for syphilis now in the skin department." "Do you drink?" "Yes, I drink quite a lot. I smoke dope and snuff cocaine a little too, but I don't think I have a real habit for them." "How long have you smoked cigarettes?" "Five years." "How many a day?" (I expected her to say forty or fifty.) "Oh, seven or eight." "But that isn't very many," I said. "I don't believe seven or eight cigarettes a day would hurt you at all, to say nothing of their * killing' you." "But they are killing me. I know. I feel so nervous and worried and blue, and all the time I am always thinking I am going to die. It's the cigarettes that's doing it. I'll be dead or dippy, if I can't stop them soon." She spoke most earn- estly and seriously. "But maybe it is something else for instance, the kind of life you lead, or having syphilis that DISPLACED EEPROACH 305 really makes you feel blue and worried, and you only think it's the cigarettes that are doing it." "No," she said, "it's the cigarettes. They're what's killing me. I know, because I never felt this way until I began to smoke them." "How long ago did you begin the sort of life you are now leading?" "Five years ago. I was a perfectly straight girl up to then." "But that's just the time you began to smoke cigarettes, isn't it?" "Yes, that's right," she admitted. "But," I asked, "since you began to smoke cigarettes and to do these other things at just the same time, how do you know which it is that makes you feel badly? Being a prostitute and having gonorrhea and syphilis might much more easily cause a girl to feel blue and worried than smok- ing a few cigarettes. Don't you think it possi- ble that some of these other things and not the smoking are the real reasons why you do not feel well?" "No," she said, "I see what you mean, but I don't agree with you. Somebody else might worry about such things, but I never do. Old E. E. Morse never bothers me. If I could stop the cigarettes, I'd feel fine. They're what's kill- ing me and nothing else." It was very apparent that she really believed this, and that no ordinary argument could shake her out of her conviction and this despite the fact that the girl was by no means unintelligent. The case clearly enough was one in which the 306 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS patient had made the "correct confession" 1 without realizing that what she had confessed was the real source of the affects that were trou- bling her. Naturally she could not become amnesic to ttye fact that she was a prostitute and a suf- ferer from venereal disease. She was, in other words, unable to defend herself against these sources of painful affects by completely forget- ting them. The next best defense to denying their existence (amnesia) was that of denying their importance. "Somebody else might worry about these things, but I never do." This the repression could accomplish, whereupon the pain- ful affects, which as depression, nervousness, etc., continued practically unaltered, she explained to herself as the result of something relatively in- nocent, namely the cigarette habit. This defensive mechanism, of which we shall have further illustration in the next chapter, re- minds one of the following familiar story. A sporty young man who was not feeling "fit," con- sulted a physician. "My boy," said the doctor, when he had made his examination, "you have been going too fast a pace. There lies your trouble. Wine, women and song are killing you." "All right, Doc," replied the young man cheer- fully; "I'll cut out singing." This story serves to bring out an important point in connection with defensive displacement. i Without doubt the "confession" was incomplete. I imagine that oral perversities or tendencies thereto constituted one of the sources of the displaced affects, and that this was one of the reasons why the cigarette habit was selected as a substitute idea, for it too had to do with the mouth. DISPLACED EEPEOACH 307 If the young man confined his reformative efforts to the non-essential, singing, he would spare him- self the renunciation of those other activities, which, being more pleasurable, would be harder to give up. Likewise the young woman, by mak- ing, as it were, a scapegoat of her cigarette smok- ing, dodged the problem of so reforming the rest of her life that there would be no cause for the development of guilt affects. She had thus, in the shape of whatever sexual satisfaction or pecuniary gain she derived from the sort of life she was leading, a certain "reward of illness," corresponding to the "secondary function of the neurosis. ' ' l This she would have to forego, if (her instincts and economic situation permitting) she abandoned such a life in favor of one more in accord with the demands of her conscience. 1 Freud: "Allgemeines tiber den hysterischen Anfalle"; Samm- lung kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre, Bd. II. CHAPTER VII A CASE OF COMPULSION NEUEOSIS (THE CASE or STELLA j.) A COMPLETE report of an analysis would sometimes be as long as the stenographic report of a hard fought legal battle. An absolutely full analysis is impracticable as it would include an inventory of every thought and impulse the patient had ever had since birth. The fact that up to the year 1917 there were not more than half a dozen comparatively com- plete reports of analyses published in any lan- guage, (one of Freud's was an unsuccessful case and the other a full analysis but incompletely communicated) has led me to give the following case in as great detail as the limits of this book allow. The ordinary objections against publish- ing such material are less weighty in the present case because the subject is a clinic patient whose friends are not likely to read it, and the circum- stances of her neurosis were known only to her husband, who is now dead, to herself and to me. The case is unsatisfactory because the work was interrupted and so the analysis is not a full one, but it is illuminating because of the documen- tary corroboration of the facts disclosed by the analysis and because of the clearness with which 303 A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 309 it shows that the confessions of the patient were not " suggested " by the psychoanalyst. It con- firms the correctness of some of Freud's con- clusions as to the mechanism of neurotic disturb- ances, particularly the displacement of affects. The case is also valuable in the light it throws on some points in psychoanalytic technique, show- ing as it does (1) the gross sexual element emerg- ing first, (2) a non-sexual but exceedingly import- ant factor disclosed later but with great resist- ance, (3) the insignificance from a therapeutical point of view of an apparent willingness to get well on the part of the patient, (4) the refutation of the charge that psychoanalysts read sex into everything and (5) the confirmation of the em- phasis which psychoanalytic theory lays on sexual factors. The last point does not diminish the value of the present analysis as an illustration of the fact that other elements are not overlooked. PART I. HISTORICAL (a) Data of the First Visit In May, 1911, there came to my office a small, plump, young woman who bore upon her round, good-natured-looking countenance an expression of distinct anxiety. " Doctor, " she said hurriedly, "I am afraid I am going insane. I once went to a fortune teller and I imagine he* is bewitching me; do you think it is all right for me to get married 1" This obsession had appeared in July, 1910, ten months earlier, when she was madly infatuated 310 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS with a young man, and upon the advice of her cousin, a very superstitious girl, had sought the services of a fortune-telling magician. She had the idea that through his influence the young man would be stimulated to ask her hand in marriage. Two days after this visit she was suddenly seized with a terrific fear that the fortune teller was exerting some spell over her as a result of which she would die. This fear of death was suc- ceeded after a time by a fear of insanity. She soon sought treatment, and in November the ob- session, which had continued with great intensity up to that time, almost completely subsided, only to appear again the following March (1911) in all its original intensity. I was surprised to learn that the young man, Max by name, her infatuation for whom appeared to be the cause for her getting into all this trouble, was not the one she had in mind when she asked me about marriage. For in the early months of her illness, Max, serenely unaffected by the al- leged powers of the man of magic, had passed out of the young lady's life. Another young man, whom we shall call Barney, had then presented himself and, swayed by no other form of sorcery than that which she herself exerted, had proposed to her and had finally been accepted. The immediate cause of her great anxiety at the time she came to me seemed to be that the day set for her marriage to Barney was only three weeks off. She feared the fortune teller was making her insane and that she was thus destined to bring nothing but trouble and unhappiness A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 311 upon her husband. She could not make up her mind what to do, for despite the fact that the various physicians she had consulted had without hesitation assured her that there was not the least likelihood of her ever losing her mind, she was not satisfied and could not banish the fear that in marrying she would do a great wrong to an innocent man. I finally said that although I, too, was convinced that she was in no danger of becoming insane, I felt, nevertheless, that it would be well for her to postpone her marriage for some months in the hope that meanwhile she could get over her fears and thus take without any undue handicap the im- portant step she contemplated. 1 But this, she i Physicians are often consulted by neurotic patients contem- plating matrimony who express some more or less vague fear that they may be impotent, or have syphilis, or suffer from some other ill which would render marriage inadvisable. They wish to be ex- amined and assured that their fears are groundless, and as the physician usually does not find any evidence of the condition which the patient seems to fear, the assurance desired is as a rule promptly given. Now, as this case shows, one should, as a matter of fact, be extremely careful in such cases. The patient's fear that some condition exists which would prove an obstacle to marriage usually means either a wish that such were the case (showing that the individual in question is really of two minda in regard to the object of his affections and that to a certain degree he would welcome some excuse for not marrying) or that there actually is some reason why he ought not to marry, although not the one he fears. Both these things were true in the case of this young woman. But although in some cases it would be a serious mistake to advise the patient to go ahead and marry in spite of his fears, yet on the other hand there are cases in which to advise against marriage would be almost equally serious. In short, in most cases of this sort the physician has no way of knowing with any certainty what he should advise, unless he ana- lyzes the patient, which unfortunately is in most instances imprac- 312 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS replied, was impossible. All the arrangements for her wedding had been made, the invitations had been sent out, and, finally, neither her own nor her fiance's parents would listen to any proposal of delay. To follow my advice was out of the ques- tion. After some further discussion relating to the treatment of obsessions and to the probability of her recovery, she told that she was very poor and asked if it would not be possible for me to treat her in a clinic. On this account I referred her to Cornell Dispensary. (b) Results of the First Period of Treatment and Detailed History Obtained During that Time At Cornell the young woman was treated for nearly a year with the ordinary medical remedies employed for such cases, and, in addition, with hypnotic suggestion administered once or twice a week by Dr. Stechmann or myself. Suggestion occasionally gave her relief which lasted for a few hours. Bromides and other drugs seemed to have no effect. Cold tonic baths received at another in- stitution often gave her temporary relief. On the whole, however, she had not made the slightest permanent improvement at the end of this period of treatment. Her fear was just as intense and just as compelling as when I first saw her. Her marriage, which took place at the appointed time, seemed to have no particular effect upon her symp- ticable. Cf. Jones, "Der Stellungsnahme des Aerztes zur den Aktual Konflikten," Internationale Zeitschrift fur Aerztliche Psy- choanalyse, Vol. Ill, 1915. A COMPULSION "NEUROSIS 313 toms other than to cause temporary exacerbation of her fears just before it. During this first period of the young woman's attendance at the clinic, although I made no real attempt at analysis, I talked with her from time to time and endeavored to obtain an accu- rate and detailed history of her neurosis and the events which attended its develop- ment. When, then, late in the spring of 1912 I decided to begin an analysis, I had at my com- mand the following items of history. The pa- tient, whom we may call Stella, was then twenty- three years old. Her family history was decid- edly psychopathic. Her mother, two brothers, and her sister had at different times suffered from various forms of psychoneurosis. The clinical past history which she gave con- tained nothing of particular interest. She had had the usual diseases of childhood, and had been inclined to be nervous as long as she could remem- ber. Her menstruation had often been irregular and scanty. Sometimes weeks elapsed between her periods, and on a few occasions the interval had been as long as several months. When thirteen and a half years old she had suf- fered, she stated, from some sort of nervous illness which lasted about two years. It was brought on, she believed, by the sudden death of an aunt about four years older of whom she had been extremely fond. The symptoms of this nervous illness she could not describe definitely, but she remembered that she lost weight, was very much depressed, and dreamed of her aunt nearly every night. One of 314 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS the doctors who attended her made the statement that she was "very poor in blood. " She could not remember what her aunt died of, but thought "it was from worrying about something. " Physical examination was practically negative. The patient was well nourished, rather fat in fact ; examination of the heart and lungs and nervous system failed to reveal anything significant. She had a moderate anaemia; the urine was negative. Stella was born in a small village in Russia. Her parents were Hebrews, religious to the point of fanaticism and full of all sorts of Old-World fables and superstitious beliefs. Stella's father, a Talmudic school teacher in his old home, had come to this country when she was five years old, but his family, which already in- cluded two boys both younger than Stella, did not join him until four years later. In the New World little prosperity awaited them. The father, a man whose reputation for piety, honesty, and religious scholarship gave him no little standing in synagogic circles, did not shine in the world of business; and, although he managed to keep his family from falling into ac- tual want, he was never able to provide any other home for them than a cheap flat in a lower East Side tenement. When Stella was sixteen the family, by that time augmented by the arrival at different intervals of three more boys and one girl, threatened to become an economic problem so far beyond her father's power of solving that she sought employment in order to lighten his burdens. She soon obtained a A COMPULSION NEUEOSIS 315 place in a department store where she worked up to the year she was married. Stella's education, begun in Europe along the most old-fashioned orthodox Jewish lines, was continued in this country in the public schools. From the beginning she not only displayed a great fondness for study, but also gave every evidence of possessing more than average intelligence. Throughout her school days she worked hard and almost invariably led all her classes. Her educa- tion was not extensive, however, for at thirteen and a half she had to stop school "because her mother needed her help with the housework." Her religious ideas were in her early years a replica of those of her parents. She prayed and worshiped in the most orthodox manner, and, in addition, accepted without question the beliefs in magic, witches, the evil eye, and similar super- stitions which prevailed in the town of her birth. After passing her fifteenth year, however, she went rapidly to the opposite extreme and, soon abandoning both religion and superstition, pro- fessed herself to be an absolute atheist and ma- terialist. Her infatuation for Max was her first love affair of any importance. She had always been popular with the young men, and she liked them, but at no other time had her affections become seriously involved. Stella's affair with Max, her visit to the fortune teller, and the immediate sequelae of this visit are of so much importance that I must take up the his- tory of these matters in considerable detail. 316 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS In the early summer of 1910 Stella went to a country boarding house for her vacation. There she first heard of Max. He had been at the place the previous summer and made himself a general favorite. All spoke with enthusiasm of his intel- ligence, his refinement, and his good looks. He was to arrive shortly, and on the day he was ex- pected, Stella, whose curiosity had been awakened by the praise she had heard of him, went to the railroad station in order to get an early glimpse of the paragon. Catching sight of him just as he stepped from the train, she felt, from that very in- stant, that she loved him. Immediately and with a sense of deepest conviction she said to herself, "Here is the man I must marry. " He was introduced, and appeared to like her at once. Soon, to her joy, it became evident that he preferred her society to that of any of the other girls, and in a short time her love became an all- consuming madness such as she had previously never dreamed of. She was in the most tensely excited emotional condition imaginable. She could neither eat nor sleep. At night, or whenever she was alone, she cried continually. She lost weight rapidly and to such a degree that her friends began to comment upon her appearance. Max, though by no means in a condition of equal distraction, was to all appearances in love. From morning to night he was in her company, paid her every attention, and showed the utmost jealousy of every look or word she bestowed upon possible rivals. All the guests at the boarding house were sure that a proposal was imminent. Nevertheless A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 317 it did not come. On the contrary, Max maintained a most inflexible reserve. Not the slightest hint of love passed his lips ; never did he attempt even the most fleeting and noncommittal of caresses. When their vacations ended and they both re- turned to the city, Max called on Stella frequently, took her to various places of amusement, and, as far as his acts were concerned, gave every evi- dence of love and devotion. But, in what he said, he was as reserved as ever. On no occasion did he let fall a single word that could be construed to mean anything more than that his feeling for Stella was the most ordinary unromantic sort of friendship. This paradoxical attitude on the part of Max struck me as being so singular that I at once asked Stella if she knew the reason for it. "Yes," she replied, "Max was not a marrying man. I know that because he said so to a friend of mine, who told me all about it. But he assured my friend that if he were to marry anybody he certainly would marry me, and I know that is so." When I asked why Max was not a marrying man, Stella explained that he was very ambitious, but had only a small salary, and, as he felt that an early marriage would seriously handicap him in business, he had decided to forego that pleasure. But this explanation, though seemingly plausible enough, left me with the vague suspicion that per- haps Stella was not telling all she knew. Stella's disastrous visit to the fortune teller occurred in August of the same year she met Max. She had continued in a state of mad infatuation all 318 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS summer, and, when she confided her condition to her cousin Eose, the latter immediately suggested magic as a way of inducing in Max a like state of mind, and ultimately bringing about a wedding. Eose, who was superstitious and credulous to the highest degree, supported her recommendation by relating a great number of instances of maid- ens (with whom, she said, she was personally ac- quainted) who had resorted to such methods with most remarkable and gratifying results. But Stella scoffed at these stories, as she did at all the rest of the wonder tales Eose was continually tell- ing, and at first refused to have anything to do with magic and fortune tellers. Some days later, however, when Stella had ac- companied Eose, who had some eye trouble, to what we will call St. Christopher's Clinic, she said suddenly as they were walking home, "Eose, I think I would like to go to a fortune teller after all." This suggestion Eose received with much en- thusiasm, and, informing Stella that she had only recently heard of a man reputed to possess truly extraordinary powers, she proceeded to conduct her to him without delay. The fortune teller, magician, or MdhosJief, as they called him, proved to be a fat, dirty, and ignorant Austrian Jew who inhabited a greasy tenement in the neighborhood of Canal Street. Eose was ushered into his presence first, while Stella waited in a room outside where the Maho- shef 's wife entertained her with tales of his prow- ess. A COMPULSION 'NEUROSIS 319 Soon Rose returned in great excitement. ' * lie 's a wonder, Stella !" she cried. "He knows every- thing! He knew what your trouble was the min- ute you came in. He said right away that "you were very nervous over a love affair. What do you think of that! " Stella replied to this somewhat sarcastically, but she arose and went into the Mahoshef 's room. She was already a little afraid of him. In spite of the fact that his wife 's recital of his achievements had excited her profound contempt, and that the man's appearance and behavior, once she was in his presence, served to increase this feeling, she had, nevertheless, a vague fear of him all through the visit. The first thing he did was to offer to tell her, without asking any questions, her own name and the name of her sweetheart, and though he suc- ceeded in doing so by means of a somewhat clumsy trick, Stella immediately saw through it and jeered at him for his pains. But the Mahoshef, not in the least discouraged, wormed out of her the story of her affair with Max, and promptly as- sured her that by means of certain powers of which he was master he could not only obtain Max for her as a husband, but, if she preferred, any other man she would name, regardless of what his race, creed, color, or social position might be. As evidence of his ability in this line he showed her a book wherein, so he said, were written the names of many of the most prominent and wealthy women of the city, for all of whom he assured her he had performed similar services. 320 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS "I can do everything!" he cried boastfully. "For me all kinds of Kishef (magic) are easy!" It was just about this point, however, that in spite of her contempt, in spite of her full apprecia- tion of the grotesque incongruity between what the man professed to be and what his manner of living indicated, Stella began to believe him. She therefore directed him to proceed with his Kishef and bring Max to her feet at the earliest possible moment, while she permitted him to collect in ad- vance the fee of fifty cents which he demanded for this important service. Her belief in him was so strong that when she left him after he had urged her to buy an infallible cure he had in- vented for rheumatism and she had politely de- clined on the grounds that she was not at the time afflicted with that malady she returned home in the most cheerful state of mind she had experi- enced in some months. " I 'm so happy, ' ' she said to Eose ; ' ' now I know I can marry Max. ' ' N There followed two days of joyful expectation. Stella and Eose talked continually of magic and witches, and of the pleasing results they expected from their venture. And all the while Stella's faith in the Mahoshef seemed unshaken ; yet, para- doxically enough, her skepticism appeared to be almost as strong as ever. "It was all Eose's fault," Stella complained to me afterward; "she talked so much superstition into me that finally I got to believe it, although I really knew better." On the evening of the second day after their A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 321 visit to the magician the two girls were lying in bed discussing the usual theme. Stella again said, "I'm so happy now I can marry Max" ; but after a pause she continued, "I'm sorry, though, to have to get him in this way. I don't like this magic business I'd rather get him in the right way. I wonder what he'd think if he knew. I'm afraid I'm going to worry I think that after we are married I'll tell him all about it I'll worry myself sick if I don't." * ' You 're a fool, ' ' returned Eose. ' ' Why should you worry about how you get him as long as you do get him! You're too honest! You make me sick!" This matter was soon dropped and Eose went on to tell the story of a young woman who had caused a man to fall violently in love by secretly putting some menstrual blood in his tea. "It worked wonderfully," concluded Eose. "The man was crazy about her, but all the rest of his life he was never very well. " " Oh, by the way, ' ' she went on, "did you know, Stella, that if Max has magic done to him he '11 be weak and sickly all the rest of his life? He can't live to be older than fifty at the very most, and maybe not even that long." Immediately upon hearing these words Stella was seized with terrible fear. "Oh!" she cried, "isn't that awful! I can't have a man's days' shortened for my pleasure ! I can't have him lose his life on my account. ' ' "You are so stupid," replied Eose in great con- tempt ; ' ' why should you care ! I wouldn 't let the 322 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS lives of fifty men stand in the way of my happi- ness." But this lofty sentiment had no effect upon Stella. Almost the very instant she heard the words, "if Max has magic done to him he'll be weak and sickly all the rest of his life," the ter- rific fear had come upon her that the Mahoshef was exerting magic upon Tier and that she was going to die. All the rest of the night she spent crying and screaming in constant terror. Early the next morning she went back to the Mahoshef, told him she did not want the young man after all, and begged him to stop the Kishef at once. He immediately and repeatedly assured her that she had nothing to fear, but this did not help her, and, returning home, she told her family that she was going to die, ordered her clothes to be given away, and indicated where she wished to be buried. On the following day, although she was as much alive as ever, her fear was unabated, and she re- turned to the fortune teller to renew her entreaties, but, as before, without relief. For several days she continued to visit him, but, finally, as his as- surances brought her not the slightest comfort, she told him she was going to see a doctor. He was evidently alarmed by this, and threateningly forbade her to do anything of the kind. Eventually of her own accord, she went to the Broadway Clinic. There one of the clinic physi- cians became much interested in her case, and, as I have said, she finally improved under the hyp- notic suggestion which he administered. But be- A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 323 fore this improvement took place she spent five days as a voluntary patient in a hospital for the insane and a week or so in a neurological hospital. With the onset of her obsession, her attitude to- ward Max underwent a peculiar modification. Up to that time, although apparently she was madly in love with him, she had maintained the most per- fect maidenly reserve. As soon as the obsession came on, however, her love for him seemed to di- minish, but, singularly enough, her reserve dimin- ished also. Though she had invariably been any- thing but forward in her relations with men up to that time, she now began to pursue Max in a most vigorous and aggressive manner. She continually pressed him to come to see her, hinted most broadly at the state of her affections, and used every means at her command to bring him to the point of proposing. But in spite of all her efforts he remained as noncommittal as ever indeed, if anything, he became more reserved. At last, driven to desperation by this Fabius of the affections, she adopted tactics which not only forced the issue, but, from the point of view of decisiveness, left nothing to be desired. Thus, one day in November, when Max was calling upon her, she said to him, "If a young man loves a young lady, and wants to marry her, he should say so. Otherwise, she might learn to love some one else. ' ' Max, doubtless feeling unable to attack this ob- viously unimpeachable precept, replied, "If a young man were in love with a young lady, and felt that he was in a position to marry, he would say so/' 324 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS And to this highly abstract proposition, which Stella apparently found to be quite as unassail- able as her own, she made no reply. Max then changed the subject, and, after dis- coursing for a short time upon the weather and other matters of equally profound public and pri- vate interest, politely wished her good evening and withdrew. Except for one occasion, when she happened to meet him on the street, she has never seen him since. It was shortly after Max's final visit that she began to improve. From the time her obsession began she had been so sick that work was out of the question, but now she felt so much better that she became anxious to earn money again, and, in December, she went back to her old place in the store. Her acquaintance with Barney began in Novem- ber, soon after her friendship with Max ended. Previous to this time Barney had been living in another city and Stella had never seen him. How- ever, she had heard of him frequently through his sister, Esther, who was one of her closest friends. Barney appeared to like Stella from the first, and, as time went on, his feeling rapidly became warmer, so that by the end of three or four months they reached a secret understanding and still later announced themselves as engaged. For a while things went fairly well with Stella after she returned to work. Her fear of the for- tune teller had almost disappeared, and she seemed to be in very good spirits. Then, in March, the A COMPULSION NEUKOSIS 325 fear suddenly returned and she was as sick as ever. The revival of the obsession occurred under the following circumstances. Just before Saint Pat- rick 's Day Stella heard some of the girls in the store talking of the coming celebration and asked one of them what it was that gave the Saint his particular claim to distinction. "Oh, don't you know that ! ' ' returned the girl. ' * Why, he was the one who drove the snakes out of Ireland." Stella became fearful immediately. "Oh, that must have been magic ! ' ' she said to herself. " I 'm afraid if that could happen, maybe the Mahoshef can do magic to me ! ' ' All the rest of the day she felt anxious and un- easy and kept thinking about magic and witches. The next morning when she awoke the old fear was upon her, in all its original fury. She went to work, however, but in the store she was so overwhelmed by fear that she lost all con- trol of herself, fell to the floor crying and scream- ing, and had to be taken home in a taxicab. As soon as she was able to do so, she again went to the Broadway Clinic, but the treatment she re- ceived there helped her no longer. The fact of her approaching marriage added to her perplex- ities, and she felt her condition to be most des- perate. Finally, she took some of the money she had saved for her wedding finery and went to see Dr. Dana, hoping that he could either convince her that she had nothing to fear, or else show her some way out of her difficulties. 326 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS She gave him her history, telling him particu- larly of her great fear that she ought not to marry, because, as it seemed to her, she might go insane at any moment. Dr. Dana stated in most positive terms that she was not going insane and that she need have no fear on that score of making her husband unhappy. This comforted her for per- haps an hour, but no longer, so in a few days she returned for further assurances. Dr. Dana then referred her to me. After this, as has been said, Stella came to Cor- nell Dispensary for nearly a year without obtain- ing any particular relief from her fears. To be sure, she was no longer subject to the wild attacks of crying and screaming which occasionally had taken place during the first few months of her ill- ness, and certain minor obsessive ideas connected with her major fear had apparently disappeared, for she ceased to talk of them. On the whole, however, she had made no real improvement. These transitory obsessive ideas should be men- tioned, for they will be of interest later. When Stella first came to me she feared not only that the fortune teller was able to do Kishef to her, but also that people he knew his friends or acquaintances likewise had this power. For this reason she was afraid to go to the neighborhood in which he lived. In this same early period, Stella was also afraid of any one who looked at her fixedly, particularly strangers. Thus, if she were on the street and saw some one staring at her, she would imme- diately fear that this person was performing A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 327 magic on her and that she would become insane as a result. In a similar way she was afraid of the doctor who had hypnotized her at the Broadway Clinic. Whenever she thought of him she feared that he was doing Kishef to her. He was in Europe the first summer she came to me, but the fact that she knew he was thousands of miles away from her did not diminish her fear in the slightest. All these ideas were never very prominent, and, as I have said, Stella ceased to refer to them after a short time. But her main obsession, the fear of the fortune teller, was remarkable for its intensity. Appar- ently she was in constant terror throughout all her waking moments. There was practically noth- ing that would interest her or take her mind away from herself more than momentarily. Over and over again she would say in a certain stereotyped way, "He has power over me I'm afraid he's doing me harm I feel I 'in not safe he bosses my thoughts he's making me insane." She continually questioned me about magic and similar matters. "Are you sure there isn't any magic?" she would ask. "How do you know there isn't have you studied it? Is it a scientific fact that there can't be any? There were great men in the Bible, and Shakespeare was a great man, but they believed in magic and witches how do you know they were wrong ? If such bright men believed in those things there must be some truth in them it makes me afraid I think the Mdho- shef has power over me," etc. 328 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Any attempt I made to reassure her on any of these points usually ended in making her feel worse rather than better. For she would invari- ably corner me in some way, and, as soon as I failed to give a satisfactory answer, she would be in a panic. Before her illness began Stella had always ap- peared to possess a very sunny, fun-loving dispo- sition. Even during it at times she showed a keen sense of humor and talked in a very witty and amusing way, but usually she was greatly de- pressed and ready to cry at a moment's notice. Her depression, however, was as nothing when compared to her fear. Indeed, I recall no other case of neurotic fear which so deeply and vividly impressed me with the terrible reality of the pa- tient's suffering, or in which the familiar hypo- critical note of satisfaction was so conspicuously absent from the patient's complainings. There was no doubt whatever that Stella was really and honestly sick. ** There are many other suggestive circumstances which I could have included in this record of his- torical data, but I will omit all but three which seem most significant in furnishing the back- ground for the problem at the time of beginning the analysis. The first of these was Stella's intense and lasting rage when she discovered, after her illness began, that at the time they first went to him Eose and the Mahoshef were not total strangers but had known each other some time; the second was that for some time Stella concealed A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 329 from me her civil marriage which had taken place a week before she first consulted me. (Jewish people often have a civil ceremony performed by a city official some little time before the religious ceremony.) These two facts will be accounted for later. (Pages 403 note and 424.) A third matter which in part was equally mys- terious, while at the same time another part gave some hint of the nature of Stella's unconscious psychic process, was her evident belief that if Max had Kishef done to him he would be weak and sickly all the rest of his life, and could not live to be over fifty. Such credulity was entirely inconsistent with her attitude toward all other superstitious ideas. Though her obsession, and certain compulsive thoughts connected with it, represented a sort of belief in superstition, yet in all these instances her "belief," if it may be so called, was accompanied by an even more positive disbelief, so that she would say in speaking of these things, "I fear this or that is so, but I know my fear is perfect nonsense," whereas in respect to all superstitions not related to her morbid fears she showed not a sign of credulity. But she never said that she thought the prediction that Max would be weak and sickly was perfect nonsense, while her whole attitude, in ways I cannot de- scribe in detail, thoroughly convinced me that she had accepted this prediction as the absolute truth. In short, her (apparently real) belief that Max would be sickly was not, as in the case of her com- pulsive superstitions, accompanied by the simul- taneous opposite feeling of disbelief. 330 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS But, although I could not explain why Stella did believe that Max would be weak and sickly, yet some of her remarks in this connection disclosed the existence of a conflict, and brought to light one of the several wishes or impulses which furnished the motive power of her obsession. Thus, she once remarked, "The thought that Max would be a sick man made me doubtful about marrying him. I was crazy to have him, but I didn't want to marry a man who was going to be ill for years and unable to support me. I felt that if I married him, and that if he was sick and had to die anyway, I wanted him to do it soon, and not to wait until I was so old I would have no chance of marrying again. ' ' Here, obviously, was a distinct conflict. Stella was unwilling to give up Max, but she was appar- ently almost unwilling to be burdened for years with an invalid husband, which, for reasons not yet explained, 1 she believed Max would be. Un- der such circumstances she desired a compromise namely, that Max's life would be short, for if she could look forward to this, she would neither have to forego the pleasure of marrying him, nor would she have to bear indefinitely the burden of an invalid husband. But we can hardly suppose that Stella could have entertained a wish for Max's early decease without having a certain feeling of guilt. And guilt demands punishment. It seems, then, not unlikely that the obsession served this purpose, among others. She had wished for the Mahoshef to do magic to Max, and she had wished for Max's iSee page 368. A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 331 death. What finer example could be desired of "that even-handed justice which commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice to our own lips" than that as a punishment for these wishes she should have to fear that the Mahoshef was doing magic to her, and that she, too, was in dan- ger of death? The fact, then, that the obsession was so well suited as a punishment for what Stella must have felt guilty of, makes it not unreasonable to suppose that an impulse to penance and self- punishment formed the first, though by no means the most important, of its determinants. (c) Preliminary Survey Before proceeding to report the results obtained during the period in which Stella was under analy- sis it may be well to state the problem as I saw it at the beginning of this treatment. To those who hold to the suggestion-theory of the genesis of obsessions, this history, as I have related it, presents no conspicuous problems. A young woman of neurotic and presumably impres- sionable temperament, brought up among ex- tremely fanatical and superstitious people, de- velops a neurosis during the strain and excitement incident upon an unsatisfactory love affair. This neurosis, judging from its content, is simply a re- awakening of a belief in magic which she enter- tained as a child. The visit to the fortune teller and the various remarks of the superstitious cousin occurring, as they did, when the young woman was in a very excitable condition would be looked upon as sufficiently influential to bring 332 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS about the reawakening, and thus cause the neuro- sis. From such a viewpoint the case is little more than a simple equation. Neurotic predisposition, environmental influences, an event of presumably high suggestive value all three factors tending in the same general direction produce, when added together, an obsessive fear. What could be plainer? The case explains itself! The psychoanalyst, however, would see in this history many points that call for extensive and careful investigation, and would feel utterly at a loss to explain the obsession without knowing a great deal more about the patient's life than has yet been recorded. Nevertheless, he might read- ily find in the material at hand matters which would lead to interesting speculations as to the etiology of the neurosis, and would give some hints both as to the nature of the problems confronting him and as to the sort of causal factors which he might expect to find. For instance, it appears that the patient became sick in the midst of a love affair, improved as soon as it ended, but again became sick shortly after entering into an experience with another lover. Is this correlation between romance and illness to be looked upon as accidental or as causal? And if the latter, what sort of causes might be at work? On theoretical grounds we may give partial and tentative answers to these questions. A neurosis, as Jung has said, invariably expresses some trend of thought and feeling away from, or hostile to, the individuals who stand in closest psychological re- A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 333 lation to the patient. 1 Such a position was once occupied by Max, later by Barney. We may there- fore infer that some sort of emotional conflict existed in the mind of the patient in regard to these two persons that for some unknown reason it was impossible for her to adjust herself per- fectly to either one of them, and that this non- adjustment had to do with the outbreak of the neurosis. And this view is supported when we oome to ex- amine certain facts already at our command. For example, Stella's love for Max was apparently pathological. It began as a typical case of "love at first sight. " Although this phenomenon is per- haps normal enough in stories, it is seldom so in real life. The condition, judging from the few cases I have had a chance to study, is always a compulsion. The patient has formed a strong love-fixation usually upon some individual of high significance in the years of childhood but this fixation becoming for some reason offensive to the patient's conscious personality has been sub- jected to repression and driven more or less com- pletely from consciousness. The phenomena of love at first sight represent either a transference usually incomplete of this love, now partly or wholly unconscious, to some new love-object, against whom there are no particular conscious i "Analytical Psychology," p. 129. Aa a matter of fact the per- sons to whom Stella stood in closest psychological relation were her parents, and her neurosis showed that she was as poorly adjusted to them as she was to Max and Barney. But the matter >of her adjustment to her parents is one that for the moment we need not consider, although we shall take it up later. 334 MOEBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS resistances, or else a flight from the old love-ob- ject, or a combination of both transference and flight. In any case, the person apparently loved is not the person actually loved, though in time, in some cases, a complete transference may take place. If we now apply these principles to Stella's case, our conclusion would be that Stella seemed to love Max so much, simply because, in some unknown way, Tie represented a substitute for, or a flight from, some one else with whom she was actually in love, although probably she would not permit herself to realize it. 1 Incidentally, if the foregoing conclusions are correct, certain other features of her affair with Max become comprehensible. Thus, though ladies in story books are supposed to lose flesh and appe- tite, and to spend long hours in weeping whenever they fall in love, we cannot regard these manifes- tations as normal accompaniments of love in real life. If, however, we are right in supposing that Stella's love for Max was either an imperfect transference or a flight, these morbid phenomena are not so difficult to understand. That is, if, while she was consciously scheming to marry Max, she was unconsciously in love with some one else she had good reason to be depressed. Other signs indicated a lack of adjustment in Stella 's relations with Barney. It did not require a long acquaintance with Stella to convince me iThis does not mean, of course, that all her seeming love for Max had this origin merely that a part of it did, particularly at first. A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 335 that she felt toward Barney none of the mad in- fatuation which she seemed to have experienced for Max. For instance, whenever she talked of Max her face would light up, and, for the moment forgetting her fears, she would plunge into the most vivid and enthusiastic description of him imaginable. "Oh," she would say, "he was so refined ! How I loved him ! I thought I 'd die if I couldn't be his wife. If I could have married him I would have been contented to live in only one room all the rest of my days." But when she spoke of Barney there was a great difference. ' ' Of course I love Barney, ' ' she would say in a somewhat argumentative tone, as if ex- pecting immediate contradiction from some in- visible hearer: "I love him as a friend. My feel- ing for him is geistliche Liebe not Leidenschaft. He is intelligent and refined and I respect him yes, I have the greatest respect for him." But these protestations were accompanied by none of the enthusiastic animation that characterized her references to Max. It was quite evident, then, that she felt for Bar- ney a much less intense love than she appeared to feel for Max. But a still more positive conclusion in regard to this matter could be drawn. If an emotional, neurotic girl, on the very eve of her wedding, cannot work herself up to the point of saying of her betrothed something more enthu- siastic than, "I love him as a friend I respect him," one need have little doubt as to the true state of her feelings in all probability she does not love him at all. 336 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS In full accord with this conclusion is another matter that has already been mentioned. Stella felt that she was doing wrong in getting married, and that she was almost certain to make her hus- band unhappy. To be sure, these ideas appeared to be a logical result of her fears. Seemingly, she thought, "I am going insane, and therefore I ought not to marry insanity will be the means of my bringing trouble upon my husband." But psy- choanalytic experience shows quite conclusively that a compulsive idea, or any similar symptom, is, generally speaking, never the cause of anything it is always an effect. 1 We may conclude, therefore, that, in Stella's case, her feeling that she ought not to marry, and that she would make her husband unhappy, depended not upon her ob- session, but upon some other, concealed factor, which adequately justified this feeling. In other words, there must have been some good reason why she should not marry Barney, although ap- parently she would not frankly admit this to her- self. This reason was, perhaps, that she did not love him, but did love some one else. But if we continue these speculations we are in great danger of falling into the error of feeling that we understand the case when we have only begun to study it. Let us, therefore, enter as soon as possible into an examination of the ma- ilf, for example, a man develops a neurotic symptom which apparently causes him to be unable to continue his business, we are likely to find upon analysis that for some reason the man wanted to give up his business, and that this wish was the imme- diate cause of his doing so. A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 337 terial brought out by my analysis, for by this means any danger of our feeling prematurely that we understand the neurosis will soon be effectu- ally dispelled. Incidentally, it should be re- marked at this point that thus far I have given Stella's history as I received it not as I know it now and that we may be prepared to find it in many respects erroneous, misleading, and incom- plete. PAET II. ANALYTIC (a) The Father-Complex When I had finally decided to begin the analy- sis I informed Stella that I wished to try a new treatment one which would require her fullest cooperation to be a success and that her part would be to perform the difficult task of follow- ing a very simple rule, viz., to tell everything that came to her mind, whether or not the thought seemed to her pleasant or unpleasant, important or unimportant. Having heard this solemn injunction, Stella be- gan to laugh. ' ' That 's silly, "she said. ' ' That will never cure me. Anyway, you know all about me already. What more can I tell you?" But, after a few moments, she began to talk about her mother. "My mother," she said, "is a very nervous woman. She is just like I am; she isn't well. I am more fond of my mother than of any one else in the world. Whenever she is out of my sight I 338 MORBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS worry about her and fear something will happen to her that she may get sick or be killed in an accident. " I felt that my acquaintance with Stella had lasted long enough to allow me to venture some comment on these remarks. I began by saying that not all that goes on in our minds is accom- panied by consciousness ; thus, we could have va- rious impulses or wishes of quite considerable strength without being clearly aware of them. Such wishes sometimes presented themselves in consciousness in the shape of fears. But at this point Stella interrupted me. "What!" she cried excitedly, "do you mean that I hate my mother, that I want her to die f ' ' I said I was not able to deny that such a condi- tion of affairs might exist and asked her what she thought about it. ' l Oh, I know you are wrong, ' ' she exclaimed ; "I love my mother and always will. If she died, I would want to die, too." To this I replied that the existence of a very great love would not necessarily disprove the co- existence of an opposite feeling. Stella paid no attention to this, however, and in a somewhat il- logical way continued her protests. At this point we were interrupted and had to defer the discus- sion to the next setting. At the next visit she immediately began with the question, "What could make me hate my mother?" "I cannot say," I replied; "what do you think about it?" A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 339 She answered that she could offer no explana- tion ; but, after a considerable pause, she suddenly said, "Doctor, there is something I think I ought to tell you. My father used to touch me. ' ' When I asked her to explain this remark she finally furnished me with the following informa- tion. When she was about twelve years old her father began a practice of coming to her bed at night, fondling and caressing her quite amorously, and placing his hand upon her breasts and geni- tals. This, Stella frankly admitted, had excited her greatly ; and, though she had protested against these practices, she had always enjoyed them. She added, in explanation, that up to the time her obsessions began she had always been ex- tremely passionate and easily excited. Her father's visits had continued two or three times a week until she was somewhere between six- teen and nineteen years of age, when they ceased, but exactly when or under what circumstances Stella professed to be unable to remember. I can, however, supply the missing information from what I learned much later in the analysis. When she was seventeen and a half years old a number of friends were staying at her house, in conse- quence of which Stella slept in a different room from her usual one. In the middle of the night she was suddenly awakened by her father's stand- ing over her bed and fumbling with her bedclothes. Not recognizing him for the moment, and being confused at not finding herself in her own room, she was very much frightened ; but, when she did realize who it was, her fear was changed to anger 340 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS for the fright he had given her. "Why can't you leave me alone !" she said indignantly. "Don't ever do that to me again! I've had enough of your nonsense. ' ' "Can't a father kiss his own daughter I" he re- plied. "Anyway, I was only trying to see that you were covered warmly enough. ' ' "That is not so," returned Stella. "If you must amuse yourself, why don't you go to my sis- ter? If you ever try to touch me again, I swear I will tell my mother!" This threat seemed to have its effect, for her father never ventured to resume his visits. Stella had often protested against them before, but this was the first time she had threatened to tell. I trust that it is now plain that Stella had an- swered the question of why she "hated" her mother. This hate, if it may be so called, de- pended upon her attachment to her father. The fears that her mother would die, etc., were part of the wish phantasy, which, as I later learned, she had often entertained consciously, that her mother would die, in order that she might assume the mother's place with the father. These death wishes and feelings of hate existed in spite of a well-developed love for the mother. Let me again emphasize that the ability to entertain simultan- eously the two opposite feelings of love and hate, with a high degree of intensity and toward the same person, is one of the prominent characteris- tics of compulsion neurotics. In them love and hate may coexist indefinitely, instead of one drown- ing out the other as would normally be expected to A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 341 occur. The opposed feelings in these cases are not as a rule simultaneously conscious. The hate is usually confined more or less successfully to the unconscious, and the conscious and f oreconscious love becomes overdeveloped to serve as a reaction and a cover for it. A great deal more could very well be said of Stella 's father-complex, which, it should be evi- dent to any one, must have been extremely strong. I will not pursue this subject, however, simply for the lack of space, as there is so much else that re- quires discussion. We shall later hear more of the effect of this complex. (b) The Separation-Complex The next matter that came into prominence in my talks with Stella was the question of her feel- ing and attitude toward her husband. Even be- fore beginning the analysis I had come to the con- clusion that she cared little for Barney and had asked myself why she had married him. The question became even more puzzling, for I learned that while she had been receiving attention from Barney, Stella had had still another suitor, upon whom she had looked with much more favor. This man, whom I will call Lehmann, was not only much better looking than Barney, but, in addition, he was a manufacturer in most comfortable cir- cumstances, while Barney was practically penni- less. Lehmann was madly in love with Stella, and his family would have looked with favor upon the match. And so I felt sure she would have much rather married Lehmann than Barney, though 342 MOKBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS whether she would have preferred Lehmann to Max I was not certain. The question of why she married Barney was, then, greater than before. 1 Early in the analysis Stella had a dream, which, although throwing some light on the problems in the case, seemed at first to add to them rather than otherwise. The dream was simply that a certain recently married woman had left her hus- band, then residing in Boston, and come to New York. This dream was a reproduction of an actual fact that had occurred in Stella's experience. The woman referred to, after living with her husband only a few weeks, had run away from him and re- turned to her parents in New York. We are familiar with the observation that the chief actor in the dream is practically always the dreamer. With the woman of the dream Stella could readily identify herself, for both had worked in the same store and both had been married for only a short time. One could suppose, then, that the woman represented none other than Stella herself. Stella dreamed, then, that she followed the example of her friend; and this could only mean that she, too, had a wish to leave her hus- band and return to her parents. i 1 should, perhaps, state at this point that this and similar questions that came up in the analysis I submitted to Stella in the hope that she would answer them. It was quite useless, how- ever, for she would either reply that she "did not know" or else would give some evasive explanation which it was quite impossi- ble to accept. For instance, many times she maintained that she had married Barney for love alone, whereas at other times her own admission, as well as many other indications, showed that this explanation was entirely incorrect. A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 343 Hoping, however, to find some more significant source of identification than that just mentioned I asked Stella to tell me more about the woman. She responded by informing me that the woman was very fat, while her husband was quite the re- verse ; and then added this most singular remark, "1 think she was too strong for him." What Stella meant by this I had not the slight- est idea, so I asked at last if she had used the phrase in some sexual sense, and to this she as- sented with such alacrity that I was quite sure she had meant nothing of the kind that is to say, I felt she was unwilling to explain exactly what she had in mind, and so when I had suggested that it was something sexual she readily agreed, think- ing this would satisfy me and that I would press her no further. Being now quite convinced that there was some really important reason for Stella's identifying herself with the woman, and that it probably was contained in her relations with Barney, I asked, "Did you ever feel that you were too strong for Barney?" "Yes," she answered rather reluctantly and would say nothing more. I kept on questioning her and finally brought to light, first, that Barney suffered from ejaculatio pracox, and, second, the following matter, which seemed even more important. Barney had suf- fered several attacks of gonorrhea before his marriage. A short time before I began the analy- sis he, discovering what he believed to be a return- ing gleet, had consulted a doctor, who for some reason examined his semen and told him, in 344 MORBID FEARS AND COMPULSIONS Stella's presence, that in all probability lie was sterile and would remain so. This was very painful to Stella, for, as she then told me, she was extremely anxious to have children, not only because she was most fond of them, but also be- cause, as she expressed it, to have them would make her marriage stronger. I was not at all convinced that the information I had obtained had exhausted the significance of the dream, and I was even in doubt as to whether all of it had to do with the dream, because, as I had broken in with questions, I could not regard all of Stella's statements as free associations. At any rate, whether connected or not, both the information I brought out and the dream were evidently of no small importance. The dream showed plainly enough that Stella had a wish to separate from her husband, but whether this arose from the mere fact that he was sterile, .or whether there were other reasons for it, could not at the time be determined. I told Stella that I interpreted the dream as an expression of a wish on her part to leave her husband, but she promptly disputed this, say- ing, "I will never want to separate so long as we are both alive." But, as this sounded to me as if she had an alternative in mind, I said, "Do you mean that you would like him to die and free you?" "No," she replied instantly, "I do not wish him dead"; but, after a pause, she suddenly said, "I am not going to lie to you ; I have wished him dead, often. This morning when I was washing his A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 345 clothes I swore to myself and said that I wished they were his death clothes. ' ' She went on to say, however, that she did not feel this way all the time. "When he is nice to me, and when I think we can go ahead and make money, keep up a nice home, and maybe have children, I feel that I can love him and I do not wish him dead; but, when he is me'an, I hope he will die right away. Usually, when I wish him dead, I am sorry afterwards and think maybe I will be punished for such thoughts." It was not until after this communication that Stella told me of a new detail of her fears. It seemed that before her marriage she was afraid to let any one know about her illness for fear that it would come to Barney's ears and he, thinking her either insane or about to become so, would withdraw from the engagement. After her mar- riage she was even more afraid that, as a result of magic, she would become insane and he would then be able to divorce her. After she had once told me this detail, it became one of the most fre- quent themes in Stella's conversation. She con- tinually asked me to assure her that she was not insane ; she did all sorts of things for fear people would think her so ; she would never admit to any one that she felt ill in any particular for fear they would immediately conclude that she was losing her mind ; and she was never tired of questioning me in regard to the laws relating to insanity and divorce. She was particularly distressed by the fact that her history was on file at the Broadway Clinic and similar places. 346 MOEBID FEAKS AND COMPULSIONS "I know," she would say, "if that history, in which it is written that I went to a fortune teller and then thought I was insane, was brought into court, the judge and jury would surely believe I really was insane and give Barney a divorce in a minute." When I reminded her that all the doctors she had consulted had instantly told her she was not insane or ever likely to be, she would reply, "I am afraid if it came to court they would change their minds." "I don't believe they would stick to what they said." "I am afraid they would go back on me. " " Maybe they were afraid to tell me the truth, anyway," etc. I noticed that she talked more about her history at the Broadway Clinic than about any of the other histories and seemed ever so much more anxious over it. She was continually planning to go to this Clinic and, on pretense of requiring treatment, get hold of her history and tear it up, but she never planned to do this with the history at the neurological hospital or at Cornell. In- deed, many times she started for the Broadway Clinic, intending to do away with the record, but on the way would come the reflection, "Maybe it would look worse if I did tear it up maybe peo- ple would think I did it because I knew I was in- sane and was trying to destroy the proof," etc., and thus she never got to the point of putting her plan into execution. 1 i This element of her fear, namely, that by means of the history at the Broadway Clinic it would be proved that she was insane, etc., is what I had in mind particularly when, in the introduction, A COMPULSION NEUROSIS 347 Two sets of reproaches, quite similar in content to the obsessive fear that she would be divorced she frequently made against her husband. The first originated in the fact that he had once lived in the same house with a young woman named Ada, who apparently would have liked very much to marry him, although there is no reason to sup- pose he reciprocated this feeling. That he was in all probability utterly indifferent to Ada, Stella in her " sober moments" seemed to know as well as any one. Nevertheless, the greater part of the time she was loud in her complaints that Barney cared nothing for herself but was only waiting until she should become insane so that he could divorce her and marry Ada. "He is no man!" she would cry. " Anybody else would stick by a wife if she got sick, but he wouldn't! As soon as he found he could prove me insane he would do it, and get rid of me as quickly as possible." These complaints, uttered in the most spiteful, angry tones imaginable, Stella repeated hundreds of times ; and, when she was in the mood for com- plaining, no argument could make her see what at other times she freely admitted, viz., that her ac- cusations were entirely without foundation. Another set of reproaches against Barney re- ferred to his attitude in money matters. She con- tinually complained that he was mean and stingy, I spoke about displacement as shown by this case. We shall see eventually that her anxiety about her history at this clinic was indeed well founded, but that the foundation for it was some- thing entirely different from what appeared in her obsession. 348 MOEBID FEAES AND COMPULSIONS that he insisted on her working at the store when she should have been caring for things at home. She was particularly venomous over the recollec- tion that one time he made her go to work in a snowstorm, when, in her opinion, the weather was so bad that she should have stayed at home. "I might easily have caught pneumonia and died from being out on a day like that," she said, "but he wouldn't care. A few pennies are more to him than my health and life. The only thing he married me for was