Q |{ UC-NRLF 
 
 Z(o^ 
 
 2+3 *B fll b3T 
 
 00 
 
 oo 
 
mi *u iir 
 
 A - 
 
 SOJg PJO|ABQ 
 
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace 
 
 DIVISION OF INTERCOURSE AND EDUCATION 
 
 Publication No. 12 
 
 CIBKA^ 
 
 OF TRU 
 
 ^UNIVERSITY 
 
 RUSSIA, THE REVOLUTION AND THE WAR 
 
 An Account of a Visit to Petrograd and 
 Helsingfors in March, 1917 
 
 BY 
 
 CHRISTIAN L. LANGE 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE ENDOWMENT 
 
 WASHINGTON, D, C. 
 
 1917 
 
HISTORr 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Page 
 
 Preface ii 
 
 Nearing Historic Events . v 1 
 
 The Journey to Russia 1 
 
 Petrograd at Night 3 
 
 Causes of the Revolution 6 
 
 The Duma 8 
 
 Keryenski 11 
 
 Chief Factors of the Present Situation 12 
 
 The Workmen's and Soldiers' Council 14 
 
 The Army 15 
 
 Problems of the Future 17 
 
 The Constituent Assembly 17 
 
 The Agrarian Problem 18 
 
 Finland 20 
 
 Poland 21 
 
 Problems of War and Peace 22 
 
 Publications of the Endowment 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Dr. Christian L. Lange of Christiana has been since the establishment of the 
 Carnegie Endowment a valuable correspondent of the Division of Intercourse 
 and Education. His experience in the public life of Norway, his service as a 
 member of the Second Hague Conference, and his work as permanent secretary 
 of the Interparliamentary Union have given him not only a wide acquaintance 
 with international politics and with European statesmen, but unique opportuni- 
 ties for observing and for studying them. 
 
 In December, 1916, and still more markedly in January, 1917, there were 
 signs that something important and significant was going on behind the scenes in 
 Russia. The apparent paralysis of Russia's military and economic organization 
 and effort required explanation, and the rapidly growing rumors of coming 
 political changes called for more accurate knowledge and fuller interpretation. 
 Under these circumstances Dr. Lange was requested by cable to proceed as 
 promptly as might be to Russia in order to make to the Endowment a full and 
 accurate report upon the political, economic and military situation in that coun- 
 try. It is doubtless fortunate that Dr. Lange was not able to undertake this mis- 
 sion until after a delay of several weeks, for in consequence he reached Russia 
 just as the storm of revolution broke and so was able to see with his own eyes 
 and to hear w r ith his own ears the events which mark one of the greatest and most 
 sudden political changes in all history. 
 
 The value of Dr. Lange's report is so great that the Division of Intercourse 
 and Education has given it the widest possible publicity. It will stand as a per- 
 manent and authentic record of the happenings of fateful days in March and 
 April, 1917. 
 
 Dr. Lange's report was completed and forwarded from Christiana before 
 April 20, 1917. It is a striking tribute to his clear-sightedness and sagacity that 
 the events which immediately followed have confirmed in many respects the 
 analysis and the predictions he then made. It is profoundly to be hoped that his 
 favorable forecasts of the future will be similarly sustained by the happenings 
 of the next few weeks. 
 
 NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, 
 
 A c ting Director. 
 June 4, 1917. 
 
RUSSIA, THE REVOLUTION AND THE WAR 
 
 An Account of a Visit to Petrograd and Helsingfors in March, 1917 
 
 BY DR. CHRISTIAN L. LANGE 
 
 NEARING HISTORIC EVENTS 
 
 It was a most fortunate chance that I had planned my trip to Russia for the 
 middle of March. As it hajppened, I arrived at Petrograd by the first train to 
 pass the Russian frontier after the revolution, on the evening of Saturday, 
 March 17, two days after the formation of the Government and after the abdi- 
 cation of the Tsar, the day after the abdication of the Grand-Duke Michael, 
 the Tsar's brother, an event which made Russia for the time being a republic. 
 
 I left Christiania on March 12, when as yet nothing was known at all about 
 what was going on at Petrograd. At Stockholm, where I stopped for Tuesday 
 and Wednesday to meet the Interparliamentary Group of the Riksdag, I read 
 telegrams about the riots in the Russian capital; I also learned of the adjourn- 
 ment of the Duma. Competent persons, however, advised me to go on, as they 
 firmly believed that the telegrams were fantastic and exaggerated. This also 
 proved true. The papers had spoken of a bridge across the Neva having been 
 blown up, of Petrograd swimming in blood. All this was partly fantastic 
 rumors, partly intentional perversion. It is needless to say that I was anxious 
 to go myself, as I was sure at any rate to meet my political friends in Russia, 
 and it might even be supposed that most interesting events were developing. 
 When in September last Mr. Milyukoff was at Christiania, he told me that a 
 revolution was inevitable. The only questions were : when was it to come ? 
 how would it be possible to coordinate a revolution with the exigencies of the 
 war? 
 
 My tickets were taken, sleepers and all, and I thought it best at any rate 
 to go to the frontier and take counsel there. 
 
 The journey to Russia is now very long, the Baltic being impassable. One 
 has to go north by rail for forty hours. I left Stockholm Wednesday, March 
 14, in the afternoon, and only Friday morning I reached the frontier at 
 Haparanda. In the train I had already seen the first communication from the 
 Executive Committee of the Duma that they had seized the reins of Govern- 
 ment, that the Tsar's ministers were in prison, that the Petrograd garrison had 
 
2 DR. LANGE S REPORT 
 
 joined the Duma, and that the town was quiet. The Russian consul at Hapa- 
 randa advised me to go on, but warned me at the same time that it might be 
 difficult to reach Petrograd according to the time-tables. This, however, was not 
 considered as serious, and I crossed the river in a sledge there is no railway 
 connection the temperature being at 40 F. ( 40 C.). As there was no wind, 
 the cold was much less biting than later at Petrograd, where the temperature 
 was +5 F. 
 
 At Tornea, the Finnish railway terminus, we were examined by the Russian 
 gendarmerie as usual at European frontiers during the war. I had a laisser- 
 passer from the Russian Minister at Christiania, and was not even searched, and 
 I heard from my fellow-travelers that their examination had also been very 
 lenient. The people at the station knew less of what had passed at Petrograd 
 than we did. They had not seen the first communique, and the Finnish woman, 
 who kept the book-stall at the station, was delighted when I slipped a Swedish 
 paper to her, which gave the text of the document. 
 
 The exceptional events and the feverish excitement with which we antici- 
 pated the rest of our journey soon dissolved the reserve which more or less 
 estranges fellow-travelers, especially in war-time, when you read everywhere: 
 "Beware of strangers. Enemy ears are listening to every word!" And we soon 
 formed one single discussion club, when we found ourselves in the sleeping car : 
 a couple of Finns, a Russian customs officer from the Chinese frontier, who had 
 been prevented by the submarines from seeing his wife and family at Geneva, 
 and now had to return to Charbin, an American lawyer and his wife going on 
 business to Russia, the American consul and vice-consul from Tiflis on their 
 way to their posts, a French diplomatic courier, some four or five Norwegians 
 and some gentlemen of indeterminable nationality and characteristics. The first 
 great question was : were we to reach Petrograd ? The next morning we learned 
 that we had passed the express from Petrograd during the night. This gave 
 hope. But at the same time strange rumors were circulating: that there were 
 new disturbances and strikes at Petrograd, bloodshed at Helsingfors, and a rail- 
 way-strike in Finland. At last, early in the afternoon, I got an Abo paper con- 
 taining the full official report from the new Government, its composition and 
 program, and through a chance word in a reported speech of MilyukofFs the 
 first intimation of the abdication of the Tsar. During more than an hour I had 
 to sit and translate these historic documents to my foreign friends. 
 
 There was great elation but still anxiety, as we steamed southwards. We 
 were never sure, on reaching one station, we would get beyond it. However, 
 we got to Viborg, the last considerable town on the Finnish side. Were we to 
 pass the frontier, too? It was already late at night when we steamed into the 
 station of Bielo-Ostrov, where the customs and passport examination takes 
 place. Some Russians had come on board the train, and they confirmed the 
 reports of mutiny among the marines at Kronstadt and at Helsingfors. Hor- 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 3 
 
 rible things had been going on. A young naval officer told us his life had been 
 threatened. "But I was popular with my men, so there was no serious danger 
 for me." He carried the red badge of the revolution, but it was evident that in 
 his heart of hearts he did not really like it. 
 
 Our excitement reached its pitch when we slowly came up to the platform 
 at Bielo-Ostrov. We were standing ready with our bags, luggage tickets, pass- 
 ports and everything; the platform was empty, not a human being to be seen. 
 Then all of a sudden, the carriage door opens, enters a little dwarf, no taller 
 than my writing-desk, and he cries out as he rolls down along the corridor: 
 ' 'Liberty is supreme. All the gendarmes are sent to prison to Petrograd. No 
 more passports, no customs. Only liberty reigns !" 
 
 He was our herald of the revolution ! And he proved right. The train left 
 at once, without any examination at all, and within two minutes we all carried, 
 God knows how, red badges in our buttonholes. I got mine from the carriage 
 maid, who tore asunder a piece of red flag cloth and freely distributed the pieces, 
 and she at once became very communicative: there had been a strike for some 
 hours on the railway lines, a strike of pronounced political character. The men 
 had insisted on the removal of some high Russian officials in the railway admin- 
 istration. As soon as they had obtained satisfaction, they returned to work. 
 This accounted for the delays we had had and still had. 
 
 PETROGRAD AT NIGHT 
 
 At half past twelve we were at the end of our journey. I had myself wired 
 to a hotel, and the Russian Minister had wired through his Department, that I 
 should be met at the station and get accommodations at a hotel they are all 
 more than full but nobody was there to meet me (I later learned that no wires 
 had arrived) and what was worse, there were no taxis, not even a single horse 
 and sledge. I was most glad to join the Russian customs officer, who also was 
 on the outlook for a room, and he moreover took under his care a young Ameri- 
 can electrician, on his way home to the States by Vladivostok and San Fran- 
 cisco. We three started together from the Finnish station, which is on the 
 western bank of the Neva (no bridge had been blown up) in the outskirts of the 
 town, close to the industrial quarters, where the revolutionary movement began. 
 
 The city was altogether quiet. We met some soldiers patrolling the streets ; 
 here and there we saw groups of young students with white bands round the 
 left arm, bearing in red the letters G. M. (Militia Guard) and a gun thrown 
 across the shoulder. Once or twice we met some persons returning from a din- 
 ner-party. Otherwise the streets were as if dead, not a horse and carnage, nor 
 a tram. When we had crossed the great bridge, we saw the dreary ruins of the 
 big police court on the Lieteny Prospect (one of the main thoroughfares). It 
 had been burnt, but otherwise no traces of destruction were to be seen thus far. 
 
4 DR. LANGE S REPORT 
 
 The popular exasperation had turned against the police and its headquarters. 
 Unfortunately some very important documents were destroyed at the same time : 
 not only the etats civils, the registers of the population, their age, status and so 
 on, but also the archives of the secret police have been destroyed in part, so it is 
 now one of the difficult tasks of the new administration to trace the agents 
 provocateurs, who were everywhere. I heard later from Mr. Keryenski, the 
 Minister of Justice, that not only was one of the editors of the Pravda (Truth) 
 the organ of the extreme socialists, in the pay of the Okhrana, the secret police, 
 but that the police had also one of their representatives on the Central Committee 
 of the Cadets, Milyukoff's party. A sharp pruning knife will be necessary to 
 remove this excrescence with all its ramifications from Russian life. 
 
 We called at every hotel, at any boarding house which was indicated to us ; 
 impossible to find a room, or even an easy-chair. The explanation of this fact 
 is that so many refugees from Poland, lately also from Roumania, have filled the 
 hotels; some of the bigger ones have also been turned into hospitals. After two 
 hours of weary wanderings, a militia-man took pity on us and led us to a room 
 in a highly "modest" hotel which served as a sort of resting-place for the patrols. 
 There I passed the rest of the night in a corner of a sofa, while the two others 
 with a courage I could not muster lay down on a most suspicious looking bed. 
 
 When we turned out early in the morning, in bitter cold, it proved im- 
 possible to find breakfast. No coffee-houses were open, no bakers' shops, no 
 restaurants ; even the lunch counters in the railway station were closed, so we 
 had to walk on without any tea or coffee. As we walked back towards the 
 station to find our luggage, we saw men, women and children lining up before 
 the bakers' shops or the victuallers'. On that day the victualling was very 
 difficult. I'got lunch at noon, but not a crust of bread before. The next morn- 
 ing, after having found a hotel at 6 p.m. on Sunday, after much searching and 
 many a weary walk, I got for my breakfast a pot of coffee with sugar, but no 
 milk, and one single piece of black bread, and that piece not a large one, fifty 
 or sixty grammes. 
 
 But it should be said at once that matters improved very quickly. Partly 
 because the scarcity of food was artificially created by the late Government, 
 partly because the new administration made an extraordinary effort to feed 
 Petrograd, matters soon returned to their normal level. I was told in Finland 
 that there were four meatless days a week in Russia. As a matter of fact, I 
 had meat every day during my fortnight's stay, and both at lunch and dinner, 
 and there was no difficulty after a few days in having bacon with the breakfast 
 eggs, if I preferred. In the hotels I saw only black bread, but in private houses 
 I had white bread. The prohibitive regulations were still in force, in the hotels 
 no wines, and still less spirits, were to be had. I know that there were great 
 difficulties in finding wine in bottles for private persons. 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 5 
 
 But prices were very high, more than double those prevailing at my former 
 visits to Petrograd (in 1910 and in February, 1914). To a certain extent this 
 rise is balanced to foreigners by the serious depreciation of Russian money. 
 Here in Norway the exchange on Petrograd is somewhere between 55 and 60 
 per cent of the normal exchange. Paper money is flooding the country, and during 
 my whole stay I had not one single Russian coin in my hand, not even a 
 copper. I once saw some copper and even one silver coin in the purse of an 
 istvostsjik. I have in my possession as souvernirs paper notes of one, two, 
 three and five copecks. They are 5x8 cm., but for ten, fifteen and twenty 
 copecks stamps without gum were used instead of coins. It is evident that the 
 peasants are hoarding the coins; they think them more valuable than the paper, 
 of which from bitter experience they are distrustful. In Finland smaller coins 
 were used, while, from one mark upwards, paper notes were most to be seen. 
 (Finland has its own currency system [a mark one franc]). It is said that 
 several foreigners are buying up Russian notes, speculating in the rise of the 
 currency when the crops which are now being hoarded for want of export 
 facilities, will be thrown on the foreign market. 
 
 During Sunday I succeeded, as already said, in finding provisional hotel 
 accommodation, but rather out of the way, and I was promised a room on 
 Tuesday at one of the better hotels in the central part of the town. As I walked 
 along the Nevsky during the afternoon, I met a procession of workmen, soldiers 
 and women, singing the revolutionary hymn an old song I was told sung to a 
 tune evidently borrowed from the Marseillaise, but in rather a depraved setting. 
 The text may be rendered as follows: 
 
 Let us give up the ancient world. 
 Let us shake its dust from our feet. 
 We want no idol in gold. 
 We hate the palace of the Tsars. 
 We will go to our suffering brethren, 
 We will go to those who are starving. 
 With them we execrate the felon, 
 And we will challenge him to fight. 
 March, march, workmen, forward ! 
 
 The procession carried red banners on which was written: "Land and Liberty," 
 "Down with Autocracy," etc. It was a revolutionary sight, but at the head of 
 the procession in the very middle of the street I saw a strange sight : high up on 
 a car drawn by a horse a man was standing, turning, turning incessantly his 
 cinematograph preparing his "films of the Russian revolution." Then I under- 
 stood that I was really a witness of historic events, but also that all danger was 
 passed. Petrograd had settled down to civilized life. 
 
6 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 CAUSES OF THE REVOLUTION 
 
 I do not intend to give here a chronological summary of the revolutionary 
 events. I presume they will be pretty well known. I shall rather try to give an 
 analysis of the revolution as I was able to realize it, on the basis of personal 
 observation on the spot, of conversations with political leaders, diplomats, jour- 
 nalists, ordinary citizens, and readings in the press. As soon as I had settled 
 down in my hotel, I engaged a young woman student, who came every morning 
 to translate the papers to me, as I do not read Russian myself. I was most 
 fortunate in this respect. She was a wide-awake, intelligent person, was study- 
 ing history and politics at the university, and her husband was on the staff of 
 the Rietch, MilyukofFs organ, so I had an excellent opportunity of learning 
 many things through her, of which otherwise I should have remained ignorant. 
 On the other hand, I had several means of corroborating this information. 
 
 I have already said that the revolution was inevitable. I remember very 
 well that when at Petrograd in February, 1914, I was told by Milyukoff that the 
 Tsar Nicholas had une peur bleue de la guerre, because he very well realized 
 that there had been an intimate connection between the war with Japan and the 
 ensuing revolution of 1905-06. This dread of the Tsar's was in MilyukofFs 
 eyes one of the guarantees of European peace, at any rate a security against 
 aggressive tendencies on the part of Russia. On the other hand, there was 
 then in Russia great apprehension of German and Austrian aggression, especially 
 in connection with the negotiations which were to come as to the renewal of 
 the Russo-German treaty of commerce, which was to expire in 1917. War with 
 the Central Powers was considered as inevitable, and it may have served as an 
 argument for war in 1914 that now Russia at any rate had strong allies. 
 
 I was told now in 1917 that there had been divided counsels in the Govern- 
 ment of 1914. The majority of the ministers favored war, a minority repre- 
 sented by Sazonoff, and the ministers of Finance and of Agriculture, Bark and 
 Kriwoshein, were for peace, and the Rietch, which supported the peace policy 
 of Sazonoff, was even prohibited for a time. The Tsar was as usual vacillating ; 
 fits of seeming restiveness alternated with periods of complete apathy, and as it 
 happened his peur bleue de la guerre had no decisive importance. Sazonoff was, 
 however, at any rate able to take up an attitude which left the responsibility of 
 aggression with the other side. But there is no doubt also that at Petrograd 
 as indeed in all capitals there was a military party pushing towards war. 
 The responsibilities for the war are divided, European, but they should evi- 
 dently be apportioned in different degrees. 
 
 But when the war came, it was immensely popular in Russia. Slavonic 
 nationalism, which was an important element in aristocracy and among the great 
 land owners, turned against Austria-Hungary and Germany, who were bent on 
 crushing the Slavonic sister state, Servia. The progressive elements saw the 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 7 
 
 immense importance of the dissolution of the league of the three emperors, 
 formed around the pactum turpe of the partition of Poland, and which had held 
 good for upwards of a century and a half, and no less the great potentialities 
 which might flow from the alliance with Western democracy. Their hopes were 
 high during the first year of the war, as letters from Efremoff and from 
 Milyukoff at that time testify. They saw in Germany the stronghold of reaction 
 and of militarism in Europe, and trusted that its downfall would be followed by 
 that of Russian autocracy. It has happened otherwise. But at any rate this 
 feeling created a widespread sense of responsibility for the war,' of the neces- 
 sity of supplementing, as far as in them lay, the shortcomings of the adminis- 
 tration and of the bureaucracy. 
 
 Thus was called into being a spontaneous participation in the war work 
 from the best and most healthy elements within Russian society. The Associa- 
 tion of the Zemstvo's on one side, a voluntary institution formed by the mem- 
 bers of the municipal councils of the "Gouverements" consequently by men 
 versed in local government and in public affairs, combined with the leaders of 
 the great commercial and industrial enterprises to form all sorts of committees 
 outside the administration. In a hundred ways they have been able to help and 
 to prove their efficiency. When Brussiloff prepared his great offensive, he had 
 of course to secure his rear. Trenches were to be dug for the eventuality of 
 a retreat. But he could not use his own soldiers, as their offensive force might 
 be snapped, if they knew that positions were prepared for a retreat. Then the 
 Association of the Zemstvos at once mobilized 500,000 peasants, who did the 
 work. Another general complained that his companies were suffering because 
 so many soldiers were called off to become cooks. In a very short time 50,000 
 men, not fit for military work, but able to do service as cooks, were put at his 
 disposal. In innumerable ways the industrial committee has helped to organize 
 the importation of munitions and of raw materials for the war industries. 
 
 Quietly the direction of Russian life and activity during the war was more 
 and more taken over by the middle class itself, and their services appeared all 
 the more brilliant against the dark setting of the incapacity, the corruption, not 
 to mention the occasional treason, of the old administration. It is, so to speak, 
 the leaders of this activity. who have now undertaken also the nominal direction 
 of Russia. The new premier, Prince Lvoff, was President of the Association 
 of Zemstvos. Gutchkoff, Minister of War, Konovaloff, Minister of Commerce 
 and Industry, Chingareff, Minister of Agriculture, have all played leading or 
 prominent parts in the different organizations and committees controlling and 
 leading the private activity for the war, while Milyukoff, Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, has represented the Russian people before the world, through his work 
 in the press or through his numerous addresses abroad during the war. A new 
 official Russia was silently in formation. It has now risen, shaking off the feeble 
 fetters Tsardom, bureaucracy and police were trying to lay on a people pre- 
 
8 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 pared to work out its own salvation, while the powers of old manifestly proved 
 incapable of their task. 
 
 THE DUMA 
 
 It is impossible to rate highly enough the importance and the influence of 
 the Duma in this silent preparation of the momentous revolution of 1917. If a 
 better horoscope is undoubtedly to be cast for this revolution than for its prede- 
 cessor of 1905-06, it is chiefly because the Duma, through its existence alone, 
 has educated Russian public opinion towards common national aims. In the 
 Duma the Russian nation has found a common symbol, and through the speeches 
 there, especially now during the war, the silent desires and hopes of the masses 
 and of the classes have found expression and distinct objects for a national 
 policy for a separate peace with Germany, Efremoff, leader of the Progressives 
 here. When Milyukoff had made his famous attack on Sturmer, an attack which 
 led to the Minister's fall and to the abandonment for the time being of the 
 policy for a separate peace with Germany, Efremoff, leader of the Progressives 
 an intermediary party between the Octobrists and the Cadets, these latter not 
 by far a radical party, made a speech in which he said: "There is little use in 
 removing the mushrooms from a rotten trunk, they will sprout again, as soon 
 as weather favors. The only efficient cure is to cut down the rotten trunk." 
 This is pure revolutionary doctrine. And Keryenski, now Minister of Justice, 
 once took for his text the famous sculptural groups on the AnitchkofT bridge 
 on the Nevsky, representing four tamers of horses in different attitudes. He 
 said : "In the first group you see the tamer dominating his horse ; in the second 
 and third groups, the horse is more and more freeing itself from its master; in 
 the fourth group the man is on the ground under the hoofs of the horse, who 
 is galloping freely along. The tamer is the bureaucracy, the horse is the Russian 
 people. It will know how to obtain its liberation." 
 
 It would be a great mistake to think that the Fourth Duma was anything 
 resembling a revolutionary assembly. As will be known the reactionaries and 
 nationalists, together with the center, formed a solid majority against any evolu- 
 tion even towards parliamentary government ; even the Octobrists were against 
 ministerial responsibility. But so glaring was the incapacity of the old regime 
 that a bloc was formed during the war by all the bourgeois parties, from the 
 Cadets to the nationalists, which united on the single aim of pushing on the war 
 and silently preparing for the moment when the catastrophe of Tsarism was to 
 come. The reactionaries dwindled down to insignificance. Even the notorious 
 Purishkevitch, who took service in the army, joined the bloc, and the still more 
 notorious Markoff was pictured in a cartoon sitting sulking in his corner, as the 
 "only Russian conservative." This was long before the revolution. The Cadets 
 had to make sacrifices in order to keep this bloc together. Thus they voted, and 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 9 
 
 Milyukoff himself spoke, against a proposal to raise the question of ministerial 
 responsibility before the Duma. "The time was not ripe." MilyukofFs attitude 
 then impaired his popularity with the radical elements, and this fact together 
 with his imperialistic attitude with regard to the objects of the war, may com- 
 promise his position. As a matter of fact he is rather isolated in the Govern- 
 ment. But the bloc was maintained, and the way paved for a united advance, 
 when the moment of action was to come. 
 
 It is doubtful whether the Duma would ever have taken an initiative of 
 revolution, but the fact that even Rodzianko, the moderate Octobrist president 
 of the Duma, was ready to take the chair in the new Executive Committee ; that 
 the still more conservative Shulgin was ready to go with Gutchkoff to force 
 Nicholas to abdicate, shows how far the conviction of the necessity of a pro- 
 found change had spread. Everybody saw that a catastrophe was coming. But 
 they did not know when. Would it be during the war or would it be after ? No- 
 body was able to tell. But they saw the necessity of preparation, of mobilization 
 for the eventuality, so to speak. The Executive Committee was secretly formed ; 
 even the ministers were designated long ago. Therefore the decisions could be 
 made quickly when the supreme moment arrived. 
 
 Tsardom took upon itself to force matters to an issue. 
 
 Nicholas Romanoff will probably figure in history as no less a tragical per- 
 sonality than Louis XVI. Indeed there are several points of resemblance. But 
 above all they are like in having had consorts whose influence became fatal to 
 them; both partook of the intense unpopularity their wives had incurred. The 
 Empress Alexandra has not been wasteful and extravagant as was Marie An- 
 toinette; but her connection with the notorious Rasputin, to whom in her hys- 
 teria she became quite submissive, sapped the last remnants of loyalty to the 
 dynasty. Rasputin's corpse was buried in the Imperial park at Tsarsko'ie Selo, 
 and I was told that when the corpse had been removed to be burnt in order 
 to put an end to this sordid story and to any attempt at beatification of the 
 "Starest" an Ikon (a Saint's image) was found with the corpse, on the back 
 of which were written the names : Alexandra, Olga, Tatyana, etc., the whole 
 of the family. 
 
 But the supreme trait of similarity between the two ill-fated queens is their 
 "enemy connection"; Marie Antoinette "I'autrichienne," Alexandra the German, 
 female cousin of Wilhelm, the Kaiser. And unfortunately there is no doubt 
 that the Tsaritsa's "enemy connection" was far from innocent. She has not only 
 been active in all the tentative efforts for a separate peace ; but I was told in 
 diplomatic circles that on one occasion an offensive movement, fully prepared, 
 had been stopped by a telegram signed by her name. A wireless was in function 
 at Tsarsko'ie Selo, corresponding with Nauen. 
 
 Anybody can see how all this must have killed the last remnants of loyalty, 
 
10 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 already undermined by the notorious incapacity of the administration to cope 
 with the problems of the war. The continual changes of ministers proved the 
 vacillation at the head of affairs. Tsarism was evidently tottering to its fall. 
 
 Quern Deus perdere vult, prius dementat. The Government, in an act of 
 sheer desperation, added open provocation to its glaring faults and shortcomings. 
 By stopping the transport of food to Petrograd, it intended to call forth riots 
 in the capital; they were to serve as pretexts for an adjournment of the Duma, 
 for the creation of a practical dictatorship, probably in the hands of Protopopoff 
 or of a "strong" general, and lastly for the conclusion of a separate peace. 
 Ef remoff told me that one was on the track of a telegram to this effect : "Almost 
 all transports to Petrograd stopped. Everything goes well." Under it the sig- 
 nature of a minister. 
 
 The form which the provocation took called in the element which made the 
 revolution. The Duma would perhaps have been capable of a coup d'Etat 
 and Ef remoff told me that in fact this had always been the favorite hypothesis, 
 only the proletariat are willing to pay with their lives. And the proletariat 
 found an associate in the garrison of Petrograd. These two facts are of capital 
 importance ; the latter gave the victory to the revolution ; both together deter- 
 mined the democratic character of the events, and it seems as if this character- 
 istic has come to stay. The democratic elements have been very strong in the 
 revolution itself, and these forces are organizing themselves in order to main- 
 tain their influence. 
 
 The troops at Petrograd combined with the workmen, refused to shoot on 
 the people and turned their guns against the police. The explanation of this 
 extraordinary fact is to be found in the composition of these troops. They were 
 not real garrison soldiers ; they were partly older reserve soldiers, recently called 
 to the colors after having passed years in their villages, partly young recruits 
 who had not yet undergone the influence of the barracks. They were really a 
 peasant democracy, who through their stay in the regiments had developed a cer- 
 tain class feeling, not as soldiers, but as peasant laborers having interests in 
 common with the Petrograd proletariat, among whom many of them probably 
 have found friends or relatives from their own villages. When ordered to fire 
 on the people, ,they immediately protested and fired on the police instead. And 
 the two popular forces then turned to the Duma, as the representative of the 
 Russian nation, asking the national assembly to take the lead which had fallen 
 from the hands of the Government. 
 
 In order to cooperate, the soldiers and workmen organized their Council, to 
 which each regiment and each factory sent a delegate. Through an executive 
 committee and a delegation, they opened negotiations with the Duma, whose 
 Executive Committee, as stated above, was ready to act. 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 11 
 
 KERYENSKI 
 
 The central figure in this situation became the Duma member for Saratoff, 
 Keryenski, a young barrister. This remarkable man is the leader of the "revolu- 
 tionary socialists," in so far a misnomer, as they are revolutionary only as 
 the word applies to the method of their action. As long as the autocracy existed, 
 they approved of terroristic attempts. After the revolution, they declared for 
 parliamentary action and popular propaganda alone, and one of Keryenski's first 
 decrees as Minister of Justice has abolished capital punishment. In their pro- 
 gram they can hardly be said to be socialists ; it is rather an agrarian party > 
 aiming at the creation of a class of small proprietors, and most of their adherents 
 are peasants and land laborers, while the workers of the towns rally round 
 Cheidze, who is an orthodox Marxist, and whose program appeals to the indus- 
 trial working man. 
 
 Keryenski has been the link between the bourgeois Duma and the soldiers' 
 and workmen's delegates. Through his unique eloquence and moral courage, 
 he has been able to exert an enormous influence during these first difficult weeks, 
 and the continued success of the revolution will to a very large extent depend on 
 his personal authority. It is therefore a matter of very grave concern that his 
 health is far from good. He is suffering from tuberculosis of the kidneys, one 
 of which has been removed alas very late; for the Russian surgeons had not 
 discovered what was really the matter; it was during a visit to Finland that the 
 very serious state of his health was discovered and the necessary operation 
 undertaken. 
 
 He is sitting in the new Government as the representative, but at the same 
 time as the hostage, of democracy. It would be most difficult to find a substi- 
 tute, and every well-wisher for Russia will hope and pray that he may be spared 
 for the great mission awaiting him. He made an extraordinary impression on 
 me during my conversation with him ; a soul of fire, sincere and truthful to 
 himself, at the same time a powerful intelligence, and a born leader. His powers 
 of work are said to be extraordinary. 
 
 His associates in the Government are all exceptionally able men, perhaps 
 with one exception, Tereshtshenko, the Minister of Finance. He is quite a 
 young man, hardly thirty, a multi-millionaire from Kieff, owner of a big indus- 
 try created by his father. He has been selected, partly at any rate, because he 
 represents the Ukrainians, while all the other ministers are Great Russians, as 
 the endings of their names show. 
 
 Most of the ministers are Cadets : Milyukoff, Rodicheff, Minister for Fin- 
 land, Shingaryeff, NekrasofT, Minister for Communications, the latter the most 
 advanced radical. The premier, Prince Lvoff, and Professor Manuiloff, Minister 
 of Public Instruction, also belong rather to this party, while Konovalofr" is a 
 Progressive, Gutchkoff and Godneff, the Comptroller General, are Octobrists, 
 
12 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 and V. N. Lvoff, the procurator of the General Synod, is standing still more 
 towards the right. There is nothing radical nor subversive about this govern- 
 ment. As already remarked, it has rather an imperialistic element in Milyukoff 
 and Gutchkoff. But by the irresistible force of events they are pushed towards 
 a pronounced democratic policy and towards a republican constitution. They 
 see, for the time being, no other solution; their adherence must be considered as 
 quite sincere, but it is probably not without a certain regret and apprehension 
 that they look towards the future. And their attitude will probably be still 
 more skeptical, when the big social problems will be at issue, especially the 
 agrarian question. 
 
 The big crown with the imperial eagle which adorned the facade of the 
 Winter Palace was first covered by the revolutionary red cloth now the national 
 color; some days later it was wholly removed, a small red flag on a little stick 
 figuring in its place. No return to monarchy should be possible. 
 
 I 
 
 CHIEF FACTORS OF THE PRESENT SITUATION 
 
 The first question which offers itself in this connection is whether there 
 is any possibility of reaction. Is Tsardom deeply rooted in the Russian people? 
 Will the nobility, will the army, will the clergy, will bureaucracy, rally round it, 
 and will they be able to exercise any influence on the masses? Dr. Emmanuel 
 Nobel, the nephew of the famous inventor and donator, and now head of the 
 big house Freres Nobel, an able man with a very wide outlook, said to me: 
 "There are no other people mourning for the Tsar than those who were draw- 
 ing pensions from the civil list, and perhaps some sentimental old women." 
 This may be a somewhat extreme statement. But it really seems as if Tsar- 
 dom's roots have been torn loose to an extraordinary degree. It is of course 
 possible that if the "classes," the vested interests, are exposed to very harsh 
 treatment in the course of the next few years, they may then rally round a sort 
 of legitimist banner. But there are no signs that the monarchists will be able 
 to muster another Vendee, or that a Russian Malesherbes will stand forth if 
 need be, to defend his late master. 
 
 The nobility, the great land owners, must of necessity look with misgivings 
 to the future; the agrarian problem can not be solved without some sacrifice on 
 their part. But Tsardom has not always been working in their exclusive interests 
 either. Alexander the Second's liberation of the serfs, Stolypin's land laws 
 attacked their immediate interests. They will form a conservative element, but 
 they are not sure to be legitimists. 
 
 As to the army, the incapacity and the treason of the dynasty during the 
 war have put an end completely to loyalty in the ranks, and also among the 
 officers. Not only the Petrograd garrison but also the army as a whole, is first 
 of all patriotic, anti-German. And the dynasty has been known as pro-German. 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 13 
 
 A foreigner, especially one who has been living in a Roman Catholic country 
 like Belgium, will anxiously ask concerning the influence of the clergy, both with 
 respect to their feelings for the old order of things, and with regard to their 
 influence on the villagers, more especially on the peasant women, if the Republic 
 were to give them a vote. The Russians had no misgivings in this direction. It 
 is true that the clergy of an established and endowed Church have always had the 
 greatest respect for "the powers that be," and it may not therefore be so sur- 
 prising that, immediately upon the abdication of the Tsar Nicholas, the clergy 
 bowed to the new Government and left his name and that of his family out of 
 the prayers in all Russian churches; instead came threefold prayer for Holy 
 Russia. 
 
 The telegraph is a wonderful discipliner of a nation. There are no longer 
 lost corners of a country where the past may linger, forgotten and unobserved 
 for years, awaiting the favorable opportunity for a rush for power again. On 
 the other hand, the confessional, this stronghold of the Roman Catholic Church, 
 does not play any important part at all in Russia : the priest would never, accord- 
 ing to the Russians themselves, be able to play the same part in the Russian 
 village as Monsieur le Cure is playing in the Belgian or in the French country- 
 side. The "pope" is a poor man, living with and for the peasants ; he has hardly 
 any class feeling as a priest. 
 
 Finally, as to bureaucracy, it will of course be willing to serve its old master, 
 if it sees any advantage in so doing. But Russian bureaucracy, I was told, is as 
 a class a proletariat, badly paid, therefore corruptible; but without any feeling 
 of devotion at all to the patron's person. As le convcntionnel, nay, le regicide 
 as Fouche served Napoleon and later even the Bourbons, as they had served 
 Danton and Robespierre before, because it was natural to them to serve, pro- 
 vided they were paid for their services ; likewise the chinovnik will probably 
 serve the new regime, whichever it may be. It is only due to him to add that 
 of course in both cases he will have the legitimate feeling of serving Russia. 
 
 There is then no immediate likelihood of any monarchist reaction, pro- 
 vided of course that no unforeseen events a long war with serious defeats, a 
 violent revolution with extreme social reforms trouble the development. It 
 seems as if the Romanoffs are finally made away with. , 
 
 What is Russia to do with the dynasty? This is a most thorny problem, 
 and the fate of Mary Stuart, of Charles the First and of Louis XVI, shows how 
 often it has ended in tragedy. Provisionally they will probably be kept under 
 strict supervision in Russia. When peace has come, and when the constitu- 
 tional problem has received its final solution, they will probably be invited to 
 emigrate. 
 
 In a review of the forces now dominating the situation, we have to con- 
 sider separately the Duma, the new Government, the Council of Workmen and 
 Soldiers, the army and the peasants. 
 
14 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 Politically, the new Government is supreme and sovereign : everything is 
 decided by their decrees, even the regulations for the Constituent Assembly will 
 be fixed in this way. To an outsider the political extinction of the Duma is a 
 puzzle. There is a juridical reason : the Duma, convoked by the Tsar and 
 according to certain theories at any rate, not an independent parliamentary 
 assembly, but only a sort of consultative body for legislative matters, may per- 
 haps be considered as being extinct with the extinction of Tsarism. Efremoff 
 said it was a very difficult question to decide whether the Duma was really still 
 a legally existing institution. As a matter of fact, the Upper Chamber, the 
 Council of Empire, has altogether ceased to exist. Of course in a revolution 
 the doubt might be easily removed through the Duma's constituting itself as the 
 representative of the people. But this has not been done, and will not be done 
 for a plain political reason : the Duma in its present composition is too reaction- 
 ary a body to be able to cooperate officially in the work of the revolution. Its 
 decisions would not be tolerated by the democratic forces now so strong. There- 
 fore the Duma has no official sittings. The members are meeting in conference. 
 Its Executive Committee is in close cooperation with the Government, and most 
 of its members are delegated to control the administration, both central and 
 local, to go to the front in order to address the soldiers, to supervise the imperial 
 family, etc. But above all the Duma is exercising a representative function. 
 It plays the part of the constitutional monarch in a parliamentary state; the 
 Duma is the symbol of national unity; to it the regiments are coming to receive 
 their benediction before leaving for the front. The large Catharina Hall in the 
 palace of the Duma was resounding with patriotic speeches and with the Mar- 
 seillaise, while Rodzianko and the other members of the Executive Committee 
 received deputations and addressed processions. 
 
 Enough has been said as to the personal ability of the new Government. 
 It has from the beginning had the character of a coalition Government, and this 
 will be still more pronounced, if, as some papers here announce, two more 
 socialists besides Keryenski have been nominated. One of these, Plekhanoff, is 
 a very able man, and what is important just now, he is for an energetic prose- 
 cution of the war. The other socialist minister is unknown to me. 
 f 
 
 THE WORKMEN'S AND SOLDIERS' COUNCIL 
 
 The entrance of these two new ministers in the Government is a symptom 
 of the growing influence of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Council. It is neces- 
 sary to say some words on . this institution, which is of a pronounced revolu- 
 tionary character, both in its origin and its organization. It was created at the 
 very beginning of the revolution, each regiment or battalion, each factory send- 
 ing a delegate to it. The Council soon swelled to such dimensions at times 
 between 1,500 and 2,000 that it became unmanageable. An Executive Com- 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 15 
 
 mittee was created, but this organ too became too big about 100 members. At 
 last a delegation of five was put at the helm, especially to cooperate with the 
 Government. 
 
 It is evident that this organization must be a very loose one. And the 
 bourgeois papers have not been slow in attacking the Council on this basis. 
 Several of the members, and those the most loud-voiced, are neither workmen 
 nor soldiers, but professional socialist leaders, like the advocate Skobeleff. The 
 Rietch asked one day, in a very pointed article, from whom the different mem- 
 bers had their powers ; some light and some public control might be healthy, it 
 was added. As a matter of fact, and quite naturally, the Council members would 
 hardly all of them be able to point to unchallengeable warrants. And its repre- 
 sentative character is being seriously impaired : many industrial workmen, after 
 having got their eight hour day, no longer meet ; the soldiers are more and more 
 leaving for the front. The membership is at the best a changing one, and the 
 institution in general of an exceptional character. It might therefore be sup- 
 posed that in the long run it would perhaps be superseded. 
 
 There are, however, some conditions which will probably work for its main- 
 tenance. As already said, the workmen and soldiers have paid for the revolu- 
 tion; they know this and they wish to insist on a right of control. Besides the 
 movement for organization of like councils has spread through all Russia, and 
 even through the army. It seems as if there will be a sort of national basis, 
 which though imperfect, will of course prop up the mother Council. Finally the 
 stream of exiled revolutionaries now returning to Russia, whose names have 
 been hallowed by their courage and sufferings, and who on their arrival in 
 Russia at once rally to the Council, will add new luster to its otherwise waning 
 consideration. It must also be said that this institution perhaps is a safety valve, 
 through the opportunity it offers for public discussion. The fact that the dele- 
 gation of five is cooperating with the Government, must also inspire a certain 
 feeling of responsibility. On the other hand, the conviction is very strong among 
 the democrats and socialists forming the Council, that the Government must be 
 controlled and kept to its task of pursuing a clear democratic policy. There is 
 here matter for serious conflicts, and the path of the revolution is certainly beset 
 with difficulties. But there are also signs pointing to the possibility of a slow 
 liquidation of these difficulties, and the latest news from Russia before this 
 writing (April 20) is of very good augury. It seems as if the Council is pre- 
 pared to leave the whole direction of affairs in the hands of the Government. 
 About the special question of the leanings within the Council towards a separate 
 peace, I shall say some words further on. 
 
 THE ARMY 
 
 I come next to the army, an all-important factor in the present situation. 
 It was the Petrograd garrison that determined the course of the revolution itself. 
 
16 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 and it will be remembered that the program of the new Government stated as 
 one of the conditions of the settlement that the troops now forming the Petro- 
 grad garrison shall remain there. This was a means of security to the new 
 order of things, as these troops could be relied upon; it was also a privilege to 
 the troops. Among these soon spread a certain spirit of anarchy, mistaken ideas 
 of applying democratic ideas to military organization. The soldiers would not 
 salute their officers, which was of small importance; they obtained the right of 
 smoking everywhere still more innocent ; but they also insisted on electing their 
 officers, which might have been dangerous, especially during war. These ideas 
 began spreading to other parts of the army, and the generals at the front began 
 to be afraid that the discipline might give way, and that in the face of the enemy. 
 
 This danger was so evident that it carried its own remedy in itself. The 
 Government, moreover, with great adroitness used the danger as a means to 
 rally round it the whole of public opinion. On March 21/8 the Rietch pub- 
 lished a leading article (really written by Milyukoff) which in very serious 
 words pointed to the danger of the Riga front being attacked. It was evident 
 to everybody able to read between the lines, that if the danger had been very 
 grave, they would not have dared to speak so openly about it. But on the simple 
 minds the effect was immediate. The cry "Hannibal ante muros" soon resounded 
 everywhere, in all orations, in all the press leaders. Duma members were dis- 
 patched to the front to insist on unity and on military discipline. This was most 
 urgent. At Kronstadt and at Helsingfors especially, the marines had committed 
 most deplorable excesses. 
 
 The salutary effects of the new movement were soon evident. The troops 
 at Petrograd began to ask to be sent to the front, and it was settled that the 
 regiments should be used as recruiting and training bodies, while the men form- 
 ing them were dispatched to the active army. I saw thousands of young recruits 
 being trained before the Winter Palace and on the Champ de Mars, while a con- 
 tinual stream of regiments were marched through the streets, their bands play- 
 ing the Marseillaise and the red banners carrying inscriptions like these: "Con- 
 fidence in the Provisional Government" ; "The War to be waged for a Peace 
 worthy of Russia." The men began saluting the officers in the street, and the 
 workers in the munition factories resolved to work extra hours, in order to make 
 up for the shortcomings of the war industry. 
 
 There is no doubt that when at the end of March (new style) I left Petro- 
 grad, the Government was much more firmly seated in its saddle than a fort- 
 night before. Both Keryenski and Milyukoff said to me: "The most critical 
 moments have passed." And the Swedish socialist leader Branting, an excep- 
 tionally able and intelligent man, who has just been here after having passed his 
 Easter holiday at Petrograd, confirms my impression. Branting had been much 
 more in the circles of socialist workmen and soldiers than myself. His estimate 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 17 
 
 of Keryenski was extraordinarily high. The fate of Russia's future would 
 chiefly hang on this young man. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF THE FUTURE 
 
 The first problem which had to be solved was the re-victualling of Petro- 
 grad. If the capital was again placed in danger of famine, new riots would be 
 inevitable. I have said that great progress was observed under this head during 
 my stay already, partly of course because the scarcity had been artificially created. 
 In the city itself great stores were discovered, in part in the houses of the late 
 ministers. 
 
 The provision problem, both for the towns and for the army, is chiefly a 
 question of transportation; besides the maximum prices, recently introduced, do 
 not tempt the producers to sell, especially because of the depreciation of Russian 
 money. Nekrasoff and Chingareff between them have a very complicated problem 
 to solve. Perhaps American and English specialists may help to create a new 
 method in the administration of Russian railways. Some lines are already run 
 by Englishmen. 
 
 THE CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY 
 
 The next big question, besides the prosecution of the war, is the organization 
 and the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. 
 
 The Government program says the Assembly was to meet "as soon as 
 possible." I suppose the ministers are likely to put the stress on the last word. 
 Indeed, I hardly spoke with one bourgeois politician without his shaking his 
 head over the impossibility of coordinating the working of this Assembly with 
 the active prosecution of the war. They therefore sincerely hope to see the 
 end of the war in the autumn. But if the end does not come, they are likely 
 to insist on the necessity of postponing the Assembly. On the other hand, the 
 more extreme elements wish to strike the iron while it is hot, and the last 
 proclamation from the Council requests the immediate organization of the As- 
 sembly. The premier, Prince Lvoff, has said it was to meet within a period of at 
 least three, at most six months. The problem is not only one of organization : 
 for instance, how are the soldiers at the front to vote, the vote being not only 
 the act of putting a ballot in a box, but a method of contributing to form a real 
 public opinion on a series of very grave questions ; but there is also the serious 
 difficulty of having a deliberative Assembly sitting discussing intricate constitu- 
 tional and social problems, while the greatest war in history is being waged at 
 the frontier. Indeed, it is highly to be desired that the bloodshed might come 
 to an early end, if for no other reason, lest the future of Russia should be 
 compromised. 
 
 As to the future constitution, there is officially and outwardly absolute 
 unanimity: the cadets, even the progressives, have put the democratic republic 
 
18 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 on their program. Indeed, no sane politician, at the present juncture, considers 
 any other solution as possible. Monarchy, and especially the dynasty, are com- 
 promised beyond remedy ; none of the Grand Dukes is to be thought of as Tsar, 
 because it would imply dangerous family connections. But bourgeois politicians 
 are far from enthusiastic republicans. They see the danger in such an enor- 
 mous empire passing at one single step from an autocracy to a republic, and they 
 are not blind to the advantages of monarchy, as a symbol of the unity and the 
 indivisibility of the nation. This does not imply any sentimentalism towards the 
 little father, and I was told that the existence of this sentiment even among the 
 peasants was greatly exaggerated. There was only cool political calculation in 
 it. Efremoff went to the length of saying to me: "If we only had had a very 
 popular general This would seem a most dangerous experiment. And I 
 know that Milyukoff and other cadet leaders reluctantly approved of the republic 
 being admitted to their program. 
 
 I imagine that the solution contemplated is a sort of federal republic, based 
 on the nationalities and races within the enormous empire as constituent parts, 
 probably supplemented with local divisions in the Great Russian provinces. This 
 solution, more or less on American lines; can, as in the United States, be com- 
 bined with a strong executive power. It sounds like a prophecy that the Ameri- 
 can constitution has sometimes been defined as a "tsaristic" republic. 
 
 Already the governmental program had outlined large liberties of speech, 
 of association, even of strike the first instance, I believe, in history. The last 
 point is of special importance to the industrial workman, and through his par- 
 ticipation in the revolution he has also obtained another advantage : the eight- 
 hour day. It is interesting to note that one of the Freres Nobel expressly stated 
 that they were delighted with the result of this regime. Its efficiency was better 
 than the former one with the long hours, which had tempted to passivity and 
 even to sabotage. 
 
 THE AGRARIAN PROBLEM 
 
 These problems of industry are, however, not by far so important to Russia 
 as the all dominating agrarian problem, which will absorb a great part of the 
 activity and the interests of the Constituent Assembly. In his heart of hearts, 
 every Russian is an agriculturist, in his dreams a landed proprietor. "Land and 
 Liberty," was written on every second red banner. The soldiers, peasants them- 
 selves or peasants' sons, voiced this desire, and everybody realized that it had 
 to be satisfied on a very large scale. 
 
 The state of the Russian countryside during the war is very curious, and in 
 a certain respect an unexpected one. The absolute prohibition of vodka very 
 strictly executed; in the Petrograd hotels I saw no stronger drink than kvass, a 
 sort of ginger beer has stopped the chief expense of the peasants toward 
 luxury; the soldiers' wives and mothers receive governmental support; the 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 19 
 
 absence of workmen creates a great demand for laborers, with a consequent rise 
 of wages : all this combines to create an unknown prosperity in the villages. The 
 peasant girls were able to buy a greater number of those gowns which, hanging 
 new and not yet used in the large wardrobe, are to impress their suitors. They 
 were now said to decline work offered to them with the remark: "I have got 
 gowns enough." The peasants, among them the soldiers, on returning from the 
 front or from captivity, will be able to buy land. On the other hand, the great 
 landowners are often unable to work their fields because of the scarcity of labor. 
 They will therefore be willing to sell land. So far all seems well. The danger 
 is that there may be ideas of the laborer's right to own the land he now tills. 
 There will be hot debates about the principle of expropriation and its applica- 
 tion. The landowners will say : Why shall landed property alone be considered 
 as more or less liable to confiscation? Why not as well the industrial plant, or 
 personal property? Fortunately, immense tracts of land will be at the disposal 
 of the nation in the form of public domains or of land belonging to the monas- 
 teries. Here thousands on thousands of peasants can be made proprietors with- 
 out any great difficulty, and means can perhaps be found of financing also the 
 transfer of private land from the great owners to small holders. Everybody, 
 however, will see the great seriousness of this problem and its bearing on the 
 future of Russia. In this new class of small farmers new Russia will find the 
 basis of its democracy, just as the French Revolution found it for France. 
 
 When now I pass to the racial and nationality problems, I approach already 
 the numerous questions hanging on the problem of peace and war. 
 
 The Government program proclaimed the abolition of all disabilities for 
 racial and religious reasons. This principle, loyally executed, will automatically 
 take away the sting in the otherwise so thorny questions of delimitation within 
 the Empire, especially in the west, where on the wide plains the different na- 
 tionalities, Poles, Ukrainians, Lithuanians, Ests and other Baltic races, merge 
 imperceptibly one into the other, or in the Caucasus, where the motley diversity 
 is as great. No doubt, however, there will still be great difficulties in this respect, 
 and more especially this will be the case with the Jews. I had no special oppor- 
 tunity of studying the Semitic problem, and therefore shall only give one piece 
 of information, which shows on one hand, its acuteness, on the other, the appre- 
 hensions as to the future. 
 
 The leading inspirer of the Cadets is said to be an Israelitic Petrograd bar- 
 rister, Vinaver, a close friend of MilyukofFs and an exceptionally able man. 
 The Government had nominated him a Senator, member of the High Court, but 
 he declined, because he would not expose the revolution to the risk of being 
 dubbed a "Semitic machination." Generally the Jews took up an attitude of great 
 reserve. Pogroms were still considered as possible. 
 
 To return to the problems of nationality, there are two questions under this 
 head which require special treatment, namely, Finland and Poland. 
 
20 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 FINLAND 
 
 The complete liberation of Finland, the reverse of all laws and decrees 
 issued contrary to the Finnish constitution, and the proclamation of the right 
 of the Finnish people to decide, through their own representatives, the future 
 relations between Finland and Russia, was on one hand the fulfillment of an 
 old pledge from Russian liberals to the Finns. Especially Milyukoff, Rodicheff, 
 now Secretary of State for Finland, and Stakhovitch, now Governor General, 
 had engaged themselves strongly on this line. It was, moreover, a sort of morn- 
 ing gift to Western Democracy, which has always taken a special interest in 
 progressive Finland. And it was, last, but not least a stroke of generous and 
 far-sighted policy against the German machinations in Finland, which surely 
 in certain contingencies might have been extremely dangerous ; Finland is the 
 glacis of Petrograd. 
 
 It is no secret that during the war numerous young Finns have crossed the 
 frontier to go to Germany, where hundreds of them have been trained as officers 
 to lead an eventual Finnish insurrection. It is said that thousands of young men 
 in Finland itself have been equipped in secret for military service: two pairs 
 of boots, a winter coat, a gun, etc. But it was understood that no movement 
 was to be initiated if the Germans did not succeed in throwing artillery across 
 the Gulf of Finland. Hence the extreme importance of the Riga front. 
 
 This movement chiefly found its adherents among the Swedish party in 
 Finland, a political fraction decidedly on the wane, but still important because 
 of its strong intellectual and economic position. However, only part of them 
 favored this policy of despair, which really amounted to a driving out of the 
 devil by Beelzebub. Some adherents were also said to have come from the 
 "Old Fennomans," a conservative party which often has been very weak- 
 kneed towards Russia. Their belief in authority as the supreme prop of social 
 life may have brought some of them to admire the Prussian spirit. 
 
 The generous action on the part of the new Government doubtless has re- 
 moved the ground from under this movement. It is explicable, however, that 
 these ideas did not die at once ; some may still nourish them. But I was told 
 during my short stay at Helsingfors and in my subsequent conversations with 
 Dr. Torngren, a very active and intelligent Finnish politician and publicist, 
 during our common journey to Sweden, that what remained of this way of think- 
 ing in Finland, might be considered as a negligible quantity. 
 
 I saw some of the members of the new Finnish Government, among them 
 Mr. Tokoi, the first socialist premier of any European country. As he does not 
 speak Swedish, and myself not Finnish, we conversed in English, he having 
 passed thirteen years in Canada as a carpenter. After his return to Finland, he 
 became the head of the national federation of trade unions, and this activity pre- 
 pared him for political life. His authority is great also outside his own party. 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 21 
 
 He was chiefly concerned about the problem of re-victualling 1 the country. 
 I also saw an old friend of mine, Professor Setala, leader of the Young Finns, 
 now Minister of Public Instruction. There is no doubt that the best intentions 
 prevail, both on the Finnish and the Russian side, of arriving at a working ar- 
 rangement between the two countries. On the Russian side the presence of 
 Rodicheff, of Stakhovitch as Governor General, with Baron Korff, a jurist of 
 wide knowledge and a European outlook, as the Governor's aide de camp, 
 guarantees this. And the Finns very well see the realities of the problem : that 
 Russia and Finland are indissoluble for plain geographical reasons. It would 
 be sheer insanity for Finland to rely on the support of Germany, from which 
 it is divided by the sea, while Russia dominates its entire land frontier to the 
 east, and the Russian capital is situated at a distance of some few miles. More- 
 over, Finnish industrial merchandise and dairy produce are dependent on the 
 Russian market. 
 
 But the Finns do not desire their country to be merged in the Russian Em- 
 pire as one of its constituent parts. They demand a separate existence, a Fin- 
 nish state at Russia's side, united with the Empire through a sort of loose union, 
 giving to Russia only the direction of foreign affairs. The problem is a delicate 
 one, besides entirely new in the history of constitutional law, if Russia is to 
 become a republic; and as the Finns are a difficult race to treat with, tenacious, 
 sometimes revengeful, it may tax the powers of statesmen on both sides. 
 
 POLAND 
 
 The proclamation from the Russian Government to the Poles is the highest 
 bid made during the war for the sympathies of this people, who after a tragedy 
 of more than a hundred years, can at last look forward with certainty to a 
 future of political independent life for part, if not for the whole of the race. 
 This bid is not only a clever diplomatic device, made to win the sympathy of the 
 Poles; it is a sincere application of the principle of nationalities. The Russians 
 of course wish to see a reunited Poland, including the Polish but not the 
 Ukrainian part of Galicia, the whole of Posnania and the Polish parts of 
 Silesia and West Prussia. Only this enumeration suffices to show what prob- 
 lems will be raised in connection with this program. Germany is far from enter- 
 taining any idea of this sort. But if an independent Poland were formed, say 
 out of Russian Poland and Western Galicia, it would certainly exercise a most 
 powerful attraction on the Poles in the Prussian irredenta. It is incompre- 
 hensible how Austria and Germany have been capable of creating their "King- 
 dom of Poland" after the experience of Austria with an Italian and a Servian 
 irredenta. The need for Polish soldiers must have been enormous indeed. 
 
 Many will of course doubt the sincerity of Russia in giving full freedom of 
 action to the Poles as to the future of their new state. I had an opportunity 
 of discussing the question with Efremoff, now a member of the Executive 
 
22 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 Committee, consequently in close touch with the Government, and his opinion 
 was that after all an entirely independent Poland would perhaps represent the 
 best solution for Russia. A buffer state might be useful against Germany, 
 though he saw the danger of the absence of military frontiers, if the principle 
 of international anarchy were still to prevail. But he moreover added that a 
 complete severance from Poland would present certain inner advantages to 
 Russia. Polish nobles had bought land ih Russia, and they were hard masters 
 to the Russian peasants. Many Poles had obtained high situations in Russian 
 administration, and after a very short time their offices had been filled with 
 Poles. It is curious to observe this animosity against a seemingly subject race 
 which has been able to obtain a superior social position. There are parallels 
 in the relation between English and Scots, between English and Irish. 
 
 It goes without saying that full separation would raise most difficult prob- 
 lems Polish industry is dependent on the Russian market; a tariff arrange- 
 ment would at any rate be necessary. A connection between Poland and Ger- 
 many would spell economic ruin to Polish industry, as it could not withstand 
 German competition. For this reason alone no Pole in his senses can have 
 seriously entertained the idea of looking westward. 
 
 In any case, whether the solution is to be one of complete separation, or 
 one of a connection with Russia, there will be the most difficult problems of 
 delimitation. While the Poles probably will demand both Ukrainian and 
 Lithuanian land, as having belonged to their ancient kingdom, Russia will insist 
 on these provinces forming part of the new republic, and these people are likely 
 to prefer the latter solution. Polish domination was always unpopular; the 
 Russians are much more easy-going. I should add that I have had no oppor- 
 tunity of discussing these questions with the Poles themselves, and it is evident 
 that they will have something to say in the matter. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF WAR AND PEACE 
 
 War provoked the revolution in Russia. The menace from the enemy dis- 
 ciplines the revolutionary elements, obliging them to rally round the Govern- 
 ment. In both respects the war may be considered as a boon to Russia: the 
 country has had a return for its enormous sacrifices. But it is evident to all 
 who know history that a long continued war would prove fatal to the revolu- 
 tion and to the work of liberation and reorganization within. A Napoleon might 
 be born in Russia, too. 
 
 In Russia, the wish may be the father of the thought, nearly everybody 
 I spoke to believed in an end of the war in the course of this year. Milyukoff 
 predicted it with the greatest assurance. I had not the courage to express my 
 doubts on this point. I am afraid we may still be in the middle of this terrible 
 tragedy. 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 23 
 
 There is no doubt that Russia is still able, from an exclusively military 
 point of view, to prosecute the war. Its offensive powers are impaired through 
 lack of munitions and guns. But the new regime has at any rate done away 
 with the artificial impediments created by the late Government and the dynasty, 
 and Russia still disposes of great reserves in man-power it was said about 
 forty divisions, at least one million of fully trained men besides the young 
 recruits now being trained, and one year gives another million and in officers ; 
 especially there is a large reserve of cavalry officers who might be used also as 
 leaders of infantry. Besides, a potential reserve is to be found in young culti- 
 vated Jews, who have been trained as soldiers, but have not been permitted to 
 serve as officers. They would be able if need be to act as garrison officers and 
 in other subsidiary military situations. 
 
 The financial position is of course far from good. The debt is enormous, 
 the paper money flooding the country is daily increasing in bulk, and the foreign 
 exchange is deplorable, because the exports have practically ceased. But eco- 
 nomically speaking, the position of Russia is probably better than that of any 
 other European country now at war. Agriculture is Russia's chief pursuit; in 
 consequence it is suffering far less than highly industrialized countries like 
 Great Britain, Germany or France. It can find within its own borders next to 
 everything it may want. The problem is one of transportation and of organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 Russia, then, can certainly go on with the war for years still. And its 
 present Government is firmly determined to remain true to the London agree- 
 ment, and to conclude peace only in common with the other allies. It must not 
 be forgotten that the support of the Western Powers was decisive for the very 
 success of the "miraculous" revolution; that Russia financially is dependent 
 on France and Great Britain, tied to them by "golden chains." The Government 
 and the Duma both are bent on prosecuting the war as one of liberation for 
 Europe in general. Russia has freed itself ; now Germany and Austria are to 
 follow suit. This is a conception common to bourgeois liberals and to socialist 
 workingmen. Both regard the two Central Powers as the props of reaction in 
 Europe. The middle classes and the peasants moreover consider the war as 
 a means of liberation from the commercial domination of Germany, which 
 was established by the treaty of 1907. 
 
 There is besides a not unimportant group in Russia which has positive war 
 aims, and its spokesman is the foreign minister, Milyukoff. From the begin- 
 ning of the war he has proclaimed that it was a vital condition to Russia to get 
 the full domination of Constantinople and the Dardanelles. A neutralization 
 or internationalization would, according to him, not be sufficient, as in that case 
 the Black Sea might become a theater of war, and consequently Russia might 
 be obliged to fortify the coasts and build a strong fleet. If Russia got the 
 Dardanelles, a fortification on this spot alone would be sufficient. According to 
 
24 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 Milyukoff, Russia's interest, better than through neutralization, would be served 
 by Turkey, or another feeble state, keeping the Straits. 
 
 This line of argument calls for two observations : it reasons on the basis 
 of the old order of things in international affairs, and it is decidedly nationalis- 
 tic. It altogether waives the interests of Roumanians : this ally of Russia's would 
 be completely throttled from a maritime point of view ; it has no other outlet to 
 the sea except that on the Black Sea. The Danube would offer no real com- 
 pensation. 
 
 It is, however, a great question whether Milyukoff's view is shared by so 
 large and powerful sections of Russian public opinion that it will become a 
 national demand on the part of Russia, provided of course that the dice of war 
 fall so as to enable Russia to enforce its claim in this respect. Keryenski told 
 me that the Government as a whole was content with neutralization. "Milyukoff 
 does not dare to raise this question now." He has done it later, though, in an 
 interview given to the press, and here he also raised the question, which plays 
 so prominent a part in the note of the Allies of January 11, of a reconstruction 
 of the Danube monarchy, an erection of a Czecho-Slovak state, the agrandize- 
 ment of Servia and of Roumania. I do not quite understand the origin of this 
 interview I wonder whether it was not given to the press some time ago, and 
 its publication delayed for some reason. For it is really completely overruled 
 by the all-important Declaration of the Government, signed by Prince Lvoff, 
 and published on April 11. It is here expressly stated that "Free Russia does 
 not aim at the domination of other nations, nor will it deprive any people of its 
 legitimate heritage nor occupy foreign territory, but that its ambition is to create 
 a lasting peace on the basis of the independence of the nations and their full 
 and free disposal of their own destinies." This implies that it must be left 
 to Czechs and Slovaks, to Serbs and Roumanians, to decide themselves how they 
 can best work out their proper salvation. 
 
 I have the very strong impression from my numerous conversations both 
 with political men and with ordinary men and women in Russia, that nobody's 
 heart is throbbing quicker at the thought of the Dardanelles flying the Russian 
 flag, or of orthodox service being celebrated in Agia Sophia. The same thing 
 can certainly be said, and with stronger emphasis, as to the future fate of 
 Austria-Hungary. Most Russians were of opinion that Russia had won so 
 immensely through its revolution that it could now forego all imperialist dreams ; 
 Russia was to be a factor for peace. It is the same line of argument which is 
 running through the Government Declaration. 
 
 It is evident that this document is the outcome of negotiations between the 
 Government and the Council of Workmen and Soldiers. It is virtually a com- 
 promise. On the one hand, it indirectly condemns Milyukoff's nationalist pro- 
 gram ; on the other, it still more strongly protests against any idta of a separate 
 peace. 
 
RUSSIA IN REVOLUTION 25 
 
 The Government says in so many words that "all questions concerning the 
 war and its conclusion must be finally settled in close cooperation with our 
 allies." A similar declaration has later been issued by the Council of Workmen 
 and Soldiers ; they also expressly pronounce against the idea of a separate peace. 
 
 This idea has been mooted from the left wing of the socialists, but it is an 
 error to think that it is a separate peace, say between Russia and Germany, or 
 between Russia and both the Central Powers, which is proposed. This extreme 
 section of the socialists is aiming at a general peace; and, what should not be 
 forgotten, peace on a condition which hardly would suit the German or the 
 Austro-Hungarian Government. They demand that the soldiers and workmen 
 on the other side imitate their example by making a revolution. This is the con- 
 ception underlying the articles in the extreme socialist paper, the Pravda 
 (Truth). "Under their revolutionary red banners, the Russian soldiers should 
 go against their German brethren. These will not hestitate to go to meet us 
 under the same ensign." This article appeared on March 23. Two or three 
 days later, another article explained that the former had been misinterpreted. 
 The writer (he was said to be Leonid Anderieff, the author), had meant to 
 say that the Russian soldiers should fasten the red flag to their bayonets on 
 marching against the Germans ; if the Germans did not meet them in the same 
 way, they were to use the bayonets. There is here no real ioundation for a 
 policy. And the Russian socialist, who has fought against the Tsar, sees a still 
 greater and more dangerous enemy in Wilhelm. 
 
 The Russian socialists who have lately returned from Switzerland, Lenine 
 is their leader, have been handicapped by the fact that they were allowed to pass 
 through Germany, and it is doubtful whether they will command any serious 
 influence. To resume : there seems at present to be no likelihood at all of any 
 serious section of Russian public opinion really supporting the idea of a sepa- 
 rate peace, and even the conception of a general peace is subordinated to con- 
 ditions as to the inner state of things in the Central Powers, which as yet can 
 not be said to exist. 
 
 There is no more fascinating problem than to ponder over the moral effect 
 on Germany of the Russian revolution. There can be no doubt that it must 
 tell seriously on the will to prosecute the war. It must not be forgotten that 
 the German people entered the war as one waged against Tsardom and Russian 
 barbarism. There is no more a Tsar to fight against. The professional military 
 men of course see the revolution as an element of weakness. This was the 
 great error of Austria and Prussia in 1792, too. Of course the revolution at 
 first provoked disorganization. Stokhod was the result. But it is quite possible 
 that Russia may, even from a military point of view, undergo a regeneration and 
 its soldiers fight with stronger impulse than before, though our industrialized, 
 scientific war bears a different character from that of a hundred years ago. The 
 German people at any rate will see no reason to continue a war against a Russian 
 
26 DR. LANGE'S REPORT 
 
 democracy; it is, on the other hand, evident that they now consider England 
 as the chief enemy. 
 
 The other psychological effects are of a more subtle order. The Germans 
 and in general the peoples of the Central Powers, can not fail to ask why their 
 political system is to remain more reactionary than that of the entire world. 
 The Easter message of the Kaiser tries to satisfy this craving, but its timid 
 proposal of adjourning the question can hardly satisfy. The ever true history 
 of the Sibylline books may repeat itself, and he who did not know how to give 
 liberally in time, will perhaps see his later offers scornfully refused. At any 
 rate the Chancellor's position must be almost compromised, he had to rely, 
 against the Tirpitz faction, always dangerous, on the liberal and socialist parties ; 
 they have been estranged by the refusal of immediate political reforms. Beth- 
 mann-Hollweg may one day find himself between two chairs. 
 
 Combined with America's entry into the war, with the ever widening circle 
 of enemies, with no friends outside the allies, and these partly sulky and dis- 
 contented, the impression of the Russian revolution must sap the roots of moral 
 fiber in Germany. Of late the telegrams announce riots in Berlin. One would 
 have denied the possibility of a revolution in Germany. Sometimes the un- 
 expected happens. 
 
 Such an event would completely change the face of things. But it would be 
 idle to reason on the base of such a hypothesis. 
 
 There is no doubt that great fighting powers are still left in the Germans. 
 They will at any rate be capable of stubborn resistance, and last not least, this 
 resistance will be fired to violent flames, if the other side insists on extreme 
 demands: cession of territory which the Germans consider as German ground, 
 and which impartial opinion must own is German; subjection to vexatious re- 
 strictions with regard to foreign trade and to colonial expansion. It must be 
 the hope of every good European that in this respect American influence will 
 be one of moderation and of wise counsel. 
 
 April 20, 1917. 
 
PUBLICATIONS OF THE CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL PEACE 
 
 The chief agency of propaganda adopted by the Trustees is by publications 
 bearing the imprint of the Endowment. The list of these publications is already 
 large, and some of the earlier pamphlets and monographs are now out of print. 
 In the following list these are included; the publications no longer available for 
 distribution being thus indicated (f). 
 
 Many of the publications are issued for gratuitous circulation, and are 
 sent to all addresses carried upon the regular mailing lists of the Endowment, or 
 upon request to all persons writing for them. 
 
 This free distribution does not apply to the publications of the Division of 
 Economics and History nor to certain of the publications of the Division of 
 International Law, which are highly technical in character and appeal to limited 
 groups of students and specialists. In each such case the title of the publication 
 is preceded by (*), and the price is indicated. They can be obtained by remit- 
 tance to the Clarendon Press, Oxford, England, or to the American Branch of 
 the Oxford Press, 35 West 32d Street, New York, N. Y. 
 
 The Endowment has established depository libraries for all its pub- 
 lications in the larger cities of the United States, where they may be consulted. 
 A list of these depository libraries is included in the Year Book for 1917. 
 
 Additional publications will be announced from time to time. 
 
 Publications of the Secretary's Office 
 
 fYear Book for 1911; Year Book for 1912; Year Book for 1913-1914; Year Book for 1915; 
 Year Book for 1916; Year Book for 1917. 
 
 Publications of the Division of Intercourse and Education 
 
 No. 1 SOME ROADS TOWARDS PEACE: A REPORT ON OBSERVATIONS MADE IN CHINA AND 
 
 JAPAN IN 1912. BY DR. CHARLES W. ELIOT, vi 88 p. 1914. 
 fNo. 2 GERMAN INTERNATIONAL PROGRESS IN 1913. BY PROFESSOR DR. WILHELM PASZ- 
 
 KOWSKI. iii 11 p. 1914. 
 
 No. 3 EDUCATIONAL EXCHANGE WITH JAPAN. BY DR. HAMILTON W. MABIE. 8 p. 1914. 
 fNo. 4 REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMISSION TO INQUIRE INTO THE CAUSES AND CON- 
 DUCT OF THE BALKAN WARS, ix 418 p., illus., maps. 1914. 
 
 fNo. 5 INTELLECTUAL AND CULTURAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE 
 OTHER REPUBLICS OF AMERICA. BY DR. HARRY ERWIN BARD, iv 35 p. 1914. 
 No. 6 GROWTH OF INTERNATIONALISM IN JAPAN. BY T. MIYAOKA. iii 15 p. 1915. 
 fNo. 7 FOR BETTER RELATIONS WITH OUR LATIN AMERICAN NEIGHBORS : A JOURNEY TO 
 
 SOUTH AMERICA. [English Edition.] BY ROBERT BACON, viii 168 p. 1915. 
 No. 8 THE SAME, IN THE ORIGINAL SPANISH, PORTUGUESE AND FRENCH, viii 221 p. 1915. 
 A second edition of Mr. Bacon's Report, containing Nos. 7 and 8 in one volume, has 
 also been published. 
 No. 9 FORMER SENATOR BURTON'S TRIP TO SOUTH AMERICA. BY OTTO SCHOENRICH. iii 
 
 40 p. 1915. 
 No. 10 PROBLEMS ABOUT WAR FOR CLASSES IN ARITHMETIC. BY DAVID EUGENE SMITH, 
 
 PH.D., LL.D. 23 p. 1915. 
 No. 11 HYGIENE AND WAR; SUGGESTIONS FOR MAKERS OF TEXTBOOKS AND FOR USE IN 
 
 SCHOOLS. BY GEORGE ELLIS JONES, PH.D. 1917. 
 
 No. 12 RUSSIA, THE REVOLUTION AND THE WAR. AN ACCOUNT OF A VISIT TO PETROGRAD 
 AND HELSINGSFORS IN MARCH, 1917. BY DR. CHRISTIAN L. LANGE, SECRETARY 
 GENERAL OF THE INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION. 26 p. 1917. 
 
 Publications of the Division of Economics and History 
 
 *NATIONALISM AND WAR IN THE NEAR EAST. BY A DIPLOIMATIST. Edited by Lord Court- 
 ney of Penwith. Published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, England, xxvi 
 434 p. 1915. Price, $4.15. 
 
*THE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT AND COMMERCIAL POLICIES OF THE THREE SCANDINAVIAN 
 COUNTRIES. BY POVL DRACHMANN. Edited by Harald Westergaard, LL.D. 
 Published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, England. 130 p. 1915. Price. $1.50. 
 
 *LOSSES OF LIFE IN MODERN WARS. AUSTRIA-HUNGARY; FRANCE. BY GASTON BODART, 
 LL.D. MILITARY SELECTION AND RACE DETERIORATION. BY VERNON LYMAN 
 KELLOGG. Edited by Harald Westergaard, LL.D. Published by the Clarendon 
 Press, Oxford. England, x 207 6 p. 1916. Price, $2.00. 
 
 *ECONOMIC PROTECTIONISM. BY JOSEF GRUNZEL. Edited by Eugen von Philippovich. Pub- 
 lished by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, England, xiii 357 6 p. 1916. Price, 
 $2.90. 
 
 ^EPIDEMICS RESULTING FROM WARS. BY DR. FRIEDRICH PRINZING. Edited by Harald Wes- 
 tergaard, LL.D. Published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, England, xii 
 340_6 p. 1916. Price, $2.50. 
 
 *THE COLONIAL TARIFF POLICY OF FRANCE. BY DR. ARTHUR GIKAULT. Edited by Charles 
 Gide. Published by the Clarendon Press, Oxford, England, viii 305 6 p. 
 1916. Price, $2.50. 
 
 Publications of the Division of International Law 
 
 *THE HAGUE CONVENTIONS AND DECLARATIONS OF 1899 AND 1907, 2d. ed. Edited by James 
 Brown Scott, Director, xxxiii 303 p. 1915. Price, $2.00. 
 
 "'LAS CONVENCIONES Y DECLARACiONES DE LA HAYA DE 1899 Y 1907. Edited by James Brown 
 Scott, Director, xxxv 301 p. 1916. Price, $2.00. 
 
 *THE FREEDOM OF THE SEAS. A dissertation by Hugo Grotius. Translated with a revision 
 of the Latin text of 1633, by Ralph van Deman Magoffin, Ph.D. Edited by 
 James Brown Scott, Director, xv 83 p. (Parallel pp.) 1916. Price, $2.00. 
 
 *!NSTRUCTIONS TO THE AMERICAN DELEGATES TO THE HAGUE PEACE CONFERENCES AND THEIR 
 OFFICIAL REPORTS. Edited by James Brown Scott, Director, v 138 p. 1916. 
 Price, $1.50. 
 
 *THE STATUS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, with an appendix of addresses and 
 official documents, by James Brown Scott, Director, v 93 p. 1916. Price, $1.50. 
 
 *AN INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE, by James Brown Scott, ix 108 p. 1916. Price, $1.50. 
 
 * RECOMMENDATIONS ON INTERNATIONAL LAW AND OFFICIAL COMMENTARY THEREON OF THE 
 SECOND PAN AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CONGRESS HELD IN WASHINGTON, DECEMBER 
 27, 1915-jANUARY 8, 1916. Edited by James Brown Scott, vii 53 p. 1916. 
 Price, $1.00. 
 
 *AN ESSAY ON A CONGRESS OF NATIONS FOR THE ADJUSTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES 
 WITHOUT RESORT TO ARMS, by William Ladd. Reprinted from the original edi- 
 tion of 1840, with an introduction by James Brown Scott, Director. 1 162 p. 
 1916. Price, $2.00. 
 
 *THE HAGUE COURT REPORTS, comprising the awards, accompanied by syllabi, the agreements 
 for arbitration, and other documents in each case submitted to the Permanent 
 Court of Arbitration and to commissions of inquiry under the provisions of the 
 Conventions of 1899 and 1907 for the pacific settlement of international dis- 
 putes. Edited by James Brown Scott, cxi 664 p. 1916. Price, $3.50. 
 
 *RESOT,UTIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW DEALING WITH THE LAW OF NA- 
 TIONS, with an historical introduction and explanatory notes. Collected and 
 translated under the supervision of and edited by James Brown Scott, xli 
 261 p. 1916. Price, $2.00. 
 
 ^DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE EUROPEAN WAR. Edited by James Brown Scott, 
 Director. 2 vols. 1916. Price, $7.50. 
 
 *THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE ; THE ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION ; THE CONSTITUTION 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. Edited, with an Introductory Note, by James Brown 
 Scott, Director. 124 p. 1917. Price to be announced. 
 
 PAMPHLET SERIES 
 
 No. 1 ARBITRATIONS AND DIPLOMATIC SETTLEMENTS OF THE UNITED STATES, vii 21 p. 
 No. 2 LIMITATION OF ARMAMENT ON THE GREAT LAKES. The report of John W. Foster, 
 
 Secretary of State, December 7, 1892. vii 57 p. 1914. 
 No. 3 SIGNATURES, RATIFICATIONS, ADHESIONS AND RESERVATIONS TO THE CONVENTIONS 
 
 AND DECLARATIONS OF THE FIRST AND SECOND HAGUE PEACE CONFERENCES, vii 
 
 32 p. 1914. 
 No. 4 THE HAGUE CONVENTIONS OF 1899 (I) AND 1907 (I) FOR THE PACIFIC SETTLEMENT 
 
 OF INTERNATIONAL DISPUTES, iv 48 p. 1915. 
 
1 No. 5 THE HAGUE CONVENTIONS OF 1899 (II) AND 1907 (IV) RESPECTING THE LAWS AND 
 
 CUSTOMS OF WAR ON LAND, iv 33 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 6 THE HAGUE CONVENTIONS OF 1899 (III) AND 1907 (X) FOR THE ADAPTATION TO 
 MARITIME WARFARE OF THE PRINCIPLES OF THE GENEVA CONVENTION, iv 19 p. 
 
 No. 7 THE HAGUE DECLARATIONS OF 1899 (IV, 1) AND 1907 (XIV) PROHIBITING THE 
 DISCHARGE OF PROJECTILES AND EXPLOSIVES FROM BALLOONS, iv 5 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 8 THE HAGUE DECLARATION (IV, 2) OF 1899 CONCERNING ASPHYXIATING GASES iv 
 2 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 9 THE HAGUE DECLARATION (IV, 3) OF 1899 CONCERNING EXPANDING BULLETS iv 
 2 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 10 THE FINAL ACTS OF THE FIRST AND SECOND HAGUE PEACE CONFERENCES, TOGETHER 
 WITH THE DRAFT CONVENTION ON A JUDICIAL ARBITRATION COURT, iv 40 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 11 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (II) OF 1907 RESPECTING THE LIMITATION OF THE EM- 
 PLOYMENT OF FORCE FOR THE RECOVERY OF CONTRACT DEBTS, iv 7 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 12 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (III) OF 1907 RELATIVE TO THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES 
 iv__4 p . 1915. 
 
 No. 13 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (V) OF 1907 RESPECTING THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF 
 NEUTRAL POWERS AND PERSONS IN CASE OF WAR ON LAND, iv 8 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 14 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (VI) OF 1907 RELATING TO THE STATUS OF ENEMY MER- 
 CHANT SHIPS AT THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES, iv 5 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 15 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (VII) OF 1907 RELATING TO THE CONVERSION OF MER- 
 CHANT SHIPS INTO WAR-SHIPS, iv 5 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 16 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (VIII) OF 1907 RELATIVE TO THE LAYING OF AUTOMATIC 
 SUBMARINE CONTACT MINES, iv 6 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 17 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (IX) OF 1907 CONCERNING BOMBARDMENT BY NAVAL 
 FORCES IN TIME OF WAR. iv 6 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 18 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (XI) OF 1907 RELATIVE TO CERTAIN RESTRICTIONS WITH 
 
 REGARD TO THE EXERCISE OF THE RlGHT OF CAPTURE IN NAVAL WAR. iv 6 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 19 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (XII) OF 1907 RELATIVE TO THE CREATION OF AN INTER- 
 NATIONAL PRIZE COURT, iv 21 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 20 THE HAGUE CONVENTION (XIII) OF 1907 CONCERNING THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF 
 NEUTRAL POWERS IN NAVAL WAR. iv 11 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 21 THE GENEVA CONVENTION OF 1906 FOR THE AMELIORATION OF THE CONDITION OF THE 
 WOUNDED IN ARMIES IN THE FIELD, iv 17 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 22 DOCUMENTS RESPECTING THE LIMITATION OF ARMAMENTS, v 32 p. 1915. 
 
 No. 23 OFFICIAL COMMUNICATIONS AND SPEECHES RELATING TO PEACE PROPOSALS vi 
 100 p. 1917. 
 
 No. 24 DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE CONTROVERSY OVER NEUTRAL RIGHTS BETWEEN THE 
 UNITED STATES AND FRANCE, 1797-1800. vii 91 p. 1917. 
 
 No. 25 OPINIONS OF THE ATTORNEYS GENERAL AND JUDGMENTS OF THE SUPREME COURT 
 AND COURT OF CLAIMS OF THE UNITED STATES RELATING TO THE CONTROVERSY 
 OVER NEUTRAL RIGHTS BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND FRANCE, 1797-1800. 
 v __340 p . (4) 1917. 
 
 No. 26 OPINIONS OF ATTORNEYS GENERAL, DECISIONS OF FEDERAL COURTS, AND DIPLOMATIC 
 CORRESPONDENCE RESPECTING THE TREATIES OF 1785, 1799 AND 1828, BETWEEN 
 THE UNITED STATES AND PRUSSIA, vi 158 p. (4) 1917. 
 
 No. 26 1 SUPPLEMENT TO PAMPHLET No. 26. 
 
 No. 27 OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS BEARING ON THE ARMED NEUTRALITY OF 1780 AND 1800. x 
 295 p. (4) 1917. 
 
 No. 28 EXTRACTS FROM AMERICAN AND FOREIGN WORKS ON INTERNATIONAL LAW CON- 
 CERNING THE ARMED NEUTRALITY OF 1780 AND 1800. vi 109 p. (4) 1917. 
 
 No. 29 Two IDEALS OF GOVERNMENT, v 17 p. (5) 1917. 
 
 No. 30 THE EFFECT OF DEMOCRACY ON INTERNATIONAL LAW. Opening address by Elihu 
 Root as President of the American Society of International Law at the 
 Eleventh Annual Meeting of the Society in Washington, April 26, 1917. ii 
 10 p. (5) 1917. 
 
 CLASSICS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 
 
 This series will include the leading works on International Law, the republication of 
 which has been undertaken principally on account of the difficulty of procuring the texts in 
 convenient form for scientific study. The text of each author is reproduced photograph- 
 ically, so as to lay the source before the reader without the mistakes which creep into a 
 newly pr : nted text. An Introduction is prefixed to each work, giving the necessary bio- 
 
graphical details concerning its author and stating the importance of the text and its place 
 in International Law ; tables of errata in the original are added when necessary, and notes 
 to clear up doubts and ambiguities or to correct mistakes in the text are supplied. Each 
 work is accompanied by an English version made expressly for the series by a competent 
 translator. James Brown Scott, Director of the Division of International Law, is the 
 General Editor of the Classics. 
 
 The works listed below have appeared and are on sale; future publications will be 
 announced as ready: 
 
 ZOUCHE, RICHARD : Juris et Judicii Fecialis, sive, Juris inter Gentes et Quaestionum de 
 Eodem Explicatio. 2 vols. 1916. Price, $4.00. 
 
 Vol. I. A Reproduction of the First Edition (1650), with portrait of Zouche. In- 
 troduction by Thomas E. Holland, List of Errata, and Table of Authors, xvi 
 204 p. 
 
 Vol. II. Translation of the Text, by J. L. Brierly. xvii 186 p. 
 
 AYALA, BALTHAZAR: De Jure et Officiis Bellicis et Disciplina Militari. 2 vols. 1912. 
 Price, $7.00. 
 
 Vol. I. A Reproduction of the Edition of 1582, with portrait of Ayala. Introduc- 
 tion by John Westlake, etc. xxvii 226 p. 
 
 Vol. II. Translation of the Text, by John Pawley Bate, xvi 245 p. 
 VATTEL, E. DE : Le Droit des Gens. 3 vols. 1916. Price, $8.00. 
 
 Vol. I. A Photographic Reproduction of Books I and II of the First Edition (1758), 
 with an Introduction by Albert de Lapradelle. lix 541 p. and portrait of Vattel. 
 
 Vol. II. A Photographic Reproduction of Books III and IV of the First Edition 
 (1758). xxiv 376 p. 
 
 Vol. III. Translation of the Edition of 1758 (by Charles G. Fenwick), with trans- 
 lation (by G. D. Gregory) of Introduction by Albert de Lapradelle. Ixxxviii 
 398 p. 
 
 RACHEL, SAMUEL: De Ture Naturae et Gentium Dissertationes. Edited by Ludwig von 
 Bar. 2 vols. 1916. Price, $4.00. 
 
 Vol. I. A Reproduction of the Edition of 1676, with portrait of Rachel, Introduction 
 by Ludwig von Bar, and List of Errata. 16A x 335 p. 
 
 Vol. II. A Translation of the Text, by John Pawley Bate, with Index of Authors 
 
 Cited. 16A iv 233 p. 
 
 TEXTOR, JOHANN WOLFGANG: Synopsis Juris Gentium. Edited by Ludwig von Bar. 
 2 vols. 1916. Price, $4.00. 
 
 Vol. I. A Reproduction of the First Edition (1680), with portrait of Textor, Intro- 
 duction by Ludwig von Bar, and List of Errata. 28A vi 148 168 p. 
 
 Vol. II. A Translation of the Text, by John Pawley Bate, with Index of Authors 
 
 Cited. 26A v 349 p. 
 
 VICTORIA, FRANCISCUS A: Relectiones: De Indis and De Jure Belli. Introduction by 
 Ernest Nys. Translated by John Pawley Bate. In press. Price, $3.00. 
 
 PUBLICATIONS OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW 
 
 INSTITUT AMERICAIN DE DROIT INTERNATIONAL. Historique, Notes, Opinions. 1 153 p. 
 
 1916. Price, $1.00. 
 THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW : ITS DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS AND 
 
 DUTIES OF NATIONS. By James Brown Scott, President. 1125 p. 1916. Price, 
 
 $1.00. The same in French. 1916. Price, $1.00. 
 LE DROIT INTERNATIONAL DE L'AVENIR. Par Alejandro Alvarez, Secretaire General. 1 153 p. 
 
 1916. Price, $1.00. 
 THE RECOMMENDATIONS OF HABANA CONCERNING INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION. By James 
 
 Brown Scott, President. 1100 p. 1917. Price, $1.00. 
 
 PAMPHLETS 
 
 THE DECLARATION OF THE RIGHTS AND DUTIES OF NATIONS OF THE AMERICAN INSTITUTE OF 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW. Address of Elihu Root. President of the American So- 
 ciety of International Law, at its Tenth Annual Meeting, April 27, 1916, Wash- 
 ington, D. C. 110 p. 
 The same in French. 
 The same in Spanish. 
 The same in Portuguese. 
 
} - 388196 
 
 1 HISTORy 1 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY