UftMU LIBRARY, 
 
 To the Clergy, Masters of Grammar Schools, 
 Tutors of Theological Seminaries, &c. 
 
 EDINBURGH, 38. GEORGE STREET. 
 
 MR. CLARK begs leave, most respectfully, to invite the attention of the 
 Clergy and Masters of Grammar Schools, and Theological Seminaries 
 throughout Great Britain and Ireland, to the Works mentioned in the 
 accompanying Catalogue more especially he requests their attention to 
 
 NEGRIS' & DUNCAN'S Edition of 
 
 Professor Robinson's Greek Lexicon of the New Testament, 
 
 In one very large Volume Octavo, Price L.\. 5s., handsomely bound in cloth. 
 
 This Edition has undergone a rigid revision, and has been most carefully correct- 
 ed. The Greek portion by MR. NEGRIS, a native of Greece, one of the most ac- 
 complished Hellenists of the present day ; and the Hebrew by the REV. JOHN 
 DUNCAN, of Milton Church, Glasgow, one of the most accurate and able Orien- 
 talists in this country. Several thousand errors in the last American Edition have 
 been corrected, and the Publisher has good reason to hope that his Edition will 
 be found, upon examination, the CHEAPEST and the most ACCURATE Lexicon 
 of the New Testament ever brought out. 
 
 . The Biblical Cabinet, 
 
 Which consists of Translations from the most eminent of the German Divines 
 
 and Critics. 
 
 This Publication has been got up at a very heavy expense, with the express design 
 of supplying an important desideratum in the Theological and Philological Library; 
 and it is chiefly to the Clergy that the Publisher looks for the patronage and support 
 which so extensive an undertaking absolutely requires, and which he humbly hopes, 
 in some degree, merits. 
 
 MR. CLARK begs also, most respectfully, to solicit the attention of MASTERS of 
 GRAMMAR SCHOOLS to 
 
 Mr- Negris' Greek Classics* 
 
 MR. NEGRIS is a native of Greece, and has been for many years engaged in col- 
 lating and elucidating the Classic authors of his native country, and the success 
 which has attended his labours has been amply proved by their introduction into 
 many of the most distinguished Classical Establishments in England, Ireland and 
 Scotland, as well as into several Universities. The unprecedented accuracy wh ch 
 characterizes Mr. NEGRIS' Editions the beauty of the typography, and economy of 
 price, will sufficiently account for the preference which is given to them. 
 
 The Students' Cabinet Library, 
 
 Consists of valuable Tracts, written chiefly by distinguished American authors, and 
 in most instances could not be obtained without paying ten times the price charged 
 for them in this Collection, as they have not been formerly published in a separate 
 form.
 
 A MANUAL 
 
 OF 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY, 
 
 PARTICULARLY WITH REGARD TO 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONS, THE COMMERCE, 
 
 AND THE COLONIES, 
 
 
 OF THE STATES OF ANTIQUITY. 
 
 BY A. H. L. HEEREN ; 
 
 KNIGHT OF THE NORTH STAR AND GUELPHIC ORDER J AULIC COUNSELLOR 
 
 AND PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF GOETTINGEN ; 
 
 AND MEMBER OF SEVERAL OTHER LEARNED SOCIETIES. 
 
 Cranslatefc from tf>e ermatt. 
 THE SECOND EDITION, CORRECTED AND IMPROVED. 
 
 OXFORD : 
 PUBLISHED BY D. A. TALBOYS. 
 
 M DCCC XXXIII.
 
 OXFORD : PRINTED BY TALBOYS AND BROWNE.
 
 TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE 
 
 TO THIS EDITION. 
 
 IT is to the patient industry of the historians of 
 Germany, that we are indebted for the first pro- 
 duction of Manuals of history, and for those syn- 
 chronistic tables which have so much facilitated 
 the systematic study of ancient history ; and 
 among the various and profound treatises of this 
 class which enrich and adorn their literature, the 
 works of Heeren are distinguished by their ex- 
 tended range of enquiry, as well as by the minute 
 accuracy of their details. 
 
 The work before us embodies the result of his 
 laborious researches during the long period in 
 which he has been engaged as public lecturer 
 and professor of history in the university of Goet- 
 tingen ; and if it be any recommendation of a 
 work to know that its writer has had ample time, 
 ability, and opportunity to collect and elaborate 
 his materials, it may be asserted, without fear of 
 contradiction, that the author of the present work 
 possessed all these advantages in an eminent de- 
 gree. He has spent the greater portion of his 
 life in lecturing upon the subjects of which it 
 treats, and has in every case gone for his informa- 
 tion immediately to the fountain head. It forms, 
 too, an important feature of his work, that a list 
 of the original sources, whence his own know- 
 
 a2
 
 iv TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 ledge has been drawn, is placed at the head of 
 each section; another is added of the principal 
 writers who have touched upon or illustrated the 
 particular portion of history under notice ; both 
 being generally accompanied with a few words of 
 judicious criticism, in which the value of the 
 writer's authority is estimated, and his sources, 
 circumstances, and prejudices, briefly, but fairly 
 set forth. Besides this advantage, the work pos- 
 sesses the merit of combining the convenience of 
 the Manuals with the synchronistic method of 
 instruction ; as the geography, chronology, and 
 biography of the countries and states of the an- 
 cient world are brought at once under the eye of 
 the reader ; and so lucid is the arrangement, that 
 the darkest and most entangled portions of his- 
 tory are seen in a clear and perspicuous light. 
 Professor Heeren seems, moreover, to possess in 
 a more eminent degree than any other writer, the 
 power of forcing, by a very few words, the atten- 
 tion of the reader upon the most important facts 
 of history; and of conjuring up in his thoughts a 
 train of reflections calculated at once to instruct 
 and enlarge the mind. His work is not only ad- 
 mirably adapted to become a text-book in the study 
 of history, but will be found equally serviceable as 
 a book of reference it will guide the student in 
 his untried and intricate course, and enable the 
 more advanced scholar to methodize his collected 
 stores. Perhaps in no work has so much impor- 
 tant information been condensed into so small a 
 compass. 
 
 The estimation in which this Manual is held 
 on the continent, may be gathered from the
 
 TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. v 
 
 fact of its having passed through six large edi- 
 tions in German, and two in French, and from its 
 having been translated into almost every language 
 of Europe. 
 
 The rapidity with which the first edition, as 
 well as the other writings of professor Heeren, 
 have sold in this country, is a proof that they only 
 required to be known here in order to be appre- 
 ciated. The favour with which these translations 
 have been received, both by the venerable author 
 himself and by the British public, has been a 
 source of the highest gratification to the publisher. 
 The encouragement, so kindly bestowed, has urged 
 him to new exertions, the fruits of which, he trusts, 
 will be observable in the present volume. The 
 Manual has not only been revised and corrected 
 throughout, but has also been diligently compared 
 with the German, and has received such amelio- 
 rations as the original text or the English style 
 seemed to demand. When it is added to this 
 that a very numerous body of corrections and 
 improvements have been sent to the publisher by 
 professor Heeren himself, who has patiently ex- 
 amined the translation expressly for this edition, 
 he trusts that the public will be satisfied that it is 
 as faithful a copy of the original work as the na- 
 ture of things will allow. 
 
 In the preface to the last edition of this Manual 
 the publisher announced his intention, should it 
 be favourably received, of following it up by the 
 publication of another elaborate work of the same 
 author, viz. A Manual of the History of the 
 States of Modern Europe and their Colonies, 
 as forming one political System. This work will
 
 ri TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 now very shortly appear. As an apology for the 
 delay which has taken place, he begs to call to 
 their notice another equally important work by 
 the same author, which he has published in the 
 mean time ; the Historical Researches into the 
 Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Carthagi- 
 nians, Ethiopians, and Egyptians, with a general 
 introduction ; the remainder of this work, con- 
 taining the Historical Researches into the Politics, 
 Intercourse, and Trade of the Ancient Asiatic 
 Nations the Persians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, 
 Scythians, and Hindoos, will appear in a few 
 weeks. 
 
 To add to the usefulness of the work, an ana- 
 lysis of the contents, with dates, has been given 
 in the margin. The f prefixed to some of the 
 books denote that they are written in German. 
 
 OXFORD, 
 March, 1833.
 
 PROFESSOR HEEREN'S WORKS. 
 
 THE following catalogue of the historical works of Professor Heeren, 
 has been sent to the Publisher by the Professor himself. They are 
 uniformly printed in German, in 15 vols. 8vo. and may always be had 
 together or separate of the publisher of this volume. 
 
 VOL. I. II. III. Vermischte historische Schriften. (Miscellaneous His- 
 torical Pieces). 
 
 VOL. I. Einleitung. Biographische Nachrichten iiber den Verfasser. 
 (Biographical Sketch of Heeren's Life, by himself.) 
 
 1. Entwickelung der politischen Folgen der Reformation fur 
 Europa. (Development of the Consequences of the Reformation 
 to the Politics of Europe). 
 
 2. * Versuch einer Entwickelung des Ursprungs und Fortganges 
 der britischen Continental-interesse. (Essay on the Rise and 
 Progress of the British Continental interests). A translation of this 
 Essay will be appended to the Manual of the History of Modern 
 Europe, see vol. viii. ix. below. 
 
 3. Ueber den Einfluss der politischen Theorien auf Europa. 
 (Of the Influence of Political Theories on Europe). 
 
 VOL. II. 1. Ueber die Erhaltung der Nationalitat besiegter Volker. 
 (On the Method of Preserving the Nationality of Conquered States.) 
 Written in 1810, and suppressed by the French. 
 
 2. Entwickelung der Folgen der Kreuzziige fur Europa. (De- 
 velopment of the Effects of the Crusades upon Europe : An essay 
 which obtained the prize of the French Institute in 1808. 
 
 3. Ueber den Einfluss der Normannen auf die franzbsische 
 Sprache und Poe'sie. (On the Influence of the Normans on the 
 French Language and Poetry). 
 
 4. Ueber die Colonisation von JEgypten, und ihre Folgen fur 
 Europa. (On the Colonisation of Egypt, and its Probable Conse- 
 quences to Europe). 
 
 5. Der deutsche Bund in seinen Verhaltnisse zu Europa. (The 
 Influence of the German Federation upon Europe). 
 
 VOL. Ill, 1. Ueber den historischen Werth der Biographien Plu- 
 tarch's. (On the Historical Value of Plutarch's Lives). 
 
 2. Geschichte der biirgerlichen Unruhen der Gracchen. (History 
 of the Civil Commotions under the Gracchi). 
 
 3. Fiinf archseologische und antiquarische Aufsatze. (Five Ar- 
 chaeological and Antiquarian Tracts).
 
 VOL. IV. V. Geschichte der classischen Litteratur im Mittelalter. 
 (History of Classical Literature During the Middle Ages). 
 
 VOL. VI. Biographische und litterarische Denkschriften. (Biographical 
 and Literary Memoirs). 
 
 1. Christian Gottlob. Heyne, biographisch dargestellt. (Bio- 
 graphical Memoir of Heyne), the father-in-law of Heeren. 
 
 2. Andenken an deutsche Historiker. (Memoirs of German 
 Historians. 
 
 VOL. VII. * Handbuch der Geschichte der Staaten des Alterthums, 
 (Manual of Ancient History, of which this volume is the second 
 edition of the English translation). 
 
 VOL. VIII. IX. * Handbuch der Geschichte der europaische Staaten- 
 systems und seiner Colonien. (Manual of the History of the Euro- 
 pean States-system and their Colonies). 
 
 VOL. X. * Ideen ueber die Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel des 
 vornehmsten Staaten der alten Welt. (Researches into the Politics, 
 Intercourse, and Trade of the Principal States of Antiquity, Asiatic 
 Nations). 1 . General Introduction ; 2. Persians. 
 
 VOL. XL *Ideen, etc. (Asiatic Nations). 1. Phoenicians; 2. Babylo- 
 nians; 3. Scythians. 
 
 VOL. XII. * Ideen, etc. (Asiatic Nations). Indians. 
 
 VOL. XIII. * Ideen, etc. (African Nations). 1. Carthaginians; 2. 
 Ethiopians. 
 
 VOL. XIV. * Ideen, etc. (African Nations). Egyptians. 
 VOL. XV. *Ideen, etc. (European Nations). Greeks. 
 
 Those with a * prefixed are translated into English, and are either 
 now published or will very shortly be so.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 IN adding to the number of Manuals on Ancient 
 History already published, I feel myself bound 
 to give an account of the plan on which the pre- 
 sent has been executed. 
 
 It was at first designed to be used in my 
 public lectures, and from them it has grown up 
 to what it now is. In them I did not consider it 
 necessary to state all we know or think we know 
 of ancient history. Many facts highly interesting 
 to the learned historian are not adapted for pub- 
 lic lectures. It was therefore my great object to 
 make choice of such incidents as ought to be 
 known by my pupils in order to the effectual 
 prosecution of their historical studies. Conse- 
 quently I have not extended my labours so far as 
 to give an historical account of every nation, but 
 have limited myself to those most remarkable for 
 their general civilization and political eminence. 
 
 The subjects to which I have particularly di- 
 rected my attention are, the formation of states, 
 the changes in their constitution, the routes by 
 which commerce was carried on, the share which 
 the different nations respectively took in its pur- 
 suit, and, as immediately connected with that
 
 x PREFACE. 
 
 department, their extension severally by means of 
 colonies. 
 
 The favourable reception which my larger work, 
 executed after a different plan, has met with, 
 would lead me to hope for a like indulgence in 
 this new attempt, even if the spirit of the age did 
 not so loudly call upon every historian to direct 
 his chief attention to these subjects. And for 
 this reason I could not rest satisfied with a mere 
 detail of isolated facts, but have made it my study 
 to follow the course of events, linking them into 
 one connected chain ; so as to represent them in 
 a condensed form by continually and carefully 
 forcing together the main circumstances which 
 contributed to the development of the whole. 
 
 Without this, history in general would be but 
 a lifeless study, more especially that of republics, 
 which were so numerous in ancient times, and 
 which, from their constitution being made up of 
 political parties, everywhere present the most 
 difficult problems for the historian's solution. Of 
 all the larger divisions of my work, the arrange- 
 ment of the Greek history I have found most trou- 
 blesome, on account of the number of little states 
 into which it is sub-divided. Historians, indeed, 
 lighten this labour by confining themselves merely 
 to Athens and Sparta ; but by so doing they give 
 us a very imperfect knowledge of the subject. I 
 have endeavoured to surmount the difficulty by 
 throwing the account of the smaller states and 
 their colonies into the second period ; by which 
 means I have been able in the third and most 
 important portion, the interest of which depends 
 entirely upon the principal states, to carry on my
 
 PREFACE. xi 
 
 history, as a whole without interruption. But in 
 case others, who wish to make this Manual the 
 groundwork of their lectures, should dislike this 
 arrangement, they may very easily attach these 
 notices to the introductory geographical survey ; a 
 plan I very often adopt in my own lectures. Upon 
 the arrangement of the other parts, I am not aware 
 of the necessity of making any observations. The 
 sources from which I have drawn my materials 
 are specified in every section. Particular refer- 
 ences do not come within my plan; and if I have 
 referred several times in the first two sections to 
 my larger work, it is only on particular points, 
 explanations of which may be sought for in vain 
 elsewhere. 
 
 Some knowledge of ancient geography and 
 the use of maps a , if it has not been previously 
 acquired by the student, should, I am convinced, 
 always be connected with lectures on ancient 
 history. That this need not extend to detailed 
 explanations of ancient geography, but that it 
 should be restricted to what is merely useful in 
 the study of history, I have observed in the body 
 of my work. The geographical chapters which 
 are interspersed having been written with this 
 intent, will, I hope, be judged of accordingly. 
 I have taken care to arrange them so as to in- 
 clude the whole of the ancient world; it depends, 
 therefore, only upon the teacher to form a more 
 or less extensive course upon them. 
 
 With regard to chronology, I have followed 
 throughout the same uniform plan of computing 
 
 * I have made use of D'Anville.
 
 xii PREFACE. 
 
 time, viz. to and from the birth of Christ. By 
 preferring this method, so convenient and certain, 
 to the inconvenient and uncertain one of reckon- 
 ing from the year of the world, I hope I have de- 
 served the thanks of my readers. I relinquish, 
 on the other hand, all claim to merit on the score 
 of having more accurately defined the chronology 
 of events which occur before the time of Cyrus. 
 I have, on the contrary, in this part of my labour, 
 often stated round numbers, where, in many 
 modern publications, precise dates may be found. 
 Exact determinations of time are only necessary, 
 in my opinion, where a continuous development 
 of circumstances takes place ; not where uncon- 
 nected facts are recorded. 
 
 The transactions of our own times have thrown 
 a light upon ancient history, and given it an in- 
 terest which it could not formerly possess. A 
 knowledge of history, if riot the only, is at least 
 the most certain means of obtaining a clear and 
 unprejudiced view of the great drama now per- 
 forming around us. All direct comparisons, not- 
 withstanding the many opportunities which have 
 tempted me, I considered as foreign to my plan ; 
 but if, notwithstanding in some chapters of my 
 work, particularly in the history of the Roman re- 
 public, I may be thought to make a reference to 
 the transactions of the ten years during which 
 this work has been published, I do not consider 
 it necessary to offer any excuse for so doing. Of 
 what use is the study of history if it do not make 
 us wiser and better? unless the knowledge of the 
 past teach us to judge more correctly of the pre- 
 sent? Should I have contributed in any measure
 
 PREFACE. xiii 
 
 to promote this object, and should I be so fortu- 
 nate as to lead the minds of my young friends to 
 a deeper study of a science which can only in this 
 way reward its admirers, I shall esteem it the most 
 delightful recompense my labour can receive. 
 
 GOETTINGEN, Sept. 23, 1799. 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE SECOND AND FOLLOWING EDITIONS. 
 
 THE call for a second edition of my Manual im- 
 poses upon me an obligation to supply the de- 
 ficiencies of my former work. Corrections have 
 been carefully made, and many parts completely 
 re-written. A select list of books which treat of 
 the respective departments of my subject is now 
 first added ; the former edition containing only 
 references to the sources from which my facts 
 were derived. This. I trust, will be considered an 
 essential service to the friends of historical sci- 
 ence, more especially the young, for whom and 
 not for the learned these additions have been 
 made. Their use in this place is particularly 
 obvious, where it is in every one's power to pro- 
 cure the books referred to b . The short criticisms 
 subjoined, where it seemed necessary, will serve 
 as guides for their use. In the author's depart- 
 
 b [The author alludes to the public library at Goettingen. TR.]
 
 xiv PREFACE. 
 
 ment of the work but little has been changed, 
 while its form and appearance have been im- 
 proved by the use of different types, by more ac- 
 curate running titles, and by ranging the dates in 
 the margin. By the adoption of the latter method 
 the increase in the number of pages is rendered 
 inconsiderable, notwithstanding the numerous ad- 
 ditions which have been made to the matter. In 
 its arrangement, this work is the same as my 
 Manual of the History of the European States 
 and their Colonies. Beyond this, however, these 
 works have no relation to each other, but have 
 been executed upon quite different principles; the 
 present as a history of the separate states of the 
 ancient world, and the other as a general history 
 of modern states and their colonies, as forming 
 altogether one political system. Each, however, 
 forms a complete work in itself, and it is by no 
 means my intention to fill up the gulf which time 
 has placed between them. 
 
 I regret that the acute researches of M. Vol- 
 ney c , upon the chronology of Herodotus before 
 the time of Cyrus, came too late into my hands 
 to be made use of in its proper place in my 
 second edition. In the third this has been 
 done. I lay claim, at the same time, to the 
 thanks of the reader for giving, in an Appendix, 
 the results of these researches, together with 
 references to the passages by which they are 
 supported ; leaving out, however, all extraneous 
 matter, and everything that cannot be proved by 
 the positive assertions of the father of history. 
 
 c Chronologie d'Herodote, conforme a son Texte par C. F. Volney. Paris, 
 1809, 3 vols. See the Gott. Gel. Anz. for 1810 and 1816.
 
 PREFACE. xv 
 
 I cannot close this preface without again re- 
 curring to the advantage of the mode now be- 
 coming more and more general, of computing- 
 time in ancient history according to the number 
 of years before Christ. The fact of its being cer- 
 tain and convenient has often been remarked ; but 
 besides this it possesses the great advantage of 
 giving us at once a clear and precise notion of the 
 interval that separates us from the incidents re- 
 corded ; which it is impossible to obtain by the 
 use of any other era, whether the year of the 
 world, the olympiads, or the year of Rome, etc. 
 And yet this peculiar advantage, so great in the 
 eyes of the teacher, has not, to the best of my 
 knowledge, been hitherto made the subject of re- 
 mark. Even for the science of history itself, this 
 circumstance is of greater moment than might be 
 at first supposed. Should an enquirer arise who 
 would closely examine all ancient history accord- 
 ing to this era setting out from the generally re- 
 ceived year of the birth of Christ as from a fixed 
 point, to which the labours of M. Volney are a 
 good beginning the whole science would thereby 
 acquire a firmer consistency. For by this method 
 all dates would not appear equally certain and 
 equally uncertain, as they do in the eras which 
 are computed from the year of the world ; but it 
 would be shown what is chronologically certain, 
 what only probable, and what completely uncer- 
 tain, according as we should recede from the 
 clearer into the more obscure regions of history. 
 The old manner of reckoning from the year of the 
 world, in which congruity was impossible, be- 
 cause there was no agreement upon the point to
 
 xvi PREFACE. 
 
 start from, would certainly be thrown aside ; but 
 where is the harm if something better and more 
 certain be substituted in its place? 
 
 In the third, fourth, fifth, and sixth editions, 
 though the increase in the number of pages is 
 small, yet all those additions and corrections 
 which I deemed necessary, and which the pro- 
 gress of knowledge and discovery, as in the case 
 of Egypt and other countries, enabled me to 
 effect, have been most carefully and fully made. 
 The importance of these will be best seen by 
 comparison. 
 
 Goettingen, 1828.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 INTRODUCTION 1 
 
 Book I. Asiatic and African states previous to Cyrus 15 
 
 General geographical outline of Asia ib. 
 
 Preliminary and General Observations upon the History and 
 
 Constitution of the great Asiatic Empires 22 
 
 History of the ancient Asiatic kingdoms before the reign of 
 
 Cyrus ... 25 
 
 I. Assyrian monarchy ib. 
 
 II. Median monarchy . 26 
 
 III. Babylonian monarchy 27 
 
 IV. States in Asia Minor.... 29 
 
 1. Trojan empire ib. 
 
 2. Phrygian empire ib. 
 
 3. Lydian empire ib. 
 
 V. Phoenicia 30 
 
 VI. Syrians 33 
 
 VII. Jews 34 
 
 1. Period of the Nomad state from Abraham till the con- 
 quest of Palestine 35 
 
 2. Period of the federative republic 36 
 
 3. Period of the monarchy from B. C. 1100600 38 
 
 The Jewish state as one single kingdom ib. 
 
 The Jewish state as a divided kingdom 40 
 
 African Nations 45 
 
 General geographical outline of Ancient Africa ib. 
 
 I. Egyptians 47 
 
 1st Period. From the earliest times down to the Sesos- 
 
 tridse, about B. C. 1500 51 
 
 2nd Period. From the Sesostridae till the sole dominion 
 
 of Psammetichus, B.C. 1500650 62 
 
 3rd Period. From the reign of Psammetichus to the 
 Persian conquest of Egypt by Cambyses, B. C. 650 
 
 525 69 
 
 b
 
 XV1I1 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 II. Carthaginians 73 
 
 1st Period. From the foundation of Carthage to the 
 
 wars with Syracuse, B.C. 880 480 74 
 
 2nd Period. From the breaking out of the wars with 
 Syracuse to the commencement of those with Rome, 
 
 B.C. 480 264 80 
 
 3rd Period. From the beginning of the wars with 
 
 Rome to the downfal of Carthage, B. C. 264146. . . 82 
 Book II. History of the Persian empire from B. C. 560 
 
 330 90 
 
 Book III. History of the Grecian states 112 
 
 Geographical outline of Greece ib. 
 
 1st Period. Traditional history down to the Trojan war, 
 
 about B.C. 1200 118 
 
 2nd Period. From the Trojan war to the breaking out 
 
 of the Persian war, B. C. 1200500 127 
 
 History of the Hellenic states within Greece ib. 
 
 General history ib. 
 
 Sparta 131 
 
 Athens 136 
 
 Principal data for the history of the smaller states : 
 
 I. Within the Peloponnesus : 
 
 a. Arcadia 142 
 
 b. Argos ib. 
 
 c. Corinth 143 
 
 d. Sicyon 144 
 
 At- !- 
 
 e. Achaia ib. 
 
 /. Elis 145 
 
 II. Central Greece, or Hellas : 
 
 a. Megaris 146 
 
 b. Bceotia 147 
 
 c. Phocis 148 
 
 d. Locris ib. 
 
 e. JEtolia. ib. 
 
 /. Acarnania 149 
 
 III. Northern Greece: 
 
 a. Thessaly 149 
 
 b. Epirus 150 
 
 IV. Grecian Islands : 
 
 a. Corcyra 151 
 
 6. ^Egina ib.
 
 
 CONTKNTS. XIX 
 
 Page 
 
 c. Euboea 152 
 
 d. The Cyclades ib. 
 
 e. Crete ib. 
 
 /. Cyprus 154 
 
 History of the Grecian colonies 155 
 
 General observations ib. 
 
 Colonies on the Western coast of Asia Minor : 157 
 
 1 . jEolian colonies 158 
 
 2. Ionian colonies 159 
 
 3. Dorian colonies 161 
 
 Colonies on the coast of the Propontis and the Black 
 
 sea 162 
 
 Colonies on the coasts of Thrace and Macedonia 163 
 
 Colonies on the western coast of Greece 1 64 
 
 Grecian settlements in Lower Italy : 
 
 a. Tarentum 165 
 
 b. Croton 166 
 
 c. Sybaris ib. 
 
 d. Thurii 167 
 
 e. Locri Epizephyrii ib. 
 
 / Rhegium 168 
 
 g. Cumae. ib. 
 
 Grecian settlements in Sicily : 
 
 a. Syracuse 1 69 
 
 b. Agrigentum 174 
 
 c. The smaller Sicilian cities 175 
 
 Colonies in Sardinia and Corsica ib. 
 
 Colonies in Gaul; Massilia 176 
 
 Colonies in Spain ; Saguntum ib. 
 
 Colonies in Africa ; Cyrene ib. 
 
 Period III. From the breaking out of the Persian wars to 
 
 Alexander the Great, B. C. 500 336.... 178 
 
 Book IV. History of the Macedonian Monarchy : 
 
 Period I. From its origin to the death of Alexander the 
 
 Great, B. C. 800323 206 
 
 Period II. History of the Macedonian monarchy, from the 
 
 death of Alexander the Great to the battle of Ipsus, B. C. 
 
 323301 222 
 
 Period III. History of the separate kingdoms and states 
 
 which arose out of the dismemberment of the Macedonian 
 
 monarchy, after the battle of Ipsus 232
 
 XX CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 I. History of the Syrian empire under the Seleucidrc 
 B.C. 312 64 232 
 
 II. History of the Egyptian kingdom under the Ptole- 
 mies, B. C. 323 30 247 
 
 III. History of Macedonia itself and of Greece, from the 
 death of Alexander to the Roman conquest, B. C. 323 
 
 146 268 
 
 Achaean league 280 
 
 .ffitolian league 279 
 
 IV. History of some smaller or more distant kingdoms 
 and states formed out of the Macedonian monarchy 290 
 
 The kingdom of Pergamus 291 
 
 Bithynia 293 
 
 Paphlagonia 294 
 
 Pontus 295 
 
 Cappadocia 297 
 
 Armenia 298 
 
 The kingdom of Parthia 299 
 
 The kingdom of Bactria 305 
 
 The restored kingdom of the Jews 306 
 
 1. Under the Persians 307 
 
 2. Under the Ptolemies and Seleucidae 308 
 
 3. Under the Maccabees 309 
 
 4. Under the family of Herod 311 
 
 Book V. History of the Roman state : 
 
 Introductory remarks on the Geography of Ancient Italy ... 314 
 
 Period I. From the foundation of Rome to the conquest 
 of Italy, and the commencement of the wars with Car- 
 thage, B. C. 754264, or A. U. C. 1490 321 
 
 Period II. From the commencement of the war with 
 Carthage to the rise of the civil broils under the Grac- 
 chi, B. C. 264134, or A. U. C. 490620 339 
 
 Period III. From the beginning of the civil broils under 
 the Gracchi to the fall of the republic, B. C. 13430, 
 or A. U. C. 620 724 362 
 
 Period IV. History of the Roman state as a monarchy 
 till the overthrow of the western empire, B. C. 30 
 
 A. C.476 402 
 
 Geographical outline. View of the Roman empire and pro- 
 vinces, and other countries connected with it by w- r or 
 commerce ib.
 
 CONTENTS. XXI 
 
 Page 
 
 1st Section. From Augustus Caesar to the death of 
 
 Commodus, B. C. 30 A. C. 193 411 
 
 2nd Section. From the death of Commodus to Diocle- 
 tian, A. C. 193284 437 
 
 3rd Section. From Diocletian to the overthrow of the 
 
 Roman empire in the west, A. C. 284 476 454 
 
 Appendix. Chronology of Herodotus from the time of Cyrus, 
 
 according to Volney 475 
 
 Genealogical Table of the reigning houses of Macedon 481 
 
 - the Seleucidee.. 482 
 
 - the Ptolemies . 483 
 
 the Jews 484 
 
 the Caesars 485 
 
 Constantine 486
 
 MANUAL 
 
 OP 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. THE sources of ancient history may be ranged under two 
 heads; the ancient writers, and the monuments still extant. 
 The various writers will be mentioned in their proper places, at 
 the different divisions of this work. A general view of the ancient 
 monuments, so far as they are sources of history, will be found in : 
 
 OBERLIN, Orbis antiqui monumentis suis illustrati primes li- 
 nece. Argentorati, 1790. Extremely defective, as many disco- 
 veries have been made since it was published. 
 
 II. GENERAL TREATISES ON ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 1. The more voluminous works on the subject. These may be 
 divided in two classes : a. The part appropriated to ancient his- 
 tory, in the general treatises on universal history ; b. Works ex- 
 clusively devoted to ancient history. 
 
 a. To the first class belong : 
 
 The Universal History, ancient and modern ; rvith maps and 
 additions. Lond. 1736, 26 vols. folio. Reprinted in 8vo. in 
 67 vols. and again in 60 vols. with omissions and additions. 
 
 This work, compiled by a society of British scholars, has been 
 translated into German, and illustrated with remarks, by SIEGM. 
 JAC. BAUMGARTEN. Halle, 1 746, 4to. The Germans frequently 
 designate it by the name of the Halle Universal History of the 
 World : the first eighteen vols. comprise the ancient part. 
 
 WILL. GUTHRIE, JOHN GRAY, etc. General History of the 
 World, from the creation to the present time. London, 1764 
 1767, 12 vols. 8vo. This work, of no estimation in the original, 
 is rendered valuable and useful by the labours of the German 
 translator, C. G. HEYNE, (Leip. 1766, 8vo.) who has corrected 
 the errors, inserted the dates, and added his own observations. 
 
 b. To the second class belong : 
 
 ROLLIN, Histoire ancienne des Egypliens, des Carlhaginois, 
 des Assyriens, des Medes el des Perses, des Macedoniens, d*s 
 
 B
 
 2 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 (jrecs. Paris, 1824, 12 vols. 8vo. ; revue par LETRONNE : the 
 last and best edition. This work, which greatly promoted the 
 study of ancient history in France, still maintains its well-earned 
 reputation. It was translated into English, 1768 : best edition, 
 7 vols. 8vo. : frequently reprinted.] The above is generally ac- 
 companied by the Histoire Romaine of the same author. See 
 below, book v. first period, Sources. 
 
 JAC. BEN. BOSSUET, Discours sur I'Histoire Universelle. 
 Paris, 1680, 3 vols. Frequently reprinted, being considered by 
 the French one of their classics. 
 
 ^English translation, by RICH. SPENCER. London, 1730, 8vo/] 
 
 MILLOT, Siemens de VHistoire Generale. Paris, 1772, sq. 
 {^Translated into English, 1778, 2 vols. 8vo. : and again, an im- 
 proved edition, with additions/] Edinb. 1823, 6 vols. 8vo. The 
 ancient history is contained in the first two volumes. 
 
 tJoH. MATTH. SCHROECKH, General History of the World, 
 for the use of children. Leipzic, 1779, sq. 6 vols. 
 
 iJ. G. EICHHORN, History of the Ancient World, 1799? third 
 edition, 1817. (First part of the History of the World.) 
 
 tDAN. G. J. HUEBLER, Sketch of the General History of the 
 Rations of Antiquity, from the birth of states to the end of the 
 Roman commonwealth. Freyberg, 1798 1802. Five parts ; 
 and a continuation : History of the Romans under the Emperors, 
 and of the contemporary Nations, until the great migration, 1803 ; 
 three parts. A work rendered extremely useful, by the judicious 
 advantage taken by the author of the labours of other writers. 
 
 tH. LUDEN, General History of Nations. 1814 ; three parts. 
 
 tL. VON DRESCH, General Political History. 1815; three 
 parts. In each of the above works the first part contains the 
 ancient history, and exhibits the more modern views of the 
 subject. 
 
 QThe following is added, as well deserving the attention of the 
 English student: RALEGH (Sir WALTER) History of the World, 
 Part I. extending to the end of the Macedonian Empire; rvilli his 
 Life and Trial, by Mr. Oldys. Lond. 1736, 2 vols. folio. For- 
 merly the best edition ; but a new and improved one has been 
 printed at the Clarendon press. Oxford, 1829, 8 vols. 8vo.] 
 
 tF. VON RAUMER, Lectures on Ancient History, parts 1, 2. 
 Berlin, 1821. 
 
 Works furnishing illustrations of the progressive civilization, 
 government, and commerce of early nations, although, strictly 
 speaking, not treatises on ancient history, are nevertheless very
 
 INTRODUCTION. 3 
 
 closely connected with the subject. Among these may be men- 
 tioned : 
 
 GOGUET, De I'Origine des Lois, des Arts, et des Sciences, ct de 
 leurs progres chez les anciens peuples ; nouv. edit. Paris, 1778. 
 [Translated by Dr. DUNN and Mr. SPEERMAN. Edinb. 1761 
 1775, 3 vols. 8vo.] 
 
 f A. H. L. HEEREN, Reflections on the Politics, Intercourse, 
 and Trade of the most eminent Nations in the Ancient World. 
 Third edition, with many additions. Gottirigen, 1815, 8vo. ; the 
 third part, 1821. Fourth edition. Gottingen, 1824. [This edi- 
 tion, the last, contains many improvements and additions, sug- 
 gested by the great discoveries of modern travellers. Part I, 
 Asiatic Nations, in 3 vols. Persians, Phoenicians, Babylonians, 
 Scythians, Indians. An English translation of which is at this 
 moment in the press. Part II, African Nations, 2 vols. Car- 
 thaginians, Ethiopians, Egyptians. Part III, European Na- 
 tions ; of which only 1 volume, Greeks, has been published.] 
 2. Manuals, or epitomes. 
 
 The Germans are entitled to the merit of having first produced 
 manuals of ancient history, all of them useful, some excellent, in 
 their kind : they are a result of the progress made in this science 
 at the universities. 
 
 "f~J. CHR. GATTERER, Attempt at an Universal History of the 
 World to the discovery of America. Gottingen, 1792. He who 
 possesses this, the last and ripest fruit of Gatterer's studies, may 
 dispense with the earlier manuals published by that author. 
 
 f CHR. DAN. BECK, A Short Introduction to the Knowledge 
 of the Universal History of the World and of Nature. Leipzic, 
 1798. The first part connected with our subject extends to 
 A. D. 843. This volume is enriched with such a copious and 
 critical account of books relating to ancient history, that it may 
 supply the place of a particular work on the subject. 
 
 {J. A. REMER, Manual of the more Ancient History, from the 
 creation of the world to the great migration. Fourth edition. 
 Brunswick, 1832. 
 
 "}"J. M. SCHROECKH, Manual of Universal History. 1 774 : 
 latest edition, 1795. 
 
 fG. S. BREDOW, Manual of Ancient History, with a sketch of 
 the chronology of the ancients. Altona, 1799, 8vo. [Translated 
 into English. Lond. 1828, 12mo. In English we have: 
 
 The Outlines of History, in 1 vol. (forming part of Lardner's 
 Cabinet Cyclopaedia, by Mr. KEIGHTLY, author of a learned and
 
 4 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 highly useful work on Grecian Mythology, is a convenient 
 abridgement. TYTLER'S Elements of General History, improved 
 and continued by Dr. NARES. Lond. 1825, best edition ; owes 
 its reputation and success to the want of a better work on the 
 subject.] 
 
 3. Helps. 
 
 Among the works subservient to the study of ancient history, 
 the first rank is justly due to the synchronistic tables. 
 
 fD. G. J. HUEBLER, Synchronistic Tables of the History of 
 Nations ; arranged principally according to GATTEREH'S History 
 of the World. In two numbers. Second edit. 1799 and 1804. 
 
 object of 1. The object of POLITICAL HISTORY is to re- 
 count the destinies of nations, both in respect to 
 their foreign relations and internal affairs. In re- 
 gard to domestic concerns, one of its most im- 
 portant objects is the history of governments : in 
 respect to external affairs, it comprises not only 
 an account of the wars, but likewise of the friendly 
 relations and intercourse with other states. 
 
 Observe here the difference between universal history, or ge- 
 neral history of the human race, and the history of nations ; the 
 latter forms part of the former. Observe also the difference be- 
 tween political history and that of civilization, or of man as a 
 human being : the latter is merely the history of man, as man, 
 without regard to political circumstances. 
 
 Divided 2. Universal political history is usually divided 
 parts : re( into three parts : ancient history, that of the middle 
 ages, and modern history. The first extends to the 
 fall of the Roman empire in the west, which took 
 first, to place towards the close of the fifth century of the 
 D. 500, cnr j st i an era; the second extends to the disco- 
 second, to very of America, and of a passage by sea to the 
 A ' D ' 1500 'East Indies, about the end of the fifteenth cen- 
 third, to tury ; the third extends from the commencement 
 of the sixteenth century to the present time. 
 
 The propriety of the above division is evinced by the nature of 
 the events which form these epochs. The student will easily
 
 INTRODUCTION. 5 
 
 perceive that the division of history, into that before and after 
 the birth of Christ, is not judicious. 
 
 3. From the definition just given, it follows, Commence- 
 that political history does not commence till after ^uticai 
 the first formation of states. Whatever is known, hl 
 therefore, of the period previous to this, or may 
 
 be gathered from traditions, respecting individuals 
 or tribes, or their migrations, affinities, or disco- 
 veries, forms no part of political history, but must 
 be referred to the general history of man. 
 
 It is well known that a great deal of information has been pre- 
 served in the sacred writings concerning the early fortunes of 
 the human race. From these materials have been compiled what 
 has been called an Historia Antediluviana, sometimes considered 
 as forming a separate division of history. What has been said 
 above will satisfactorily account for the omission of this portion 
 of history in the present work ; although none can deny the high 
 importance of such traditions in the investigation of the origin, 
 dispersion, and civilization of the human race. 
 
 4. The sources of history may be ranged under sources of 
 two general heads ; oral traditions, and written do- 
 cuments of various kinds. The history of every 
 nation usually commences witK oral tradition, 
 which remains the only source, until the art of 
 writing becomes known, and in some degree 
 adopted by the people. 
 
 5. Under the name of traditional history or my- mythology, 
 thology, is comprehended all the general collec- 
 tion of oral traditions preserved by a nation ; and 
 
 some such traditional history or mythology is to 
 be found among every people in the first stage of 
 their existence as a community. This mythology, 
 however, is by no means confined to events strictly 
 historical, but embraces every branch of inform- 
 ation which may appear to a nation in its infancy,
 
 G INTRODUCTION. 
 
 of sufficient importance to be preserved and handed 
 down to posterity. 
 
 Hence the mythology of a people is invariably composed of 
 very heterogeneous materials ; it not only preserves the remem- 
 brance of various kinds of historical facts, but likewise the per- 
 vading ideas of the people with respect to the nature and wor- 
 ship of their deities ; as well as the notions they had formed from 
 observations and experience respecting astronomy, morals, the 
 arts, etc. All these are handed down in the form of historical 
 narrative ; because man, as yet unpractised in abstract thinking, 
 necessarily represents every thing to his mind under the figure 
 of some physical object. It is just as useless, therefore, to at- 
 tempt to mould the mythology of any people into a consistent 
 and connected whole, or indeed into any scientific system what- 
 soever, as it is difficult to draw a strict line between what belongs 
 to mythology, and what to pure history. It follows, therefore, that 
 mythology should be employed by the historian with great cau- 
 tion ; and not without judicious criticism, and an accurate know- 
 ledge of antiquity. 
 
 These correct views of mythology, the key to the whole of 
 earlier antiquity, were first set forth and illustrated by Heyne, 
 in his commentaries upon Virgil and other poets, in his edition 
 of Apollodorus, and in various essays published in the Trans- 
 actions of the Gottingen Scientific Society. It is principally to 
 the aid of these that the Germans owe their superiority over 
 other nations in the science of antiquity. 
 
 poetry. 6. The place of writing among such nations, is 
 
 generally supplied, in a great measure, by poetry ; 
 which being in its origin nothing more than ima- 
 gery expressed in figurative language, must spon- 
 taneously arise among men, as yet wont to repre- 
 sent every thing to their minds under the form of 
 images. Hence the subject matter of the poetry 
 of every n,ation, while in a state of rudeness, is 
 and can be nothing else but its mythology ; and 
 the great variety in the materials of which this is 
 composed very naturally gave rise, at the same 
 early period, to various kinds of poetry ; as the
 
 INTRODUCTION. 7 
 
 lyric, the didactic, the epic. The last of these, 
 inasmuch as it contains the historic songs and the 
 epopee, claims in a more especial manner the at- 
 tention of the historian. 
 
 The mythi (or fables of which this mythology was composed) 
 were in later times frequently collected from the works of the 
 poets, and committed to writing by grammarians ; such as Apol- 
 lodorus and others. This, however, can have had no effect on 
 their original character. 
 
 7. The second source of history, much more written 
 copious and important than the former, are the 
 various kinds of written monuments. These may 
 
 be arranged according to the order of time at 
 which they were brought into use, into three 
 classes; 1st. Inscriptions on public monuments, 
 under which head are included the coins of later 
 date; 2nd. Chronological records of events, under 
 the form of annals and chronicles ; 3rd. Real 
 philosophical works on history. 
 
 8. Inscriptions on public monuments erected inscrip- 
 to preserve the remembrance of certain events, 
 though perhaps no more than a stone set upright, 
 
 or even a bare rock, was used for that purpose, 
 were undoubtedly the most ancient written me- 
 morials. These rude monuments became fashion- 
 ed by art into columns, obelisks, and pyramids, 
 as the taste of the nation became formed ; and as- 
 sumed that definite character which local circum- 
 stances and the natural features of the country 
 led it to adopt, as architecture arose and attained 
 to perfection among them. The very object, in- 
 deed, for which they were erected the comme- 
 moration of remarkable events, must have sug- 
 gested the practice of inscribing upon them some 
 particulars of the facts they were intended to per-
 
 8 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 petuate. Of this nature, no doubt, were the old- 
 est monuments, and more particularly those of 
 Egypt. Their use was much more general among 
 nations of a later period, especially Greece and 
 Rome, than among the moderns ; yet of the great 
 mass of inscriptions still extant, but few com- 
 paratively are of any importance as regards his- 
 tory. 
 
 The characters engraved on these monuments were either sym- 
 bolical (hieroglyphics ; see below under Egypt,) or alphabetical. 
 The invention and transmission of alphabetical writing are com- 
 monly ascribed to the Phoenicians ; although, if we may judge 
 by the shape of the arrow-headed character, it was made, with- 
 out communication with them, in the interior of Asia. 
 
 The general collections of inscriptions are : 
 
 LUD. ANT. MURATORI, Novns Thesaurus veterum Inscriptio- 
 num. Mediolani, 1739, sq. 4 vols. fol. Together with SEE. Do- 
 NATI, Supplementa. Luccae, 1764. JAN. GRUTERI, Inscriptio- 
 nes antiques totius orbis Romani, euro, J. G. GRJEVII. Amstel. 
 1707, 2 vols. fol. 
 
 C. A. BOEKHIUS, Corpus Inscriptionum Grcecarum, auctori- 
 tate et impends Academic literarum Borussicce, vol. 1. 1827, 
 folio. 
 
 Among the separate monuments, the most important for ancient 
 history is the Parian or Oxford Inscription, Marmora Oxoniensia, 
 Arundeliana, edited by SELDEN, 1629; by PRIDEAUX, 1677- 
 The best edition is by RICH. CHANDLER, Oxf. 1763, fol. A 
 useful and portable edition has been published by FR. CH. 
 WAGNER, containing the Greek text, with a German translation 
 and notes. Gottingen, 1790, 8vo. 
 
 coins, 9. Coins may likewise be regarded as a source 
 
 of ancient history, as by the light they throw upon 
 genealogy and chronology, the events known from 
 other authorities may be better arranged and un- 
 derstood. The importance of coins, therefore, 
 becomes most sensible in those portions of his- 
 tory where our information, in consequence of
 
 INTRODUCTION. 9 
 
 the loss of the works of the original historians, is 
 reduced to a few insulated facts and fragments. 
 
 Ez. SPANHEMII, Dissertatio de Usu et Proestantia Numisma- 
 tum. Londini, 1707 et 1709, 2 vols. fol. The capital work, how- 
 ever, on this subject, and which embraces the whole numismatic 
 science of antiquity is : 
 
 ECKHEL, De Doctrina Nummorum Veternm. Viennse, 1792 
 1798, 8 vols. 4to. And the epitome : 
 
 f- ECKHEL, Brief 'Elements of Ancient Numismatics. Vienna, 
 1707, 8vo. Another very useful work is : 
 
 J. C. RASCHE, Lexicon Universes Rei Nummarice Veterum. 
 1785, sq. 5 vols. 8vo. 
 
 10. Chronicles or annals form the second great annals, 
 division of written historical monuments. These 
 presuppose the invention of letters, and the use 
 
 of materials for writing upon ; consequently they 
 are of a later date than mere inscriptions. They 
 occur, nevertheless, in the earlier periods of na- 
 tions; and from such annals, indited by public 
 authority (state chronicles,) subsequent historians 
 have generally drawn materials for their works. 
 In many nations, and in nearly all the eastern 
 ones, history has not even yet advanced beyond 
 the composition of such chronicles. 
 
 11. The third great division of historical writ- regular 
 ings is formed of works composed on philosophical 
 principles, which differ from mere annals by their 
 containing not only a chronological narration of 
 events, but also a development of their connec- 
 tion with one another, their causes and effects. 
 
 But few nations among the moderns, and we know of none 
 among the ancients, except the Greeks and Romans, that had 
 any acquaintance with this sort of history. A fact which may 
 be attributed, 1st. To the government; for the more com- 
 pletely the affairs of a nation are under the control of arbitrary 
 power and caprice, whether of one or more individuals, so much the 
 less apparent is a rational internal connection of events. Hence
 
 10 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 philosophical history flourishes most under free governments; 
 and has not even a shadow of existence under pure despotic con- 
 stitutions. 2nd. To the degree of civilization to which the na- 
 tion may have attained : for the observing and unravelling of the 
 political connection of events presupposes a considerable progress 
 in philosophical culture. 
 
 chronology 12. Since all events are considered in refer- 
 graphy. eiice to the time and place in which they oc- 
 cur, it follows that geography and chronology 
 are indispensable as auxiliary sciences in the 
 study of history, especially the ancient. These 
 sciences, however, need not, for this purpose, be 
 considered in their full extent and detail, but 
 only so far as they are of use in determining and 
 arranging events according to time and place. 
 A fixed mode of computing time is therefore ne- 
 cessary in ancient history, as well as a continuous 
 geographical description of the countries which 
 were the theatres of the principal events. 
 Eras. 13. No method of computing time was adopted 
 
 generally in antiquity. Each nation, each state, 
 had its own era : yet, in the explication of an- 
 cient history, there is an evident necessity that 
 some common era should be fixed upon, by which 
 a synchronistic view of the various events may be 
 obtained. For this purpose, the years may be 
 computed either from the creation of the world, 
 or before and after Christ. The latter method 
 has the advantage not only of greater certainty, 
 but also of greater convenience. 
 
 Of the various modes of computing time, the best known are 
 those of the Greeks and the Romans ; the former by olympiads, 
 the latter by years from the foundation of Rome. The era of 
 the olympiads commences at B. C. 776 ; that of the foundation 
 of Rome commences at B. C. 7i>3, according to Varro ; at B. C. 
 752, according to Cato. The era of the Seleucidse, in the Syrian
 
 INTRODUCTION. 11 
 
 empire, commences with B. C. 312. Various other eras, such as 
 that of Nabonnassar, commencing with B. C. 747* are founded 
 on observations preserved by Ptolemy, and made known by SCA- 
 LIGER, in his Doctrina Temporum. 
 
 Chronology constitutes a distinct science : the best introduc- 
 tion to which will be found in : 
 
 f J. C. GATTERER, Epitome of Chronology. Gottingen, 1777- 
 A most excellent criticism on the ancient eras has lately been 
 communicated to the public by : 
 
 f L. IDELER, Historic Researches into the Astronomical Ob- 
 servations of the Ancients. Berlin, 1806. 
 
 f D. H. HEGEWISCH, Introduction to Historical Chronology ; 
 1811. A very useful and portable work. 
 
 In English we have the laborious work of Dr. Hales : 
 
 HALES (WiLLM.) New Analysis of Chronology, explaining 
 the History and Antiquities of the primitive Nations of the World, 
 etc. Lond. 1809-12, 4 vols. 4to. New edition, corrected and im- 
 proved, 1830, 4 vols. 8vo. 
 
 BLAIR'S Chronology and History of the World, from the Cre- 
 ation to the present Time. Lond. 1803, folio. 
 
 And for the brilliant period of Greece and Rome the satisfac- 
 tory volumes : 
 
 H. F. CLYNTON'S Fasti Hellenici. The civil and literary 
 Chronology of Greece, from the fifty-fifth to the hundred and 
 twenty -fourth Olympiad. Second edition, with additions. Ox- 
 ford, 1827, 4to. And the continuation of the same work to the 
 death of Augustus, Oxford, 1830, 4to. In this valuable work, 
 much light is also thrown upon the chronology of the times an- 
 terior to the period with which the first volume is principally 
 occupied.] 
 
 14. In ancient geography there is much care Geography* 
 required to distinguish the fabulous from the Sfand 1 " 
 true. With regard to true geography, as an true< 
 auxiliary science to history, all that can be ex- 
 pected is some general information respecting the 
 nature and peculiarities of the countries, respect- 
 ing their political divisions, and finally, respect- 
 ing the principal cities : Long lists of the names, 
 of places would be quite superfluous.
 
 12 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Fabulous geography constitutes a part of the mythology of 
 every nation, and differs in each, because the ideas formed by 
 every early nation respecting the form and nature of the earth 
 are peculiar to itself. True geography gradually comes to light 
 as civilization increases, and discovery widens its horizon. Ne- 
 cessity of treating it historically, on account of the manifold 
 changes to which the division and the face of the countries of the 
 ancient world have been at various periods subjected. 
 
 CHRISTOPH. CELLARII Notitia Orbis Aniiqui. Lips. 1701 
 1706, 2 vols. 4to. cum observat. J. C. SCHWARZII. Lips. 1771* et 
 iterum 1773. This work was for a long time the only, and is 
 still an indispensable, treatise on ancient geography. 
 
 f- H. MANNERT, Geography of the Greeks and Romans. Nu- 
 remberg, 1788 1802. This work, now completed in 15 volumes, 
 may be justly designated classical, from the historical and critical 
 learning which the author has everywhere displayed. Vol. I, 
 contains Spain ; II, Gallia et Britain ; III, Germania, Rhaetia, 
 Noricum ; IV, The Northern parts of the World, from the Wes- 
 sel to China ; V, India and the Persian Empire to the Euphra- 
 tes, 2 parts; VI, Asia Minor, 3 parts ; VII, Thrace, Illyria, Mace- 
 donia, Thessaly, Epirus ; VIII, Northern Greece, Peloponnesus, 
 and the Archipelago ; IX, Italy and Sicily, Sardinia, etc. 2 parts ; 
 X, Africa, 2 parts. 
 
 -} F. A. UKERT, Geography of the Greeks and Romans, from 
 the earliest periods to the time of Ptolemy : first part, first divi- 
 sion, contains the historical, the second contains the mathemati- 
 cal sections. Weimar, 1816; with maps. 
 
 GOSSELIN, Geographic des Grecs analysee. Paris, 1790, 4to. 
 A development of the system of mathematical geography among 
 the Greeks. Partly continued in 
 
 GOSSELIN, Recherches sur la Geographic des Anciens. Paris, 
 an. vi. vol. 1 4. 
 
 J. RENNEL, Geographical System of Herodotus. Lond. 1800, 
 4to. 
 
 ^Reprinted in 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1830, revised. Here, too, 
 for the benefit of the English reader may be mentioned : 
 
 RENNEL'S Treatise on the Comparative Geography of Western 
 Asia, with an atlas. London, 1831, 2 vols. 8vo. ; published since 
 the author's death. And the learned and valuable volumes of 
 Dr. CRAMER, principal of New Inn Hall, and public orator of 
 the University of Oxford ; they are,
 
 INTRODUCTION. 1-3 
 
 Geographical and Historical Description of Ancient Greece, 
 with a map, and plan of Athens. Oxford, 1826, 3 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Geographical and Historical Description of Ancient Italy, 
 with a map. Oxford, 1826, 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 Geographical and Historical Description of Asia Minor, with 
 a map. Oxford, 1832, 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 The maps which accompany these works approach very nearly 
 to perfection. 
 
 As useful compendiums, there are : 
 
 An Introduction to Ancient Geography, with copious indexes 
 of Ancient and Modern Names, by PETER ED. LAURENT, 
 teacher in the Royal Naval Academy at Portsmouth. Oxford, 
 1813, 8vo. 
 
 A Compendium of Ancient and Modern Geography, for the 
 use of Eton School ; illustrating the most interesting points in 
 History, Poetry, and Fable; preceded by an Introduction to the 
 study of Astronomy, and containing plans of Athens, Rome, Sy- 
 racuse, and numerous diagrams explanatory of the motions of the 
 heavenly bodies, by AARON ARROWSMITH, Hydrographer to the 
 King, 1 vol. 8vo., with or without a copious index. London, 
 1830. 
 
 BUTLER'S (Dr. SAM.) Sketch of Ancient and Modern Geo- 
 graphy. Seventh edition, 8vo. Also his Atlas of Ancient Geo- 
 graphy, consisting of twenty-one coloured maps, with a complete 
 accentuated index. 8vo.] 
 
 We are indebted to d'Anville for the best charts of ancient 
 geography : Alias Orbis antiqui, twelve leaves, fol. 
 
 QThe Eton Comparative Atlas of Ancient and Modern Geo- 
 graphy > with the index, published in several sizes ; and the Maps 
 published by the Society for the Promotion of Useful Know- 
 ledge, are very useful and correct.] 
 
 15. Ancient history may be treated either eth- Divisions 
 nographically, that is, according to separate na- Manual. 
 tions and states ; or synchronistically, that is, 
 according to certain general epochs. Each of 
 these methods has its advantages and its disad- 
 vantages. The two, however, may be combined, 
 and formed into one system ; and as this seems 
 the most convenient, it has been adopted in the
 
 14 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 present work, which is accordingly divided as 
 follows : 
 
 FIRST BOOK. History of the ancient Asiatic 
 and African states and kingdoms anterior to Cyrus, 
 or to the rise of the Persian monarchy, about the 
 year B. C. 560 : comprising little more than insu- 
 lated fragments. 
 
 SECOXD BOOK. History of the Persian mon- 
 archy, from B. C. 560 to 330. 
 
 THIRD BOOK. History of the Grecian states, 
 both in Greece and other parts, to the time of 
 Alexander, B. C. 336. 
 
 FOURTH BOOK. History of the Macedonian 
 monarchy, and of the kingdoms which arose out 
 of its division, until they merged into the Roman 
 empire. 
 
 FIFTH BOOK. History of the Roman state, 
 both as a commonwealth and a monarchy, until 
 the fall of the western empire, A. D. 476.
 
 MANUAL OF ANCIENT HISTORY. 
 
 THE FIRST BOOK. 
 
 HISTORICAL FRAGMENTS OF THE EARLIER ASIATIC AND 
 AFRICAN KINGDOMS AND STATES, PREVIOUS TO CYRUS, 
 OR THE RISE OF THE PERSIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 I. ASIATIC NATIONS. 
 
 General Preliminary Remarks on the Geography of Asia. 
 
 See the Introduction to Heeren's Researches into the Politics 
 and Commerce of the Nations of Antiquity, prefixed to vol. 1 of 
 the African Nations. Oxford, 1831. 
 
 1. ASIA is the largest and the most fa- ASIA. 
 vourablv situated of the great divisions of the J / xte " t and 
 
 J situation. 
 
 globe Its superficial contents are 11,200,000 
 square geogr. miles ; while those of Africa do not 
 exceed 4,780,000 ; and those of Europe are 
 not more than 2,560,000. As to situation, it 
 comprises the greatest portion of the. northern 
 temperate zone. 
 
 Compare it, in this point of view, with the other quarters of 
 the globe, especially Africa. Advantages over the latter, in con-
 
 16 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. BOOK i. 
 
 sequence of the convenience of its indented shores of its sur- 
 rounding fruitful islands of its deep gulfs and large streams 
 the few sandy deserts in its interior. 
 
 Natural 2. Natural features, and consequent division of 
 
 features. 
 
 the land, according to the course of the larger 
 mountain chains and of the principal rivers. 
 
 Two great mountain chains run from west to east ; in the 
 north, the Altai, (nameless in antiquity) : in the south, Taurus. 
 Branches of both : the Caucasus, between the Black and Cas- 
 pian seas : Imaus extending along the golden desert (desert of 
 Gobi) : the Paropamisus, on the north of India : the Ural (name- 
 less in antiquity). Of the rivers remarkable in ancient history, 
 there are four flowing from north to south, namely, the Euphrates 
 and Tigris, which fall into the Persian gulf; the Indus and 
 Ganges, which fall into the Indian sea : two which run from east 
 to west, and discharged their waters into the Caspian sea, (but 
 now into the sea of Aral,) namely, the Oxus (or Jihon) and the 
 Jaxartes (or Sirr). 
 
 Divisions: 3. This quarter of the globe is accordingly 
 divided into Northern Asia, comprising the re- 
 gions north of Altai ; Central Asia, or the coun- 
 tries between the Altai and Taurus ; and Southern 
 Asia, or the lands south of Taurus. 
 
 Northern 4. Northern Asia, between the 76th and 50th 
 parallels of north latitude, (Asiatic Russia and 
 Siberia,) was almost, though not entirely, un- 
 known in antiquity. Some obscure hints, though 
 partly true, respecting it, are found in Herodotus, 
 the father of history. 
 
 Central 5. Central Asia, the regions extending between 
 the 50th and 40th degrees of north latitude, 
 Scythia and Sarmatia Asiatica, (Great Tartary 
 and Mongol ;) for the most part a boundless, 
 barren table land, devoid of arable fields or 
 forests ; and consequently a mere country of
 
 BOOK i. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 17 
 
 pasture. The inhabitants pastors, (nomads,) with- ASIA - 
 out cities or fixed abodes ; recognizing no other 
 political association than patriarchal government. 
 
 Peculiar mode of life and character of nomad nations ; power- 
 ful influence which they have exercised, as conquerors, on poli- 
 tical history. Whether we have a right to expect that the 
 civilization of the human race will for ever continue to advance, 
 when we consider that perhaps one half of it has from time im- 
 memorial remained, and from its physical situation must for ever 
 remain, in a nomad state. 
 
 6. Southern Asia, or the regions from the 40th southern 
 degree of N. lat. to about the equator. Its natural 
 features altogether different from those of central 
 Asia. The great advantages of these regions 
 compared with all other parts of the earth, in pos- 
 sessing a soil and climate highly favourable for 
 agriculture; and an abundance of various costly 
 productions. To these circumstances may be at- 
 tributed, 1st. The adoption of fixed habitations 
 and political associations in these countries, from 
 the earliest times. 2ndly. Their becoming the 
 principal seat of trade, from the infancy of ci- 
 vilization to the discovery of America. 
 
 Reflections upon the rise of political associations. Whether, 
 according to the general opinion, they were produced solely by 
 agriculture and the possession of land ; or, whether religion, by 
 which I mean the common worship of one divinity as the national 
 god, (communia sacra,) was not the main bond which united the 
 earliest states of antiquity ? How shall we account for the very 
 remarkable fact, that in the earliest civil societies in the world, 
 the priesthood is generally found to be a ruling caste. Reflec- 
 tions on early trade, particularly that of the east, before it was 
 changed, by the discovery of America and the new passage to 
 India, from a land trade to a sea trade. Observations upon an- 
 cient commercial routes across Asia. The banks of the large 
 rivers destined by nature to become the seats of commerce for the 
 interior ; on the Oxus, Bactra and Maracanda, (Samarcand ;) on 
 
 c
 
 18 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. BOOK i. 
 
 ASIA, the Euphrates and Tigris, Babylon. The sea shores on the 
 western coast of Asia Minor and Phrenicia, pointed out also by 
 nature as places of commerce ; line of Grecian and Phoenician 
 factories. 
 
 7. Division of southern Asia. 1st. South- 
 western Asia, from the Mediterranean to the In- 
 dus; 2nd. South-eastern Asia, from the Indus to 
 the eastern ocean. 
 
 A. South-western Asia is again subdivided into 
 the countries 1st. on this side the Euphrates 
 2ndly. between the Euphrates and Tigris 3rdly. 
 between the Tigris and the Indus. 
 
 1 . Countries on this side the Euphrates. 
 
 AsiaMinor. (a) The peninsula of Asia Minor (Natolia). 
 Principal rivers : the Halys and Sangarius. Coun- 
 tries : three towards the west, Mysia, Lydia, 
 Caria. Along the shore, the Greek seaports of 
 Phocaea, Ephesus, Miletus, Smyrna, Halicarnas- 
 sus, etc. Inland, the cities of Sardes in Lydia, 
 of Pergamus in Mysia. 
 
 Three towards the south, Lycia, Pamphylia, 
 and Cilicia, with its capital Tarsus. 
 
 Three towards the north, Bithynia, Paphlago- 
 nia, Pontus ; with the Greek ports of Heraclea, 
 Amisus, and Sinope. Two inland, Phrygia, to- 
 gether with Galatia and the capital cities of Gor- 
 dium and CelaBnae ; Cappadocia, with the city of 
 Mazaca. 
 
 islands. () Islands along the coast of Asia Minor: Les- 
 bos, with the city of Mitylene; Chios, Samos, 
 Cos, Rhodes, with cities of the same name. 
 
 Syria. (c) Syria, together with Phoenicia and Pales- 
 
 tine. 1st. Syria, properly so called. Cities: Da- 
 mascus, Emessa, Heliopolis, (Baalbec). In the 
 
 Phoenicia, desert, Palmyra. 2nd. Phoenicia, a mountainous
 
 BOOK i. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 19 
 
 tract, extending along the shore. Mountains : ASIA. 
 Libanus and Antilibanus. Cities : Tyre, on an 
 island opposite the ancient Tyre, which was situ- 
 ate upon the mainland ; Sidon, Byblus, Berytus, 
 Tripolis, Aradus. 3rd. Palestine. Mountains : Palestine. 
 Carmel, Tabor. River : Jordan, which discharges 
 its waters into the Dead sea. Division of Pales- 
 tine ; first, according to the twelve tribes ; after- 
 wards into the provinces, of Judaea, capital Je- 
 rusalem : of Samaria ; cities, Samaria, Sichem : 
 and of Galilee. 
 
 (d) Peninsula of Arabia, abounding in vast sandy Arabia. 
 deserts, and almost entirely occupied by nomad 
 tribes. Its southern and eastern coasts render it, 
 nevertheless, a most important seat of trade. In 
 the north, Arabia Petrsea, so called from the town 
 of Petra. Inland, Arabia Deserta. In the south, 
 Arabia Felix; rich, both in natural productions, 
 being the native land of almost every kind of per- 
 fume, particularly frankincense ; and also as be- 
 ing the ancient staple for the merchandise of In- 
 dia. Cities : Mariaba, Aden, etc. In the east, 
 the trading town of Gerra, and the islands near 
 the shore, Tylos and Aradus, (Bahrein,) both like- 
 wise marts for Arabian and Indian wares, parti- 
 cularly cinnamon from Taprobane (Ceylon). 
 
 2. Countries between the Euphrates and Tigris. 
 
 (a) Mesopotamia ; in the interior a sterile table Mesopota- 
 land, entirely occupied by nomad hordes. Cities m 
 on the Euphrates : Thapsacus, Circesium, Cu- 
 naxa; in the north, Zoba or Nisibis. 
 
 (V) Armenia, north of the foregoing. Very Armenia. 
 mountainous ; for a long time without cities, but 
 at last it had Tigranocerta. Rivers : the Cyrus 
 
 c2
 
 20 
 
 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ASIA, and Araxes, falling into the Caspian; and the 
 
 Phasis, falling into the Black sea. 
 
 Babylonia. (c) Babylonia, the southern part of Mesopota- 
 mia, from which it was separated by the Median 
 wall. A level plain, remarkable for the richness 
 of its soil ; formerly, by its high cultivation, its 
 canals and lakes, and the erection of dams, the 
 most fruitful, and, from its situation, the most 
 opulent staple of inner Asia. Cities : Babylon 
 on the Euphrates, Borsippa. 
 
 Whether the account given by Herodotus, as an eyewitness, of 
 the size and splendour of Babylon is not exaggerated ? Manner 
 in which the great Asiatic cities arose out of the royal encamp- 
 ments of the nomad conquerors. 
 
 3. Countries between the Tigris and the Indus. 
 Assyria. () Assyria, or the province of Adiabene ; a ta- 
 ble land. Cities: Nineveh, (Ninus,) Arbela. 
 
 The name of Assyria is also frequently taken by the Greeks 
 in a wider acceptation, as comprising both Mesopotamia and Ba- 
 bylonia ; it is sometimes even confounded with Syria. 
 
 Susiana. () Susiana, a fruitful district, with the city 
 Susa on the river Choaspes, or Eulseus (Ulai), 
 one of the residences of the Persian monarchs. 
 
 Persia. (c) Persis, rugged and mountainous towards 
 
 the north ; level and fruitful in the centre ; sandy 
 towards the south. Rivers : the Cyrus and 
 Araxes. Cities : Persepolis or Pasargada, the 
 national palace and cemetery of the kings of 
 Persia. 
 
 The name of Persis was, in ancient as well as in modern geo- 
 graphy, taken in a more extensive sense, as comprising all the 
 countries between the Tigris and Indus, with the exception of 
 Assyria. In this sense, it contains three countries towards the 
 south Persis, properly so called; Carmania, Gedrosia: three
 
 BOOK i. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 21 
 
 central countries Media, Aria, Arachosia: and three countries ASIA. 
 towards the north Parthia and Hyrcania, Bactria, Sogdiana. 
 
 (d) Carmania, an extensive country, for the 
 most part desert, ranging along the Persian gulf 
 and Indian sea. Cities : Carmana, Harmozia. 
 
 (e) Gedrosia, tract of land running along theoedrosia. 
 coast between Carmania and India, and washed 
 
 by the Indian sea. A mere sandy desert; to- 
 wards the north, mountainous. Town, Pura. 
 
 (/) Media, above Persis ; an extensive and very Media. 
 fruitful country ; mountainous towards the north. 
 Rivers : Araxes, Cyrus, and Mardus. Cities : 
 Ecbatana, Rages. The northern district was 
 likewise known by the name of Atropatene (Azer- 
 beijan), or Lesser Media. 
 
 (g) Aria, a smooth table land, with a lake and Aria. 
 river, Arius : and one city, Aria or Artacoana. 
 
 (A) Arachosia ; a rich and fertile country on the Arachosi 
 frontiers of India ; bounded towards the north by 
 the Paropamisus chain. Cities : Arachotus and 
 Prophthasia. The neighbouring highlands, occu- 
 pied by a numerous population, (now Cabul and 
 Kandahar,) are often regarded, in consequence of 
 their being subject to the Persian dominion, as 
 forming part of Persia. They are known by the 
 name of Paropamisus. 
 
 (z) Parthia and Hyrcania, rugged mountainous Parthia. 
 districts to the north of Media ; but abounding in 
 magnificent and fertile vales. Before and during 
 the predominance of Persia, but little known and 
 little valued ; and without cities. It was at a 
 considerably later period that the inhabitants of 
 Parthia became a dominant nation. 
 
 (&) Bactria, the country on the south bank of B
 
 22 POLITICAL GENERALITIES. BOOK i. 
 
 ASIA, the Oxus ; rich in natural productions, and one of 
 the most ancient marts of Asia. River : Oxus. 
 Cities : Bactra and Zariaspa. 
 
 Bactria lies on the frontier of India, Little Thibet, Bukharia, 
 (the north India of Herodotus and Ctesias,) and the desert of 
 Gobi, (Herodotus's golden desert) : the road to China runs 
 through this country. Nature, by the geographical situation in 
 which she has placed Bactria, seems to have destined it to be the 
 great emporium for the wares of south-eastern Asia ; and in pro- 
 portion as we penetrate into early history, we become convinced 
 that Bactria, like Babylon, must have been one of the earliest 
 seats of international commerce, and consequently, if not the 
 birthplace, one of the cradles of infant civilization. 
 
 a. (/) Sogdiana, the territory between the upper 
 Oxus and upper Jaxartes, the latter dividing it 
 from central Asia. (A part of Great Bukharia.) 
 Its peculiarities and advantages similar to those 
 of the neighbouring Bactria. Capital : Mara- 
 canda (Samarcand). 
 
 B. South-eastern Asia, or Asia beyond the 
 Indus, offers nothing remarkable for history till a 
 later period. See Book v, Period iv. 
 
 General Preliminary Observations upon the History and 
 Constitution of the great Asiatic Empires. 
 
 Magnitude 1. Asia contained in ancient times, as it does 
 
 of the em- . . , . , . 
 
 piresin at present, empires 01 immense extent, differing 
 materially both in this respect and in their con- 
 stitution from the civilized nations of Europe. 
 Changes were frequent ; but the form of govern- 
 ment continued nearly always the same. Some 
 deeply rooted and active principles therefore must
 
 BOOK i. POLITICAL GENERALITIES. 28 
 
 have been in constant operation, to have given so ASIA. 
 repeatedly, in these various revolutions, the same 
 organization to the kingdoms of Asia. 
 
 2. The great revolutions of Asia, with the ex- Nature of 
 ception of that caused by Alexander, were effect- 
 
 ed by the numerous and powerful nomad races 
 which inhabited a large portion of that continent. 
 Pressed by necessity or circumstances, they for- 
 sook their own seats, founded new kingdoms, and 
 carried war and conquest into the fruitful and cul- 
 tivated lands of southern Asia, until, enervated 
 by luxury, the consequence of the change in their 
 mode of life, they were in their turn, and in a 
 similar manner, subjugated. 
 
 3. This origin, common to all Asiatic kingdoms, Their short 
 accounts for their immense extent, their rapid 
 establishment, and their generally brief duration. 
 
 4. The internal organization must, for the same similarity 
 
 m their 
 
 reasons, have been nearly alike in all ; and the c 
 constant reappearance of despotism is accounted 
 for, partly by the rights of conquest, partly by 
 the vast extent of the subdued countries, which 
 obliged the rulers to have recourse to satrap-go- 
 vernment. 
 
 5. To this, it must moreover be added, that Effects of 
 among all the considerable nations of inner Asia, 
 the paternal government of every household was 
 corrupted by polygamy : where that custom ex- 
 ists, a good political constitution is impossible ; 
 fathers being converted into domestic despots, 
 are ready to pay the same abject obedience to 
 their sovereign that they exact from their family 
 and dependants in their domestic economy. 
 
 To avoid confusion, it will be necessary to define the terms
 
 24 POLITICAL GENERALITIES. BOOK i. 
 
 ASIA, despotism and despotic government. In theory, we must admit 
 THREE essentially different kinds of government. 1st. The des- 
 potic, in which the members of the state are not secured in the 
 possession of their rights as men, (personal freedom and security 
 of property,) nor of their rights as citizens, (active participation 
 in the legislative power). Such a constitution exists only by 
 force, and can never be lawful. 2nd. The autocratic, in which 
 the members of the state are in full possession of their rights as 
 men, but not of their rights as citizens. This government, there- 
 fore, arises from the union of the legislative and executive powers 
 in the person of the ruler. In form, it is either monarchical or 
 aristocratical (a pure monarchy, or a pure aristocracy). This kind 
 of government is most likely to be established by usurpation ; it 
 may, nevertheless, be acquired by succession, or even adopted by 
 common consent : it may therefore be lawful. 3rd. The republi- 
 can, in which the members of the state are in possession of their 
 rights, both as men and as citizens. This government necessarily 
 presupposes a separation of the legislative and executive powers ; 
 and with regard to its form, may be either monarchical or aris- 
 tocratical, (a moderate monarchy, or a moderate aristocracy). 
 How far can a pure democracy be called a government, and com- 
 prised under any of the foregoing heads? Explanation of the 
 despotism in the Asiatic kingdoms, and the attempts made to 
 limit it by religion and religious institutions. 
 
 Rise, pro- 6. General features in the gradual internal de- 
 f n d velopment of all empires formed by nomad con- 
 
 "ires. em querors. () At first the mere occupation of rich 
 territories, and levying of tribute, (b) Hence the 
 constitutions already established among the con- 
 quered or tributary nations generally suffered to 
 remain, (c) Gradual progress towards the adop- 
 tion of a fixed abode and the building of cities, to- 
 gether with the assumption of the customs and 
 civilization of the conquered, (d) Division into 
 provinces, and, as a necessary consequence, the 
 establishment of satrap-government, (e) Insur- 
 rections of the satraps, and the internal ruin of 
 .the state prepared thereby. (/) The influence
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 ASSYRIANS. 25 
 
 of the seraglio on the government lias the same ASIA. 
 effect, for its unavoidable consequences are effe- 
 minacy and indolence in the rulers, (g-) Hence 
 the dissolution of the empire, or its total annihila- 
 tion by some violent attack from without. 
 
 Fragments of the History of the ancient Asiatic Kingdoms 
 previous to Cyrus. 
 
 Sources, and their critical examination: 1. Jewish writings., PERIOD 
 particularly the books of Kings, Chroniclers, and the Prophets; CYRUS. 
 together with the Mosaic records. 2. Greek writers, Herodotus, ~~ 
 Ctesias, and Diodorus : later chroniclers, Syncellus, Eusebius, 
 Ptolemy. 3. Native writer, Berosus. Futility of all endeavours 
 to arrange into one work the accounts of authors so entirely dif- 
 ferent by birth and the times in which they flourished : a task 
 attempted by the French writers, SEVIN, FRERET, and DE- 
 BROSSE, in their papers contained in the Mem. de 1'Acad. des 
 Inscript. 
 
 VOLNEY, Recherches nouvelles stir FHistoire ancienne. 1808 
 1814: very important and authentic, so far as regards the 
 system of Herodotus's chronology. 
 
 I. Assyrian monarchy. 
 
 1. With the Greeks, Assyrian is generally a Assyrians 
 common name applied to the ruling nations about Greeks dif- 
 the Euphrates and Tigris before the time of Cy- 
 
 rus. With the Jews, on the contrary, it signifies Hebre 
 a distinct nation of conquerors, and the founders 
 of an empire. Hence a necessary discrepancy 
 between the Grecian and Hebrew statements. 
 
 2. Assyrian history, according to Grecian au- Grecian 
 thorities, particularly Ctesias and Diodorus, is no- 
 thing more than mere traditions of ancient heroes 
 
 and heroines, who at some early period founded 
 a large kingdom in the countries about the Eu- 
 
 account.
 
 26 MEDES. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD phrates and Tigris ; traditions without any enro- 
 ots! nological data, and in the style of the east. Ni- 
 ~ nus Semiramis Ninyas Sardanapalus. 
 
 According to Herodotus, an Assyrian empire of 520 years' 
 duration, 1237 717- Lists of Assyrian kings in the chronicles 
 of Syncellus and Eusebius. 
 
 Jewish ac- 3. Assyrian history, according to Jewish autho- 
 rities. Chronological history of an Assyrian em- 
 pire between B. C. 800 and 700. Seat of the 
 nation in Assyria, properly so called. Capital : 
 Nineveh on the Tigris. Extension of their do- 
 minion as far as Syria and Phoenicia. 
 
 Line of Assyrian kings: 1. Pul, about 773. Invasion of Sy- 
 ria. 2. Tiglath-Pileser, about 740. He overthroAvs the kingdom 
 of Damascus. 3. Shalmaneser, about 720. He destroys the king- 
 dom of Samaria. Transplantation of the inhabitants into inner 
 Asia. 4. Sennacherib, about 714. Mighty expedition against 
 Egypt, frustrated by a pestilence. 5. Esarhaddon. 
 
 Contemporary : Jews, the divided kingdoms of Israel and 
 Judah. Greeks, decennial archons at Athens. Romans, rise 
 of the state and the two first kings. 
 
 II. Median monarchy. 
 
 Different 1. The name of Medes is undoubtedly often 
 tio C i p of~the used by the Greeks to designate one nation ; it is, 
 Medes. however, frequently made use of as a common 
 appellation of the ruling nations in eastern Asia, 
 from the Tigris to the Indus, (or Persia, in the 
 more extensive sense of that word,) before Cyrus. 
 With the Jews : nothing more than general 
 hints of the Medes as a conquering nation. 
 Great na- 2. Although the statements of the Grecian 
 tohave ex> n writers, as well as of the Zendavesta, sufficiently 
 Ss^ P rove tnat l n & before the rise of the Persian 
 power mighty kingdoms existed in these regions ; 
 and particularly in the eastern part, or Bactria ;
 
 BOOK i. BABYLONIANS. 27 
 
 yet we have no consistent or chronological history PERIOD 
 of these states : nothing but a few fragments, 
 probably of dynasties which ruled in Media, pro- 
 perly so called, immediately previous to the Per- 
 sians. 
 
 a. Herodotus 's History of the Medes. Herodotus's Medes are 
 unquestionably the inhabitants of Media, properly so called. 
 Division into six tribes : among these, that of the Magi. Ruling 
 nation after the overthrow of the Assyrians. Capital of their 
 empire, Ecbatana. Boundaries : west, the Tigris and Halys ; 
 east, unknown. Internal organization : graduated subjection of 
 the various nations to one another, according to their distance 
 from the seat of empire ; rigid despotism ; and imposition of tri- 
 bute. Line of kings between B. C. 717 560. Deioces, 53 y. 
 the founder of Ecbatana, d. 657- Phraortes, 22 y. down to 635. 
 He conquers Persia. Cyaxares I. 40 y. down to 595. He esta- 
 blishes military discipline among the Medes. Wages war with 
 the Lydians, the Assyrians. Irruption of the Scythians and 
 Cimmerians, 625. He takes Nineveh, 597- Astyages, 38 y. 
 down to 560, when he was dethroned by Cyrus. According to 
 Xenophon, Astyages was followed by another Median prince, 
 Cyaxares II. b. Ctesias's History of the Medes, deduced from 
 Persian archives, and contained in Diodorus. Probably a differ- 
 ent dynasty in eastern Asia. Line of kings, between B. C. 800 
 and 560. Arbaces, conqueror of the Assyrians, 18 y. Man- 
 daucus, 50 y. Sosarmes, 30 y. Artias, 50 y. Arbanes, 22 y. 
 Artaeus, 40 y. and Artynes, 22 y. Sanguinary wars with the 
 nomad races of the east, the Sacae, and Cadusii. Artibarnas, 14 y. 
 Astyages, the last king. 
 
 Contemporary: Jews, kingdom of Judah alone. Greeks, 
 yearly archons, Draco, Solon. Romans, kings from Tullus Hos- 
 tilius to Servius Tullius. 
 
 III. Babylonian monarchy. 
 
 Periods: 1st. Previous to the Chaldaean con- 
 quest, which occurred about 630. 2nd. From the 
 Chaldsean conquest to the Persian, 630 538. 
 
 1. Babylon was not only spoken of in the most 1st period, 
 
 . J . T i toB.C.630. 
 
 remote antiquity, but is mentioned in the Jewish fragments. 
 
 m
 
 28 BABYLONIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD traditions as the earliest scene of political trea- 
 
 BEFORE . . * . 
 
 CVRI-S. ties, and as the most ancient seat of intercourse 
 for the nations of Asia. Traditions concerning 
 Nimrod and the erection of the tower of Babel. 
 Comparison of those traditions with the Baby- 
 lonian mythology in Berosus. Scanty historical 
 notices of this period in the later Jewish writers ; 
 and probable subjection of Babylon to the As- 
 syrian empire. 
 
 2nd period, 2. In the second period, 630 538, the Baby- 
 
 Chaidians. lonians were the ruling nation of western Asia. 
 
 -The Chaldasans take possession of Babylon, 
 
 there establish themselves, and ultimately extend 
 
 their empire, by conquest, to the Mediterranean. 
 
 Origin of the Chaldaeans : whether that name was applied to 
 a distinct nation, or to the northern nomads in general ? Line of 
 Chaldaean kings. In the enumeration of these rulers, as given 
 by Ptolemy, this line begins with Nabonassar, and the era bear- 
 ing the name of that sovereign, which commences in the year 
 B. C. 747 ' (probably because, under the reign of that prince, the 
 adoption of the Egyptian solar year first introduced among the 
 Chaldaeans an exact method of reckoning time). Neither Nabo- 
 nassar himself, nor his twelve immediate successors, are remark- 
 able in history : the six last alone deserve notice. 1. Nabopo- 
 lassar, 627 604. Settlement in Babylon; and complete esta- 
 blishment of the Chaldaeo- Babylonian dominion, by his victory 
 over Pharaoh-Nechoh, near Circesium, in 604. 2. Nebuchad- 
 nezzar, 604 561. Brilliant period of the Chaldaeo- Babylonian 
 empire. He conquers Phoenicia and Old Tyre about 586 : Je- 
 rusalem in 587 ; probable irruptions into Egypt. Construction 
 of immense buildings and canals in and about Babylon. Rapid 
 decline of the empire after his death, under 3. Evil-Merodach, 
 56] 559. 4. Neriglissar, (probably the contemporary of Hero- 
 dotus's Nitocris ;) 555. Labosoarchad murdered, after a few 
 months' reign. Nabonadius, (Herodotus's Labynetus ; and pro- 
 bably the Chaldaean Belshazzar ;) 555 538. attacked and con- 
 quered by Cyrus. Sack of Babylon by the Persians, 538.
 
 BOOK i. ASIA MINOR. 29 
 
 See the section concerning the Babylonians in A. H. L. HEE- PERIOD 
 REN'S Historical Researches, vol. i, part. 2. CYRUS^ 
 
 Contemporary : Jews., last sovereigns of the kingdom of ~ 
 Judah. Greeks, Solon, Pisistratus. Romans, Tarquinius Pris- 
 cus and Servius Tullius. 
 
 IV. States and kingdoms in Asia Minor. 
 
 The number and variety of the inhabitants of NO lasting 
 this peninsula, was probably the reason why they f^med in 
 never became united into one empire. The most AsiaMmor - 
 important nations among them, were the Carians 
 in the west ; the Phrygians in the centre, reach- 
 ing as far as the Halys ; the Syro-Cappadocians 
 beyond the Halys ; and the Thracians in Bithynia. 
 Nevertheless we find here but three kingdoms 
 deserving notice the Trojan, the Phrygian, and 
 the Lydian. 
 
 1. The Trojan empire comprised western My- Troy. 
 sia: its history consists of mere traditions con- 
 tained in poets, with very uncertain chronological 
 data. 
 
 Kings : Teucer, about 1400. Dardanus Erichthonius Tros 
 (Troja) Ilus (Ilium) Laomedon Priam. The destruction of 
 Troy, after a ten years' war, occurred, it is probable, B. C. 1 190. 
 
 Contemporary : Jews, time of the Judges : before the founda- 
 tion of Rome, 450 years. 
 
 2. The Phrygian empire. Almost,a11 the kings 
 were named Midas and Gordius ; their succession 
 cannot be accurately determined. After the death 
 of the last, called Midas V., Phrygia became a 
 province of the Lydian empire, about 560. 
 
 3. The Lydian empire. The Lydians (Mseoni- 
 ans) were a branch of the Carian tribe. Accord- 
 ing to Herodotus, three dynasties ruled in Lydia ; 
 the Atyadae down to 1232 ; the Heraclidse down 
 to 727 ; and the Mermnada? down to 557 : the
 
 30 PHOENICIA. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD two first are almost wholly fabulous, and the pro- 
 Cy F Ru 8 E per history of Lydia may be said to commence 
 with the last dynasty. 
 
 Kings : Gyges, down to 689. From this period followed al- 
 most uninterrupted wars with the Greek settlements on the sea- 
 coast. Gyges takes Colophon. Ardys down to 640. He takes 
 Priene. Under his reign, an irruption of the Cimmerians. Sa- 
 dyattes down to 628. Alyattes down to 571 Expulsion of the 
 Cimmerians. Capture of Smyrna. Croesus down to 557- He 
 takes Ephesus, and subjugates Asia Minor as far as the Halys. 
 Under his reign, the first rise of a Lydian empire, which how- 
 ever is overthrown by Cyrus. Asia Minor becomes a province 
 of the Persian empire. 
 
 Contemporary with which, in Asia, were the Medic and Ba- 
 bylonian empires. Among the Jews, the last period of the king- 
 dom of Judah. Among the Greeks, the yearly archons at Athens. 
 With the Romans, the kings. 
 
 V. Phoenicia. 
 
 Fragments The Phoenicians may be regarded as one of the 
 cian hTs- 1 most remarkable nations of Asia during this pe- 
 tory- riod ; yet we have no complete, or even connected 
 history of this people. But though a few scat- 
 tered fragments are all we possess, we may from 
 these trace out a general outline. 
 
 The peculiar sources of Phoenician history. How far Sancho- 
 niathon deserves to be mentioned here ? Hebrew writers, parti- 
 cularly Ezekiel ; Greek writers ; Josephus Eusebius, etc. and 
 the fragments which he has preserved of Menander of Ephesus, 
 and Dius, historians of Tyre. 
 
 MIGNOT, Memoires sur les Pheniciens ; inserted in Mem. de 
 VAcad. des Inscript. t. xxxiv xlii. A series of twenty-four 
 papers. 
 
 The section concerning the Phoenicians in A. H. L. HEEREN'S 
 Researches on the Politics, etc. 
 
 Phoenician 1. Observations on the internal state of Phoe- 
 nicia. It did not constitute one state, or, at least, 
 one single empire ; but consisted of several, and
 
 BOOK i. PHOENICIANS. 31 
 
 their territories. Alliances, however, were na- PERIOD 
 turally formed between them, and hence a kind 0^ 
 of supremacy of the more powerful, particularly of 
 Tyre. 
 
 2. But though Tyre stood at the head, and Each city 
 claimed a certain degree of superiority, each se- ent^Tut 
 parate state still possessed its own particular go- ?" the 
 vernment. In all of them we meet with kings, 
 
 who appear to have possessed but a limited au- 
 thority, as we always find magistrates associated 
 with them in power. Among a mercantile and 
 colonizing people, it was impossible that absolute 
 despotism should endure for any length of time. 
 Of the separate states, Tyre is the only one of 
 which we possess a series of kings ; and even Tynan 
 that series is not complete. 
 
 This line of kings, which we derive from Menander through 
 Josephus, commences with Abical, the contemporary of David, 
 about B. C. ]050. The most remarkable among them are: Hi- 
 ram, the successor of Abical; Ethbaal I. about 920; Pygma- 
 lion, Dido's brother, about 900; Ethbaal II. in whose reign 
 Tyre was sacked by Nebuchadnezzar, 586. Foundation of New 
 Tyre republican constitution under suffetes: tributary kings 
 under the Persian rule ; conquest of New Tyre by Alexander, 
 332. The flourishing period of Phoenicia in general, and of 
 Tyre in particular, falls therefore between 1000 332. 
 
 Contemporary in inner Asia : monarchies of the Assyrians, 
 Medes, and the Babylonians. Jews : period of the kings after 
 David. Greeks : from Homer to Solon. Romans : period of 
 their kings in the last two centuries. 
 
 3. During this period the Phoenicians spread Phoenician 
 themselves by the establishment of colonies; some co 
 
 of which, particularly Carthage, became as pow- 
 erful as the mother states. 
 
 General ideas concerning colonization. 1. Colonies are ab- 
 solutely necessary to every seafaring and commercial people,
 
 32 
 
 PHOENICIANS. 
 
 BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD whenever their trade extends to distant countries. 2. They have 
 likewise been established for the purpose of providing for the ex- 
 cessive increase of the poor. 3. And they have sometimes arisen 
 from political commotion, when the malcontents, either from 
 free will, or force, have forsaken their country, and sought new 
 settlements in distant regions. 
 
 4. Geographical sketch of the Phoenician colo- 
 nies. They possessed, at a very early period, 
 most of the islands of the Archipelago ; from 
 which, however, they were subsequently expelled 
 by the Greeks. The principal countries in which 
 they had settlements were the south of Spain 
 (Tartessus, Gades, Carteia) ; the north coast of 
 Africa, west of the Lesser Syrtis (Utica, Carthage, 
 Adrumetum) ; and the north-western coast of 
 Sicily (Panormus, Lilybaeum). It is likewise 
 highly probable that they formed settlements to- 
 wards the east in the Persian gulf, on the islands 
 
 inthe 
 
 Spain 
 
 Africa 
 
 guif. of Tylos and Aradus (Bahrein). 
 
 sea trade of 5. This sketch of the Phoenician colonies will 
 
 the Phoeni- . i / i / i 
 
 give us some idea of the extent ot their sea trade 
 and navigation ; which, however, extended much 
 farther than their colonies. Among them, as 
 among other nations, commerce took its rise in 
 piracy ; even as late as the time of Homer, the 
 Phoenicians appear to have been freebooters. The 
 principal objects of their commerce were (a) the 
 settlements in north Africa and Spain ; the latter 
 more particularly, on account of its rich silver 
 mines. () Beyond the Pillars of Hercules, the 
 west-coast of Africa ; Britain and the Scilly is- 
 lands, for the purpose of procuring tin, and, very 
 probably, amber, (c) From Elath and Ezion-Ge- 
 bar, ports situate at the northern extremity of the 
 Arabian gulph, they undertook, in connection with
 
 BOOK i. SYRIANS. 33 
 
 ;UOD 
 
 BKFORE 
 
 the Jews, voyages to Ophir, that is to say, to the 
 rich lands of the south, particularly Arabia Felix CYRUS! 
 and Ethiopia, (d) From the Persian gulf, they 
 extended their commerce to the western peninsula 
 of India and the island of Ceylon. Finally, (e) they double 
 they made several extensive voyages of discovery, Gowfilope. 
 among which, the most remarkable was the cir- 
 cumnavigation of Africa. 
 
 6. Of no less importance was the land trade, Their land 
 mostly carried on by caravans. The principal 
 branches of it were : (a) The Arabian caravan 
 trade for spices and incense, imported from Ara- 
 bia Felix, Gerra, and the Persian gulf, (b) The 
 trade through Palmyra with Babylon, which 
 opened them an indirect communication by way 
 
 of Persia, with lesser Bukharia and little Thibet, 
 probably even with China itself, (c) The trade 
 with Armenia and the neighbouring countries in 
 slaves, horses, copper utensils, etc. 
 
 7. To all this must be added their own manu- th eir manu- 
 factures, particularly their stuffs and dyes ; (the 
 purple, made of the juice of a marine shellfish ;) 
 
 their manufactures of glass and toys, which, in 
 their commerce with uncivilized nations, generally 
 carried on by barter, were turned to good account. 
 Many other important discoveries, among which 
 the invention of letters holds the first rank, are 
 attributed to the Phoenicians. 
 
 VI. Syrians. 
 
 1. The inhabitants of Syria dwelt in cities ass y na, an 
 early as B. C. 2000, when Abraham wandered ea 
 over their country. This country did not form 
 one single state, but consisted of several cities, 
 each of which had its separate territory, and its
 
 34 JEWISH HISTORY. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD chief or kino- ; of these cities, Damascus, Hamath, 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 emus, etc. are mentioned in the most remote antiquity. 
 a frequent 2. The Syrians were, however, often subjected 
 
 object of _ . J . J 
 
 conquest: by foreign conquerors ; and their country was cer- 
 1040. "' tainly, at least in the time of David, a Jewish pro- 
 vince. It shook off the yoke, however, in the 
 time of Solomon ; when Rezon, who had formerly 
 been a slave, obtained possession of Damascus. 
 
 Kingdom of 3. After this, there arose the kingdom of Da- 
 Damascus. . -11 /> 
 mascus, which comprised the greatest portion or 
 
 Syria, the kings in the other cities becoming tri- 
 butary to Damascus. The boundaries of the em- 
 pire, too, were extended, and particularly at the 
 expense of the divided kingdoms of Judah and 
 Israel. 
 
 The kings, whose names are taken from the books of Chroni- 
 cles, were : Rezon, about 980. Benhadad I. about 900. Hazael, 
 about 850. Benhadad II. about 830. Rezin. Under this last, 
 the kingdom of Damascus was overthrown by the Assyrian con- 
 queror Tiglath-Pileser, about 740- 
 
 Contemporary in Inner Asia : Assyrian kingdom. Jews : 
 kingdoms of Israel and Judah. Greeks : settlement of the Asiatic 
 colonies. Lycurgus. 
 
 VII. Jews. 
 Periods of The history of the Jewish people, begins with 
 
 Jewish his- .,, 1^1 <".- c i 
 
 tory. Abraham the lather of their race; that ot the 
 Jewish state does not commence till after the con- 
 quest of Palestine. It is divided into three pe- 
 riods. I. History of the Jews, as a nomad horde, 
 from Abraham till their settlement in Palestine, 
 B. C. 20001500. II. Historv of the Jewish 
 
 w 
 
 state as a federative republic under the high 
 priests and judges, from B. C. 15001100. III. 
 History of the Jewish state under a monarchical 
 government, from B. C. 1100 600, first in one
 
 BOOK i. JEWISH HISTORY. 3.1 
 
 kingdom, 975 ; afterwards as two separate king- 
 doms, Israel and Judah, until the downfal of the 
 latter, 588. 
 
 Sources of the Jewish history. Their annals : Books of 
 Judges, Samuel, Chronicles, Kings. How those books were com- 
 posed, and whether their authors may be considered as contem- 
 porary with the events they relate ? How far the Hebrew poets, 
 the prophets in particular, may be considered as historical autho- 
 rity ? JOSEPHUS, as an antiquarian in his Archceologia, and as a, 
 contemporary historian in his Historia Belli Romani. 
 
 Unfortunately there is not at present any satisfactory treatise 
 on the Jewish history previous to the Babylonian captivity ; nor 
 one written in an impartial spirit, without credulity or scepticism. 
 The work of BERRUYER, Histoire du Peuple de Dieu, depuis 
 son origine jusqu'a la Naissance de J. C. Paris, 1742, 10 vols. 
 8vo. ; and the continuation, depuis la Naissance de J. C. 10 
 vols. ; and others of the same kind do not answer this description. 
 RE LAND i Antiquit. Sacr. Heb. The writings of J. D. Mi- 
 CHAELIS, particularly his f Remarks on the Translation of the Old 
 Testament, and his -j- Mosaic Latv ; together with -j- HERDER, On 
 the Spirit of Hebrew Poesy, furnish many excellent materials. 
 
 I. Period of the nomad state from Abraham to Jews as a 
 the conquest of Palestine. Under Abraham, Isaac, horde: 
 and Jacob, nothing more at first than a single no- 
 mad family; which, however, during its sojourn 
 in Lower Egypt, where, during four hundred and sojourn in 
 thirty, or, according to others, two hundred and 
 fifty years, it roved about in subjection to the ' 
 Egyptian Pharaohs, increased to a nomad na- 
 tion, divided into twelve tribes. The nation, 
 however, becoming formidable from the great in- 
 crease of its numbers, the Pharaohs, following the 
 usual policy of the Egyptians, wished to compel 
 the Jews to build and inhabit cities. Unaccus- 
 tomed to restraint, they fled from Egypt under 
 the conduct of Moses ; and conquered, under him 
 
 D2
 
 36 JEWISH HISTORY. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD and his successor Joshua, Palestine, the land of 
 
 BEFORE . 
 
 CYRUS, promise. 
 
 Moses and his legislation. What he borrowed and what he 
 did not borrow from the Egyptians ? The worship of Jehovah 
 in the national sanctuary, and by national festivals, celebrated 
 with ceremonies rigidly prescribed, the point of union for the 
 whole nation, and the political bond which held the tribes to- 
 gether. The caste of Levites, compared with the Egyptian caste 
 of priests. 
 
 J. D. MICHAELIS, Mosaic Lam, Gottingen, 1778, etc. 6 vols. 
 8vo. ; translated into English by Dr. ALEXANDER SMITH. 
 Lond. 1814, 4 vols. 8vo. The commentator frequently sees more 
 than the lawgiver. 
 
 jews as a II. Period of the federative republic. From the 
 
 pubUc. 6 re occupation of Palestine to the establishment of 
 monarchy, 15001100. 
 
 Heroic age. 1. General character of this period as the he- 
 roic age of the nation, which, after the gradual 
 adoption of fixed dwellings and agriculture, was 
 engaged in constant feuds with its neighbours, the 
 vagrant Arabs, the Philistines, and the Edomites. 
 Impossibility of exterminating entirely the ancient 
 inhabitants according to the intention of Moses. 
 Hence the worship of Jehovah was never the only 
 religion in the land. 
 
 Constitu- 2. Political organization. In consequence of 
 the division of land, according to tribes, and their 
 separation from one another, the government long 
 remained patriarchal. Each tribe preserved its 
 patriarch or elder, as in the nomad state. All, 
 however, had, in the worship of Jehovah, one 
 common bond, uniting them into one federate 
 state. Magistrates were likewise appointed in 
 the cities, to whom scribes are conjoined out of 
 the Levite caste.
 
 BOOK i. JEWISH HISTORY. .37 
 
 3. The permanent union of the nation, and pre- PERIO 
 servation of the Mosaic law, were likewise pro- 
 moted by the distribution of the Levite caste into 
 forty-eight separate towns, situated in various 
 parts of the country, and by making the high 
 priesthood hereditary in Aaron's family. 
 
 4. But when at the death of Joshua the people Disturbed 
 were left without a common ruler, the tie of re- jews at the 
 
 ligion became insufficient to hold them together ; 
 especially as the weaker tribes became jealous of 
 the more powerful. At this time the high priests 
 appear to have had but little political influence ; 
 and the national bond was only prevented from 
 being dissolved by the dread of a foreign yoke. 
 
 5. The Jews were sometimes independent, at Judges. 
 other times tributary. In seasons of oppression 
 
 and distress heroes arose, jealous for the worship 
 of Jehovah, to deliver them from bondage. They 
 acted as chief magistrates and rulers of a part, or 
 even the whole of the nation, and as champions 
 of the worship of the true God. The judges, par- 
 ticularly Othniel, Deborah, and Sampson. Con- 
 cerning the marvellous in their history. 
 
 6. Reestablishment of the worship of Jehovah 
 
 by Samuel. He becomes judge, and rules as 
 Jehovah's minister. His scheme of making the 
 office of judge hereditary in his own family is 
 defeated by the conduct of his sons. The na- 
 tion demands a king, whom Samuel, as minister 
 of Jehovah, is called upon to appoint. His crafty 
 policy in the election, which he cannot impede. 
 He chooses Saul, politically speaking, the most 
 insignificant man of the nation ; but the tallest 
 and most stately. A formal constitutional act,
 
 38 JEWISH HISTORY. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD according to the Mosaic command, is drawn up 
 CYRUS, and deposited in the national sanctuary. 
 
 Causes which led the nation to demand a king. Earlier at- 
 tempts made, particularly by Abimelech, to obtain regal power. 
 
 III. Period of the monarchy from 1100 600. 
 
 1. The Jewish state as one single kingdom from 
 1100(1095; 975. 
 
 Saul: 1. Saul, the new king, strengthened himself on 
 
 the throne by a victory over the Ammonites ; and 
 a general assembly of the nation, in which Samuel 
 laid down his office as judge, unanimously ac- 
 knowledged his sovereignty. But Saul, no sooner 
 became a conqueror than he threw off the tutelage 
 of Samuel, and ventured himself to consult Jeho- 
 vah. This was the occasion of a feud between 
 them. Samuel, offended, privately anointed an- 
 other young man, David the son of Jesse, as king. 
 David acquires fame and popularity by his heroic 
 conduct ; but has much difficulty in escaping the 
 jealousy of Saul. Saul sustains himself amid 
 constant wars with the neighbouring nations ; 
 about but at last defeated, he and all his sons, except 
 
 one, lose their lives. 
 
 Jewish go- 2. State of the nation and constitution under 
 
 anTstate Saul. The king little more than a military leader 
 
 under him. un( j er the direction of Jehovah; without either 
 
 court or fixed residence. The people still a mere 
 
 agricultural and pastoral race, without wealth or 
 
 luxury; but gradually assuming the character of 
 
 a warlike nation. 
 
 i>avid, 3. Saul was succeeded by David ; but not 
 
 1055-1015. . . . _ J ., 
 
 without opposition, hleven tribes declare for
 
 BOOK i. JEWISH HISTORY. 39 
 
 Ish-bosheth, the remaining son of Saul ; and Da- PERIOD 
 vid is only acknowledged by his own tribe, Judah. CYRUS! 
 It is not till seven years later, and the murder of 
 Ish-bosheth by his own people, that David is re- 
 cognized as king by the whole nation. 
 
 4. Complete formation of the nation, and a state of the 
 
 x. .. -,. , . r T\ i nation and 
 
 change of constitution during the reign 01 David government 
 
 over the united kingdom, which lasted thirty-three m 
 
 years. Jerusalem is made the seat of government 
 
 and of the national sanctuary. Rigid observance 
 
 of the worship of Jehovah, the exclusive religion 
 
 of the nation, considered in respect to its political 
 
 consequence. 
 
 5. Vast aggrandizement of the Jewish state by Conquests. 
 conquest. A war with Hadadezer opens the way 
 
 to the conquest of Syria and Idumeea. Extent of 
 the kingdom from the Euphrates to the Mediter- 
 ranean ; from Phoenicia to the Red sea. Gra- 
 dual decline towards despotism and seraglio go- 
 vernment; the political consequences of which 
 become apparent about the end of David's reign, 
 in the rebellion of his sons. 
 
 6. Reign of Solomon. The brilliant govern- Solomon, 
 ment of a despot from the interior of his seraglio ; 1( 
 unwarlike, but civilized, and fond of parade. New 
 organization of the kingdom for the support of 
 
 the court. Connections formed with the neigh- 
 bouring states, particularly with Tyre ; hence a 
 participation in the southern trade carried on from 
 the ports of the Red sea, conquered by David ; 
 but only as a monopoly of the court. 
 
 7. The capital enriched by the splendour of the Declension 
 court; but the country oppressed and impover- 
 ished, particularly the distant tribes. Gradual
 
 40 JEWISH HISTORY. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD internal decay hastened by the admixture of the 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS, worship of foreign gods with that of Jehovah ; 
 although Solomon, by the erection of the temple 
 according to the plan of his father, seems to have 
 wished to make the worship of the true God the 
 only religion of the country. An unsuccessful 
 attempt at rebellion made by Jeroboam ; and by 
 the Edomites, who remain tributary under their 
 own kings : actual secession, even during the 
 reign of Solomon, of the conquered province of 
 Syria by the foundation of the kingdom of Da- 
 mascus. 
 
 Rehoboam. g. Solomon is succeeded by his son Reho- 
 boam, who has scarcely ascended the throne, 
 before the malcontents, increased in number by 
 his imprudence, break into open rebellion. Jero- 
 boam is recalled from Egypt, and ten tribes ac- 
 knowledge him as their king. Only two tribes, 
 Judah and Benjamin, remain faithful to Reho- 
 . boam. 
 
 II. The Jewish state as a divided kingdom, 
 
 975588. 
 
 causes of 1. Reciprocal relations between the two king- 
 
 warsbe S - doms of Judah and Israel. Although Israel was 
 
 da^and"" more extensive and populous than Judah, yet was 
 
 Judah, in consequence of possessing the capital, 
 
 richest of the two ; thus their power was nearly 
 
 balanced ; and hence the struggle between them 
 
 was the more obstinate. 
 
 Policy of 2. The kings of Israel seek to confirm the po- 
 litical division of the nation, by establishing a 
 new form of worship within their dominions, in 
 order to restrain their subjects from visiting the
 
 BOOK i. JEWISH HISTORY. 41 
 
 ancient seat of the national worship at Jerusalem; PERIOD 
 hence they were considered as the enemies of 0^. 
 
 Jehovah. Several kings, however, even of Judah O f those 
 were so impolitic as to mingle the worship of 
 other gods with that of Jehovah. But oppres- 
 sion itself serves to sustain the worship of Jeho- 
 vah; the number and political influence of the 
 prophets increase in proportion as men feel, amid 
 the turbulence of the times, need of the counsels 
 of the true God ; the idea of some future happier 
 period under a mighty king the idea of the Mes- 
 siah and of his kingdom is more fully developed 
 by the lively recollection of the splendid reign of 
 David. Schools of the prophets. 
 
 3. The rivalry and wars between those two Te 
 
 , . i i i . tion of the 
 
 states not only continue with slight interruption, wars. 
 but become more and more fraught with danger, 
 in consequence of the alliances entered into with 
 foreign princes, particularly with the kings of Da- 
 mascus and Egypt. An end is at length put to 
 these feeble kingdoms by the rise of vast empires 
 in Inner Asia. 
 
 Most important events in the history of the two kingdoms. 
 I. KINGDOM OF ISRAEL, 975 722; under 19 kings, from dif- 
 ferent families, who succeeded to the throne amid violent revo- 
 lutions. 1 . Jeroboam, d. 954. Settlement of the royal residence 
 at Shechem ; of the sanctuaries at Bethel and Dan, and appoint- 
 ment of priests, not belonging to the tribe of Levi. Constant 
 wars with the kings of Judah. 2. Nadab, Jeroboam's son, mur- 
 dered in 953 by 3. Baasha, d. 930. This prince, by his alliance 
 with the kings of Damascus, brought the kingdom of Judah into 
 great danger. 4. Elah murdered in 929 by one of his generals. 
 5. Zimri, in whose place the army immediately elected 6. Omri: 
 this prince, at the beginning of his reign, had a rival to the 
 throne in Tibni, d. 925. Omri founded the new capital, Sama- 
 ria, d. 91 8. He was succeeded by his son 7- Ahab : strong con- 
 nections by marriage with the kings of Sidon ; introduction of
 
 42 JEWISH HISTORY. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD J.JJQ Phoanician worship of Baal. Wars with Damascus, in which 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. Ahab at last perishes, 897- Under Ahab a league formed with 
 ~* the king of Judah. He is succeeded by his sons, 8. Ahaziah, d. 
 896, and 9. Jehoram. The league with Judah continues. Je- 
 horam is murdered by Jehu, 883. 10. Jehu : this king destroys 
 the house of Ahab, which had given 4 kings to Israel, and does 
 away with the worship of Baal. The kings of Damascus wrest 
 from the kingdom of Israel the lands beyond Jordan. Jehu, d. 
 856. He is succeeded by his son 11. Jehoahaz, d. 840. The 
 wars with Damascus continue unsuccessful to Israel. 12. Je- 
 hoash, d. 825. He defeats the kings of Damascus and Judah. 
 13. Jeroboam II. d. 784. He restores the kingdom of Israel to 
 its ancient extent. After a turbulent interregnum of 12 years, 
 he is succeeded by his son 14. Zechariah, 773; who was assas- 
 sinated the same year, being the last remnant of the house of 
 Jehu, which had given 5 kings to Israel. His murderer, 15. 
 Shallum, after a reign of one month, is, in his turn, assassinated 
 by 16. Menahem, d. 761 : under his reign the first expedition 
 of the Assyrians, headed by Pul, whom he buys off by tribute. 
 17. His son Pekahiah murdered in 759 by 18. Pekah, under 
 whose reign falls the expedition of Tiglath-Pileser the Assyrian, 
 and destruction of Damascus. Pekah is assassinated in 740 by 
 19. Hoshea, who, after an anarchy of eight years, obtains pos- 
 session of the throne. Hoshea endeavours, by an alliance with 
 Egypt, to shake off the Assyrian yoke ; but Shalmaneser, king 
 of Assyria, wages war against him, conquers Samaria, and puts 
 an end to the kingdom of Israel, whose inhabitants he transplants 
 to Media in Inner Asia, 722. 
 
 2. KINGDOM OF JUDAH under 20 kings of the house of Da- 
 vid, 975 598. The regular line of hereditary succession is ge- 
 nerally followed without dispute, and is only twice interrupted by 
 Athaliah's usurpation, and the intervention of foreign conquerors. 
 1. Rehoboam, d. 958. Jerusalem is still the seat of government ; 
 but even during this reign the worship of Jehovah begins to fall 
 into neglect, in consequence of the introduction of foreign gods. 
 Besides the war with Israel, Jerusalem is attacked and plun- 
 dered by Shishak, king of Egypt. 2. Abijah, d. 955. 3. Asa. 
 This prince was attacked by the combined kings of Israel and 
 Damascus, and, no doubt, would have sunk in the conflict, had 
 he not succeeded in breaking their alliance ; d. 914. 4. Jehosh- 
 aphat, the restorer of the worship of Jehovah and framer of a 
 league with the kingdom of Israel. His attempt to reestablish
 
 BOOK i. JEWISH HISTORY. 43 
 
 the trade to Ophir, on the Red sea, is unsuccessful, d. 891. 5. PERIOD 
 Jehoram. The union with Israel is confirmed by the marriage EFO 
 of this prince with Ahab's daughter, Athaliah ; but Idumsea, ~~ 
 under his reign, secedes wholly from the kingdom of Judah, d. 
 884. 6. His son Ahaziah is, in the next year, 883, assassinated 
 by Jehu, the murderer and successor of Jehoram king of Israel. 
 7. His mother, Athaliah, takes possession of the throne ; mur- 
 ders the whole royal family ; only one son of Ahaziah, 8, Joash, 
 is, in consequence of his youth, rescued from the carnage, se- 
 cretly educated in the temple, and after seven years forcibly 
 placed upon the throne, by means of a revolution wrought by 
 the high priest, Jehoiada ; and Athaliah is slaughtered, 877- 
 Joash rules under the tutelage of the priests, which leads to the 
 reestablishment of Jehovah's worship. This prince is menaced 
 by Hazael king of Damascus,, and compelled to pay him tribute. 
 Slain 838. 9. Amaziah : he defeats the Edomites, and is in his 
 turn defeated by Jehoash king of Israel, by whom Jerusalem itself 
 is sacked. He is slain in 811, and succeeded 10. by his son 
 Azariah, (or Uzziah.) This prince was leprous, and d. 759. 
 His son 11. Jotham, d. 743, became regent during the life of 
 his father. The wars with Israel and Damascus recommence. 
 12. Ahaz, d. 728. The league between the kings of Damascus 
 and Israel induces Ahaz to call to his assistance Tiglath-Pileser 
 king of Assyria, who overthrows the kingdom of Damascus, and 
 subjects Israel and Judah to tribute. 13. Hezekiah, d. 699. 
 He shakes off the Assyrian yoke : under his reign Shalmaneser 
 destroys Samaria, 722 : and Shalmaneser's successor, Sennache- 
 rib, undertakes his expedition against Egypt, 714. Jerusalem 
 is again besieged, but fortunately relieved by the total failure of 
 the expedition. Isaiah prophecies during the reign of this prince. 
 14. Manasseh, d. 644. During his 55 years' reign, the worship 
 of the Phoenician god, Baal, becomes general ; that of Jehovah 
 falls into contempt, and the Mosaic law into disuse. 15. Amon, 
 murdered as early as 642. 16. Josiah restorer of the temple, 
 and of the worship of Jehovah. The book of the Law, which 
 had been cast aside and neglected, is once more found, and a 
 complete reform instituted according to its principles. Palestine 
 however is the first country attacked by Necos, king of Egypt; 
 and Josiah falls in battle, 611. His son, 17- Jehoahaz, is, after 
 a reign of three months, dethroned by Pharaoh-Nechoh, and 
 his brother 18. Jehoiakim placed as a tributary prince on the 
 throne. But in consequence of the rise of the Chaldeco-Babylo-
 
 44 JEWISH HISTORY. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD nian empire, Pharaoh-Nechoh is deprived of his Asiatic con- 
 quests by the loss of the battle of Circesium, 606 ; and Jehoia- 
 kim becomes tributary to Nebuchadnezzar, d. 599. The prophet 
 Jeremiah nourishes. 19. Jehoiachin, son of the former king, 
 after three months' reign, is, together with the greater part of 
 the nation, transplanted into Inner Asia by Nebuchadnezzar, 
 after a second expedition, (commencement of the Babylonian 
 captivity,) and, 20. Zedekiah, brother on the father's side to 
 Jehoiachin, is seated on the throne as a tributary prince. Form- 
 ing, however, a league with Egypt, in order to throw off the 
 Babylonian yoke, Nebuchadnezzar marches a third time against 
 Jerusalem, conquers it, 588, and delivers it up to pillage and 
 destruction. Zedekiah, after being deprived of his eye-sight, 
 and losing all his children by the hands of the executioner, is, 
 together with the remaining portion of the nation, led in cap- 
 tivity to Babylon. 
 
 S. BERNHARDI Commentatio de causis quibus affectum sit ut 
 regnum Judce diutius persisteret quam regnum Israel ; cum ta- 
 bula geographica, Lovanii, 1825, 4to. A prize essay, containing 
 also several valuable enquiries into the monarchical period of the 
 Jewish state. 
 
 f- BAUER, Manual of the History of the Hebrew Nation, vol. 
 i iii, 1800. The best introduction hitherto published, not only 
 to the history, but also to the antiquities of the nation, from the 
 rise to the fall of the state.
 
 BOOK i. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 45 
 
 II. AFRICAN NATIONS. 
 
 General Geographical Outline of Ancient Africa. 
 
 See A. H. L. HEEREN'S Historical Researches, etc. African 
 Nations. 2 vols. 8vo. Oxford, 1831. 
 
 1. ALTHOUGH the Phoenicians had circumna- AFRICA. 
 vigated Africa, the northern part only of that 
 
 quarter of the globe was known to antiquity, ancients 
 
 JL, . , . J with Africa. 
 
 With that part, however, the ancients were better 
 acquainted than we are at the present day, the 
 coast being then occupied by civilized and com- 
 mercial nations, who pushed their excursions far 
 inland. This was the case in early times with the 
 Carthaginians and the Egyptians ; still more so 
 with the Macedonian Greeks, under the Ptole- 
 mies, and under the Romans. War, hunting, and 
 commerce, were, generally speaking, the objects 
 which gave rise to those excursions. 
 
 2. Considered as a whole, Africa is very differ- General 
 
 f * -I i r i view of 
 
 ent irom Asia, both in situation and form. Asia Africa. 
 lies almost entirely within the temperate, while 
 Africa is almost wholly under the torrid zone. 
 Asia abounds in deep gulfs and large rivers ; 
 Africa constitutes a regular triangle, and in its 
 northern half possesses but two large rivers, the 
 Nile and the Niger. No wonder, then, that this 
 portion of our globe should form, as it were, a 
 world in itself, distinguished by its productions 
 and its inhabitants. 
 
 3. Physically considered, Northern Africa may Physical 
 be divided into three regions, distinguished i n geography
 
 46 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. BOOK i. 
 
 AFRICA, early antiquity by separate names. The maritime 
 of North country along the Mediterranean, with the ex- 
 ception of Tripolis, or the Regio-Syrtica, consists 
 principally of very fertile districts, and was con- 
 sequently, at all times, very thickly inhabited : 
 hence in Herodotus it bears the name of the inha- 
 bited Africa; it is now called Barbary. Above 
 this, and under the 30th parallel of N. lat., suc- 
 ceeds a mountainous tract, across which stretches 
 the Atlas chain of mountains ; abounding in wild 
 beasts and dates : hence Herodotus calls it the 
 wild beast Africa: among the Arabs it is called 
 the land of dates, (Biledulgerid.) Beyond this, 
 and between the 30th and 20th degrees of N. lat. 
 the sandy region extends right across Africa and 
 Arabia : this part of Africa is therefore known, 
 both among the ancients and moderns, under the 
 name of Africa Deserta, or the Sandy Desert, 
 (Sahara). The fruitful lands beyond the desert, 
 stretching along the banks of the Niger, were 
 almost wholly unknown to the Greeks : by them 
 these parts were comprehended under the com- 
 mon name of Ethiopia, although that name ap- 
 plied more peculiarly to the districts above Egypt. 
 The Greeks were, however, acquainted with some 
 of the fruitful spots in the desert, the Oases ; such 
 as Augila, Ammonium, and the Oases, properly 
 so called, in Egypt. 
 
 Political 4. There exists no political division which com- 
 prises the whole of Africa. The north coast alone 
 was inhabited by civilized nations : Egyptians, 
 Cyrenaeans, and Carthaginians; of which the first 
 only were aboriginals. The rest of the inhabit- 
 ants either roved about as nomad hordes, or
 
 BOOK i. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 47 
 
 formed insignificant states, of whose existence we AFRICA. 
 have heard some account, though we possess no 
 history of them. Along the shore, reckoning from 
 the Plinthinetic gulf, Egypt is succeeded by : 1st. 
 Marmarica, a tract without cities, consisting prin- 
 cipally of sandy deserts, occupied by nomad 
 hordes : this country extends from the 40 47 
 E. long, from Ferro. 2nd. The fertile territory 
 occupied by the Greek colonies, called Cyrenaica, 
 extended to the Greater Syrtis, 37 40 E. long. 
 Cities : Gyrene, Barca. 3rd. The territory of Car- 
 thage, extending from the Greater Syrtis to the 
 Fair Promontory, 25 40 E. long. This territory 
 comprised (a) the country between the Greater 
 and Lesser Syrtis, (Regio Syrtica,) which consti- 
 tutes the modern kingdom of Tripoli ; a sandy 
 tract, almost wholly occupied by nomads. () the 
 territory of Carthage, properly so called, (king- 
 dom of Tunis). A very fruitful country; the 
 southern part, called Byzacena, the northern part 
 Zeugitana. Cities: Carthage, Utica, etc. 4th. 
 Numidia and Mauritania ; occupied during the 
 Carthaginian age by nomad races. Along the 
 shore some Carthaginian settlements. 
 
 EGYPTIANS. 
 
 Preliminary remarks. Egypt in its superficial Geography. 
 contents is equal to about two-thirds of Germany, 
 and may therefore justly be ranked among the 
 more extensive countries of the globe ; it greatly 
 varies, however, in its physical properties. The
 
 48 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. BOOK i. 
 
 EGYPT, soil is only sufficiently fertile for tillage on the 
 banks of the Nile, and as far as the floods of that 
 river extend ; beyond that, on the west, is a sandy 
 desert, on the east a chain of rocky mountains. 
 
 Course of From its entrance into Egypt at Syene, the Nile 
 
 the Nile. . T-II . ^^ 
 
 nows m one undivided stream to the city of Cer- 
 casorus, 60 geogr. miles above its mouth, direct- 
 ing its source from south to north through a valley 
 from 8 to 16 geogr. miles broad, bounded on the 
 west by deserts of sand, and on the east by moun- 
 tains of granite. At Cercasorus the stream first 
 divides itself into two main branches, which for- 
 merly discharged their waters into the Mediterra- 
 nean, the eastern near the city of Pelusium, the 
 western near the city of Canopus (ostium Pelusia- 
 cum et Canopicum;) from these two diverged se- 
 veral intermediate branches ; so that in the time of 
 Herodotus there existed seven mouths of the Nile, 
 but the number has not always remained the same. 
 The tract between the two extreme arms of the 
 Nile bears, in consequence of its triangular form, 
 the name of the Delta ; it was covered with cities, 
 and highly cultivated. The fertile part of Egypt, 
 inhabited by civilized men, was therefore confined 
 to the Delta and the valley of the Nile, on the two 
 banks of the stream from Syene to Cercasorus ; 
 to which must be added some well watered spots 
 in the centre of the western desert, known un- 
 der the name of the Oases. In consequence of the 
 perpetual absence of rain, particularly in Upper 
 Egypt, the fertility of the Delta and the valley of 
 the Nile depends on the overflowing of the river, 
 which happens at stated periods. This com- 
 mences at the beginning of August and continues
 
 BXJOK i. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 49 
 
 to the end of October ; so that during three whole EGYPT. 
 months the above-mentioned parts of the country 
 are under water. 
 
 Egypt is divided into Upper, extending from Divisions of 
 Syene to the city of Chemmis, (capital, Thebes, 
 or Diospolis) ; Central from Chemmis to Cer- 
 casorus, (capital, Memphis,) and Lower Egypt, 
 which comprises the Delta, and the land on both 
 sides : it was full of cities, among which the most 
 remarkable was Sais. 
 
 Next above Egypt lies Ethiopia, (^Ethiopia su- Ethiopia. 
 pra JEgyptuni) ; which, from the earliest times, 
 principally through commerce, appears to have 
 been closely connected with the former country. 
 The regions immediately above Egypt, usually 
 called Nubia, are little more than deserts of sand, 
 still inhabited by roving hordes of nomad robbers. 
 The rocky mountain chain, which forms the east- 
 ern boundary of Egypt, stretches along the Red 
 sea, and was formerly of great importance to 
 Nubia, from its containing, just above the 
 Egyptian frontier, productive gold mines. The 
 Nile, in this country, makes a wide curve to 
 the west, and becomes so full of shallows as to 
 render navigation difficult. The lands adjoining 
 the river, however, are fertile and well inhabited ; 
 and contain numerous ancient monuments. Still 
 higher up, reckoning from 16 N. lat. the appear- 
 ance of the country changes ; the region of fer- 
 tility commences, and its costly productions, its 
 gold and its perfumes, gave rise to a profitable 
 commerce. Among these countries, Meroe, with 
 its capital of the same name, was celebrated in the 
 days of Herodotus. By Meroe is understood a
 
 50 GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. BOOK i. 
 
 EGYPT, tract of land bounded by two rivers, the Nile on 
 the west, and the Astaboras, (Tacazze,) which 
 falls into the Nile, on the east ; for this reason it 
 is frequently, although improperly, called an is- 
 land. This country extended towards the sources 
 of the Nile, or the modern province of Gojam, 
 where, under the reign of Psammetichus, the 
 Egyptian caste of warriors, having for the most 
 part deserted, established themselves. Meroe 
 itself, like the Egyptian states, was sacerdotal, 
 with a king at its head. The city of Axum, or 
 Auxume, is not indeed mentioned at so early a 
 period ; but if we may judge by the ruins that 
 still remain, it was of equally high antiquity with 
 the old Egyptian towns and with Meroe. The 
 same observations apply to Adule, the harbour 
 on the Arabian gulf. 
 
 Divisions of The Egyptian history is divided into three pe- 
 riods of unequal duration ; the Jirst of which ex- 
 tends from the earliest time down to the Sesos- 
 tridae, that is to say, to about B.C. 1500: the 
 second comprises the reigns of the Sesostridae, or 
 the brilliant period of Egypt, down to Psam- 
 metichus, 1500 650: the third brings us from 
 Psammetichus down to the Persian conquest, 
 650525.
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. 
 
 From the earliest times down to the Sesostridte, about 
 B. C. 1500. 
 
 Sources: 1. Jewish writers. Moses. His records contain, no PERIOD 
 doubt, a faithful picture of the Egyptian state in his day ; but * 
 no continuous history can be deduced from them. From Moses 
 down to Solomon (B. C. 1500 1000.) total silence, with respect 
 to Egypt, of the Hebrew writers. From Solomon down to Cy- 
 rus, (B. C. 1000 550.) a few scanty fragments. Importance 
 and superiority of the Jewish accounts, so far as they are purely 
 historical. 2. Greek writers, (a) Herodotus. The first who 
 published a History of the Egyptians. About seventy years after 
 the destruction of the throne of the Pharaohs by the Persian con- 
 querors, this author collected, in Egypt itself, the earliest ac- 
 counts of the history of the country ; he received his information 
 from the most capable persons, the priests ; and wrote down 
 faithfully that information, such as he heard it. If, therefore, 
 we would estimate at their proper worth the accounts given by 
 Herodotus, it is necessary to enquire, what did the priests them- 
 selves know of their earlier national history ? And this question 
 cannot be answered until we have ascertained in what manner 
 the historical records of the earlier periods were preserved among 
 the Egyptians. 
 
 The earliest history of the Egyptians, like that of all other 
 nations, was traditional. They adopted, however, before any 
 other nations, a sort of writing, hieroglyphics, or allegorical pic- 
 ture writing ; in which the signs borrowed from natural objects 
 served, as modern discoveries have proved, partly to represent 
 sounds, (hieroglyphes phonetiques,} and partly to express ideas ; 
 in the latter case they were either representative or allegorical. 
 This mode of writing, by its nature, is not so complete as the 
 purely alphabetical; since, 1. It can express only a narrow circle 
 of ideas, and these separately, without connection or grammatical 
 inflection, at least with very few exceptions. 2. As it is not 
 so well adapted to writing as to painting or engraving, it is not 
 so useful for books as for public monuments. 3. Being em-
 
 52 
 
 EGYPTIANS, 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 PEfilOD 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. 
 
 blematic, it is not intelligible without the help of a key, which 
 could only be preserved in some tradition connected with the 
 ~ monument, and which was exclusively possessed by the priests ; 
 this key. therefore, could hardly be preserved many centuries 
 without falsification. 4. The same image seems frequently to 
 have been used to express very different objects. It follows, that 
 the Egyptian history, as deduced from the lips of the priests, can 
 hardly have been any thing more than records connected with, 
 and depending upon, public monuments: consisting, therefore, 
 of mere fragments, and reducible to no consistent chronology, 
 it ultimately admitted only of allegorical translation, and conse- 
 quently was very liable to be misinterpreted. Besides their 
 hieroglyphics, the Egyptians certainly had two other species of 
 writing : the hieratic, confined to the priests, and the demotic, 
 used in common life. Both, however, seem to have been nothing 
 more than running hands derived from the hieroglyphic system ; 
 and we have no instance of the employment of either the one or 
 the other in public monuments of the time of the Pharaohs. 
 That the use of papyrus, a material on which all the above kinds 
 of writing were employed, had its origin in the highest antiquity, 
 or at least in the more brilliant period of the Pharaohs, we now 
 know for certain, written documents belonging to those times 
 having been obtained from the tombs. 
 
 CHAMPOLLION L,E JEUNE, Precis du Systeme Hieroglyphique 
 des anciens Egypliens. Paris, 1824. The main work on this 
 subject, of which the Letlre a M. Dacier, 1822, is but the pre- 
 cursor, and the two Let I res a M. le due de Blacas the continua- 
 tion. The new method of deciphering has received its principal 
 confirmation from the work of the British consul in Egypt, 
 SALT, Essay on the Phonetic System of Hieroglyphics, 1825, 
 on the authority of a comparison with the Egyptian monuments 
 themselves. Hitherto, however, little more has been made out 
 than the names and titles of the kings, distinguished by being 
 always enclosed within a border. 
 
 These preliminary remarks on the earlier Egyptian history, 
 will derive abundant support from a perusal of the account given 
 by Herodotus (ii, 99 150), of the Egyptian kings previous to 
 Psammetichus. The study of that author pi-oves beyond all 
 doubt, that : I. The whole history is throughout founded on pub- 
 lic monuments, and on monuments too, either in or near Mem- 
 phis. We may even restrict ourselves to one single monument 
 at Memphis, to the temple of Vulcan, or Phtha, the chief temple
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. 53 
 
 of that city. The history commences with Menes, the founder PERIOD 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. 
 
 of that edifice, (c. 99.), and we are informed, respecting each of BEFORE 
 
 his successors, what was done towards the augmentation and 
 embellishment of the building : those who made no addition to 
 that temple, but left other monuments, (as the builders of the 
 pyramids,) are denominated oppressors of the people, and con- 
 temners of the gods : of those princes who left no monuments at 
 all, the priests could give no other information than a catalogue 
 of names. II. Hence this line of kings, although the priests 
 gave it to Herodotus as such, is not without interruptions, but, 
 as is clearly proved by a comparison with Diodorus, contains 
 many wide chasms : therefore no chronological system can be 
 erected upon such a basis. HI. The whole history is inter- 
 woven with narrations derived from hieroglyphic representations, 
 and for that very reason allegorical, the meaning of which it is 
 no longer possible to unravel, the priests themselves being either 
 unable or unwilling to explain it, and even inclining, it appears, 
 to introduce false interpretations. To this class of narrations 
 belongs, for instance, that of the robbery of Rhampsinitus's trea- 
 sury; that of his journey into hell, where he played at dice with 
 Ceres, (c. 121, 122) ; that concerning the daughter of Cheops, 
 (c. 127.) ; concerning the blindness of Pheron, and the manner in 
 which he was cured, etc. (c. 111.) To prove that this charge is 
 not without foundation, it will suffice to adduce two examples ; 
 one from c. 131, where Herodotus himself observes that such was 
 the case; the other from c. 141, the true meaning of which we 
 gather from other sources. Even in the time of Herodotus, it 
 was customary with the priests to endeavour to conciliate the 
 Greek and Egyptian authorities ; a fact in proof of which there 
 are many arguments which cannot escape the critic : such, for 
 instance, as the completely Grtecised history of king Proteus, 
 c. 112 115. The general result of the above observations on 
 Herodotus's Egyptian history is, that it is nothing more than a 
 narration connected with public monuments. To this inference 
 but one objection can possibly be made, namely, that the Egyp- 
 tian priests possessed, besides their hieroglyphics, an alphabetical 
 mode of writing ; consequently, that, over and above the public 
 monuments, they might likewise refer to written annals ; but 
 this objection is overthrown by Herodotus himself. All the in- 
 formation the priests could give him beyond what has been above 
 alluded to, consisted in the names of 330 kings subsequent to
 
 54 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD Menes ; these they read from a papyrus roll, but knew nothing 
 more of the kings who bore them, because those sovereigns had 
 left no monuments behind them, (c. 1 00.) 
 
 (6) Besides Herodotus, Diodorus (lib. i.) likewise furnishes us 
 with the names of some Egyptian kings. This author, who 
 wrote 400 years subsequently to Herodotus, visited Egypt, and 
 collected his history, partly from the oral and written documents 
 of the priests of Thebes, partly from the more ancient Greek 
 writers, and particularly Hecatseus. If we consider Herodotus's 
 line of kings as not continuous or uninterrupted, all appearance 
 of contradiction between the two historians vanishes. Diodorus, 
 like Herodotus, did not intend to give a complete enumeration 
 of the Egyptian kings ; but only of the most remarkable ; in- 
 dicating the interruptions by the number of generations which 
 they contained. 
 
 (c) Finally, different from both the above is the Egyptian 
 Manelho, high priest at Heliopolis, who flourished under the 
 reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, about B. C. 260. He wrote the 
 JEgypliaca, of which, besides several fragments in Josephus, the 
 enumeration of the kings has been preserved in the chronicles of 
 Eusebius and Syncellus. This catalogue is divided into three 
 sections, (tomos,) each of which contains several dynasties, in all 
 31, enumerated according to the different cities of Egypt. In 
 each dynasty the number of kings belonging to it and the years 
 of their reigns are marked. The authenticity of Manetho is now 
 completely established ; since the names of the Pharaohs men- 
 tioned by him have been deciphered on the Egyptian monu- 
 ments. To this period belong the first seventeen dynasties ; in 
 the eighteenth begins the second and brilliant period, to which 
 the yet remaining monuments of Upper Egypt, bearing the names 
 of the founders, are to be ascribed. It is worthy of observation, 
 that in Herodotus Ave have the documents of the priests of Mem- 
 phis, in Diodorus those of the priests of Thebes, in Manetho 
 those of the priests of Heliopolis the three principal seats of 
 sacerdotal learning: perfect consistency cannot, therefore, be 
 expected in the accounts of those historians. 
 
 The modern writers on Egyptian antiquities, from KIRCHER, 
 (Edipus JEgypliacus, 1670, to DE PAUW, Recherches sur les 
 Egyptiens et sur les Chinois, 1772, have too often substituted 
 their own dreams and hypotheses for truth. The principal at- 
 tempts at a chronological arrangement of the dynasties have been
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. oo 
 
 made by MARSHAM, in his Canon Chronicus ; and by GAT- PERIOD 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. 
 
 TERER, in his "j- Synchronistic History of the World. Amon<- 
 
 the principal works on this subject may be reckoned : 
 
 JABLONSKI Pantheon Mythicum JEgyptiacum, 1750, 8vo. 
 
 GATTERER, Commentationes de Theogonia /Egypt, in Com- 
 mentat. Societ. Gotting. t. vii. 
 
 De Origine et Usu Obeliscorum, auctore G. ZOEGA ; Romae, 
 1797. 
 
 L' Egypte sous les Pharaons, ou Recherches sur la Geographic, 
 la Religion, la Langue, les Ecritures, et VHistoire de VEgijpte 
 avant Vinvasion de Cambyse, par CHAMPOLLION LE JEUNE, 
 t. i, ii. 1814. These two volumes, dedicated to the geography, 
 contain the restoration of the ancient Egyptian names of pro- 
 vinces and cities deduced from Coptic authorities. 
 
 Commentationes Herodotece, scribebat FRID. CREUZER. JEgyp- 
 tica et Hellenica, pars 1. Lips. ]819. A series of most acute 
 and learned illustrations of different points in Egyptian antiquity, 
 introduced by different passages of Herodotus. 
 
 The volume in HEEREN'S Historical Researches, etc. 1831, 
 vol. ii, concerning the Egyptians ; and particularly the introduc- 
 tion on hieroglyphic writing. For the best representations of the 
 Egyptian monuments, we are indebted to the French expedition. 
 Those of Denon in his Voyage en Egypte, are far superior to 
 those of Pococke and Norden ; but Denon's, in their turn, have 
 been greatly surpassed in the magnificent work : 
 
 Description de I' Egypte, Antiquites, P. i, ii, iii. P. i, con- 
 tains the monuments of Upper Egypt, from the frontiers of 
 Nubia to Thebes ; P. ii, iii, contain the monuments of Thebes 
 alone. 
 
 BELZONI, Researches in Egypt, London, 1824, with an atlas. 
 
 -j" MINUTOLI, Journey to the Temple of Jupiter Amman, and 
 Egypt, 1824. 
 
 L. BURCKHARDT, Travels in Nubia, London, 1819. 
 
 F. C. GAU, Antiquites de la Nubie, Paris, 1824. A worthy 
 continuation of the great French work on Egypt. 
 
 FR. CAILLAUD, Voyage a Meroe et au Fleuve Blanc, Paris, 
 1825, contains the description of the monuments of Meroe. 
 
 1. Political civilization commenced in Egypt at Early cm 
 
 , .. -11 i-ii- ization of 
 
 a much earlier period than that to which history Egypt: 
 reaches ; for even in the days of Abraham, and
 
 56 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD still more so in those of Moses, the government 
 CYRUS, seems to have been so well organized, that a long 
 period must necessarily have elapsed in order to 
 raise the nation to that degree of civilization which 
 we see it had then attained. It may, therefore, 
 be safely asserted, that Egypt ranks among the 
 most ancient countries of our globe in which po- 
 litical associations existed ; although we cannot 
 determine with equal certainty whether they did 
 
 of India. n t exist still earlier in India. 
 
 Causes of 2. The causes which contributed to render 
 
 ?viSion. Egypt thus early a civilized state, may be found 
 in the natural features of the country, and its fa- 
 vourable situation, when compared with the 
 rest of Africa. It is the only tract in all northern 
 Africa situated on a large uninterrupted navigable 
 
 The Nile: stream : had it not been for this, it would, like the 
 other parts of Africa under the same parallel, have 
 been a mere desert. To this must be added two 
 extraordinary circumstances : on the one hand, 
 the overflowing of the river so perfectly pre- 
 pares the soil, that to scatter the seed is almost 
 the only labour of the husbandman ; and yet, on 
 the other hand, so many obstacles impede the 
 progress of agriculture, (by the necessity of canals, 
 dams, etc.) that the invention of man must neces- 
 
 commerce. sarily have been awakened. When agriculture, 
 and the kind of knowledge requisite for its ulte- 
 rior development had introduced a certain degree 
 of civilization into Egypt, the situation of that 
 country, between Asia and Africa, and in the 
 neighbourhood of the rich land of gold and spices, 
 must have been highly^favourable to the purposes 
 of international commerce ; hence Egypt appears
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 EGYPTIANS. 57 
 
 in all ages to have been one of the chief seats of 
 
 . , , , BEFORE 
 
 the inland or caravan trade. CYRUS. 
 
 3. It is obvious, therefore, that in the fertile Egyptian 
 valley of the Nile, the course of things must have came'S 
 been very different from what it was in the desert the south> 
 of Libya. Several small states appear to have 
 
 been formed in this valley long before the exist- 
 ence of any great Egyptian kingdom. Their ori- 
 gin, as might naturally be supposed, is enveloped 
 in an obscurity, which history can no longer en- 
 tirely penetrate. It may still, however, be ga- 
 thered from monuments and record^, that Upper 
 Egypt was first the seat of civilization ; which, ori- 
 ginating in the south, spread by the settlement 
 of colonies towards the north. It is probable 
 that this took place in consequence of the migra- 
 tion of some tribe, differing from the negroes, as is 
 proved by the representations, both in sculpture 
 and in painting, found on the yet remaining mo- 
 numents of Egypt. 
 
 4. The records of the high antiquity of political 
 civilization, not only in India, but likewise in Ara- 
 bia Felix and Ethiopia, particularly in Meroe, 
 
 and the evident vestiges of ancient intercourse be- Migrations 
 tween the southern nations of our globe, prove 
 with sufficient evidence the truth of such migra- 
 tions, although they cannot be chronologically de- 
 termined. It is certain, however, that religion 
 had no small share in producing them. The na- 
 tional bond of union in Egypt not only continued 
 in later times, entirely dependent upon religion, 
 but was originally grounded upon it. Thus every 
 step in political civilization must have depended,
 
 58 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD if not solely, at least principally, on the caste of 
 
 BEFORE . II- 
 
 CYRUS, priests and on their extension. 
 
 General development of the idea of division into castes. Ori- 
 ginating at first in the variety of tribes settled in one and the 
 same country, and their different modes of life. Its further pro- 
 gress in despotic and in theocratic kingdoms. Application to 
 Egypt and to the Egyptian caste of priests., as an original., civil- 
 ized tribe. 
 
 A caste of 5. The peculiarity of this caste was the wor- 
 troduce ship of certain deities, the principal of which were 
 Ammon, Osiris, and Phtha, confounded by the 
 Gr eeks with their Jupiter, Bacchus, and Vulcan. 
 The spread of this worship, which was always 
 connected with temples, affords, therefore, the 
 most evident vestiges of the spread of the caste 
 itself; and those vestiges combined with the re- 
 cords of the Egyptians, lead us to conclude that 
 this caste was a tribe which migrated from the 
 
 CJ 
 
 south, from beyond Meroe in Ethiopia, and by 
 the establishment of inland colonies around the 
 temples founded by them, gradually extended and 
 made the worship of their gods the dominant re- 
 ligion in Egypt. 
 
 Proof of the accuracy of the above theory deduced from mo- 
 numents and express testimonies concerning the origin of Thebes 
 and Ammon from Meroe ; it might have been inferred from the 
 preservation of the worship of Ammon in the latter place. Mem- 
 phis, again, and other cities in the valley of the Nile, are com- 
 monly supposed to have been founded by detachments from 
 Thebes. 
 
 Nomes. 6. This conjecture, which agrees with the usual 
 progress of population, is corroborated by the very 
 ancient division of the country into districts, or 
 nomes. This division was intimately connected
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. 59 
 
 with the chief temples, each of which represented PERIOD 
 a separate colony of the caste of priests ; so that CYB" 
 the inhabitants of every nome belonged to the 
 chief temple, and joined in the religious worship 
 there performed. 
 
 7. To the gradual extension of this civilized separate 
 tribe, which comprised, not only the caste of the founded in 
 priests, but certainly also that of the warriors, Egypt: 
 and perhaps some others, may be attributed the 
 formation of several small states along the banks 
 
 of the Nile; the central point of each being always 
 such a colony as we have just now described; 
 although each state consisted both of the aborigi- 
 nal tribes of the neighbourhood, and of those that 
 had migrated into the country. The bond which 
 united every separate state was, therefore, as in 
 most of those formed in the infancy of mankind, 
 a common worship, in which all the members 
 participated. But what, by reason of the pe- 
 culiarities of soil and climate, could not take 
 place in southern Africa, took place in Egypt : 
 agriculture, and its progressive improvement, be- 
 came the great support of civilization ; and, as 
 being the true foundation of states, formed the 
 principal political object of the ruling caste. 
 
 Refutation of the idea, that the Egyptian priests were in pos- 
 session of great speculative knowledge ; since their knowledge 
 rather had constant reference to practical life, and, therefore, was 
 in their hands the instrumentum dominalionis over the people, 
 by which they rendered themselves indispensable, and kept the 
 former in a state of dependence. Explanation of the close refer- 
 ence which their gods, their astronomical and mathematical sci- 
 ences bore to agriculture. 
 
 8. According to Manetho's catalogues, these a 
 separate Egyptian states existed first in Upper
 
 60 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD and Middle Egypt ; in the former were Thebes, 
 
 CYRUS. Elephantine, This, and Heraclea ; in the latter, 
 
 Memphis. It is only in the last division of his 
 
 work that we meet with states in Lower Egypt, 
 
 such as Tanis, Mendes, Bubastis, and Sebennytus. 
 
 To these states, therefore, no doubt, belong the 330 kings 
 after Menes, whose names the priests read to Herodotus ; as also 
 those whom Diodorus mentions as reigning previous to Sesostris, 
 among whom are remarked Busiris II. founder of Thebes, and 
 Uchoreus, the founder of Memphis. Eusebius and Syncellus 
 have preserved from Manetho the names of several of those 
 kings, which Marsham has endeavoured to compare and arrange. 
 
 obscurity 9. In the absence of a certain and continuous 
 chronology, chronology, it is impossible to determine accu- 
 rately which of these states were contemporary, 
 and which succeeded the others. There can be 
 no question that Thebes was one of the earliest, 
 if not indeed the most ancient of them all ; cer- 
 tainly prior to Memphis, which was founded by 
 it. According to the natural order of things, 
 some of these states became wealthy and mighty, 
 and swallowed up the others. Even at this early 
 period, Thebes and Memphis had obtained a su- 
 periority over the rest. 
 
 This and Elephantine appear to have been united to Thebes ; 
 as were the states of Lower Egypt to Memphis. 
 
 Memphis a 10. The Mosaic records prove, that even in Jo- 
 sta7e ei jn U jo- seph's time the state of Memphis (the real place, 
 abouusoo' ^ a PP ears f bis residence, not On, or Heliopolis,) 
 B - c - comprised Middle and Lower Egypt. It possessed 
 a numerous and brilliant court; castes of priests 
 and warriors. Its agriculture flourished, and se- 
 veral of its institutions indicated a deeply-rooted 
 civilization. But after the establishment of vassal-
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 EGYPTIANS. 61 
 
 age in this state by Joseph, when the class of free PERIOD 
 proprietors was destroyed, by making the king CY'RUS* 
 the only landholder except the priests, the troubles 
 which already threatened the kingdom must have 
 assumed a more dangerous and alarming aspect. 
 
 11. These troubles came from abroad. Egypt, invasions 
 surrounded on all sides by nomad tribes, had nomad. 
 often suffered from their irruptions, which some- 
 times poured in from the south, sometimes from the 
 east. But never were these invasions so frequent 
 
 and durable as in the period which immediately 
 followed the administration of Joseph. Lower 
 Egypt was overrun by the Bedouin Arabs, whose 
 chieftains, called by the Egyptians Hyksos, set- Hyksos, or 
 tied in the country, fortified Avaris, or Pelusium, 
 and extended their dominion to Memphis, which 
 they made probably the seat of their government. 
 They are depicted as the oppressors of religion, 
 and of the caste of priests ; but when we consider 
 that Moses flourished in their time, we are led to 
 infer that, like the Mongols in China, they must 
 have gradually adopted Egyptian manners and 
 civilization. They do not appear to have gained 
 possession of Thebes in Upper Egypt; and it 
 seems highly probable, that the long struggle 
 against them was never, or at least but for a short 
 time, suspended. 
 
 The dominion of the Arabian Hyskos falls between B. C. 
 1800 1600; and consequently was contemporary with Moses 
 and the exodus of the Jews. Josephus gives 500 years to their 
 dominion, in which he probably comprises the long periods of 
 earlier wars. 
 
 12. Defeat, and final expulsion of the Hyksos Expulsion 
 from Upper Egypt by Thumosis king of Thebes. 
 
 The consequence of this event was not only
 
 62 
 
 EGYPTIANS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 PERIOD the restoration of freedom and independence to 
 Egypt, but also the union of the different states 
 
 and rising into one kingdom ; as the rulers of Thebes now 
 became monarchs over all Egypt. This expul- 
 sion of the Hyksos, which in itself cannot be con- 
 sidered otherwise than as a vast national effort, 
 must have been the more deeply impressed on 
 the memory of the people, as it laid the founda- 
 tion of the splendid period which immediately 
 followed. 
 
 The expulsion of the Hyksos appears to have been one of 
 the chief subjects on which the Egyptian artists exercised their 
 talents : it is supposed to have been represented upon one of the 
 large temples in Thebes. Denon, plate cxxxiii. 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 
 
 From the Sesostridfe until the sole dominion of Psammeti- 
 chus. B. C. 1500650. 
 
 The sources for this period are the same as for the foregoing ; 
 and the history still preserves the character of records handed 
 down by hieroglyphics. To this period belongs the line of kings 
 subsequent to Sesostris, given both by Herodotus and Diodorus. 
 Those two historians nearly agree, if we regard Herodotus's line 
 of kings, not as uninterrupted, but as the fragments of a series 
 deduced solely from public monuments : this will be demon- 
 strated by the following table, in which the predecessors of Se- 
 sostris have likewise been indicated. 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 Menes. 
 
 He was followed by three 
 hundred and thirty kings be- 
 longing to the previous period, 
 concerning which our informa- 
 tion is very incomplete: among 
 
 DIODORUS. 
 
 Menes. 
 
 Followed by fifty- two suc- 
 cessors, ranging over a period 
 of more than 1400 years. 
 
 Busiris I. and eight succes- 
 sors ; the last of whom was
 
 EGYPTIANS. 
 
 63 
 
 HERODOTUS. 
 
 those sovereigns were eighteen 
 Ethiopians, and one queen 
 named Nitocris. 
 
 Mceris. 
 
 Sesostris. 
 
 Pheron, son of Sesostris. 
 
 Proteus, in the time of the 
 Trojan war. 
 Rhampsinitus. 
 
 Cheops, builder of the great 
 pyramid. 
 
 Ckephres, brother to the 
 foregoing, builder of a pyra- 
 mid. 
 
 Mycerinus, son of Cheops, 
 builder of a pyramid. 
 
 Asychis the legislator. 
 
 DIODORUS. 
 
 Busiris II. the founder of 
 Thebes. 
 
 Osymandyas and eight suc- 
 cessors ; the last of whom was 
 
 Uchoreus, founder of Mem- 
 phis. 
 
 JEgyptus, grandson of the 
 foregoing. After the lapse of 
 twelve generations, 
 
 Mceris. 
 
 Seven generations. 
 
 Sesostris or Scsoosis. 
 
 Sesostris II. son of the fore- 
 going : he assumed his father's 
 name. 
 
 Interval comprising several 
 generations. 
 
 Amasis, and the Ethiopian, 
 
 Actisanus. 
 
 Mendes or Manes, builder 
 of the labyrinth. 
 
 Anarchy which lasted five 
 generations. 
 
 Proteus or Cetes, in the time 
 of the Trojan war. 
 
 Remphis, son of the fore- 
 going. 
 
 Seven generations, in the 
 course of which flourished Ni- 
 leus, from v/hom the Nile de- 
 rives its name. 
 
 Chemmis or Chembes, from 
 Memphis, builder of the great 
 pyramid. 
 
 Cephren, brother to the fore- 
 going, builder of a pyramid. 
 
 Mycerinus, son of Chemmis, 
 builder of a pyramid. 
 Bochoris the legislator. 
 
 PERIOD 
 BEFORE 
 CYRUS.
 
 EGYPTIANS. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 PERIOD HERODOTUS. 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. Anysis, who was blind. 
 
 Brilliant 
 period of 
 the Pha- 
 raohs. 
 
 Sabaco, the Ethiopian. 
 
 Anysis, king for the second 
 time. 
 
 Sethos, a priest of Vulcan. 
 
 Dodecarchy. 
 
 Psammetickus of Sais, sole 
 ruler. 
 
 DIODORUS. 
 
 Interval of several genera- 
 tions. 
 
 Sabaco, the Ethiopian. 
 
 Dodecarchy. 
 
 Psammetichus of Sais, sole 
 ruler. 
 
 This comparative table demonstrates evidently, not only that 
 Herodotus's line is often interrupted, but likewise that it is im- 
 possible to establish any continuous chronology, since Diodorus, 
 more than once leaves the number of generations undetermined. 
 Great importance, nevertheless, attaches to the date fixed by 
 Herodotus, ii, 13, where he declares that king Mceris nourished 
 900 years before his own visit to Egypt : consequently between 
 B. C. 1500 and 1450. And if, as seems highly probable, the age 
 of Sesostris was the 15th century B. C. (see ZOEGA, de Obeliscis), 
 it cannot be denied but that we have some general epochs ; and 
 with these we must remain content until more satisfactory in- 
 formation can be discovered on the monuments. It should like- 
 wise be observed, that the discrepancy between the names of the 
 kings mentioned by Herodotus and Diodorus, and those fur- 
 nished by Manetho, may be accounted for by the fact, that the 
 sovereigns were distinguished by different names on the monu- 
 ments and in common life. 
 
 Of the dynasties of Manetho, the 18th, 19th, 20th, and 22nd, 
 belong to this period ; more especially the two first, which con- 
 tain the most important of the Pharaohs. 
 
 1. The following period, nearly to its termina- 
 tion, was the brilliant age of Egypt, during which 
 it formed but one empire ; the kings being repre- 
 sented as sovereign lords of the whole country. 
 And, indeed, it was natural that the expulsion 
 of the invaders should be followed by a period 
 in which the military force and ardour of the 
 nation would be developed, and directed to ex-
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. 65 
 
 ternal conquest. The capital of the empire was, PERIOD 
 no doubt, Thebes, the great monuments of which CYRUS! 
 were erected in this period ; that honour, how- 
 ever, seems to have alternately belonged to Mem- 
 phis, Herodotus's line of kings being deduced 
 from the monuments of that city, and more espe- 
 cially from the temple of Phtha. 
 
 The more powerful of the Pharaohs of this period, and the 
 founders of the most important monuments of Upper Egypt, on 
 which their names are found, are the following: belonging to 
 the 18th dynasty, somewhere about 1600 1500. 
 
 Amenophis I. His name is likewise found beyond Egypt on 
 the temple of Amada, in Nubia. 
 
 Thutmosis I. Commencement of the expulsion of the Hyksos. 
 
 Amenophis II. The Memnon of the Greeks. Complete ex- 
 pulsion of the Hyksos, and commencement of several of the 
 great edifices. His name is also found on the monuments of 
 Thebes, Elephantine, and even in Nubia, on the distant temple 
 of Soleb. Builder of the palace of Luxor. 
 
 Thutmosis II. His name found in Carnac, and on the obelisk 
 at the Lateran. 
 
 Harnesses I. Supposed to be the Danaus of the Greeks. Ex- 
 pelled by his brother : 
 
 Harnesses II. Miamun. Builder of the palace of Medinet- 
 Abu in Thebes. One of the royal graves that have been opened 
 belongs to this king. 
 
 Amenophis III. Renewed invasion of the Hyksos ; he flees 
 before them into Ethiopia ; but returns victorious with his son 
 Ramesses. 
 
 Belonging to the 19th dynasty, between 1500 and 1400. 
 
 Ramesses III., called the Great, and sometimes Sesostris ; 
 founder of the dynasty, liberator of Egypt, and a great con- 
 queror. His name and titles, his wars and triumphs, are found 
 on the temples and palaces of Luxor and Carnac, in Thebes and 
 Nubia. His son and follower : 
 
 Harnesses IV. Pheron, rules long in peace. His name is 
 found in the great pillared hall of the palace of Carnac, and on 
 many other buildings. 
 
 Among his successors but few names have been preserved 
 until we come to Scheschonk or Sisac, of the 22nd dynasty, be- 
 
 F
 
 66 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD tween 970 and 950; he took Jerusalem under the reign of Re- 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. 
 
 hoboam, and therefore furnishes a fixed date. 
 
 j- R. V. L. (RUEHLE VON LIMENSTERN), Graphic Illustra- 
 tions of the most ancient History and Geography of Egypt and 
 Ethiopia, with an atlas, 1827- A work containing every thing 
 necessary for understanding the discoveries hitherto made in this 
 department of history. 
 
 Splendid 2. For this splendour, the empire was prin- 
 cipally indebted to Sesostris, son of Amenophis. 
 
 This prince is justly entitled to the surname of 
 Great, which was given him by the Egyptians. 
 No one will, to the letter, credit the narrative of 
 his deeds, exaggerated as they were by the tra- 
 ditions of the priests, or represented, as they still 
 appear, on the buildings of Thebes ; but who can 
 doubt the existence of a monarch of whom so 
 many and such various monuments within and 
 without Egypt bear witness ? 
 
 Critical examination of the accounts of the nine years' cam- 
 paign, and conquests of Sesostris. His arms were principally 
 directed against wealthy commercial countries ; probably by 
 land against Ethiopia, Asia Minor, and part of Thrace ; by sea 
 against Arabia Felix, perhaps even the Indian peninsula. Can 
 the performance of these exploits be deemed improbable, in an 
 age when western Asia did not contain a single great empire ? 
 The vast undertakings attributed to Sesostris in the interior of 
 his dominions ; extensive buildings, canals, division of the land, 
 and imposition of taxes, according to a regular survey, prove that 
 he must have been the sovereign of all Egypt. 
 
 state of 3. Notwithstanding the great changes that were 
 made, the constitution still bore the same general 
 character, that of a sacerdotal aristocracy com- 
 bined with a monarchy. Although the Egyptian 
 kings, like the Indian princes, were distinct from 
 the priests, yet their power was limited in various 
 ways by that caste. The high priest shared the 
 royal authority ; the king was shackled by reli-
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. f>7 
 
 gious ceremonies, both in public and private life ; PERIOD 
 he was obliged to evince his veneration for the cu S E . 
 established worship by the erection of public mo- 
 numents; and all the high offices of state were 
 in the hands of the priests. It cannot be de- 
 nied that on the personal character of the king 
 depended much of his power; but how strong- 
 must have been this aristocracy, when even suc- 
 cessful conquerors were obliged to conciliate its 
 approbation ! 
 
 4. It was probably about this time that the Division 
 domestic relations of the people, the division into" 1 
 castes, was completed. The sacerdotal caste 
 being in exclusive possession of all scientific 
 knowledge, remained for that reason in possession 
 of the offices of state. The caste of warriors 
 could hardly have assumed its complete form be- 
 fore the country was united into one empire : in 
 like manner that of the navigators could not have 
 been completely established before the canals 
 were excavated ; although the origin of all may 
 have been of a much earlier date. 
 
 Comparison of the accounts given by Herodotus and Diodorus 
 of the division into castes. Not only precedence in time, but 
 likewise the discrepancies between the two, declare in favour of 
 Herodotus. 
 
 o. It appears, therefore, that the most prosper- Prosperous 
 ous period of the kingdom of the Pharaohs mustf 
 be placed somewhere between B. C. 1500900 : ^ : 
 although, according to Diodorus, even this period 
 was interrupted by a long anarchy. The splen- 
 dour of the empire was obscured towards the end. 
 Sabaco, a foreign conqueror from Ethiopia, (pro- 
 bably from Meroe,) subjugated Egypt; after his 
 
 F2
 
 68 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD departure from the country, Sethos, a priest of 
 CYRUS. Phtha, contrary to all precedent, seated himself 
 714> upon the throne. He was, consequently, con- 
 sidered an usurper ; he offended the caste of 
 warriors, and could not have escaped the dangers 
 of an irruption threatened by the Assyrian, Senna- 
 cherib, had not a pestilence compelled the invader 
 and his host to retreat. 
 
 The dynasty of Sabaco, Seuechus, and Tarhaco in Meroe, 
 who as conquerors subjected Upper Egypt, is comprised between 
 B. C. 800 700. Their names likewise have been already dis- 
 covered on monuments ; some at Abydos in Egypt, others in 
 Nubia. 
 
 Dodecar- 6. The Egyptian monarchy, however, at length 
 fell, and was replaced by an oligarchy ; (or per- 
 haps a return was only made to the division of the 
 earlier kingdoms ;) twelve princes sharing among 
 themselves the sovereign power. A certain de- 
 gree of unity seems to have existed at first in this 
 government ; but quarrels soon sprung up among 
 the princes, and they compelled one of their 
 
 About number, Psammetichus of Sais, to take flight. 
 
 B.C. 650. rpj^ ex jj e( j prince, supported by Greek and Carian 
 mercenaries, contrived to avenge his wrongs ; he 
 drove away his rivals, and became the sole ruler.
 
 EGYPTIANS. 09 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 
 
 From the reign of Psammetichus as sole monarch to the 
 Persian conquest of Egypt by Cambyses. B. C. 650 
 525. 
 
 Herodotus, (1. ii, c. 125, etc.) is still the principal authority for PERIOD 
 this portion of history. His statements, however, are no longer 
 derived from hieroglyphics : they are purely historical. During 
 the reign of Psammetichus, the Greeks who had migrated into 
 Egypt gave rise to the caste of interpreters, efj/xijve7$, who acted 
 both as ciceroni for strangers, and as brokers between the Egyp- 
 tians and Greeks : these people were enabled to give information 
 respecting the history of the country. It is not, therefore, sur- 
 prising that Herodotus should assure us, that from this time the 
 history was authentic. The names of the succeeding Pharaohs 
 are likewise found on the monuments ; in the erection of which 
 they rivalled their predecessors. 
 
 Contemporary : Asia : rise and fall of the Chaldaeo-Babylonian 
 empire ; rise of the Persian monarchy. Rome : kings from 
 Numa Pompilius to Servius Tullius. Athens: Draco; Solon; 
 Pisistratus. Jews : the last period and fall of the kingdom of 
 Judah ; Babylonish captivity. 
 
 1. From this epoch Egypt remained uninter- 
 ruptedly one kingdom, the capital of which was E 
 Memphis, although Sais, in Lower Egypt, was the 
 general residence of the royal family. Strangers, 
 and more particularly Greeks, admitted into 
 Egypt ; partly as mercenaries, partly as mer- 
 chants. Influence of this innovation upon the 
 national character, and upon the political system 
 in particular. A spirit of conquest gradually in- 
 herited by the Egyptian kings, is directed princi- 
 pally against Asia : hence the formation of a navy,
 
 70 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD and wars with the great rising monarchies of Asia. 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS. Continued, but declining influence of the sacer- 
 
 dotal caste, and proofs of the veneration of the 
 kings for the priesthood deduced from the erection 
 and embellishment of temples, particularly of that 
 consecrated to Phtha in Memphis, 
 i- 2. Psammetlchus. He obtains sole power 
 
 onus d. 
 
 B. c. 610. through the assistance of Greek and Carian mer- 
 
 O 
 
 cenaries, who are continued as a standing army in 
 the country. The caste of Egyptian warriors, 
 taking umbrage in consequence, emigrate for the 
 most part to Ethiopia, where they settle. The 
 southern portico of the temple of Phtha is erected, 
 and projects of conquest are formed against Asia. 
 
 NecoJ. 3. Neco, son and successor of Psammetichus. 
 His extensive plans of conquest. First formation 
 of a naval power; and unsuccessful attempt to 
 unite by a canal the Mediterranean with the Red 
 sea. Conquests in Asia as far as the Euphrates ; 
 but quick secession of the conquered, in conse- 
 quence of the loss of the battle of Circesium. 
 606 - Circumnavigation of Africa undertaken at his 
 command by the Phoenicians, and successfully 
 performed. 
 
 Psammist/. 4. Psammis his son and successor. Expedition 
 
 A en i 
 
 against Ethiopia, and conquests in the interior of 
 Africa. 
 
 Apriesd. 5. Reign of Apr'ies, (the Pharaoh-hophra of the 
 Hebrews). Plans of conquest against Asia ; 
 siege of Sidon, and naval battle with the Tyrians ; 
 expedition against Cyrene in Africa ; its fatal 
 result. A revolution caused thereby in Egypt, 
 the inhabitants of which were averse to foreign 
 wars, carried on mostly by mercenary aliens: the
 
 BOOK i. EGYPTIANS. 71 
 
 revolution headed by Amasis. In the civil war PEKIOD 
 which Apries now wages with his mercenaries cvaus! 
 against the Egyptians commanded by Amasis, 
 he loses both his throne and life ; and with him 
 ends the family of Psammetichus, which had 
 reigned to this time. 
 
 6. The usurper Amasis took possession of the Amasis </. 
 
 B C 525 
 
 sovereign power; and although he had to contend 
 with a strong party, who despised him on account 
 of his low origin, he contrived by popular mea- 
 sures, and by the respect he showed to the sacer- 
 dotal caste, to establish himself upon the throne. 
 His monuments, both at Sais and Memphis. 
 The Egyptians and Greeks become better ac- 
 quainted and more closely connected with each 
 other, partly in consequence of the marriage of 
 the king with a Greek woman ; but principally 
 owing to the mouths of the Nile being opened to 
 the Greek merchants, and the cession of Nau- 
 cratis as a factory for their merchandise. Great 
 and beneficial consequences to Egypt, which, 
 under the long reign of Amasis, reaches its highest 
 pitch of prosperity. This prince had already been 
 engaged in disputes with the Persian conqueror, 
 Cyrus, whose son and successor, Cambyses, led 
 an expedition against Egypt, which Amasis, how- 
 ever, luckily for himself, escaped by a seasonable 
 death. 
 
 7. His son Psammenitus, the last of the Egyp- 
 tian Pharaohs, is attacked by Cambyses in the tu 
 very first year of his reign. After a single battle, 
 fought at Pelusium, and a short siege of Memphis, 
 the empire of the Pharaohs is overthrown, and 525. 
 Egypt merges into a Persian province. The
 
 72 EGYPTIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD powerful caste of the priests suffered most from 
 tne hatred of the conqueror; but the persecution 
 to which they were subjected must be attributed 
 rather to policy than fanaticism. 
 Egypt a 8. Condition and fate of Egypt as a Persian 
 province. After the death of Cambyses, the 
 country received a Persian governor, and conse- 
 quently became a satrapy. Immediately after 
 the first tempest of war had blown over, Egypt 
 was treated with mildness by the Persians. The 
 country paid a moderate tribute, together with 
 some royal gifts, among others the produce of the 
 fisheries in lake Moeris ; nevertheless, repeated 
 revolts occurred, which may be principally attri- 
 buted to the hatred and influence of the sacer- 
 dotal caste. The first took place under Darius 
 
 484.' Hystaspes, and was quelled by Xerxes. An in- 
 
 463 to 456. crease of tribute was the consequence. The se- 
 
 cond, under king Inarus, fomented and supported 
 
 by the Athenians, happened during the reign of 
 
 Artaxerxes I. ; it was quelled by Megabyzus. 
 
 414. The third occurred under Darius II. and in con- 
 
 sequence of the support which the Egyptians re- 
 
 ceived from the Greeks, was of longer duration 
 
 than either of the former, the throne of the Pha- 
 
 raoh's being in some measure restored. 
 
 This third secession of the Egyptians lasted till 354. During 
 this period various kings were appointed ; Amyrtaeus, d. 408 ; 
 Psammetichus, about 400 ; Nephreus, about 397 J Pausiris, d. 
 375 ; Nectanebus I. d. 365 ; Tachos, d. 363 ; Nectanebus II. 
 conquered by Artaxerxes III. 354.
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 73 
 
 CARTHAGINIANS. 
 
 Sources. The first great republic which ancient records men- PERIOD 
 tion as applying both to trade and war, is undoubtedly a phe- B EFORE 
 nomenon well deserving the attention of the historical enquirer. 
 Our knowledge, however, of Carthaginian history is unfortunately 
 very deficient, as we possess no author who has made it the prin- 
 cipal object of his attention. The immediate subject of the 
 Greek and Roman writers was the history of their own country, 
 and they only allude to that of Carthage in so far as it is con- 
 nected with their main topic. This observation applies as well 
 to Polybius and Diodorus, as to Livy and Appian. Even the 
 information given by Justin, the only author who says any thing 
 concerning the early state of Carthage, is miserably defective, 
 although taken from Theopompus. (Cf. Comment, de fordibus 
 JUSTINI in Commentat. Soc. Getting, vol. xv.) Moreover, as 
 Herodotus here fails us, we have not the writings of any author 
 whatever who witnessed Carthage in the days of her prosperity : 
 Polybius did not see that country till after the decline of its 
 power ; the other historians, wrote long afterwards. But although 
 an uninterrupted history of Carthage does not exist, we are yet 
 able to trace the main outlines of the picture of that state. The 
 modern writers on Carthage are : 
 
 HENDRICH, de Republica Carthaginiensium, 1664. A use- 
 ful compilation. 
 
 f History of the Republic of Carthage, 2 vols. Franckfort, 
 1781. A mere history of the wars. 
 
 DAMPMARTIN, Hisloire de la Rivalile de Carthage et de 
 Rome, torn, i, ii. Very superficial. 
 
 f W. BOETTICHER, History of Carthage, part i. Berlin, 
 1827. The best work on the subject; in which use has been 
 made of modern researches. 
 
 Concerning the Carthaginians, see HE E REN'S African Na- 
 tions, 2 vols. 8vo. Oxford, 1831. 
 
 The history of Carthage is most conveniently Periods of 
 divided into three periods: I. From the founda- man'E' 
 tion of the city to the commencement of the wars tory- 
 with Syracuse, B. C. 880480. II. From the
 
 74 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD commencement of the wars with Syracuse to 
 those with Rome, 480264. III. From the 
 commencement of the wars with Rome to the 
 destruction of Carthage, 264 146. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. 
 
 From the foundation of Carthage to the wars with Syra- 
 cuse, E. C. 880480. 
 
 Contemporary : Inner Asia : kingdoms of the Assyrians, Ba- 
 bylonians, and first half of the Persian monarchy. Greeks : 
 period from Lycurgus to Themistocles. Romans : period of the 
 kings, and of the commonwealth until the establishment of the 
 tribunes of the people. 
 
 Early his- 1. The foundation and primitive history of Car- 
 r thage, like all very early and important events in 
 
 national history, have, by long tradition, been 
 wrapt in the veil of romance. The account given 
 of Dido, the supposed founder of the city, cannot 
 be reduced to the standard of pure historical 
 truth, though it appears to justify the inference 
 that some political commotions in the mother city, 
 Tyre, induced a party of emigrants to proceed to 
 the northern shores of Africa ; where other Phoe- 
 nician establishments had already taken place : 
 here, by engaging to pay a yearly tribute, they 
 purchased from the natives permission to found a 
 city, the site of which was so happily chosen, 
 that it only depended upon the inhabitants to 
 raise it to that greatness which it afterwards at- 
 tained. 
 Vast extent 2. It is probable that Carthage advanced at
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 75 
 
 first by slow steps ; yet even at the end of this PERIOD 
 
 Till 11 I "If BEFORE 
 
 first period she had reached to such a height or CYRUS. 
 power, that she was mistress of a large territory of the Car- 
 
 A f -i t* f A' 11 thaginian 
 
 m Africa, and of foreign possessions still more dominions. 
 extensive. Establishment of the Carthaginian 
 dominion in Africa by the subjection of the neigh- 
 bouring aboriginal tribes, and the foundation of 
 Carthaginian settlements within their territories ; 
 the natives, Liby-Phoenicians, gradually mingled 
 with the inhabitants of those colonies, and im- 
 bibed from them a love of agriculture and fixed 
 abodes. The inhabitants of the fertile territory 
 extending southward as far as the lake Triton, 
 were, without exception, Carthaginian subjects. 
 
 3. Her connection, however, with the ancient Relation of 
 Phoenician towns along the coast, particularly 
 Utica, was of a different nature. For although ^n' 
 Carthage possessed a certain authority over them, s 
 
 she did not claim absolute dominion, but rather 
 stood at the head of a federation ; thus afford- 
 ing a protection which must frequently have de- 
 generated into oppression. 
 
 4. In consequence of a treaty with the neigh- with the 
 bouring republic of Cyrene, the whole territory 
 extending between the two Syrtes was also ceded 
 
 to the Carthaginians. The Lotophagi and Nasa- 
 mones, inhabitants of this district, preserved their 
 nomad mode of life; they must, however, from 
 their trade with the interior parts of Africa, have 
 been of the highest importance to Carthage. 
 
 5. System of colonization, and, as a necessary 
 result, that of conquest without Africa. It washes: 
 evidently the aim of the Carthaginians to settle 
 
 on islands, and to subject them to their dominion.
 
 I1K1OKE 
 
 76 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 Those lying in the western part of the Mediterra- 
 
 . . 
 
 CYRUS, nean occupied the first place in their plan of con- 
 quest, which was completely executed in Sar- 
 dinia, the Baleares, and other small islands ; per- 
 haps in Corsica ; in Sicily, however, they could 
 gj? : " never succeed to the full extent of their wishes. 
 Canaries; There is also every probability that the Canary 
 Madeira, islands and Madeira were entirely in their pos- 
 session. On the other hand, the Carthaginians, 
 previous to their wars with Rome, were in the 
 practice of establishing separate settlements on 
 the main land, partly in Spain, and partly on the 
 western shore of Africa. In the latter, they 
 adopted the policy of their ancestors, the Phoe- 
 nicians, making the settlements so small, and 
 confining them within such narrow bounds, that 
 the mother country might always ensure their 
 dependence. 
 
 Conquests 6. The glory of extending the territory of Car- 
 and hfsV thage, by important conquests, belongs principally 
 mily ' to the family of Mago, who, together with his two 
 sons and six grandsons, established the dominion 
 of the republic in Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa. 
 This occurred about the same time that Cyrus, 
 Cambyses, and Darius were laying the foundation 
 Carthage of the Persian monarchy, with which Carthage 
 even then entered into connection. The Cartha- 
 
 480? 50 ginians, therefore, made their first appearance, as 
 extensive conquerors, in the fourth century from 
 the foundation of their commonwealth ; and it is 
 at this period that mention is made of their first 
 Sea fight naval engagement, in which the Phocseans were 
 c e arThagi- he their adversaries. In the same period may be 
 dated the establishment of their colonies beyond
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 77 
 
 the Pillars of Hercules by Hanno and Himilco PERIOD 
 
 f T%/T f BEFOIIE 
 
 both probably sons of Mago; by the former on CYRUS. 
 the coast of Africa, by the latter on that of Spain, colonies 
 To the same period likewise is referred the first JJ^J 
 commercial treaty between the Carthaginians and 
 Romans, in which the former appear as already First treat y 
 
 J with Rome, 
 
 masters of Sardinia, Africa, and a portion of 509. 
 Sicily. 
 
 7. To complete these conquests, and to pre- Arts mm- 
 serve them when completed, the formation and ^ai^of 
 support of vast fleets and armies were indispens- Cartha s e - 
 ably necessary. According to the usual practice 
 
 of those nations who apply both to trade and to 
 war, the Carthaginian armies were composed for 
 the most part of mercenaries. No nation, how- 
 ever, followed this plan so extensively as the 
 Carthaginians, for to them half Africa and Eu- 
 rope furnished warriors. Description of a Car- 
 thaginian army ; development of the advantages 
 and disadvantages of its organization. Organiza- 
 tion of their navy. The state supported very nu- 
 merous fleets of war-ships, with a multitude of 
 slaves who laboured at the oar, and were it seems 
 public property. 
 
 8. The political constitution of Carthage, like 
 
 that of all wealthy trading states, was an ari- t h a ^e: 
 stocracy composed of the noble and the opulent, 
 though at all times combined with a certain ad- 
 mixture of democracy. The affairs of the state suffetes ; 
 were confided to the hands of the two suffetes or 
 kings, who, in all probability, held their office 
 for life and to those of the senate (jSwx^) which senate ; 
 contained within itself a more select council (the state coun- 
 The privilege of electing the magistrates C1
 
 78 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD resided with the people at large, who also shared 
 Cy F Ru S E . tne legislative power with the suffetes. Civil and 
 commons, military power was usually divided : the offices 
 Military of general and magistrate not being always, as at 
 Rome, united in the same individual, although 
 sucn an instance might not be of impossible oc- 
 currence : to each military chief, on the contrary, 
 was appointed a committee from the senate, on 
 which he was more or less dependent, 
 supreme 9. The high state tribunal of the HUNDRED was 
 Tundrldl e instituted as a barrier to the constitution against 
 the attempts of the more powerful aristocrats, 
 its object; particularly the military leaders; indeed the bril- 
 liancy of Mago's conquests seemed to threaten 
 the republic with a military government; and im- 
 mediately previous to his time one of the gene- 
 rals, Malchus, had actually made an attempt to 
 enslave Carthage. The object of the institution 
 its evils, was no doubt attained; but in later times the 
 council assumed to itself a power which increased 
 to absolute despotism. It is not improbable that 
 this court likewise constituted the select com- 
 mittee (the yepovrtex) of the senate. 
 
 Finances of 10. Our information respecting the financial 
 age ' system of the Carthaginians is extremely meagre. 
 The following seem to have been the principal 
 Tributes sources of the public revenue. 1. The tribute 
 African 6 drawn from the federate cities, and their African 
 federates: su bj ec t s> The former paid in money, the latter 
 for the most part in kind ; this tribute was im- 
 posed at the will of the government, so that in 
 pressing cases the taxed nations were obliged to 
 Sardinia, give one half of their income. 2. The case was 
 the same with their external provinces, parti-
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 79 
 
 cularly with Sardinia. 3. The tribute furnished PERIOD 
 by the nomad hordes, partly by those in the 
 
 Regio-Syrtica, and occasionally also by those on the syrtic 
 
 . i ,, . , , . , hordes : 
 
 the western side. 4. Ihe customs, which were d ues and 
 levied with extreme rigour, not only in Carthage, Cl 
 but likewise in all the colonies. 5. The products mines. 
 of their rich mines, particularly those of Spain. 
 In considering the financial system of the Cartha- 
 ginians, it should not be forgotten that many of 
 the nations with whom they traded, or who served 
 in their armies, were unacquainted with the use 
 of money. 
 
 11. System and extent of their commerce. Trade of 
 Their object was to secure a monopoly of the Carthage: 
 western trade ; hence the practice of restricting 
 the growth of their colonies, and of removing as 
 much as possible all strangers from their com- 
 mercial marts. Their trade was carried on partly 
 by sea, and partly by land. Their sea trade, b yse a to 
 arising from the colonies, extended beyond the S^Suinw 
 Mediterranean, certainly as far as the coasts of coast ; 
 Britain and Guinea. Their land trade was car- by ]and to 
 ried on by caravans, consisting principally of the 
 nomad tribes resident between the Syrtes : the 
 caravans travelled eastward to Ammonium and 
 Upper Egypt, southward to the land of the Gara- 
 mantes, (Fezzan,) and even still further into the 
 interior of Africa.
 
 80 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 
 
 From the breaking out of the wars with Syracuse, to the 
 commencement of those with Rome, B. C. 480 264. 
 
 views of 1. The great object of Carthaginian policy 
 uponsfdiy. during the whole of the above period, was to 
 subdue Sicily; this object the nation pursued 
 with extraordinary pertinacity, often approximat- 
 ing to, but never obtaining, complete success. 
 The growing power of Syracuse, which likewise 
 aimed at the sole possession of the island, laid 
 the foundation of that national hatred which now 
 arose between the Sicilian Greeks and the Car- 
 thaginians. 
 
 rout at m- 2. First attempt, arising out of the league 
 Gefon^ formed with Xerxes I. upon his irruption into 
 B.C. 480. Greece. Gelon of Syracuse, in a victory more 
 decisive even than that gained by Themistocles 
 over the Persians at Salamis, routs the Carthagi- 
 nians near Himera, and compels them to accede 
 to a disgraceful peace. 
 
 General ex- 3. This defeat was followed by a period of 
 the S Cartha- tranquillity lasting seventy years, during which 
 5Sn em " we know little about Carthage. All that we can 
 Africa, sa y w jth any probability is, that in the mean time 
 
 480410. * J r J 
 
 the struggle for territory between Cyrene and 
 Carthage commenced and terminated to the ad- 
 vantage of the latter state, whose dominion was 
 generally extended and confirmed in Africa by 
 wars with the aboriginal tribes.
 
 BKFORK 
 
 BOOKI. CARTHAGINIANS. 81 
 
 4. But the accession of Dionysius I. to the 
 
 n ci 11 1 
 
 throne ot Syracuse, and the ambitious project CYRUS. 
 formed by him and his successors, of subjecting JYf.[ in e 
 to their rule all Sicily and Magna-Grecia, re- newed, 410. 
 kindled once more the embers of war, which had 
 only smouldered for a short time, to burst forth 
 with additional violence. 
 
 Repeated and bloody wars with Dionysius I. between the 
 years 410 368. Neither party able to expel the other: terms 
 of the last peace ; that each party should remain in possession of 
 what he then occupied. Second commercial treaty with Rome. 
 
 Crafty advantage taken by the Carthaginians of the internal 
 commotions at Syracuse during and subsequent to the reign of 
 Dionysius II : they endeavour to obtain their end ; but are 
 thwarted by the heroism of Timoleon, 345 340. 
 
 A new and frightful war with Agathocles, the seat of which 
 is transferred from Sicily into Africa itself; it at last terminates 
 in favour of Carthage, 311307. 
 
 The war with Pyrrhus, 277 275, whose ambition gave rise to 
 an alliance between Carthage and Rome, contributed likewise to 
 increase the preponderance of the Carthaginians in Sicily ; and 
 probably the perseverance of that people, and their skill in pro- 
 fiting by circumstances, would at last have enabled them to 
 attain their object, had not the seeds of war been thereby scat- 
 tered between Carthage and Rome. 
 
 5. What effect these Sicilian wars had upon 
 the state we are not informed. They were pro- 
 bably regarded in Carthage as a beneficial chan- 
 nel for carrying off the popular fermentation ; 
 nevertheless, two attempts, both unsuccessful, TWO at- 
 were made by some of the aristocratical party, to reTohition, 
 overthrow the constitution; first by Hanno, 340, ^J 8 a340; 
 and afterwards by Bomilcar, 308. At the break- Exce] i ent 
 ing out, however, of the war with Rome, the 
 
 commonwealth was so formidable and mighty, nian fi - 
 
 i i f f i nances at 
 
 that even the finances ot the state do not appear the begin-
 
 82 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD to j^ve b een a i Q\\ affected : a circumstance of 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 CYRUS, the highest importance. What consequence was 
 it to Carthage whether 100,000 barbarians more 
 or less existed in the world, so long as there re- 
 mained plenty of men willing to suffer themselves 
 to be sold, and she possessed money to purchase 
 them ? 
 
 wars. 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 
 
 From the beginning of the wars with Rome, to the downfal 
 of Carthage, B. C. 264146. 
 
 causes of 1. The wars between Carthage and Rome were 
 the Pumc ^ necessar y consequences of a desire of aggran- 
 dizement in two conquering nations ; any one 
 might have foreseen the struggle between the 
 two rivals as soon as their conquests should once 
 begin to clash. It is, therefore, a question of 
 little importance, to enquire which was the ag- 
 gressor ; and although Rome may not be entirely 
 cleared of that charge, we cannot help observing 
 that, according to the principles of sound policy, 
 the security of Italy was hardly compatible with 
 the sole dominion of the Carthaginians over the 
 island of Sicily. 
 
 First war with Rome, 264 241, (twenty-three years,) waged 
 for the possession of Sicily, and decided almost at its commence- 
 ment by Hiero's passing over to the Roman side. (For the his- 
 tory of it, see below, in the Roman history, Book V. Period ii, 
 parag. 2 sq.)
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 8,3 
 
 2. This war cost the republic, Sicily and the PERIOD 
 sovereignty of the Mediterranean, by which the 
 
 fate of its other external possessions was already iatalcon ~ 
 predetermined. But that which appeared at the of the first 
 
 Punic war 
 
 first view to threaten the greatest danger, was toCarthage. 
 the total exhaustion of its finances ; a circum- 
 stance which will no longer surprise us, when we 
 consider how many fleets had been destroyed and 
 replaced, how many armies had been annihilated 
 and renewed. Carthage had never before been 
 engaged in such an obstinate struggle as this; and 
 the immediate consequences were more terrific 
 even than the war itself. 
 
 3. The impossibility of paying the mercenaries Dreadful 
 produced a mutiny among the troops, which ra- Bjc.'Sw 
 pidly grew into a rebellion of the subject nations, ~ 237 - 
 who had been most cruelly oppressed during the 
 
 war. The consequence was a civil war of three 
 years and a half, which probably would have 
 spared the Romans the trouble of destroying Car- 
 thage, had not the state been snatched from ruin 
 by the heroism of Hamilcar. 
 
 This war, which lasted from 240 to 237, produced lasting con- 
 sequences to the state ; it gave rise to the feud between Ha- 
 milcar and Hanno the Great, which compelled Hamilcar to seek 
 for support against the senate by becoming the leader of a demo- 
 cratic faction. 
 
 4. The revolt spread abroad; it reached Sar- Sardinia is 
 
 , . . , f. , . lost, 237. 
 
 dinia and caused the loss of that most important 
 island, of which the Romans, flushed with power, 
 took possession, in spite of the terms of the 
 peace. 
 
 5. The influence of the family of the Barcas, Rise of the 
 
 ,.,.-,. -11 , i house of the 
 
 supported in their disputes with the senate by the 
 
 o2
 
 84 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD popular party, now got the upper hand in Car- 
 
 BEFOH . i i /// I 
 
 CYRUS, thage ; and the first fruit of their power was the 
 new and gigantic project of repairing the loss of 
 Sicil Y and Sardinia by the conquest of Spain ; a 
 country where the Carthaginians already had 
 some possessions and commercial connections. 
 The immediate object of the Barcas was the sup- 
 port of their family and party ; but the Spanish 
 silver mines soon furnished the republic with the 
 means of renewing the contest with Rome also. 
 
 executed by 6. During the nine years in which Hamilcar 
 commanded, and in the following eight in which 
 Hasdrubal, his son-in-law and successor, was at 
 the head of the army, the whole of the south of 
 Spain, as far as the Iberus, was brought under 
 subjection to Carthage, either by negotiation or 
 
 By treaty force of arms. The further progress of the Car- 
 
 with the ... t , , -11 
 
 Romans thagimans was only arrested by a treaty with the 
 Romans, in which the Iberus was fixed upon as 
 
 fheir da 7- f a fr nt i er l me an d the freedom of Saguntum ac- 
 sessionsin knowledged by both powers. Hasdrubal crowned 
 
 Spain, 226. . J 
 
 his victories as a general and as a statesman by 
 Carthagena the foundation of New Carthage, (Carthagena,) 
 
 founded. . . . , ,, ,, , . . . 
 
 which was to be the future seat of Carthaginian 
 power in the newly-conquered country. Has- 
 drubal having fallen by the hand of an assassin in 
 the year 221, the party of the Barcas succeeded 
 succeed* to in appointing Hamilcar's son, Hannibal, a young 
 man ^ one-and-twenty, for his successor. Han- 
 221; n ibal found every thing already prepared in Spain 
 for the furtherance of the hereditary project of his 
 family, which was a renewal of the contest with 
 theseS Rome ; and the vigour with which this project 
 Fume war, wag p^gu^ clearly proves how great must have
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 8,, 
 
 been the preponderance of the Barcine influence, PERIOD 
 at that time, in Carthage. Had the common- &?***. 
 wealth attended to the marine with the same 
 ardour as their great general did to the land ser- 
 vice, the fate of Rome would perhaps have been 
 very different. 
 
 Second war with Rome, 218 201, (seventeen years,) first in 
 Italy and Spain, afterwards, from 203, in Africa itself. (See 
 the history of this war below, in the Roman history, Book V, Pe- 
 riod ii, parag. 6 sqq.) 
 
 7. Until Africa became the scene of action, the internal 
 second war cost the republic much less than the Carthae 
 
 first ; the expenses being principally defrayed by ^S PU- 
 
 Spain and Italy. Hanno, however, was at the nicwar - 
 head of a powerful party at home, who were cla- 
 morous for peace, and who can say they were 
 wrong ? As might be expected, the family of the 
 Barcas were for war, and their influence carried 
 the day. That general who, with hardly any sup- 
 port from Carthage, was yet able to maintain a 
 footing in the country of his powerful foes for no 
 less than fifteen years, and that, too, as much by 
 policy as by force of arms, must extort our ad- 
 miration. It cannot, however, be denied, that 
 during the struggle one favourable opportunity, 
 at least, was let slip of making peace ; a fatal 
 omission, for which the hero of Cannae paid 
 dearly enough, by the failure of his darling pro- 
 ject. 
 
 8. By the second peace with Rome, Carthage A disgrace- 
 was deprived of all her possessions v out of Africa, the result of 
 and her fleet was delivered into the hands of the the war ' 
 Romans. She was now to be a mere trading city 
 under the tutelage of Rome. But Carthage found
 
 86 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD by this peace her most formidable enemy on the 
 CYRUS, soil of Africa itself. Massinissa had been elevated 
 to the dignity of king of Numidia; and his endea- 
 vours to form his nomads into an agricultural 
 '* people, and to collect them into cities, must have 
 hc y- changed the military system that Carthage had 
 hitherto followed. Roman policy, moreover, had 
 taken care that the article inserted in his favour 
 in the last treaty of peace, should be so ambigu- 
 ously worded, as to leave abundant openings for 
 dispute. 
 Hannibal at 9. Even after this disgraceful peace, the family 
 
 the head of p ... , V . ' * 
 
 affairs; ot the Barcas still preserved their influence, and 
 
 Hannibal was placed as supreme magistrate at 
 
 attempts to the head of the republic. He attempts to reform 
 
 check the L 
 
 oligarchy, the constitution and the finances, by destroying 
 the oligarchy of the hundred, by whom the finances 
 had been thrown into confusion. Complete as 
 was the success of the first blow, it soon became 
 apparent that aristocratic factions are not so rea- 
 dily annihilated as armies. 
 
 The democratic faction to which even the Barcas owed their 
 first elevation, was the cause of the degeneracy of the Carthagi- 
 nian constitution. By that faction the legislative authority of the 
 senate and magistrates was withdrawn and transferred to the ordo 
 judicum probably the same as the high state tribunal of the 
 hundred which now assumed the character of an omnipotent 
 national inquisition ; and the members being chosen for life ex- 
 ercised oppressive despotism. This tribunal was formed of those 
 who had served the office of ministers of finance, with whom it 
 shared unblushingly the revenues of the state. Hannibal de- 
 stroyed this oligarchy by a law, enacting that the members should 
 hold their office but for one year ; whereas before they held it 
 fbr life. In the reform wrought by this law in the finances it 
 was seen, that after all wars and losses, the revenues of the re- 
 public were still sufficient, not only for the usual expenditure
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 87 
 
 and the payment of tribute to Rome, but also for leaving a sur- PERIOD 
 plus in the public treasury. Ten years had hardly elapsed be- C YRUS . 
 fore Carthage was enabled to pay down at once the whole of the ~ 
 tribute which she had engaged to furnish by instalments. 
 
 10. The defeated party, whose interests were Hannibal 
 now the same with those of Rome, joined the Ro- to fljTtoSy- 
 mans, to whom they discovered Hannibal's plan na< 
 
 of renewing the war in conjunction with Antio- 
 chus the Great, king of Syria. A Roman embassy 
 was sent over to Africa, under some other pre- 
 text, to demand that Hannibal should be given 
 up. The Carthaginian general secretly fled to B. c. 195. 
 king Antiochus, at whose court he became the 
 chief fomenter of the war against Rome ; although 
 unsuccessful in his endeavour to implicate the 
 Carthaginian republic in the struggle. 
 
 See hereafter the history of Syria, Book IV, Period iii, sepa- 
 rate kingdoms. I. Seleucidae, parag. 18; and Book V, Period 
 ii, parag. 10 sq. 
 
 11. In consequence of the absence of Hannibal, Roman in- 
 Carthage fell once more under the dominion of completely 
 the Romans, who contrived, by taking a crafty ad- 
 vantage of the state of parties, to give a show of tha s e< 
 generosity to the exercise of their power. Even 
 
 the patriotic faction, if we may judge by the vio- 
 lent steps which they took more than once against 
 Massinissa and his partisans, seem to have been 
 but a tool in the hands of Rome. 
 
 12. Disputes with Massinissa, which led to the The Car- 
 gradual partition of the Carthaginian territory in 
 Africa. The manner in which this territory had $ 
 been acquired, facilitated the discovery of claims bered - 
 upon each of the component parts ; and the inter- 
 ference of Rome, sometimes disinterested, but of-
 
 83 CARTHAGINIANS. BOOK i. 
 
 PERIOD tener swayed by party feeling, ensured the pos- 
 CYRUS. session of the territory to the Numidian. 
 
 Even in 199, a disadvantageous treaty framed with Massinissa 
 for fifty years : nevertheless the rich province of Emporia is lost 
 in 193. Loss of another province unnamed, to which Massinissa 
 inherited some claims from his father. Seizure of the province 
 of Tysca, with fifty cities, about 174. Probable date of Cato's 
 embassy, who returned in disgust, because his decision had been 
 rejected, and became the fom enter of a project to destroy Car- 
 thage. New disputes about 152. Massinissa's party is expelled 
 Carthage. War breaks out in consequence, during which the 
 king in his ninetieth year personally defeats the Carthaginians ; 
 and what with famine and the sword, Hasdrubal's army, which 
 had been surrounded by the enemy, was nearly exterminated ; in 
 the mean while the Roman ambassadors, who had come to act as 
 mediators, obeying their private instructions, looked on with 
 quiet indifference. 
 
 Destruction 13. Though it is evident that the party spirit 
 thage 1 ; raging between Cato and Scipio Nasica had a 
 wart ] 1C considerable influence in hastening the destruc- 
 tion of Carthage ; and though it is equally clear 
 that Massinissa's late victory paved the way for 
 the immediate execution of that project ; yet it is 
 difficult to unravel the web, by which, long be- 
 fore the declaration of war now about to follow, 
 treachery prepared the final scene of this great 
 brought tragedy. Was the account that Cato at his return 
 " by gave of the resuscitated power of Carthage con- 
 du ~ sonant to truth ? Was not the sudden secession 
 of Ariobarzanes, the grandson of Syphax, who 
 was to have led a Numidian army to defend Car- 
 thage against Massinissa, previously arranged with 
 Rome ? Was not the turbulent Gisgo, who first 
 incited the populace to insult the Roman ambas- 
 sadors, and then opportunely rescued them from 
 the fury of the mob, in the pay of Rome ? These
 
 BOOK i. CARTHAGINIANS. 89 
 
 questions give rise to suspicions, although they PERIOD 
 
 r -1 1 1 A BEFORE 
 
 cannot satisfactorily be answered. At any rate, CYRUS. 
 it may be said, that the conduct of Rome, after 
 war had broken out, corroborates the suspicion. 
 The whole history of the last period sufficiently 
 proves, that it was not so much the debased cha- 
 racter of the nation, as party spirit, and the avarice 
 of the great, which produced the fall of Carthage. 
 Advantage was taken of that party spirit and ava- 
 rice by Roman policy, which, although acting ac- 
 cording to the dictates of blind passion, knew 
 how to profit by dark and base intrigue. 
 
 Third war with Rome and destruction of Carthage, 150 146. 
 See hereafter the Roman history, Book V, Period ii, parag. 19 sq.
 
 90 PERSIAN EMPIRE. BOOK n. 
 
 SECOND BOOK. 
 
 History of the Persian Empire, from B. C. 560 330. 
 
 FROM Sources. Preservation of historic records among the Persians 
 ALE- themselves under the form of royal annals ; origin and nature of 
 ANDER. those annals. As these have been destroyed, we are obliged to 
 deduce the history from foreign writers, some of whom, however, 
 availed themselves of the Persian annals. 1 . Greeks : their 
 authority as writers, contemporary, but not always sufficiently 
 acquainted with the east, (a) CTESIAS. His court history com- 
 piled from Persian annals, would be the principal work did we 
 possess the whole ; we have, however, only an extract from it 
 preserved by Photius. (&) HERODOTUS : who probably availed 
 himself of similar sources in some portion of his work, (c) XEN- 
 OPHON. To this period of history belong, not only his Anabasis 
 and Hellenica, but also his Cyropaedia, or portraiture of a happy 
 empire and an accomplished ruler, according to eastern ideas, exhi- 
 bited in the example of Cyrus : of use so far as pure historic re- 
 cords are interwoven with the narrative, (d) DIODORUS, etc. 
 2. Jewish writers. The books of ESDRAS and NEHEMIAH ; and 
 more particularly that of ESTHER, as containing a faithful repre- 
 sentation of the Persian court and its manners. 3. The accounts 
 of the later Persian chroniclers, MIRKHOND in particular, who 
 flourished in the thirteenth century of the Christian era, can have 
 no weight in the scale of criticism ; they are nevertheless inter- 
 esting, inasmuch as they make us acquainted with the ideas that 
 the inhabitants of the east form of their early history. 
 
 The modern authors on Persian history are principally those 
 who have written on ancient history in general : see p. 2. A 
 treatise on Persian history, deduced from eastern sources, will 
 be found in the Ancient Universal History, vol. iv. 
 
 BRISSOXIUS, de Regno Persarum, 1591, 8vo. A very labori- 
 ous compilation. 
 
 The section concerning the Persians in -f- HEEREN, Ideas, etc. 
 vol. i, part 1. 
 
 ^MALCOLM, SIR JOHN, History of Persia, from the earliest 
 ages to the present times. Lond. 1816, 4to. 2 vols. "A valuable 
 work. "
 
 BOOK ii. PERSIANS. 91 
 
 1. State of the Persian nation previous to Cy- 
 
 rus ; a highland people, subject to the Medes, TO AI.EX- 
 
 , f. . ANDER. 
 
 dwelling in the mountainous parts of the province Origina i 
 of Persis, and leading wholly, or for the most Jfjjjjpj^. 
 part, a nomad life. Division into ten clans, sians - 
 among which that of the Pasargada, the noblest The horde 
 and ruling horde, is particularly remarkable on sargadce, 
 account of the figure it makes in subsequent his- 
 tory. The result of this division was a patriarchal 
 government, the vestiges of which remain visible 
 in the whole of the following history of the Per- 
 sians. Permanent distinction between the tribes 
 in reference to their mode of life, observable even 
 during the most flourishing period of the Persian 
 state : three of the nobles or warriors, three of 
 the husbandmen, and four of the shepherds. 
 Argument thence deduced, that the history of the 
 Persians as a dominant nation, is that of the has the 
 nobler clans alone, and of the PASARGAD^ more 
 especially. 
 
 2. The personal history of Cyrus, the founder CYRUS, 
 
 /. i T . ... ,, similar to 
 
 oi the Persian monarchy, was, even in the time or Gengis- 
 Herodotus, so obscured under the veil of romance, 3 " 
 
 that it was no longer possible to detect the real 
 truth. It is, however, evident, that the course of 
 the revolution wrought by him was, on the whole, 
 the same as was followed in all similar empires 
 founded in Asia. Gengis-khan, in a later age, 
 was placed at the head of all the Mogol hordes ; 
 in the same manner was Cyrus elected chief of 
 all the Persian tribes, by whose assistance he 
 became a mighty conqueror, at the time that the founds the 
 Babylonian and Median kingdoms of Inner Asia P i re Sou" 
 were on the decline, and before the Lydian B> c ' 561>
 
 92 PERSIANS. BOOK n. 
 
 FROM empire, under Croesus, had been firmly esta- 
 
 CYRUS ,-,. , j 
 
 TO ALEX- bushed. 
 
 Descent of Cyrus from the family of Achaemenes, ( Jamshid ?). 
 That family belonged to the Pasargadae tribe, and therefore re- 
 mained the ruling house. 
 
 of the Me- 3. Rise of the Persian dominion, in conse- 
 quence of the overthrow of the Medo-Bactrian 
 
 em pi r e, after the defeat of Astyages at Pasargada. 
 B.C. 56i. Rapid extension by further conquest. Subjection 
 dianem- y f Asia Minor after the victory won by Cyrus in 
 pire: person over Croesus, and capture of the Greek 
 Greeks colonies by the generals of the Persian monarch. 
 Conquest of Babylon and all the Babylonian pro- 
 vinces. The Phoenician cities submit themselves 
 of their own accord. Even in Cyrus's time, 
 therefore, the frontiers of the Persian empire had 
 been extended in southern Asia to the Mediterra- 
 nean, to the Oxus, and to the Indus; but the 
 
 tie with the campaign against the nomad races, inhabiting the 
 
 s t e pp es O f Central Asia, was unsuccessful ; and 
 Cyrus himself fell in the contest. 
 
 It cannot be denied but that in the narration of the separate 
 wars waged by Cyrus, discrepancies are found in Herodotus and 
 Ctesias; those two authors, however, agree in the main facts : 
 and, indeed, the differences which exist between them cannot be 
 considered always as direct contradictions. 
 
 The Per- 4. Immediate consequences of this great revo- 
 I U ^ OQ m respect both of the conquerors and the 
 conquered. Among the former, even in the time 
 
 the con- o f Cvrus, the civilization and luxury of the Medes, 
 
 quered . 
 
 their legislation and national religion, and the 
 sacerdotal caste of the magi, who were guardians 
 of that religion, had been introduced, and the 
 whole system of the Persian court had been re- 
 modelled upon that of the Medes.
 
 BOOK ii. PERSIANS. 93 
 
 Description of Zoroaster's legislation, and of the magian na- 
 tional religion, according to the Zend-avesta. How far the 
 dogmas of Zoroaster can be considered as dominant among the 
 Persians ? Proof that they were adopted only by the nobler 
 tribes, more particularly the Pasargadae. Their great and bene- 
 ficial influence on agriculture. 
 
 ANQUETIL DU PERRON, Zend-avesta, ouvrage de ZOROASTRE, 
 traduit en Francois sur I'original Zend. Paris, 1771- 4to. This 
 work has been much improved by the critical discussions added 
 to the German translation by J. L. KLEUKER. Compare the 
 dissertations on Zoroaster by MEINERS and TYCHSEN, in Com- 
 ment. Soc. Gotting. and HEEREN, Ideas, etc. vol. i. 
 
 HYDE, De Religione veterum Persarum ; Oxon. 1700, 4to. 
 Replete with learned research, and the first work that excited 
 enquiry on the subject. 
 
 j" J. S. RHODE, Sacred Traditions of the East ; Breslau, 
 1821. An excellent work for the study of the Zend-avesta, the 
 magian religion, and the antiquities of the Medes and Persians. 
 
 5. First political constitution of the Persian Expedients 
 
 J adopted to 
 
 empire under Cyrus. No general new organiza- keep posses- 
 tion ; but for the most part the original institu- conquered 
 tions are preserved among the conquered, who te 
 are compelled to pay tribute. Royal officers, 
 appointed to collect the tribute, are associated Tribute. 
 with the generals, who with numerous armies 
 keep in subjection the inhabitants of the con- 
 quered countries. For the support of the empire standing 
 
 ,. . ' . v i armies. 
 
 large standing armies are kept in pay, besides 
 which, recourse is frequently had to the trans- Transfer of 
 planting of whole nations ; while, as was the case tions? n< 
 with the Jews, some who had been formerly trans- 
 planted are restored to their country. With the 
 same view injunctions are issued, as in the case 
 of the Lydians, to effect the enervation of warlike 
 races by a luxurious and effeminate system of 
 education. 
 
 6. Cyrus leaves two sons, the elder of whom,
 
 94 PERSIANS. BOOK H. 
 
 Cambyses, succeeds as king; the younger, Smer- 
 ALEX- di s> (the Tanyoxarces of Ctesias,) becomes inde- 
 pendent lord of Bactria and the eastern territo- 
 ries ; but is soon after murdered by the command 
 of his elder brother. 
 
 7. Under Cambyses the conquering arms of 
 
 522? 29 the Persians are directed against Africa. Egypt 
 conquers becomes a Persian province, and the neighbouring 
 Libya, together with Gyrene, assume the yoke of 
 their own accord. But the twofold expedition 
 against the opulent commercial establishments, 
 Ammonium in the west, and Meroe in the south, 
 is wholly unsuccessful ; that against Carthage is 
 arrested in its commencement by the refusal of 
 the Tyrians to join the naval armament. A colony 
 of six thousand Egyptians is transplanted into 
 Susiana. 
 
 His policy 8. The cruelty with which Cambyses is ac- 
 ing P the ecut cused of treating the Egyptians was directed 
 rather against the powerful caste of the priests, 
 than against the whole nation; and originated 
 more in political than in religious motives. It 
 his vices must be observed, however, that we ought to be 
 mucSx- particularly on our guard against all the evil that 
 aggerated. j s re lated of Cambyses, inasmuch as our informa- 
 tion respecting that prince is derived entirely from 
 his enemies, the Egyptian priests. 
 Usurpation 9. The usurpation of the Pseudo-Smerdis, (or 
 
 of the magi: 
 
 lanyoxarces,} was an attempt or the magi to re- 
 
 place a Median dynasty on the throne, by means 
 death of of a plot hatched within the seraglio. It was the 
 5 2 a ^ byses ' occasion of an accident which cost Cambyses his 
 
 life, after a reign of seven years and a half : (or, 
 
 according to Ctesias, of eighteen.)
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 PERSIANS. 95 
 
 10. The Pseudo-Smerdis kept his seat on the FROM 
 throne eight months, during which he attempted T0 ALEX- 
 to bring over the conquered nations to his interest ANDER - 
 
 ' 
 
 -1 S 
 
 by a remission of all tribute for three years ; but SMERDIS. 
 
 , , . f, , . , . . after a reign 
 
 the discovery ot his cheat gave rise to a conspi- O f eight 
 
 racy of seven of the chief Persians, who could E by the 
 not brook the rule of a Mede, and the usurper lost JJeeT 8ran " 
 his life. 
 
 11. It could not be expected that the political NO progress 
 organization of the kingdom should advance to wards an 
 
 completion during the reign of Cambyses, who 
 
 was almost always absent in the prosecution of ! mderCa f- 
 
 * byses and 
 
 war ; or during the brief rule of the Pseudo- Smerdis. 
 Smerdis. It remained, therefore, in the same 
 state as under Cyrus. But the introduction of The Per- 
 the Median court-ceremonial among the ruling CkeTth! 
 tribe of the Persians, and the adoption of fixed nomad life ' 
 dwellings by that tribe, rendered it necessary that 
 royal residences should be erected for the recep- 
 tion of the king's court ; among these Persepolis, Persepolis 
 (see above, p. 20,) probably commenced by Cy- 1S 
 rus, was completed under Darius and Xerxes. 
 
 The best drawings of the monuments of Persepolis, remarkable 
 alike for their architecture, their sculpture, and their inscriptions 
 in the arrow-headed character, are to be found in the Travels of 
 CHARDIN and NIEBUHR. Illustrations : 
 
 j- HERDER'S Persepolis, in the collection of his works, vol. i. 
 
 j" HEEREN, Ideas, etc. Part I. vol. i. Great assistance in 
 studying the inscriptions, is furnished by 
 
 DE SACY, Memoires sur diverges Antiquites de la Perse; 
 Paris, 1793, 4to. It must be observed, however, that this work 
 is confined to the illustration of the later monuments, belonging 
 to the Sassanidce. The most successful attempt at deciphering 
 the arrow-headed inscriptions of the old Persic, since TYCHSEN, 
 MUENTER, and LICHTENSTEIN, will be found in
 
 96 PERSIANS. BOOK n. 
 
 FROM f GROTEFEND, On the Interpretation of the Arrow-headed 
 CYRUS Characters, particularly of the Inscriptions at Persepolis, con- 
 ANDER. tained in the appendix to HEEREN, Ideas, etc. vol. ii. with an 
 ~ accompanying Zend alphabet. 
 
 The seven 12. After a very remarkable debate held by 
 
 grandees , . _ r 
 
 cii the seven conspirators, concerning the form of 
 
 ture h form of S overnment which should be established, Darius, 
 gown- tne son O f Hystaspes, one of the family of the 
 Achaemenides, was raised to the throne by an 
 oracle ; this king endeavoured to strengthen his 
 right to the sceptre by marrying two of Cyrus's 
 daughters. 
 
 13 ' ^e re ^ n f Darius I- which lasted thirty- 
 
 a great six years, (according to Ctesias 31,) is remarkable 
 
 statesman _ , - . . . , 
 
 and con- for the improvements made both in the external 
 and internal administration of the Persian empire. 
 In the former, by the great expeditions and con- 
 quests, which extended the Persian realm to its 
 utmost limits ; in the latter, by several important 
 institutions, established for the internal organiza- 
 tion of the state. 
 
 the first 14. The expeditions of the Persians under Cy- 
 rus were directed against the countries of Asia; 
 th se f Cambyses against Africa. But those 
 
 rope: undertaken by Darius I. were directed against 
 Europe, though the Persian territory was at the 
 same time extended in the two other quarters of 
 
 and is em- the world. In the reign of this king likewise 
 commenced those wars with the Greeks, so fatal 
 to tnc Persians ; constantly fomented and sup- 
 ported by emigrant or exile Greeks, who found 
 an asylum in the Persian court, and there con- 
 trived to raise a party. First example of the kind 
 exhibited shortly after the accession of Darius, in
 
 ANDER - 
 
 BOOK ii. PERSIANS. 97 
 
 the case of Syloson, brother to Polycrates, who FROM 
 had been tyrant of Samos : at his request the T0 * 
 island was taken possession of by the Persians, 
 and delivered up to him after the almost total de- 
 struction of the male population. 
 
 15. Great revolt in Babylon, which would not 
 subrait tamely to a foreign yoke. After a siege is reduced: 
 of twenty-one months, Darius by stratagem re- B 
 gains possession of the city. The power of 
 Babylon and the importance of its situation in- 
 creased the jealousy with which it was guarded 
 
 by the Persian kings ; so much so, that they 
 were wont to reside there a certain portion of the 
 year. 
 
 16. First great expedition of Darius undertaken campaign 
 against the Scythians inhabiting the lands north s^thiant? 
 of the Black sea : the former irruption of the 513> 
 Scythians into Asia afforded a pretext for the 
 
 war, which, therefore, was considered as a gene- 
 
 ral national undertaking. Unsuccessful as the The Per- 
 
 sians, 
 
 Persian arms were in this vast expedition against tho ugh un 
 
 successful 
 establish 
 themselves 
 in Europe 
 
 the Scythians, and disgraceful as was the retreat successful 
 
 establish 
 
 from the barren steppes of the Ukrain, yet the themselves 
 power of Darius was established in Thrace and 
 Macedonia, and the Persians obtained firm foot- 
 ing in Europe. 
 
 Concerning the peculiar character of the Persian national wars., 
 or great campaigns, in which all the conquered nations were 
 obliged to participate, contrasted with the other wars waged by 
 Persian troops alone. 
 
 17. The next expedition made by Darius was campaign 
 more successful. It was carried on along the 5S 
 banks of the Indus, down which river Scylax, a lndia ' 509: 
 Greek, had previously sailed on a voyage of 
 discovery. The highlands north of the Indus
 
 98 PERSIANS. BOOK 11. 
 
 FROM were then subjected to the Persian dominion, 
 TO ALEX- and the Indus became the boundary of the 
 
 About the same time that Darius 
 was engaged on the Danube and the Indus, 
 Aryandes, his viceroy in Egypt, led an expedi- 
 tion against Barca, to avenge the murder of king 
 
 Africa! Arcesilaus ; a war which terminated in the de- 
 struction of the city, and the transplantation of 
 its inhabitants into Asia. 
 
 Secession of 18. However trifling the first occurrence which 
 
 the Asiatic . . , ,, , . . . ~ . 
 
 Greeks, gave rise to the revolt ot the Asiatic Greeks, 
 
 B.C. 502 ., i .... 
 
 496; it was much more important in its consequences. 
 It was set on foot by Aristagoras, lieutenant- 
 governor of Miletus, who was secretly sup- 
 ported by his relation, the offended Histia?us, 
 then resident at the Persian court. The share 
 
 who, as- taken by the Athenians in this rebellion, which 
 led to the burning of Sardes, was the origin of the 
 national hatred between Persia and European 
 Greece, and of the long series of wars that en- 
 sued. The confederates were this time defeated; 
 but the naval battle off the island of Lada, could 
 
 496? tu8 ' hardly have had such a fatal result, had not the 
 league been previously corrupted by the craft and 
 gold of Persia. Be that as it may, this war 
 ended in the reduction of the lonians, and the 
 destruction of Miletus, their flourishing capital ; a 
 city which in those days, together with Tyre and 
 Carthage, engrossed the trade of the world. 
 
 First cam- 19, First attack upon Greece, particularly 
 
 Against Athens. Darius, already enraged against the 
 
 ice< Athenians by the firing of Sardes, is still further 
 
 instigated by the suggestions of the banished ty- 
 
 rant of Athens, Hippias, the son of Pisistratus.
 
 JBOOK ir. PERSIANS. 9S) 
 
 This prince, who had fled to the Persian court, 
 was evidently the animating spirit of the whole TO ALBX- 
 undertaking. Although the first attempt, made ANDER - 
 under the command of Mardonius, was thwarted under Mar- 
 
 . ,..,., donius, 
 
 by a tempest, yet the mighty expedition which frustrated 
 
 afterwards followed, was undertaken with so much 
 
 more prudence, and conducted with so much Athos> 492> 
 
 1 . Second 
 
 knowledge of the country, that no one can fail to campaign. 
 recognize the guiding hand of Hippias. Even the 
 battle of Marathon, which seems to have been Battle of 
 but a diversion on the side of the Persians, would sept. 29, ' 
 not have decided the war, had not the activity of 490 ' 
 Miltiades defeated the principal design of the 
 enemy upon Athens. 
 
 20. It may be said that Darius, by these foreign Progress of 
 
 thePersians 
 
 wars, debilitated the kingdom which he end ea- towards a 
 
 voured to extend ; this circumstance, however, 
 it cannot be denied, increases the merit which he tlon> 
 has of perfecting the internal organization of the 
 empire. His reign constitutes precisely that pe- 
 riod which must enter into the history of every 
 nomad race that has attained to power, and is 
 advancing towards political civilization ; a period 
 at which it becomes visible that the nation is en- 
 deavouring to obtain a constitution, however gra- 
 dual the progress towards it. 
 
 21. Division of the empire into twenty satra- Division of 
 
 , . . f, , . , the empire 
 
 pies, and the imposition or a regular tribute onintosam.- 
 each. This division at first depended solely on pies ' 
 that of the various tributary races, but from it 
 gradually arose a geographic division, in which 
 the ancient distinction of countries was for the 
 most part preserved. 
 
 Proofs that the division into satrapies was originally a mere
 
 100 
 
 PERSIANS, 
 
 BOOK ir. 
 
 FROM 
 CYRUS 
 ;o ALEX' 
 
 Persian 
 the con- 
 
 Artmiii- 
 
 arrangement for the civil government and collection of taxes, 
 distinct fr m military power. Duties of the satraps. The at- 
 tention they were to pay to the cultivation and improvement of 
 the land ; to the collection of the imposts ; to the execution of 
 the royal commands relating to provincial affairs. An abuse of 
 this institution, at a later period, placed in the hands of these 
 satraps the command also of the troops. Various means of keep- 
 ing the satraps in a state of dependence : royal secretaries ap- 
 pointed for each, who were to be the first to receive the king's 
 commands. Periodical visits paid to the provinces by commis- 
 sioners under the direct appointment of the king, or by the king 
 himself accompanied with an army. Establishment of couriers 
 in every part of the empire, for the purpose of securing a safe 
 and rapid communication with the provinces, as was the case 
 also in the Mongol countries ; (not a regular post, however, the 
 institution here alluded to being intended only for the court.) 
 
 22. The Persian finance continues to preserve 
 those peculiarities which naturally result from the 
 formation of an empire by a nomad race of con- 
 
 . q UerorS) desirous of living at the expense of the 
 conquered, and under a despotic form of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Collection of tribute, mostly in kind, for the support of the 
 court and the armies; and in precious metals, not coined, but in 
 their raw state. Application of the treasure thus collected to- 
 wards constituting a private chest for the king. Various other 
 royal imposts. Mode of providing for the public expenditure by 
 assignments on the revenues of one or several places. 
 
 23. Organization of the military system, con- 
 formably to the primitive state of the nation, and 
 the necessity now felt of keeping the conquered 
 countries in subjection by means of standing ar- 
 mies. 
 
 Military organization of the Persian nations, by means of a 
 decimal division pervading the whole. Royal troops cantoned in 
 the open field, according to a certain division of the empire, or 
 stationed as garrisons in the cities, and distinct from the encamp- 
 ments. Manner in which the troops were supported at the cost 
 and by the taxes of the provinces. Introduction of mercenaries
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 PERSIANS. 101 
 
 and Greeks, more particularly among the Persians, and fatal con- FROM 
 sequences of that measure. Military household of the satraps ^V 11 . 8 
 and grandees. Institution of a general conscription in national ANDER. 
 wars. Formation of the Persian navy, consisting of the Phoeni- 
 cian, and not unfrequently of the Asiatic Greek fleets. 
 
 24. From the time of Darius, the court of the 
 
 kings of Persia attained its complete form, and seragiioand 
 the government soon after was wholly concen- Jjjjjjfrf 
 trated in the seraglio. Yet the mode of life which the arra y- 
 the kings led, surrounded by a court, taken prin- 
 cipally if not wholly from the tribe of the Pasar- 
 gadae, and changing their residence according to 
 the revolutions of the seasons, still preserved the 
 traces of nomad origin. 
 
 Babylon, Susa, and Ecbatana, the usual residences; Perse- 
 polis now used as a royal cemetery. The court supported by the 
 most costly productions of each province ; hence arose the rigid 
 ceremonial observed at the royal table. Internal organization of 
 the seraglio. Influence of the eunuchs and queen-mothers on 
 the government. 
 
 25. Already had Darius commenced prepara- Revolt of 
 tions to wreak his vengeance on Athens, when a BJOMSS : 
 revolution broke out in Egypt, and hindered him 
 
 from prosecuting his design. He died after no- death of 
 minating for his successor Xerxes I. grandson of J 8 a 6 rms ' 
 Cyrus, and his eldest son by a second wife, 
 Atossa, whose influence over her husband was 
 boundless. 
 
 26. Xerxes I. A prince educated in the serag- XERXES i. 
 lio, who knew nothing beyond the art of repre- 4 * 
 senting the pomp of royalty. Subjection of rec overs 
 Egypt, and severe treatment of that country un- 
 
 der the satrap Achasmenes, brother to Xerxes. 
 
 27. Xerxes' famous expedition against Greece 
 was again the result of the cabals and intrigues of 
 the Greek exiles, the Pisistratidae, the soothsayer
 
 ANDER. 
 
 102 PERSIANS. BOOK n. 
 
 FROM Onomacritus, the Thessalian princes or Aleuadae, 
 TO ALEX- who contrived to exert their influence on the 
 king's mind, and to raise a party in their favour 
 among the grandees. But the progress of the 
 campaign showed that no Hippias was at the 
 Greece, head of the invading army, although the Persian 
 king did certainly succeed in his avowed object, 
 the capture and destruction of Athens. 
 
 Critique on the detailed account given by Herodotus of this 
 expedition, as a national undertaking in which all the subjugated 
 nations were obliged to take a share. Preparations which last 
 for three years in the Persian empire ; league framed with Car- 
 thage for the subjection of the Sicilian Greeks, 483 481 . The 
 expedition itself in 480; over Asia Minor and the Hellespont, 
 through Thrace and Macedonia. Muster of the army and divi- 
 sion of the troops according to nations at Doriscus ; the detailed 
 description of which found in Herodotus, was most probably bor- 
 rowed from some Persian document. The pass of Thermopylae 
 taken by treachery ; on the same day a naval engagement off 
 Artemisium. Athens captured and burnt. Battle of Salamis, 
 Sept. 23, 480. Retreat of Xerxes ; an army of picked men left 
 behind, under the command of Mardonius. Fruitless negotia- 
 tions with the Athenians. Second campaign of Mardonius : he 
 is routed at Plataeae, Sept. 25, 479; and that event puts an end 
 for ever to the Persian irruptions into Greece : on the same day 
 the Persian army is defeated, and their fleet burnt at Mycale in 
 Asia Minor. 
 
 Persia now 28. The consequences of these repeated and 
 concentrate unsuccessful expeditions, in which almost the 
 A e siaMinor! wn l e population was engaged, must be self-evi- 
 dent. The empire was weakened and depopu- 
 lated. The defensive war which the Persians for 
 thirty years were obliged to maintain against the 
 Greeks, who aimed at establishing the inde- 
 pendence of their Asiatic countrymen, completely 
 destroyed the balance of their power, by com- 
 pelling them to transfer their forces to Asia
 
 BOOK ir. 
 
 PERSIANS. 103 
 
 Minor, the most distant western province of the FROM 
 
 CYRUS 
 
 empire. TO ALEX- 
 
 29. Little as the Greeks had to fear from the 
 
 Persian arms, the danger with which they were the Sans 
 now threatened was much more formidable, when [J e b G b r e D e f s . 
 the enemy began to adopt the system of bribing 
 the chieftains of Greece ; a system which suc- 
 ceeded beyond expectation in the first trial made 
 of it with Pausanias, and perhaps was not wholly 
 unsuccessful with Themistocles himself. But the 
 Persians soon found in Cimon an adversary who cimon 
 
 . ,, . . wrests from 
 
 deprived them of the sovereignty ot the sea; who Persia the 
 in one day destroyed both their fleet and their JfSTSff 
 army on the Eurymedon ; and by the conquest of battle of the 
 
 *L ft* if i i Euryme- 
 
 the Thracian Chersonese, wrested from them the don, 469. 
 key of Europe. 
 
 30. What little we know further concerning the nioody 
 reign of Xerxes, consists in the intrigues of the Persian se- 
 seraglio, which now, through the machinations of ra 
 queen Amestris, became the theatre of all those 
 horrors which are wont to be exhibited in such 
 places, and to which Xerxes himself at last fell a Xerxes 
 
 ,, A , . r A murdered. 
 
 victim, in consequence of the conspiracy ot Arta- 
 banes and the eunuch Spamitres. 
 
 Was Xerxes the Ahasuerus of the Jews? On the difference 
 between the names of the Persian kings in Persian and Chaldee ; 
 not to be wondered at when we consider that they were mere 
 titles or surnames, assumed by the sovereigns after their ac- 
 cession. 
 
 TA- 
 XERXES, 
 
 31. Artaxerxes I. surnamed Longimanus. InA R 
 consequence of the murder of his father and his 
 elder brother, in the conspiracy of Artabanes, this" 
 prince ascended the throne, but was unable to 
 keep possession of the sceptre without assassi-
 
 104 PERSIANS. BOOK n. 
 
 FROM nating, in his turn, Artabanes. His reign, which 
 TO ALEX- lasted forty years, exhibits the first symptoms of 
 the decline of the empire, which this king, al- 
 though possessed of many good qualities, had not 
 
 
 decline* tne ta ^ en ^ or spirit to arrest. 
 
 Rebellions 32. At the very commencement of his reign 
 
 vine*. 1 " " rebellions are excited in the provinces ; in the 
 mean while the war with Athens continues. Two 
 battles are required to repress the insurrection of 
 his brother Hystaspes in Bactria. 
 
 second se- 33. Second revolt of Egypt, excited by the 
 
 cession of T <* ** 
 
 Egypt, Libyan king, Inarus ot Marea, in conjunction 
 
 T> f~ Af**} 
 
 ' with the Egyptian, Amyrtasus, and supported by 
 an Athenian fleet. Although the confederates 
 did not make themselves masters of Memphis, 
 they defeated the Persian army, commanded by 
 the king's brother, AchaBmenes, who lost his life 
 in the battle; they were at last overpowered by 
 Megabyzus, satrap of Syria, and shut up together 
 with Inarus in the town of Byblus. Inarus and 
 partly his party were admitted to capitulation: but 
 
 quelled, J . . r 
 
 456. AmyrtaBus, having taken refuge m the morasses, 
 continued to make head against the Persians. 
 
 Persian 34. The Grecian war takes, once more, an un- 
 favourable turn for the Persians : Cimon defeats 
 tne enemy 's fleet and army near Cyprus. The 
 fear of losing the whole of the island accordingly 
 compels Artaxerxes I. to sign a treaty of peace 
 
 Disgraceful with Athens, in which he recognizes the inde- 
 
 Athens, 111 pcndence of the Asiatic Greeks, and agrees that 
 his fleet shall not navigate the jEgaean sea, nor 
 his troops approach within three days' march of 
 the coast. 
 
 35. But the haughty and powerful Megabyzus,
 
 BOOK H. PERSIANS. 105 
 
 enraged at the execution of Inarus, in violation of 
 
 . 111- i 
 
 the promise made by him to that prince, excites TO 
 a rebellion in Syria ; repeatedly defeats the royal 
 
 armies, and prescribes himself the conditions upon thefirst Z ex- 
 
 which he will be reconciled to his sovereign. 
 This was the first great example of a successful g 447 
 insurrection excited by one of the Persian sa- 
 traps ; and chequered as were the subsequent 
 fortunes of Megabyzus, his party continued to 
 subsist after his death in the persons of his sons. 
 He possessed in the centre of the court a support 
 in the dowager queen Amestris, and the reigning 
 queen Amytis; (both notorious for their excesses;) Death of 
 who kept Artaxerxes I. in a constant state of tu- 424. *' 
 telage to the hour of his death. 
 
 36. Revolutions in the government now sue- XER XES 
 ceed each other with rapidity and violence. >424 ' 
 Xerxes II. the only legitimate son and successor 
 
 of Artaxerxes, is slain, after forty-five days' reign, 
 by his bastard brother Sogdianus ; the latter, in SOGDIA- 
 his turn, after a reign of six months, is deposed N1 
 by another bastard brother, Ochus, who ascends 
 the throne, and assumes the name of Darius II. 
 
 37. Darius II. surnamed the Bastard, or No- DARIUS n. 
 thus. He reigns nineteen years under the tute- 
 
 lage of his wife, Parysatis, and of three eunuchs, 
 one of whom, Artoxares, even attempts to open a 
 way to the throne, but is put to death. In this Rapid de- 
 period the decline of the state advances with hur- state. 
 ried steps ; partly by reason of the extinction of 
 the legitimate royal line, partly by the increased 
 practice of placing more than one province, toge- 
 ther with the military command, in the hands of 
 the same satrap. Although the repeated insur-
 
 106 PERSIANS. BOOK n. 
 
 FROM rections of the satraps are repressed, the court, 
 
 TO A R LEX- by the breach of faith to which it is obliged to 
 
 ANDER - have recourse, in order to succeed in its measures, 
 
 exhibits to the world a convincing proof of its in- 
 
 B. c. 4-22. firmity. The revolt of Arsites, one of the king's 
 
 brothers, who was supported by a son of Mega- 
 
 414. byzus, and that of Pisuthnes, satrap of Lydia, are 
 
 quelled only by obtaining treacherous possession 
 
 of their persons. 
 
 38. In consequence of the weak state of the 
 empire, the fire, which had hitherto been smoul- 
 dering under the ashes, burst forth in Egypt. 
 Amyrtseus, who had remained till now in the mo- 
 Third revolt rasses, issued forth, supported by the Egyptians; 
 4i4. gypt ' and the Persians were again expelled the land. 
 
 Obscure as the subsequent history may be, we 
 see that the Persians were obliged to acknow- 
 ledge, not only Amyrtaeus, but his successors. 
 [See page 72]. 
 
 39. The Persians must have regarded it as a 
 happy event, that the Peloponnesian war, kindled 
 * n ^ reece during the reign of Artaxerxes, and 
 protracted through the whole of that of Darius II. 
 had prevented the Greeks from unitedly falling 
 upon Persia. It now became, and henceforward 
 continued to be, the chief policy of the Persians 
 to foment quarrels and wars between the Grecian 
 republics, by siding at various times with various 
 parties ; and the mutual hatred of the Greeks 
 rendered this game so easy, that Greece could 
 hardly have escaped total destruction, had the 
 Persian plans been always as wisely laid as they 
 were by Tissaphernes ; and had not the caprice 
 and jealousy of the satraps in Asia Minor gene-
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 PERSIANS. 107 
 
 rally had more effect than the commands of the FROM 
 
 * CYRUS 
 
 COlirt. TO ALEX- 
 
 Alliance of the Persians with Sparta, framed by Tissaphernes, - 
 441 ; but in consequence of the policy of Alcibiades, and the 
 artful principles of Tissaphernes, followed by no important re- 
 sults, until the younger Cyrus, satrap of all Asia Minor, was by 
 Lysander, 407, brought over to the Spartan interest. (See below, 
 the Grecian history, III. Period, parag. 23.) 
 
 40. Artaxerxes II. surnamed Mnemon. AI- ARTA- 
 
 ., _ XERXES II. 
 
 though this prince was the eldest son ot Darius, B. c. 405 
 his right to the throne might, according to the" 
 Persian ideas of succession, have appeared du- 
 bious, since his younger brother, Cyrus, had the 
 advantage over him of being the first born subse- 
 quent to the accession of his father. Relying Anabasis of 
 on the support of his mother Parysatis, Cyrus, 
 even without this claim to the throne, would, no 
 doubt, have asserted his pretence to the sovereign 
 power. It would have been, in all probability, a 
 fortunate event for the Persian empire, had the 
 fate of battle, in the ensuing war between the two 
 brothers, assigned the throne to him whom nature 
 seems to have pointed out as the fittest person. 
 
 History of this war according to Xenophon. Battle of Cunaxa, 
 in which Cyrus falls, 401. Retreat of the ten thousand Greek 
 mercenaries in the service of Cyrus, under the guidance of Xeno- 
 phon. 
 
 41. During the whole of this reign, Artaxerxes, weak reign 
 now firmly seated on the throne, remained under 
 
 the tutelage of his mother, Parysatis, whose in- 
 veterate hatred against his wife, Statira, and 
 against all who had any share in the death of her 
 darling son, Cyrus, converted the seraglio into a 
 theatre of bloody deeds, such as can be conceived 
 and committed only in similar places.
 
 108 PERSIANS. BOOK n. 
 
 FROM 42. The insurrection and rout of Cyrus pro- 
 TO ALEX- duced a corresponding change in the political re- 
 lations between the Persian court and Sparta : 
 which, however, were now determined, not so 
 much by the will of the monarch himself, as by 
 the satraps of Asia Minor, Tissaphernes and Phar- 
 nabazus, of whose jealousy Sparta knew how to 
 take advantage. The former, by his severity to- 
 wards the Asiatic Greeks, who had supported the 
 War with cause of Cyrus, excited a war with Sparta, in 
 lucTioo. which he himself fell a victim. The death of the 
 satrap is not, however, succeeded by tranquillity; 
 Agesiiaus for Agesiiaus commands in Asia, and threatens to 
 396394. overthrow the Persian throne itself. The policy 
 of the Persians is shown by the war which they 
 foment in Greece against Sparta: Conon is placed 
 at the head of their fleet, and extricates Persia 
 from her difficulties better than could have been 
 Peace of done by her own generals ; in the peace of An- 
 387. C1 s ' talcidas she herself dictates the terms, by which 
 the Grecian colonies of Asia Minor, together with 
 Cyprus and Clazomense, are again delivered into 
 Policy of her possession. The rising power of Thebes 
 keeping on under Epaminondas and Pelopidas, with whom 
 goodie 3 p erg j a k ee p s U p a friendly connection, ensures 
 Thebes. ner f rom an y future blow at the hands of the 
 war with Spartans. War for the possession of Cyprus with 
 Cypfus! 8 Evagoras, who, however, by the subsequent peace 
 
 retains the sovereignty of Salamis. 
 War with 43. The war against the Cadusii in the moun- 
 
 theCadusii, ..-*,, TT 
 
 384. tains ot Caucasus, proves that Artaxerxes II. was 
 Attempt to not fitted for military command ; and his attempt 
 
 recover 
 
 Egypt, to recover Egypt from king Nectanebus I. which 
 was defeated by the feud between Iphicrates
 
 BOOK ir. PERSIANS. 109 
 
 and Artabazus, evinces that the most numerous 
 
 CYRUS 
 
 Persian host could achieve nothing without the TO ALEX- 
 assistance of Grecian troops and Grecian generals. - 
 It could hardly be expected that an empire 
 should endure much longer, when in the court all 
 was ruled by the desire of revenge in the women ; 
 when the political organization was already so 
 corrupt, that the satraps waged war against each 
 other; and when those generals who gave any 
 proof of talent received no better reward than 
 that of Datames. 
 
 44. In fact, it seemed not unlikely that the The succes- 
 Persian empire would fall asunder a little before throne of 6 
 the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon. A quarrel d^uei*, 
 about the succession arose in the court between and almost 
 
 produces 
 
 the three legitimate sons of the king, the eldest the dow nfoi 
 
 . of the em- 
 
 oi whom, Darius, was put to death : the standard pire before 
 of rebellion was erected in the western half of the 
 
 empire, and joined by all the governors of Asia 
 Minor and Syria, supported by Tachos, king of 
 Egypt, to whose assistance the Spartans had sent Rebellion 
 Agesilaus. The insurrection, however, was quelled 
 in consequence of the treachery of the chief leader, 
 Orontes, who was bribed over to the court. 
 
 45. In the midst of these commotions died ARTA- 
 Artaxerxes II.: his youngest son, Ochus, took 
 ^possession of the throne, and assumed the name 362 ~ 338 - 
 of Artaxerxes III. This king conceived that he 
 could not establish his power but by the total 
 destruction of the royal family, numerous as it 
 was. He was contemporary with Philip of Ma- 
 cedon, in whom he soon found a more formidable 
 rival than any he could have met with in his own 
 
 family. the Great.
 
 110 PERSIANS. BOOK ii. 
 
 FROM 46. The new insurrection fomented by Arta- 
 TO ALEX- bazus in Asia Minor, was accompanied with suc- 
 - cess so long only as it was backed by the The- 
 
 tbn in Asia bans ; but the reception which Artabazus met 
 
 Minor, * 
 
 B.C. 358. with at the hands of Philip soon betrayed the 
 secret intentions of the Macedonian king. 
 
 Rebellion 47 g ut ^g extensive rebellion of the Phceni- 
 
 of the Phoe- 
 
 nicians and cians and Cyprians, in conjunction with Egypt, 
 356. compelled the king to undertake another expe- 
 dition, which succeeded almost beyond expecta- 
 tion ; although in this case the object was again 
 attained principally by treachery and by Grecian 
 auxiliaries. 
 
 Treachery of Mentor, the leader of the confederates : the con- 
 sequent capture and destruction of Sidon, followed by the sub- 
 jection of Phoenicia, 356. Capture of Cyprus by Grecian troops, 
 under the command of Phocion and the younger Evagoras, 354. 
 Expedition of the king in person against Egypt : victory of Pe- 
 lusium, won over king Nectanebus II. with the help of Grecian 
 mercenaries. Egypt becomes, once more, a Persian province. 
 
 The Per- 48. This restoration of the empire to its former 
 limits was followed by a period of tranquillity, 
 the result of force, as Mentor and the eunuch Ba- 
 goas, holding the king in complete dependence, 
 
 The king divided the kingdom, as it were, between them- 
 selves ; until Bagoas was pleased, by poison, to 
 remove Artaxerxes out of his way. 
 
 pia?es S Ar- 49. After the assassination of the royal family, 
 
 throne 'but Bagoas placed on the throne the king's youngest 
 
 soon after an( J on ]y surviving SOU, ArCCS. BagOaS Was de- 
 
 makes awav , 
 
 with him. " sirous of reigning in the name of that prince; but 
 
 B f" *33fi 
 
 after the lapse of two years, he found it necessary 
 to depose him, and to substitute in his place a 
 distant relation of the reigning family, Darius
 
 BOOK ii. PERSIANS. Ill 
 
 Codomannus, who commenced his reign by put- FROM 
 ting to death the wretch himself. 
 
 T0 
 A?iDER - 
 
 50. Darius III. Codomannus, not having 1 been 
 
 DARIUS 
 
 educated, like his predecessors, in the seraglio, in. 336. 
 gave proof of virtues which entitled him to a 
 better fate. Attacked in the second year of his^isking- 
 
 * _ dom m- 
 
 reign by Macedon, against which Persia hadvadedby 
 hitherto made no preparation for resistance, the Great, 
 
 S*}d 
 
 unless, perhaps, the dagger which pierced Philip 
 was pointed by Persian hands, Darius was un- 
 able at once to reestablish a kingdom which of 
 itself was mouldering away. And yet, had not 
 death defeated the invasion of Macedonia by his 
 general, Memnon, it might have been matter of 
 doubt, whether Alexander would ever have shone 
 as the conqueror of Asia. After the loss of two Aiexan- 
 battles, in which he fought in person, Darius III. 
 fell a victim to the treachery of Bessus, and the 
 burning of Persepolis made known to Asia that the 
 realm of Persia was destroyed, and that the east 
 must acknowledge a new lord and master. 
 
 For the history of the war, see below : the history of Macedon.
 
 112 GRECIAN STATES. BOOK HI. 
 
 THIRD BOOK. 
 
 Geographical Outline. 
 
 GREECE. Greece is bounded on the north by the Cam- 
 Boundaries bunian mountains, which separate it from Mace- 
 donia ; on the south and east by the ./Egaean, on 
 its dimen- the west by the Ionian sea. Greatest length from 
 south to north = 220 geog. miles, greatest breadth 
 from west to east, = 140 geog. miles. Superficial 
 rivers: contents, = 29,600 square miles. Principal 
 rivers : the Peneus, which discharges its waters 
 into the Egaean, and the Achelous, which flows 
 physical ad- into the Ionian sea. Advantages in respect to 
 ltages * fertility, resulting from the mildness of the cli- 
 mate, between 37 40 N. lat. ; from the number 
 of small streams ; from the qualities and variety 
 of the soil, in which this country has been so 
 much more blessed by nature than any other of 
 similar extent, that every branch of cultivation 
 may be prosecuted equally and in conjunction. 
 Advantages in reference to navigation and com- 
 merce : situated in the vicinity of the three 
 quarters of the world, on three sides washed by 
 the sea, and by reason of its irregular, indented 
 coast, abounding with commodious ports and 
 havens. 
 
 Divisions. It may be divided into Northern Greece, from 
 the north boundary to the chain of (Eta and 
 Pindus, between the Ambracian gulf west, and
 
 BOOK in. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 113 
 
 the Maliac east. Central Greece, or Hellas, down GREECE. 
 to the isthmus of Corinth : and the southern pen- 
 insula, or Peloponnesus. 
 
 Northern Greece comprises two countries ; NORTHERN 
 
 _,. . _, . GREECE. 
 
 Ihessaly east, hpirus west. 
 
 1. Thessaly, the largest and one of the most 
 fruitful of the Grecian countries. Length from 
 north to south 60 geog. miles ; breadth from west 
 to east 64 geog. miles. Rivers : the Peneus, Api- 
 danus, and several smaller streams. Mountains : 
 Olympus, residence of the fabulous gods, and 
 Ossa in the north ; the chain of (Eta, Othrys, and 
 Pindus in the south. Division into five pro- 
 vinces : 1 . Estiaeotis ; cities : Gomphi, Azorus : 
 2. Pelasgiotis ; cities : Larissa, Gonni, the vale 
 of Tempe : 3. Thessaliotis ; cities : Pharsalus, 
 etc. 4. Phthiotis ; cities : Pherse, etc. 5. The 
 foreland of Magnesia, with a city of the same 
 name. Other territories, such as Perrhsebia, etc. 
 for instance, derived their names from the non- 
 Greek races who inhabited them. 
 
 2. Epirus. Next to Thessaly, the largest, al- EP>. 
 though one of the least cultivated countries of 
 Greece : 48 60 geog. miles long, and the same 
 
 in breadth. Divisions : Molossis ; city, Am- 
 bracia : Thesprotia ; city, Buthrotum ; in the in- 
 terior, Dodona. 
 
 Central Greece, or Hellas, comprises nine CENTRAL 
 
 . . GREECE. 
 
 countries. 
 
 1. Attica, a foreland, extending towards the Attica. 
 south-east, and gradually diminishing. Length, 
 60 geog. miles; greatest breadth, 24 geog. miles. 
 Rivers : Ilissus, Cephissus. Mountains : Hymet- 
 tus, Pentelicus, and the headland of Sunium.
 
 114 GRECIAN STATES. BOOK HI. 
 
 GREECE. City : Athens, with the harbours Piraeus, Phale- 
 reus, and Munychius ; in the other parts no 
 towns, but hamlets, s^o*, such as Marathon, Eleu- 
 sis, Decelea, etc. 
 
 2. Megaris, close to the isthmus of Corinth. 
 The smallest of the Grecian countries ; 16 geog. 
 miles long, and from 4 8 broad. City, Megara. 
 
 3. Boeotia, a mountainous and marshy country, 
 52 geog. miles long, and from 28 32 broad. 
 Rivers : Asopus, Ismenus, and several smaller 
 streams. Mountains : Helicon, Cythaeron, etc. 
 Lake : Copais. Boeotia was, of all the Grecian 
 countries, that which contained the greatest num- 
 ber of cities, each having its own separate terri- 
 tory. Among these, the first in importance, and 
 frequently mistress of the rest, was Thebes on the 
 Ismenus. The others, Plataeae, Tanagra, Thespiae, 
 Chaeronea, Lebadea, Leuctra, and Orchomenus, 
 are all celebrated in Grecian history. 
 
 4. Phocis, smaller than Attica ; 48 geog. miles 
 long, from 4 20 broad. River : Cephissus. 
 Mountain : Parnassus. Cities : Delphi, on Par- 
 nassus, with the celebrated oracle of Apollo. 
 Crissa, with the harbour of Cirrha, and up the 
 country Elatea. The other cities are insignificant. 
 
 LOCHS 1st 5, 6. The two countries called Locris. The 
 
 and 2nd. _, . 
 
 eastern on the .huripus, territory or the Locri 
 Opuntii and Epicnemidii is the lesser of the two; 
 being but little larger than Megaris. City: Opus; 
 pass, Thermopylae. The western Locris on the 
 Corinthian gulf, station of the Locri Ozolae, is 
 from 20 24 geog. miles long, and from 16 20 
 broad. Cities : Naupactus on the sea, Amphissa 
 up the country.
 
 BOOK in. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 115 
 
 7. The small country of Doris, or the Tetra- GREECE. 
 polls Dorica, on the south side of mount (Eta, Doris - 
 from 8 12 geog. miles long, and the same in 
 breadth. 
 
 8. .ZEtolia, somewhat larger than Boeotia ; from 
 40 52 geog. miles long, and from 28 32 broad ; 
 but the least cultivated country of all. Rivers : 
 Achelous, which skirts Acarnania, and the Eve- 
 nus. Cities : Calydon, Thermus. 
 
 9. Acarnania, the most western country of Hel- A 
 las, 32 geog. miles long, from 16 24 broad. 
 River : Achelous. Cities : Argos Amphilochicum, 
 and Stratus. 
 
 The peninsula of Peloponnesus contains eight PEI.OPON 
 
 , NF.Sl'S. 
 
 countries. 
 
 1. Arcadia, a mountainous country, abounding Arcadia, 
 in pastures, and situate in the centre of the pe- 
 ninsula ; greatest length, 48 geog. miles ; greatest 
 breadth, 36 geog. miles. Mountains : Cyllene, 
 Erymanthus, etc. Rivers : Alpheus, Eryman- 
 thus, and several smaller streams. Lake : Styx. 
 Cities : Mantinea, Tegea, Orchomenus, Hersea, 
 Psophis ; subsequently Megalopolis, as a com- 
 mon capital. 
 
 2. Laconia, likewise mountainous. Greatest 
 length, 66 geog. miles ; greatest breadth, 36 geog. 
 miles. River : Eurotas. Mountains : Taygetus, 
 and the headlands Malea and Tenarium. Cities : 
 Sparta on the Eurotas ; other places : Amyclse, 
 Sellasia, and others of little importance. 
 
 3. Messenia, west of Laconia; a more level 
 and extremely fertile country, subject to the 
 Spartans from B. C. 668. Greatest length, 28 
 geog. miles: greatest breadth, 36 geog. miles.
 
 116 GRECIAN STATES. BOOK m. 
 
 GREECE. City : Messene. Frontier places, Itbome and 
 Ira : of the other places, Pylus (Navarino) and 
 Methone are the most celebrated. 
 
 4. Elis, with the small territory of Triphylia, on 
 the west of the Peloponnesus. Length, 60 geog. 
 miles: greatest breadth, 28 geog. miles. Rivers: 
 Alpheus, Peneus, Sellis, and several smaller 
 streams. Cities : in the north, Elis, Cyllene, and 
 Pylus. On the Alpheus, Pisa and the neighbouring 
 town of Olympia. In Triphylia, a third Pylus. 
 
 5. Argolis, on the east side of the peninsula ; 
 a foreland opposite to Attica, with which it forms 
 the Sinus Saronicus. Length, 64 geog. miles : 
 breadth, from 8 28 geog. miles. Cities : Argos, 
 MycenaB, Epidaurus. Smaller but remarkable 
 places ; Nemea, Cynuria, Trcezen. 
 
 Achaia. 6. Achaia, originally Ionia, called likewise 
 .ZEgialus, comprises the north coast. Length, 56 
 geog. miles: breadth, from 12 24. It contains 
 twelve cilies, of which Dyme, Patrae, and Pellene 
 are the most important. 
 
 sicyonia. 7. The little country of Sicyonia, 16 geog. miles 
 long, 8 broad, with the cities of Sicyon and Phlius. 
 
 Corinth. 8. The small territory of Corinth, of the same 
 extent as the foregoing, adjoining the isthmus 
 which connects Peloponnesus with the main land. 
 City : Corinth, originally Ephyra, with the ports 
 of Lechaeum and Cenchreaj ; the former on the 
 Corinthian, the latter on the Saronic gulf. 
 
 ISLANDS. The Greek islands may be divided into three 
 classes; those which lie immediately off the 
 coasts, those which are collected in groups, and 
 those which lie separate in the open sea. 
 
 f tl>e 1. Islands off the coasts. Off the west coast 
 
 coasts.
 
 BOOK in. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 117 
 
 in the Ionian sea : Corcyra, opposite Epirus, 32 GREECE. 
 geog. miles long, from 8 16 broad. City: Cor-Corcyra; 
 cyra. A Corinthian colony. Opposite Acarna- 
 nia; Leucadia, with the city and headland of 
 Leucas. Cephalonia or Same, originally Scheria, Ce 
 
 with the cities of Same and Cephalonia. In the 
 neighbourhood lies the small island of Ithaca. 
 Opposite Elis : Zacynthus. Off the south coast : 
 Cythera, with a town of the same name. Off the 
 
 east coast, in the Saronic gulf : Mv'ma. and Sala- ^gina and 
 
 T, P . , . . Salamis; 
 
 mis. Opposite Bceotia, from which it is sepa- 
 
 rated by the strait named Euripus, Eubcea, 
 
 most extensive of all ; 76 geog. miles long, from 
 
 12 16 geog. miles broad. Cities: Oreus, with 
 
 the headland of Artemisium on the north, in the Scyathus, 
 
 centre Chalcis, Eretria. Off Thessaly, Scyathus ' 
 
 and Halonesus. Farther north, Thasus, Imbrus, 
 Samothrace, and Lemnos. etc - 
 
 2. Clusters of islands in the ^Egasan sea : the Group*. 
 Cyclades and Sporades; the former of which com- cyciades 
 prise the western, the latter the eastern islands radeff 
 of the Archipelago. The most important among 
 them are, Andros, Delos, Paros, Naxos, Melos, 
 
 all with cities of the same names. 
 
 3. The more extensive separate islands: I. separate. 
 Crete, 140 geog. miles long, from 24 40 broad. Crete; 
 Mountain: Ida. Cities: Cydonia, Gortyna, Cnos- 
 
 sus. 2. Cyprus, 120 geog. miles long, from 20 Cyprus. 
 80 broad. Cities : Salamis, Paphos, Citium, and 
 several smaller places. 
 
 Concerning the principal Greek islands off the coast of Asia 
 Minor, see above, p. 18. 
 
 j- FR. CARL. HERM. KRUSE, Geograpkico- Antiquarian deli- 
 neation of ancient Greece and its colonies, with reference to mo-
 
 118 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 GREECE, dern discoveries. Illustrated with maps and plates : first part, 
 1825. General Geography: second part, first division, 1826. 
 Second division, 1827- Special Geography of Central Greece. 
 A most minute and careful description of Greece, founded on 
 modern discoveries. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. 
 
 The most ancient traditional history, down to the Trojan 
 war, about B. C. 1^00. 
 
 FIRST Sources : On the formation and progress of history among the 
 Greeks. Preliminary enquiry into the peculiarities of Grecian 
 mythology in a historical point of view, as comprising the most 
 ancient history of the national tribes and heroes. A history rich 
 in itself, on account of the number of tribes and their leaders ; 
 but embellished and altered in various Avays by the poets, parti- 
 cularly the great early epic writers, and afterwards by the tra- 
 gedians. First advance of history from tradition, wrought by the 
 logographi, especially those of the Ionian cities, Hecatseus, Phere- 
 cydes, etc. until HERODOTUS, so justly called the Father of His- 
 tory, raised it at once to such a lofty pitch of eminence. (Compare 
 f The historical Art of the Greeks considered in its Rise and Pro- 
 gress, by G. F. CREUZER; 1803.) Nevertheless, in Herodotus, 
 and even later writers, history continued to savour of its origin ; 
 and so far as the realm of tradition extended, even Theopomptis 
 and Ephorus felt no disinclination to borrow their materials from 
 mythologists or poets. It need scarcely be observed, that in this 
 first period the history is merely traditional. 
 
 Among the moderns, the English have most successfully treated 
 the subject of Grecian history : the principal works are : 
 
 JOHN GILLIES, The History of Ancient Greece, its colonies 
 and conquests, from the earliest accounts till the division of the 
 Macedonian empire in the east, including the history of literature, 
 philosophy, and thejine arts. London, 1786, 2 vols. 4to. and 
 
 WILLIAM MITFORD, The History of Greece. London, 1784,
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 119 
 
 4 vols. 4to. Several new editions have since appeared. Trans- FIRST 
 lated into German, Jena, 1800, sqq. by H. L. Eichstlidt. Mit- PERIOU - 
 ford is perhaps superior in learning, copiousness, and solidity, 
 but he certainly is greatly surpassed by Gillies in genius and taste, 
 and more especially in a proper conception of the spirit of anti- 
 quity. [Few English critics will here coincide with our author.] 
 
 DE PAUW, Recherches sur les Grecs, 1701, 2 vols. 8vo. Re- 
 plete with partial views and hypotheses. 
 
 f* HEEREN, Researches into the politics, intercourse, and trade 
 of the most celebrated nations of antiquity : 3 vols. 1st part, 4th 
 edit. 1826. [Translated into English, Oxford, 1830, 8vo.] 
 
 Many important enquiries on various portions of Grecian his- 
 tory and antiquities will be found in the great collection : 
 
 GBONOVII Thesaurus Antiquitatum Grcecarum, 12 vols. folio. 
 
 Others are contained in the transactions of different learned 
 societies ; particularly in 
 
 Memoires de V Academic des Inscriptions et des Belles Lettrcs, 
 Paris, 1709, sqq. 49 vols. 4to. 
 
 Commentarii, (4 vols.) Commentarii novi, (8 vols.) Commenta- 
 tiones, (16 vols.) and Commentationes recentiores Societalis Sci- 
 entiarum Gotting. (5 vols.) 
 
 1. Although Greece was originally inhabited Early inha- 
 by several insignificant races, two principal tribes Greece. f 
 claim our attention, the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. 
 Both probably were of Asiatic origin ; but the 
 difference of their language characterized them as 
 different tribes. The Pelasgi were the first that 
 extended their dominion in Greece. 
 
 First seat of the Pelasgians in the Peloponnesus, under Ina- 
 chus, about B. C. 1800. According to their own traditions, they 
 made their first appearance in this quarter as uncultivated sa- 
 vages ; they must, however, at an early period, have made some 
 progress towards civilization, since the most ancient states, Argos 
 and Sicyon, owed their origin to them ; and to them, perhaps, 
 with great probability, are attributed the remains of those most 
 ancient monuments generally termed cyclopian. Extension of 
 this tribe towards the north, particularly over Attica ; settlement 
 in Thessaly under their leaders Achaeus, Phthius, and Pelasgus ; 
 here they learned to apply themselves to agriculture, and re-
 
 120 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 FIRST mained for a hundred and fifty successive years; about 1700 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 HELLENES.- 2. The Hellenes, subsequently so called from 
 Hellen, one of their chieftains, originally the 
 weaker of the two tribes, make their first appear- 
 ance in Phocis, near Parnassus, under king Deu- 
 calion ; from whence they are driven by a flood. 
 
 descend They migrate into Thessaly, and drive out the 
 Pelasgi from that territory. The Hellenes soon 
 
 ando'btain a ^ ter tn * s Decome the most powerful race ; and 
 the ascend- spreading over Greece, expel the Pelasgi from 
 almost every part. The latter tribe maintain their 
 ground only in Arcadia, and the land of Dodona ; 
 some of them migrate to Italy, others to Crete, 
 and various islands. 
 
 Hellenic 3. The Hellenic tribe is subdivided into four 
 principal branches, the jEoliam, lonians, Dorians, 
 and Achceans, which continue afterwards to be 
 distinguished and separated by many peculiarities 
 of speech, customs, and political government. 
 These four tribes, although they must not be con- 
 sidered as comprising all the slender ramifications 
 of the nation, are derived by tradition from Deu- 
 calion's immediate posterity ; with whose per- 
 sonal history, therefore, the history of the tribes 
 themselves and their migrations is interwoven. 
 
 This derivation of the tribes will be better understood by an 
 inspection of the following genealogical table : 
 DEUCALION. 
 
 HELLEN. 
 
 DORUS. 
 DORIANS. 
 
 
 XUTHUS. 
 
 A 
 
 
 AEOLUS. 
 JEOLIANS. 
 
 ACH^US. 
 ACH&AKS. 
 
 
 ION. 
 IONIANS.
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 GREEKS. 121 
 
 4. The gradual spread of the various branches FIRST 
 of the Hellenic tribe over Greece was effected by - 
 several migrations, between B. C. 1500 1300; 
 after which they preserved the settlements they 
 had already obtained until the later migration of 
 the Dorians and Heraclida?, about 1100. 
 
 Principal data for the history of the separate tribes in 
 this period. 
 
 1. ^EoLus follows his father Hellen into Phthiotis, which con- 
 sequently remains the seat of the ^Eolians ; they spread from 
 thence over western Greece, Acarnania, j^Etolia, Phocis, Locris, 
 JElis in the Peloponnesus, and likewise over the western islands. 
 
 2. DORUS follows his father into Estiseotis, the most ancient 
 seat of the Dorians. They are driven from thence after the 
 death of Dorus by the Perrhaebi ; spread over Macedonia arid 
 Crete ; part of the tribe return, cross mount CEta, and settle 
 in the Tetrapolis Dorica, afterwards called Doris, where they 
 remain until they migrate into Peloponnesus, under the guidance 
 of the Heraclidae; about 1100. (See below, p. 127). 
 
 3. XUTHUS, expelled by his brothers, migrates, to Athens, 
 where he marries Creusa, daughter of Erectheus, by whom he 
 has sons, Ion and Achaeus. Ion and his tribe, driven out of 
 Athens, settle in that part of Peloponnesus called jEgialus, a 
 name which by them was converted into Ionia, and in later times 
 exchanged for Achaia. The Achaeans preserve their footing in 
 Laconia and Argos, until the time of the Dorian migration. 
 
 f L. D. HUELLMAN, Early Grecian History, 1814. Rich in 
 original views and conjectures, beyond which the early history 
 of nations seldom extends. 
 
 -f" D. C. OTFRIED MUELLER, History of the Hellenic Tribes 
 and Cities, 1820, vol. 1. containing, Orchomenus and the Minyce; 
 vols. 2, 3, containing the Dorians, 1825. 
 
 5. Besides these original inhabitants, colonies colonies 
 at the same early period came into Greece from Greece! 
 civilized countries, from Egypt, Phoenicia, and
 
 122 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 FIRST Mysia. The settlements of these strangers oc- 
 curred probably between B. C. 16001400. 
 
 Establishment in Attica of the colony of Cecrops, from Sais in 
 Egypt, about 1550; in Argos, of the colony of Danaus, likewise 
 from Egypt, about 1500. The colony of Cadmus, from Phoeni- 
 cia, settles in Boeotia about 1550. The colony of Pelops, from 
 INIysia, settles in Argos about 1400. 
 
 Progress of 6. The mythology of the Hellenes proves be- 
 yond a doubt, that they were at first savages, like 
 ^ p e i as gi ? since they had to learn even the use 
 of fire from Prometheus ; yet it is equally clear 
 that they must, even in the earliest period, parti- 
 cularly from 1300 1200, when they had ceased 
 to migrate, have made the first important steps 
 towards the attainment of a certain degree of 
 civilization. About the time of the Trojan war 
 they appear to have been still barbarians, though 
 no longer savages. 
 Was the 7. The origin and progress of this national or- 
 ganization, and the influence wrought upon it by 
 settlers from foreign countries, are difficult sub- 
 growth? jects to determine. If we allow that Cecrops was 
 the first who introduced marriage in Attica, and 
 that agriculture and the cultivation of the olive 
 were discovered in that country, it unquestion- 
 ably follows, that the Hellenes were indebted to 
 strangers for the foundation of domestic civiliza- 
 tion. And when we consider that the families 
 which subsequently held sway were descended 
 directly from the most powerful of these strangers, 
 their lasting influence can hardly be a matter of 
 doubt. It must, however, be observed, that what 
 the Greeks borrowed from foreigners they pre- 
 viously stamped with their own peculiar charac-
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 123 
 
 ter, so that it became, as it were, the original FIRST 
 property of the nation. The question, therefore, - 
 is deprived of much of the importance which it 
 assumes at the first glance. 
 
 8. The case was the same with regard to all Hellenic re- 
 the branches of intellectual civilization, particu- rivedVrom 
 larly religion. That many deities and religious forelgners ' 
 rites were introduced into Greece from Egypt, 
 
 Asia, and Thrace, and generally through Crete, 
 hardly admits of a doubt ; but they did not there- 
 fore remain Egyptian, Asiatic, or Thracian ; they 
 became Grecian gods. Hence it appears that the 
 investigation of those relations can hardly lead to 
 any important conclusion. It is a fact, however, Nosacer- 
 of the highest importance, that whatever gods the in Greece? 
 Greeks adopted, no separate order of priesthood 
 was established among them, still less any caste 
 laying claim to the exclusive possession of know- 
 ledge. Several traces, nevertheless, make it pro- 
 bable, that many of the most ancient sanctuaries 
 were settlements of Egyptian, Phoenician, or 
 Cretan priests, who imported with them their 
 own peculiar forms of worship. And notwith- 
 standing this worship consisted merely of out- 
 ward ceremonies, many ideas and institutions 
 which were attached to it, became, in this man- 
 ner, the common property of the nation. 
 
 9. It was principally, therefore, by religion, influence of 
 that the rude mind became in some degree po- 
 
 lished. But it was the ancient minstrels, 
 Orpheus, Linus, etc., who, by disseminating reli- 
 gious principles, contributed so much towards 
 abolishing revenge, and with it the perpetual 
 state of warfare which had hitherto distracted the
 
 124 GREEKS. 
 
 BOOK nr. 
 
 FIRST coimtry. These it was who in their mysteries 
 contrived in some measure to impress the narrow 
 circle of the initiated with the advantages result- 
 ing from a civilized life. 
 
 SAINTE-CROIX, Recherches sur les Myslcres da Paganisme, 
 Paris, 1765. Translated into German, with valuable observa- 
 tions, by C. G. LENZ ; Gotha, 1790. 
 
 oftheora- 10. The influence of religion, through the me- 
 dium of oracles, especially those of Dodona and 
 Delphi, was not less powerful. The two latter, 
 with that of Olympia, were perhaps, originally 
 ancient settlements of priests, such as have been 
 already alluded to. The necessity of consulting 
 these sanctuaries naturally led men to regard the 
 oracles as the common property of the nation, 
 to which every one should have access ; it follow- 
 ed therefore as an inevitable consequence, that 
 the direction of affairs in which all were engaged, 
 depended principally on those oracles. 
 
 A. VAN DALEN, De Oraculis velerum Ethnicorum Disscrla- 
 liones 6. Amstel. 1700. A very valuable work. A comprehen- 
 sive dissertation on the subject, however, is still wanting : a por- 
 tion of it is treated of in 
 
 J. GRODDEK, De Oraculorum veterum, qtice in Herodoli libris 
 continentur, natura, commentatio ; Getting. 1786. 
 
 ofthereii- 11. It happened with Greece as with other 
 countries; the tender plant of civilization grew 
 up under the shelter of the sanctuary. There the 
 festivals were celebrated, and there the people 
 assembled ; and there various tribes, who had 
 hitherto been strangers to one another, met in 
 peace, and conversed on their common interests. 
 Hence arose spontaneously the first idea of a law 
 of nations, and those connections which led to its
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 125 
 
 development. Among these connections, that of 
 
 , . -r-k -i i PERIOD. 
 
 the Amphictyons at Delphi was the most import- 
 
 ant, and continued the longest : it is probable 
 that it did not assume its complete form till a 
 later period ; yet it appears in early times to have 
 adopted the principle, that none of the cities be- 
 longing to the league should be destroyed by the 
 others. 
 
 f- FR. WILH. TITTMANN, Upon the Amphictyonic League ; 
 1812. A dissertation which gained the prize of the Academy of 
 Sciences at Berlin. 
 
 12. To religion must likewise be added navi- of naviga- 
 gation, and the consequent intercourse which ' 
 brought the nation into contact with strangers, and 
 prepared it to receive civilization. It cannot be 
 denied that the navigators continued long to be 
 
 mere pirates; but as Minos of Crete cleared the about B.C. 
 sea of freebooters, the want of another state of 
 things must have been felt long before. 
 
 13. In the mean time the chivalrous spirit of Age of chi- 
 the nation was gradually aroused ; and developed va 
 
 the first bloom of its youthful vigour in the heroic 
 ages. An affection for extraordinary undertakings 
 was excited ; and conducted the chieftains, not 
 only individually, but also in confederate bodies, 
 beyond the limits of their father-land. These un- 
 dertakings were not only important in themselves, 
 but their advantages were increased by their 
 being preserved in the songs of their bards by 
 means of a national poesy, such as no other peo- 
 ple possessed, and such as contributed to the fur- 
 ther development of the national genius. 
 
 Expedition of the Argonauts to Colchis, somewhere about 
 B. C. 1250 ; war of the seven confederate princes against Thebes
 
 126 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 FIRST about 1225 ; the town, however, was not taken until the second 
 P ERIOD - attempt made by the sons of the chiefs (Epigoni) in 1215. 
 
 14. Thus every thing was now ripe for some 
 
 great national undertaking of all the combined 
 
 Hellenic nations ; and that object was attained in 
 
 Effects of the war against Troy. The most important result of 
 
 the Trojan J ,.-,,. r 
 
 war. that expedition was the kindling ot one common 
 national spirit, a spirit which in spite of dissen- 
 sions and feuds, was never wholly extinguished, 
 and which must almost necessarily have arisen 
 from an expedition carried on in so distant a 
 
 B. c. 1194 field, which lasted ten years, in which all were 
 84 ' joined, and which was crowned with such signal 
 success. From the time of the Trojan war down- 
 wards the Hellenes always looked upon them- 
 selves as but one people. 
 
 General view of the political state of Greece about the time 
 of the Trojan war. Division into several small states, the most 
 powerful of which were Argos and Mycenae. All those states 
 were governed by hereditary chieftains or princes from a certain 
 family (kings, /3aa-*XeZV,) who combined the offices of leaders in 
 war and judges in peace. Their authority being more or less 
 extended in proportion to the qualities they possessed, and par- 
 ticularly to their valour in battle. Manner of life among the 
 people : a nation dwelling in cities, but at the same time culti- 
 vating the land and tending cattle ; applying also to war, and 
 already somewhat advanced in the art of navigation. 
 
 A. W. SCHLEGEL, De Geographia Homeri Commeniutio. 
 Hannov. 1788. A review of the political geography of Greece 
 at this period. On the topography of Troy : 
 
 LECHEVALIER, Description de la Plalne de Troie. Translated 
 and accompanied with notes by HEYNE, Leipzig, 1794. Com- 
 pare CLARKE, Travels, vol. i, c. 4 6, who has thrown doubts 
 on the system of Lechevalier, which has, however, been again 
 confirmed bv LEAKE, Travels in Asia Minor.
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 127 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 
 
 From the Trojan war to the breaking out of the Persian 
 war, B. C. 1200500. 
 
 Sources. On no portion of the Grecian history is our in- SECOND 
 
 formation so scanty as upon this long period, in which we can be 
 
 hardly said to have more than a general knowledge of many of 
 the most important events. As in the foregoing period, its com- 
 mencement is but a traditional and poetical history. It was not 
 till towards the end of it that the use of writing became common 
 among the Greeks ; add to which the period itself was not rife 
 in great national undertakings, such as might afford appropriate 
 materials for the poet or historian. Besides the scattered in- 
 formation which may be gathered from Herodotus, Plutarch, 
 Strabo, and above all from the introduction to Thucydides's his- 
 tory, Pausanias must not be forgotten ; who, in his description 
 of Greece, has preserved an abundance of most valuable docu- 
 ments relating to the separate histories of the minor states. The 
 Books of Diodorus belonging to this period are lost. 
 
 j- FR. WILHELM TITTMANN, Delineation of the Grecian 
 Forms of Government, 1822. An industrious collection of all 
 the information we possess respecting this subject. 
 
 f W. WACHSMUTH, Grecian Antiquities with regard to Po- 
 litics, 4 vols. An excellent work. 
 
 1. History of the Hellenic states^within Greece. 
 1. The Trojan war was followed by a very RETURN OF 
 
 . , . ,, ,. THE HEUA- 
 
 stormy period, in consequence ol the many dis- C i.iD*: 
 orders prevalent in the ruling families, espe- 
 cially in that of Pelops. But more violent com- 
 motions soon arose, caused by the attempts of 
 the rude tribes of the north, particularly of the 
 Dorians combined with the ^Etolians, who, under 
 the guidance of the descendants of Hercules,
 
 128 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND exiled from Argos, strove to obtain possession of 
 
 Peloponnesus. Those commotions shook Greece 
 
 during a whole century, and as the seats of most 
 
 of the Hellenic tribes were then changed, the 
 
 consequences were lasting and important. 
 
 First unsuccessful attempt under Hyllus, son of Hercules, 
 about 1180. Repeated attempts, until at last the claims of the 
 Heraclidae are made good by the grandsons of Hyllus, viz. Tele- 
 phus and Cresphontes, together with Eurysthenes and Procles, 
 sons of their brother Aristodemus, 1 100. 
 
 Conse- 2. Consequences resulting to the Peloponnesus 
 
 Cgreat from this migration. The territories of Argos, 
 revolution. g p arta, Messene, and Corinth, wrested from the 
 Acheeans who had hitherto inhabited them, be- 
 become the property of the Dorians ; Elis falls 
 to the share of the .ZEtolians, who had accompa- 
 nied the former. The Achaeans expelled, in their 
 turn expel the lonians and settle in the country 
 since called Achaia ; the fugitive lonians are re- 
 ceived by their ancient kinsmen the Athenians. 
 But among the consequences of this migration of 
 the Hellenic races must be reckoned likewise the 
 Colonies establishment of Greek colonies in Asia Minor ; 
 ' an occurrence of the highest importance to the 
 ulterior development of the nation. This colo- 
 nization was commenced by the jiEolian Hellenes, 
 whose example was soon after followed by the 
 louians, and even by the Dorians. 
 
 For the history of these colonies, see the following section. 
 
 Monarchies 3. Although the effect of these migrations and 
 
 A A 
 
 byrepub- wars, in which the ruder tribes oppressed the 
 more civilized, must inevitably have been, not 
 only to interrupt the progress of civilization, but 
 even almost entirely to annihilate it, yet in this
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 129 
 
 universal movement the foundation was laid of SECOND 
 that constitution of things which afterwards ex- 
 isted in Greece. The tribes which had migrated, 
 as well as those which had been expelled, re- 
 mained at first under the dominion of their here- 
 ditary princes, some for a longer, others for a 
 shorter time. In the two centuries, however, 
 immediately subsequent to the migrations, B. C. 
 1100 900, republican constitutions took the place 
 of hereditary clanship in all the Grecian coun- 
 tries, the distant Epirus excepted. These repub- 
 lics continued to exist amid the various revolutions 
 which happened ; and the love of political free- 
 dom, deeply impressed on the minds of the peo- 
 ple, constituted from this time the principal fea- 
 ture in the national character, 
 
 4. The sequel proves, that the principal cause Origin of 
 of this change so important for Greece,- this 
 change, by which her future internal policy was 
 for ever determined, originated in the progress 
 made by the newly come tribes towards civic life, 
 and consequently at the same time towards na- 
 tional civilization. In this newly constituted 
 order of things, each city, with the territory 
 around it, formed a separate state, and framed 
 its own constitution ; hence there arose as many 
 free states as cities. 
 
 The notion that Greece contained the same number of states 
 as countries is completely false, although it cannot be denied that 
 the mode of expression in most writings upon Greek history 
 seems to authorize the assertion. It is true that some of those 
 countries, such as Attica, Megaris, Laconia, may be each re- 
 garded as a separate state, because each constituted the territory 
 of one city. The others, however, such as Arcadia, Bceotia, etc. 
 did not each form one state, but comprised as many separate 
 states as there were free and independent cities, each of which,
 
 130 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND with its territory, formed one. Still, however, it must be ob- 
 served, (a) that the natural ties of kindred subsisted ; Arcadians, 
 Boeotians, etc. spoke of one another as countrymen. (6) Vo- 
 luntary connections were entered into between different cities, 
 and sometimes all the cities of a country, as, for instance, in 
 Achaia, so that the whole formed one confederation ; each indi- 
 vidual city nevertheless still preserved its own system of laws 
 and government. Again, (c) in consequence of a greater share 
 of power, one city assumed a sort of dominion over the other ; 
 as, for instance, that of Thebes over the Boeotian cities. This 
 dominion, however, was always precarious, and depended upon 
 the state of affairs, (d) It must likewise be observed, that 
 the constitution of each separate city underwent many changes, 
 wrought generally by influential citizens, (tyrants,) who not 
 only possessed themselves of the supreme power, but also con- 
 trived frequently to make it for some time hereditary in their 
 families. Every one will easily discern that the above are the 
 fundamental principles of Greek history, which cannot be too 
 clearly conceived, or too correctly denned; since it is self-evi- 
 dent what a wide field was by such a constitution of things 
 thrown open to practical politics. The more improbable the at- 
 tainment of fixed constitutions in the separate cities was, the 
 more frequent must have been the political attempts ; (attempts 
 facilitated by the narrow extent of the state ;) and the more fre- 
 quently those attempts failed, the more extensive in this in- 
 tellectual people became the mass of political ideas ; the results 
 of which in later times were the legislative codes of Solon and 
 others. 
 
 Unityofthe 5. Although Greece was thus parcelled out 
 states, into a number of small states, united by no com- 
 mon political bond, yet there existed a certain 
 unity of the Hellenic race, a certain national 
 spirit : this was produced in part by national 
 festivals and games, occurring at stated periods, 
 among which those in honour of Jupiter at Olym- 
 pia were the chief. The nation at these appeared 
 in all its splendour; and all Hellenes, but no 
 others, were allowed to join in them. This union, 
 too, was promoted by the extension of the Am-
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 131 
 
 phictyonic council : and the reason why this last SECOND 
 
 ... P , ,, PERIOD. 
 
 institution was not followed by all the conse- - 
 quences which might have been expected from 
 it, may perhaps be found in what naturally takes 
 place in every great confederation whenever any 
 of the component states become too powerful. 
 
 The Amphictyonic council was certainly not a states-general, 
 in which all national affairs were discussed. Its immediate office 
 was to attend to the temples and the oracles of Delphi. But 
 then it must be observed, 1st, that from this council originated 
 the Grecian ideas of the law of nations ; over the preservation 
 of which the Amphictyons watched. 2. In consequence of its 
 political influence on the oracle, this council, in certain cases, 
 was enabled to take a share in the affairs of different states. 
 3. The Amphictyons always formed a national institution, since 
 none but Hellenes were admitted. 
 
 ST. CROIX, Des anciens gouvernemens federatifs, et de la le- 
 gislation de Crete, Paris, 1796. One of the most invaluable in- 
 quiries, not only into the institutions of the Amphictyons, but 
 also into other matters of Grecian history connected with them. 
 
 6. Among the different states of Greece, Spartaspartaand 
 and Athens, even at this period, became cele- 
 brated, not only for their greater power, but also 
 
 for their superior constitutions and their laws : 
 and though it may not perhaps be strictly true, 
 that the history of the rest of Greece is connected 
 with that of these two cities, yet they certainly 
 possess the highest claim to our attention. 
 
 7. History of Sparta. The Achseans at first were Revolutions 
 governed by princes of the house of Perseus, but 
 
 after Menelaus's accession to the throne in virtue Sparta- 
 of his wife, by princes of the house of Pelops. 
 When the latter had been expelled by the Do- 
 rians, Laconia fell by lot to the sons of Aristode- 
 mus, Procles and Eurysthenes, between whose 
 families the royal power was divided, so that two
 
 132 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 SECOND kings constantly reigned in common, one from 
 
 PERIOD. & J 
 
 - each family. 
 
 Families of the Proclidae and JEgidss; the latter so called 
 from Agis, the son and successor of Eurysthenes. 
 
 J- J. C. F. MANSO, An Essay on the History and Constitution 
 of Sparta, Leipzig, 1800 sqq. 3 vols. The most important work 
 upon this subject, and which likewise contains much information 
 upon various points of Grecian history connected with it. 
 
 CRAGIUS, De Republica Lacedcemoniorum, 1642. 
 
 MEURSIUS, De regno Laconico / and Miscellanea Laconica. 
 Both laborious compilations. 
 
 Conquests 8. The Dorians now gradually conquered, and 
 rians! established themselves in many cities of the pe- 
 ninsula ; forming, if not the whole population, at 
 least the only part of it that enjoyed any power, 
 as the Achaeans that remained were reduced to 
 slavery. No long time, however, elapsed ere the 
 city of Sparta usurped an authority over the 
 whole country, which it ever afterwards pre- 
 served; the other towns, formerly considerable, 
 becoming unfortified, defenceless, and insignifi- 
 cant. 
 
 Relation between the Spartan citizens of the capital as a 
 ruling body, and the Lacedaemonians, or ireptWo, inhabitants of 
 the country, as subjects who paid tribute and military service. 
 Even in the time of Agis, the successor of Eurysthenes, this 
 subjection was effected by force ; the inhabitants of Helos were 
 made slaves, as a punishment for their opposition ; while the 
 others, by the sacrifice of their political freedom, preserved their 
 personal liberty, however confined it might be. 
 
 Repeated 9. The history of the two following centuries, 
 Spartans!* to tne ^ me ^ Lycurgus, exhibits nothing but the 
 repeated wars of the Spartans with their neigh- 
 bours the Argives; their domestic broils, occa- 
 sioned by the too unequal division of property, 
 by the feuds, and the diminished power of the
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 133 
 
 kings, and which lasted until Lycurgus, the uncle SECOND 
 and guardian of the minor king, Charilaus, about - 
 the year 880, gave to Sparta that constitution to 
 which she was principally indebted for her sub- 
 sequent splendour. 
 
 Illustration of the principal features in the Spartan constitu- 
 tion. Some preliminary observations are necessary, (a) As the 
 legislation of Lycurgus occurred at so early a period, and as his 
 laws were not written, but conveyed in apophthegms, (pyrpai,) 
 which were confirmed by the oracle of Delphi, many things of 
 later origin have been attributed to Lycurgus. (6) Much that is 
 rightly attributed to him was not original, but deduced from an- 
 cient Dorian institutions, which being now upon the decline, 
 were reestablished by force of law. Hence it follows, that the 
 legislation of Lycurgus must naturally have had many points 
 of resemblance with that of the Cretans, likewise of Dorian 
 origin, although much, as we are told, was directly borrowed from 
 them, (c) The principal object of the laws of Lycurgus was to 
 ensure the existence of Sparta by creating and supporting a 
 vigorous and uncorrupted race of men. Hence those laws had a 
 more peculiar reference to private life and physical education, 
 than to the constitution of the state, in which the legislator ap- 
 pears to have introduced but few alterations. 
 
 In reference to the constitution : 1. The relation which had 
 hitherto existed between the Spartans as a dominant people, and 
 the Lacedaemonians as subjects, was preserved. 2. The two 
 kings, from the two ruling families, were likewise continued, as 
 leaders in war and first magistrates in peace. On the other hand, 
 
 3. to Lycurgus is attributed the institution of a senate, (jepova-ta,) 
 consisting of twenty-eight members, none of whom could be less 
 than sixty years old, who were to be chosen by the people for 
 life, and were to constitute the king's council in public affairs. 
 
 4. Whether the college of the five Ephori annually chosen, was 
 originally instituted by Lycurgus, or at some later period, is a 
 question impossible to decide, but of little importance, since the 
 great power of this college, to which every thing was finally re- 
 ferred as the highest tribunal of the state, was certainly assumed 
 after the time of Lycurgus. 5. Besides the above, there were 
 likewise the popular assemblies, convened according to the divi- 
 sion into <{>vKcu; and w/3o at which none but Spartans could assist:
 
 134 GREEKS. BOOK m, 
 
 SECOND their privileges extended no further than to approve or reject the 
 PERIOD . measures proposed to them by the kings and the senate. 
 
 In the laws relating to private life, Lycurgns aimed at making 
 the Spartans a society of citizens, equal as far as possible with 
 respect to their property and mode of life, and each deeply im- 
 pressed with the conviction that he was the property of his 
 country, to which he was bound to yield an unconditional obe- 
 dience. Hence, 1. The new division of land, 9000 portions to 
 the Spartans, and 30,000 to the Lacedaemonians; permission 
 being given to dispose of those portions by entail or gift, but 
 not by sale. 2. The removal as far as possible of every species 
 of luxury, particularly by means of the daily public tables 
 (<7io-<r/T<a) of all the citizens, according to their divisions, in which 
 the commons were settled by law. 3. The complete organization 
 of domestic society in relation both to husband and wife, parents 
 and children, which was so framed as to further, even at the cost 
 of morality, the grand political object, the production of vigorous 
 and healthy citizens. 4. Hence, finally, the condition of the 
 slaves, comprehended under the general name of helots, who, 
 although they may be regarded nearly as serfs, were likewise the 
 property of the state, which had the right of claiming their ser- 
 vices in war. Easy, however, as it is to enumerate thus gene- 
 rally the principal heads of the Spartan constitution, the want of 
 sufficient documents renders it difficult and oftentimes impossible 
 to answer a crowd of questions, which present themselves on our 
 penetrating more deeply into the subject. Still, however, its 
 long duration, (nearly four hundred years,) without any observ- 
 able change, is more remarkable even than the constitution itself. 
 More remarkable, inasmuch as the Spartans soon after this time 
 appear as conquerors. Indeed, it could no longer be expected 
 that any durable peace should exist in Greece, while the centre 
 of the country was occupied by a military commonwealth, whose 
 citizens must have been, by the restlessness common to man, im- 
 pelle'd to war, since all the occupations of household life and of 
 agriculture were left to the care of slaves. 
 Besides the works mentioned above, p. 119. 
 HEYNE, De Spartanorum republica Judiciuw ; inserted in 
 Commentat. Soc. Gotting. vol. ix. Intended to correct the partial 
 opinions of DE PAUW. 
 
 e 10. Soon after the time of Lycurgus com-
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 135 
 
 menced the war of the Spartans with their neigh- SECOND 
 hours, the Argives, the Arcadians, but more par- 
 
 Peloponne- 
 
 ticularly the Messenians. The wars with these sus - 
 last appear to have originated in an old grudge 
 on the part of the Dorian tribe, proceeding from 
 the unequal division of lands at the occupation of 
 Peloponnesus : it is nevertheless evident, that 
 the quarrel between the two nations was mainly 
 fostered by the ambition of the Spartan kings, 
 who wrought upon a superstitious multitude by 
 oracular responses and interpretations. 
 
 Unimportant wars with Tegea and Argos ; and disputes with 
 Messene, 783745. 
 
 First Messenian war, 742 722, terminated by the capture of 
 the frontier fortress Ithome, after the voluntary death of the 
 Messenian king, Aristodemus. The Messenians become tribu- 
 tary to the Spartans, and are obliged to give up one half of the 
 revenues of their lands. Occurrences during this war : 1. Insti- 
 tution, according to some authorities, of the college of Ephori as 
 vicegerents of the kings in their absence, and arbitrators in the 
 quarrels which might arise between the kings and the senate. 
 2. The power of the people so far limited as to restrain the 
 popular assemblies from making alterations in the resolutions 
 proposed to them by the senate or the kings, and confining them 
 merely to a vote of approval or rejection. 3. Insurrection of the 
 Parthenii and Helots becomes the motive for sending out colo- 
 nies ; a measure to which Sparta had more than once resorted 
 for the purpose of maintaining domestic tranquillity. 
 
 Second Messenian war, 682 668, waged by the Messenians 
 under the command of their hero Aristomenes, by the Spartans 
 under that of Tyrtseus, who fanned the flame of war until the 
 contest was terminated by the capture of the strong town Ira. 
 The Messenian territory is divided among the conquerors, and 
 the conquered inhabitants become, like the helots, agricultural 
 slaves. 
 
 11. Although the territory of the Spartans was s p ana takes 
 greatly increased by these Messenian wars, the among the 
 nation seems to have been a long time before it
 
 136 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 SECOND recovered from the struggle, and to have raised 
 - itself by slow steps to the first rank among the 
 Dorian states, extending its boundaries at the 
 expense of the Argives and Arcadians. 
 
 Wars with Tegea for the most part unsuccessful ; and with 
 Argos, for the possession of Thyrea and the island of Cythera ; 
 by the accession of which the Spartan territory received an im- 
 portant augmentation, about 550. 
 
 Firstmter- 12. These wars within Peloponnesus were not 
 
 fcrcncG of 
 
 Sparta in of such a nature as to give rise to any remarkable 
 out'the "changes in the Spartan constitution, and for a 
 
 na ti on refused to take any share in 
 foreign affairs. But no sooner did king Cleo- 
 menes, who in the end procured the deposition of 
 his colleague, Demaratus, interfere in the affairs 
 of the Athenians, than the seeds of strife were 
 sown between these two republics. The Persian 
 war next ensued, in which Sparta was obliged 
 to bear a part, although Cleomenes had refused 
 to participate in the insurrection of Aristago- 
 ras : that struggle, together with the idea of su- 
 premacy in Greece which now took its rise, in- 
 troduced a series of political relations before 
 unknown. 
 
 History of 13. The history of Athens during this period is 
 rendered important rather by domestic revolu- 
 tions, which gradually tended to convert the 
 state into a republic, than by external aggrandize- 
 ment. The situation and peculiarities of Attica, 
 which rendered it less exposed than other parts 
 of Greece to the attacks and forays of wandering 
 hordes, favoured the gradual and tranquil growth 
 of national prosperity ; the traces of which are 
 incontestable, though it would be difficult for the
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 137 
 
 most profound research to point out the whole SECOND 
 
 c . . i ,, , . PERIOD. 
 
 course of its progress so perspicuously as the his- 
 torian might wish. 
 
 The history of Athens, of course, constitutes a main part of the 
 works mentioned above, p. 119. Besides which : 
 
 W. YOUNG, The history of Athens politically and philosophi- 
 cally considered. London, 1796.. 4to. Argumentation rather 
 than history. 
 
 CORSINI, Fasti AtticL Florent. 1747- 4 vols. 4to. A most 
 careful chronological essay. 
 
 1. Period of kingly government down to 1068. The history 
 of Athens as a state begins properly with Theseus, who suc- 
 ceeded his father ^Egeus, about B. C. 1300. Although certain 
 institutions, such as that of the areopagus, the division of the 
 people into nobles, (e^irarp/Sa*,) husbandmen, (yeupyu,) and me- 
 chanics: (Sijjowoifyyot') a division which recals to our memory the 
 Egyptian institution of castes, are perhaps of an earlier date, and 
 may be ascribed to the colony of Cecrops. Theseus was, how- 
 ever, in some measure the founder of the state, since, instead of 
 the four districts, (8ij/*o,) hitherto independent of one another, he 
 constituted the city of Athens as the only seat of government. 
 Among his successors the attention of the student is directed to 
 Mnestheus, who fell before Troy ; and the last king, Codrus, 
 who by a voluntary sacrifice of his life rescued Attica from the 
 inroads of the Dorians, 1068. 
 
 2. Period of archons for life, taken from the family of Codrus, 
 thirteen of whom ruled ; 1068 752. The first was Medon, the 
 last, Alcmaeon. These archons succeeded, like the kings, by in- 
 heritance, but were accountable for their administration, (iirev- 
 0tw>.) At the commencement of this period occur the migra- 
 tions of the louians from Attica to Asia Minor, 1044. See 
 below. 
 
 3. Period of the decennial archons, seven of whom succeeded 
 between 752 682. These likewise were taken from the family 
 of Codrus. This period is devoid of any remarkable occurrences. 
 
 4. Period extending to Solon, 682 594. that of nine archons 
 yearly chosen, but so arranged that the prerogatives of the former 
 kings, and the preceding archons, were divided among the three 
 first of the nine. With respect to this, as well as to the other 
 changes above mentioned, we know little of the causes which 
 produced them, or of the manner in which they were brought
 
 138 
 
 GREEKS. 
 
 BOOK m. 
 
 SECOND 
 
 Solon's 
 
 about. Rise of an oppressive aristocracy, (like that of the pa- 
 tricians at Rome, immediately after the expulsion of the kings,) 
 both the archons and the members of the areopagus being elected 
 only from noble families. First attempt at legislation by Draco, 
 622, which appears only to have consisted in a criminal code, 
 rendered unavailing by its severity. The insurrection of Cylon, 
 598, in consequence of the manner in which it was quelled, 
 turned out most injurious to the aristocratical party, inasmuch as 
 the nobles drew upon themselves the pollution of blood, which, 
 even after the purification of Epimenides, 593, was long used as 
 a pretext for commotion. The political factions of the Pediaei, 
 of the Diacrii, and of the Parhali, produced an anarchy at Athens, 
 during which the neighbouring Megarians took possession of the 
 island of Salamis ; a conquest which, however, was subsequently 
 wrested from them by Solon. 
 
 14. From this state of anarchy Athens was 
 rescued by Solon ; a man to whom not only 
 Athens, but the whole human race, are deeply 
 indebted. He was chosen archon, and at the 
 same time commissioned to remodel the constitu- 
 tion of Athens : and the successful manner in 
 which he executed this task, laid the foundation 
 of the happiness of his native country. 
 
 Review of the prominent features in Solon's legislation. Its 
 main object was. to abolish the oppressive aristocracy, without 
 however introducing a pure democracy. 1. Provisional laws : 
 abolition of the statutes of Draco, those against murder excepted : 
 law enacted for the relief of debtors, (<rera%0e/a, novae tabulae,) 
 not so much by cancelling the debts as by diminishing their 
 amount by a rise in the value of money ; and likewise by en- 
 suring the personal liberty of the debtor. 2. Fundamental laws, 
 both in reference to the constitution and in reference to private 
 life and private rights. Constitution of the state. () Orga- 
 nization of the people by means of divisions : according to pro- 
 perty into four classes ; the Pentacosimedimni, or those who had 
 a yearly income of 500 medimni ; the Equites, (Jmreifr) who had 
 400 : the Zeugitae, who had 300 ; and the Thetes, (capite censi,) 
 whose yearly revenue did not amount to so much. The ancient 
 divisions according to heads, into wards, (</w'Xo,) of which there
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 139 
 
 were four, and according to residence into demi, (hundreds,) of SECOND 
 
 , , , , , , PERIOD. 
 
 which a hundred and seventy are enumerated,, were preserved. 
 
 (b) None but citizens of the three first classes could fill all the 
 offices of state ; but all were admitted to the popular assemblies, 
 and had a right of voting in the courts of judicature, (c) The 
 nine archons annually chosen, who acted as supreme magistrates, 
 although not permitted to assume military office at the same 
 time, remained at the head of the state ; the first bearing the 
 name of eirdaw^i;, the second of [3a.<rtXev<;, the third of TroXe^a/ixo?, 
 the remaining six that of 6e<rpi>()eTa,i. Combined with the archons 
 was (d) The council, (/3ouXj,) which consisted of a body of four 
 hundred persons annually taken from the three first classes of 
 citizens ; (a hundred from each ward ;) these were chosen by 
 lot, but were obliged to submit to a rigid examination (So/c<jixao-/a) 
 before they entered upon office. The archons were obliged to 
 consult the four hundred on every occurrence ; and nothing 
 could be carried down to the commons until it had been previ- 
 ously debated in this council, (e) To the people, consisting of 
 the whole four classes, was reserved the right in its assemblies 
 (eKKXya-ta.1.) of confirming the laws, of electing the magistrates, of 
 debating all public affairs referred to them by the council, and 
 likewise the public distribution of justice, (f) The areopagus 
 was, according to Solon's plan, to be the main buttress of the 
 constitution ; that tribunal had hitherto been a mere tool in the 
 hands of the aristocracy. It was composed of retired archons, 
 and remained not only the supreme tribunal in capital cases, but 
 likewise was charged with the superintendence of morals, with 
 the censorship upon the conduct of the archons who went out of 
 office, and had the prerogative of amending or rescinding the 
 measures that had been approved of by the commons. The 
 power of this court, which might easily have become equal to the 
 college of Ephori at Sparta, might at first have been supposed 
 too extensive, had not experience shown the fatal consequences 
 of the reduction of that power by Pericles. This alloy of aristo- 
 cracy and democracy certainly gives proof of a deep insight into 
 the nature of republican constitutions ; but Solon is not less en- 
 titled to praise for his endeavours to place the helm of govern- 
 ment in the hands only of the most enlightened and prudent 
 citizens. It must likewise be observed, that the code for private 
 life given by Solon exhibits the genius of a man who regarded 
 polity as subordinate to morals, and not, like Lycurgus, morals as 
 subordinate to polity.
 
 140 GREEKS. BOOK m. 
 
 SECOND SAM. PETITUS, De Legibus Atticis, 1635. fol. The best com- 
 ERIOD ' pilation and illustration of the fragments remaining of the Attic 
 law. 
 
 CHR. BUNSEN, De jure Atheniensium hereditario, ex Isceo 
 ccelerisque oratoribus Greeds ducto, Goett. 1812. The law of 
 inheritance was a principal feature in Solon's legislation ; the 
 explanation of it requires a profound acquaintance with the con- 
 stitution, so far as it was connected with government by clans 
 or families. 
 
 An explanation of the Athenian constitution will be likewise 
 found in the above-mentioned works of Tittmann, Kruse, and 
 Wachsmuth. 
 
 Tyranny 15. The legislation of Solon, like all other state 
 f^Athenf reforms, was not followed by the total extinction 
 ?u S Pisistra ^ P ar ty spirit- It was natural that the commons, 
 now free, should wish to try their strength with 
 the aristocratical party, and that, after the defeat 
 of the latter, Pisistratus, who headed the com- 
 mons, should grasp the rudder of the state with- 
 out, therefore, necessarily abrogating the con- 
 stitution of Solon. Modern history has proved 
 with sufficient evidence, that the frame-work of a 
 republic may easily subsist under the rule of an 
 usurper. And would that no republics might 
 fall into the hands of a worse tyrant than Pisis- 
 tratus ! 
 
 First exaltation of Pisistratus, 561, procured by his obtaining 
 a body guard ; flight of the Alcmseonidae under Megacles. Pi- 
 sistratus expelled, 560. Second exaltation of Pisistratus pro- 
 cured by his matrimonial connection with the family of Megacles, 
 556 552. His second expulsion by Megacles, 552 538. His 
 third exaltation ; obtains the power by force of arms, and pre- 
 serves it to the day of his death, 538 528. Flight of the Alc- 
 maeonidae into Macedonia, where they attach the malcontents to 
 their party. Pisistratus is succeeded by his sons Hipparchus 
 and Hippias, who rule conjointly until 514, when the elder is 
 murdered by Harmodius and Aristogiton. The exiled Alcmaeo- 
 nidae, having bribed the Delphian oracle, gain over the Spartans
 
 BOOK ni. GREEKS. 141 
 
 to their interest : backed by a Spartan army, they take possession SECOND 
 of Athens in 510 ; Hippias is deposed, and flies over to the Per- ERI 
 
 sians. 
 
 16. This return of the Alcmaeonidae was fol- Changes in 
 lowed by a change in the constitution of Solon. sthution. n 
 Clisthenes, the son of Megacles, with a view of 
 quenching party spirit by a new combination of 
 
 the citizens, increased the number of wards to 
 ten, and that of the members of the council to 
 five hundred.- But the Athenians had to pur- 
 chase the continuance of their freedom by a strug- 
 gle with Sparta, who, united with the Boeotians 
 and Chalcidians, and aided by ^Egina, sought to 
 reestablish monarchy in Attica; first in the person B.C. 527 
 of Isagoras, the rival of Clisthenes, and after- ~ 
 wards in that of the exiled Hippias. But the 
 glorious success of the republic in this first strug- 
 gle in the cause of liberty, gave an additional 
 impulse to the national spirit. Impelled by that 
 spirit, Athens suffered herself to be induced to 
 share in the war of freedom carried on by the 
 Asiatic Greeks under Aristagoras ; and the auda- 
 city which led to the firing of Sardis, drew upon 500. 
 Attica the vengeance of the Persians, without 
 which, doubtless, neither Athens or Greece would 
 ever have risen to that degree of eminence which 
 they ultimately attained. 
 
 17. Of the history of the other states of Greece History of 
 we have at best but few data, and even these in 
 
 most instances are very scanty. Towards the states< 
 end of this period Sparta and Athens had, un- 
 doubtedly, exalted themselves above the rest, and 
 were recognized, one as the first among the Do- 
 rian, the latter as the first among the Ionian
 
 142 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND states ; yet did Sparta more than once meet 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 ~ with rivals in Messene, Argos, and Tegea : while 
 Athens had to contend with Megara and ^Egina. 
 Sparta and Athens had, nevertheless, not only 
 the best constitutions, but possessed also a more 
 extended territory than any other of the great 
 cities. 
 
 Principal data for the history of the smaller states. 
 I. Within the Peloponnesus. 
 
 a Arcadia. The Arcadian traditions enumerate a line of 
 kings or hereditary princes, said to have ruled over the whole of 
 Arcadia ; the line commences with Areas and his son Lycaon, 
 whose successors kept possession of the supreme power, and 
 shared more or less in the ancient feuds of the Hellenic princes. 
 Upon the conquest of Peloponnesus by the Dorians, Arcadia was 
 the only land that did not suffer by the irruption : an advantage 
 for which it was probably indebted more to its mountains, than 
 to the skill of Cypselus its king. The successors of that prince 
 took a part in the wars between the Messenians and Spartans, 
 siding with the former : but in the second Messenian war, the 
 last Arcadian king, Aristocrates II. having betrayed his allies, 
 was in consequence stoned to death by his subjects, and the regal 
 dignity was abolished in 668. Arcadia now became divided into 
 as many small states as it contained cities with their respective 
 districts ; among these Tegea and Mantinea were the chief, and 
 probably held the others in a certain state of control, without, 
 however, depriving them wholly of their independence. As 
 might have been expected in a pastoral nation, the constitution 
 was democratical. In Mantinea there were wardens of the peo- 
 ple, (Sij/Ajovpyot,) and a senate, (/3<wXij.) The wars of separate cities 
 are frequently mentioned, but no general confederation united 
 them. 
 
 \ See A. VON BREITENBAUCH, History of Arcadia, 1791. 
 
 6. Argos. Even previously to the Dorian migration, the 
 country of Argolis was parcelled out into several small kingdoms, 
 such as those of Argos, Mycenae, and Tiryns. In Argos, the
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 143 
 
 oldest Grecian state next to Sicyon, ruled the forefathers of Per- SECOND 
 seus, who exchanged the kingdom of his ancestors for Tiryns : >p ' 
 
 here his successors continued to reign till the time of Hercules, 
 whose sons, expelled by Eurystheus, sought an asylum among 
 the Dorians. In Mycenae, said to have been built by Perseus, 
 the throne was occupied by the family of Pelops : and at the 
 period of the Trojan war, this little state, to which Corinth and 
 Sicyon then belonged, was the most powerful in Greece, and go- 
 verned by Agamemnon. The migration into this country by 
 Pelops from Asia Minor, must have been attended with important 
 consequences, since it has given a name to the whole peninsula : 
 the object of Pelops, as we may infer from the riches he brought 
 with him, was probably to establish a trading settlement. At 
 the Dorian conquest Argos fell to the share of Temenus, the 
 Achaeans were expelled, and the country was peopled by Dorians. 
 As early as the reign of Cisus, son of Temenus, the royal power 
 was so limited, that the successors of that prince hardly pre- 
 served any thing but the mere name : about 984 the regal dignity 
 was wholly abrogated, and its place supplied by a republican 
 constitution, concerning the domestic organization of which we 
 know nothing more than that at Argos the government was in 
 the hands of a senate, (/3ovX^,) of a college of eighty citizens, (o 
 o-ySoijKovTa,) and of magistrates, who bore the name of aprvwt : in 
 Epidaurus, however, there was a body of one hundred and eighty 
 citizens who chose from among themselves the senate, the mem- 
 bers of which were called aprvvoi. As in the other states of 
 Greece so in Argolis, there were as many independent states as 
 there were cities ; in the north Argos, Mycenae, and Tiryns ; in 
 the south Epidaurus and Trcezen. The two last preserved their 
 independence ; but Mycenae was destroyed by the Argives in 425, 
 and the inhabitants of Tiryns were forcibly transplanted to Argos. 
 The district of Argos, therefore, comprised the northern portion 
 of the country called Argolis ; but not the southern portion, which 
 belonged to the towns situated therein. 
 
 c. Corinth. In this place, previous to the time of the Do- 
 rian migration, the house of Sisyphus held the royal power ; and 
 even at that early period Corinth is extolled by Homer for its 
 wealth. The Dorians drove out the original inhabitants ; and 
 Aletes, belonging to the race of Hercules, became king about 
 1089; the posterity of that prince held the sceptre down to the 
 fifth generation. After the death of the last king, Telessus, 777,
 
 144 GREEKS. 
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 SECOND tne f am iiy o f th e Bacchiadse, likewise a branch of the family of 
 
 Hercules, took possession of the government and introduced an 
 
 oligarchy, electing annually from among themselves a Prytane. 
 At last, in 657, Cypselus got the upper hand ; he was succeeded, 
 627, by his son Periander ; both father and son were equally 
 conspicuous for their avarice and cruelty. Periander (rf. 587) 
 was succeeded by his nephew Psammetichus, who reigned till 
 584, when the Corinthians asserted their freedom. With regard 
 to the internal organization of the republic, little more is known 
 than that there were at Corinth assemblies of the commons and a 
 senate, (ykpovarta) : the government appears to have been the 
 aristocracy of a trading state ; for even the Bacchiadae, at least 
 some of them, were merchants. The Corinthian commerce con- 
 sisted chiefly in the exchange of Asiatic and Italian goods, and 
 therefore was mostly carried on by sea : for such a trade the city 
 of Corinth offered many advantages, particularly if we consider 
 the state of navigation in those times ; but the sea trade of 
 Corinth, however profitable to the citizens, and even to the 
 state, in consequence of the customs, cannot be considered as 
 very extensive. The colonies of Corinth in the west were prin- 
 cipally Corcyra, Epidamnus, Leucas, Syracuse ; in the east Po- 
 tidaea : these colonies would fain have asserted a sort of indepen- 
 dence, but never succeeded for any length of time in so doing. 
 
 From the possession of these colonies, and from the necessity 
 of protecting the trader from pirates, Corinth grew to be a naval 
 power ; she invented triremes, and at the early date of 664 gave 
 battle to the Corcyraeans at sea. On the other hand, her wars by 
 land were generally waged with the assistance of foreign subsi- 
 diaries ; and from the facility with which she was enabled to pay 
 her mercenary troops, she was the more ready to interfere in the 
 domestic wars of Greece. 
 
 d. Sicyon. Tradition represents this state, together with Ar- 
 gos, as the most ancient in Greece ; the catalogues of early kings 
 and princes, who are said to have reigned at this place, make it 
 probable that in early antiquity some settlements of priests were 
 made in this quarter. In the times previous to the migration of 
 the Dorians, Sicyon was first inhabited by the lonians ; at the 
 Trojan war, however, it made part of Agamemnon's kingdom. 
 At the Dorian irruption, Phalces, son of Temenus, took posses- 
 sion of Sicyon, which then became a Dorian city. After the 
 abrogation of the kingship, the date of which is not precisely
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 145 
 
 known, the constitution assumed the form of an uncurbed demo- SECOND 
 
 cracy, which, as usual, paved the way for the usurpation of one - 
 
 individual. Orthagoras and his posterity, the last and most cele- 
 brated of whom was Clisthenes, ruled over Sicyon during a whole 
 century ; 700 600. After the restoration of her freedom, Si- 
 cyon frequently suffered from revolutions ; and the period of her 
 highest splendour was during the latter days of Greece, when she 
 became a member of the Achaean league. 
 
 e. Achaia. During the spread of the Hellenes, this country, 
 which till then had borne the name of JEgialus, was taken pos- 
 session of by Ion, who had been expelled from Athens, and his 
 tribe, who from their leader took the name of lonians : the coun- 
 try remained in the hands of the lonians until the Dorian migra- 
 tion, when the Achaeans, driven out of Argos and Laconia, pressed 
 into the northern parts of Peloponnesus under Tisamenus, son 
 of Orestes : they settled in the land of the lonians, and the power 
 of the chieftain descended to his posterity, until the tyranny of 
 the last sovereign of that race, Gyges, (of date undetermined,) 
 produced the abolition of monarchy. Achaia thereupon was par- 
 celled into twelve small republics, or so many cities with their 
 respective districts, each of which comprised seven or eight can- 
 tons. All these republics had democratic constitutions, and were 
 mutually united by a league, founded on the most perfect equa- 
 lity, and which nothing but the policy of the Macedonian kings 
 could dissolve ; and even this dissolution gave rise to the Achcean 
 league, of such high importance in subsequent times. The 
 Achaeans lived in peace and happiness, inasmuch as they had not 
 the vanity, before the Peloponnesian war, to interfere in the 
 affairs of foreign states : their constitutions were so renowned, 
 that they were adopted by several other Grecian cities. 
 
 f, Elis. The inhabitants in earlier times bore the name of 
 Epeans, which, like that of Eleans, was traced to one of their 
 ancient kings. The names of their most ancient hereditary 
 princes, Endymion, Epeus, Eleus, Augias, are celebrated by the 
 poets. It appears that this country was divided into several 
 small kingdoms, since, at the period of the Trojan war it con- 
 tained four, to which however must be added Pylus in Triphylia, a 
 territory usually reckoned as belonging to Elis. At the epoch 
 of the Dorian migration the .ZEtolians, who had accompanied the 
 Dorians, headed by their chieftain Oxylus, settled in Elis ; but 
 permitted the ancient inhabitants to remain in the country. 
 
 L
 
 146 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND Among the successors of Oxylus was Iphitus the contemporary of 
 
 ' Lycurgus, and celebrated as the restorer of the Olympian games, 
 
 to the celebration of which Elis was indebted for the tranquil 
 splendour that distinguished her from this time : her territory 
 being regarded as sacred, although she had occasional disputes 
 with her neighbours, the Arcadians, for precedence at the games. 
 After the abolition of the royal power supreme magistrates were 
 chosen, to whose office was added the charge of superintending 
 x the games : (Hellanodicae). These magistrates were at first two ; 
 they were afterwards increased to ten, one from each tribe, 
 although their number frequently changed with that of the tribes 
 themselves. There must likewise have been a senate, consisting 
 of ninety persons, who held their places for life, since Aristotle 
 makes mention of that branch of the Elean constitution. The 
 city of Elis was first built in 477, before which time the Eleans 
 resided in several small hamlets. 
 
 II. Central Greece, or Hellas. 
 
 a. Megaris. Until the epoch of the Dorian migration, this 
 state generally formed part of the domain of the Attic kings ; or 
 at least was governed by princes of that house. Immediately 
 previous to that event, the Megarians, after the assassination of 
 their last sovereign, Hyperion, placed the government in the 
 hands of magistrates elected for stated periods. At the time of 
 the Dorian irruption, under the reign of Codrus, Megara was oc- 
 cupied by Dorians, more especially those of Corinth, who con- 
 sequently reckoned the city among their colonies, and during the 
 sway of the Bacchiadae endeavoured to keep it in a state of 
 dependency ; a circumstance which gave rise to several wars. 
 Nevertheless Megara supported her rank as a separate state, both 
 in those and many subsequent wars among the Greeks, in which 
 she took a share both by sea and land. About the year 600, 
 Theagenes, step-father of the Athenian Cylon, had possessed 
 himself of the supreme power : after the expulsion of that tyrant, 
 the republican constitution was once more restored, but soon 
 after merged into the lowest species of democracy. Megara, 
 however, even at the period of the Persian war, in which it took 
 a glorious share, appears to have recovered the character of a 
 well-ordered state, although we have no information respecting 
 its internal organization.
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 147 
 
 b. Boeotia. History mentions several very early races in Boeo- SECOND 
 
 tia, such as the Aones, Hyantes, etc. ; with these were mingled 
 
 Phoenician emigrants, who had come into the country under the 
 guidance of Cadmus. The stock of Cadmus became the ruling 
 family, and remained so for a long time : the history of his de- 
 scendants, who were kings of Thebes, and comprised under their 
 dominion the greatest part of Boeotia, constitutes a main branch 
 of Grecian mythology : among them were CEdipus, La'ius, Eteo- 
 cles, and Polynices. After the capture of Thebes by the Epi- 
 goni, 1215, the Boeotians were expelled by Thracian hordes, and 
 settled at Arne in Thessaly ; at the time of the Dorian migration 
 they returned to the land of their forefathers, and mingled with 
 the ^Eolians of those quarters. Not long after, upon the death 
 of Xuthus, royalty was abolished, 1126. Bceotia was now di- 
 vided into as many small states as it contained cities ; of these, 
 next to Thebes, the most eminent were the towns of Plataeae, 
 Thespiae, Tanagra, and Chaeronea, each of which had its own 
 separate district and peculiar form of government ; but all those 
 constitutions appear to have been commuted into oligarchies 
 about the time of the Persian war. Such had been the case even 
 with Thebes, although she had received as a legislator, Philolaus 
 from Corinth ; but the code given by this individual cannot have 
 been attended with the desired effect, as the government was 
 continually fluctuating between a licentious democracy and an 
 overbearing oligarchy. The Boeotian cities were, however, mu- 
 tually united by a league, at the head of which stood Thebes, 
 who gradually converted her right of precedence into a right of 
 power, although her ambitious attempts were resisted to the last 
 extremity by the separate cities, and by Plataeae in particular : 
 hence sprung many wars. The general affairs were decided upon 
 in four assemblies, (jSotAat,) held in the four districts into which 
 Boeotia was divided ; these assemblies in conjunction elected 
 eleven Bceotarchs, who stood at the head of the federation as su- 
 preme magistrates and field marshals. The great extent and 
 population of their territory might have enabled the Boeotians to 
 act the first part on the theatre of Greece, had they not been im- 
 peded by their pernicious form of government, by the envy felt 
 against Thebes, and by the want of union which naturally ensued. 
 Yet in subsequent times the example of Epaminondas and Pelo- 
 pidas gave proof that the genius of two men was sufficient to sur- 
 mount all these obstacles. 
 
 1,2
 
 148 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND c. Phocis was originally niled by kings descended, it is said, 
 ERIOP ' . from Phocus, the leader of a colony from Corinth. The so- 
 vereign power was abolished about the time of the Dorian mi- 
 gration ; but the form of the republican constitution which suc- 
 ceeded remains undetermined ; and of the undertakings of the 
 Phocians previous to the Persian invasion, we know nothing more 
 than that they waged war with the Thessalians, and were suc- 
 cessful. As history never mentions the Phocians but in the 
 aggregate, the whole territory must have formed but one inde- 
 pendent state. To that state, however, the city of Delphi, which 
 had its own constitution, did not belong : the city of Crissa 
 with its fertile district, and the harbour of Cirrha, constituted a 
 separate state, which became opulent by practising extortions 
 upon the pilgrims to Delphi : this state lasted till 600, when, in 
 consequence of the insults of the Crissaeans to the Delphian ora- 
 cle, a war was proclaimed against them by the Amphictyons, 
 which ended in 590 with the rasing of Crissa ; the land of which 
 was thenceforward added to the sacred glebe of Delphi. 
 
 d. Locris. Although we learn from early history that the 
 Locrians also had their kings, among whom Ajax, the son of 
 Oileus, is renowned in the Trojan war, and that they likewise 
 in subsequent times adopted a republican form of government ; 
 yet the date of that revolution, and the manner in which it was 
 brought about, are not known. The three tribes of Locrians re- 
 mained politically distinct. The Locri Ozolae, west of Phocis, 
 possessed the most extensive territory ; each city of which stood 
 independent, though Amphissa is mentioned as the capital. The 
 country of the Locri Opuntii, eastward, consisted of the district 
 appertaining to the city of Opus ; of their domestic organization, 
 as well as that of their neighbours, the Locri Epicnemidii, we 
 know nothing. 
 
 e. JEtolia. The ^Etolians remained the most rude and unci- 
 vilized of all the Hellenic races ; they were little more than a 
 band of freebooters, and carried on their predatory excursions 
 both by sea and land. Renowned as are the names of their ear- 
 liest heroes, ^Etolus, Peneus, Meleager, Diomede, the nation 
 has no place in the history of the flourishing times of Greece. 
 Nor did they acquire any celebrity until the Macedo-Roman 
 period, when the various insignificant tribes of which they were 
 composed gathered themselves together and chose one com- 
 mon leader, for the purpose of carrying on a war with the
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 149 
 
 Achaeans. The earlier period of their history seems, however, SECOND 
 to afford no previous example of such an union ; their political 
 constitution in those times is wholly unknown. 
 
 f. Acarnania. This country derived its name from Acarnan, 
 son of Alcmaeon, both of whom are adduced as its earliest kings. 
 In the Trojan age it appears beyond a doubt, that some part at 
 least of this country was subject to the governors of the island of 
 Ithaca. When and how a republican government was introduced 
 among the Acarnanians, and what were the peculiarities of that 
 government we know not. All that can be distinguished through 
 the veil of time is, that here likewise the different cities, the 
 most important of which was Stratus, had each its own form of 
 government. Those cities upon particular emergencies were wont 
 to combine ; and out of that practice in later times, during the 
 Macedonian period, grew up a permanent confederation. The 
 city and district of Argos Amphilochicum constituted a separate 
 state, which endured a long time, and flourished greatly ; it de- 
 rived its name from Amphilochus, the founder. The inhabitants, 
 however, being driven out by the Ambracians, whom they had 
 themselves called in, sought assistance at the hands of the Acar- 
 nanians, who with the help of Athens, replaced the exiles in pos- 
 session of their city, which thenceforward was inhabited in com- 
 mon by Amphilochians and Acarnanians, and was almost con- 
 stantly engaged in war with Ambracia. 
 
 III. Northern Greece. 
 
 a. The importance of Thessaly in the earliest history of Greece, 
 may be gathered from the principal data enumerated above for 
 the history of the Pelasgi and the Hellenes. From this country 
 it was that the Hellenes proceeded and spread over Greece ; and 
 here likewise they maintained their original seat. In the Trojan 
 age Thessaly contained ten small kingdoms, governed by heredi- 
 tary princes, several of whom, such as Achilles and Philoctetes, 
 were among the most renowned heroes of the time. In the pe- 
 riod subsequent to the Trojan war and the Dorian migration, 
 Thessaly must have experienced political revolutions similar to 
 those of the other Grecian countries ; but neither the time nor 
 the manner in which those revolutions occurred can be ascer- 
 tained. All that can be deduced from the subsequent history is,
 
 150 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND that if the Thessalian cities ever did recover their political free- 
 ' dom, they were unable to maintain it ; for in the two most emi- 
 nent cities, Pherae and Larissa, with whose history that of the 
 whole country is closely connected, the supreme power had fallen 
 into the hands of arbitrary individuals, who appear to have kept 
 possession of it almost without interruption. Even before the 
 breaking out of the Persian war, Larissa was under the rule of 
 the Aleuadse ; a family who claimed descent from Hercules, and 
 are specially denominated by Herodotus kings of the Thessalians. 
 They preserved their power until the Macedonian period. In 
 Pherae there arose about the year 380, a tyrant, by the name of 
 Jason, who extended his dominion not only over Thessaly, but 
 likewise over several of the neighbouring barbarous tribes. The 
 sceptre of Jason passed rapidly and successively into the hands 
 of his three brothers, Polydorus, Polyphron, and Alexander. The 
 last was first driven out of Larissa by the Aleuadae, assisted by 
 the Macedonians ; was afterwards worsted in war by Pelopidas ; 
 and finally, at the instigation of his wife Thebe, was murdered, 
 356, by her brothers, Lycophron and Tisiphonus. The two mur- 
 derers then assumed the supreme power, but were, in compliance 
 with the request of the Aleuadae, deposed by Philip of Macedon. 
 Some other such tyrants are met with at intervals in the rest 
 of the Thessalian cities, such as Pharsalus, etc. 
 
 b. Epirus. This country was occupied by several tribes, partly 
 Greek and partly barbarian. The most powerful of these was 
 that of the Molossi, who were governed by kings of the house of 
 the ^Eacidae, descendants of Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. This 
 Greek family was the only one that held the kingly power for a 
 permanency ; it must be observed, however, that previous to the 
 Macedonian period, those sovereigns were by no means lords of 
 the whole of Epirus ; for the other non-Hellenic races, such as the 
 Thesprotii, Orestii, etc. had their own separate kings. Moreover 
 the Corinthian colony of Ambracia constituted a distinct state, 
 generally governed as a republic, although sometimes subject to 
 the rule of tyrants. But, in consequence of an alliance framed 
 with the Macedonian kings, the whole of Epirus, and even Am- 
 bracia itself, was placed under the sceptre of the Molossian kings ; 
 and some of those princes, Pyrrhus II. more especially, rose to 
 be mighty conquerors. See below.
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 151 
 
 IV. Grecian Islands. 
 
 Both the islands off the coast of Greece, and those of the Ar- SECOND 
 chipelago, all underwent the same political revolutions as oc- P EUIOD - 
 curred in the states on the main land. But those events did not 
 take place till after the more ancient non-Hellenic inhabitants, 
 such as the Phoenicians, Carians, etc. had been driven out, and 
 the land had been taken possession of by the Hellenes. In the 
 more extensive islands, which contained several cities, there ge- 
 nerally arose as many small republics as there were towns, and 
 those little states were wont to enter into mutual alliances. The 
 smaller islands, containing but one city, formed each one small 
 independent state, the territory of which comprised the whole 
 island. The respective independence of these islands ceased to 
 exist at the period of the Trojan war ; for after the Athenians 
 had by their success placed themselves at the head of confederate 
 Greece, and possessed themselves of the sovereignty of the sea, 
 these smaller states, although called confederates, were treated 
 little better than subjects, except that their political constitutions 
 were not changed. Among the islands of the Grecian coast, the 
 most remarkable in history are the following : 
 
 a. Corcyra, a colony of Corinth, important for its naval power 
 and trade, in which it rivalled the mother state itself: a rivalry 
 which occasioned many feuds and wars, and was even one of the 
 principal motives that led to the Peloponnesian war. About the 
 time this struggle began Corcyra had attained the height of her 
 power, being able, without foreign aid, to man a fleet of 120 
 galleys. The constitution appears, as at Corinth, to have been 
 aristocratic, or oligarchical : but after the Persian war a demo- 
 cratic faction arose, which produced the most violent internal 
 commotions, and ended in the total ruin of Corcyra. 
 
 b. jEgina. This small island was, after the Dorian migration, 
 occupied by colonists from Epidaurus ; it however soon shook 
 off the yoke of the mother city, and rapidly grew by commerce 
 and navigation, to be one of the first Grecian states. jEgina, was 
 for a long time the rival of Athens ; over whom her naval power 
 enabled her to maintain a superiority until the time of the Per- 
 sian war. Humbled, however, by Themistocles, 485, she could 
 no longer support herself against the preponderating influence of
 
 152 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND Athens ; and although subsequently she made another stand for 
 tRIOD> independence, 458, the consequences were but an increase of op- 
 pression. Neither must it be forgotten, that JEgina suffered 
 much, even before the Persian war, from internal broils, caused 
 by the bitterness of party spirit engendered between the aristo- 
 cratic and democratic factions. 
 
 C. O. MUELLER, JEgineticorum liber, 1817. This treatise 
 contains not only the political history, but likewise that of trade 
 and arts. 
 
 e. Euboea. The different cities of this island, Chalcis and 
 Eretria in particular, had each its separate domestic constitution : 
 in the two towns above mentioned the constitution was aristo- 
 cratic, since the government was in the hands of the opulent, 
 (Hippobatae ;) nevertheless we hear of tyrants in Chalcis. After 
 the Persian war Eubcea became dependent upon Athens, which 
 drew from that island a portion of her supplies and provisions. 
 The oppression of the Athenians stirred up the minds of the 
 Eubceans to rebellion, and the islanders were in the sequel ever 
 ready to throw up their allegiance when a suitable opportunity 
 presented itself; such an opportunity was seized in 446, when 
 the island was recovered by Pericles ; and the attempt was re- 
 newed in the Peloponnesian war. 
 
 d. The Cyclades were first colonized by Crete, during the 
 reign of Minos. The Carian race had in earlier times spread 
 over these islands, but were gradually driven out by Hellenic 
 invaders, belonging principally to the Ionian and Dorian families. 
 The most important was Delos, chief seat of the lonians. Shel- 
 tered under the protection of Apollo, this place became the 
 centre of an extensive trade, and during the Persian war, 479, 
 was selected for the treasury of Greece. Next was Paros, famed 
 for its marble, and for the stand it made against Miltiades, 489, 
 although it afterwards shared the fate of the other islands, and 
 passed under the dominion of the Athenians. We know little of 
 the constitution of the other smaller islands ; each of them con- 
 tained one city of the same name as the island which constituted 
 its territory. 
 
 e._ Crete. The inhabitants of Crete were not pure Hellenes, 
 but of alloyed origin, such as Curetes, Pelasgi, etc. mingled with 
 whom were Hellenes, of the Dorian and ^Eolian stock. In the 
 earlier periods, Crete had her kings, the most celebrated of whom 
 were Minos, about 1300. probably first sovereign of the whole
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 153 
 
 island ; his brother Rhadamanthus, Idomeneus, Meriones, who SECOND 
 followed Idomeneus to the Trojan war, and succeeded him upon 
 
 the throne : the last king Etearchus, about 800, after whose 
 death a republican form of government was introduced. Under 
 these kings Crete was powerful on sea : to Minos is ascribed the 
 honour of having by his fleets purged the vEgaean of pirates, oc- 
 cupied the islands, and ensured security to the mariner. To him 
 likewise is attributed the Cretan legislation, the model, it is said, 
 of that given to Sparta by Lycurgus. But the uncertainty as to 
 what does and what does not belong to Minos, is in this case 
 even greater than in that of Lycurgus ; many of the laws referred 
 to Minos are probably nothing more than ancient Dorian institu- 
 tions. The insular situation which in some measure ensured 
 Crete from foreign inroads, and the proximity of Egypt and 
 Phoenicia must indubitably have contributed to expand the germ 
 of political civilization. The abolition of the kingly office seems 
 to have been the effect of internal commotions, to which Crete 
 continued to be frequently exposed, even under a republican 
 form of government. Those commotions originated in the jea- 
 lousy between the two largest cities, Gortina and Cnossus, which, 
 when united, ruled the rest ; but when at war, shook the whole 
 island, until the city of Cydonia, passing over to one of the sides, 
 gave a turn to the balance. The laws instituted by Minos re- 
 specting private life were enforced in all the cities of the island ; 
 but declined at an earlier period than in the country. Each 
 city had its own constitution ; each possessed it senate, (yepovana,*) 
 at the head of which were ten censors, (KOO-^OI,} chosen from cer- 
 tain families : these cosmi were not only prime magistrates, but 
 likewise invested with the command in war, not often, it is true, 
 waged by the Cretans against other nations, but, for that reason, 
 more frequently with one another ; a circumstance which must 
 have necessarily contributed to corrupt, not only their constitu- 
 tion, but likewise their national character. 
 
 MEURSII Creta, Rhodus, Cyprus, 1675, 4to. Very laborious 
 compilations. New light, however, has been thrown upon the 
 subject by the inscriptions published in 
 
 CHISHULL'S Antiq. Asiaticce ; 1728, folio. A work which has 
 been made use of by 
 
 ST. CROIX, Des anciens gouvernemens, etc. (See above, 
 p. 131.) The principal work upon Crete.
 
 154 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOKD f C. HOECK, Crete. An attempt to explain the mythology, 
 
 PERIOP - history, etc. of this island, 1823. 
 
 f. Cyprus. This island, like Crete, was inhabited by a race of 
 mixed origin, who, even in the time of Herodotus, traced their 
 descent from Phoenicians, Africans, (Ethiopians,) from Greeks 
 out of Arcadia, Attica, and the island of Salamis ; of which last 
 the city of Salamis, founded by Teucer about 1 160, was a colony. 
 There can be no doubt, that in earlier times the Phoenicians were 
 for a long period the dominant race in the island ; since in the 
 flourishing days of Tyre the Cyprians rebelled against their 
 oppressors, at the same time that Psalmanezer led an expedition 
 against the former city, about 720 : moreover, even in the present 
 day, Phoenician monuments are still found in the island. From 
 that time to the Persian period, there appears to have been a close 
 connection between this island and the Phoenicians, although the 
 Cyprians preserved their independence. Several smaller king- 
 doms afterwards arose in various cities of the island ; the number 
 of which in subsequent times amounted to nine, and under 
 Amasis, about 550, were tributary to the Egyptians ; and under 
 Cambyses, 525, to the Persians : notwithstanding this species of 
 subjection, the various states preserved their own kings. During 
 the Persian dominion, the Cyprians more than once joined in the 
 insurrections against the Persians ; more particularly the kings 
 of Salamis, now become the most powerful. So early as the year 
 500, Onesilus joined the Ionian rebels, but was defeated. In the 
 wars which afterwards ensued between the Persians and Greeks, 
 Cyprus was frequently attacked by the combined Grecian fleets ; 
 as in 470 by Pausanias, and during the reign of Evagoras I. 449, 
 by Cimon, who died at the siege of Citium ; yet the Persians were 
 not driven out, but appear to have kept their footing even after 
 the peace of 449. Among the subsequent kings of Salamis was 
 Evagoras II. (400 390,) who was master of the greatest portion 
 of the island ; but as in the peace of Antalcidas Cyprus was 
 ceded to the Persians, he was obliged to wage a hot war against 
 them, in which he lost every thing but Salamis. Finally, the 
 Cyprians, in 356, took a part in the insurrection of the Phoeni- 
 cians and Egyptians : thereupon the Persians sent an army 
 against them, under the command of a younger Evagoras, (who 
 had been banished by his uncle Protagoras,) and under that of 
 the Athenian Phocion Salamis was besieged, but matters were 
 made up by a negotiation. The nine small kingdoms of the
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 155 
 
 island continued to exist till the time of Alexander, whom they SECOND 
 voluntarily joined during the siege of Tyre, 332, and thencefor- FERIOP ' 
 ward Cyprus constituted a part of the Macedonian monarchy. 
 
 2. History of the Grecian Colonies. 
 
 To assist the student in obtaining a general view of the events 
 connected with the Greek colonies, the history of them will he 
 here carried on through the subsequent period. 
 
 RAOUL ROCHETTE, Histoire critique de I'etablissement des Co- 
 lonies Grecques, Paris, 1815, 4 vols. The most comprehensive 
 treatise on the subject : it comprises the earlier Pelasgian and the 
 later Macedonian colonies, as well as those of the Hellenes. 
 There is much erudition displayed in this work, but sufficient at- 
 tention is not paid to the value of the authorities made use of. 
 
 *f- D. H. HEGEWISCH, Geographic and Historic Documents re- 
 lative to the Colonies of the Greeks, Altona, 1808, 8vo. A brief 
 review of the subject. 
 
 ST. CROIX, De Vetat et du sort des Colonies des anciens pen- 
 files, Paris, 1786. A series of valuable and important enquiries. 
 
 1. No nation of antiquity ever founded so many Historic 
 colonies as the Greeks : these colonies became so 
 important in various respects, that an acquaint- colomes 
 ance with them is indispensably requisite towards 
 understanding the more early history of the world. 
 
 Not only is the history of the civilization of the 
 mother country and that of early trade intimately 
 connected with these settlements, but some of 
 them grew to such power as to have the greatest 
 influence on political history. 
 
 2. The Grecian colonies, to which the follow- 
 ing observations apply, are those founded by the 
 Hellenes in the time which elapsed between the 
 Dorian migration and the Macedonian period. It
 
 156 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 appears certain that before the date of that mi- 
 
 PEHIOD. r . 
 
 ~~ gration some Pelasgian, and perhaps even some 
 Hellenic settlers passed over into Italy. The 
 history of these colonies however is not only in- 
 volved in obscurity, but it is besides known that 
 they ceased after a time to be Greek. The later 
 settlements of the Macedonians were of a quite 
 different nature from those of the Hellenes, to 
 which we now allude. 
 
 Hellenic 3. The Hellenic race spread alike to the east 
 and to the west of Greece, their settlements, how- 
 ever, were confined to the shores of the Mediter- 
 ranean and Black sea. The countries in which 
 their principal colonies were established, were 
 Asia Minor and Thrace in the east ; the coasts of 
 Lower Italy and Sicily in the west. Nevertheless 
 particular settlements were to be found scattered 
 here and there on the shores of most other coun- 
 tries. 
 
 Origin of 4. The Grecian colonies had their origin either 
 
 nies. in political motives, being generally made in ac- 
 cordance with the express command or advice of 
 an oracle, (for the propagation of the religion of 
 the parent state was always connected therewith,) 
 or, in commercial speculations ; the former was 
 the case, almost without exception, with the set- 
 tlements made by the mother country herself; 
 the latter, with those which had branched out of 
 such colonies as had already exalted themselves 
 by their commerce. In fact, almost all the Gre- 
 cian colonies applied more or less to trade, even 
 when that was not the sole object of their founda- 
 tion. 
 
 Relations 5. The connection existing between the colo-
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 157 
 
 nies and the mother cities was generally deter- SECOND 
 mined by the same causes that led to their foun- - 
 dation. In those cases where a city had been colony and 
 founded by malcontent or banished emigrants, all m 
 dependence on the mother country was naturally 
 out of the question; and even in the colonies es- 
 tablished for the purposes of trade, that depend- 
 ence was but feeble and brief; the mother cities 
 failing in power, if not in will, to enforce it. The 
 very independence of so many colonies, made (al- 
 most without exception) in countries preeminently 
 favoured by nature in productions and climate, 
 and so situated as to oblige the inhabitants to na- 
 vigation and commerce, must have given a great 
 impulse to the civilization of the Hellenic race, 
 and may be regarded as the main cause of its 
 rapid progress and wide extension ; wider indeed 
 than that of any other nation of the ancient world. 
 What a variety of political ideas must have been 
 formed among a people whose settlements, more 
 than a hundred in number, had each its own pe- 
 culiar form of government. 
 
 6. Of the Greek colonies, the most ancient, and importance 
 
 . . of the Asi- 
 
 in many respects the most important, were those atic Greek 
 along the western coast of Asia Minor, extending se 
 from the Hellespont to the boundary of Cilicia. 
 Here, ever since the Trojan war, which first 
 made these countries generally known, Hellenes 
 of the three great families, ^Eolians, lonians, and 
 Dorians had planted settlements. These were 
 the most important for trade ; and here likewise 
 in the native country of Homer, the father of Gre- 
 cian civilization, of Alcaeus, and of Sappho, poesy, 
 both epic and lyric, expanded her first and fairest
 
 158 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND blossoms ; and hence too, the mother country her- 
 - self received the first impulse of moral and culti- 
 vated taste. 
 
 1. The JEolian colonies. Their original foundation dates about 
 1124: they appear to have been a consequence of the Dorian 
 migration, having been established during that great movement 
 in Greece. The Pelopidae, who had been driven out of Pelo- 
 ponnesus, Orestes, his son Penthilus, his grandson Archelaus, 
 and his great grandson Grais, successively headed the emigrants, 
 who proceeded slowly by land, divided, it appears., into several 
 companies, with which some Boeotians and others gradually 
 coalesced. In Asia they occupied the coasts of Mysia and 
 Caria ; a strip of land which from thence derived the appel- 
 lation of ^olis. They moreover possessed the islands of Les- 
 bos, Tenedos, and the Hecatonnesi. On the main land, in the 
 quarter named from them ^Eolis, they erected twelve cities, the 
 most eminent of which were Cyme and Smyrna ; the latter, 
 however, afterwards fell into the hands of the lonians. But 
 their chief settlements were on the island of Lesbos ; here they 
 inhabited five cities, at the head of which, and likewise of 
 all their other colonies, stood Mitylene. They had likewise 
 spread inland as far as mount Ida. All these towns were inde- 
 pendent of one another, and possessed their own peculiar forms 
 of government : our information, however, respecting these con- 
 stitutions extends no further than to enable us to ascertain that 
 they were subject to many disorders, which it was often at- 
 tempted to quell by nominating rulers of unlimited power, under 
 the title of jEsymnetae. These were elected sometimes for a 
 stipulated period, at others for life ; the most celebrated of the 
 number was Pittacus of Mitylene, who flourished about 600, and 
 was the contemporary of Sappho and AlcaBus. The ^Eolians 
 maintained their independence till the time of Cyrus, with the 
 exception of Smyrna, which as early as 600, was captured and 
 destroyed by the Lydians, and not rebuilt till four hundred years 
 afterwards, when it was restored by Antigonus, and entered upon 
 its flourishing period. The cities of the main land were com- 
 pelled to acknowledge the supremacy of the Persian conqueror ; 
 but not the islands. The JEolian cities were not leagued toge- 
 ther by any permanent bond ; it was only in peculiar cases that 
 they debated in common. Mitylene, which they all regarded as
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 159 
 
 their capital, was the only one of their colonies that became rich SECOND 
 by trade, and formidable by its naval power. Yet in 470 it was , "- RIOP :. 
 tributary to Athens ; having seceded in 428, at the time of the 
 Peloponnesian war, it was recaptured and almost levelled to the 
 earth by the Athenians. 
 
 2. The Ionian colonies. These were, no doubt, founded at a 
 later period than those of the .^Eolians ; like them, however, 
 they were a consequence of the Dorian migration. The lonians, 
 driven out of Peloponnesus by the Achaeans, had withdrawn to 
 Athens, from whence, sixty years afterwards, that is to say about 
 1044, they proceeded by sea to Asia, headed by Neleus and others 
 of the sons of Codrus. They were joined, however, by some 
 Thebans, Phocians, Eubcean Abantes, and various other Greeks. 
 In Asia they settled on the southern coast of Lydia and the 
 northern shore of Caria ; which, together with the islands of Sa- 
 mos and Chios, took from them the name of Ionia. Here they 
 built twelve cities on the main land ; namely, reckoning from 
 north to south, Phocaea, Erythrae, Clazomene, Teos, Lebedus, 
 Colophon, Ephesus, Priene, Myus, Miletus, and in the islands, 
 Samos and Chios. They possessed in common one sanctuary, 
 the Panionium temple of Neptune, built on the headland of My- 
 cale. Here they celebrated their festivals, and assembled to 
 deliberate upon matters affecting the general interest, although 
 it must still be remembered that each city was in itself inde- 
 pendent. This independence was maintained until the time of 
 the Lydian dynasty of the Mermnadae, and that of Cyrus, under 
 whose reign they were compelled to submit to the Persian yoke. 
 Still, under the Persian rule, they for the most part preserved 
 their own form of government, and were subject only so much as 
 they had to pay tribute. Nevertheless they seized every oppor- 
 tunity of delivering themselves from this species of thraldom ; 
 and hence their history in the following period is closely inter- 
 woven with that of Greece. The political constitution was, no 
 doubt, at an early period republican in all ; but these colonies 
 likewise were oppressed by continual factions, and frequently 
 by tyrants. Among the towns situate on the continent, the 
 most remarkable were Miletus, Ephesus, and Phocaea. Mi- 
 letus was the principal seat of trade. It had been founded by 
 the Carians before the arrival of the lonians ; but was by the 
 latter raised to opulence and power. The most nourishing period 
 of its existence was between 700 500 : in the latter year it was
 
 160 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 SECOND implicated in the insurrection of Aristagoras against the Persians, 
 ERIOP. j n conse q uence o f w hich it was destroyed in 496. From that 
 time Miletus never recovered its ancient splendour. Neverthe- 
 less, in the days of her prosperity Miletus was, next to Tyre and 
 Carthage, the first emporium of the world. Her sea trade was 
 chiefly carried on in the Euxine, and the Palus Mseotis, whose 
 shores, on all sides, were occupied by her colonies, amounting, 
 according to some authorities, to more than a hundred. By 
 means of these settlements she monopolized the whole of the 
 northern trade in pulse, dry fish, slaves, and furs. Her land 
 trade was carried on by the great military road, constructed by 
 the Persians, far into the interior of Asia. Four harbours ad- 
 mitted her vessels ; and her naval power was so great, that she 
 had been known, more than once, to fit out, unaided, fleets of 
 from eighty to a hundred sail. Phocaea. The flourishing pe- 
 riod of this establishment was contemporary with that of Miletus; 
 but ended at the rise of the Persian dominion, 540, when the 
 Phocaeans, rather than submit to the Persian yoke, chose to for- 
 sake the city of their fathers and migrate to Corsica, although 
 one half of the inhabitants repented of their resolution and re- 
 turned. Phocaea had the most extensive trade by sea of all the 
 Grecian cities ; they were to the west what the Milesians were 
 to the north. Their navigation extended as far as Gades ; and 
 they not only visited the coasts of Italy, Gaul, and Corsica, but 
 even founded colonies in these countries ; as for instance, Aleria 
 in Corsica, Elea in Italy, and, above all, Massilea, (Marseilles,) on 
 the coast of Gaul. Ephesus. This city was likewise originally 
 founded by the Carians, but subsequently occupied by the lo- 
 nians. Its independence was maintained until the time of Croe- 
 sus, who annexed it to his other conquests about 560. The con- 
 stitution was aristocratic ; the government being in the hands of 
 a senate, (yepovtrm,*) combined with the magistrates, (eTr/K-XjTo<) : 
 and the family which had once possessed the throne preserved 
 certain prerogatives. Ephesus was not so important in a com- 
 mercial point of view as Phocaea and Miletus ; but was much 
 celebrated for its temple of Diana, which in 355 was fired by 
 Erostratus, and afterwards rebuilt with more sumptuous splen- 
 dour. The flourishing period of Ephesus appears to have com- 
 menced at this time, long after that of Miletus and Phocaea had 
 terminated ; for both in the Macedonian and Roman ages Ephe- 
 sus was regarded as the first city of Asia Minor. Of the cities
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 161 
 
 on the islands, Samos was the most important, for its trade, SECOND 
 and for its naval power. The period of its splendour was under EltlOD ' 
 the reign of the tyrant Polycrates, 540 523, whose sway ex- 
 tended over the sea and islets of the neighbourhood. Syloson, 
 brother to the tyrant, having by the assistance of the Persians, 
 517, obtained possession of Samos, the island was almost depo- 
 pulated. Soon afterwards Samos became dependent upon the 
 Athenians, who in 440 introduced a democratic form of govern- 
 ment, and made it the rendezvous for her troops and fleets 
 during the war with Sparta. Chios was scarcely inferior to Sa- 
 mos, either in power or wealth. It submitted to the Persian 
 yoke with the rest of the Ionian colonies ; but was so powerful, 
 that in 500, at the insurrection of Aristagoras, ninety-eight sail 
 of the combined fleet belonged to Chios. After the defeat of 
 Xerxes, 469, it entered into the Athenian league, from which it 
 endeavoured to secede in the Peloponnesian war, 412. The 
 naval power of the Chians was still considerable ; and those 
 islanders had the high honour of not suffering prosperity to in- 
 flate them with overweening ambition. 
 
 F. G. RAMBACH, De Mileto ejusgue coloniis, 1790, 4to. 
 
 3. The Dorian colonies. These were situated in Asia Minor, 
 upon the southern coast of Caria, and in the islands of Cos and 
 Rhodes, but were all planted at a later period than the Ionian 
 colonies, and, no doubt, were the result of successive migrations. 
 The Dorians appear to have gradually spread beyond Pelopon- 
 nesus, over the islands of the Archipelago to the Asiatic coast : 
 in Rhodes they erected the cities of lalyssus, Camirus, and Lin- 
 dus ; in Cos a city of the same name ; on the main land two 
 cities, Halicarnassus and Cnidus. These six ancient colonies 
 had, like the lonians, one common sanctuary, the temple of 
 Apollo Triopius, where they celebrated their festivals and held 
 their deliberative assemblies. Halicarnassus, however, was after- 
 wards excluded from the confederation. They remained inde- 
 pendent until the Persian period, although the constitutions of 
 the separate cities were subject to violent revolutions ; thus at 
 Cnidus the oligarchy was converted into a democracy ; Halicar- 
 nassus was likewise generally subject to the Carian sovereigns, 
 among whom Mausolus and Artemisia are names familiar to all. 
 The three cities in Rhodes appear never to have grown to any 
 importance ; that of Rhodes, not built till after the irruption of 
 Xerxes into Greece, 480, soon eclipsed the others : its flourish-
 
 162 GREEKS. BOOK m. 
 
 SECOND ing period began after the death of Alexander. At no period of 
 P ERIOP - early history could the Dorian colonies, or those of the JEolians, 
 
 compete in wealth and commerce with the lonians. 
 
 7. The shores of the Propontis, the Black sea, 
 and the Palus Maeotis, were likewise covered 
 with Grecian settlements. Nearly all these were 
 colonies of the city of Miletus alone, and were, 
 without exception, all of them the marts of a 
 prosperous trade. Although the date of each 
 cannot be precisely defined, they must have arisen 
 between the eighth and sixth centuries before the 
 Christian era. They were not only sovereigns of 
 the Black sea, but likewise extended their trade 
 over the whole of southern Russia, and eastward 
 to the regions beyond the Caspian sea ; that is, 
 to great Bukharia. 
 
 On the Propontis stood Lampsacus (adjoining the Hellespont) 
 and Cyzicus, on an island connected with the continent by means 
 of bridges. The latter town certainly was one of the most beau- 
 tiful and nourishing cities of Asia ; but this did not occur until 
 the Roman age, and was in consequence of the fostering protec- 
 tion of the Romans. Opposite to Cyzicus, on the Thracian coast, 
 was Perinthus, subsequently called Heraclea ; at the mouth of 
 the Thracian Bosporus stood Byzantium, over against which 
 was Chalcedon. The prosperity of all these towns aifords suffi- 
 cient proof of the skill with which sites were chosen for the esta- 
 blishment of colonies. 
 
 HEYNE, Antiquities Byzantina : Commentationes duce, 1809. 
 The first of which contains the fragments of the earlier history of 
 Byzantium. 
 
 The colonies of the Black sea were : on the southern coast of 
 Bithynia, Heraclea, in the territory of the Maryandini. This 
 place preserved its republican constitution amid frequent broils 
 and revolutions, brought about by the oligarchic and democratic 
 factions, until about B. C. 370, when the democrats having gained 
 the upper hand, a path was opened to Clearchus, who became ty- 
 rant, and abrogated the senate, (fiovXy ;) the family of the tyrant 
 continued for a long time in possession of power, after he himself
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 163 
 
 had been murdered by two disciples of Plato. In Paphlagonia SECOND 
 was Sinope, the most powerful of all the Grecian settlements on 
 the Black sea, of which it long held the sovereignty. The free- 
 dom and independence of this place lasted to about 100, when it 
 fell under the dominion of the kings of Pontus, and afterwards 
 under that of the Romans. The principal source from which it 
 derived its wealth were the shoals of migratory fish (i^Xa^uS^,) 
 which, issuing from the Palus Maeotis, spread along the shore of 
 the Black sea down to the Thracian Bosporus. In Pontus was 
 Amisus, the mother city of Trapezus, and which shared the fate 
 of Sinope. On the eastern coast stood the cities of Phasis, Dios- 
 curias, and Phanagoria : this last was the principal mart of the 
 slave trade, and, during the Macedonian period, the staple for 
 Indian commodities imported across the Oxus and the Caspian 
 sea. In the Chersonesus Taurica stood Panticapseum, capital 
 city of the little Grecian kingdom of Bosporus, whqse kings 
 (among whom Spartacus, about 439, and more especially Leucon, 
 about 350, are celebrated) remained in alliance with Athens till 
 Mithridates the Great laid there the foundation of his dominion. 
 On the northern coast was the city of Tanais, on the mouth of 
 a river of the same name at the bottom of the Palus Maeotis. 
 Olbia was situated at the mouth of the Borysthenes. These two 
 places, and Olbia in particular, were of the highest importance 
 for the inland trade, which issuing from thence in a northern and 
 easterly direction, was extended to the very centre of Asia. 
 The colonies of the western coast, such as Apollonia, Tomi, and 
 Salmidessus, were of less notoriety. 
 
 8. The coast of Thrace and Macedonia, washed 
 by the ^Egaean sea, was likewise covered with 
 Grecian colonies, from various cities, and espe- 
 cially from Corinth and Athens. The Athenians 
 having obtained in the Persian war the sove- 
 reignty of the sea, endeavoured to establish their 
 dominion in this part of the world ; hence the 
 cities in that quarter were closely implicated in 
 the quarrels and wars excited, first by the jealousy 
 between Sparta and Athens, and afterwards by 
 that which sprang up between Athens and Ma- 
 cedonia, in the reign of Philip.
 
 164 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 SECOND On the Thracian coast of the Chersonesus, regarded as the 
 op ' key of Europe, and ranging along the Hellespont, were the 
 towns of Sestos, Cardia, and ^Egospotamos ; farther to the west 
 stood Maronea and Abdera, the latter a colony of Teos. Of far 
 greater importance, however, were the towns on the Macedonian 
 coast, Amphipolis, Chalcis, Olynthus, PotidaBa. The first of these 
 towns, founded about B.C. 464, was a colony from Athens, which 
 endeavoured to keep it in a state of dependence. Chalcis was a 
 colony from a city of the same name in Euboea. In 470 it was 
 dependent on Athens ; but in 432, the inhabitants having raised 
 the standard of rebellion, forsook their houses and voluntarily 
 withdrew to Olynthus. Olynthus derived its name from the 
 founder, one of the sons of Hercules : in the course of time it 
 ranked among the most powerful cities of Thrace, although it was 
 tributary to the Athenians. It took a share in the war between 
 Athens and Sparta, and continued to be a flourishing city until 
 348, when it was taken by Philip of Macedon, and destroyed. 
 Potidsea was a colony of Corinth, from which it received annual 
 magistrates, (em&^i&vpyo*,) having become tributary to Athens 
 after the Persian war, it revolted in 431 : obliged to yield to the 
 Athenian arms, its inhabitants were expelled, and their place sup- 
 plied by an Athenian colony. It now became a possession of 
 Athens, and remained so till it was taken by Philip in 358. 
 
 9. The Grecian settlements westward of the 
 mother country were, almost without exception, 
 made at a later period than those in the vEgean 
 and Black seas : they reached nevertheless to an 
 equal degree of splendour ; and though their 
 trade was not so extensive, it was equally profit- 
 able : these colonies not only rivalled those we 
 have above described, in wealth, but surpassed 
 them in power, being generally characterized by 
 the wisdom and prudence displayed in their re- 
 spective constitutions. The foundation of most of 
 them may be dated between B. C. 750 and 650 ; 
 consequently at a period when all the cities in 
 the mother country had already been republican- 
 ized : and at a time when there could be no lack
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 163 
 
 of domestic troubles, which would furnish sulfi- SECOND 
 
 . f . PERIOD. 
 
 cient motives for emigration. 
 
 1. Grecian settlements in Lower Italy. The most numerous 
 and important of these were scattered around the bay of Taren- 
 tum ; they extended likewise along the western coast of Italy up 
 to Naples. These colonies were variously traced to the Dorian, 
 Achaean, and Ionian families : they were likewise distinguished 
 by political characteristics, the government in the Dorian settle- 
 ments being generally more aristocratic, in the rest more demo- 
 cratic : it must be observed, however, that, with respect to the 
 various revolutions which the respective constitutions underwent, 
 it is hardly possible to give any general information, excepting 
 so far as regards the earliest times. Of Dorian origin were Ta- 
 rentum, and its colonies Heraclea and Brundusium. Of Achaean 
 origin were Sybaris and Croton, together with the colonies of the 
 latter, Laus, Metapontum, Posidonia ; which last founded in its 
 turn, Terina, Caulonia, and Pandosia. Of Ionian origin were 
 Thurii, (built on the site where Sybaris had formerly stood,) 
 Rhegium, Elea, Cumae, and its branch settlement of Neapolis. 
 Locri Epizephyrii, a colony of the Locri Ozolae, may be regarded 
 as an ^olian city. The most remarkable of these cities in re- 
 spect of general history are : 
 
 a. Tarentum, founded by the Parthenii, from Sparta, about 
 707. It waged several wars with the aboriginal tribes in the 
 vicinity, the Messapians, Lucanians, etc. and grew to be one of the 
 richest and most powerful of the maritime towns. The brilliant 
 period of Tarentum appears to have fallen between 500 and 400. 
 Excess of wealth subsequently introduced luxury, which extin- 
 guished the national spirit. Nevertheless Tarentum preserved 
 its independence until 273, when, after the war with Pyrrhus, 
 it fell under the Roman dominion. The constitution was ori- 
 ginally a moderate aristocracy ; but was commuted soon after the 
 Persian war into a democracy, which was, however, curbed by 
 prudent restrictions. Tarentum had its senate, (/3oyXi?,) without 
 whose consent war could not be undertaken ; its magistrates 
 elected half by lot, half by majority of votes given in the assem- 
 blies of the commons. Among its most celebrated citizens is 
 reckoned the Pythagoraean Archytas, who, after the year B. C. 
 390, was frequently at the head of the state, filling the offices of 
 general and supreme magistrate. The constitution appears to 
 have preserved its form until the Roman period, although the
 
 166 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND national spirit was greatly corrupted by a luxury almost exceed- 
 ing the limits of credibility. 
 
 b. Croton, founded 710 by the Acheeans, under the guidance 
 of Myscellus from Rhype in Achaia. This city must have at- 
 tained to very great power during the very first century of its 
 existence ; since in the battle of Sagra against the Locrians, 
 which may with probability be dated about 600, the Crotoniates 
 were able to set on foot an army of 120,000 men. Neither does 
 the defeat which they there suffered appear to have debilitated 
 the settlement for any length of time; for in 510, with nearly 
 the same number of forces, they attacked the Sybarites, and de- 
 stroyed their city. The original constitution was, no doubt, a 
 moderate democracy ; but we are unacquainted with the details 
 of its organization. Pythagoras was the reformer of customs, 
 moral and political, not only at Croton, but in several other of 
 the Italico-Greek cities. This philosopher arrived at Croton 
 about 540, and there laid the foundation of the league or secret 
 association named after him ; the object of which was, not to 
 change the form of government in the Italian cities, but to create 
 men capable of managing the helm of state. This reform and 
 influence of the Pythagoraeans lasted about thirty years, when 
 their order underwent the same fate as generally befalls a secret 
 association founded with a political view. Probably about 510 
 the Pythagorsean league was broken asunder by the democratic 
 faction under Cylon. The consequence was universal anarchy, 
 not only in Croton, where, about 494, a certain Clinias usurped 
 the supreme power, but likewise in the other cities : these dis- 
 orders, however, were quelled by the intervention of the Achee- 
 ans ; and the Achaean colonies not only adopted the laws of their 
 mother cities, but likewise soon afterwards signed a league in the 
 temple of Jupiter Homorius, about 460 : it appears that Croton, 
 having already recovered from the blow it had received, was at 
 the head of this league. In this happy posture affairs remained 
 till about 400. After the kings of Syracuse had commenced 
 their attacks on Magna Gnecia, Croton was repeatedly captured ; 
 as in B. C. 389 by Dionysius I. and about 321 ; and again, in 
 299, by Agathocles. Finally, after the war with Pyrrhus, 277> 
 it became dependent on Rome. 
 
 c. Sybaris was founded about 720, like the foregoing, by the 
 Achseans, who were mingled with Troszenians : this settlement 
 existed till 510, when it was destroyed by Croton. Soon after 
 its foundation it became one of the most extensive, populous, and
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 167 
 
 luxurious cities, so much so, that the effeminacy of the Sybarites SECOND 
 became proverbial. Sybaris appears to have been at the height of OD ' 
 
 her prosperity from about 600 550 ; she then possessed a re- 
 spectable territory, comprising four of the neighbouring tribes, 
 and twenty-five cities or places. The extraordinary fertility of 
 the soil, and the admission of all strangers to the rights of citizen- 
 ship, tended to increase the population so much, that Sybaris, 
 in the war against Croton, is said to have brought into the field 
 300,000 men. The vast wealth possessed, not only by Sybaris, 
 but by the other cities in this quarter, was probably derived from 
 the great trade in oil and wine carried on with Africa and Gaul : 
 that such was the case at Agrigentum we know with certainty. 
 The constitution of Sybaris was likewise, it appears, a moderate 
 democracy: towards the year 510 one Telys took possession of 
 the supreme power, and drove out five hundred of the optimates, 
 who fled to Croton. The Crotoniates received the exiles, and 
 the Sybarites having put to death their ambassadors, a war was 
 kindled between the two cities, and ended in 510 by the defeat 
 of the Sybarites and the destruction of their city. 
 
 d. Thurii, founded near the site of ancient Sybaris in 446 by 
 Athens, although the inhabitants were of mixed origin ; a cir- 
 cumstance which gave rise at first to many domestic broils, the 
 citizens disputing as to who was the real founder ; at last, 433, 
 the Delphian oracle declared the city to be a colony of Apollo. 
 The constitution was at first a moderate democracy ; but this was 
 soon converted into an oligarchy, all the power and the best lands 
 having been taken possession of by the Sybarite families who 
 had joined the settlement. The Sybarites were, however, again 
 expelled, and Thurii grew into importance by the confluence of 
 several new colonies out of Greece ; its constitution was me- 
 liorated by the adoption of the laws of Charondas of Catana. 
 The principal enemies of the Thurians were the Lucanians, by 
 whom they were beaten, 390. The desultory attacks of that 
 tribe obliged them, 286, to crave the assistance of the Romans, 
 which soon after afforded the Tarentines an excuse for attacking 
 them. Thurii now formed a part of the Roman dependencies, 
 and after suffering much in the Carthaginian wars, was at last, 
 B. C. 1 90, occupied by a Roman colony. 
 
 e. Locri Epizephyrii. The question of their origin is subject 
 to dispute : the causes of this uncertainty are, that here, as in 
 most other of the cities, various bands of colonists arrived at va- 
 rious times, and those bands themselves were composed of a mix-
 
 168 GREEKS. BOOK m. 
 
 SECOND ture of several Grecian stocks. The chief colony was sent out, 
 B. C. 683, by the Locri Ozolse. After suffering much from vio- 
 lent internal commotions, Locri found, about 660, a lawgiver in 
 Zaleucus, whose institutions remained more than two centuries 
 inviolate. The constitution was aristocratic, the administration 
 being in the hands of a hundred families. The supreme magis- 
 trate was called cosmopolis. The senate consisted of a thousand 
 members, probably elected from the commons, with whom re- 
 sided, either wholly or partially, the legislative power. The 
 maintenance of the laws was, as in other Grecian cities, com- 
 mitted to the nomophylaces. Locri was certainly neither so 
 wealthy nor so luxurious as the cities above mentioned ; but she 
 was honourably distinguished by the good manners and quiet 
 conduct of her citizens, who were contented with their govern- 
 ment. The nourishing period of this city lasted till the time of 
 Dionysius II. who having been driven out of Syracuse, tied with 
 his dependents to Locri, the native country of his mother : by 
 his insolence and licentiousness of manners the city was brought 
 to the verge of ruin ; after his return to Syracuse, 347, the Lo- 
 crians avenged their wrongs upon his family. Locri afterward 
 maintained its recovered independence until the time of Pyrrhus, 
 who, 277j placed a garrison in the town ; the Locrians, however, 
 put the troops to the sword, and passed over to the Roman side : 
 the city was in consequence sacked by Pyrrhus in 275. From 
 that time Locri remained a confederate town dependent on Rome, 
 and suffered much in the second Punic war. 
 
 f. Rhegium, a colony from Chalcis in Eubcea, 668 : here also 
 the government was aristocratic, the supreme power being in the 
 hands of a council of a thousand men, selected only from Messe- 
 nian families, which had joined the original settlers. Hence arose 
 an oligarchy, of which Anaxilaus took advantage to assume the 
 sole dominion, 494, in which he Avas succeeded by his sons. These 
 having been driven out, 464, commotions ensued, which, after a 
 time, were quelled by adopting the laws of Charondas. Rhe- 
 gium now enjoyed a period of happiness, which lasted till B. C. 
 392, when it was captured and destroyed by Dionysius I. Dio- 
 nysius II. restored it in some measure ; but in 281 the city was 
 taken possession of by a Roman legion, who being sent for the 
 purpose of garrisoning the place, murdered the inhabitants. The 
 soldiers were punished with death, 271 ; but Rhegium thence- 
 forth remained in a state of dependence upon Rome. 
 
 g. Cumse, founded as early as 1030, from Chalcis in Eubcea.
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 169 
 
 This city attained at an early period to a high degree of power SECOND 
 and prosperity ; its territory being of considerable extent, its i>i:IUOD - 
 navy respectable, and Neapolis and Zancle (or Messana) among 
 its colonies. The government was a moderate aristocracy : this 
 constitution was subverted about 544, by the tyrant Aristode- 
 mus ; but restored after his assassination. Cuniae was subject to 
 repeated annoyances from the petty Italian nations ; and in 564 
 she was invaded and defeated by the Etruscans and Daunians 
 combined ; in 474 she beat the Etruscans at sea : but in 420 
 was captured by the Campanians ; together with whom she be- 
 came a dependent of Rome in 345. Cumae, nevertheless, in con- 
 sequence of its harbour of Puteoli, preserved a share of import- 
 ance, even under the Roman dominion. 
 
 HEYNE, Prolusiones 16 de civitatum Grcecarum per magnam 
 Grceciam et Siciliam inslilutis et legibus. Collected in his Gpus- 
 cula, vol. vii. 
 
 2. Grecian settlements in Sicily. These occupied the eastern 
 and southern shores of the island: they were founded in the 
 same period as those of Magna Graecia, and belonged partly to 
 the Dorian, partly to the Ionian stocks. Of Dorian origin were 
 Messana and Tyndaris, from Messene ; Syracuse, who in her 
 turn founded Acrae, Casmense, and Camarina, from Corinth ; 
 Hybla and Thapsus from Megara ; Segesta from Thessaly ; He- 
 raclea Minoa from Crete; Gela, which founded Agrigentum, 
 from Rhodes ; and Lipara, on the small island of that name, 
 from Cnidus. Of Ionian origin were Naxus, the founder of 
 Leontini ; Catana and Tauromenium, from Chalcis ; Zancle, 
 (after its occupation by Messenian colonists, called Messana,) 
 founded by Cumae, and in its turn founder of Himera and Mylae. 
 The most remarkable of these towns in ancient history are : 
 
 a. Syracuse, the most powerful of all the Greek colonies, and 
 consequently that concerning which our information is the most 
 copious. The history of Syracuse, on which, as that town was 
 for a long time mistress of the greatest part of the island, de- 
 pends nearly the whole history of Sicily, comprises four periods. 
 1. From the foundation, B. C. 735, to Gelon, 484; a space of 
 two hundred and fifty-one years. During this period Syracuse 
 was a republic, but does not appear to have risen to any very 
 great height of power : yet she founded the colonies of Acrae, 
 665, Casmenae, 645, and Camarina, 600. The assistance of her 
 parent city, Corinth, and Corcyra, alone prevented her falling a 
 prey to Hippocrates, sovereign of Gela ; and even then she was
 
 170 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND obliged to cede Camarina, 497- The constitution was aristo- 
 cratic ; but not free from domestic troubles. The administration 
 was in the hands of the opulent, (ya^pot ;) but these were, about 
 485, expelled by the democratic faction and their own mutinous 
 slaves. They fled to Casmenae, and by the help of Gelon, sove- 
 reign of Gela, were restored to their homes ; Gelon retaining the 
 power in his own hands. 2. From Gelon to the expulsion of 
 Thrasybulus, 484 466. The three brothers, Gelon, Hiero, and 
 Thrasybulus, successively ruled over Syracuse. Gelon, 484 
 477- He was at once the founder of the greatness of Syracuse, 
 and of his own power : this he effected partly by increasing the 
 population, bringing in new inhabitants from other Greek cities, 
 and partly by the great victory he won over the Carthaginians, 
 in alliance with the Persians, 480. At this early period Syra- 
 cuse was so powerful, both by sea and by land, as to justify Gelon 
 in claiming the office of generalissimo of Greece, when Sparta 
 and Athens came to solicit his aid. His beneficent reign not only 
 gained him the love of the Syracusans during his life, but like- 
 wise procured him heroic honours after death at the hands of a 
 grateful people. He died in 477. and was succeeded by his 
 brother Hiero I. who had till then ruled over Gela. The reign 
 of this prince was splendid, his court was brilliant, and a foster- 
 ing protection was extended to arts and sciences. Hiero's power 
 strengthened by the establishment of new citizens, both in Syra- 
 cuse and its subordinate towns of Catana and Naxus, whose ori- 
 ginal inhabitants are translated to Leontini. Wars waged against 
 Thero, 476, and his son Thrasidaeus, tyrants of Agrigentum : 
 after the expulsion of Thrasidaeus, that town forms an alliance 
 with Syracuse ; the Syracusan fleet sent to the assistance of 
 Cumae, wins a victory over the Etruscans. Hiero, dying in 467, 
 was succeeded by his brother Thrasybulus, who, after a short 
 reign of eight months, was expelled for his cruelty by the Syra- 
 cusans and the confederate cities. 3. From the expulsion of 
 Thrasybulus to the elevation of Dionysius I. ; Syracuse a free 
 democratic state : from 466 405. Reestablishment of republican 
 forms of government in Syracuse and the other Grecian cities ; 
 accompanied, however, with many commotions and civil wars, 
 proceeding from the expulsion of the new citizens and the resto- 
 ration of the ancient inhabitants to their property. Increasing 
 power and prosperity of Syracuse, who is now at the head of the 
 confederate Grecian cities in the island, and soon endeavours to 
 convert her precedence into supremacy. The new democratic
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 171 
 
 constitution quickly suffers from the diseases incident to that SECOND 
 form of government ; a vain attempt is made to apply a remedy FERIOD ' 
 by the introduction of the petalismus, B. C. 454 ; in the mean 
 time the Siculi, aboriginal inhabitants of Sicily, unite in closer 
 league under their leader Ducetius ; attempting to expel the 
 Greeks, 451, they engage the Syracusans in reiterated wars; the 
 arms of Syracuse are successful, her authority is confirmed by the 
 subjection of the ambitious Agrigentum, 446, and by her naval 
 victory over the Etruscans. First but unsuccessful attempt of 
 the Athenians to interpose in the domestic affairs of Sicily, by 
 siding with Leontini against Syracuse, 427 \ eleven years after- 
 ward occurs the great expedition against Syracuse, 415 413, 
 caused by the disputes between Segesta and Selinus ; the expe- 
 dition ends in the total rout of the Athenian fleet and army, (see 
 below,) and the power of Syracuse reaches its zenith. A consti- 
 tutional reform takes place, 412, brought about by Diocles, 
 whose laws were subsequently adopted by several other of the 
 Sicilian cities. The magistrates were chosen by lot. The rest 
 of the laws, which appear to have had reference to the criminal 
 code, were the production of a committee over which Diocles pre- 
 sided ; these enactments were so beneficial to Syracuse, that the 
 author of them was honoured with a temple after his death. Yet 
 as early as 410, a renewal of the differences between Segesta and 
 Selinus afforded a pretext for war with Carthage, from whom the 
 Segestani had besought assistance ; by this war the whole state 
 of affairs in Sicily was subverted. The rapid strides made by 
 the Carthaginians, who, under the command of Hannibal the son 
 of Gisgo, took, 409, Selinus and Himera, and even Agrigentum, 
 406, engendered domestic factions and commotions within Syra- 
 cuse ; and amid those disorders the crafty Dionysius succeeded 
 first in obtaining the office of general, and then, after supplanting 
 his colleagues, the sovereign power of Syracuse, 405. 4. From 
 Dionysius I. to the Roman occupation, 405 212. Dionysius I. 
 405 368. Ominous commencement of his reign, by a defeat at 
 Gela and the mutiny of his troops. A plague wasting the Car- 
 thaginian army, he is enabled to patch up a peace, B. C. 405, by 
 which it is agreed, that Carthage, besides her territory in the 
 island, shall retain all the conquests made during the war, to- 
 gether with Gela and Camarina. But the project of expelling 
 the Carthaginians out of Sicily, in order to subject the whole 
 island, and to fall upon Magna Grecia, kindles a long series of 
 wars both with Carthage and the cities of Magna Grecia. Second
 
 172 GREEKS. BOOK m. 
 
 SECNOD war with Carthage against Hannibal and Himilco, 398 392. 
 ERIOD ' Dionysius loses all that he before had conquered, and is himself 
 besieged in Syracuse ; but a plague once more attacking the 
 Carthaginians, rescues him from his predicament, 396 ; deeds of 
 hostility continued notwithstanding till 392, when a peace was 
 signed, by which Carthage ceded the town of Tauromenium. 
 From 394, desultory attacks on the confederate Grecian cities in 
 Lower Italy, particularly on Rhegium, the chief seat of the 
 Syracusan emigrants, which, after repeated invasions, is at last 
 compelled to yield, 387- Third war with Carthage, 383, against 
 Mago ; Dionysius wins a victory, which is however followed by 
 a greater defeat ; and the war ends the same year by the adop- 
 tion of a peace, according to which each party is to retain what 
 he then had ; the Halycus is fixed as the boundary line ; so that 
 Selinus and a portion of the territory of Agrigentum remain in 
 the hands of the Carthaginians. Fourth war : inroad upon the 
 Carthaginian states; it ends, however, in the signing of a treaty. 
 The decision of these wars generally depended on the side taken 
 by the Siculi, the most powerful aboriginal race in Sicily. Dio- 
 nysius I. having died by poison, 368, was succeeded by Dio- 
 nysius II. his eldest son by one of his two wives, Doris of Locri, 
 but under the guardianship of his step-uncle Dio, the brother of 
 Dionysius's other wife Aristomache. Neither Dio or his friend 
 Plato, who was three times invited to Syracuse, were able to im- 
 prove the character of a prince whose mind had been corrupted 
 by bad education. Dio is banished, 360. He returns, 357, and, 
 in the absence of Dionysius, takes possession of Syracuse, all but 
 the citadel. Dionysius now has recourse to stratagem ; he excites 
 in the city distrust of Dio, and foments dissension between him 
 and his general Heraclidas ; meanwhile he himself withdraws to 
 Italy, taking with him his treasures. Dio is compelled to retire 
 from the city, which is sacked by the troops garrisoned in the 
 citadel ; hereupon the Syracusans themselves fetch back Dio ; he 
 possesses himself of the citadel and wishes to restore the repub- 
 lican government, but soon falls a victim to party spirit, being 
 murdered by Callipus, B. C. 354, who usurped the government 
 till 353, when he is driven out by Hipparinus, a brother of Dio- 
 nysius, who keeps possession till 350. After ten years' absence, 
 Dionysius II. by a sudden attack, becomes once more master of 
 the city, 346. The tyranny of this prince, and the treachery of 
 Icetas of Gela, whom the Syracusans called in to their assistance, 
 but who leagues himself with the Carthaginians, and the for-
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 173 
 
 midable attempts of the latter, compel the citizens to apply to SKCOND 
 the mother city Corinth : Corinth sends to their assistance Timo- _ * Eniop - 
 leon with a small force, 345. Rapid change of affairs wrought 
 by Timoleon : he beats Icetas and the Carthaginians : in 343 
 Dionysius is forced to deliver up the citadel and evacuate the 
 country; he retires to Corinth, where he leads a private life. 
 Restoration of the republican government, not only in Syracuse, 
 where the laws of Diocles are reinstituted, but also in the rest of 
 the Grecian cities : the revolution confirmed by a great victory 
 over the Carthaginians, 340. In the midst of the execution of 
 his plans Timoleon dies, 337 ; the most splendid example of a 
 republican that history dffords ! From 337 317; almost a chasm 
 in the history of Syracuse. Wars with Agrigentum ; the usurpa- 
 tion of Sosistratus, disturbs the peace, both external and internal. 
 The character of the Syracusans was already too foully corrupted 
 for one to expect that liberty could again be established among 
 them, without the personal superintendence of a Timoleon. They 
 deserved the fate that befell them, when, in 317, that daring ad- 
 venturer Agathocles assumed the sovereign power, which he 
 maintained till 289. Renewal of the plan for expelling the 
 Carthaginians from the island, and subjecting Magna Grsecia. 
 Hence arises a new war with Carthage, in which Agathocles is 
 defeated, 311, and besieged in Syracuse: by a bold stroke he 
 passes over into Africa, accompanied by part of his fleet and 
 army, and there with general success prosecutes the war until 
 307 : the insurrection of most of the Grecian cities in Sicily re- 
 calls him from the theatre of war ; his views in Africa are conse- 
 quently defeated. In the peace of 306 both parties retain what 
 they had at the beginning of the war. The wars in Italy are 
 confined to the sacking of Croton, and a victory won over the 
 Bruttii ; and are rather predatory expeditions than regular wars. 
 In the year 289, Agathocles died by poison, and his murderer, 
 Maenon, seized the power ; he is expelled by the general Icetas, 
 and flies over to the Carthaginians. Icetas rules as pretor till 
 278, when, in his absence, the government is usurped by Thy- 
 nion, who meets with a rival in the person of Sosistratus ; in the 
 mean while the mercenaries of Agathocles (the Mamertini) pos- 
 sess themselves of Messana, and the Carthaginians press forward 
 to the very gates of Syracuse. The Syracusans invite Pyrrhus 
 of Epirus over from Italy ; that prince takes possession of the 
 whole of Sicily as far as Lilybaeum ; but having by his haughti- 
 ness incurred general hatred and disgust, he is obliged to eva-
 
 174 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 SECOND cuate the island, B. C. 275. The Syracusans now appoint 
 RIOP ' Hiero, a descendant of the ancient royal family, to the office of 
 general : after defeating the Mamertini he is called to the 
 throne, 269. At the breaking out of the war between Carthage 
 and Rome, the new king forsakes his alliance with Carthage, 
 and, passing over to the Roman side, thereby purchases a long 
 and tranquil reign until 215, when he dies of old age. Under 
 this wise prince Syracuse enjoyed a degree of happiness and 
 prosperity which none of her demagogues had been able to effect. 
 After his death the Carthaginian party became predominant; 
 Hieronymus the grandson of Hiero is murdered, 214, and Han- 
 nibal's intrigues enable the Carthaginian party to keep the upper 
 hand, by contriving to place at the head of affairs his friends 
 Hippocrates and Epicydes, who entangle Syracuse in a war with 
 Rome ; and the city, after a long siege, celebrated by the inven- 
 tions of Archimedes, is brought to ruin, 212. The history of 
 Syracuse is a practical compendium of politics : what other state 
 ever underwent so many and such various revolutions ? 
 
 The history of Syracuse was at an early period disfigured by 
 partiality. For the topography, see f BARTEL'S Letters from 
 Calabria and Sicily, vol. iii. with a plan. 
 
 f- A. ARNOLD, History of Syracuse, from its foundation to the 
 overthrow of liberty by Dionysius. Gotha, 1816. 
 
 MITFORD, History of Greece : the fourth volume contains the 
 history of Syracuse, and a defence of the elder Dionysius. It 
 would seem that even now it is difficult to write this history in 
 an impartial spirit. 
 
 b. Agrigentum, a colony of Gela, founded 582. The first city 
 of Sicily next to Syracuse, of which it was frequently the rival. 
 Its first constitution was that of the mother city ; that is to gay, 
 Dorian or aristocratic. It fell, however, soon after its foundation, 
 under the dominion of tyrants ; the first of whom noticed in his- 
 tory is Phalaris, who flourished probably 566 534. He was 
 succeeded by Alcmanes, 534 488, who was followed by Alcan- 
 der, an indulgent ruler, in whose reign the wealth of Agrigen- 
 tum seems to have already been considerable. More renowned 
 than the foregoing was Theron, the contemporary and stepfather 
 of Gelon ; he ruled from B. C. 488 472 : in conjunction with 
 Gelon he routed the Carthaginian army, 480, and subjected Hi- 
 mera. His son and successor, Thrasydaeus, was beaten by Hiero 
 and expelled, 470 ; whereupon the Agrigentines, as allies of 
 Syracuse, introduced a democracy. The period following, 470
 
 BOOK III. 
 
 GREEKS. 175 
 
 405, is that in which Agrigentum, blessed with political freedom, SECOND 
 attained the highest degree of public prosperity. She was one of P ERIOD - 
 the most opulent and luxurious cities in the world, and in the 
 display of public monuments one ef the most magnificent. For 
 her wealth she was indebted to the vast trade in oil and wine 
 that she carried on with Africa and Gaul, in neither of which 
 were those productions hitherto naturalized. In the year 446 
 the Agrigentines, excited by envy, fell upon the Syracusans, but 
 were defeated. In the war with Athens they took no share ; but 
 in the Carthaginian invasion of Sicily, 405, Agrigentum was 
 taken and destroyed ; from this blow she recovered but slowly, 
 and never effectually. By Timoleon she was, in some measure, 
 restored, 340 ; and under Agathocles, 307, was able to head the 
 cities combined against him, but was beaten. After the death 
 of Agathocles, a tyrant, by the name of Phintias, took possession 
 of the sovereign power; and was attacked, 278, by Icetas of 
 Syracuse. At the breaking out of the first Punic war, Agrigen- 
 tum was used by the Carthaginians as a military depot ; but was 
 taken by the Romans as early as 262. 
 
 c. The fate of the other Sicilian cities was more or less de- 
 pendent on that of Agrigentum and Syracuse : they all had ori- 
 ginally republican forms of government ; but though the Ionian 
 colonies had a celebrated legislator in the person of Charondas, 
 (probably about 660,) they had the same fortune with the rest, 
 of being frequently oppressed by tyrants, either from among their 
 own citizens, or by those of Syracuse, who often used to drive 
 out the old inhabitants, and introduce a new population more de- 
 voted to their interest : hence must have sprung manifold wars. 
 The foregoing history shows how grievously they likewise suffered 
 in the wars between Syracuse and Carthage. Following the 
 dates of their respective foundations, they may be thus arranged : 
 Zancle, (after 664, known by the name of Messana,) the earliest, 
 though of uncertain date ; Naxus, 736 ; Syracuse, Hybla, 735 ; 
 Leontini, Catana, 730 ; Gela, 690 ; Acrae, B. C. 665 ; Casmenae, 
 645 ; Himera, 639 ; Selinus, 630 ; Agrigentum, 582. The 
 dates of the rest cannot be ascertained with any degree of 
 accuracy. 
 
 3. On the other islands and coasts of the Mediterranean we 
 meet with various insulated Grecian settlements ; in Sardinia, 
 the cities Garalis and Olbia : the date of their foundation un- 
 known; in Corsica, Alaria, (or Alalia,) a colony of Phocaeans 
 founded, 561 ; hither the inhabitants of the mother city betook
 
 176 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 SECOND themselves in 541 ; and subsequently, after the naval engage- 
 P ERIOD V ment with the Etruscans and Carthaginians, withdrew, some to 
 Rhegium, others to Massilia, 536. 
 
 4. On the coast of Gaul stood Massilia, founded by the Pho- 
 caeans, who had been driven out of Corsica after the above men- 
 tioned naval engagement, 536 ; or rather, there was on the same 
 site an old settlement which was now increased. Massilia ra- 
 pidly grew in wealth and power. Our information respecting 
 the wars she waged on the sea against Carthage and the Etrus- 
 cans is but of a general kind. Her territory on the main land, 
 although rich in wine and oil, was limited in extent ; she esta- 
 blished, nevertheless, several colonies along the shores of Spain 
 and Gaul, among which Antipolis, Nicaea, and Olbia are the best 
 known. The trade of Massilia was carried on partly by sea, and 
 partly by land, through the interior of Gaul. The constitution was 
 a moderate aristocracy. The chief power was in the hands of six 
 hundred individuals ; the members of this council were called 
 timuchi, they held their places for life, were obliged to be mar- 
 ried men with families, and descended at least to the third ge- 
 neration from citizens. At the head of this council stood fifteen 
 men, three of whom were chief magistrates. As early as 218 
 Massilia was in alliance with Rome, under whose fostering pro- 
 tection she grew in prosperity ; her freedom was preserved to her 
 until the war between Pompey and Caesar ; having sided with 
 the former, she was stormed, 49, by Caesar's army. She soon re- 
 trieved herself, and, under the reign of Augustus, Massilia was 
 the seat of literature and philosophy, in which public lectures 
 were there given as at Athens. 
 
 AUG. BRUEKNER, Historia Reipublicce Massiliensium. Get- 
 ting. 1826. A prize essay. 
 
 5. On the Spanish coast stood Saguntum, (Za/cuvflo?,) a colony 
 from the island of Zacynthus ; the date of its foundation is un- 
 determined. It became opulent by its commerce ; but at the 
 opening of the second Punic war, B. C. 219, was destroyed by 
 Hannibal, as being an ally of Rome. 
 
 6. On the coast of Africa lay Cyrene, founded at the sugges- 
 tion of the Delphic oracle in 631, by the island of Thera. The 
 constitution was at first monarchical. Kings : Battus I. the 
 founder, 631 591. In whose family the sceptre remained. 
 Arcesilaus I. d. 575. Under the reign of his successor, Battus 
 II. surnamed the happy, (d. 554,) the colony was much strength- 
 ened by new comers from Greece. The Libyans, bereaved of
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 177 
 
 their lands, seek for help at the hands of A pries, who is de- SECOND 
 feated by the Cyrenaeans, 570, and in consequence loses his RIOD ' 
 crown. Arcesilaus II. d. 550. Rebellion of his brothers, and 
 foundation of Barca, an independent town ruled by its own se- 
 parate kings. Secession of the Libyan subjects. He is put to 
 death by his brother or friend Learchus, who in his turn is poi- 
 soned by Eryxo the widow of Arcesilaus. Her son, Battus III. 
 surnamed the lame, (d. about 529,) succeeds to the throne. The 
 royal power confined within narrow limits by the laws of Demo- 
 nax of Mantinea : the king retains nothing more than the reve- 
 nue and priestly office. His son Arcesilaus III. becomes of his 
 own accord tributary to the Persians ; in conjunction with his 
 mother, Pheretime, he seeks to reestablish the regal supremacy, 
 but is expelled; nevertheless he regains possession of Gyrene. 
 In consequence of his cruelty he is assassinated in Barca, about 
 516. Pheretime seeks for help from the Persian satrap of Egypt, 
 Aryandes, who by craft gets possession of Barca ; the inhabitants 
 are carried away and translated into Bactria, 512. Soon after 
 Pheretime dies. It seems probable that another Battus IV. and 
 Arcesilaus IV. must have reigned at Cyrene, to whom Pindar's 
 fourth and fifth Pythian Odes are addressed : their history, how- 
 ever, is veiled in obscurity. Cyrene then received a republican 
 constitution, probably somewhere about 450 ; but we are unac- 
 quainted with the internal details of the government. Yet 
 though Plato was invited by the Cyrenseans to give them laws, 
 and though they had for their legislator Democles of Arcadia, 
 they appear never to have been blessed with a good and stable 
 constitution. Not only is mention often made of domestic trou- 
 bles, as in 400, when amid the uproar excited by Ariston most 
 of the aristocratic party were cut off; but we likewise frequently 
 meet with tyrants. Concerning the external affairs of this state 
 we know nothing but a few general facts relative to the border 
 wars with Carthage. Subsequently to Alexander, Cyrene be- 
 came a part of the Egyptian kingdom ; so early as the reign of 
 Ptolemy I. it was added to that realm by his general Ophelias, 
 about B. C. 331. It now continued to receive various rulers 
 from the family of the Ptolemies (see below) until the reign of 
 Ptolemy Physcon, when it became a separate state, the bastard 
 son of that prince, Apion by name, having made it over to the 
 Romans, 97- Cyrene possessed a considerable share of trade, 
 consisting partly in the exportation of country produce, more es- 
 pecially the Silphium, (Laser,) partly in a varied intercourse 
 
 N
 
 178 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 SECOND with Carthage, Ammonium, and thence with the interior of 
 
 PERIOD. Africa. The former splendour and importance of this city and 
 
 the neighbouring country are testified by an abundance of most 
 
 noble ruins ; a more accurate research into which every friend of 
 
 antiquity must desire. 
 
 HARDION, Histoire de Cyrene, in Mem. de I' Academic des 
 Inscriptions, t. iii. 
 
 J. P. THRIGE, Historia Cyrenes, inde. a tempore quo condita 
 urbs est, usque ad cetatem, qua in provinciae formam a Romanis 
 redacta est : particula prior, de initiis colonial Cyrenen deductaz, 
 et Cyrenes Battiadis regnantibus historia. Havniae, 1819. The 
 best work on Cyrene. It is hoped that the author will not dis- 
 apppoint our expectations of the second part, which is to contain 
 the period of republican government. QThe whole was completed 
 in 1828. The learned and ingenious author has neglected no au- 
 thority whether ancient or modern, and is particularly cautious 
 and judicious in his researches.] 
 
 A ray of light has lately, for the first time, been thrown on 
 the remains still found in Cyrenaica by DELLA CELLA, Fiaggio 
 di Tripoli ; translated by Spieker, in the f Journal of the latest 
 travels by sea and by land, Sept. 1820. 
 
 W. BEECHEY, Proceedings to explore the northern coast of 
 Africa from Tripoli eastward, 1827- 
 
 F. R. PACHO, Relation d'un voyage a Marmarique et Cyre- 
 naique, 1828. A most accurate description. 
 
 T. EHRENBERG, Travels through North Africa, in the 
 years 18201825, by Dr. W. F. Hemprich and Dr. C. G. 
 Ehrenberg. Berlin, 1828. 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 
 
 From the commencement of the Persian wars to the time of 
 Alexander the Great, B. C. 500336. 
 
 Sources. The chief writers in this period are : For the history 
 of the Persian wars to the battle of Plataese, 47i), Herodotus. 
 For the period between 479 and the breaking out of the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war, we must, in the absence of contemporary authors,
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 179 
 
 consider Diodorus Siculus as the principal authority. The be- THIRD 
 ginning of theTTth Iwok, which commences with the year 480, T ^"^ 
 (the 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, and 10th books being lost,) to the middle ANDEK. 
 of the 1 2th ; the chronology of this author, however, must in 
 several cases be rectified after Thucydides's summary in lib. i. 
 For the period of the Peloponnesian war, 431 410, the history 
 of Thucydides is the capital work ; but it must be accompanied 
 by DioTTorus, from the middle of the 12th book to the middle of 
 the 13th. From the year 410 to the battle of Mantinea, 362, 
 the principal sources are the Hellenics of Xenophon, and occa- 
 sionally his Anabasis and AgesTlaus; together with Diodorus, 
 from the middle of the 13th book to the end of the 15th. For 
 the years intervening from 362 336, no contemporary historian 
 has been preserved; Diodorus's 16th book must therefore here be 
 considered as the chief source : for the times of Philip, however, 
 recourse may likewise be had to the speeches of Demosthenes 
 and ^schines. The Lives of Plutarch and Nepos often touch 
 upon this period, but cannot be regarded as authentic sources ; 
 of still less authority are the abridged documents given by Justin 
 and some others. 
 
 The modern authors on this, the brilliant period of Greece, 
 are, of course, the same as have been enumerated above: (see 
 p. 118.) To whom must here be added : 
 
 POTTER, Archceologia Grceca ; or the Antiquities of Greece : 
 2 vols. 8vo. Lond. 1722. Translated into German by J. J. Ram- 
 bach, 3 vols. 1775. 
 
 BARTHELEMY, Voyage du Jeune Anacharsis en Grece. (Be- 
 tween the years B. C. 362 and 338.) Paris, 1788, 5 vols. Ac- 
 companied with charts and plans, illustrating the topography of 
 Athens, etc. This work is conspicuous for a rare union of good 
 taste and erudition ; unattended, however, with an equal share 
 of critical acumen and a correct appreciation of antiquity. 
 
 -f- History of the Origin, Progress, and Fall of Science in 
 Greece and Rome, by C. MEINERS. Gottingen, 1781. It con- 
 tains also a delineation of the political state of affairs ; but does 
 not extend beyond the age of Philip. 
 
 The principal works on the monuments of ancient Greece are : 
 
 LE ROY, Les Rnines des plus beaux Monumens de la Grece. 
 Paris, 1758, 2nd edit. 1770, fol. The first in point of time; but 
 far surpassed by : 
 
 J. STUART, The Antiquities of Athens measured and deli- 
 
 N2
 
 TO 
 
 180 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIHD neated ; 3 vols. Lond. 1762: the 4th vol. published in 1816. 
 ERioD, j n Beauty and accuracy of execution superior to all. 
 ANDER. R. DALTON, Antiquities and Views of Greece and Egypt, 
 1691, fol. The Egyptian monuments are confined to those of 
 Lower Egypt. 
 
 R. CHANDLER, Ionian Antiquities. London, 1796, 1797* 
 2 vols. fol. A worthy companion to Stuart. 
 
 CHOISEUL GOUFFIER, Voyage pittoresque dans la Grece, 
 vol. i, 1779: vol. ii, 1809. Confined principally to the islands 
 and Asia Minor. 
 
 Beneficial 1. From a multitude of small states, never 
 the Persian united but continually distracted by civil broils 
 and such at the beginning of this period were 
 the states of Greece any thing important could 
 hardly be expected without the occurrence of 
 some external event, which, by rallying the di- 
 vided forces round one point, and directing them 
 toward one object, should hinder them from mu- 
 tually exhausting one another. It was the hostile 
 attempt of Persia that first laid the foundation of 
 the future splendour of Greece ; certain states 
 then grew so rapidly in power, that upon their 
 particular history hinges the general history of all 
 the rest. 
 
 Causes which led to the Persian war. Share taken by Athens 
 in the Ionian insurrection and firing of Sardes, B. C. 500. (see 
 above, p. 98.) Intrigues of Hippias, first with the satraps, and 
 afterwards at the Persian court itself. First expedition, that of 
 Mardonius, thwarted by a storm, 493. 
 
 Athens and 2. Not even the summons to acknowledge the 
 
 O 
 
 ane ta reject Persian authority was sufficient to rouse the na- 
 J f e p^ a n f s tional energy of the Greeks. All the islands, and 
 B.C. 491. most of the states on the main land, submitted 
 to the yoke ; Sparta and Athens alone boldly re- 
 jected it. The Athenians, unassisted, under their 
 leader Miltiades, acquainted from his youth with
 
 BOOK nr. GREEKS. 181 
 
 the Persians and their mode of warfare, and with THIRD 
 the superiority of the arms of his countrymen, be- T0 ALEX- 
 came the saviours of Greece. ANDER ' 
 
 Quarrel of Athens and Sparta with JEgma, which sides with 
 the Persians, 491 ; and consequent deposition of Demaratus, king 
 of Sparta, by his colleague Cleomenes. 
 
 Persian expedition of Datis and Artaphernes under the guid- 
 ance of Hippias : frustrated by the battle of Marathon, B. C. 
 Sept. 29, 490, and the failure of an attempt upon Athens. 
 
 3. The immediate consequence of this victory Expedition 
 was a naval expedition against the islands, more SS^MU- 
 particularly Paros, to which Miltiades, out of a tiades ' 
 private grudge, persuaded the Athenians. It was 
 undertaken for the purpose of levying contribu- 
 tions ; and seems to have given the Athenians the 
 
 first idea of their subsequent dominion of the sea. 
 The Athenians punished Miltiades for the failure 
 of this expedition, although the effect of their own 
 folly ; yet was this act of injustice a source of hap- 
 piness to Athens ; as the fall of Miltiades made 
 room for the men who laid the solid foundation of 
 her glory and greatness. 
 
 4. As usual in every democratic state rising to internal 
 power, the history of Athens now becomes that Athens. 
 of eminent individuals, standing at the head of 
 affairs, as generals or demagogues. Themistocles, 
 who united to an astonishing degree in his own 
 person the most splendid talents of statesman and 
 general, with a spirit of intrigue, and even of 
 egotism ; and Aristides, whose disinterestedness, 
 even in those days, was singular at Athens, were 
 
 the real founders of the power of this common- 
 wealth. Athens, however, was more indebted to 
 the first than to the latter.
 
 182 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIRD Rivalry of these two men, 490 486. While Themistocles at 
 ToTtEx- tne ne& d f tne Athenian fleet prosecutes the design of Miltiades 
 
 ANDER. against the islands, the management of state affairs is confided to 
 Aristides. On the return, however, of Themistocles as conqueror, 
 Aristides is by ostracism banished Athens, 486. Themistocles 
 alone, at the head of affairs, pursues his plan for making Athens 
 a maritime power. In consequence of a war against the object 
 of popular hatred, ^Egina, B. C. 484, he prevails on the Athe- 
 nians to devote the income from the mines to the formation of a 
 navy. While Athens is thus rising to power, Sparta suffers from 
 the insanity of one of her kings, Cleomenes, (succeeded in 482 by 
 his half brother Leonidas,) and the arrogance of the other, Leo- 
 tychides. 
 
 Second ex- 5. The glory of frustrating the second mighty 
 the Pe?- Persian invasion of Greece under Xerxes I. be- 
 feate^by long 8 to Themistocles alone. Not only his great 
 Themisto- nava l victory off Salamis, but still more the man- 
 
 cles: B.C. J 
 
 480. ner in which he contrived to work upon his coun- 
 trymen, proves him to have been the greatest 
 man of the age, and the deliverer of Greece, now 
 united by one common bond of interest. All 
 national leagues are weak in themselves : yet how 
 strong may even the weakest be made when held 
 together by one great man, who knows how to ani- 
 mate it with his own spirit ! 
 
 Themistocles' plan for the conduct of the war ; first, a common 
 union of all the Hellenic states ; a measure which succeeds to a 
 certain degree, the honour of the command being left to the 
 Spartans ; secondly, the sea made the theatre of war. Gal- 
 lant death of Leonidas with his three hundred Spartans and 
 seven hundred Thespians, July 6, 480. An example of heroism 
 which contributes as much to the greatness of Greece as the vic- 
 tory of Salamis. About the same time naval engagements off 
 Artemisium in Eubcea, with two hundred and seventy-one sail. 
 The leaders of the Greeks are kept to their posts merely by bri- 
 bery ; the means of purchasing their services being for the most 
 part furnished by Themistocles himself. Athens, deserted by 
 its inhabitants, is taken and burnt by Xerxes, July 20. Retreat
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 183 
 
 of the Grecian fleet into the bay of Salamis : revocation of all THIRD 
 exiles, Aristides among the rest. Politic measures adopted by PE * IOD> 
 Themistocles to hinder the dispirited Greeks from taking flight, AVDER. 
 and at the same time to secure to himself, in case of need, 
 an asylum with the Persian monarch. Naval engagement and 
 victory off Salamis, Sept. 23, 480, with three hundred and eighty 
 sail, (one hundred and eighty of which were Athenian,) against 
 the Persian fleet, already much weakened : retreat of Xerxes. 
 Poets and historians have disfigured these events by fanciful ex- 
 aggerations : still, however, they may show us how commonly 
 human weakness is attended with human greatness ! 
 
 6. The victory of Salamis did not conclude the Battles of 
 war ; but the negotiations entered into during the MycaS,' 
 winter months with the Persian general, Mardo- aJ^gT" 
 nius, left in Thessaly, and with the Asiatic 
 Greeks, to excite them to throw off the yoke, 
 
 show how far the confidence of the nation in its 
 own strength had increased. But by the battle 
 fought on land at Plataeae, under the command 
 of the Spartan, Pausanias, (guardian to Plistar- 
 chus, son of Leonidas,) and the Athenian, Aris- 
 tides ; together with the naval battle at Mycale 
 on the same day, and the destruction of the Per- 
 sian fleet, the Persians are for ever driven from 
 the territory of Greece, though the war continues 
 for some time longer. 
 
 7. The expulsion of the Persians wrought anSpamhas 
 
 . ... ,., , , the ascend- 
 
 entire change in the internal and external rela- anc y to470. 
 tions of Greece. From being the aggressed the 
 Greeks became the aggressors ; to free their 
 Asiatic countrymen is now the chief object or 
 pretext for the continuation of a war so profit- 
 able ; the chief command of which abides with 
 Sparta until B.C. 470. 
 
 Athens rebuilt and fortified by Themistocles despite of Spar- 
 tan jealousy, 478: formation of the Piraeus, an event of still
 
 184 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIRD greater importance, 477- Naval expedition under Pausanias, 
 
 PERIOD, acco mpanied by Aristides and Cimon, undertaken against Cyprus 
 
 ANDER. an d Byzantium, for the purpose of expelling tlie Persians, 470. 
 
 Treachery and fall of Pausanias, 469. In consequence of the 
 
 Spartans' haughtiness, the supreme command devolves upon the 
 
 Athenians. 
 
 Athens as- 8. This transfer of the command to Athens had 
 chief com- a decided effect on all the subsequent relations 
 of Greece, not only because it augmented the 
 jealousy between Sparta and Athens, but because 
 Athens exercised her predominance for a purpose 
 entirely different from that of Sparta. Establish- 
 ment of a permanent confederacy, comprising most 
 of the Grecian states without Peloponnesus, espe- 
 cially the islands, and an adjustment of the con- 
 tributions to be annually furnished by each, with 
 the view of prosecuting the Persian war, and 
 liberating the Asiatic Greeks from the Persian 
 yoke. Although the common treasury was first 
 established at Delos, the superintendence of it 
 was confided to Athens ; and such a manager as 
 Aristides was not always to be found. Natural 
 consequence of this new establishment: 1. What 
 had hitherto been mere military precedence, be- 
 comes in the hands of Athens a right of political 
 prescription, and that, as usual, is soon converted 
 into a sovereignty. Hence her idea of the su- 
 premacy of Greece, (&fm ^ 'EXXSO?,) as connected 
 with that of the sea, (0aXa<r<r<c/aT/a.) 2. The op- 
 pression of the Athenians, sometimes real, at 
 other times presumed, after a short time, rouses 
 the spirit of discontent and contumacy among 
 several of the confederates: hence, 3. The gra- 
 dual formation of a counter league, headed by
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 185 
 
 Sparta, who maintains her supremacy over the THIRD 
 greatest part of the Peloponnesus. 
 
 9. The changes introduced into the internal or- 
 ganization are not to be determined solely by the 
 
 palpable alterations made in any of Lycurgus's change. 
 or Solon's institutions. In Sparta, the general 
 frame-work of Lycurgus's constitution subsisted ; 
 nevertheless the power was virtually in the hands 
 of the ephori, whose dictatorial sway placed 
 Sparta in the formidable posture she now as- 
 sumed. At Athens, in proportion as the import- 
 ance of foreign relations increased, and amid the 
 protracted struggles between the heads of the de- 
 mocratic and aristocratic parties, the real power, 
 under the outward appearance of a democracy, 
 gradually centered in the hands of the ten an- 
 nually elected generals, (oTpanjyoi,) who with more 
 or less effect played the parts of demagogues. 
 
 Abrogation of the law that excluded the poorer citizens from 
 official situations, B. C. 478. 
 
 Expulsion of Themistocles, implicated in the fall of Pausanias, 
 principally through the intrigues of Sparta : he is first banished 
 by ostracism, 469, but in consequence of further persecution he 
 
 flies over to the Persians, 466. 
 
 Brilliant 
 
 10. The following forty years, from 470 430, period ot 
 
 n * i /> * i A Athens. 
 
 constitute the nourishing period ot Athens. A 
 concurrence of fortunate circumstances happen- 
 ing among a people of the highest abilities and 
 promoted by great men, produced here phenomena, 
 such as have never since been witnessed. Politi- 
 cal greatness was the fundamental principle of the 
 commonwealth ; Athens had been the guardian, 
 and the champion of Greece, and she wished to 
 appear worthy of herself. Hence in Athens alone 
 were men acquainted with public splendour, exhi-
 
 186 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIRD bited in building's, in spectacles, and festivals, the 
 
 PERIOD, ... / i i /> t 
 
 TO ALEX- acquisition or which was facilitated by private 
 frugality. This public spirit animating every citi- 
 zen, expanded the blossoms of genius ; no broad 
 line of distinction was anxiously drawn between 
 private and public life ; whatever great, whatever 
 noble was produced by Athens, sprung up ver- 
 dant and robust out of this harmony, this buxom 
 vigour of the state. Far different was the case 
 with Sparta; there rude customs and laws ar- 
 rested the development of genius : there men 
 were taught to die for the land of their fore- 
 fathers : while at Athens they learnt to live for it. 
 
 Athenian 11. Agriculture continued the principal occu- 
 ' pation of the citizens of Attica; other employ- 
 ments were left to the care of slaves. Commerce 
 and navigation were mainly directed towards the 
 Thracian coast and the Black sea ; the spirit of 
 trade, however, was never the prevailing one. 
 As affairs of state became more attractive, and 
 men desired to participate in them, the want of 
 intellectual education began to be felt, and so- 
 phists and rhetoricians soon offered their instruc- 
 tion. Mental expertness was more coveted than 
 mental knowledge ; men wished to learn how to 
 think and to speak. A poetical education had 
 long preceded the rise of this national desire ; 
 poesy now lost nothing of its value : as heretofore 
 Homer remained the cornerstone of intellectual 
 improvement. Could it be that such blossoms 
 would produce other fruits than those which ri- 
 pened in the school of Socrates, in the master- 
 pieces of the tragedians and orators, and in the 
 immortal works of Plato ?
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 187 
 
 12. These flowers of national genius burst forth THIRD 
 in spite of many evils, inseparable from such a T<> E AI!EX'- 
 constitution established among 1 such a people. ~ 
 
 Changes in 
 
 Great men were pushed aside; others took their the persons 
 places. The loss of Themistocles was supplied of affairs. 
 by Miltiades's son Cimon ; who to purer politics 
 united equal talents. He protracted the war 
 against the Persians in order to maintain the 
 union of the Greeks ; and favoured the aristocratic 
 party at the same time that he affected popularity. 
 Even his enemies learnt by experience, that the 
 state could not dispense with a leader who 
 seemed to have entered into a compact for life 
 with victory. 
 
 Another expedition under Cimon ; and victory by sea and land 
 near the Eurymedon, B. C. 469. He takes possession of the 
 Hellespontine Chersonesus, 468. Some of the Athenian con- 
 federates already endeavour to secede. Hence, 467, the con- 
 quest of Caristus in Euboea ; subjection of Naxos, 466, and from 
 465 463, siege and capture of Thasos, under Cimon. The 
 Athenians endeavour to obtain a firmer footing on the shore of 
 Macedonia ; and for that purpose send out a colony to Amphi- 
 polis, 465. 
 
 Great earthquake at Sparta ; gives rise to a ten years' war, 
 viz. the third Messenian war or revolt of the Helots, who fortify 
 themselves in Ithome, 465 455 : in this war the Athenians, at 
 the instigation of Cimon, send assistance to the Spartans, 461, 
 who refuse the proffered aid. The democratic party seize the 
 opportunity of casting on Cimon the suspicion of being in the 
 interest of Sparta ; he is banished by ostracism, 461. 
 
 13. The death of Aristides, and the banishment Aristides 
 of Cimon, concur in elevating Pericles to the 46?.' 
 head of affairs ; a statesman whose influence had 
 begun to operate as early as 469. Less a general 
 than a demagogue, he supported himself in au- 
 thority during forty years, until the day of his
 
 188 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 THIRD death, and swayed Athens without being either 
 
 PERIOD 
 
 TO ALEX- archon or member of the areopagus. That under 
 him the constitution must have assumed a more 
 
 dies, 429. democratic character, is demonstrated by the fact 
 of his exaltation as leader of the democratic 
 party. The aristocrats, however, contrive until 
 444 to set up rivals against him in the persons of 
 the military leaders, Myronides, Tolmidas, and 
 more particularly the elder Thucydides. 
 
 Change in the spirit of administration under Pericles, both in 
 reference to internal and external relations. A brilliant manage- 
 ment succeeds to the parsimonious economy of Aristides ; and 
 yet, after the lapse of thirty years, the state treasury was full. r- 
 Limitation of the power of the areopagus by Ephialtes, B. C. 461. 
 The withdrawal of various causes which formerly came under the 
 jurisdiction of that tribunal must have diminished its right of 
 moral censorship. Introduction of the practice of paying persons 
 who attended the courts of justice. 
 
 With regard to external relations, the precedence of the Athe- 
 nians gradually advanced toward supremacy ; although their rela- 
 tions with all the confederates were not precisely the same. Some 
 were mere confederates; others were subjects. Augmentation 
 in the imposts on the confederates, and transfer of the treasury 
 from Delos to Athens, 461. The jealousy of Sparta and the 
 discontent of the confederates keep pace with the greatness of 
 Athens. 
 
 Unsuccessful attempt to support by the help of an Athenian 
 fleet and troops, Inarus of Egypt in his insurrection against the 
 Persians, 462458. 
 
 Wars in Greece : the Spartans instigate Corinth and Epidau- 
 rus against Athens. The Athenians, at first defeated near Haliae, 
 in their turn rout the enemy, 458, and then carry the war against 
 jEgina, which is subdued, 457- In the new quarrel between 
 Corinth and Megara respecting their boundaries, the Athenians 
 side with Megara ; Myronides conquers at Cimolia, 457- Ex- 
 pedition of the Spartans to the support of the Dorians against 
 Phocis ; and hence arises the first rupture between Athens, 
 Sparta, and Boeotia. First battle of Tanagra, in which the 
 Spartans are victorious in the same year, 457- The Boeotians,
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 189 
 
 incited by the Spartans, are in the second battle of Tanagra THIRD 
 worsted by Myronides, 456. The recall of Cimon, at the sugges- PE " IOD > 
 tion of Pericles himself, in consequence of the first defeat. ANDER. 
 
 14. Cimon recalled from exile, endeavours to cimon re- 
 reestablish the domestic tranquillity of Greece, and st 
 
 at the same time to renew the war against the Per- 
 sians. He succeeds in his attempt after the lapse 
 of five years; and the consequence is a victorious 
 expedition against the Persians. He defeats their B. c. 450. 
 fleet off Cyprus, and routs their army on the 
 Asiatic coast. The fruit of this victory is the 449. 
 celebrated peace with Artaxerxes I. (see above, 
 p. 104.) Ere that peace is concluded Cimon dies, 
 too soon for his country, while occupied with the 
 siege of Citium. 
 
 Termination of the third Messenian war in favour of Sparta, 
 by the cession of Ithome, B. C. 455. Meantime Athens con- 
 tinues the war with Peloponnesus ; Tolmidas and Pericles 
 making an incursion by sea on the enemy's territory, 455 454. 
 At the same time Pericles, by sending out colonies to the Hel- 
 lespont, endeavours to secure more firmly the Athenian power in 
 that quarter : a colony is likewise sent out to Naxos, 453. 
 Cimon negotiates a truce, which is adopted first (451) tacitly, 
 afterwards formally, (450,) for five years. The result of this 
 truce is his victorious expedition against the Persians, and the 
 consequent peace with that nation. Although the conditions of 
 the peace prescribed by Cimon were sometimes infringed, they 
 appear to have been ratified by all parties. 
 
 15. The conclusion of peace with Persia, glo- state of 
 rious as it was, and the death of the man whose the peace 
 grand political object was to preserve union among Wlthpersia - 
 the Greeks, again aroused the spirit of internal 
 strife. For notwithstanding nearly twenty years 431. 
 intervened before the tempest burst with all its 
 
 fury, this period was so turbulent during its course, 
 that Greece seldom enjoyed universal peace.
 
 190 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIRD While Athens by her naval strength was main- 
 X- taining her ascendancy over the confederates, and 
 while some of those confederates were raising the 
 standard of rebellion and passing over to Sparta, 
 every thing was gradually combining towards the 
 formation of a counter league, the necessary con- 
 sequence of which must have been a war, such as 
 the Peloponnesian. Up to this time Athens was 
 at the height of her power ; she was governed by 
 Pericles, who, in every thing but the name, was 
 sole ruler during this period, and for that reason 
 she experienced few of the evils resulting from 
 a democratic constitution. Who, indeed, could 
 overthrow a demagogue whose presence of mind, 
 even in the greatest good fortune, never once de- 
 serted him ; who knew how to keep alive among 
 his fellow-citizens the conviction that, however 
 exalted they might be, it was to him alone they 
 were indebted for it ? 
 
 During the five years' truce the sacred war for the possession 
 of the Delphian oracle took place, and it is given by the Spartans 
 to the city of Delphi ; but after their return is given back again 
 by the Athenians to the Phocians, B. C. 448. The Athenians 
 commanded by Tolmidas, are defeated by the Boeotians, 447. 
 This expedition, undertaken in opposition to the advice of Peri- 
 cles, contributes to increase his influence ; particularly as he re- 
 duces to obedience the revolted Eubcea and Megara, 446. End 
 of the five years' truce with Sparta ; and renewal of hostilities, 
 445 ; further warlike proceedings are repressed by a new thirty 
 years' peace, which lasts, however, only fourteen years. Com- 
 plete suppression of the aristocratic party, by the banishment of 
 the elder Thucydides, 444 ; the whole administration of the state 
 consequently centres in the hands of Pericles. Democracy in 
 the confederate states favoured; forcibly introduced in Samos, 
 which, after a nine months' siege, is obliged to submit to Pericles, 
 440. Commencement of the war between Corinth and Corcyra, 
 on the subject of Epidamnus, 436, which the Corcyrseans take
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 191 
 
 possession of after winning a naval victory, 435. The Athenians THIRD 
 take part in the quarrel, and side with the Corcyraeans, 432. E R IOD > 
 The rupture with Corinth, and the policy of Perdiccas II. king ANDEH. 
 of Macedonia, lead to the secession of the Corinthian colony of 
 Potidaea, which previously belonged to the Athenian confederacy: 
 the war thereby is extended to the Macedonian coast. Engage- 
 ment near Potidaea, and siege of that town, 432. The Corinthians 
 direct their steps to Sparta, and excite the Spartans to war ; which 
 is further accelerated by the attack of the Thebans upon Plataeae, 
 the confederate of Athens, 431 . 
 
 16. The history of the twenty-seven years' war, P 
 known by the name of the Peloponnesian, or great B^cTYsi 
 Grecian war, which swept away the fairest flowers ~~ 
 
 of Greece, is the more deserving attention from 
 its being not merely a struggle between nations, 
 but likewise against certain forms of government. 
 The policy of Athens, which to establish or pre- 
 serve her influence in foreign states, excited the 
 multitude against the higher orders, had on all 
 sides given rise to two factions, the democrat or 
 Athenian, and the aristocrat or Spartan ; and the 
 mutual bitterness of party spirit produced the 
 most violent disorders. 
 
 17. The respective relations of the two head Power and 
 states of Greece to their confederates, were at 
 
 this time of a very opposite nature. Athens, as Sparta ' 
 a naval power, was mistress of most of the islands 
 and maritime cities, which, as tributary confe- 
 derates, rendered for the most part a forced obe- 
 dience. Sparta, as a land power, was allied with 
 most of the states on the continent, which had 
 joined her side of their own accord, and were 
 not subject to tribute. Sparta therefore presented 
 herself as the deliverer of Greece from the Athe- 
 nian yoke.
 
 192 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 THIRD Confederates of the Athenians : the islands Chios, Samos, Les- 
 
 TC> E AI!EX'- k s ' all those of the Archipelago, (Thera and Melos excepted, 
 
 ANDER. which stood neutral,) Corcyra, Zacynthus ; the Grecian colonies 
 
 in Asia Minor, and on the coast of Thrace and Macedonia ; in 
 
 Greece itself, the cities of Naupactus, Plataeae, and those of Acar- 
 
 nania. Confederates of the Spartans: all the Peloponnesians, 
 
 (Argos and Achaia excepted, which stood neutral,) Megara, Lo- 
 
 cris, Phocis, Bceotia, the cities of Ambracia and Anactorium, 
 
 and the island of Leucas. 
 
 internal 18. Sketch of the internal state of Athens and 
 Athens and Sparta at this period. The power of Athens de- 
 pended mainly on the state of her finances ; with- 
 out which she could not support a fleet, and with- 
 out a fleet her ascendancy over the confederates 
 would of course fall to ground. And although 
 Pericles, notwithstanding his lavish public ex- 
 penditure, was able to enter upon the war with 
 6,000 talents in the treasury, experience could 
 not fail to show that, in such a democratic state 
 as Athens was now become under Pericles, the 
 squandering of the public money was an unavoid- 
 able evil. This evil was produced, however, at 
 Athens much less by the peculations of individual 
 state officers than by the demands of the multi- 
 tude, who for the most part lived' at the expense 
 of the state treasury. On the other hand, Sparta 
 as yet had no finance ; and only began to feel the 
 want of it as she began to acquire a naval power, 
 and entered upon undertakings more vast than 
 mere incursions. 
 
 Financial system of the Athenians. Revenue: 1. The tribute 
 paid by the confederates (fo/> ') increased by Pericles from four 
 hundred and sixty to six hundred talents. 2. Income from the 
 customs, (which were farmed,) and from the mines at Laurium. 
 3. The caution money of the non-citizens : (/AC'TO *<.) 4. The 
 taxes on the citizens, (tla-popa},) which fell almost entirely on the
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 193 
 
 rich, more particularly on the first class, the members of which THIRD 
 were not only to bear the burthen of fitting out the fleet, (rpifpxp- 
 %/*,) but were likewise to furnish means for the public festivals 
 and spectacles, (xo^ry*!**.) The whole income of the republic at ~~ 
 this time was estimated at 2,000 talents. But the disbursements 
 made to the numerous assistants at the courts of justice (the prin- 
 cipal means of existence with the poorer citizens, and which, 
 more than any thing else, contributed to the licentiousness of the 
 democracy and the oppression of the confederates, whose causes 
 were all brought to Athens for adjudication,) together with the 
 expenditure for festivals and spectacles, even at this time, ab- 
 sorbed the greatest part of the revenue. 
 
 f F. BOEKH, Public Economy of the Athenians, 2 parts, 
 Berlin, 1816. The chief work on the subject. fJAbly translated 
 by J. C. LEWIS, esq. of Christ Church in this university.] 
 
 Athenian Letters, or the Epistolary Correspondence of an 
 Agent of the King of Persia, residing at Athens during the Pe- 
 loponnesian mar. London, 1798, 2 vols. 4to. The production 
 of several young authors; first printed, but not published, in 
 1741. This sketch comprises, not only Greece, but likewise 
 Persia and Egypt. 
 
 19. First period of the war until the fifty years' First period 
 peace. Beginning of the war unsuccessful to B.c?43i 
 Athens during the first three years, under the 422> 
 conduct of Pericles, in whose defensive plan we 
 
 may perhaps discern the infirmities of age. The 
 Athenians, however, suffered less from the annual 
 inroads of the Spartans than from the plague, to 
 which Pericles himself at last fell a victim. The *29. 
 alliance of the Athenians with the kings of Thrace 
 and Macedonia extended the theatre of war ; on 
 the other hand, Sparta had already conceived the 430. 
 idea of an alliance with Persia. 
 
 20. The death of Pericles was, for the next Conse- 
 
 i- 1-11 i / i quence of 
 
 seven years, during which the place of that great the death 
 man was supplied by Cleon a currier, followed 
 by all the evils of an uncurbed democracy. The 
 atrocious decrees with respect to Mitylene, which 427.
 
 194 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 THIRD after seceding, had been recaptured, and the in- 
 
 PEHIOD, . 
 
 TO ALEX- surrection of the Corcyraean populace against the 
 -^ rich, characterized the party spirit then dominant 
 in Greece better than the few insignificant events of 
 424. a war conducted without any plan. Sparta, how- 
 ever, found in young Brasidas a general, such as 
 are wont to arise in revolutionary times. His pro- 
 secution of the war on the Macedonian coast 
 might have brought great danger to Athens, had 
 422. he so early not fallen a victim to his own gal- 
 lantry. 
 
 Capture of Amphipolis by Brasidas, and exile of Thucydides, 
 424. Engagement near Amphipolis between Brasidas and 
 Cleon ; and death of those two generals, 422. 
 
 Peace not 21. The peace now concluded for fifty years 
 B!c?422. could not be of long duration, as many of the con- 
 federates on either side were discontented with 
 Aicibiades its terms. All hope of tranquillity must have 
 of affairs? been at an end when the management of Athenian 
 42 * affairs fell into the hands of a youth like Aicibi- 
 ades, in whom vanity and artifice held the place 
 of patriotism and talent, and who thought war 
 the only field in which he could gain credit. 
 Against him what availed the prudence of Nicias? 
 Happy was it for Athens that during the whole 
 of this period Sparta never produced one man 
 who could match even with Aicibiades I 
 
 Attempt of some states, Corinth especially, to set Argos at the 
 head of a new confederacy ; this measure Athens likewise fa- 
 vours, 421. Violation of the peace, 419; the war indirect until 
 415, and limited to assisting the confederates on either side. 
 Alcibiades's plan of giving Athens the preponderance in Pelo- 
 ponnesus, by an alliance with Argos, is defeated by the battle 
 of Mantinea, 417- Exterminating war of the Athenians waged 
 against the Melians, who wish to preserve their neutrality,
 
 BOOK ni. GREEKS. 195 
 
 whereas neutrality in the weaker party now becomes a crime, THIRD 
 416. PERIOD, 
 
 TO Al.EX- 
 
 22. Alcibiades's party brings forward at Athens ANDER - 
 the project of conquering Sicily, under the pre- 
 tence of succouring the Segestani against the Sy- 
 racusans. This rash expedition, in which the 
 hopes both of the Athenians and of its instigator 
 Alcibiades were blighted, gave to Athens the first 
 great blow, from which she never after, even with 
 
 the utmost exertion of her strength, recovered ; 
 especially as Sparta also was now become a naval 
 power. 
 
 Early interference of the Athenians with the concerns of the 
 Sicilian Greeks. A fleet and army under the command of Ni- 
 cias, Lamachus, and Alcibiades, sent against Sicily, 415. Ac- 
 cusation, recall, and flight of Alcibiades to Sparta : formal rup- 
 ture of the peace by an inroad of the Spartans into Attica, where 
 they fortify Decelea, 414. Unsuccessful siege of Syracuse, 414 ; 
 and total annihilation of the Athenian fleet and army by the 
 assistance of the Spartans under Gylippus, 413. 
 
 23. Fatal as in the present circumstances the Athens a f- 
 blow struck in Sicily must appear to have been h 
 
 to Athens, yet the calamity was surmounted by 
 Athenian enthusiasm, never greater than in times 
 of misfortune. They maintained their supremacy 
 over the confederates ; but the part which Alci- 
 biades, in consequence of the new posture his 
 own personal interest had assumed at Sparta, 
 took in their affairs, brought about a twofold do- 
 mestic revolution, which checked the licentious 
 democracy. 
 
 Alliance of the Spartans with the Persians, and indecisive en- 
 gagement off Miletus. Flight of Alcibiades from Sparta to Tis- 
 saphernes; his negotiations to gain the satrap over to the in- 
 terests of Athens, 411. Equivocal policy of Tissaphernes. 
 Negotiations of Alcibiades with the chiefs of the Athenian army 
 
 o2
 
 196 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIRD at Samos, and the consequent revolution at Athens, and over- 
 TO\LEX- * nrow f *h e democracy by the appointment of the supreme 
 ANDER. council of four hundred in place of the jSovXij, and of a committee 
 of five thousand citizens in place of the popular assembly, 411. 
 The army assumes the right of debate ; names Alcibiades to be 
 its leader ; but declares again for democracy. Great commotions 
 at Athens in consequence of the discomfiture of the fleet at Ere- 
 tria, and the secession of Euboea. Deposition of the college of 
 four hundred, after a despotic rule of four months ; Reform- 
 ation of the government ; Transfer of the highest power to the 
 hands of the five thousand ; Recall of Alcibiades, and recon- 
 ciliation with the army. 
 
 Brilliant 24. Brilliant period of Alcibiades's command. 
 Ticibiades, The reiterated naval victories won by the Athe- 
 
 TJ /~1 A 1 1 
 
 _! 4 io. nians over the Spartans under Mindar us, who, 
 mistrusting Tissaphernes, now forms an alliance 
 with Pharnabazus, satrap of the north of Asia 
 Minor, oblige the Spartans to propose peace, 
 410. which haughty Athens, unluckily for herself, re- 
 jects. 
 
 Two naval engagements on the Hellespont, 411. Great vic- 
 tory by sea and land won near Cyzicus, 410. Confirmation of 
 the Athenian dominion over Ionia and Thrace by the capture of 
 Byzantium, 480. Alcibiades returns covered with glory ; but in 
 the same year is deposed, and submits to a voluntary exile, 407- 
 
 Anabasis of 25. Arrival of the younger Cyrus in Asia Mi- 
 40' nor; the shrewdness of Lysander wins him over 
 to the Spartan interest. The republican haugh- 
 406. tiness of Lysander's successor, Callicratidas, 
 shown to Cyrus, was a serious error in policy ; 
 for, unassisted by Persian money, Sparta was 
 not in a condition to pay her mariners, nor con- 
 sequently to support her naval establishment. 
 406. After the defeat and death of Callicratidas, the 
 405403. command is restored to Lysander, who terminates 
 the twenty seven years' war triumphantly for 
 Sparta.
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 197 
 
 Naval victory of Lysander over the Athenians at Notium, 407 1 THIRD 
 in consequence of which Alcibiades is deprived of the command. P ERIOD 
 Appointment of ten new leaders at Athens ; Conon among the ANDER. 
 number. Naval victory of Callicratidas at Mitylene ; Conon is ~ 
 shut up in the harbour of that place, 406. Great naval victory 
 of the Athenians ; defeat and death of Callicratidas at the -35gi- 
 nussae islands, near Lesbos, 406. Unjust condemnation of the 
 Athenian generals. Second command of Lysander, and last de- 
 cisive victory by sea over the Athenians at ^gospotamos on the 
 Hellespont, Dec. 406. The loss of the sovereignty of the sea is 
 accompanied by the defection of the confederates, who are suc- 
 cessively subjected by Lysander, 406. Athens is besieged by 
 Lysander in the same year, 405 ; the city surrenders in May, 
 404. Athens is deprived of her walls ; her navy is reduced to 
 twelve sail ; and, in obedience to Lysander's commands, the con- 
 stitution is commuted into an oligarchy, under thirty rulers, (ty- 
 rants.) 
 
 26. Thus ended a war destructive in its moral, End of the 
 still more than in its political, consequences, 
 Party spirit had usurped the place of patriotic 
 feeling ; as national prejudice had that of national 
 energy. Athens being subdued, Sparta stood at 
 the head of confederate Greece ; but Greece very 
 soon experienced the yoke of her deliverers to be 
 infinitely more galling than that of the people hi- 
 therto called her oppressors. What evils must 
 not have ensued from the revolutions Lysander 
 now found it necessary to effect in most of the 
 Grecian states, in order to place the helm of go- 
 vernment in the hands of his own party under the 
 superintendence of a Spartan harmost ? How 
 oppressive must not have been the military rule 
 of the numerous Spartan garrisons ? Nor could 
 any alleviation of tribute be hoped for, now that 
 in Sparta it was acknowledged that the " state 
 must possess an exchequer." The arrogance and 
 rapacity of the new masters were rendered more
 
 198 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 THIRD grevious by their being more uncivilized and des- 
 
 PERIOD, 
 TO ALEX- tltute. 
 
 History of the reign of terror at Athens under the thirty ty- 
 rants, 403. What happened here must likewise have happened 
 more or less in the other Grecian cities, which Lysander found 
 it necessary to revolutionize. In all quarters his party consisted 
 of men similar to Critias and his colleagues, who appear to have 
 been long before united in clubs (fnufc&u) intimately connected 
 with each other; from which were now taken the most daring 
 revolutionists, in order to place them everywhere at the head of 
 affairs. 
 
 Expulsion 27. Happy revolution in Athens, and expulsion 
 y tyrants, of the thirty tyrants by Thrasybulus, favoured by 
 the party at Sparta opposed to Lysander, and 
 B.C. 403. headed by king Pausanias. Restoration and re- 
 form of Solon's constitution ; general amnesty. 
 It was easy to reestablish forms ; to recall the 
 departed spirit of the nation was impossible ! 
 
 ED. PH. HINRICHS, De Theramenis, Critic? et Thrasybnli, 
 virorum tempore belli Peloponnesiaci inter Grcecos illustrium, 
 rebus el ingenio, Commentatio, Hamburgi, 1820. An inquiry 
 which exhibits much research and impartiality. 
 
 War of the 28. The defeat of the younger Cyrus entangles 
 
 Spartans , . i T 
 
 withpersia, the Spartans in a war with the Persians, the same 
 year that, after the death of king Agis, Agesilaus 
 takes possession of the regal dignity. We wil- 
 lingly forget his usurpation as we follow him 
 in his heroic career. None but a man of genius 
 could have instructed Sparta how to support for 
 so long a time the extravagant character which 
 she had now undertaken to play. 
 
 Opening of the war with Persia by Tissaphernes's attack on 
 the j^Eolian cities of Asia Minor, 400. Command of Thimbron, 
 who, 398, is succeeded by the more successful and fortunate Der- 
 cyllidas. Availing himself of the jealousy between Tissaphernes 
 and Artabazus, he persuades the latter to a separate truce, 397- 
 Command of Agesilaus; his expedition into Asia, from the
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 199 
 
 spring of 396 until 394. The conviction which he obtained of THIRD 
 the domestic weakness of the Persian empire in the successful P 12 " 10 "' 
 invasion of Phrygia, 395, seems to have matured in the mind of ANDER. 
 Agesilaus the idea of overturning the Persian throne : this design 
 he would have accomplished had not the Persians been politic 
 enough to kindle a war against Sparta in Greece itself. 
 
 29. The Corinthian war, waged against Sparta Corinthian 
 by Corinth, Thebes, and Argos, to which Athens w 
 
 and the Thessalians unite, terminated by the 
 peace of Antalcidas. The tyranny of Sparta, and 387. 
 more particularly the recent devastation of Elis, 
 a sacred territory, were the alleged pretexts ; 
 but the bribes of Timocrates, the Persian envoy, 
 were the real causes of this war. 
 
 Irruption of the Spartans into Bceotia ; they engage and are 
 routed at Haliartus, 394. Lysander falls on the field of battle ; 
 and Agesilaus is recalled out of Asia. His victory at Coronea 
 ensures to the Spartans the preponderance by land ; but the dis- 
 comfiture of their navy near Cnidus at the same time, gives to 
 their enemies the sovereignty of the sea : Conon, who com- 
 manded the combined Persian and Athenian fleets, avails himself, 
 with consummate skill, of this success to reestablish the inde- 
 pendence of Athens, 393. Sparta endeavours by apparently 
 great sacrifices to bring over the Persians to her interests : the 
 peace at last concluded by the efforts of the skilful Antalcidas, 
 (see above, book ii, parag. 42), was readily agreed to by the 
 Spartans, as they gave up only what otherwise they could not 
 have retained. The preponderance of Sparta on the continent 
 of Greece was established by the article which invested them 
 with the power of seeing the conditions of the treaty fulfilled : 
 the stipulated freedom of the Grecian cities was but an apparent 
 disadvantage ; and now that the Asiatic colonies were given up, 
 the contest for power in Greece itself must be decided by land, 
 and not by sea. 
 
 30. The quarrels which, after the peace of B.C. 386. 
 Antalcidas, Sparta began to have with Mantinea 384 ' 
 and Phlius, and still more so her participation in 
 those between the Macedo- Greek cities and the sea 380.
 
 200 GREEKS. BOOK in. 
 
 over-powerful Olynthus, prove too plainly the ar- 
 TO ALEX- romance with which Sparta behaved to the weaker 
 
 ANDER. * 
 
 ~ states. But the arbitrary appropriation of the 
 citadel of Thebes by Phcebidas, an act not in- 
 deed commanded, yet approved by Sparta, was 
 attended with more serious consequences than 
 382. were at first expected. Would that all authors 
 of similar breaches of good faith and the law of 
 nations were visited with the same vengeance ! 
 Rivalry of 31. Period of the rivalry of Sparta and Thebes, 
 Thebes, from the year 378. The greatness of Thebes was 
 the work of two men, who knew how to inspire 
 their fellow-citizens and confederates with their 
 own heroic spirit : with them Thebes rose, with 
 them she fell. Rarely does history exhibit such 
 a duumvirate as that of Epaminondas and Pelopi- 
 das. How high must our estimation of Pytha- 
 goras be, even had his philosophy formed but one 
 such man as Epaminondas ! 
 
 Liberation of Thebes from Spartan rule by the successful at- 
 tempt of Pelopidas and his fellow-conspirators, 378. Vain at- 
 tempts against Thebes, by the Spartans under Cleombrotus, 378, 
 and Agesilaus, 377 an( l 376. The defensive war conducted by 
 Pelopidas, during which he established the Theban supremacy in 
 Boeotia, and brought over the Athenians, (whose fleet, 376, beat 
 that of the Spartans,) deserves our admiration more than the 
 winning of a battle. The vast plans of Thebes were not un- 
 folded, however, till Epaminondas was at the head of affairs. 
 
 SERAN DE LA TOUR, Hisloire d' Epaminondas. Paris, 1752. 
 
 f" MEISSNER, Life of Epaminondas. Prague, 1801, 2 parts. 
 In which the authorities are duly considered. 
 
 j- J. G. SCHEIBEL, Essays towards a better understanding of 
 the Ancient World, 1809. The second part contains an essay 
 upon the history of Thebes, as the first does on that of Corinth. 
 
 General 32. A general peace is concluded in Greece 
 - through the mediation of the Persians, (who wish
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 201 
 
 to obtain auxiliaries against the Egyptians,) under THIRD 
 
 . . PERIOD, 
 
 the condition that all the Grecian cities shall be TO 
 free : it is acceded to by Sparta and Athens, but dtit 
 rejected by Thebes, because she cannot admit the 
 condition without again falling under the Spartan 
 yoke. In fact, the lofty language used by Epa- 372 
 minondas, as envoy to Sparta, shows that it was 
 problematic whether Sparta or Thebes should 
 now be at the head of Greece. Could the idea, 
 therefore, of a perfect equality between the states 
 of Greece be other than chimerical ? 
 
 33. The long struggle maintained so gloriously E P aminon - 
 by Epaminondas against Sparta is remarkable 371362. 
 both in a political and military point of view. 
 
 The power of Sparta was abased ; Epaminondas 
 invented a new system of tactics, (out of which 
 soon after sprang the Macedonian art of war;) 
 and as soon as he found confederates in Pelo- 
 ponnesus itself, he made his way to the very gates 
 of Sparta. 
 
 Victory won by the Thebans at Leuctra, July 8, 371 , and an- 
 nihilation of what hitherto had been called the supremacy of 
 Sparta. First irruption into Peloponnesus preceded by alliances 
 with Arcadia, Elis, and Argos. The attack upon Sparta itself 
 is unsuccessful ; but the freedom of Messene is restored, 369. 
 
 34. Sparta in distress forms an alliance with spartainai- 
 
 1-1 i i' ance w ' [ k 
 
 Athens, under the stipulation that the command Athens. 
 
 shall alternately be in the hands of the two con- 
 federates ; conditions, no doubt, humiliating to 
 Spartan pride ! It however affords them the 
 means of frustrating Epaminondas's new attempt 
 on Corinth and the Peloponnesus. Even Dio- 
 nysius I. of Syracuse, thinks himself bound to as- 
 sist the Spartans as being Dorians.
 
 202 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 35. Thebes played a no less brilliant part in the 
 TO ALEX- north than she did in the south. And had the 
 ANDER ' attempts to liberate Thessaly from the rule of the 
 tyrant, Alexander of Pherae, been attended with 
 success, Thebes would have received a vast in- 
 crease of power. Even in Macedonia she acted 
 as arbitress. 
 
 First and successful expedition of Pelopidas into Thessaly, 
 368. After the decision of the disputed succession to the Mace- 
 donian throne, young Philip is brought as hostage to Thebes, and 
 , educated in the house of Epaminondas. Pelopidas is sent as 
 
 ambassador, and taken prisoner by Alexander ; hence the second 
 expedition of the Thebans, in which Epaminondas rescues the 
 army and delivers his friend, 367- 
 
 Alliance of 36. Alliance of Thebes with Persia success- 
 Persia! a " fully brought about by Pelopidas. In the in- 
 trigues of the opponents at the Persian court, the 
 object of each was to bring that court over to his 
 own interest. Yet the domineering tone in which 
 the Persians wished to dictate peace, had not the 
 consequences that might have been expected ; 
 and although Sparta consented to her confede- 
 rates remaining neutral, she would not forego her 
 claims on Messene. The establishment of a navy 
 would have been of more important consequences 
 to Thebes than this alliance, had not all these 
 plans, together with the greatness of Thebes, been 
 B.C. 365. swept away by the premature death of her two 
 leading men. 
 
 Last expedition of Pelopidas against Alexander of Pherae, in 
 which he himself falls, 364. New irruption into Peloponnesus 
 caused by the commotions in Arcadia. Battle of Mantinea, and 
 death of Epaminondas, June 27, 362. General peace in Greece 
 mediated by the Persians ; Sparta does not assent to it on account
 
 BOOK HI. GREEKS. 203 
 
 of Messene, but sends Agesilaus to Egypt, there to support the THIRD 
 insurrection of Tachos. PERIOD, 
 
 TO ALEX- 
 
 37. The result of this bloody struggle for the 
 
 ANDER. 
 
 State of 
 
 supremacy of Greece was, that neither Sparta Greece af- 
 nor Thebes obtained it ; the former of these states between 
 being weakened by the loss of Messene, the latter spana! aE 
 by the loss of its leaders, and both strained by 
 their violent exertions. The situation of Greece 
 after this war seems to have been thus far 
 changed, that no state had the predominance ; an 
 independence proceeding from enervation. Even 
 Athens, who by means of her naval power still 
 preserved her influence over the cities on the 
 coast and in the islands, lost the greater part in 
 the war of the allies, together with three of her 
 most celebrated leaders, Chabrias, Timotheus, 
 and Iphicrates, whose places were ill supplied by 
 Chares. 
 
 Confederacy of the islands Cos, Rhodes, and Chios, and the 
 city of Byzantium ; their secession from Athens, 358. Unsuc- 
 cessful siege of Chios, before which Chabrias falls, 358 ; of By- 
 zantium, 357. Athens suffers a still greater injury from the 
 cabals of Chares against his colleagues Timotheus and Iphicrates, 
 and from her imprudent participation in the insurrection of Arta- 
 bazus, 356. The threats of Artaxerxes III. force Athens to make 
 a peace, in which she is obliged to acknowledge the freedom of 
 her confederates. 
 
 38. At the very time when the growing power Sacred war. 
 of Macedonia under Philip ought to have united 346. 
 all the Grecian states, had such an union been 
 within the range of possibility, Greece plunged 
 into another civil war of ten years' duration, which 
 is known by the name of the sacred or Phocian 
 war. The Amphictyonic assembly, whose duty 
 it was to maintain peace, and whose influence had
 
 204 GREEKS. BOOK HI. 
 
 THIRD been in the present circumstances reinstated, 
 x'- abused its authority by kindling discord. The 
 hatred of the Thebans, who sought for new op- 
 portunities of quarrel with Sparta, and the am- 
 bition of the Phocian Philomelus, were the real 
 causes which led to the war, which the policy 
 of Philip knew how to prolong till the precise 
 moment favourable to his own particular views 
 arrived. The treasures of Delphi circulating in 
 Greece, were as injurious to the country as the 
 ravages which it underwent. A war springing out 
 of private passions, fostered by bribes and subsi- 
 diary troops, and terminated by the interference 
 of foreign powers, was exactly what was requisite 
 for annihilating the scanty remains of morality and 
 patriotism still existing in Greece. 
 
 Sentence of the Amphictyons against Sparta on account of the 
 former surprise of the citadel of Thebes by Phoebidas ; and 
 against Phocis on account of the tillage of the sacred lands of 
 Delphi, 357. Philomelus is elected general of the Phocians ; the 
 rifling of the treasury of Delphi enables him to take into his pay 
 Athenian and other auxiliaries, and to carry war against the 
 Thebans and their confederates, the Locrians, etc. under pre- 
 tence of their being the executors of the Amphictyonic decrees. 
 Philomelus having fallen, 353, is succeeded by his brother Ono- 
 marchus, more skilful than himself in intrigue and war : but 
 Onomarchus having fallen, 352, in the battle with Philip in 
 Thessaly, is followed by Phayllus. Philip even thus early en- 
 deavours to push through Thermopylae into Greece, but is re- 
 pelled by the Athenians. He executes this plan after his peace 
 with Athens, 347, and having procured the expulsion of the 
 Phocians from the Amphictyonic council, gets their place and 
 right of vote to be transferred to himself. 
 
 Philip's ad- 39. From the very first advance of Philip, the 
 
 vance in 
 Greece. 
 
 imto fate of Greece could scarcely afford matter for 
 
 doubt ; although the eloquence of Demosthenes
 
 BOOK in. GREEKS. 205 
 
 warded it off until the second invasion, caused by J HIRD 
 
 J PERIOD 
 
 the Amphictyonic sentence passed on the Lo- 
 crians. (See below, book iv. parag. 15.) The B>c 
 battle of Chaeronea laid the foundation of Mace- 
 donia's complete ascendancy over the Grecian 
 republics : by the appointment of Philip to be 336 - 
 generalissimo of Greece in the Persian war, that 
 ascendancy was, as it were, formally acknow- 
 ledged ; nor did it end with the assassination of 
 that prince.
 
 206 
 
 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 BOOK iv. 
 
 FOURTH BOOK. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE MACEDONIAN MONARCHY, 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. 
 
 FIRST 
 
 origin of 
 
 dom^abo 
 B.C. sis 
 
 From its origin to the death of Alexander the Great. 
 B. C. 800-323. 
 
 SOURCES. We have no historian who wrote, particularly, on 
 Macedonia, before the time of Alexander. The facts relative to 
 the earlier history previous to Philip are collected from Diodo- 
 rus, Justin, Thucydides, and Arrian ; from Diodorus more espe- 
 cially. In consequence of the loss of the other historians, Dio- 
 dorus is the chief authority for the history of Philip; the 
 speeches of Demosthenes and ^Eschines must likewise be con- 
 sulted, but not made use of without caution and judicious histo- 
 rical criticism. With respect to Alexander the Great, as so many 
 writers on his reign have been destroyed by time, Arrian must 
 now be considered as the chief authority, on account of the care 
 he has shown in the selection of his authorities, conjointly with 
 the seventeenth book of Diodorus. Plutarch's biography contains 
 several valuable additional facts ; and even the superficial Cur- 
 tius might furnish us with abundance of information, did his ac- 
 counts offer higher claims to our credit. 
 
 1. An Hellenic colony from Argos, headed by 
 the Tcmenidae, a branch of the Heraclidee, settled 
 j n Emathia, and laid the feeble foundation of the 
 Macedonian empire, which was in time to rise to 
 such power. Not only did the settlers keep their 
 footing in the country, in spite of the aboriginal 
 inhabitants ; but their princes gradually extended 
 their territory, by subjecting or expelling several 
 of the neighbouring tribes. Their earlier history,
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 207 
 
 not excepting even the names of their kings, is FIRST 
 buried in obscurity till the time of the Persian - 
 invasions. 
 
 The three first Macedonian kings, Caranus said to have ruled 
 twenty-eight years, Coenus twenty- three, Tyrmas forty-five, 
 were unknown to Herodotus, who names as founder of the Ma- 
 cedonian monarchy, Perdiccas, 729 678. Of this prince and 
 his successors Argseus, d. 640, Philip I. d. 602, ^Eropus, d. 576, 
 and Alcetas, d. 547, nothing more is known than that they waged 
 war, with various success against the neighbouring Pierians and 
 Illyrians, who had their own kings. 
 
 2. 'When the Persians commenced their incur- situation at 
 
 -j-, n /T i i the time of 
 
 sions into Europe, Macedonia, by its situation, the Persian 
 must have been one of the first countries they m 
 ravaged. Accordingly, as early as the reign of 
 Darius Hystaspis, the Macedonian kings were 
 tributary to the Persians ; and were indebted for 
 their deliverance from that yoke, not to their own 
 valour, but to the victories of the Greeks. The 
 battle of PlatseaB restored independence to the B.C. 479. 
 Macedonian kingdom, although that independ- 
 ence was not formally acknowledged by the Per- 
 sians. 
 
 Immediately after the Scythian campaign, 513, Amyntas 
 (d. 498,) became tributary to the Persians ; his son and succes- 
 sor, Alexander, (d. 454,) was in the same state of subjection, and 
 was even compelled to join the expedition of Xerxes. 
 
 3. But the expulsion of the Persians still left situation 
 Macedonia exposed to the attacks of other for- treat of'thl 
 midable neighbours ; on one side there was the P ' 
 Thracians, among whom, under Sitalces, and his d. 424. 
 successor, Seuthes, arose the powerful kingdom 
 
 of the Odrysas ; on the other, the Athenians, 
 who, availing themselves of their extensive navy, 
 reduced to subjection the Grecian settlements
 
 208 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 FIRST on the Macedonian shores. Harassing as these 
 
 PERIOD. -11 i i i 
 
 - neighbours were to the Macedonian kings, they 
 proved to be the very instruments by which Ma- 
 cedonia became so early and so deeply involved 
 in the affairs of Greece. 
 
 Commencement of the differences with Athens, under the 
 reign of Perdiccas II, 454 413 ; Athens having supported his 
 brother Philip against him. Defection of Potidaea, and fortifica- 
 tion of Olynthus, into which the Greeks from Chalcis and other 
 cities are transplanted, 432. Potidaea being forced to surrender 
 to Athens, 431, Perdiccas contrives to play so skilful a part in 
 the Peloponnesian war just now commencing, that he outwits the 
 Athenians, parrying the attack of Sitalces by a marriage of his 
 sister with Seuthes, the heir to that prince, 429. His alliance 
 with Sparta, 424, is very detrimental to the Athenians, Brasidas 
 wresting Amphipolis from their hands ; nevertheless Perdiccas 
 chooses rather to conclude a peace with Athens, 423, than to 
 throw himself entirely into the arms of his new allies. 
 
 Archeiaus 4. Archelaus, the successor of Perdiccas, in- 
 foundation troduced agriculture and civilization among the 
 
 Macedonians, who were never, however, recog- 
 413400. n j ze( j by the Hellenes as their legitimate bre- 
 thren : highways and military roads were con- 
 structed ; forts were erected ; and the court be- 
 came the seat of literature. In these days the 
 Macedonian kingdom seems to have comprised 
 Emathia, Mygdonia, and Pelagonia, to which 
 may be added some of the neighbouring tribes, 
 who, although governed by their own kings, were 
 tributary. The power of the kings was insignifi- 
 cant when unaided by the nobles, among whom, 
 as was the case with all the hereditary princes of 
 Greece, they merely held the right of precedence. 
 How difficult was it, even in Alexander's time, to 
 erase from the minds of the Macedonian nobility 
 the recollection of their former importance !
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 209 
 
 5. The murder of Archelaus was followed by a FIRST 
 stormy period, wrapped in obscurity : the un- - 
 settled state of the succession raised up many 
 pretenders to the throne, each of whom easily 
 found the means of supporting his claims, either 
 
 in some of the neighbouring tribes, or in one of 
 the Grecian republics. 
 
 jEropus, as guardian to the young king Orestes, usurps the 
 supreme power, B. C. 400 394. After his death, and the mur- 
 der of his son Pausanias, 393, the throne was seized by Amyn- 
 tas II. son of Philip, and brother to Perdiccas II. who was 
 nevertheless unable to maintain his power until he had gained 
 a victory over Argaeus, the brother of Pausanias, who was backed 
 by the Illyrians, 390369. The war with Olynthus, 383380, 
 could not be brought to a successful conclusion until he had 
 formed an alliance with Sparta. 
 
 6. The three sons of Amyntas II, Alexander, 
 Perdiccas, and Philip, successively ascended the 
 throne after the death of their father ; but so vio- 
 lent were the commotions during the reigns of 
 the two former, that the future existence of Ma- 
 cedonia as a kingdom might have been regarded 
 as problematical : it is certain that they were 
 obliged to submit to the payment of tribute to 
 the Illyrians. 
 
 Alexander, in opposition to his rival, Ptolemy of Alorus, 
 placed on the throne by Pelopidas, sends his youngest brother 
 Philip as hostage to Thebes : in the same year he is deposed by 
 Ptolemy, 368. Reign of Ptolemy, 388 365, with the stipula- 
 tion imposed, 367> by Pelopidas, that he shall only hold the 
 sceptre in reserve for the two younger brothers. Murder of 
 Ptolemy, 365, by Perdiccas III. who is nearly overwhelmed 
 by Pausanias, another and earlier pretender to the crown ; he is 
 at last firmly seated on the throne by the Athenians, under Iphi- 
 crates, 364. But as early as 360 he falls in the war against the 
 Illyrians, leaving behind him a son, Amyntas, still a minor, and 
 a younger brother Philip, who escapes from Thebes in order to 
 gain possession of the throne.
 
 210 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 7< ^e re * n ^ P m l*P W ^ch lasted twenty- 
 Philip; four years, is one of the most instructive and in- 
 336? 6< teresting in the whole range of history, as well on 
 account of the prudence he displayed, as for the 
 manner in which his plans were arranged and 
 executed. Though it may be difficult to trace in 
 his morals the pupil of Epaminondas, yet it is im- 
 possible to view without feelings of astonishment 
 the brilliant career of a man, who, under the al- 
 most hopeless circumstances in which he com- 
 menced his course, never lost his firmness of 
 mind, and who in the highest prosperity pre- 
 served his coolness of reflection. 
 
 The history of Philip, even in his own days, was distorted to 
 his disadvantage by orators and historians. Demosthenes could 
 not, Theopompus would not, be impartial ; and the information 
 contained in Diodorus and Justin is mostly derived from the 
 work of the latter. 
 
 OLIVIER, Histoire de Philippe, roi de Macedoine. Paris, 
 1740, 2 vols. 8vo. A defence of Philip. 
 
 DE BURY, Histoire de Philippe, el d'Alexandre le grand. 
 Paris, 1760, 4to. A very mean performance. 
 
 TH. LELAND, The History of the Life and Reign of Philip 
 king of Macedon. London, 1761* 4to. Dry, but exhibiting much 
 reading and strict impartiality. 
 
 In MITFORD, History of Greece, vol. iv, Philip has found his 
 most zealous panegyrist and defender. It would seem that, even 
 in the present day, it is impossible to write an impartial history 
 of this monarch. 
 
 8. Melancholy posture of the Macedonian af- 
 fairs at the beginning of Philip's reign. Besides 
 victorious foes abroad, there were at home two 
 pretenders to the throne, Argaeus, backed by 
 Athens, Pausanias, supported by Thrace ; and 
 Philip himself, at first, was merely regent, and 
 not king. In the two first years, however, every
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 211 
 
 thing was changed, and Macedonia recovered her FIRST 
 independence. The newly-created phalanx en- 
 sured victory over the barbarians ; recourse was 
 had to other means than force for success against 
 the suspiciousness of Athens and the neighbour- 
 ing Greek settlements, particularly against the 
 powerful Olynthus. It is in the conduct of these 
 affairs that the peculiar sagacity of Philip is dis- 
 played. 
 
 After the defeat of Argaeus, peace is purchased from Athens 
 by a momentary recognition of the freedom of Amphipolis, 360. 
 Removal of Pausanias by means of an accommodation with 
 Thrace. By the conquest of the Paeonians and Illyrians, 359, 
 the boundaries of Macedonia are extended to Thrace, and west- 
 ward to the lake Lychnitis. As early as 360 Philip was pro- 
 claimed king. 
 
 9. Development of Philip's further plans of p !j c y f 
 aggrandizement. By the gradual subjection of 
 the Macedo- Greek cities, he proposed, not only 
 to make himself sole master in Macedonia, but 
 also to remove the Athenians from his domain. 
 The first object of his policy against Greece was 
 to get himself acknowledged as aHellen, and Ma- 
 cedonia as a member of the Hellenic league. 
 Hence the subsequent tutelage in which Mace- 
 donia held Greece was not converted into a 
 formal subjection, a proceeding which would have 
 savoured too much of barbarian origin. The exe- 
 cution of all these plans was facilitated by the 
 possession of the Thracian gold mines, which en- 
 abled Philip to create finances as well as the 
 phalanx. 
 
 Capture of Amphipolis, 358 ; in the mean while Athens is 
 amused with promises, and Olynthus with the momentary cession 
 of Potidaea, which had likewise been captured : this event is fol- 
 lowed by the conquest of the mountainous districts, abounding in 
 
 p2
 
 212 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 FIRST gold, which extend from the Nestus to the Strymon, and fur- 
 nished an annual income of nearly 1,000 talents. 
 
 possesses iQ. The interference of Philip in the affairs of 
 
 himself of 
 
 Thessaiy : Thessaiy dates from the year 357 ; the possession 
 of that country was an object equally important 
 for the furtherance of his views upon Greece, as 
 for the improvement of his finances. He first 
 stepped forth as the deliverer of Thessaiy, and 
 ended in making it a province of Macedonia. 
 
 Expulsion of the tyrants from Pherae, at the request of the 
 Aleuadae, 356 ; the tyrants, however, receive support in the sacred 
 war from the Phocians under Onomarchus. The final defeat 
 of Onomarchus, 352, makes Philip master of Thessaiy ; he places 
 Macedonian garrisons in the three chief places, and thus supports 
 his authority in the country until he is pleased to make it en- 
 tirely a Macedonian province, 344. 
 
 takes ad- \\ The protraction of the sacred war in 
 
 vantage of l 
 
 the sacred Greece furnished Philip with an excellent oppor- 
 tunity of promoting his views upon that country ; 
 although his first attempt at an irruption, too 
 precipitately undertaken, was frustrated by the 
 Athenians. The capture of Olynthus, notwith- 
 standing the assistance afforded it by the Athe- 
 nians, after a season of apparent inaction, insured 
 the safety of the frontiers in his rear ; and by a 
 master stroke of policy, almost at the very mo- 
 ment in which he was driving the Athenians out 
 of Euboea, he found means to enter with them 
 into negotiations, which, after repeated embas- 
 sies, were closed by a peace, opening to him the 
 way through Thermopylae, and enabling him to 
 raise a party favourable to himself within the very 
 walls of Athens. 
 
 invades 12. First descent of Philip into Greece, and 
 termination of the sacred war by reducing the
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 213 
 
 Phocians. The place which he now obtained in FIRST 
 the Amphictyonic council, had been the height - 
 
 of his wishes ; and the humility of Sparta proved 
 how firmly his ascendancy over Greece was al- 
 ready established. 
 
 13. Brief view of the state of Greece, and more fosters a 
 particularly of Athens, after the sacred war ; de- oSce" 
 scription of the means by which Philip succeeded 
 
 in creating and supporting parties favourable to 
 his own interests in the Grecian states. Bribery 
 was not his only instrument; what he gave he 
 borrowed from others ; the main feature of his 
 policy was, that he seldom or ever recurred to the 
 same means. Scheming and consistent even in 
 his drunken revels, he hardly ever appears under 
 the same form. 
 
 Dreadful consequences to the morals of the Greeks, resulting 
 from the spirit of party, the decline of religion, and the vast in- 
 crease in the circulating medium, produced by the treasures of 
 Delphi and Macedonia. Estimate of the power of Athens dur- 
 ing the period of Demosthenes and Phocion. It seems that, un- 
 fortunately, the eloquence and political acuteness of the former 
 was not accompanied with sufficient talents for negotiation ; the 
 latter, perhaps, did not place confidence enough in his country, 
 while Demosthenes placed too much. In spite of public indo- 
 lence and effeminacy, Athens was still enabled to support her 
 rank as a maritime power, the navy of Philip not being equal to 
 hers. 
 
 "|" A. G. BKCKER, Demosthenes as a Statesman and an Orator. 
 An historico-critical introduction to his works : 1815. A very 
 useful work, both as a history and as an introduction to the po- 
 litical orations of Demosthenes. 
 
 14. New conquests of Philip in Illyria and is thwarted 
 Thrace. The Adriatic sea and the Danube ap- J 
 pear to have been the boundaries of his empire 
 
 on this side. But the views of the Macedonian
 
 214 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 FIRST king were directed less against the Thracians, 
 than against the Grecian settlements on the Hel- 
 lespont ; and the attack of the Athenian Dio- 
 pithes furnished him a pretext for making war 
 against them. The siege, however, of Perinthus 
 and Byzantium, was frustrated by Phocion, to the 
 great vexation of Philip ; an event which aroused 
 the Athenians, and even the Persians, from their 
 lethargy. 
 but obtains 15. Policy of Philip after this check. At the 
 
 the com- . 
 
 mand in the very time that, engaged in a war against the bar- 
 second sa- . . in 
 credwar; barians on the Danube, he appears to have wholly 
 
 lost sight of the affairs of Greece, his agents re- 
 double their activity. .ZEschines, richly paid for 
 his services, proposes in the Amphictyonic coun- 
 cil, that, to punish the sacrilegious insults of the 
 Locrians to the Delphian oracle, he should be 
 elected leader of the Greeks in this new sacred 
 war. Following his usual maxim, Philip suffers 
 himself to be entreated. 
 
 and fails 16. Second expedition of Philip into Greece. 
 
 Greece. His appropriation of the important frontier town 
 of Elatea soon showed that, for this time at least, 
 he was not contending merely for the honour of 
 Apollo. Alliance between Athens and Thebes 
 brought about by Demosthenes. But the defeat 
 of Chaeronea in the same year decided the de- 
 pendence of Greece. Philip now found it easy to 
 play the magnanimous character towards Athens. 
 
 Philip's 17. Preparations for the execution of his plan 
 
 aSX against Persia, not as his own undertaking, but as 
 a national war of the Hellenes against the barba- 
 rians. Thus, while Philip, by obtaining from the 
 Amphictyons the appointment of generalissimo
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 215 
 
 of Greece against the Persians, secured in an ho- FIRST 
 nourable manner the dependence of the country, -- 
 the splendour of the expedition flattered the na- 
 tion at whose expense it was to be conducted. 
 It is a question, indeed, whether Philip's own pri- 
 vate views extended much further ! 
 
 18. The internal government of Macedonia, internal 
 under so skilful and successful a conqueror, must Macedonia 
 necessarily have been absolute. No pretender Jp der phl " 
 would dare to rise up against such a ruler, and 
 
 the body guard (do/iif^.i) established by him at the 
 beginning of his reign, and taken from the Mace- 
 donian nobility, contributed much to keep up a 
 proper understanding between th% prince and the 
 nobles. The court became a military staff, while 
 the people, from a nation of herdsmen, was con- 
 verted into a nation of warriors. Philip was un- 
 fortunate only in his own family ; but the blame 
 is not to be attributed to him if he could not agree 
 with Olympias. 
 
 19. Philip murdered by Pausanias at ^Egae, Philip mur- 
 probably at the instigation of the Persians, while B^C.'SSS. 
 celebrating the marriage of his daughter. 
 
 20. The reiisrn of ALEXANDER the GREAT, in Alexander: 
 
 ^u r ^ u- * i J ' '* 336-323. 
 
 the eyes of the historical inquirer, derives its 
 great interest, not only from the extent, but 
 from the permanence, of the revolution which he 
 effected in the world. To appreciate properly 
 the character of this prince, who died just as he 
 was about to carry his mighty projects into ex- 
 ecution, is no easy task; but it is totally repug- 
 nant to common sense to suppose that the pupil 
 of Aristotle was nothing more than a wild and 
 reckless conqueror, unguided by any plan.
 
 216 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 FIRST ST. CROIX, Examen critique des anciens historiens d'Alexan- 
 RIOP ' dre-le-grand, 2nd. edition, consider ablemen I augrnentee. Paris, 
 1804, 4to. The new edition of this, which is the principal work 
 on the history of Alexander, and important in more respects than 
 one, contains more than the title implies, though by no means a 
 strictly impartial estimate of that prince's character. 
 
 Disturb- 21. Violent commotions at court, in the conquered 
 
 ances of the . . . _ . . i * T-M i 
 
 Macedo- countries, and in Greece, after the death oi Philip. 
 Great as his power appeared to be, the preserva- 
 tion of it depended entirely on the first display of 
 character in his successor. Alexander showed 
 himself worthy to inherit the sceptre by his victo- 
 rious expedition against the Thracians ; (to whom, 
 and more especially to his alliance with the 
 Agrians, he was afterwards indebted for his light 
 horse;) and by the example which he exhibited 
 to Greece in his treatment of Thebes. 
 
 Alexander, 22. Appointment of Alexander in the assembly 
 
 unhnoof at Corinth to be generalissimo of the Greeks. 
 Yet what his father would probably have turned 
 to a very different account, he allowed to remain 
 a mere nominal office. Development of his plan 
 of attack upon Persia. The want of a navy, soon 
 experienced by Alexander, would probably have 
 frustrated his whole project, had not Memnon's 
 counterplan of an inroad into Macedonia been 
 thwarted by the celerity of the Macedonian king. 
 
 Battieofthe 23. Passage over the Hellespont, and com- 
 mencement of the war. The tranquillity of his 
 kingdom and of Greece appeared to be secured, 
 Antipater being left at the head of affairs. The 
 victory on the Granicus opens to Alexander a 
 path into Asia Minor; but the death of Memnon, 
 which soon after followed, was perhaps a greater 
 advantage than a victory.
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 217 
 
 24. The victory of Issus, gained over Darius in FIRST 
 person, appears to have given Alexander the first - 
 
 ' , n . Battle of 
 
 idea oi completely overturning the Persian throne, issus. 
 as was proved by the rejection of Darius's offers 
 of peace. When indeed have not the plans of 
 conquerors been dependent on the course of 
 events? Yet Alexander must have been pretty 
 certain of his future victory, since he permitted 
 Darius to escape, while he sat down seven months 
 before Tyre, in order to make himself master of 332. 
 the sea; and, after the conquest of Egypt without 
 a battle, to which the possession of Tyre opened 
 the way, to build Alexandria, and erect to himself 
 a monument more lasting than all his victories. 
 
 Although Alexandria perhaps in the end may have surpassed 
 the expectations of the founder, yet the selection of the site, fa- 
 vourable only for navigation and commerce, shows that an eye 
 was originally had to those objects. 
 
 25. Invasion of Inner Asia, facilitated by the Decisive 
 tacit submission of the ruling tribes, and by the ABBBA. 
 state of cultivation in which the country was 
 found. On the plains of Arbela the Macedonian Oct. 1,331. 
 tactics were completely triumphant. It might 
 
 now be said that the throne of Persia was over- 
 turned; and the unexpectedly easy capture of 
 Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis, was surely of 
 more importance for the moment than the pursuit 
 of a flying king. 
 
 Insurrection of the Greeks quelled by Antipater ; Alexander 
 himself falls in with the malcontent envoys to Darius in the in- 
 terior of Asia. 
 
 26. The subjection of the north-eastern pro- Persia 
 vinces of the Persian empire would perhaps havejctei 
 been attended with the greatest difficulties, had
 
 218 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 FIRST not the astonishing activity of the conqueror 
 crushed in their birth the schemes of the treach- 
 
 B. c. 330. erous Bessus, who, after the assassination of Da- 
 rius, wished to erect a separate kingdom in Bac- 
 tria. The Jaxartes was now the northern bound- 
 329. ary of the Macedonian monarchy, as it had hi- 
 therto been that of the Persian. Besides, the 
 possession of the rich trading countries, Bactria 
 and Sogdiana, was in itself an object of vast im- 
 portance. 
 
 During this expedition, the execution of Philotas and his fa- 
 ther Parmenio took place, though both were, probably, guiltless 
 of the conspiracy laid to their charge, 330. After the death of 
 Darius, Alexander met with almost constant opposition in his 
 own army: the majority of the troops fancying that that event 
 precluded the necessity of any further exertions. Cautious as 
 Alexander was in his treatment of the Macedonian nobles, we 
 may discern, not however by the mere example of Clitus, how 
 difficult they found it to banish from their memory the relations 
 in which they had formerly stood to their kings. 
 
 Alexander 27. Alexander's expedition against India had, 
 
 marches ...... 
 
 against no doubt, its origin in that propensity to romantic 
 328-326. enterprise which constituted a main feature in his 
 character. Yet what could be more natural than 
 that a close view of Persian splendour, the con- 
 quest of such wealthy countries, and the desire of 
 prosecuting his vast commercial designs, should 
 gradually mature in the mind of the Macedonian 
 king the plan of subjecting a country which 
 was represented as the golden land of Asia. To 
 this likewise the scantiness of geographic inform- 
 ation must have greatly contributed ; if he pressed 
 forward to the eastern seas, the circle of his do- 
 minion would, it was supposed, be complete. It 
 appears very certain that Alexander was destitute
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 219 
 
 of a sufficient knowledge of the country when he FlRST 
 entered upon this expedition. 
 
 Alexander's invasion was directed against Northern India, or the 
 Panjab; in those days a populous and highly cultivated country ; 
 now the seat of the Seiks and Mahrattas ; and then, as now, in- 
 habited by warlike races. He crossed the Indus at Taxila (At- 
 tock,) passed the Hydaspes (Behut or Chelum,) and, availing 
 himself of the quarrels between the Indian princes, defeated the 
 king, Porus. He then proceeded across the Acesines (Jenaub) 
 and Hydraotes (Rauvee). The eastern verge reached in this ex- 
 pedition was the river Hyphasis (Beyah ;) here, having already 
 proceeded half way to the Ganges, the conqueror was, by a 
 mutiny in his army, compelled to retreat. His return was 
 through the country of the Malli (Multan) as far as the Hydas- 
 pes, when the majority of his troops took ship, and were floated 
 along that stream into the Acesines, and from thence into the 
 Indus, which they followed down to its mouth. 
 
 RENNEL, Memoir of a Map of Hindostan. London, 1793, 
 (3d. edit.) and 
 
 ST. CROIX, Examen, etc. (see p. 216.) furnish all the neces- 
 sary historical and geographical explanations relative to the Per- 
 sian and Indian campaigns of Alexander. 
 
 28. Although Alexander was obliged to give up Conse- 
 
 . . -r -,. , quences of 
 
 the project or conquering India, yet the connec- this expedi- 
 tion between Europe and the east, which has tlc 
 continued from that time, was the work of his 
 hands. While the communication on land was 
 secured by the establishment of various settle- 
 ments, the communication by sea was opened by 
 the voyage of his admiral, Nearchus, from the 
 Indus to the Euphrates. In the mean time 
 Alexander himself proceeded to Persis and Baby- 
 lon, across the desert, and the unexplored pro- 
 vinces of Gedrosia and Carmania. 
 
 Nearchus's voyage (our knowledge of which is derived from his 
 own journal, preserved in Arrian's Indica) lasted from the be-
 
 220 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 FIRST ginning of October, 326, to the end of February, 325 : nearly the 
 same time was occupied in the almost incredible land march of 
 
 the king. 
 
 VINCENT, The Voyage of Nearchus from the Indus to the 
 Euphrates. London, 1797* 4to. Exhibiting the most learned 
 researches, and illustrated with excellent charts. 
 
 Alexander's 29. After the abandonment of India, the whole 
 
 policy in the / i i 
 
 conquered circuit oi Alexander s conquests was precisely 
 that of the former Persian empire ; his later pro- 
 jects were probably directed against Arabia alone. 
 However easy it had been to make these con- 
 quests, it was a more difficult task to retain them ; 
 for Macedonia, exhausted by continual levies of 
 men, could not furnish efficient garrisons. Alex- 
 ander removed this difficulty, by protecting the 
 conquered from oppression ; by showing proper 
 respect to their religion ; by leaving the civil 
 government in the hands of the native rulers who 
 had hitherto possessed it ; and by confiding to 
 Macedonians the command only of the garrisons 
 left in the chief places, and in the newly esta- 
 blished colonies. To alter as little as possible in 
 the internal organization of countries was his fun- 
 damental principle. 
 
 his views. 30. Simple as Alexander's plans were in the 
 outset, their simplicity was more than compensated 
 by the magnitude and importance of their results. 
 Babylon was to be the capital of his empire, and 
 consequently of the world. The union of the 
 east and the west was to be brought about by 
 the amalgamation of the dominant races by inter- 
 marriage, by education, and, more than all, by 
 the ties of commerce, the importance of which 
 much ruder conquerors, in Asia itself, soon learnt
 
 BOOK iv. MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 221 
 
 to appreciate. In nothing probably is the supe- FIRST 
 riority of his genius more brilliantly displayed, - 
 than in his exemption from all national prejudice, 
 particularly when we consider that none of his 
 countrymen were in this respect to be compared 
 with him. To refuse him this merit is impossible, 
 whatever judgment we may form of his general 
 character. 
 
 31. Sudden death of Alexander at Babylon by Death of 
 fever ; under the peculiar circumstances of the A P ri?2i? r ' 
 time, the greatest loss mankind could experience. B - c - 323 - 
 From the Indus to the Nile the world lay in 
 ruins ; and where was now the architect to be 
 found, that could gather up the scattered frag- 
 ments and restore the edifice ? 
 
 Alexander's disorder may be easily accounted for by the hard- 
 ships he had undergone, and the impure air to which he exposed 
 himself in cleaning out the canals about Babylon. He certainly 
 was not poisoned ; and in the charge of immoderate drunkenness 
 brought against him, we must take into acccount the manners of 
 the Macedonian and Persian courts. Was it not the same with 
 Peter the Great ? In estimating his moral character we must 
 bear in mind the natural vehemence of his passions, ever inclined 
 to the most rapid transitions ; nor should we forget the unavoid- 
 able influence of constant success upon mankind.
 
 222 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 
 
 History of the Macedonian monarchy, from the death 
 of Alexander the Great to the battle of Ipsus, B. C. 
 323301. 
 
 SECOND To enable the reader to take a general view, the history of the 
 European events is resumed below, under the head of the history 
 of Macedonia Proper. 
 
 SOURCES. Diodorus, lib. xviii xx. is the great authority 
 for this portion of history. He compiled mostly, for this period, 
 from a contemporary historian, Hieronymus of Cardia. He is 
 followed by Plutarch in the Lives of Eumenes, Demetrius, and 
 Phocion; and by Justin, lib. xiii, etc. Of Arrian's history of 
 Alexander's successors, nothing unfortunately remains but a few 
 fragments in Photius. 
 
 f MANNERT, History of Alexander's successors. Nuremberg, 
 1787. Composed with the usual judgment and learning of that 
 author. 
 
 Measures 1. The very first measure adopted after the 
 thed e e ath of death of Alexander contained within itself the 
 Alexander. gee( j s o f ^ fa Q fa lQ revolutions that afterwards 
 
 ensued. Not only were the jealousy and am- 
 bition of the nobles aroused, but even the inter- 
 ference of the army was exhibited in the most 
 terrific manner. Although the idea of the su- 
 premacy of the royal family was cast off only by 
 degrees, yet the dreadfully disturbed state in 
 which that family stood, rendered its fall un- 
 avoidable. 
 
 State of the rayal family at the death of Alexander. He left 
 his wife Roxana pregnant, who at the end of three months 
 brought into the world the rightful heir to the sceptre, Alexan- 
 der ; he left likewise an illegitimate son, Hercules ; a bastard
 
 BOOK iv. TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. 223 
 
 half-brother, Arrhidaeus ; his mother, the haughty and cruel SECOND 
 Olympias, and a sister, Cleopatra, both widows ; the artful Eu 
 rydice, (daughter to Cyane, one of Philip's sisters,) subsequently 
 married to the king, Arrhideeus ; and Thessalonica, Philip's 
 daughter, afterwards united to Cassander of Macedonia. 
 
 2. The weak Arrhideeus, under the name of A " hideus 
 
 and Alex- 
 Philip, and the infant Alexander were at last ander joint 
 
 proclaimed kings, the regency being placed in 
 the hands of Perdiccas, Leonnatus, and Meleager; 
 the last of whom was quickly cut off at the insti- 
 gation of Perdiccas. Meanwhile Antipater, with 
 whom Craterus had been ioined as civil ruler, had ANT 
 
 J t in Lurope. 
 
 the management of affairs in Europe. 
 
 3. The sequel of the history becomes naturally violent re- 
 that of satraps, who fell out among themselves, vc 
 
 all being ambitious to rule, and none willing to 
 obey. Twenty-two years elapsed ere any massy 
 edifice arose out of the ruins of the Macedonian 
 monarchy. In few periods of history are the re- 
 volutions of affairs so violent, in few periods, 
 therefore, is it so difficult to unravel the maze of 
 events. For this purpose the most convenient 
 division of the history is into three periods : the 
 first extending to the death of Perdiccas, 321 : 
 the second to the death of Eumenes, 315: the 
 third to the defeat and death of Antigonus at the 
 battle of Ipsus, 301. 
 
 4. First grant of the provinces made by Per- Division of 
 
 ,. mi r i " the empire. 
 
 diccas. Ihe vanity ol this man seems to have in- B. 0.323. 
 duced him to select the office of regent, in order 
 that no separate province might fall to his share ; 
 he placed his whole reliance on having the com- 
 mand of the royal army, although it had already 
 given so many proofs of its determination to com- 
 mand rather than to obey.
 
 224 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 SECOND J n this division Ptolemy son of Lagus received Egypt ; Leon- 
 
 ' natus, Mysia ; Antigonus, Phrygia, Lycia, and Pamphylia ; Ly- 
 
 symachus, Macedonian Thrace ; Antipater and Craterus remained 
 in possession of Macedonia. The foreigner, Eumenes, would 
 hardly have received Cappadocia, although yet to be conquered, 
 had Perdiccas been able to dispense with his services. The re- 
 maining provinces either did not come under the new division, or 
 else their governors are unworthy of notice. 
 
 First acts of 5. The first acts of Perdiccas's government 
 
 Pcrdiccis. 
 
 showed how little dependence he could place on 
 the obedience of men who hitherto had been his 
 colleagues. The general insurrection among the 
 mercenaries who had been settled by Alexander 
 in Upper Asia, and now wished to return to their 
 homes, was, no doubt, quelled by Python's de- 
 struction of the rebels ; but it was not Python's 
 fault that he did not make himself independent 
 master of the scene of mutiny. 
 
 ' Still more refractory was the behaviour of 
 e . nceofAn - Leonnatus and Antigonus, when they received 
 
 tigonus and 
 
 Leonnatus. orders to put Eumenes in possession of his pro- 
 vince. Antigonus was too haughty to obey ; and 
 Leonnatus preferred going over into Europe to 
 marry Cleopatra; there, however, he almost im- 
 mediately met with his death in the Lamian war. 
 (See below, book iv. period iii. parag. 2.) Per- 
 diccas, therefore, was himself obliged to undertake 
 the expedition with the royal army; he succeeded 
 
 B.C. 322. by the defeat of Ariarathes. 
 
 Perdiccas 7. Ambitious views of Perdiccas, who, in order 
 to ascend the throne by a marriage with Cleo- 
 rkted - 1S P atra ' re P u diates Nicsea, the daughter of Anti- 
 pater. Cleopatra actually came over to Asia; 
 but Perdiccas, being obliged, at the request of 
 the army, to marry Eurydice, Philip's niece, after
 
 BOOK iv. TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. 225 
 
 the murder of her mother Cyane, to the king SECOND 
 
 O -p 
 
 Arrhidseus, found her a troublesome rival and - 
 
 opponent in the government. 
 
 8. Attempts of Perdiccas to overthrow Anti- seeks to ruin 
 gonus and Ptolemy, by accusing them before the andpuSe 8 - 
 army. Antigonus passes over to Antipater in my> 
 Macedonia ; and gives rise to the league between 
 Antipater, Craterus, and Ptolemy, against Per- 
 diccas and Eumenes. 
 
 9. Commencement and termination of the first War be- 
 war. Perdiccas himself marches against Egypt, ^parties, 
 leaving his friend Eumenes to command in Asia 321 ' 
 Minor : meanwhile Antipater and Craterus fall 
 
 upon Asia ; the former advances towards Syria 
 against Perdiccas ; the latter is defeated and slain 
 by Eumenes. Before the arrival, however, of 
 Antipater, Perdiccas, after repeated and vain at- 
 tempts to cross the Nile, falls a victim to the in- 
 surrection of his own troops. Thus three of the 320. 
 principal personages, Perdiccas, Craterus, Leon- 
 natus, were already removed from the theatre of 
 action ; and the victorious Eumenes, now master 
 of Asia Minor, had to maintain, unaided, the 
 struggle against the confederates. 
 
 10. Second period, from the death of Perdic- B.C. 320 
 cas to that of Eumenes. Python and Arrhidaeus 315 ' 
 
 . . . , , ANTIPATEK 
 
 quickly resigning the regency, it is assumed by regent. 
 Antipater. New division of the provinces at Tris- 320. 
 paradisus in Syria. Seleucus receives Babylon ; 
 Antigonus is promised, besides his former posses- 
 sions, all those of the outlawed Eumenes. 
 
 1 1 . War of Antigonus with Eumenes. The lat- 
 ter, defeated by treachery, shuts himself up in the 
 mountain fastness of Nora, there to await more
 
 226 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 SECOND favourable times ; and Antigonus remains master 
 
 of all Asia Minor : in the mean time Ptolemy 
 
 ventures to take possession of Syria and Phoenicia. 
 
 Antipater 12. Death of the resrent Antipater, in the same 
 
 dies. 
 
 320. year, (320 ;) he bequeaths the regency to his friend, 
 
 POLYSPER- the aged Polysperchon, to the exclusion of his own 
 
 gent! son Cassander. Antigonus now begins to unfold 
 
 his ambitious plans ; he endeavours vainly to win 
 
 over Eumenes, who deceives him in the negotia- 
 
 3i9. tions, and seizes the opportunity of leaving his 
 
 mountain fastness. 
 
 13. Eumenes's plan to strengthen himself in 
 Upper Asia ; as he is on the way he receives 
 tidings of his being appointed generalissimo of the 
 royal troops. What better man could Polysper- 
 chon have selected for the office than he who in 
 his conduct towards Antigonus exhibited so strik- 
 ing an example of attachment to the royal house? 
 
 14. Exertions of Eumenes to maintain him- 
 self in Lower Asia, ineffectual, the naval victory 
 
 B. c.318. won by Antigonus over the royal fleet, com- 
 manded by Clitus, depriving him of the empire 
 of the sea. He bursts into Upper Asia ; where, 
 in the spring, he unites with the satraps, who had 
 317. taken arms against the powerful Seleucus of Ba- 
 bylon. 
 
 15. Antigonus following up the royal general, 
 Upper Asia becomes the theatre of war. Victo- 
 rious as was at first the stand made by Eumenes, 
 neither valour nor talent were of any avail against 
 the insubordination of the royal troops, and the 
 jealousy of the other commanders. Attacked in 
 winter quarters by Antigonus, he was, after the 
 battle, delivered into the hands of his enemy by
 
 BOOK iv. TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. 227 
 
 the mutinous Argyraspidae, who had lost their SECOND 
 
 &J . PERIOD. 
 
 baggage : he was put to death, and in him the 315> 
 king's family lost its only loyal supporter. 
 
 16. Great changes had also taken place in the 
 royal family. Her enemy Antipater having de- 
 ceased, Olympias, invited by Polysperchon, who 
 wished to strengthen himself against Cassander, 
 had returned from Epirus, and put to death Ar- si?. 
 rhidaeus together with his wife, Eurydice : in the 
 year following she was besieged in Pydna by 
 Cassander, and being obliged to surrender, was 
 
 in her turn executed ; meanwhile Cassander held sis. 
 Roxana and the young king in his own power. 315-301. 
 
 17. Third period, from the death of Eumenes Predomi- 
 to that of Antigonus. The rout of Eumenes Antigomu. 
 seemed to have established for ever the power of 
 Antigonus in Asia ; still animated with the fire of 
 youth, though full of years, he saw himself re- 
 vived in his son Demetrius, fond of boisterous 
 revelry, but gallant and talented. Even Seleucus B. c. 315. 
 thought it time to consult his safety by flying 
 
 from Babylon into Egypt. 
 
 18. Changes introduced by Antigonus into the 
 upper provinces ; return to Asia Minor, where his 
 presence seemed indispensable, by reason of the 
 aggrandizement of Ptolemy in Syria and Phoe- 
 nicia, of the Macedonian Cassander in Europe, 
 of Lysimachus in Mysia, and the Carian Cassan- 
 der in Asia Minor. He repossesses himself of 
 Phoenicia, a country of the first importance for 
 the construction of a fleet. 
 
 Siege of Tyre, 314 313: it lasts fourteen months; a proof 
 that the city was certainly not razed by Alexander. 
 
 19. The fugitive Seleucus forms a league
 
 228 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 SECOND against Antigonus and Demetrius, between Pto- 
 
 lemy, the two Cassanders, and Lysimachus. But 
 
 Antigonus frustrates their combination, himself 
 driving out the Carian Cassander, and his son 
 marching against Ptolemy. 
 
 Victory won by Ptolemy over Demetrius at Gaza, 312; after 
 which Seleucus marches back to Babylon, and, although subse- 
 quently followed up by Demetrius, permanently maintains his 
 footing in Upper Asia. On the other hand, Ptolemy, at the first 
 approach of Antigonus with the main body, surrenders back Syria 
 and Phoenicia, 312. 
 
 Peace 20. A general peace concluded between Anti- 
 
 concluded, i i 
 
 an. gonus and his enemies, Seleucus only excepted, 
 from whom Upper Asia is to be again wrested. 
 The first article, that each should retain what he 
 had, demonstrates pretty evidently that the treaty 
 was dictated solely by Antigonus ; the second, 
 that the Greek cities should be free, was preg- 
 nant with the seeds of a new war, ready to burst 
 forth at every favourable opportunity ; the third, 
 that the young Alexander should be raised to the 
 throne upon attaining his majority, was probably 
 the death warrant of the hapless prince, who, that 
 same year, together with his mother, was mur- 
 dered by Cassander. Shortly after, at the insti- 
 gation of Antigonus, Cleopatra was put to death, 
 in order that Ptolemy might be thwarted in his 
 object, which depended on a matrimonial con- 
 nection with that princess. 
 
 Disputeson 21. Even the execution of the articles must 
 
 tionof have given rise to hostilities; Ptolemy wishing 
 
 * e ' to force Antigonus, and he, on his side, to compel 
 
 Cassander, to withdraw the garrisons from the 
 
 Grecian towns ; a condition which neither party 
 
 felt inclined to fulfil. Grecian freedom was now
 
 BOOK iv. TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. 229 
 
 but a name ; this, however, is not the only ex- 
 ample history furnishes of political ideas making" 
 the greatest stir long after they have survived 
 their own existence ; for then they become ex- 
 cellent tools in the hands of artful designers. 
 
 Expedition of Demetrius to liberate Athens, 308. The day 
 when he announced freedom to the Athenians, must have been 
 the happiest of his life ! Few portions of history present such a 
 scope for the contemplation of human nature as the twofold so- 
 journ of Demetrius at Athens. 
 
 22. The growing power of Ptolemy on the 
 sea, and the capture of Cyprus, determines Anti- 
 gonus to an open rupture : he commands his son 
 to drive Ptolemy out of the island. 
 
 Naval victory of Demetrius off Cyprus, 307, perhaps the 
 greatest and most bloody in history ; nevertheless, as little deci- 
 sive to the general question as are most naval battles. The as- 
 sumption of the royal title, first by the conqueror, afterwards by 
 the conquered, and ultimately by all the rest, was but a mere 
 form now that the royal family was extirpated. 
 
 23. The conquerors having failed in their pro- Rhodes 
 ject of subduing Egypt, made the wealthy repub- besie ed< 
 lie of the Rhodians, as an ally of that country, 
 
 the victim of their fury. But though in the re- 
 nowned siege of their capital, Demetrius earned 
 his title of Poliorcetes, the noble defence of the B. c. 305. 
 Rhodians afforded an illustrious example of the 
 power of discipline in conjunction with well- 
 guided patriotism. The invitation of the Athe- 
 nians came seasonably to Demetrius ; he raised 
 the blockade and proceeded to complete the li- 
 beration of Greece, the necessity of which be- 3 4 - 
 came every day more pressing. 
 
 24. Second sojourn of Demetrius in Greece. Demetrius 
 The expulsion of Cassander's garrisons from the
 
 230 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK IT. 
 
 SECOND Grecian cities, and more particularly from those 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 - in Peloponnesus ; the appointment of Demetrius 
 as generalissimo of Greece, for the conquest of 
 Macedonia and Thrace ; proved not only to Cas- 
 sander, but also to the other princes, that their 
 common interest loudly called upon them to re- 
 sist the over-powerful Antigonus. 
 
 League 25. Third grand league of Cassander, Ptolemy, 
 
 against 1/^1 "' u .. i i 
 
 Antigonus, and Seleucus, against Antigonus and his son ; 
 brought about by Cassander. How easily, even 
 after the violent irruption of Lysimachus into 
 Asia Minor, might Antigonus have dispersed the 
 gathering storms, had not his presumption led 
 him to place an overweening reliance on his own 
 good fortune ! 
 
 junction of 26. Junction of Seleucus of Babylon and Ly- 
 simachus, in Phrygia. Antigonus, to concen- 
 
 macus, ^^ j^ g f orceg) re calls his son, who had pushed 
 on to the borders of Macedonia. The cautious 
 Ptolemy, on the other hand, is afraid to invade 
 Syria ; and, in consequence of a false report, that 
 Lysimachus had been defeated, retires full of 
 alarm, into Egypt. 
 
 Battle of 27. Great and decisive battle fought at Ipsus 
 BJC.aoi. in Phrygia, in the spring of 301, which costs An- 
 tigonus his life, and annihilates his empire, as 
 the two conquerors divide it between themselves, 
 without taking any account of the absent con- 
 federates. Asia Minor, as far as mount Taurus, 
 falls to the share of Lysimachus ; and all the rest, 
 with the exception of Cilicia, which is given to 
 Plisthenes, Cassander's brother, is left to Se- 
 leucus. Demetrius, by the help of his navy, 
 escapes into Greece.
 
 BOOK iv. TO THE BATTLE OF IPSUS. 231 
 
 28. The almost unbroken series of wars which SECOND 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 had raged from the time of Alexander, must have Domestic 
 precluded the possibility of much being effected tE?the 
 with respect to domestic organization. It ap- monarch y- 
 pears to have been nearly, if not wholly, military. 
 Yet were the numerous devastations in some 
 measure compensated by the erection of new ci- 
 ties, in which these princes vied with one an- 
 other, impelled partly by vanity to immortalize 
 their names, partly by policy to support their do- 
 minion, most of the new settlements being mili- 
 tary colonies. Nevertheless this was but a sorry 
 reparation for the manifold oppressions to which 
 the natives were exposed by the practice of quar- 
 tering the army upon them. The spread of the 
 language and civilization of the Greeks deprived 
 them of all national distinction ; their own lan- 
 guages sinking into mere provincial dialects. 
 Alexander's monarchy affords a striking example 
 of the little that can be expected from a forced 
 amalgamation of races, when the price of that 
 amalgamation is the obliteration of national cha- 
 racter in the individuals. 
 
 HEYNE, Opum regni Macedonici auctarum, attritarum et 
 eversarum, causes probabiles ; in Opusc. t. iv. This collection 
 contains several other treatises on Grecian and Macedonian his- 
 tory, which cannot be all separately enumerated.
 
 232 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK IY. 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 
 
 History of the kingdoms and states which arose upon the 
 dismemberment of the Macedonian Monarchy after the 
 battle of Ipsus. 
 
 I. HISTORY OF THE SYRIAN EMPIRE UNDER THE SELEUCID^E, 
 B. C. 31264. 
 
 p SOURCES. Neither for the history of the Syrian, nor for that 
 
 of the Egyptian and Macedonian kingdoms, has any eminent 
 writer been preserved. The fragments of the lost books of Dio- 
 dorus, and, from the time that these kingdoms became allies of 
 Rome, those of Polybius, several narratives of Livy, the Syriaca 
 of Appian, and a few of Plutarch's Lives, are the principal au- 
 thorities ; too frequently we are obliged to rely upon the extracts 
 of Justin. For the history of the Seleucidse, in consequence of 
 the political connection between these princes and the Jews, the 
 Antiquities of Josephus and the book of Maccabees become of 
 importance. Besides these authorities, the many coins that have 
 been preserved of these kings, afford much information respecting 
 their genealogy and chronology. 
 
 Of modern publications on the subject, the principal work is 
 VAILLANT, Imperium Seleucidarum sive hisloria regum Syrice, 
 1681, 4to. The enquiry is principally grounded on coins, as is 
 the case with 
 
 FROELICH, Annales rerum et regum Syrice. Viennae, 1754. 
 
 kingdom of the Seleucidee was founded 
 in Upper Asia by Seleucus Nicator. It was an 
 extensive empire; but, being composed of various 
 countries united only by conquest, it could possess 
 but little internal stability except what it derived 
 from the power of its rulers. That power fell 
 with the founder ; and the transfer of the seat of
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUCID,E. 233 
 
 THIRD 
 
 empire from the banks of the Tigris to Syria, en- PR 
 tangled the Seleucidse in all the political disputes 
 of the western world, and facilitated the insurrec- 
 tion of the upper provinces. The history of this 
 kingdom divides itself into the periods before and 
 after the war with Rome ; although at the break- 
 ing out of this war the seeds of its decline and 
 fall had already been sown. 
 
 Seleucus received, 321, Babylon as his province ; but after the 
 defeat of Eumenes was obliged to take to night, 315, in order to 
 avoid subjection to the conqueror Antigonus. But his moderate 
 government had rendered him so popular, that after the victory 
 won by Ptolemy over Demetrius at Gaza, 312, he could safely 
 venture to return with only a few adherents to Babylon. In this 
 year commences the kingdom of the Seleucidae. 
 
 2. In the ten following years, and while Anti- founds the 
 
 * . kingdom of 
 
 gonus was busied in Asia Minor, Seleucus laid the Seieu- 
 the foundation of his power over all Upper Asia, 
 with a facility to which the detestation excited 
 by the rigid government of Antigonus mainly 
 contributed. After his victory over Nicanor of B.C. 313. 
 Media, all in that quarter declared spontaneously 
 for him ; and the unsuccessful expedition of De- 311. 
 metrius taught Antigonus himself, that it would 
 no longer be prudent to assert his claims. As 
 early as 307, Seleucus was in possession of all 
 the countries between the Euphrates, Indus, and 
 Oxus, 
 
 3. Great campaign in India undertaken by Se- campaign 
 leucus against king Sandracottus. He penetrated Saf 
 as far as the Ganges, and the close alliance he B - c - 305> 
 formed with the Indian sovereign lasted a long 
 
 time after, and was kept up by embassies. The 
 great number of elephants which he brought back
 
 234 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD with him was not the only advantage accruing 
 from this expedition ; the intercourse with the 
 east seems to have been permanently reesta- 
 blished. 
 
 Seatofgo- 4. By the battle of Ipsus Seleucus added to 
 rem^ed 1 his dominions the greater part of the territories 
 sol Syria ' f Antigonus ; Syria, Cappadocia, Mesopotamia, 
 and Armenia. Unfortunately Syria now became 
 the head province, notwithstanding Coele-Syria 
 and Phoenicia were left in the hands of Ptolemy. 
 How widely different would have been the course 
 of historic events, had the seat of empire re- 
 mained at Seleucia on the Tigris, and the Eu- 
 phrates continued to be the western boundary of 
 the Seleucidae ! 
 
 5. Reciprocal relations between the several 
 kings, who now combine in forming a kind of po- 
 litical system, in which continued exertions to 
 maintain a balance of power by alliance and mar- 
 riage are plainly discernible. 
 
 Connection between Seleucus and Demetrius Poliorcetes, by 
 the marriage of the former with the beautiful Stratonice, daugh- 
 ter of the latter ; made with the view of counterbalancing a 
 similar connection between Ptolemy and Lysimachus ; Lysima- 
 chus and his son Agathocles having united themselves with two 
 daughters of Ptolemy. 
 
 Long peace 6. The eighteen years of tranquillity enjoyed 
 301283. by Asia after the battle of Ipsus, prove that Se- 
 leucus was one of the few followers of Alexander 
 who had any genius for the arts of peace. He 
 either founded or embellished a vast number of 
 cities, the most important of which were the 
 capital, Antiochia in Syria, and the two Seleucias, 
 one on the Tigris, the other on the Orontes : the
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUCID^E. 235 
 
 flourishing prosperity of several of these places 
 was the result of the restoration of eastern trade ; ~ 
 new channels for which appear to have been 
 opened at this period on the main streams of Asia, 
 and more particularly on the Oxus. 
 
 7. The home department of his empire was The empire 
 organized into satrapies, of which there were 
 seventy-two. But Alexander's maxim, " to give 
 
 the satrapies to natives," was wholly forgotten by 
 his followers ; and the Seleucida? were not long 
 before they experienced the evil consequences of 
 swerving from that practice. Under such a prince 
 as Seleucus scarce any kingdom could of itself 
 fall to pieces ; but the king himself paved the way 
 for the dismemberment of his empire, by ceding 
 Upper Asia, together with his consort Stratonice, B.C. 293. 
 to his son Antiochus ; not, however, without the 
 previous approbation of the army. 
 
 8. War with Lysimachus, kindled by ancient Conquest of 
 jealousy, and now fomented by family feuds. The 
 battle of Curopedion cost Lysimachus his throne 28-2. 
 and his life ; and Asia Minor became a part of the 
 Syrian realm. But as Seleucus was crossing over 
 
 to Europe, to add Macedonia to his dominions, he 
 fell by the hand of an assassin, Ptolemy Ceraunus, 28i. 
 and with him the splendour of his kingdom was 
 extinguished. 
 
 9. The reign of his son, Antiochus I. surnamed 
 
 a * i Soter ' 
 
 ooter, seemed not unprosperous, inasmuch as the 231262. 
 empire preserved its former extension ; but in 
 any state founded upon conquest, the failure of 
 new attempts at an increase of territory is a sure 
 token of approaching ruin ; and this was the case 
 here. In such a state, the more immediately all
 
 236 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD depends oil the person of the ruler, the more 
 rapid and sensible are the effects of degeneration 
 in a family like that of the Seleucidae. 
 
 The late conquests of his father in Asia Minor entangled An- 
 tiochus in new wars ; although, by the marriage of his step- 
 daughter Phila with Antigonus Gonatas, he ceded his claims on 
 Macedonia,, 277- Fruitless attempt at subjecting Bithynia, 
 279 ; the king of that country, Nicomedes, calls in the Gauls, 
 who had invaded Macedonia, and gives them a settlement in Ga- 
 latia, 277> where they keep their footing, even after the victory 
 won over them by Antiochus, 275, and by their participation in 
 the wars, as mercenaries, become of importance. The newly 
 risen state of Pergamus likewise thrives, at the expense of the 
 Syrian empire, in spite of Antiochus's attack, 263 ; and the in- 
 road into Egypt, for the purpose of supporting the rebel Magas, 
 is anticipated by Ptolemy II. 264. 
 
 Antiochus 10. Antiochus II. surnamed ee*V During his 
 B. (:. S> 262 reign the sway was in the hands of women ; and 
 247 - the diseased state of the interior of the empire 
 became palpable by the secession of various east- 
 Riseofthe em provinces, out of which arose the Parthian 
 and Bac- and Bactrian kingdoms. The boundless luxury 
 15 f tne court hurried on the decline of the ruling 
 family ; having once begun to sink, it could not 
 without difficulty have retrieved its virtue inde- 
 pendently of the matrimonial connections now 
 constantly formed from within itself. 
 
 Ascendancy of his stepsister and wife Laodice, and of his sister 
 Apame, relict of Magas; the latter involves him in war with 
 Ptolemy II. to vindicate her claims upon Cyrene ; it ends by 
 Antiochus's marriage with Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy, and 
 his repudiation of Laodice, 260 252. Having, after the death 
 of Ptolemy, 247, put away Berenice and taken back Laodice ; the 
 latter, distrusting his motives, cuts him off by poison. The se- 
 cession of Parthia happened in consequence of the expulsion of 
 the Macedonian governor by Arsaces, founder of the house of the
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUClDvE. 237 
 
 Arsacidas : that of Bactria, on the other hand, was brought about THIRD 
 by the Macedonian governor himself, Theodotus, who asserted ERIOD - 
 
 his independence. (Concerning these two kingdoms, see below, 
 book iv. period iii. Dist. Kingdoms iv. parag. 4, 5.) At first, the 
 former of these kingdoms comprised but a part of Parthia ; the 
 latter only Bactria, and, perhaps, Sogdiana ; both, however, were 
 soon enlarged at the expense of the Seleucidee. 
 
 11. Seleucus II. surnamed Callinicus. His Seieucus 
 
 , , , Callinicus, 
 
 reign, twenty years m duration, is one unbroken B.C. 247 
 series of wars ; in which the kingdom, already 
 enfeebled, was subverted, partly by the struggle 
 with Egypt, caused by the hatred between Lao- 
 dice and Berenice ; partly by the jealousy of his 
 brother Antiochus Hierax ; and partly by vain 
 attempts at recovering the upper provinces. 
 
 Assassination of Berenice, and most unfortunate war thereby 
 kindled with Ptolemy Evergetes of Egypt, 247 244. The as- 
 sistance which Seleucus obtains from his junior brother, Antio- 
 chus, governor of Asia Minor, induces Ptolemy to a truce, 243 ; 
 but another war ensues between the two brothers, in which An- 
 tiochus, at first conqueror, is himself soon afterwards conquered 
 in his turn, 243 240 ; and during this contest, Eumenes of 
 Pergamus greatly increases his territory at the expense of Syria, 
 242. His first campaign against Arsaces, who had formed an 
 alliance with the Bactrian king, ended in a defeat, 238, regarded 
 by the Parthians as the real epoch of the foundation of their 
 kingdom. In the second campaign, 236, he himself fell into the 
 hands of the Parthians, and remained a prisoner till the day of his 
 death, 227. 
 
 12. His elder son Seleucus III. surnamed Ce- Seleucus 
 raunus, on the point of taking the field against 227? un 
 Attains king of Pergamus, was removed by poi- 
 son. But the dominion of the Seleucidae was 224. 
 reestablished in Asia Minor by his mother's fra- 
 ternal nephew, AchaBus ; and the crown ensured 
 
 to the younger brother Antiochus, governor of 
 Babylon.
 
 238 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK IT. 
 
 THIRD 13. The long reign of Antiochus III. surnamed 
 - the Great, is not only the most eventful in Syrian 
 
 Antiochus .... . ii"i_ 
 
 the Great, history, but likewise marks an epoch, by the 
 is?.' ~ relations now commencing between Syria and 
 Rome. To earn the title of great was a task of 
 no extreme difficulty in such a line of princes. 
 
 14. Great power of Hermias the Carian, who 
 e soon became so formidable to the young monarch, 
 Persia. t ^ at k e w&g |jijg e( j ^ o r j^ himself of him by mur- 
 
 218. 
 
 der. The great stand made by the brothers, 
 Molo and Alexander, satraps of Media and Per- 
 sia, who probably had an understanding with 
 Hermias, threatened the king with the loss of all 
 the upper provinces : it ended in the defeat of 
 Molo, Hermias being at last no longer able to 
 220. hinder the king from marching against him in 
 
 person. 
 
 war with 15. The intrigues of Hermias excited Achaeus 
 mies; in- to rebellion in Asia Minor: but Antiochus held 
 o?Asia 0n it more important, first to execute the plan he 
 Mmor 22 - had previously traced, of ejecting the Ptolemies 
 219. from their possessions in Syria ; great as the suc- 
 cess which at first attended this expedition, it 
 2i7. was completely traversed by the battle of Raphia. 
 Combining with Attalus of Pergamus, Antio- 
 chus then defeated Achaeus, who, being shut up 
 216. in the citadel of Sardes, was treacherously deli- 
 vered into his hands. 
 Campaign 16. Great campaign of Antiochus in the upper 
 
 in the up- . . - , . r , f ... 
 
 per pro- provinces, in consequence ot the seizure ot Media 
 214^205. by Arsaces III. Hostilities ended in a compact, 
 
 by which Antiochus agreed formerly to cede Par- 
 210. thia and Hyrcania ; Arsaces, on his side, pledging 
 
 himself to furnish assistance against Bactria.
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUCID^B. 239 
 
 But the war with Bactria was also followed by a THIRD 
 peace, leaving the king, Euthydemus, in posses- - 
 sion of his crown and dominions. The expedition 
 now undertaken by Antiochus, in company with 
 Demetrius of Bactriana, against India, extended, 
 probably far up the country, and was attended 
 with important consequences to Bactriana. (See 
 below, history of Bactria, book iv. per. iii. Dist. 
 Kingdoms iv. parag. 5. 
 
 The result of these great expeditions was the 
 establishment of the supremacy of the Seleucidse 
 in Upper Asia ; those countries excepted which 
 had been formally resigned. 
 
 On his return through Arachotus and Carmania, where he win- 
 tered, he likewise undertook a naval expedition on the Persian 
 gulf : here Gerrha, in possession of its freedom, appears a nou- 
 rishing place of trade. 
 
 17. Resumption of the plan against Egypt, war with 
 after the death of Ptolemy Philopator ; and alii- 203. pt> 
 ance with Philip of Macedonia, then carrying on 
 
 war in Asia. Antiochus, it is true, attained his 
 end in the expulsion of the Ptolemies from their 
 possessions in Syria, Coele-Syria, and Phoenicia; 
 but then, his success brought him in contact with 
 Rome, an event of decisive importance to himself 203 198. 
 and his successors. 
 
 18. Growth of the disputes between the king war with 
 and Rome, proceeding from the conquest of the Rome- 
 major part of Asia Minor and the Thracian Cher- 
 sonesus ; meanwhile Hannibal had taken refuge 197. 
 
 at the Syrian court, and the probability daily in- 
 creased of a great league being formed against 
 Rome, although that power, after conquering Car- B. c. 195. 
 thage, 201, and Macedonia, 197, had succeeded
 
 240 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 in winning over Greece even, by the magic spell 
 - of freedom. But Antiochus ruined all : instead of 
 following Hannibal's advice, and attacking the 
 Romans on their own ground, he stood on the de- 
 fensive, and suffered himself to be invaded by 
 them in Asia. His defeat at Magnesia near 
 Mount Sipylus compelled him to accede to such 
 190. conditions as Rome chose to dictate, and the 
 power of the Syrian empire was for ever broken. 
 
 For the history of this war, see below in the Roman history. 
 Book v. per. ii. parag. 10, 11. 
 
 Conditions 19. The conditions of the peace were: 1st. 
 
 withRome. That Antiochus should evacuate Asia Minor ; 
 (Asia cis Taurum.) 2nd. That he should pay 
 down 15,000 talents ; and to Eumenes of Perga- 
 mus four hundred. 3rd. That Hannibal and some 
 others should be delivered up, and the king's 
 younger son Antiochus, be given as an hostage. 
 The loss of the surrendered countries was a con- 
 sequence of this peace, less disadvantageous to 
 the Syrian kings, than the use made of it by the 
 conquerors. By adding the greatest part of the 
 ceded territories to those of the kings of Pergamus, 
 the Romans raised up alongside of their enemy a 
 rival, whom they might at their own will use as a 
 political engine against him. Rome took care 
 likewise that the stipulated sum should be paid 
 by instalments in twelve years, to the end that 
 Syria might be kept in a permanent state of de- 
 pendence. 
 
 seieucus 20. Murder of the king, 187. The reign of his 
 
 187176? elder son, Seieucus IV. surnamed Philopator, was 
 a period of tranquillity ; peace arising from weak- 
 ness. Though once he unsheathed his sword in
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUCID^E. 241 
 
 defence of Pharnaces king of Pontus, against Eu- THIRD 
 menes, his fear of Rome soon compelled him to 
 restore it to the scabbard. He exchanged his son 
 for his brother at Rome ; but fell a victim to the 
 ambition of his minister Heliodorus. 
 
 21. Antiochus IV. surnamed Epiphanes. Edu- 
 cated at Rome, he sought to combine the popular 
 manners of a Roman with the ostentatious luxury 
 of a Syrian ; and thereby became an object of 
 universal hatred and contempt. Our information 
 respecting his history is too meagre to allow of our 
 deciding whether most of the evil reported of him, 
 in the Jewish accounts especially, may not be 
 exaggerated. At any rate, among all his faults, 
 we may still discern in him the germs of good 
 qualities. 
 
 22. War with Egypt, springing out of Ptolemy 
 Philometor's claims upon Coele-Syria and Pales- 
 
 tine. Obscure as many parts are in the history 172 ~ 168 
 of this war yet it is evident that success attended 
 the arms of Antiochus, and that he would have 
 become master of Egypt had not Rome inter- 
 fered. 
 
 The pretext for war, on the Egyptian side, was, that those 
 provinces had by Antiochus III. been promised as a dowry to 
 Cleopatra, sister of Antiochus and the mother of Philometor : 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, on his side, laid claim to the regency of 
 Egypt, as uncle to the young king, who, however, was soon de- 
 clared of age. Opening of the war, and victory won by Antio- 
 chus at Pelusium, 171 ; in consequence of which Cyprus is be- 
 trayed into his hands. Pelusium is fortified with a view of in- 
 suring the possession of Coele-Syria, and of facilitating an irrup- 
 tion into Egypt. Another victory, 170, and Egypt subdued as 
 far as Alexandria. Philometor driven by a sedition out of Alex- 
 andria, where his brother Physcon is seated on the throne, falls 
 into the hands of Antiochus, who concludes with him a most ad-
 
 242 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD vantageous peace, and takes his part against Physcon. Hence 
 ERIOD> siege is laid to Alexandria, 169; attended with no success. 
 Upon the retreat of Antiochus, Philometor, concluding a separate 
 peace with his brother, according to which both are to rule in 
 conjunction, is admitted into Alexandria. Antiochus, bitterly 
 enraged, now declares war against both brothers, who crave as- 
 sistance from Rome : he once more penetrates into Egypt, 1 68 ; 
 where the Roman ambassador, Popillius, assumes so lofty a tone, 
 that the Syrian king is glad to purchase peace by the surrender 
 of Cyprus and Pelusium. 
 
 hisintoier- 23. The religious intolerance of Epiphanes, 
 exhibited in his wish to introduce the Grecian 
 worship everywhere among the subjects of his 
 empire, is the more remarkable, as such instances 
 were less frequent in those times. This intoler- 
 ance seems to have taken its rise, not only in the 
 love of pomp, but in the cupidity of the king, who 
 by that means was enabled to appropriate to him- 
 self the treasures of the temples, no longer invio- 
 late, since the defeat of his father by Rome. The 
 
 B.C. 167. consequent sedition of the Jews, under the Mac- 
 cabees, laid the foundation of the future inde- 
 pendence of that people, and contributed not a 
 little to weaken the Syrian kingdom. 
 
 See below; History of the Jews, book iv. per. iv; Small 
 states Jews, parag. 6. The deep decay of the finances of the 
 Seleucidae, palpable from the latter days of Antiochus the Great, 
 may be accounted for well enough, by the falling off of the re- 
 venue, accompanied with increased luxury in the kings, (an in- 
 stance of which is furnished in the festivals celebrated by Antio- 
 chus Epiphanes at Daphne, 166,) and in the vast presents con- 
 stantly sent to Rome, in addition to the tribute, for the purpose 
 of keeping up a party there. 
 
 24. His expedition also into Upper Asia, Persis 
 especially, where great disorders were likewise 
 excited by the introduction of the Grecian reli-
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUCID^E. 243 
 
 gion, had for its object not only the recovery of THIRD 
 Armenia, but the rifling of the temples. He died, - 
 
 _ . , his death, 
 
 however, on his way to Babylon. B.C. IGS. 
 
 25. The real heir to the throne, Demetrius, Antiochus 
 being detained at Rome as an hostage, Epiphanes 
 
 was first succeeded by his son Antiochus V. sur- 164 iei. 
 named Eupator, a child nine years old. During 
 his short reign, the quarrels of his guardians, the 
 despotism of the Romans, the protracted war with 
 the Jews, and the commencing conquests of the 
 Parthians, reduced the kingdom of the Seleucidae 
 to a powerless state. 
 
 Contest between Lysias, regent in the absence of Epiphanes, 
 and Philip, appointed by the king, previously to his death, as 
 guardian of the young prince, terminated by the defeat of Philip, 
 162. Eupator 's right acknowledged at Rome, in order that the 
 guardianship might fall into the hands of the senate, who admi- 
 nister the government by means of a commission sent over into 
 Syria, and completely deprive the king of all power of resistance. 
 Octavius, head of the commission, put to death, probably at the 
 instigation of Lysias. While the Parthian king, Mithridates I. 
 is prosecuting his conquests at the expense of the Syrian king- 
 dom in Upper Asia, Demetrius secretly escapes out of Rome, 
 takes possession of the throne, and causes Eupator and Lysias to 
 be put to death, 161. 
 
 26. Demetrius I. surnamed Soter. He sue- Demetrius 
 ceeded in getting himself acknowledged at Rome, isj 6 150. 
 on which all now depended. The attempts to 
 extend his power, by supporting Orofernes, the 
 pretender to the crown of Cappadocia, against 
 
 the king Ariarathes, had their origin partly in 
 family relations, but still more, as was the case 
 with almost all political transactions of those 
 times, in bribery. By this act he only drew upon 
 himself the enmity of the kings of Egypt and 
 Pergamus; as, moreover, he was hated by his sub- 
 
 R2
 
 244 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD jects on account of his intemperance, the chances 
 of success were greatly in favour of the shame- 
 
 B.C. 154. f u l usurpation of Alexander Balas, brought about 
 by Heraclidas the expelled governor of Babylon, 
 and backed by the yet more shameful conduct of 
 the Roman senate, who acknowledged his title to 
 the throne. The Syrian kingdom was now fallen 
 so low, that both king and usurper were obliged 
 to court the favour of the Jews under Jonathan, 
 hitherto regarded as rebels. In the second battle 
 Demetrius lost his life. 
 
 Alexander 27. The usurper Alexander Balas endeavoured 
 
 Balas, _ , . . ,/-,, 
 
 150145. to confirm his power by a marriage with Cleo- 
 patra, daughter of Ptolemy Philometor : but he 
 soon evinced himself more unworthy even than 
 his predecessor of wielding the sceptre. While 
 he abandoned the government to his favourite, 
 the detested Ammonius, the eldest remaining son 
 of Demetrius succeeds not only in raising a party 
 against the usurper, but even in prevailing on 
 Philometor to side with himself, and give him in 
 marriage Cleopatra, whom he takes away from 
 Balas. The consequence of this alliance with 
 145. Egypt was the defeat and downfal of Balas, al- 
 though it cost Philometor his life. 
 
 The account, that Philometor wished to conquer Syria for 
 himself, must probably be understood as meaning that he had 
 formed the design of recovering the ancient Egyptian posses- 
 sions, Ccele-Syria and Phoenicia. Otherwise, why should he 
 have given his daughter to a second pretender to the throne ? 
 
 Demetrius 28. Demetrius II. surnamed Nicator, 145 
 141, and for the second time, 130126. The dis- 
 banding of his father's mercenaries having roused 
 the indignation of the army, the cruelty of his
 
 BOOK iv. I. SELEUCIDJE. 245 
 
 favourite Lasthenes kindled a sedition in the ca- THIRD 
 pital, which could not be quenched without the PEIUOD ' 
 assistance of the Jews, under their high priest and 
 military chieftain, Jonathan. While affairs were 
 in this posture, Diodotus, subsequently called B.C. 145. 
 Tryphon, a dependent of Balas, excited an insur- 
 rection, by bringing forward Antiochus, the lat- 
 ter's son, and even, with the help of Jonathan, 
 seating him on the throne of Antioch : soon after, 144. 
 Tryphon, having by treachery got Jonathan into 143. 
 his power, removed Antiochus by murder, and 
 assumed the diadem himself. Notwithstanding 142. 
 Demetrius kept his footing only in a part of Syria, 
 he was enabled to obey the call of the Grecian 
 colonists in Upper Asia, and support them against 
 the Parthians, who had overrun the country as 
 far as the Euphrates. Although victorious in the 
 commencement of the contest, he was soon after 
 taken by the Parthians, and remained ten years 140 130. 
 a prisoner, though treated meanwhile as a king. 
 29. In order to maintain herself against Try- 
 
 phon, Cleopatra marries the younger, and better 139! 
 brother, Antiochus of Sida, (Sidetes) ; he being 
 at first in alliance with the Jews, who, however, 
 were soon after subdued defeats and overthrows 
 Tryphon. Being now lord and master of Syria, 
 he undertakes a campaign against the Parthians ; 
 at the commencement, befriended by the subjects 132. 
 of the Parthians, he is successful, but soon after- 
 wards is attacked in winter quarters by those 
 very friends, and cut to pieces, together with all 131. 
 his army. 
 
 If the accounts of the wanton licentiousness of his army are 
 not exaggerations, they furnish the clearest proof of the military
 
 246 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD despotism of those times. By continued pillage and extortion, 
 P ERIOD - the wealth of the country had been collected in the hands of the 
 soldiers ; and the condition of Syria must have been pretty nearly 
 the same as that of Egypt under the Mamluk sultans. 
 
 Demetrius 30. Meanwhile Demetrius II. having escaped 
 stored, from prison, again seated himself on the throne. 
 _Ji26. But being now still more overbearing than be- 
 fore, and meddling in the Egyptian affairs, Ptole- 
 my Physcon set up against him a rival in the 
 person of Alexander Zebinas a pretended son of 
 126. Alexander Balas ; by him he was defeated and 
 slain. 
 
 The Parthian king Phraates II. had, at first, liberated Deme- 
 trius, to whom his sister Rhodogune was united by marriage, in 
 order that, by appearing in Syria, he might oblige Antiochus to 
 retreat. Antiochus having fallen, Phraates would fain have re- 
 captured Demetrius, but he escaped. 
 
 12685. 31. The ensuing history of the SeleucidaB is a 
 picture of civil wars, family feuds, and deeds of 
 horror, such as are scarcely to be paralleled. The 
 utmost verge of the empire was now the Eu- 
 phrates ; all Upper Asia acknowledging the do- 
 minion of the Parthians. The Jews, moreover, 
 having completely vindicated their independence, 
 the kingdom was consequently confined to Syria 
 and Phoenicia. So thoroughly decayed was the 
 state, that even the Romans whether because 
 there was no longer anything to plunder, or be- 
 cause they conceived it more prudent to suffer 
 the SeleucidaB to wear themselves out in mutual 
 quarrels do not seem to have taken any account 
 Syria be- of it, until, at the conclusion of the last war with 
 Roman Mithridatcs, they thought proper formally to an- 
 
 province, -, u 
 
 4. nex it to their empire as a province. 
 
 War between Alexander Zebinas and the ambitious relict of
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 247 
 
 Demetrius, Cleopatra, who with her own hand murders her eldest THIRD 
 son Seleucus, B. C. 125, for pretending to the crown, which she J 
 now gives to her younger son, Antiochus Gryphus ; the new 
 king, however, soon saw himself compelled to secure his own life 
 by the murder of his mother, 122; Alexander Zebinas having 
 been the year before, 123, defeated and put to death. After a 
 peaceful rule of eight years, 122 114, Antiochus Gryphus is in- 
 volved in war with his half-brother Antiochus Cyzicenus, son of 
 Cleopatra by Antiochus Sidetes: it ends, 111, in a partition of 
 territory. But the war between the brothers soon burst out 
 anew, and just as this hapless kingdom seemed about to crumble 
 into pieces, Gryphus was murdered, 97- Seleucus, the eldest of 
 his five sons, having beaten and slain Cyzicenus, 96 ; the eldest 
 son of the latter, Antiochus Eusebes, prosecuted the war against 
 the sons of Gryphus ; Eusebes being at last defeated, 90, the 
 surviving sons of Gryphus fell to war among themselves, and the 
 struggle continued until the Syrians, weary of bloodshed, did 
 what they ought to have done long before, viz. made over the 
 sovereign power to Tigranes the king of Armenia, 85. Yet 
 Eusebes's widow, Selene, retained Ptolemais till 70; and her elder 
 son Antiochus Asiaticus, at the time that Tigranes was beaten 
 by Lucullus, in the Mithridatic war, took possession of some 
 provinces in Syria, 68 ; these were wrested from him after the 
 total defeat of Mithridates by Pompey, when Tigranes was 
 obliged to give up his claim, and Syria became a province of the 
 Roman empire, 64. Antiochus Asiaticus died 58 ; his brother 
 Seleucus Cybiosactes, having married Berenice, was raised to 
 the Egyptian throne, but murdered at her command, 57; and 
 thus the family of the Seleucidae was completely swept away. 
 
 II. History of the Egyptian kingdom under the Ptolemies, 
 32330. 
 
 The sources of this history are for the most part the same as 
 in the foregoing section ; see above, p. 232 ; but unfortunately 
 still more scanty ; for in the first place, less information can here 
 be derived from the Jewish writers; secondly, as on the coins 
 struck under the Ptolemies no continuous series of time is 
 marked, but only the year of the king's reign, they are by no 
 means such safeguards to the chronology as those of the Seleu-
 
 248 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD cidae. With respect to some few events, important illustrations 
 are supplied by inscriptions. 
 
 By modern writers, the history of the Ptolemies has been 
 composed under a form almost entirely chronological, and by no 
 means treated of in the spirit which it deserves. 
 
 VAILLANT, Hisioria Ptolemceorum, fol. Amstelodam. 1701. 
 Illustration by the aid of coins. 
 
 CHAMPOLION FIGEAC, Annales des Lagides, ou Chronologic 
 des Rois cTEgypte, successeurs cTAlexandre le Grand. Paris, 
 1819, 2 vols. This treatise, which was honoured with a prize 
 by the Academie des Inscriptions, has by no means exhausted 
 the whole of the subject. See 
 
 J. SAINT-MARTIN, Examen Critique de I' outrage de M. CH. 
 F. intitule Annales des Lagides. Paris, 1820. 
 
 LETRONNE, Recherches pour servir d I'histoire de I'Egypte 
 pendant la domination des Grecs et des Remains, tirees des in- 
 scriptions Grecques et Latines, relatives d la chronologic, a I'etat 
 des arts aux usages civils et religieux de ce pays. Paris, 1828. 
 It cannot be denied that the author has thrown a much clearer 
 light on the subjects mentioned in his title. 
 
 Flourishing \ E^ypt, under the Ptolemies, fulfilled, and 
 
 state of SJr ' 
 
 Egypt perhaps more than fulfilled, the designs projected 
 
 under the 
 
 Ptolemies, by Alexander ; it became not only a mighty 
 kingdom, but likewise the centre of trade, and of 
 science. The history of Egypt, however, confines 
 itself, almost solely, to that of the new capital, 
 Alexandria ; the foundation of that city produced, 
 imperceptibly, a change in the national character, 
 which never could have been wrought by main 
 force. In the enjoyment of civil welfare and reli- 
 gious freedom, the nation sunk into a state of 
 political drowsiness, such as could scarce have 
 been expected in a people who so often rose up 
 against the Persians. 
 
 Alexandria, originally, was no doubt a military colony ; it was 
 not long, however, before it became a general place of resort for 
 all nations, such as was scarcely to be met with in any other town 
 of that day. The inhabitants were divided into three classes ;
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 249 
 
 Alexandrines, (that is to say, foreigners of all nations, who had THIRD 
 settled in the place ; next to the Greeks, the Jews were, it ap- Pt:nrop v 
 pears, the most numerous,) Egyptians, and Mercenaries in the 
 king's service. The Greeks and Macedonians divided into wards 
 (<vX{), constituted the citizens; they were under municipal 
 government ; the others, such as the Jews, formed bodies corpo- 
 rate according to their respective nations. The more important, 
 in so many respects, that Alexandria is for history, the more it 
 is to be regretted that the accounts respecting it, which have 
 reached us, are so far from satisfactory ! Concerning the topo- 
 graphy of ancient Alexandria : 
 
 BONAMY, Description de la ville d'Alexandrie in the Mem. de 
 V Academic des Inscript. vol. ix. Compare : 
 
 f J. L. F. MANSO, Letters upon ancient Alexandria, in his 
 Vermischte Schriften, vol. i. 
 
 2. Ptolemy I. surnamed Soter, the son ofptoiemy 
 Lagus, received Egypt for his share, at the first B. c.' 323 
 division after the death of Alexander. Aware of~ 284 ' 
 the value of his lot, he was the only one of 
 Alexander's successors that had the moderation 
 not to aim at grasping all. No doubt he was, by 
 the ambition of the other princes, entangled in 
 their quarrels, but his conduct was so cautious, 
 that Egypt itself was never endangered. Twice 
 attacked in that country, first by Perdiccas, after- 321. 
 wards by Antigonus and Demetrius, he availed 307. 
 himself successfully of his advantageous position, 
 and moreover, in this period, added to his do- 
 minion several countries without Africa, such as 
 Phoenicia, Judsea, Ccele-Syria, and Cyprus. 
 
 The possession of Phoenicia and Ccele-Syria, by reason of their 
 forests, was of indispensable necessity to Egypt as a naval power. 
 They frequently changed masters. The first occupation of those 
 provinces by the Egyptian government, occurred in 320, soon 
 after the rout of Perdiccas by Ptolemy's general Nicanor, who 
 took the Syrian satrap Laomedon prisoner, established his foot- 
 ing in the whole of Syria, and placed garrisons in the Phoenician
 
 250 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD cities. In 314 it was again lost to Antigonus, after his return 
 PERIOD, out of Upper Asia, and the siege ef Tyre. Ptolemy having 
 defeated Demetrius at Gaza, 312, repossessed himself of those 
 countries, but soon after evacuated them on the appearance of 
 Antigonus, to whom they were ceded by the peace of 311. At 
 the conclusion of the last grand league against Antigonus, 303, 
 Ptolemy once more occupied them : but alarmed at a false report, 
 that Antigonus had gained a victory, he retreated into Egypt, 
 leaving nevertheless troops in the cities. After the battle of 
 Ipsus, 301, those countries were made over to him, and con- 
 tinued in the hands of the Ptolemies until they were lost at the 
 second invasion of Antiochus the Great, 203. 
 
 Cyprus, (see p. 154) like most other islands, acknowledged 
 submission to those who possessed the sovereignty of the sea, and 
 therefore could not escape the dominion of the Ptolemies. It 
 was taken , possession of by Ptolemy as early as 313. Still the 
 separate cities of the islands preserved their kings, among whom 
 Nicocles of Paphos, having entered into a secret league with 
 Antigonus, was put to death, 310. After the great seafight, 
 307, Cyprus fell into the hands of Antigonus and Demetrius. 
 Subsequently to the battle of Ipsus, 301, it remained indeed at 
 first in the power of Demetrius ; but that prince being gone over 
 to Macedonia, Ptolemy, 294, seized an opportunity of recovering 
 it, and the island from that time remained under the dominion 
 of Egypt. Availing themselves of their naval strength, the 
 Egyptian kings frequently exerted sovereign power over the 
 coasts of Asia Minor, especially Cilicia, Caria, and Pamphylia, 
 which appear to have absolutely formed a part of their territory 
 under the second Ptolemy. It is, however, hardly possible to 
 define with accuracy what were their real possessions in those 
 quarters. 
 
 Cyrene and 3. Ptolemy likewise extends his territory within 
 
 nexStT Africa, by the capture of Cyrene ; in conse- 
 
 E gyp l - quence of which Libya, or the neighbouring 
 
 countries betwixt Cyrene and Egypt, fell under 
 
 his dominion. It is probable, also, that even in 
 
 his reign the frontier of the Egyptian empire was 
 
 advanced into ^Ethiopia ; but for this assertion we 
 
 have no positive authority.
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 251 
 
 The fall of Cyrene was brought about by domestic broils : at THIRD 
 the time the place v/as besieged by Thimbron, a portion of the F ERIOD - 
 exiled nobles fled to Ptolemy ; the Egyptian prince commanded 
 that they should be reinstated by his general Ophelias, who took 
 possession of the town itself, 321. An insurrection in 312 was 
 quelled by Agis, Ptolemy's general : nevertheless it would appear 
 that Ophelias had almost established his independence, when, 
 by the treachery of Agathocles, with whom he had entered into a 
 league against Carthage, he perished, about 308. Cyrene was 
 now seized by Ptolemy, and given to his son Magas, who ruled 
 over it fifty years. 
 
 4. With respect to the internal government of Constitu- 
 Egypt, our information is far from complete. The goen- 
 division into districts or nomes was continued ; m 
 subject perhaps, in some cases, to alterations. 
 The power of the king appears to have been un- 
 limited ; the extreme provinces were adminis- 
 tered by governors, appointed by the sovereign ; 
 similar officers were probably placed at the head 
 of the various districts of Egypt itself; but hardly 
 any document relative to the home department of 
 that country has reached our time. High public 
 situations, at least in the capital, appear exclu- 
 sively reserved to Macedonians or Greeks ; no 
 Egyptian is ever mentioned as holding office. 
 
 There were four magistrates at Alexandria : the Exegetes, 
 whose office was to provide for the wants of the city ; the Chief 
 Judge; the Hypomnematograplms (Registrar of the archives?) 
 and the Sr^a-r^o? vvKiefivls, no doubt, the supervisor of the 
 police, whose duty it was to watch over the peace of the city at 
 night. We have the express testimony of Strabo, that these 
 offices, which continued under the Romans, had already existed 
 under the kings ; whether their establishment can be dated as 
 far back as the time of Ptolemy I. is a question that does not 
 admit of a solution. The number of the districts or nomes ap- 
 pears to have been augmented ; probably with a political view, 
 in order that no governor or monarch should be invested with too 
 great a share of power.
 
 252 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD 5. jj e tnat as j t ma y j t j s an undoubted fact, 
 
 PERIOD. J 
 
 The priest- that the ancient national constitution and admi- 
 reii^fiTre- nistration were not entirely obliterated. The 
 mam. caste of priests, together with the national reli- 
 gion, continued to exist ; and though the in- 
 fluence of the former was considerably dimin- 
 ished, it did not entirely cease. A certain sort of 
 worship was, by appointed priests, paid to the 
 kings, both in their lifetime and after their death. 
 Memphis, though not the usual residence of the 
 court, remained the capital of the kingdom ; there 
 the ceremony of coronation was performed ; and 
 its temple of Phtha was still the head sanctuary. 
 What influence had not the religion of the Egyp- 
 tians upon that of the Greeks ! It were difficult 
 to say which nation borrowed most from the 
 other, 
 character Q. The regeneration of Egypt from the state of 
 
 of the first . & . ... &J f 
 
 ofthePto- general ruin into which she had been plunged, 
 and the permanent tranquillity she enjoyed during 
 nearly thirty years, the duration of the reign of 
 Ptolemy I. at a time when the rest of the world 
 was harassed by continual wars, must have 
 heightened her prosperity under so mild and be- 
 neficent a ruler. But Ptolemy was certainly the 
 only prince who could have taken advantage of 
 these favourable circumstances. Though a sol- 
 dier by profession he was highly accomplished, 
 was himself a writer, and had a genius for all the 
 arts of peace, which he fostered with the open- 
 handed liberality of a king : while amidst all the 
 brilliant splendour of his court, he led himself the 
 life of a private individual. 
 
 Increase of Alexandria by the importation of vast numbers of
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 253 
 
 colonists; especially Jews. Erection of several superb buildings, THIRD 
 more particularly the Serapeum. Measures taken for the ex- ^ FR10D - 
 tension of trade and navigation. The twofold harbour on the 
 sea, and on the lake Mareotis. The Pharus built. 
 
 7. But what more than any thing else distin- Literature 
 
 1 
 
 guished Ptolemy from his contemporaries was his e " 
 regard for the interests of science. The idea of 
 founding the Museum sprung out of the neces- 
 sities of the age, and was suited to the monarch- 
 ical form of government now prevalent. Where 
 in those days of destruction and revolution could 
 the sciences have found a shelter, if not under 
 the protection of a prince ? But under Ptolemy 
 they found more than a shelter, they found a ral- 
 lying point. Here accordingly the exact sciences 
 were perfected : and although the critic's art 
 which now grew up could not form a Homer or a 
 Sophocles, should we, had it not been for the 
 Alexandrines, be at present able to read either 
 Homer or Sophocles ? 
 
 Foundation of the Museum, (Society of the learned,) and of 
 the first library in Bruchium, (afterwards removed to the Sera- 
 peum;) probably under the direction of Demetrius Phalereus. 
 A proper estimation of the services rendered by the Museum is 
 yet wanting : what academy in modern Europe, however, has 
 done so much? 
 
 HEYNE, De genio Sceculi Ptolemazorum. In Opuscul. t. i. 
 MATTER, Esxai hislorique sur I'ecole d'Alexandrie, 1820. 
 
 8. Ptolemy II. surnamed Philadelphus, son of Ptolemy 
 
 p hu e 
 
 Berenice, the second wife of his father, had p hus 
 
 ascended the throne in 286 as joint king. His 
 reign, which lasted thirty-eight years, was more 
 peaceful even than that of his predecessor, whose
 
 254 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD spirit seemed to inspire him in every thing, save 
 that he was not a warrior : but, by that very 
 reason, the arts of peace, trade, and science were 
 promoted with the greater energy. In his reign 
 Egypt was the first power by sea, and one of the 
 first by land, in the world ; and even though the 
 account given by Theocritus of its thirty-three 
 thousand cities may be regarded as the exag- 
 geration of a -poet, it is very certain that Egypt 
 was in those days the most flourishing country in 
 existence. 
 
 The commerce of Alexandria was divided into three main 
 branches : 1 . The land-trade over Asia and Africa. 2. The sea- 
 trade on the Mediterranean. 3. The sea-trade on the Arabian 
 gulf, and Indian ocean. With regard to the land-trade of Asia, 
 especially that of India carried on by caravans, Alexandria was 
 obliged to share it with various cities and countries : since one of 
 its chief routes traversed the Oxus, and Caspian, to the Black 
 sea ; while the caravans, travelling through Syria and Mesopo- 
 tamia, spread for the most part among the seaports of Phosnicia 
 and Asia Minor. The trade over Africa extended far west, and 
 still farther south. Westward it was secured by the close con- 
 nection between Cyrene and Alexandria ; and no doubt followed 
 the same roads as in earlier times : of far greater importance was 
 that carried on with the southern countries, or Ethiopia, into the 
 interior of which they now penetrated, principally for the purpose 
 of procuring elephants. The navigation on the Arabian and 
 Indian seas had likewise for its immediate object the Ethiopian 
 trade, rather than the Indian. The measures taken by Ptolemy 
 with this view, consisted partly in the building of harbours 
 (Berenice, Myos Hormos) on the Arabian gulf; partly in esta- 
 blishing a caravan from Berenice to Coptos on the Nile, down 
 which latter the goods were further transmitted to their destina- 
 tion ; for the canal connecting the Red sea with the Nile, al- 
 though, perhaps, completed at this [time, was nevertheless but 
 little used. The grand deposit for these wares was the lesser 
 harbour of Alexandria, united by a canal with the lake Mareotis, 
 which in its turn communicated by another canal with the Nile ; 
 so that the account we receive of the lesser harbour being more
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 255 
 
 thronged and full of bustle than the larger one, need not excite THIRD 
 our surprise. With regard to the trade on the Mediterranean, it 
 was shared between Alexandria, Rhodes, Corinth, arid Carthage. 
 The chief manufactories appear to have been those of cotton 
 stuffs, established in or near the temples. 
 
 The best inquiry into the trade of Alexandria will be found in 
 J. C. D. DE SCHMIDT, Opuscula, res maxime Aegyptiorum illus- 
 trantia, 1765, 8vo. 
 
 9. It would be important to know what, in a Revenue 
 state like Egypt, was the system' of imposts, 
 which under Philadelphus produced 14,800 silver 
 talents, (four millions sterling,) without taking- into 
 account the toll paid in grain. In the extreme 
 provinces, such as Palestine, the taxes were an- 
 nually farmed to the highest bidder, a mode of 
 levy attended with great oppression to the people. 
 
 The case appears to have been very different with 
 regard to Egypt itself; the customs, however, 
 constituted the main branch of the revenue. 
 
 10. The wars waged by Ptolemy II. were Events of 
 limited to those against Antiochus II. of Syria, o 
 
 and Magas of Gyrene, half-brother to the Egyp- del P h 
 tian king ; the former sprung out of the latter. 
 Luckily for Egypt, Ptolemy II. was of a weak 
 constitution, and by his state of health was inca- 
 pacitated from commanding his armies in person. 
 Under his reign the first foundation was laid, 
 by means of reciprocal embassies, of that connec- 
 tion with Rome which afterwards decided the fate 
 of Egypt. 
 
 Magas had, after the defeat of Ophelias, received Cyrene, 308. 
 He had married Apame, daughter of Antiochus I., and in 266 
 had raised the standard of rebellion with the intention of invading 
 Egypt itself, when an insurrection in Marmarica compelled him 
 to retreat; he contrived, notwithstanding, to prevail upon his
 
 256 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD father-in-law to undertake an expedition against Egypt, which, 
 PERIOD - however, was frustrated by Philadelphus, 264. To terminate this 
 contest, Magas was about to unite his daughter Berenice with 
 the eldest son of Philadelphus ; Apame, wishing to thwart the 
 negotiation, fled over to her brother, Antiochus II. whom, after 
 her husband's death, 258, she excited to a war against Egypt, 
 which closed in 252. The embassy to Rome originated in the 
 victory won by the Romans over Pyrrhtis, 273 ; it was answered 
 by another from the Romans, 272. 
 
 Character 11. The son inherited from his father all but 
 phiiadeT y the simplicity of domestic life : under the reign of 
 phus. Philadelphus, the court was first thrown open to 
 that effeminate luxury, which soon wrought the 
 destruction of the Ptolemies as it had previously 
 done that of the Seleucidae ; at the same time was 
 introduced the pernicious practice of intermar- 
 riages in the same family, by which the royal 
 blood was more foully contaminated here even 
 than in Syria. Philadelphus set the first example, 
 by repudiating Arsinoe the daughter of Lysima- 
 chus, and then marrying his own sister, likewise 
 named Arsinoe ; this princess preserved her influ- 
 ence over the king as long as she lived, although 
 she did not bring him an heir, but adopted the 
 children of her predecessor. 
 
 Ptolemy 12. Ptolemy III. surnamed Evergetes. Under 
 B^cfX him, Egypt, from being merely mercantile, as- 
 sumed the character of a conquering state ; not- 
 withstanding his warlike spirit, he was not unin- 
 spired with that genius for the arts of peace pecu- 
 liar to his family. His conquests were directed 
 partly against Asia in the war with Seleucus II. 
 and extended as far as the borders of Bactria ; and 
 partly, it is probable, against the interior of Ethi- 
 opia, and the western coast of Arabia. Countries
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 257 
 
 so wealthy, and with which commerce had made THIRD 
 
 . . . PEIIIOD. 
 
 men so well acquainted, could hardly escape the ~ 
 arms of such a formidable power as Egypt; yet 
 she seems to have made scarcely any other use 
 of this extension of territory, than to insure the 
 safety of her commercial routes. 
 
 The main source of the history of Ptolemy Evergetes, is the 
 inscription on the monument erected by that prince at Adule 
 in Ethiopia : it contains a chronological list of his conquests, 
 a copy of which has been preserved to us by Cosmas Indico- 
 pleustes ; modern researches, however, have shown the pro- 
 bability of its having consisted of two inscriptions, one referring 
 to Evergetes, the other to a later king of Abyssinia. According 
 to this monument, Ptolemy inherited from his father, besides 
 Egypt itself, Libya, that is to say, western Africa as far as 
 Gyrene, Ccele-Syria, Phoenicia, Lycia, Caria, Cyprus, and the 
 Cyclades. War with Seleucus Callinicus caused by the murder 
 of Berenice (see above, p. 237-) ; lasted until the ten years' truce, 
 246 240. During this war, he conquered the whole of Syria as 
 far as the Euphrates, and most of the maritime countries in Asia 
 Minor, from Cilicia to the Hellespont : an easy prey to a naval 
 power. Whether the conquest of the countries beyond the Eu- 
 phrates, Mesopotamia, Babylonia, Persis, Susiana, and Media 
 as far as Bactria, was effected in these four years, or not till be- 
 tween 240 and 230, is a question which cannot be determined 
 with certainty. If we may judge by the booty brought back, 
 this campaign was rather a foray than a regular expedition for 
 conquest, though Ptolemy, indeed, appointed governors in Cilicia 
 and Babylonia; yet the peculiar situation of affairs in Asia 
 at the time, Seleucus being at war with his brother Antiochus 
 Hierax, and the Parthian and Bactrian kingdoms being also in a 
 state of infant feebleness, afforded unusual opportunities for an 
 expedition of this sort. 
 
 The southern conquests, so far as they may be referred to 
 Evergetes, were effected during the last period of his reign, in a 
 separate war. They comprised : 1st. The greatest part of mo- 
 dern Abyssinia, for as the catalogue of nations commences with 
 that of Abyssinia, it necessarily follows that Nubia had already 
 been subjected to Egypt. The mountain range along the Ara- 
 bian gulf, the plain of Sennaar as far as modern Darfur, the lofty
 
 258 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD chain of mountains to the south, beyond the fountains of the 
 ' Nile. All these conquests were made by the king in person ; 
 and from those distant lands to Egypt, commercial roads were 
 opened. 2nd. The western coast of Arabia, from Leuke Kome 
 to the southern point of Arabia Felix, was conquered by his 
 generals and admirals : here, likewise, the security of the com- 
 mercial roads was established. 
 
 Monumentum Adulitanum, published in FABRICIUS, B. Grcec. 
 t. ii. 
 
 MONTPAUCON, Coll. Pair. t. i. and in CHISHULL, Antiqmt. 
 Asiaticce. 
 
 The assertion that the monument bears two different inscrip- 
 tions is made by SALT, in the narrative of his travels contained 
 in the Travels of Lord Valenlia. 
 
 13. Egypt was singularly blessed in having 
 three great kings, whose reigns filled one whole 
 century. A change now ensued ; but that change 
 was brought about by the natural course of 
 events ; in fact, it could scarcely be expected that 
 the court should remain untainted by such luxury 
 as must have prevailed in a city, which was the 
 main seat of trade, and the deposit of the trea- 
 sures of the richest countries. 
 Ptolemy 14. Ptolemy IV. surnamed Philopator. A de- 
 
 Philopator, J . ] 
 
 B.c.221 bauchee and a tyrant, who, during the greater 
 portion of his reign, remained under the tutelage 
 of the crafty Sosibius, and, after the decease of 
 that individual, fell into the yet more infamous 
 hands of Agathocles and his sister Agathoclea. 
 Philopator being contemporary with Antiochus 
 the Great, the dangers that threatened Egypt 
 under such a reign seemed to be doubled ; they 
 were, however, averted by the ill-deserved vic- 
 tory of Raphia (see above, p. 238). 
 
 Ptolemy 15. Agathocles and his sister would fain have 
 taken into their own hands the guardianship of
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 2.59 
 
 his son Ptolerny V. surnamed Epiphanes, a child THIRD 
 
 PKKIOD. 
 
 only five years old ; but the people having risen 
 up and made a terrible example of them, the 
 office of guardian was confided to the younger 
 Sosibius and to Tlepolemus. The reckless prodi- 
 gality of the former soon gave rise to a feud be- 
 tween him and his colleague, who was at least 
 cunning enough to keep up appearances. Mean- 
 while the critical posture in which the kingdom 
 was placed, by the attack of the enleagued kings 
 of Syria and Macedonia, compelled the nation to B.C. 203. 
 defer the regency to Rome and the senate, who 
 had hitherto carefully cherished an amicable con- 202. 
 nection with Egypt. 
 
 The regency confided to M. Lepidus, 201, who hands over the 
 administration to Aristomenes of Acarnania. The sequel will 
 show how decidedly important this step was for the ulterior des- 
 tinies of Egypt. By the war of the Romans against Philip, and 
 their differences with Antiochus, Egypt was, no doubt, for the 
 present extricated from her embarrassment ; but nevertheless in 
 198 she lost her Syrian possessions, notwithstanding Antiochus 
 III. had promised to give them as a dowry to Cleopatra, the affi- 
 anced bride, and subsequently the consort of the young king of 
 Egypt. 
 
 To this time, or about 197, belongs the celebrated inscription 
 on the Rosetta stone, erected by the caste of priests as a tribute of 
 gratitude for past benefits, after the consecration of the king at 
 Memphis upon his coming of age : a monument important alike 
 for palaeography, and for the knowledge of Egyptian administra- 
 tion. 
 
 AMEILHON, Eclaircissemens sur ^inscription Grecque du mo- 
 nument trouve a. Roselte. Paris, 1803. 
 
 HEYNE, Commentatio de inscriplione Grceca ex Aegypto Lon- 
 dinum apportata, in the Commentat. Societ. Coiling, vol. xv. 
 
 16. The hopes conceived of Epiphanes, were character 
 grievously disappointed as he grew up to man- nes. pl1 
 hood. His guardian Aristomenes fell a victim to 134. 
 
 s2
 
 260 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD his tyranny; nay, his cruelty drove even the pa- 
 ~ tient Egyptians to rebel, although the insurrec- 
 
 B. c. 183. tions were stilled by his counsellor and general 
 Polycrates. His reign happened during the period 
 in which Rome crushed the power of Macedonia 
 and Syria; and notwithstanding the close alliance 
 between Epiphanes and Antiochus III. the Ro- 
 mans succeeded in holding the Egyptian king in 
 dependence ; he was, however, in the twenty- 
 eighth year of his age, brought to an early grave 
 by intemperance and debauchery. 
 
 Ptolemy 17. Of his two sons, the elder, a child five years 
 
 Philometor, J 
 
 leius, old, was his immediate successor; this prince, by 
 the title of Ptolemy VI. surnamed Philometor, as- 
 cended the throne under the guardianship of his 
 mother Cleopatra, who fulfilled the duties of her 
 office to the satisfaction of all, until 173. But, 
 after her death, the regency having fallen into the 
 hands of EulaBus an eunuch, and Lenreus, these 
 individuals, asserting their claims to Co3le-Syria 
 and Phoenicia, engaged with Antiochus Epiphanes 
 in a war exceedingly detrimental to Egypt, until 
 Rome commanded peace to be made. 
 
 Antiochus, after the victory of Pelusium, B. C. 171, and the 
 treacherous surrender of Cyprus, having possessed himself of 
 Egypt as far as Alexandria, a faction arose in the city ; Philo- 
 metor was expelled, and his younger brother Physcon seated on 
 the throne, 170. The exile Philometor fell into the power of 
 Antiochus, who compelled the fugitive to sign a separate peace, 
 highly injurious to the interests of Egypt. The articles were 
 not, however, ratified; Philometor secretly entering into an 
 agreement with his brother that they should both rule in com- 
 mon, 169. Antiochus having in consequence again made an in- 
 road into Egypt, the two kings addressed themselves for assist- 
 ance to the Achaeans and to the Romans : the latter forthwith 
 despatched an embassy to Antiochus, commanding him to
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 20 1 
 
 evacuate the territory of their allies, which happened accord- Tin no 
 ingly, 168. PERIOD. 
 
 18. In the contest, which soon afterwards en- Disputes 
 sued between the two brothers, the younger was l *l c l 
 driven out and sought a refuge at Rome ; when a E P'P hanes - 
 partition of the kingdom between the princes was 
 determined upon : the senate, however, after due 
 consideration, refused to confirm the decision, so 
 
 that the disputes between the two kings were re- 
 kindled and protracted, until the younger fell into 
 the power of the elder. 
 
 In the first division, 164, Philometor received Egypt and 
 Cyprus ; and the infamous Physcon had for his share Gyrene 
 and Libya. But, during his stay at Rome, Physcon, contrary to 
 all justice, obtained the promise of Cyprus ; Philometor refusing 
 to give up that portion of his share, and Gyrene having risen up 
 against its king, Physcon ran the risk of losing the whole of his 
 dominions. In the war which, supported by Rome, he waged 
 against his brother, Physcon fell, 159, into the hands of Philo- 
 metor, who not only forgave him, but, leaving him in possession 
 of Cyrene and Libya, added some cities in the place of Cyprus, 
 and promised him his daughter in marriage. 
 
 19. During the last period of his reign, Philo- 
 metor was almost exclusively busied with Syrian 
 affairs. He supported Alexander Balas again st ofSyna ' 
 Demetrius, and even gave him his daughter Cleo- 
 patra. Nevertheless, he afterwards passed over 
 
 to the side of Demetrius, seated him on the 
 throne, gave him in marriage this same Cleopatra, 
 who had been taken away from Balas. But in 
 the battle in which Balas was overthrown, the 
 Egyptian king also received his death wound. B.C. 145. 
 He may be regarded as one of the good princes 
 of the Ptolemaic dynasty, especially if compared 
 with his brother.
 
 262 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD 20. His younger brother Ptolemy VIII. sur- 
 named Physcon, and likewise Evergetes II. a 
 
 Ptolemy 
 
 Physcon. monster both in a moral and a physical sense, 
 in.' ~ wn na d hitherto been king of Cyrene, now pos- 
 sessed himself of the throne of Egypt by marry- 
 ing his predecessor's widow and sister, Cleopatra, 
 whom, however, after having murdered her son, 
 he repudiated for her daughter of the same name. 
 This prince accordingly, once more united the di- 
 vided kingdom ; but at the same time that he was 
 purchasing the sanction of Rome by vile adula- 
 tion, he maintained himself at Alexandria by 
 means of military law, which soon converted the 
 city into a desert, and obliged him to attract 
 foreign colonists by large promises. Another 
 130. bloody massacre, however, produced an insurrec- 
 tion in the town, which compelled the king to flee 
 to Cyprus, the Alexandrines, meanwhile, raising 
 to the throne his repudiated wife Cleopatra. 
 Physcon, nevertheless, with the assistance of his 
 mercenaries, recovered the sceptre, and wielded 
 it to the day of his death. 
 
 . That a prince of such a character should nevertheless be a 
 friend to science, and himself an author, must ever be regarded 
 as a singular phenomenon ; yet his exaction of manuscripts, and 
 his treatment of the learned, whole crowds of whom he expelled, 
 betray the despot. 
 
 Ptolemy 21. His widow, the younger Cleopatra, to gratify 
 
 liesi.' the Alexandrines, was obliged to placeon the throne 
 
 the elder of her two sons, Ptolemy IX. surnamed 
 
 Lathyrus, who was living in a sort of banishment 
 
 at Cyprus : to the younger, Ptolemy Alexander 
 
 lie. I. who was her favourite, she accordingly gave the 
 
 island of Cyprus. But Lathyrus not choosing to
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 263 
 
 obey her in everything, she compelled him to ex- THIRD 
 change Egypt for Cyprus, and gave the former to 
 
 B.C. 107. 
 
 her younger son. But neither was the new king 
 able to brook the tyranny of his mother : as she 
 threatened even his life, he saw no other means 
 of escape than to anticipate her design ; but fail- 89. 
 ing in his project, he was obliged to take to flight, 
 and, after a vain attempt to recover the throne, 
 perished. The Alexandrines then reinstated in 88. 
 the government his elder brother Lathyrus, who 
 ruled till the year 81, possessing both Egypt and 
 Cyprus. 
 
 Revolt and three years' siege of Thebes in Upper Egypt, still 
 one of the most wealthy cities even in those days, but after its 
 capture almost levelled to the earth ; about 86. Complete sepa- 
 ration of Cyrenaica from Egypt : this province had been be- 
 queathed by Physcon as a separate branch-state to his illegitimate 
 son, Apion, 117; that prince, after a tranquil reign, bequeathed 
 it, in his turn, to the Romans, 96, who at first allowed it to re- 
 tain its independence. 
 
 22. Lathyrus left one daughter born in wed- obscure 
 lock, Berenice, and two illegitimate sons, Ptolemy th<Thi s tor y . 
 of Cyprus and Ptolemy Auletes. Besides the 81 ~~ 66 - 
 above, there was a lawful son of Alexander I. of 
 the same name as his father, and at that time re- 
 siding at Rome with the dictator Sylla. The fol- 
 lowing history is obscured by clouds, which, 
 amid the contradiction of accounts, cannot be en- 
 tirely dispelled. Generally speaking, Egypt was 
 now a tool in the hands of powerful individuals at 
 Rome, who regarded it but as a financial specu- 
 lation whether they actually supported a pre- 
 tender to the Egyptian crown, or fed him with 
 vain hopes. All now saw that Egypt presented
 
 264 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD a ripe harvest ; but they could not yet agree by 
 whom that harvest should be reaped. 
 
 The first successor of Lathyrus in Egypt was his legitimate 
 daughter Cleopatra Berenice, 81 : at the end of six months, how- 
 ever, Sylla, then dictator at Rome, sent his client Alexander II. 
 to Egypt, 80; that prince married Berenice, and with her ascended 
 the throne. Nineteen days after Alexander murdered his consort, 
 and, according to Appian, was himself about the same time cut 
 off by the Alexandrines, on account of his tyranny. We after- 
 wards hear, notwithstanding, of a king Alexander, who reigned 
 until 73, or, according to others, until 66 ; when, being driven 
 out of Egypt, he fled to Tyre, and called upon the Romans for 
 that aid, which probably through Caesar's intercession, would 
 have been granted, had not the supplicant soon after died at the 
 place of his refuge. He is said to have bequeathed by will his 
 kingdom to Rome ; and although the senate did not accept the 
 legacy, it does not appear to have formally rejected the offer ; in 
 consequence of which, frequent attempts were made at Rome for 
 effecting the occupation. Either, therefore, Appian's account 
 must be false, and this person was the same Alexander II. or he 
 was some other person bearing that name, and belonging to the 
 royal house. Be this as it may, after the death of Lathyrus the 
 kingdom was dismembered : and one of his illegitimate sons, 
 Ptolemy, had received Cyprus, but that island was taken from 
 him, 57, and converted into a Roman province : the other, Pto- 
 lemy Auletes, seems to have kept his footing either in a part of 
 Egypt, or in Cyrene, and was probably the cause of Alexander's 
 expulsion, at whose decease he ascended the throne ; although 
 the Syrian queen Selene, sister to Lathyrus, asserted her son's 
 claims at Rome, as legitimate heir to the throne of Egypt. With 
 Caesar's assistance, Auletes, however, succeeded in obtaining the 
 formal acknowledgment of his right at Rome, 59. But the mea- 
 sures taken by the Romans with regard to Cyprus, gave rise to 
 a sedition at Alexandria, .57, i" consequence of which Auletes, 
 being compelled to flee, passed over into Italy : or, perhaps, he 
 was ordered to take this step by the intrigues of some Roman 
 grandees, anxious of an opportunity to reinstate him. Pompey's 
 attempts, with this view, are thwarted by Cato, 56. Meanwhile 
 the Alexandrines placed Berenice, the eldest daughter of Au- 
 letes, on the throne ; she married first Seleucus Cybiosactes, as
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 265 
 
 being the lawful heir ; and after putting that prince to death, THIUD 
 united herself to Archelaus, 57- Actual restoration of Auletes 
 by the purchased assistance of Gabinius, the Roman governor of 
 Syria ; and execution of Berenice, whose husband had fallen in 
 the war, 54. Not long after, this miserable prince, no less 
 effeminate than tyrannical, died, 51 . 
 
 J. R. FORSTER, Commentatio de successoribus Plolemcei VII. 
 Inserted in Comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. iii. 
 
 23. Auletes endeavoured by his last testament Cleopatra, 
 
 *., . B. C. 51- 
 
 to insure the kingdom to his posterity, nominating 31. 
 as his successor, under the superintendence of the 
 Roman nation, his two elder children. Ptolemy 
 Dionysos, then thirteen years old, and Cleopatra, 
 seventeen, who were to be united in wedlock : 
 his two younger children, Ptolemy Neoteros and 
 Arsinoe, he recommended to the Roman senate. 
 Notwithstanding these measures, Egypt would 
 not have escaped her fate upwards of twenty 
 years longer, had not the impending calamities 
 been diverted by the internal posture of affairs 
 at Rome, and still more by the charms and policy 
 of Cleopatra, who through her alliance with CaBsar 
 and Antony not only preserved but even aggran- 
 dized her kingdom. From this time, however, 
 the history of Egypt is most closely implicated 
 with that of Rome. 
 
 Feuds between Cleopatra and her brother, excited and fo- 
 mented by the eunuch Pothinus, in whose hands the administra- 
 tion was : they lead to open war : Cleopatra, driven out, flees to 
 Syria, where she levies troops : Caesar in pursuit of the conquered 
 Pompey arrives at Alexandria, and in the name of Rome, as- 
 sumes the part of arbitrator between the king and queen, but 
 suffers himself to be guided by the artifices of Cleopatra, 48. 
 Violent sedition in Alexandria, and Caesar besieged in Bruchium, 
 the malcontent Pothinus having brought Achillas, the com- 
 mander of the royal troops into the city. The hard struggle in 
 which Caesar was now engaged, demonstrates not only the bit-
 
 266 
 
 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 Egypt be- 
 comes a 
 Roman 
 province. 
 
 Tfaru> terness of the long rankling grudge of the Alexandrines against 
 K1UOD - Rome, but shows also how decisive, to the whole of Egypt, were 
 the revolutions of the capital. Ptolemy Dionysos having fallen 
 hi the war, and Caesar being victorious, the crown fell to Cleo- 
 patra, 47, upon condition of marrying her brother, when he 
 should be of age : but as soon as the prince grew to manhood, 
 and had been crowned at Memphis, she removed him by 
 poison, 44. 
 
 24. During the life of Ceesar, Cleopatra re- 
 mained under his protection, and consequently in 
 a state of dependence. Not only was a Roman gar- 
 rison stationed in the capital city, but the queen 
 herself, together with her brother, were obliged to 
 visit him at Rome. After the assassination of 
 Caesar, she took the side of the triumviri, not 
 without endangering Egypt, threatened by Cas- 
 sius who commanded in Syria ; and after the 
 death of her brother, succeeded in getting them 
 to acknowledge as king, Ptolemy Cassation, a 
 son whom she pretended to have had by Caesar. 
 But the ardent passion conceived by Antony 
 for her person, soon after the discomfiture of the 
 republican party, now attached her inseparably 
 to his fortunes ; which, after vainly attempting 
 to win over the victorious Octavius, she at last 
 shared. 
 
 The chronology of the ten years in which Cleopatra lived, for 
 the most part, with Antony, is not without difficulty, but, ac- 
 cording to the most probable authorities, may be arranged in the 
 following manner. Summoned before his tribunal, on account of 
 the pretended support afforded by some of her generals to Cas- 
 sius, she appears in his presence at Tarsus, in the attire, and 
 with the parade, of Venus, 41 ; he follows her into Egypt. In 
 the year 40, Antony, called back to Italy by the breaking out of 
 the Perusine war, is there induced, by political motives, to 
 espouse Octavia ; meanwhile Cleopatra abides in Egypt. In the 
 autumn of 37, she goes to meet him in Syria, where he was
 
 BOOK iv. II. PTOLEMIES. 267 
 
 making ready for the war against the Parthians, until then pro- THIRD 
 secuted by his lieutenants ; here she obtained at his hands Phce- OP ' 
 
 nicia Tyre and Sidon excepted, together with Gyrene and 
 Cyprus ; and in 36 went back to Alexandria, where she re- 
 mained during the campaign. The expedition ended, Antony 
 returned into Egypt and resided at Alexandria. From thence 
 it was his intention to attack Armenia in 35 ; this design, how- 
 ever, he did not effect until 34, when, after taking the king pri- 
 soner, he returned in triumph to Alexandria, and presented to 
 Cleopatra, or to his three children by her, all the countries of 
 Asia from the Mediterranean to the Indus, already conquered 
 or to be conquered. Preparing then to renew, in conjunction 
 with the king of Media, his attack on the Parthians, he is pre- 
 vailed upon by Cleopatra to break with Octavia, who was to 
 bring over troops to him, 38. A war between him and Octavius 
 being now unavoidable, the Parthian campaign already opened 
 is suspended, and Cleopatra accompanies Antony to Samos, 32, 
 where he formally repudiated Octavia. From hence she fol- 
 lowed him in his expedition against Octavius, which was de- 
 cided by the battle of Actium, fought September 2, 31. Octa- 
 vius having pursued his enemy into Egypt, Alexandria was be- 
 sieged, 30, and after Antony had laid violent hands on himself, 
 the place surrendered ; and Cleopatra, not brooking to be dragged 
 a prisoner to Rome, followed the example of her lover, and pro- 
 cured her own death. 
 
 25. Even in this last period, Egypt appears to nourishing 
 have been the seat of unbounded wealth and ef- Egypt. 
 feminacy. The line of infamous princes who had 
 succeeded to the third Ptolemy were unable to 
 destroy her prosperity. Strange, however, as this 
 seems, it may be easily accounted for when we 
 consider that the political revolutions scarcely 
 ever overstepped the walls of the capital, and that 
 an almost perpetual peace ruled in the country : 
 that Egypt was the only great theatre of trade ; 
 and that that trade must have increased in the 
 same proportion as the spirit of luxury increased 
 in Rome, and in the Roman empire. The power-
 
 268 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD ful effects wrought on Egypt by the growth of 
 Roman luxury, are most convincingly demon- 
 strated by the state of that country when it had 
 become a Roman province ; so far from the trade 
 of Alexandria decreasing in that period, though 
 the city suffered in the first days after the con- 
 quest it subsequently attained an extraordinary 
 and gigantic bulk. 
 
 III. History of Macedonia and of Greece in general, from 
 the death of Alexander to the Roman conquest, B. C. 
 323146. 
 
 The sources for this history are the same as have been quoted 
 above : see p. 232. Until the battle of Ipsus, 301, Diodorus is 
 still our grand authority. But in the period extending from 301 
 to 224, we meet with some chasms : here almost our only sources 
 are the fragments of Diodoms, a few of Plutarch's lives, and the 
 inaccurate accounts of Justin. From the year 224, our main 
 historian is Polybius ; and even in those parts where we do not 
 possess his work in its complete form, the fragments that have 
 been preserved must always be the first authorities consulted. 
 Livy, and other writers on Roman history, should accompany 
 Polybius. 
 
 Among modern books, besides the general works mentioned 
 above p. 1. we may here in particular quote: 
 
 JOHN GAST, D. D. The History of Greece, from the acces- 
 sion of Alexander of Macedon, till the final subjection to the 
 Roman power, in eight books. London, 1782, 4to. Although 
 not a master-piece of composition, yet too important to be passed 
 over in silence. 
 
 Kxtentof 1. Of the three main kingdoms that arose out 
 lia ' of Alexander's monarchy, Macedonia was the most 
 insignificant, not only in extent, particularly as 
 till B. C. 286 Thrace remained a separate and 
 independent province, but likewise in popula- 
 tion and wealth. Yet, being, as it were, the 
 head country of the monarchy, it was considered
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 209 
 
 to hold the first rank ; and here at first resided THIRD 
 the power which, nominally at least, extended - 
 over the whole. As early, however, as the year 
 311, upon the total extermination of Alexander's 
 family, it became a completely separate kingdom. 
 From that time its sphere of external operation 
 was for the most part confined to Greece, the his- 
 tory of which, consequently, is closely interwoven 
 with that of Macedonia. 
 
 Posture of affairs in Greece at Alexander's decease : Thebes 
 in ruins : Corinth occupied by a Macedonian garrison : Sparta 
 humiliated by the defeat she had suffered at the hands of Anti- 
 pater in her attempt at a revolt against Macedonia, under Agis 
 II. 333 331 : Athens on the other hand flourishing, and al- 
 though confined to her own boundaries, still by her fame, and 
 her naval power, the first state in Greece. 
 
 2. Although at the first division of the pro- Amipater. 
 vinces, Craterus, as civil governor, was united 
 with Antipater, the latter had the management of 
 affairs. And the termination, as arduous as it Lamian 
 was successful, of the Lamian war, kindled im- B?C. 323. 
 mediately after the death of Alexander, by the 
 Greeks, enthusiastic in the cause of freedom, 
 enabled him to rivet the chains of Greece more 
 firmly than they had ever been before. 
 
 The Lamian war the sparks of which had been kindled by 
 Alexander's edict, granting leave to all the Grecian emigrants, 
 twenty thousand in number, nearly the whole of whom were in 
 the Macedonian interest, to return to their native countries, 
 was fanned to a flame by the democratic party at Athens. Urged 
 by Demosthenes and Hyperides, almost all the states of central 
 and northern Greece, Bceotia excepted, took up arms in the cause ; 
 and their example was quickly followed by most of those in Pe- 
 loponnesus, with the exception of Sparta, Argos, Corinth, and 
 the Achaeans. Not even the Persian war produced such general 
 unanimity ! The gallant Leosthenes headed the league. Defeat 
 of Antipater, who is shut up in Lamia ; Leosthenes, however,
 
 270 
 
 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 THIRD 
 PERIOD. 
 
 Olympias 
 retires to 
 Epirus. 
 
 Antipater 
 dies, and 
 names Po- 
 lysperchon 
 his succes- 
 sor, 
 
 B.C. 320 
 316. 
 
 falls in the siege of that place, B. C. 323, and although Leonatus 
 who with the view of ascending the throne by his marriage 
 with Cleopatra, had come to the assistance of the Macedonians 
 was beaten and slain, 322, the Greeks were finally overwhelmed 
 by the reinforcements, brought to Antipater out of Asia, by 
 Craterus. And Antipater having fully succeeded in breaking 
 the league, and negotiating with each separate nation, was ena- 
 bled to dictate the terms. Most of the cities opened their gates 
 to Macedonian troops ; besides this, Athens was obliged to pur- 
 chase peace through the mediation of Phocion and Demades, by 
 an alteration in her constitution, the poorer citizens being ex- 
 cluded from all share in the government, and for the most part 
 translated into Thrace and by a pledge to deliver up Demos- 
 thenes and Hyperides ; whose place Phocion occupied at the 
 head of the state. The JEtolians, the last against whom the 
 Macedonian wars were directed, obtained better terms than they 
 had ventured to expect, Antipater and Craterus being obliged to 
 hurry over to Asia in order to oppose Perdiccas. 
 
 3. That hatred which, even in the lifetime of 
 Alexander, had sprung up between Antipater and 
 Olympias, in consequence of his not permitting 
 the dowager queen to rule, induced her to with- 
 draw to Epirus; her rankling envy being still 
 more embittered by the influence of the young 
 queen Eurydice. See above, p. 224. Antipater, 
 dying shortly after his expedition against Perdic- 
 cas, in which his colleague Craterus had fallen, 
 and he himself had been appointed regent, nomi- 
 nates his friend, the aged Polysperchon, to suc- 
 ceed him as regent and head guardian, to the ex- 
 clusion of his own son Cassander. Hence arose 
 a series of quarrels between the two, in which, 
 unfortunately for themselves, the royal family 
 were implicated and finally exterminated, Cas- 
 sander obtaining the sovereignty of Macedonia. 
 
 Cassander having secured the interest of Antigonus and Ptole- 
 my, makes his escape to the former, 319 : he had previously en-
 
 BOOK iv. IIL MACEDON AND GREECE. 271 
 
 deavoured also to raise a party in Macedonia and Greece, parti- THIRD 
 cularly by getting his friend Nicanor to be commander at Athens. P ERIO - 
 Measures taken by Polysperchon to oppose him ; in the first 
 place, he recalls Olympias out of Epirus, but the princess dares 
 not come without an army ; in the next place, he nominates Eu- 
 menes commander of the royal troops in Asia (see above, p. 225) ; 
 he likewise endeavours to gain the Grecian cities, by recalling 
 the Macedonian garrisons, and changing the governors set over 
 them by Antipater. These latter, however, were in most of the 
 cities too firmly established to suffer themselves thus to be de- 
 posed ; and even the expedition into Peloponnesus, undertaken 
 by Polysperchon to enforce his injunctions was attended but with 
 partial success. In the same year occurs a twofold revolution in 
 Athens, whither Polysperchon had sent his son Alexander, no- 
 minally for the purpose of driving out Nicanor, but virtually to 
 get possession of that important city. In the first place, Alex- 
 ander and Nicanor appearing to unite both for the attainment of 
 one and the same object, the democratic party rise up, and over- 
 throw the rulers, hitherto taken from Antipater's party, and 
 headed by Phocion, who is compelled to swallow poison: soon 
 after, however, Cassander occupies the city, excludes from the 
 administration all that possess less than ten mines, and places at 
 the head of affairs Demetrius Phalereus, who, from 318 to 307, 
 ruled with great prudence. Not long after, Olympias returns 
 with an army from Epirus ; the Macedonian troops of Philip 
 and Eurydice having passed over to her side, she wreaks her re- 
 venge on the royal couple, and on the brother of Cassander, all of 
 whom she puts to death, 31 7 Cassander, nevertheless, having 
 obtained reinforcements in Peloponnesus, takes the field against 
 her ; she is besieged in Pydna, where, disappointed in the hope 
 of being relieved either by Polysperchon or by j^Eacidas of Epirus, 
 both of whom were forsaken by their men, she is obliged to sur- 
 render, 316. Cassander, having caused her Jo be condemned by 
 the Macedonian people, has her put to death. 
 
 4. Cassander being now master, and, from Cassander. 
 302, king of Macedonia, confirmed his dominion 
 by a marriage with Thessalonice, half-sister to 
 Alexander, and at the same time endeavoured to 
 corroborate as far as possible his authority in 
 Greece. Polysperchon and his son Alexander,
 
 272 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD it is true, still made head in Peloponnesus ; but 
 
 - the states without the peninsula, jEtolia excepted, 
 
 were all either allies of Cassander, or occupied 
 
 by Macedonian troops. After the defeat of the 
 
 B.C. 314. league against Antigonus, in which Cassander 
 
 had borne a part, general peace was concluded, 
 
 with the proviso, that the Grecian cities should 
 
 be free, and that the young Alexander, when of 
 
 3ii. age, should be raised to the throne of Macedonia : 
 this induced Cassander to rid himself both of the 
 young prince and his mother Roxana by murder : 
 but he thereby exposed himself to an attack from 
 Polysperchon, who, availing himself of the discon- 
 tent of the Macedonians, brought back Hercules, 
 the only remaining illegitimate son of Alexander. 
 Cassander diverted the storm by a new crime, 
 instigating Polysperchon to murder the young 
 Hercules, under promise of sharing the govern- 
 ment: Polysperchon, however, unable to possess 
 himself of the Peloponnesus which had been pro- 
 mised him, appears to have preserved but little 
 influence. Cassander met likewise with formid- 
 able opponents in the persons of Antigonus and 
 his son ; and although delivered by the breaking 
 out of the war with Ptolemy from the danger of 
 
 308. the first invasion of Greece by Demetrius, his 
 situation was more embarrassing at the second 
 
 307. irruption ; from which, however, he was extricated 
 by the circumstance of Antigonus being obliged 
 to recall his son, on account of the newly formed 
 league (see above, p. 230). 
 
 Antigonus, on his return from Upper Asia, declares loudly 
 against Cassander, B. C. 314; despatches his general Aristode- 
 mus to Peloponnesus, and frames a league with Polysperchon
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 273 
 
 and his son Alexander ; the latter, however, Cassander succeeds THIRD 
 in winning over by a promise of the command in Peloponnesus. - 
 Alexander was soon after murdered, but his wife Cratesipolis 
 succeeded him, and commanded with the spirit of a man. Mean- 
 while, Cassander carried war against the ^Etolians, who sided 
 with Antigonus, 313; but Antigonus, 312, having sent his gene- 
 ral Ptolemy into Greece with a fleet and army, Cassander lost 
 his supremacy. In the peace of 311, the freedom of all the 
 Grecian cities was stipulated ; but this very condition became 
 the pretext of various and permanent feuds ; and Cassander hav- 
 ing murdered the young king, together with his mother, drew 
 upon himself the arms of Polysperchon, who wished to place 
 Hercules on the throne, 310 ; but the pretender was removed in 
 the manner above described, 309. Cassander now endeavouring 
 to reestablish his power over Greece, Demetrius Poliorcetes was 
 by his father sent into that country in order to anticipate Pto- 
 lemy of Egypt, in the enforcement of the decree for the freedom 
 of the Greeks, 308 ; the result at Athens was the restoration of 
 democracy, and the expulsion of Demetrius Phalereus. From 
 any further attack of Demetrius, Cassander was delivered by the 
 war which broke out between Antigonus and Ptolemy, (see 
 above, p. 229.) and had the leisure, once more, to strengthen his 
 power in Greece, until 302, when Demetrius arrived a second 
 time, and, as generalissimo of liberated Greece, pressed forward 
 to the borders of Macedonia ; Demetrius was, however, recalled 
 by his father into Asia, and at the battle of Ipsus, 301, lost all 
 his dominions in that quarter of the world. Yet although Athens 
 closed her harbours against him, he still maintained his posses- 
 sions in Peloponnesus, and even endeavoured to extend them ; 
 from thence, in 297, he sallied forth, and once more took posses- 
 sion of his beloved Athens, and after driving out the usurper 
 Lachares, forgave her ingratitude. 
 
 5. Cassander survived the establishment of his 
 throne by the battle of Ipsus only three years : ieaves a ?he 
 and bequeathed Macedonia as an inheritance to 
 
 his three sons, the eldest of whom, Philip, shortly 
 after followed his father to the grave. 
 
 6. The two remaining sons, Antipater and 
 Alexander, soon worked their own destruction,
 
 274 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD Antipater having murdered his own mother Thes- 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 salonice, on account of the favour she showed his 
 brother, was obliged to flee ; he applied for help 
 to his father-in-law Lysimachus of Thrace, where 
 he soon after died. Meanwhile Alexander, fancy- 
 ing that he likewise stood in need of foreign as- 
 sistance, addressed himself to Pyrrhus, king of 
 Macedonia, and to Demetrius Poliorcetes, both of 
 whom obeyed the call only with the expectation 
 of being paid. After various snares reciprocally 
 laid for each other, the king of Macedonia was 
 murdered by Demetrius, and with him the race 
 
 B.C. 295. of Antipater became extinct. 
 
 Demetrius, 7. The army proclaimed Demetrius king; and 
 
 294287. . . . J _ J 
 
 in his person the house or Antigonus ascended 
 the throne of Macedonia, and, after many vicissi- 
 tudes, established their power. His seven years' 
 reign, in which one project succeeded the other, 
 was a constant series of wars ; and as he never 
 could learn how to bear with good fortune, his 
 ambition was at last his ruin. 
 
 The kingdom of Demetrius comprised Macedonia, Thessaly, 
 and the greatest part of the Peloponnesus ; he was also master 
 of Megara and Athens. Twofold capture of Thebes, which had 
 been rebuilt by Cassander, 293, and 291 ; unsuccessful attempt 
 upon Thrace, 292. His war with Pyrrhus, 290, in whom men 
 fancied they beheld another Alexander, had already alienated 
 the affections of the Macedonians ; but his grand project for the 
 recovery of Asia induced his enemies to get the start of him ; 
 and the hatred of his subjects compelled him secretly to escape 
 to Peloponnesus, to his son Antigonus, 287- Athens, taking ad- 
 vantage of his misfortunes, drove out the Macedonian garrison, 
 and, by the election of archons, reestablished her ancient consti- 
 tution ; although Demetrius laid siege to the town, he allowed 
 himself to be pacified by Crates. Having once more attempted 
 to prosecute his plans against Asia, he was obliged, 286, to sur-
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 275 
 
 render to Seleucus his father-in-law, who, out of charity, kept THIRD 
 him till the day of his death, 284. PERIOD. 
 
 8. Two claimants to the vacant throne now Pyrrhus of 
 arose, viz. Pyrrhus of Epirus and Lysimachus office! 287, 
 Thrace ; but although Pyrrhus was first pro- 286 ' 
 claimed king, with the cession of half the domi- 
 nions, he could not, being a foreigner, support his 
 power any longer than the year 286, when he was 
 deposed by Lysimachus. 
 
 The sovereigns of Epirus, belonging to the family of the 
 JEaeidx, were properly kings of the Molossi. See above, p. 150. 
 They did not become lords of all Epirus, nor consequently of any 
 historical importance, until the time of the Peloponnesian war. 
 After that period Epirus was governed by Alcetas I. about 384, 
 who pretended to be the sixteenth descendant from Pyrrhus, the 
 son of Achilles ; Neoptolemus, father to Olympias, by whose 
 marriage with Philip, 358, the kings of Epirus became intimately 
 connected with Macedonia, d. 352 ; Arymbas, his brother, d. 
 342 ; Alexander I. son of Neoptolemus, and brother-in-law to 
 Alexander the Great ; he was ambitious to be as great a con- 
 queror in the west as his kinsman was in the east, but he fell in 
 Lucania, 332. ^Eacides, son of Arymbas, d. 312. Pyrrhus II. 
 his son, the Ajax of his time, and, we might almost say, rather an 
 adventurer than a king. After uninterrupted wars waged in 
 Macedonia, Greece, Italy, and Sicily, he fell at last at the 
 storming of Argos, 272. He was followed by his son Alexan- 
 der II. in the person of whose successor, Pyrrhus III. 219, the 
 male line became extinct. Although the daughter of this last 
 prince, Deidamia, succeeded to the throne, the Epirots were not 
 long before they established a democratic government, which en- 
 dured till such time as they were, together with Macedonia and 
 the rest of Greece, brought under the Roman yoke, 146. 
 
 9. In consequence of the accession of Lysima- Lysima- 
 chus, Thrace, and for a short time even Asia c 
 Minor, were annexed to the Macedonian kingdom. 
 
 But rankling hatred and family relations soon 282. 
 afterwards involved Lysimachus in a war with
 
 276 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD Seleucus Nicator, in which, at the battle of Curo- 
 pedion, he lost both his throne and his life. 
 
 Execution of the gallant Agathocles, eldest son of Lysimachus, 
 at the instigation of his step-mother Arsinoe : his widow Ly- 
 sandra and her brother Ptolemy Ceraunus, who had already been 
 driven out of Egypt by his step-mother Berenice, go over, fol- 
 lowed by a large party, to Seleucus, whom they excite to war. 
 
 Seieucus. 10. The victorious Seleucus, already lord of 
 Asia, now causing himself to be proclaimed like- 
 wise king of Macedonia, it seemed as if that 
 country was again about to become the head seat 
 of the whole monarchy. But shortly after he 
 had crossed over into Europe, Seleucus fell by 
 
 B.C. 28i. th e murderous hand of Ptolemy Ceraunus, who, 
 availing himself of the treasures of his victim, and 
 of the yet remaining troops of Lysimachus, took 
 possession of the throne ; by another act of trea- 
 chery he avenged himself of Arsinoe, his half- 
 sister; but just as he conceived himself securely 
 established, he lost both his crown and his life 
 by the irruption of the Gauls into Macedonia. 
 
 The irruption of the Gauls, threatening desolation not only to 
 Macedonia but to the whole of Greece, took place in three suc- 
 cessive expeditions. The first under Cambaules, (probably 280,) 
 advanced no further than Thrace, the invaders not being suffi- 
 ciently numerous. The second in three bodies ; against Thrace 
 under Ceretrius ; against Paeonia under Brennus and Acichorius ; 
 against Macedonia and Illyria under Belgius, 279. By the last- 
 mentioned chieftain Ptolemy was defeated ; he fell in the con- 
 test. In consequence, Meleager first, and Antipater subse- 
 quently, were appointed kings of Macedonia ; but both, on ac- 
 count of incapacity, being soon afterwards deposed, a Macedonian 
 noble, Sosthenes, assumed the command, and this time liberated 
 his country. But the year 278 brought with it the main storm, 
 which spent its fury principally on Greece : Sosthenes was de- 
 feated and slain : and although the Greeks brought all their
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 277 
 
 united forces into the field, Brennus and Acichorius burst into THIRD 
 Greece on two different sides, and pushed on to Delphi, the ob- _? ERIOD ' 
 ject of their expedition ; from hence, however, they were com- 
 pelled to retreat ; and most of them were cut off by hunger, cold, 
 or the sword. Nevertheless a portion of those barbarians stood 
 their ground in the interior of Thrace, which, consequently, was 
 for the most part lost to Macedonia : another portion, consisting 
 of various hordes, the Tectosagae, Tolistobii, and Trocmi, crossed 
 over to Asia Minor, where they established themselves in the 
 country called after them Galatia (see above, p. 230). Although 
 there can be no doubt that the Tectosagae must have come from 
 the innermost parts of Gaul, the mode of attack demonstrates 
 that the main tide of invaders consisted of the neighbouring 
 races ; and, in fact, in those days the countries from the Danube 
 to the Mediterranean and Adriatic were mostly occupied by 
 Gauls. Greece, though she strained every nerve, and with the 
 exception of Peloponnesus, was united in one league, could scarcely 
 bring forward more than 20,000 men to stem the torrent. 
 
 ] 1. Antigonus of Gonni, son to Demetrius, now 
 
 ,,., , f-ii\ onnatas. 
 
 seated himself on the vacant throne of desolated 
 Maoedon ; he bought off his competitor, Antio- 
 chus I. named Soter, by treaty and marriage. 
 Successfully as he opposed the new irruption of 
 the Gauls, he was dethroned by Pyrrhus, who, 
 on his return from Italy, was a second time pro- B.C. 274. 
 claimed king of Macedonia. That prince, how- 
 ever, having formed the design of conquering the 
 Peloponnesus, and, after an ineffectual attack on 
 Sparta, which was repelled with heroic gallantry, 272. 
 wishing to take possession of Argos, fell at the 
 storming of the latter place. 
 
 Extraordinary as these frequent revolutions appear, they may 
 be easily accounted for by the mode of warfare in those days. 
 Every thing depended on the armies ; and these were composed 
 of mercenaries, ever willing to fight against him they had de- 
 fended the day before, if they fancied his rival to be a more 
 valiant or fortunate leader. Since the death of Alexander, the
 
 278 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD Macedonian phalanx was no longer dependent on its captains, 
 PERIOD. |j u j. they on their men. The impoverishment of the countries, in 
 consequence of war, was such, that the soldier's was almost the 
 only profitable trade ; and none prosecuted that trade more ar- 
 dently than the Gauls, whose services were ever ready for any 
 one who chose to pay for them. 
 
 12. After the death of Pyrrhus, Antigonus 
 Gonnatas recovered the Macedonian throne, of 
 which he and his descendants kept uninterrupted 
 possession, yet not till after a violent contest with 
 Alexander, the son and successor of Pyrrhus. 
 But no sooner were they secure from foreign 
 rivals, than the Macedonian policy was again 
 directed against Greece, and the capture of 
 Corinth seemed to insure the dependence of the 
 whole country, when the formation of the jEto- 
 lian, and the yet more important AchaBan, league, 
 gave rise to relations entirely new, and of the 
 highest interest, even for the universal history of 
 the world. After so many storms, the sun of 
 Greece was about to set in all his splendour! 
 
 The ancient confederacy of the twelve Achaean cities (see 
 above, p. 145.) had subsisted until the death of Alexander, but 
 was dissolved in the subsequent commotions ; particularly when, 
 after the battle of Ipsus, 301, Demetrius and his son made Pelo- 
 ponnesus the principal seat of their power. Some of these cities 
 were now garrisoned by those princes, while in others arose 
 tyrants, generally favourable to their interests. In 281, four 
 asserted their freedom and renewed the ancient federation ; 
 which, five years afterwards, was gradually joined by the rest, 
 Antigonus being busied elsewhere, in consequence of his occupa- 
 tion of the Macedonian throne. But the league did not become 
 formidable till the accession of foreign states. This took place, 
 in the first instance, with Sicyon, through the exertions of the 
 liberator of that town, Aratus, who now became the animating 
 spirit of the federation ; and in 243 brought over Corinth, after 
 the expulsion of the Macedonian garrison, and Megara. After-
 
 BOOK iv. HI. MACEDON AND GREECE. 279 
 
 wards the league gradually acquired strength, by the junction of THIRD 
 several Grecian cities, Athens among others, 229 ; and thereby 1>ER10 "' 
 excited the jealousy of the rest. And as Aratus, who was more 
 of a statesman than a general, and possessed but little independ- 
 ence, had in the very outset joined the party of Ptolemy II. the 
 league soon became involved in the disputes of the great powers, 
 and was too often but a mere tool in their hands. The main 
 principles on which it was founded were the following : 1 . Com- 
 plete political equality of all the federate cities ; in this respect 
 it essentially differed from all the earlier federations in Greece. 
 2. Unconditional preservation of the domestic government in 
 every one of the cities. 3. The meeting twice a year of deputies 
 from all the cities, at JEgium, and afterwards at Corinth ; for 
 transacting all business of common interest, particularly foreign 
 affairs, and also for the purpose of electing the strategus, or mili- 
 tary leader and head of the union, and the ten demiurgi, or supreme 
 magistrates. But what more than all contributed to exalt this 
 league, founded on pure liberty, was the virtue of Aratus, 213, 
 Philopcemen, 183, and Lycortas, 170; men who breathed into 
 it the spirit of union, until, enfeebled by Roman policy, it was 
 overthrown. 
 
 f- BREITKNBAUCH, History of the Achceans and their league, 
 1782. 
 
 The jEtolian league was formed about 284, in consequence of 
 the oppressions of the Macedonian kings. The -fl^tolians had 
 likewise a yearly congress, panaetolium, at Thermus ; where they 
 chose a strategus and the apocleti, who constituted the state 
 council. They had, besides, their secretary, ypapnaTefa ; and 
 supervisors, tyopot, whose particular functions are, however, mat- 
 ter of doubt. This federation did not increase like the Achaean, 
 none but ^Etolians being admitted. The more unpolished this 
 piratical nation remained, the more frequently it was used as the 
 tool of foreign, and particularly of Roman, policy. 
 
 13. Antigonus, in the latter part of his reign, Demetrius 
 
 II B C 
 
 had recourse to various means, and more espe- 243-233. 
 cially to an alliance with the ^Etolians, for the 
 purpose of counterpoising the Achaeans. He died 
 in his eightieth year, and was succeeded by his 
 son, Demetrius II. who waged war upon the
 
 280 
 
 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 THIRD 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 Doson, 
 
 B.C. 233 
 
 _ 221 
 
 JEtolians, now, however, supported by the Achae- 
 ans ; and endeavoured to repress the growth of 
 the latter, by favouring the tyrants of particular 
 cities. The remainder of the reign of this prince 
 is little more than a chasm in history. 
 
 The vulgar assertion that this prince conquered Gyrene and 
 Libya, originates in a confusion of names ; his uncle Demetrius, 
 son of Poliorcetes of Ptolemais, being mentioned by Plutarch as 
 king of Cyrene. The history of that town, from 258 to 142, is 
 enveloped in almost total darkness : cf. Prolog. Trogi, 1. xxvi. ad 
 calcem Justini. 
 
 14. Demctrius's son Philip was passed over: 
 his brother's son, Antigonus II. surnamed Doson, 
 being raised to the throne. This king was occu- 
 pied the most of his time by the events in Greece, 
 where a very remarkable revolution at Sparta, 
 as we learn from Plutarch, had raised up a for- 
 midable enemy against the Achaeans ; and so 
 completely altered the relative position of affairs, 
 that the Macedonians, from having been oppo- 
 nents, became allies of the Achaeans. 
 
 Sketch of the situation of Spartan affairs at this period : the 
 ancient constitution still continued to exist in form ; but the 
 plunder of foreign countries, and particularly the permission to 
 transfer landed estates, obtained by Epitadeus, had produced 
 great inequality of property. The restoration of Lycurgus's con- 
 stitution had, therefore, a twofold object ; to favour the poor by 
 a new agrarian law and release from debts, and to increase the 
 power of the kings by repressing that of the ephori. First at- 
 tempt at reform 244, by king Agis III ; attended in the be- 
 ginning with partial success, but eventually frustrated by the 
 other king, Leonidas, and terminating in the extinction of Agis 
 and his family, 241. Leonidas, however, was succeeded, 236, 
 by his son Cleomenes, who victoriously defeated the plans of 
 Aratus to force Sparta to accede to the Achaean league, 227 ; 
 this king, by a forcible revolution, overthrew the ephori, and 
 accomplished the project of Agis, at the same time increasing
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 281 
 
 the Spartans by the admission of a number of periaeci ; and en- THIRD 
 forcing the laws of Lycurgus referring to private life ; but as in P ERIOD - 
 a small republic a revolution cannot be confirmed without some 
 external war, he attacked the Achseans as early as 224; these 
 being defeated, implored, through Aratus, the help of Antigonus ; 
 Cleomenes in consequence was, at the battle of Sellasia, 222, 
 obliged to yield to superior force, and with difficulty escaped 
 over to Egypt ; while Sparta was compelled to acknowledge her 
 independence as a gift at the hands of Antigonus. Such was 
 the miserable success of this attempt made by a few great men 
 on a nation already degenerate. The quarrels between the ephori 
 and king Lycurgus and his successor Machanidas, placed Sparta 
 in a state of anarchy, which ended, 207, in the usurpation of the 
 sovereign power by one Nabis, who destroyed the ancient form 
 of government. Let him who would study great revolutions 
 commence with that just described; insignificant as it is, none 
 perhaps furnishes more instructive lessons. 
 
 PLUTARCHI Agis et Cleomenes. The information in which 
 is principally drawn from the Commentaries of Aratus. 
 
 15. Philip II. son of Demetrius. He ascended Philip 11. 
 
 ,, . , B.C. 221 
 
 the throne at the early age of sixteen, endowed 179. 
 with many qualities, such as might, under favour- 
 able circumstances, have formed a great prince. 
 Macedonia had recruited her strength during a 
 long peace ; and her grand political aim, the su- 
 premacy of Greece, secured by the connection of 
 Antigonus with the Achaeans, and by the victory 
 of Sellasia, seemed to be already within her grasp. 
 But Philip lived in a time when Rome was pur- 
 suing her formidable plans of aggrandizement: 
 the more vigorous and prompt his efforts were to 
 withstand that power, the more deeply was he 
 entangled in the new maze of events, which em- 
 bittered the rest of his life, and at last brought 
 him to the grave with a broken heart, converted 
 by misfortune into a despot. 
 
 16. The first five years of Philip were occupied War of the
 
 282 
 
 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 BOOK iv. 
 
 
 THIRD 
 
 two leagues, 
 
 B.c.221 
 
 Negotia- 
 
 H P aiJnibai 
 214. 
 
 by his participation in the war between the 
 Achaeans and ./Etolians, called the war of the two 
 
 . .... r . . 
 
 leagues; notwithstanding the treachery ot his 
 minister Apellas and his dependents, the prince 
 was enabled to dictate the conditions of peace, 
 according to which both parties were to remain 
 in possession of what they then had. The con- 
 clusion of this peace was hastened by the news 
 of Hannibal's victory at Thrasymenus, Philip being 
 then instigated to form more extensive projects 
 by Demetrius of Pharus, who had fled before the 
 Romans, and soon acquired unlimited influence 
 with the Macedonian king. 
 
 The war of the two leagues arose out of the piracies of the 
 jEtolians on the Messenians, the latter of whom the Achaeans 
 undertook to protect, 221. The errors committed by Aratus 
 compelled the Achaeans to have recourse to Philip, 220 ; whose 
 progress, however, was for a long time impeded by the artifices 
 of Apellas's faction, who wished to overthrow Aratus. The 
 Acarnanians, Epirots, Messenians, and Scerdilaidas of Illyria, 
 (who, however, soon after declared against Macedonia,) com- 
 bined with Philip and the Achaeans ; the -^Etolians, on the other 
 hand, commanded by their own general, Scopas, had for their 
 allies the Spartans and Eleans. The most important conse- 
 quence of this war for Macedonia was, that she began again to 
 be a naval power. About the same time a war broke out be- 
 tween the two trading republics of Byzantium and Rhodes (the 
 latter supported by Prusias I. of Bithynia) insignificant in itself, 
 but which, as a commercial war, originating in the duties im- 
 posed by the Byzantines, was the only one of its kind in this 
 age, 222. The Rhodians, so powerful in those days by sea, com- 
 pelled their adversaries to submit. 
 
 17. The negotiations between Philip and Han- 
 n ibal concluded with an alliance, in which reci- 
 P roca l ne 'P was promised towards annihilating 
 Rome. But Rome contrived to excite so many 
 foes against Philip on the borders of his own
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 283 
 
 kingdom, and availed herself so skilfully of her TliIRD 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 naval power, that the execution of this plan was ~ 
 prevented until it became possible to attack the 
 Macedonian king in Greece ; where he had made 
 himself many enemies, by the domineering tone 
 he had assumed towards his allies at the time 
 that, sensible of his power, he was about to enter 
 upon a wider sphere of action. 
 
 Commencement of hostilities by Rome, against Philip : imme- 
 diately that the alliance of Philip and Hannibal was known, a 
 squadron with troops on board was stationed off the coast of 
 Macedonia, by which the king himself was defeated at Apollo- 
 nia, 214. Alliance of Rome with the ^Etolians, joined likewise 
 by Sparta and Elis, Attains king of Pergamus, and Scerdilaidas 
 and Pleuratus, kings of Illyria, 211. On Philip's side were the 
 Achaeans, with whom Philopcemen more than supplied the loss 
 of Aratus, occasioned, 213, by the Macedonian king; to them 
 were joined the Acarnanians and Bseotians. Attacked on every 
 side, Philip successfully extricated himself from his difficulties ; 
 in the first place, he compelled the yEtolians, who had been 
 abandoned by Attalus and Rome, to accept separate terms, 
 which, shortly after, Rome, consulting her own convenience, 
 converted into a general peace, inclusive of the allies on either 
 . side, 204. 
 
 18. New war of Philip against Attalus and the War with 
 Rhodians, carried on for the most part in Asia B.C. 203 
 Minor; and his impolitic alliance with Antiochus 200 ' 
 III. to attack Egypt. But can Philip be blamed 
 
 for his endeavours to disarm the military servants 
 of the Romans? Rome, however, did not grant 
 him time to effect his designs ; the Macedonian 
 king was taught at Chios, by woeful experience, 202. 
 that his navy had not increased proportionably 
 with that of the Rhodians. 
 
 19. The war with Rome suddenly hurled the war with 
 Macedonian power from its lofty pitch ; and by 200^197. 
 laying the foundation of Roman dominion in the
 
 284 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD east, wrought a change in almost all the political 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 relations of that quarter. The first two years of 
 the war showed pretty evidently, that mere force 
 could scarcely overturn the Macedonian throne. 
 B.C. 198. But T. Quintius Flaminius stepped forward; with 
 the magic spell of freedom he intoxicated the 
 Greeks; Philip was stripped of his allies; and 
 197. the battle of Cynoscephalse decided everything. 
 The articles of the peace were : 1. That all Gre- 
 cian cities in Europe and Asia should be inde- 
 pendent, and Philip should withdraw his garri- 
 sons. 2. That he should surrender the whole of 
 his navy, and never afterwards keep more than 
 500 armed men on foot. 3. That he should not, 
 without previously informing Rome, undertake 
 any war out of Macedonia. 4. That he should 
 pay 1,000 talents by instalments, and deliver up 
 his younger son Demetrius as an hostage. 
 
 The Roman allies in this war were : the ^Etolians, Athenians, 
 Rhodians, the kings of the Athamanes, Dardanians, and Per- 
 gamus. The Achseans at the beginning sided with Philip, but 
 were subsequently gained over by Flaminius. See below, in the 
 Roman History. 
 
 20. Soon after, the freedom of Greece was 
 solemnly proclaimed at the Isthmian games by 
 196. Flaminius: but loud as the Greeks were in their 
 exultations, this measure served merely to trans- 
 fer the supremacy of their country from Mace- 
 donia to Rome : and Grecian history, as well as the 
 Macedonian, is now interwoven with that of the 
 Romans. To foster quarrels between the Greek 
 states, with the especial view of hindering the 
 AchaBans from growing too formidable, now be- 
 came a fundamental principle at Rome ; and
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 285 
 
 Roman and anti-Roman parties having quickly THIRD 
 
 i . V i J PERIOD. 
 
 arisen in every city, this political game was easily ~ 
 played. 
 
 Flaminius even took care that the Achaeans should have an 
 opponent in the person of Nabis, although under the necessity of 
 waging war against him previous to his return into Italy, 194. 
 In 192, war between Nabis and the Achaeans ; followed after 
 the murder of Nabis, at the hands of the ^tolians, by the acces- 
 sion of Sparta to the Achaean league. But about the same time 
 Greece once more became the theatre of foreign war ; Antio- 
 chus having firmly seated himself in the country, and enleagued 
 himself with several tribes, but more particularly the JEto- 
 lians, inspired with bitter and long-standing hatred against the 
 Romans. These last, however, after the expulsion of Antiochus 
 from Greece, 191, paid dearly for their secession ; nor was peace 
 granted them by Rome till after long and unsuccessful supplica- 
 tions, 189. 
 
 21. While war was pending between the Ro- Fate of 
 mans and Antiochus, Philip, in the character of 
 one of the numerous allies of Rome, ventured to 
 increase his territory at the expense of the Atha- 
 manes, Thracians, and Thessalians. To keep 
 him in good humour he was permitted to effect 
 those conquests ; but after the termination of 
 the war the oppression of Rome became so gall- B. c. 190. 
 ing, that it could not be otherwise than that all 
 his thoughts should centre in revenge, and all his 
 exertions be directed towards the recovery of 
 power. Meanwhile the violent measures adopted 
 for repeopling his exhausted kingdom such is 
 the punishment of ambition which usually awaits 
 even the victorious! the transplantation of the 
 inhabitants of whole cities and countries, and the 
 consequent and unavoidable oppression of several 
 of his neighbours, excited universal complaints; 
 and where was the accuser of Philip to whom
 
 286 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 THIRD R ome WO u]d not now lend a ready ear? His 
 
 younger son, Demetrius, the pupil of Rome, and 
 by her intended, it is probable, to succeed to the 
 crown, alone diverted the impending fate of Ma- 
 
 B. c. 183. cedonia. But after the return of that prince from 
 his embassy, the envy of his elder and bastard 
 brother, Perseus, grew into an inveterate rancour, 
 such as could not be quenched but by the death 
 isi. of the younger. The lot of Philip was indeed 
 hard, compelled as a father to judge between his 
 two sons ; but the measure of human woe was 
 filled, when after the death of his favourite child 
 he discovered that he was innocent ; are we to 
 179. wonder that sorrow should soon have hurried him 
 to a premature grave! 
 
 Roman po- 22. The same policy which was observed by 
 
 Hey against .,-. IT-I-T 
 
 theAcha:an the Romans towards Philip, they pursued towards 
 i89. ue ' the Achaeans, with whom, since the termination 
 of the war with Antiochus, they had assumed a 
 loftier tone ; and this artful game was facilitated 
 by the continual quarrels among the Greeks them- 
 selves. Yet the great Philopcemen, worthy of a 
 better age, maintained the dignity of the league 
 at the very time that the Romans presumed to 
 speak as arbitrators. After his decease they 
 found it easy to raise a party among the Achseans 
 183. themselves, the venal Callicrates offering his ser- 
 vices for that purpose. 
 
 The Achaeans was continually embroiled either with Sparta or 
 with Messene : the grounds of difference were, that in both of 
 those states there were factions headed by persons who, out of 
 personal motives, and for the most part hatred to Philopcemen, 
 wished to secede from the league; on the other hand, the pre- 
 vailing idea among the Achaeans was, that this league ought to 
 comprise the whole of the Peloponnesus. In the war against the
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 287 
 
 Messenians, 183, Philopoemen, at the age of seventy, was taken THIRD 
 prisoner by the enemy and put to death. PERIOD. 
 
 PLUTARCHI, Philopcemen. Nearly the whole of which is com- 
 piled from the lost biography of Polybius. 
 
 23. The last Macedonian king, Perseus, had Perseus, 
 inherited his father's perfect hatred of the Ho 168. 
 mans, together with talents, if not equal, at least 
 
 but little inferior. He entered into the specula- 
 tions of his predecessor, and the first seven years 
 of his reign was occupied in constant exertions 
 to muster forces against Rome ; with this view 
 he called the Bastarnee out of the north, in order 
 to settle them in the territories of his enemies the 
 Dardanians ; he endeavoured to form alliances 
 with the kings of Illyria, Thrace, Syria, and Bi- 
 thynia; above all, he strove by negotiations and 
 promises to reestablish the ancient influence of 
 Macedonia in Greece. 
 
 The settlement of the Bastarnae (probably a German race, re- 
 sident beyond the Danube) in Thrace and Dardania, in order 
 with them to carry war against the Romans, was one of the plans 
 traced out by Philip, and now partially executed by Perseus. 
 In Greece the Macedonian party, which Perseus formed chiefly 
 out of the great number of impoverished citizens in the country, 
 would probably have gained the upper hand, had not the fear in- 
 spired by Rome, and the active vigilance of that power, inter- 
 posed an effectual bar. Hence the Achaeans^ apparently at least, 
 remained on the Roman side; the .ZEtolians, by domestic fac- 
 tions, had worked their own destruction ; the case was the same 
 with the Acarnanians ; and the federation of the Boeotians had 
 been completely dissolved by the Romans, 171 On the other 
 hand, in Epirus the Macedonian party was superior ; Thessaly 
 was occupied by Perseus ; several of the Thracian tribes were 
 friendly to him ; and in king Gentius he found an ally who 
 might have been highly useful, had not the Macedonian prince, 
 by an ill-timed avarice, deprived himself of his assistance. 
 
 24. The commencement of open hostilities was Defeat at
 
 288 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD hastened by the bitter hatred existing between 
 
 PERIOD. J 
 
 Perseus and Eumenes, and by the intrigues of 
 
 Perseus at ' J 
 
 the latter at Rome. Neglect of the favourable 
 moment for taking the field, and the defensive 
 system, skilfully in other respects as it was 
 planned, caused the ruin of Perseus, as it had 
 done that of Antiochus. Nevertheless he pro- 
 B. c. 172 tracted the war to the fourth year, when the bat- 
 
 _ IQQ " 
 
 tie of Pidna decided the fate both of himself and 
 his kingdom. 
 
 Miserable condition of Perseus until his capture at Samo- 
 thrace; and afterwards until his death at Rome, 166. 
 
 25. According to the system at that period fol- 
 lowed by Rome, the conquered kingdom of Mace- 
 donia was not immediately converted into a pro- 
 vince ; it was first deprived of all offensive power, 
 by being republicanized and divided into four 
 districts, wholly distinct from one another, and 
 bound to pay Rome half the tribute they were 
 before wont to furnish to their kings. 
 Fail of the 26. It was in the natural order of things that 
 the independence of Greece, and more especially 
 that of the Achaean league, should fall with Per- 
 seus. The political inquisition of the Roman com- 
 missaries not only visited with punishment the de- 
 clared partizans of Macedonia ; but even to have 
 stood neutral was a crime that incurred suspicion. 
 Rome, however, amid the rising hatred, did not 
 deem herself secure until by one blow she had 
 rid herself of all opponents of any importance. 
 Above a thousand of the most eminent of the 
 Achaeans were summoned to Rome to justify 
 themselves, and there detained seventeen years 
 -S? in prison without a hearing. While at the head
 
 BOOK iv. III. MACEDON AND GREECE. 289 
 
 of the league, stood the man who had delivered THIHI> 
 them up, Callicrates, (d. 150.) a wretch who could, - 
 unmoved, hear " the very boys in the streets taunt 
 him with treachery." A more tranquil period, it 
 is true, now ensued for Greece, but it was the 
 result of very obvious causes. 
 
 27. The ultimate lot both of Macedon and Greece b e - 
 
 ~ i -i i i i n comes a 
 
 Greece was decided by the system now adopted Roman 
 at Rome, that of converting the previous depend- iSJ^JJa. 
 ence of nations into formal subjection. The in- 
 surrection of Andriscus in Macedonia, an indivi- 
 dual who pretended to be the son of Perseus, was 
 quelled by Metellus, the country being consti- 
 tuted a Roman province ; two years afterwards, at 
 the sack of Corinth, vanished the last glimmer of 
 Grecian freedom. 
 
 The last war of the Achaeans arose out of certain quarrels with 
 Sparta, 150, fomented by Diaeus, Critolaus, and Damocritus, who 
 had returned bitterly enraged from the Roman prison ; in these 
 disputes Rome interfered, with the design of wholly dissolving 
 the Achaean league. The first pretext that offered for executing 
 this scheme was the ill-treatment of the Roman ambassadors at 
 Corinth, 148 ; war, however, still raging with Carthage and 
 Andriscus, the Romans preserved for the present a peaceful tone. 
 But the party of Diaeus and Critolaus would have war; the 
 plenipotentiaries of Metellus were again insulted, and the 
 Achaeans declared war against Sparta and Rome. In the very 
 same year they were routed by Metellus, and their leader Cri- 
 tolaus fell in the engagement; Metellus was replaced in the 
 command by Mummius, who defeated Diaeus the successor of 
 Critolaus, took Corinth and razed it to the ground, 146. The 
 consequence was, that Greece, under the name of Achaia, became 
 a Roman province, although to a few cities, such as Athens, for 
 instance, some shadow of freedom was still left.
 
 290 
 
 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. 
 
 THIRD 
 PERIOD. 
 
 IV. History of some smaller or more distant Kingdoms 
 and States erected out of the Macedonian monarchy. 
 
 SOURCES. Besides the writers enumerated above, (see p. 232.) 
 Memnon, an historian of Heraclea in Pontus, deserves particular 
 mention in this place, (see p. 162) : some extracts from his work 
 have been preserved to us by Photius, Cod. 224. In some indi- 
 vidual portions, as, for instance, in the Parthian history, Justin a 
 is our main authority; as are likewise Ammianus Marcellinus, 
 and the extracts from Arrian's Parthica, found in Photius. The 
 coins of the kings are also of great importance ; but unfortunately 
 Vaillant's Essay shows, that even with their assistance the chro- 
 nology still remains in a very unsettled state. For the Jewish 
 history, Josephus (see p. 35.) is the grand writer : of the Books 
 of the Old Testament, those of Ezra and Nehemiah, together 
 with the Maccabees, although the last are riot always to be de- 
 pended upon. 
 
 The modern writers are enumerated below, under the heads of 
 the different kingdoms. Much information is likewise scattered 
 about in the works on ancient numismatics. 
 
 smaller l. Besides the three main empires into which 
 
 states rising />i -, T-T-II 
 
 out of Alex- the monarchy of Alexander was divided, there 
 
 ander's em- , l ' ., , 
 
 pi re . likewise arose in those extensive regions several 
 branch kingdoms, one of which even grew in time 
 to be among the most powerful in the world. To 
 these belong the kingdoms of, 1. Pergamus. 
 2. Bithynia. 3. Paphlagonia. 4. Pontus. 5. Cap- 
 padocia. 6. Great Armenia. 7. Little Armenia. 
 8. Parthia. 9. Bactria. 10. Jewish state sub- 
 sequent to the Maccabees. 
 
 As Justin did no more than extract from Trogus Pompeius, a question 
 presents itself of great consequence to various portions of ancient history ; what 
 authorities did Trogus Pompeius follow 1 The answer will be found in two 
 treatises by A. L. L. HEEREN : De fontibus et auctoritate Trogi Pompeii, ejus- 
 que epitomatoris Justini, inserted in Comment. Soc. Gott. vol. 15.
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PERGAMUS, ETC. 291 
 
 We are acquainted with the history of these kingdoms, the THIRD 
 Jewish state alone excepted, only so far forth as they were im- FERIOP - 
 plicated in the concerns of the greater empires ; of their internal 
 history we know little, often nothing. With respect to many of 
 them, therefore, little more can be produced than a series of 
 chronological data, indispensable, notwithstanding, to the general 
 historian. 
 
 2. The kingdom of Pergamus, in Mysia, arose Kingdom of 
 
 during the war between Seleucus and Lysima- Sc^SS' 
 chus. It owed its origin on the one hand to the ~ 
 prudence of its rulers, the wisest of whom luckily 
 reigned the longest ; and, on the other, to the 
 weakness of the Seleucidas : for its progressive 
 increase it was indebted to the Romans, who in 
 aggrandizing the power of Pergamus acted with a 
 view to their own interest. History exhibits 
 scarcely one subordinate kingdom whose princes 
 took such skilful advantage of the political cir- 
 cumstances of the times ; and yet they earned 
 still greater renown by the anxiety they showed, 
 in rivalling the Ptolemies, to foster the arts of 
 peace, industry, science, architecture, sculpture, 
 and painting. How dazzling the splendour with 
 which the small state of Pergamus outshines 
 many a mighty empire ! 
 
 Philetaerus, lieutenant of Lysimachus, in Pergamus, asserts 
 his independence ; and maintains possession of the citadel and 
 town, 283 263. His nephew, Eumenes I. 263241, defeats 
 Antiochus I. at Sardes, 263, and becomes master of ^Eolis and 
 the circumjacent country. His nephew, Attalus I. 241 197, 
 after his victory over the Galatians, 239, becomes king of Perga- 
 mus : a noble prince, and one whose genius and activity em- 
 braced everything. His wars against Achgeus brought him in 
 alliance with Antiochus III. 216. Commencement of an alliance 
 with Rome, arising out of his participation in the ^Etolian league 
 against Macedon, 211, in order to thwart Philip's project of con- 
 quest. Hence, after Philip's irruption into Asia, 203, participa- 
 
 u2
 
 292 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD tion on the side of Rome, in the Macedonian war. His son Eu- 
 ER10P '.. menes II. the inheritor of all his father's great qualities succeeds 
 him, 197 158. As a reward for his assistance against Antio- 
 chus the Great, the Romans presented him with almost all the 
 territories possessed by the vanquished king in Asia Minor, 
 (Phrygia, Mysia, Lycaonia, Lydia, Ionia, and a part of Caria,) 
 which thereafter constituted the kingdom of Pergamus ; this 
 prince extended his frontiers, but last his independence. In the 
 war with Perseus he was scarce able to preserve the good will of 
 the senate, and therewith his kingdom. His brother, Attalus II. 
 158 138, a more faithful dependent of Rome, took part in 
 nearly all the concerns of Asia Minor, more especially Bithynia. 
 His nephew, Attalus III. 138 133, a prince of unsound mind, 
 bequeathed his kingdom to the Romans, who, after vanquishing 
 the lawful heir, Aristonicus, 130, took possession of it, annexing 
 it to their empire, under the shape of a province called Asia. 
 Great discoveries and vast establishments made at Pergamus. 
 Rich library ; subsequently transferred by Antony to Alexandria, 
 as a present for Cleopatra. Museum. Discovery of parchment, 
 an invaluable auxiliary to the preservation of works of literature. 
 
 CHOISEUIL GOUFPIER, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, vol. 
 ii. 1809. Containing excellent observations, both on the monu- 
 ments and history of Pergamus, as well as on those of all the 
 neighbouring coasts and islands. 
 
 SEVIN, Recherches sur les rois de Pergame, inserted in the 
 Mem. de I' Ac ad. des Inscript. vol. xii. 
 
 From the fall of Tyre and the unsuccessful attempt of Deme- 
 trius, B. C. 307, to the establishment of Roman dominion in the 
 east, 300 200, was the brilliant period of Rhodes ; alike im- 
 portant for political wisdom, naval power, and extensive trade. 
 At the head of the senate (jSsuX^) were presidents, (vpu-rave^,) 
 who went out of office every half year, and were honoured with 
 precedence in the meetings of the commons. Friendship with 
 all, alliance with none, was the fundamental maxim of Rhodian 
 policy, until subverted by Rome. Thus was preserved the dig- 
 nity of the state, together with its independence and political 
 activity where do we not meet with Rhodian embassies ? and 
 permanent splendour, resulting from the cultivation of arts and 
 sciences. What proofs of general commiseration did not Rhodes 
 enjoy after that dreadful earthquake, which threw down even the 
 famous colossus, 227 ' Long did her squadrons command the 
 ./Egaean ; over that sea, the Euxine, and the western parts of the
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PERGAMUS, ETC. 293 
 
 Mediterranean as far as Sicily, her commerce extended, consist- THIRD 
 ing in the rich exchange of commodities between three quarters FERIOD - 
 of the globe. Her revenue proceeded from the customs, and was 
 abundant ; until, blinded by avarice, she sought to obtain at 
 Peraea a territory on the mainland ; an ambition of which the 
 Romans availed themselves to her detriment, by presenting her 
 with Lycia and Caria, 190. And yet did this republic outlive that 
 of Rome ! Great, indeed, is the chasm left in general history by 
 the loss of the internal history of this island ! 
 
 P. D. CH. PAULSEN, Commentatio exhibens Rhodi descriptio- 
 nem Macedonica estate, Gottingce, 1818. A prize essay. 
 
 3. The other small kingdoms of Asia Minor are 
 fragments rather of the Persian than of the Ma- 
 cedonian monarchy ; for Alexander's march fol- 
 lowing another direction, they were not formally 
 subjugated by that conqueror. The lines of their 
 kings are generally traced back to an early period 
 of the Persian age ; but, properly speaking, their 
 rulers in those days were nothing more than vice- 
 roys : selected indeed, for the most part, from the 
 royal family, they bore the title of princes, and, 
 in the gradual decline of the empire, not unfre- 
 quently threw up their allegiance. Nevertheless 
 these kingdoms do not appear as really inde- 
 pendent until after the time of Alexander. Con- 
 nected with the Grecian republics Heraclea, Si- 
 nope, Byzantium, etc. they formed, both in the 
 Macedonian and Roman ages, a system of small 
 states, often distracted by internal wars, and still 
 oftener mere tools in the hands of the more 
 powerful. 
 
 1. Bithynia. As early as the Persian period, mention is made 
 of two kings in Bithynia, Dydalsus and Botyras. The son of 
 the latter, Bias, B. C. 378 328, made head against Caranus, 
 one of Alexander's generals ; as did also his son Zipoetas, d. 281, 
 against Lysimachus. Lycomedes I. d. 248. He called the Gauls
 
 294 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD over from Thrace, 278, and with their assistance deposed his 
 PERIOD. b ro th er Zipoetas ; the Gauls in consequence kept their footing in 
 Galatia, and were for a long time an object of terror to Asia 
 Minor. Zelas, d, about 232 ; established his dominion after a 
 war with his half-brothers. Prusias I. son-in-law and ally of 
 Philip II. of Macedon, d. 192. He sided with the Rhodians 
 in the commercial war against Byzantium, 222, (see above, 
 p. 282.) and directed his arms, 196, against Heraclea, a Grecian 
 city in Bithynia, with a respectable territory along shore. Pru- 
 sias II. waged war against Eumenes II. at the instigation of 
 Hannibal, who had fled to his court, 184 ; he was subsequently 
 about to deliver up the fugitive to the Romans ; had not Hanni- 
 bal put a period to his existence, 183 : this king likewise waged 
 war against Attalus II. 153 ; in both these contests Rome acted 
 as mediator. Prusias, who had the meanness to style himself a 
 freedman of the Romans, was dethroned by his own son, Nico- 
 medes II. d. 92 ; a confederate of Mithridates the Great, with 
 whom, nevertheless, he afterwards fell out concerning the appro- 
 priation of Paphlagonia and Cappadocia. Nicomedes was mur- 
 dered by his son Socrates, who was, however, compelled to flee ; 
 in consequence of which Nicomedes III. succeeded to the crown. 
 Deposed by Mithridates, who supported his half-brother Socrates, 
 he was reinstated by Rome, 90. Having, however, at the insti- 
 gation of the Romans, 89, attacked Mithridates, he was defeated 
 and expelled in the first Mithridatic war, now kindled ; but in 
 the peace of 85, he was again reinstated by Sulla. At his death, 
 75, he bequeathed Bithynia to the Romans ; and this legacy gave 
 rise to the third Mithridatic war. 
 
 VAILLANT, Imperium Arsacidarum, vol. ii. See below. 
 
 SEVIN, Recherches sur les rois de Bithynie ; inserted in the 
 Mem. de F Academic des Inscript. vol. xii. 
 
 2. Paphlagonia. Even in the Persian age, the rulers of this 
 country were but nominally subject. After Alexander's death, 
 B. C. 323, it fell into the hands of the kings of Pontus ; it was, 
 however, subsequently, again ruled by its own monarchs ; among 
 whom we hear of Morzes, about 179 ; Pylsemenes I. about 131 : 
 who assisted the Romans in the war against Aristonicus of Per- 
 gamus. Pylaemenes II. d. before 121 ; who is said to have be- 
 queathed his kingdom to Mithridates V. of Pontus. Hence 
 Paphlagonia came to be implicated in the fortunes of Pontus, 
 (see just below,) until after the fall of Mithridates the Great, 63,
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PAPHLAGONIA, ETC. 295 
 
 that kingdom was converted into a province, with the exception THIRD 
 
 of one of the southern districts, to which the Romans left some EK10f) ' 
 
 shadow of freedom. 
 
 3. Pontus. The later kings of this country derived their origin 
 from the family of the Achaemenidae, or house of Persia. In the 
 Persian age they remained dependent or tributary princes : and 
 as such we must consider Artabazes, son of Hystaspes, d. 480, 
 Mithridates I. d. 368, and Ariobarzanes, d. 337, mentioned as 
 the earliest kings of Pontus. Mithridates II. surnamed Ctistes, 
 d. 302, was one of the first to acknowledge subjection to Alex- 
 ander ; after the death of the conqueror he sided with Antigonus, 
 who treacherously caused him to be murdered. His son, Mithri- 
 dates III. d. 266, (the Ariobarzanes of Memnon,) not only main- 
 tained himself after the battle of Ipsus against Lysimachus, but 
 likewise possessed himself of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. Mi- 
 thridates IV. father-in-law to Antiochus the Great, waged an un- 
 successful war against Sinope. The year of his death is unde- 
 termined, Pharnaces, d. about 156. He conquered Sinope 183 ; 
 and that town then became the royal residence. War with Eu- 
 menes II. whom Rome had made so powerful, and with his allies ; 
 terminated by a treaty, according to which Pharnaces ceded 
 Paphlagonia, B. C. 179. Mithridates V. d. about 121. He was 
 an ally of the Romans, from whom, after the defeat of Aristonicus 
 of Phrygia, he contrived to obtain Great Phrygia. Mithridates 
 VI. surnamed Eupator, about 121 64. He bore the title of 
 Great, an epithet to which he was as fully entitled as Peter I. in 
 modern history ; indeed he resembled the Russian prince in 
 almost everything except in good fortune. His reign, although 
 of the highest importance to general history, is, particularly in 
 the portion previous to the wars with Rome, replete with chrono- 
 logical difficulties. At the age of twelve years he inherits from 
 his father not only Pontus, but likewise Phrygia, and a rever- 
 sionary title to the throne of Paphlagonia, vacated by the death 
 of Pylaemenes II. During his nonage, 121 112, while by 
 voluntarily inuring himself to hardships, he contrived to elude 
 the treacherous hostility of his guardians, Rome deprived him of 
 Phrygia. His conquests in Colchis and on the eastern side of 
 the Black sea, 112 110. Commencement of the Scythian wars. 
 Called by the Greeks of Crimea to their assistance, he expelled 
 the Scythians ; subjected several insignificant Scythian princes 
 on the mainland; and entered into alliances with the Sarmatic
 
 296 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THFHD and even Germanic races as far as the Danube, 108 105, having 
 PERIOD. a j rea( jy a vj ew to the invasion of Italy from the north. This war 
 ended, he travels over Asia, (Asia Minor ?) about 104 103. At 
 his return, after punishing with death his faithless sister and wife, 
 Laodice, he makes good his pretensions to Paphlagonia, which he 
 divides with Nicomedes II. 102. The Roman senate demanding 
 the restoration of that province, Mithridates not only refuses to 
 accede, but likewise takes possession of Galatia ; meanwhile Ni- 
 comedes places on the throne of Paphlagonia one of his own sons, 
 whom he gives out to be a son of Pylaemenes II. and denomi- 
 nates Pylaemenes III. Rupture with Nicomedes II. 101 ; the 
 subject of dispute, Cappadocia, which, after removing the king, 
 Ariarathes VII. his brother-in-law, with the assistance of Gor- 
 dius, Mithridates himself now wished to possess ; he is anticipated, 
 however, by Nicomedes II. who marries Laodice, Ariarathes's 
 widow. Mithridates, notwithstanding, expels his rival, under 
 pretence of holding the kingdom for his sister's son, Ariarathes 
 VIII. whom at the end of a few months he puts to death at a 
 private conference, 94 ; he defeats the brother of the murdered 
 prince, Ariarathes IX. and then places on the throne, under the 
 name of Ariarathes X. his own son, who is given out to be a third 
 son of Ariarathes VII ; in opposition to whom Nicomedes sets up 
 another pretended Ariarathes. The Roman senate, meanwhile, 
 declare both Paphlagonia and Cappadocia free, B. C. 92 ; attend- 
 ing, however, to the desires of the Cappadocians, they sanction 
 the election of Ariobarzanes to the crown ; and he is put in pos- 
 session of the kingdom by Sylla, as propraetor of Cilicia, likewise 
 in 92. Mithridates, on the other hand, forms an alliance with 
 the king of Armenia, Tigranes, to whom he gives his daughter in 
 marriage; and employs him in expelling Ariobarzanes. He 
 himself, after the death of Nicomedes II. 92, supports the claims 
 of the deceased king's exiled son, Socrates Chrestus, against the 
 bastard Nicomedes III. and in the mean time takes possession of 
 Paphlagonia. Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes are reinstated by a 
 Roman embassy, 90, Mithridates, in order to gain time against 
 Rome, causing Socrates to be put to death. The hostilities of 
 Nicomedes, instituted by Rome, gave rise to the first Roman war, 
 89 85, carried on in Asia and Greece, and brought to a conclu- 
 sion by Sylla. By the peace of 85, Mithridates restores Bi- 
 thynia, Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia. War with the revolted 
 Colchians and Bosporans, 84. Second war with Rome brought
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PONTUS, ETC. 297 
 
 about by the Roman governor, Murena, 83 81. Mithridates THIRD 
 hereupon appoints his son, Machares, king of Bosporus, (Crimea,) 
 whom he afterwards himself causes to be put to death, 66 ; he 
 was likewise, in all probability, the instigator of the migration of 
 the Sarmatae out of Asia into Europe, in order to maintain his 
 conquests in that quarter, about 80. Fresh disputes with Rome 
 about Cappadocia, of which Tigranes takes possession, and third 
 war with Rome, 75 64. The contest ended in the downfal of 
 Mithridates, caused by the treachery of his son Pharnaces ; 
 Pontus became a Roman province ; although the Romans, in the 
 sequel, appointed over a portion of the country princes from the 
 royal house, Darius, Polemo I. Polemo II. until Nero reduced 
 it again wholly to the state of a province. 
 
 VAILLANT, Imperium Achaemenidarum in his Imperium Ar- 
 sacidarum, torn. ii. With the assistance of the coins. 
 
 For the history of Mithridates the Great, previously treated 
 without sufficient chronological accuracy, see DE B ROSSES, His- 
 toire de la Rep. Romaine, and more especially 
 
 JOAN. ERNST. WOLTERSDORF, Commentatio vitam Mithridatis 
 Magni, per annos digestam, sistens ; prcemio ornata ab A. Phil. 
 Ord. Gottingfe, A. 1812. 
 
 4. Cappadocia. Until the time of Alexander this country 
 remained a province of the Persian empire, although the governors 
 occasionally made attempts at insurrection. The ruling family 
 was here likewise a branch of the royal house ; Ariarathes I. was 
 particularly distinguished about B. C. 354. The prince contem- 
 porary with Alexander was Ariarathes II. who, being attacked 
 by Perdiccas and Eumenes, fell in the contest, 322. Neverthe- 
 less, his son, Ariarathes III. supported by the Armenians, re- 
 covered the sceptre about 312. The son of this king, Ariaramnes, 
 formed a matrimonial connection with the Seleueidas, uniting his 
 son Ariarathes IV. with the daughter of Antiochus &$<;. Ariara- 
 thes IV. during his lifetime, associated in the government his son 
 Ariarathes V. d. 162. who married Antiochis, daughter to An- 
 tiochus the Great : this princess, finding herself at first barren, 
 procured two supposititious sons, one of whom, Orophernes, sub- 
 sequently wrested the sceptre from the legitimate and later born 
 son, Ariarathes VI. but was afterwards expelled by the rightful 
 heir, 157. In the war against Aristonicus of Pergamus, 131, he 
 fell, as an ally of the Romans, leaving behind him six sons ; five of 
 whom were cut off by his ambitious relict Laodice ; the sixth
 
 298 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. HOOK iv, 
 
 THIRD however, Ariarathes VII. ascended the throne, and was married 
 to Laodice, sister of Mithridates the Great, at whose instigation 
 he was murdered by Gordius, under pretence of placing on the 
 throne his sister's son, Ariarathes VIII ; this last prince was soon 
 after treacherously put to death by Mithridates, 94, and his bro- 
 ther Ariarathes IX. defeated 93, died of a broken heart ; Mithri- 
 dates then placed on the throne his own son, Ariarathes X. a lad 
 eight years old. The independence of Cappadocia having mean- 
 while been proclaimed at Rome, the inhabitants of the country, 
 in order to preclude domestic broils, themselves elect a king, ap- 
 pointing to that dignity Ariobarzanes I. who was installed by 
 Sylla, 92, and, backed by the Romans, kept his footing in the 
 Mithridatic wars. In 63 he made the crown over to his son, 
 Ariobarzanes II. who was slain by the army of Brutus and Cas- 
 sius, 43, as was his brother, Ariobarzanes III. 34, by Mark 
 Antony ; Antony then appointed Archelaus to be king, who en- 
 ticed to Rome by Tiberius, A. D. 17, was there assassinated; 
 and Cappadocia then became a Roman province. 
 
 5. Armenia was a province of the Syrian empire until the de- 
 feat of Antiochus the Great by Rome, 190. That defeat was 
 followed by the accession of Antiochus's lieutenants, Artaxias 
 and Zariadras ; and now arose the two kingdoms of Armenia 
 Major and Armenia Minor (the latter on the west bank of the 
 Upper Euphrates). In Armenia Major the family of Artaxias 
 kept possession of the throne, under eight (according to others 
 ten) consecutive kings, until B. C. 5. The only remarkable 
 prince of this line was Tigranes I. 95 60, son-in-law and ally 
 of Mithridates the Great, and lord of Asia Minor, Cappadocia, 
 and Syria. He was, however, at the peace of 63, obliged to give 
 up all, so that Armenia was dependent on the Romans, and re- 
 mained so until B. C. 5, when it became the object of contention 
 between the Romans and Parthians, being ruled at intervals by 
 kings appointed by both parties, who endeavoured thereby to 
 protect their own provinces. Finally, in A. D. 412, Armenia be- 
 came a province of the new Persian empire. In Asia Minor the 
 descendants of Zariadras ruled dependency on Rome ; after its 
 defection under Mithridates the Great it usually formed part of 
 some one of the neighbouring kingdoms, until in the reign of 
 Vespasian it was converted into a province of the Roman empire. 
 VAILLANT, Eltnchus regum Armenice Majoris, in his Hist. 
 Imp. Arsacidarum.
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 299 
 
 4. Besides the above small kingdoms, two THIRD 
 mighty empires arose in Inner Asia, both out jj^^n 
 of Alexander's monarchy, and at the same time : a L n . d Par - 
 
 . thian era- 
 
 these were the Parthian and the Bactrian ; each pires. 
 having previously constituted a part of the empire 
 of the Seleucidae, from which they seceded under 
 Antiochus II. The Parthian kingdom, or that of 
 the ArsacidaB, B. C. 256 A. D. 226, at the maxi- 
 mum of its extension, comprised the countries 
 between the Euphrates and Indus. Its history, 
 so far as we are acquainted with it, is divided 
 into four periods (see below) ; but unfortunately 
 our information is so imperfect respecting all that 
 relates to the Parthians, except their wars, that 
 even the most important particulars are beyond 
 the reach of conjecture. 
 
 Main facts in the history and constitution of the Parthian king- 
 dom, a. Like the ancient Persian empire, the Parthian arose out 
 of the conquests made by a rude mountain race of Central Asia, 
 whose Scythian (probably Tatarian) origin, betrayed itself even in 
 later times by their speech and mode of life : their conquests, 
 however, were not effected with the same rapidity as those of the 
 Persians, b. This empire increased at the expense of the Syrian 
 in the west, and of the Bactrian in the east ; but its dominion was 
 never permanently established beyond the Euphrates, Indus, and 
 Oxus. c. The wars with Rome, commencing in B. C. 53, and 
 springing out of disputes for the possession of the Armenian 
 throne, were for a long time unfortunate for the Romans. Success 
 did not accompany the arms of Rome until she had discovered the 
 art of raising her own parties within the kingdom itself, by lend- 
 ing her support to pretenders, an art rendered comparatively easy, 
 by the unfavourable situation of the Parthian capital Seleucia 
 and the neighbouring town of Ctesiphon, the real head quarters 
 of the court, d. The empire was indeed divided into satrapies, 
 eighteen of which are enumerated ; nevertheless it comprised 
 likewise several small kingdoms, which preserved their own
 
 300 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK IT. 
 
 THIRD rulers, only that they were tributary, such, for instance, as Per- 
 sis, etc. The Graeco-Macedonian settlements were also in pos- 
 session of great privileges, and of their own civic governments ; 
 Seleucia more especially, where the coins of the Parthian so- 
 vereigns were struck, e. The constitution was monarchal-aris- 
 tocratic, something like that of the Poles, in the period of the 
 Jagellons. At the king's side sat a supreme state council, (sena- 
 tus, in all probability what was called the megistanes,) who had 
 the power of deposing the king, and the privilege, it is supposed, 
 of confirming his accession previous to the ceremony of corona- 
 tion, performed by the field-marshals (surenas). The right of 
 succession was only so far determined as belonging to the house 
 of the Arsacidae ; the many pretenders to which this uncertainty 
 gave rise, produced factions and domestic wars, doubly injurious 
 to the empire when fomented and shared by foreigners, f. With 
 regard to Asiatic commerce, the Parthian supremacy was of im- 
 portance, inasmuch as it interrupted the direct intercourse be- 
 tween the western and eastern countries : it being a maxim of 
 the Parthians not to grant a passage through their country to any 
 stranger. This destruction of the trade occurs in the third pe- 
 riod of the empire, being a natural result of the many wars with 
 Rome, and the distrust thence ensuing. The East India trade, 
 in consequence, took another road through Palmyra and Alex- 
 andria, which were indebted to it for their splendour and pros- 
 perity, g. It is probable that this was the reason why excessive 
 luxury took a less hold on the Parthians than on the other ruling 
 nations of Asia, notwithstanding their predilection for Grecian 
 manners and literature, at that time generally prevalent through- 
 out the east. 
 
 Line of the kings. I. Syrian period; that of reiterated wars 
 with the Seleucidae, until 130. Arsaces I. 256 253, founder of 
 the Parthian independence, by procuring the death of the Syrian 
 viceroy, Agathocles, to which he was instigated by the insult 
 offered to his brother Tiridates. Arsaces II. (Tiridates I.) bro- 
 ther of the foregoing, d. 216. He possessed himself of Hyrcania, 
 about 244, confirmed the Parthian power by a victory on Seleu- 
 cus Callinicus, 238, whom he took prisoner, 236. Arsaces III. 
 (Artabanus I.) d. 196. In his reign occurred the unsuccessful 
 attempt of Antiochus III. who, in the treaty of 210, was obliged 
 to renounce all claims on Parthia and Hyrcania, in return for 
 which Arsaces lent his assistance to Antiochus in the war against
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 301 
 
 Bactria. Arsaces IV. (Priapatius,) d. about 181. Arsaces V. THIRD 
 (Phraates I.) d. about 144 ; he conquered the Mardians on the PERIOP ' 
 Caspian. His brother, Arsaces VI. (Mithridates !.)?. 136. He 
 raised the hitherto confined kingdom of Parthia to the rank of a 
 mighty empire, having, after the decease of Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 164, by the capture of Media, Persis, Babylonia, and other 
 countries, extended the frontiers westward to the Euphrates, and 
 eastward to the Hydaspes, beyond the Indus. The invasion of 
 Demetrius II. of Syria, supported by an insurrection of the con- 
 quered races, ended, 140, in the capture of the aggressor. Arsa- 
 ces VII. (Phraates II.) d. about 127. Invasion of Antiochus 
 Sidetes, 132, who was at first successful, but being soon after- 
 wards cut off together with his whole army, 131, the Parthian 
 empire was for ever freed from the attacks of the Syrian kings. 
 
 II. Period of the eastern nomad wars ; from 130 53. After 
 the fall of the Bactrian empire, which had hitherto formed the 
 eastern rampart of the Parthians, violent wars took place with 
 the nomad tribes of Central Asia (Scythae, Dahae, Tochari, etc.) 
 in which Arsaces VII. was slain. Arsaces VIII. (Artabanus II.) 
 shared the same fate about 124. Arsaces IX. (Mithridates II.) 
 d. 87. This prince appears to have restored tranquillity to the 
 east after bloody wars ; he met, however, with a powerful rival 
 in Tigranes I. of Armenia. In his reign occurred the first trans- 
 actions between the Parthians and Romans, 92, Sylla being pro- 
 praetor of Cilicia. Arsaces X. (Mnasciras,) d. about 76, waged 
 a long war for the succession with his follower on the throne, the 
 septuagenarian, Arsaces XI. (Sinatroces,) d. about 68. Unsuc- 
 cessful war with Tigranes I. In consequence of civil wars, and of 
 that with Tigranes, together with the formidable power of Mithri- 
 dates the Great, the Parthian empire was now greatly weakened. 
 Arsaces XII. (Phraates III.) d. 60, contemporary with the third 
 Mithridatic war. Although both parties eagerly courted his al- 
 liance, and he himself was engaged in the contest with Tigranes, 
 he, notwithstanding, observed an armed neutrality, and made the 
 Parthian empire continue to be respected as far as the Euphrates. 
 Neither Lucullus nor Pompey durst attack him. The fall of 
 Mithridates and of his empire, 64, constitutes, however, an epoch 
 in the Parthian history, the Romans and Parthians having now 
 become immediate neighbours. Arsaces XIII. (Mithridates II.) 
 d. 54, deposed after several wars, by his younger brother Orodes,
 
 302 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD and at last put to death, after the capture of Babylonia, where 
 EHIOD ' he had taken refuge. 
 
 III. Roman period ; from B. C. 53, to A. D. 226 ; comprising 
 the wars with Rome. Arsaces XIV. (Orodes I.) d. 36. In his 
 reign the first war with Rome, caused by the invasion of Cras- 
 sus ; it ends in the annihilation of the invading army and general, 
 53. In consequence of this victory the Parthians acquired such 
 preponderance, that during the civil wars they were frequently 
 masters on this side of the Euphrates, and in 52 51 proceeded 
 to attack Syria. In the war between Pompey and Caesar they 
 sided with the former, and thus furnished the latter with a pre- 
 text for his Parthian expedition, which, however, was prevented 
 by his murder in 44 ; again in the war between the triumviri 
 and Brutus and Cassius, 42, they took the republican side. After 
 the defeat of Brutus and Cassius, the Parthians, at the instigation 
 of the Roman general and ambassador Labienus, and commanded 
 by him and Pacorus, (eldest son to Arsaces,) spread over the 
 whole of Syria and Asia Minor, 40 ; but, after violent exertions, 
 were driven back by Ventidius, Antony's general, 39, 38 ; Pa- 
 corus lost his life, and his father died of grief. Arsaces XV. 
 (Phraates IV.) d. A. D. 4, contemporary of Augustus. He con- 
 firmed his power by murdering his brothers and their depend- 
 ents ; his views were likewise furthered by the failure of An- 
 tony's expedition, B. C. 36, which ended pretty nearly in the 
 same manner as that of Crassus. The remainder of his reign 
 was disturbed by a pretender to the throne, Tiridates, who, after 
 his defeat, 25, found an asylum at the court of Augustus. The 
 threatened attack of Augustus was diverted by Phraates's re- 
 storation of the standards taken from Crassus, 20 ; a dispute, 
 however, subsequently arose respecting the possession of the Ar- 
 menian throne, A. D. 2, on which account Caius Caesar was de- 
 spatched into Asia, and accommodated matters by a treaty. The 
 ultimate fate both of the king and the empire was principally 
 decided by a female slave, Thermusa, sent as a present from Au- 
 gustus ; this woman, wishing to ensure the succession to her own 
 son, prevailed upon the king to send his four sons to Rome as 
 hostages, under the pretext of anticipating domestic troubles, 18. 
 A practice which from that time became frequent, the Parthian 
 kings thinking it a convenient mode of ridding themselves of 
 dangerous competitors, while the Romans knew how to make the
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 303 
 
 proper use of them. Thermusa's son having grown up, she re- THIRD 
 moved the king, and seated Phraataces on the throne, under the 
 name of Arsaces XVI ; he was, however, put to death by the 
 Parthians, A. D. 4 ; and the crown given to one of the Arsacidae, 
 Orodes II, (Arsaces XVII.) who was, however, immediately af- 
 terwards slain by reason of his cruelty. In consequence, Vono- 
 nes I. the eldest of the sons of Phraates sent to Rome, was 
 called back and placed on the throne (Arsaces XVIII.) ; but 
 that prince having brought with him Roman customs and luxury, 
 was expelled, A. D. 14, with the assistance of the northern no- 
 mads, by Artabanes III. (Arsaces XIX.) d. 44, a distant rela- 
 tion : the fugitive took possession of the vacant throne of Arme- 
 nia, but was soon after driven from thence likewise by his rival. 
 Tiberius took advantage of the consequent disorders to send Ger- 
 manicus into the east, A. D. 17, from whence he was never to re- 
 turn. The remainder of the reign of Artabanus was very stormy, 
 Tiberius on the one hand taking advantage of the factions 
 between the nobles to support pretenders to the crown ; the 
 revolts of the satraps, on the other hand, giving proof of the de- 
 clension of the Parthian power. After his death war raged be- 
 tween his sons ; the second, Vardanes, (Arsaces XX.) d. 47, 
 made good his pretensions to the crown, and took North Media, 
 (Atropatene ;) he was succeeded by his elder brother Gotarzes, 
 (Arsaces XXI.) d. 50, to whom Claudius unsuccessfully opposed 
 Meherdates, educated as an hostage at Rome. Arsaces XXII. 
 (Vonones II.) succeeded, after a reign of a few months, by Arsa- 
 ces XXIII. (Vologeses I.) d. 90. The possession of the Arme- 
 nian throne, given by this prince to his brother Tiridates, by the 
 Romans to Tigranes, grandson of Herod the Great, excited a 
 series of disputes, which began so early as the reign of Claudius, 
 A. D. 52, and under Nero broke out into open war, waged with 
 some success on the Roman side by Corbulo, 56 64, and closed 
 by Tiridates going, after the death of Tigranes, to Rome, and 
 there accepting the crown of Armenia as a gift at the hands of 
 Nero, 65. Arsaces XXIV. (Pacorus,) d. 107, contemporary with 
 Domitian. All that we know of him is, that he embellished the 
 city of Ctesiphon. Arsaces XXV. (Cosroes,) ?. about 121. The 
 claims to the throne of Armenia implicated him in a war with 
 Trajan, 114, during which Armenia, together with Mesopotamia 
 and Assyria, were converted into Roman provinces. Trajan's 
 consequent and successful inroad into the interior parts of the
 
 304 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD Parthian dominions, 115 116, followed by the capture of Ctesi- 
 ERIOP ' phon, and the appointment of Parthamaspates as king, appears 
 to have been facilitated by the domestic commotions and civil 
 wars which had for a long time harassed the empire. Never- 
 theless, in the following year, 117, Hadrian was compelled to give 
 up all the conquered country ; the Euphrates was again acknow- 
 ledged as the boundary ; Parthamaspates was appointed king of 
 Armenia ; and Cosroes, who had taken refuge in the upper satra- 
 pies, was reinstated on the throne, of which he seems ever after 
 to have kept quiet possession. Arsaces XXVI. (Vologeses II.) 
 d, 149. Parthia under his reign, and Rome under that of Anto- 
 ninus Pius, remained on good terms. Arsaces XXVII. (Volo- 
 geses III.) d. 191. Under the reign of this king, the contem- 
 porary of Marcus Aurelius and L. Verus, the war with Rome was 
 again kindled, 161, by Verus, and carried on in Armenia and 
 Syria ; Cassius, the legate of Verus, at last got possession of 
 Seleucia, and demolished that city, 165. Arsaces XXVIII. 
 (Ardawan or Vologeses IV.) d. 207. This king having taken 
 the part of Pescenninus Niger, in the war between him and Sep- 
 timius Severus, was, after the defeat of his friend, 194, routed in 
 a war with Septimius Severus, 197, and the chief towns of Parthia 
 were sacked by the invaders. He is, without authority, repre- 
 sented as succeeded by a Pacorus, who took the name of Arsaces 
 XXIX. : his real successor, however, appears to have been Ar- 
 saces XXIX. (Vologeses V.) d. 216. Domestic wars among his 
 sons, fomented by Caracalla. Arsaces XXX. (Artabanus IV.) 
 At the beginning of his reign, this prince likewise was contem- 
 porary with Caracalla, who, in order to pick a quarrel, demanded 
 his daughter in marriage ; according to some, Arsaces refused 
 her, in consequence of which the Roman emperor undertook a 
 campaign into Armenia ; according to others, Arsaces having as- 
 sented, and escorted his daughter to Caracalla, was, by an abo- 
 minable stroke of treachery, cut off, together with all his train, 
 A. D. 216. Caracalla having been murdered, 217, his successor, 
 Macrinus, signed a peace with the Parthians. But Arsaces sub- 
 sequently raised his brother Tiridates to the throne of Armenia ; 
 this act spurred the Persian Artaxerxes, son of Sassan, to rebel- 
 lion ; the Parthian king, defeated in three battles, fell in the last, 
 thus putting a period to the family and dominion of the Arsa- 
 cidae, 226, and Artaxerxes became the founder of the New Per- 
 sian kingdom, or that of the Sassanidae. The revolution was
 
 BOOK iv. IV. PARTHIA, ETC. 305 
 
 accompanied not only with a change of dynasty, but with a total THIRD 
 subversion of the constitution. PERIOD. 
 
 VAILLANT, Imperium Arsacidarum et Achcemenidarum, Paris, 
 1725, 2 vols. 4to. The first part comprises the Arsacidae ; the 
 second the kings of Bithynia, Pontus, and Bosporus. It is an 
 attempt, not altogether faultless, to arrange the series of kings, 
 by the assistance of coins. 
 
 j- C. F. RICHTER, Historico-critical essay upon the dynasties 
 of the Arsacidae and Sassanidce, according to the Persian, Gre- 
 cian, and Roman authorities. A prize essay. Leipzic, 1804. 
 A comparative research into the eastern and western sources. 
 The chronology in the above sketch has been corrected by this 
 work, in conjunction with 
 
 TH. CHR. TYCHSEN, Commentationes de Nummis Persarum et 
 Arsacidarum ; inserted in Commentat. Nov. Soc. Sc. Gotting. 
 vol. i. iii. 
 
 5. The Bactrian kingdom arose nearly at the 
 same time as the Parthian, 254 ; its origin, how- 
 ever, was of a different nature, the independ- 
 ence of this state being asserted by the Grecian 
 governor, who was consequently succeeded by 
 Greeks; its duration likewise was much shorter, 
 extending only from B. C. 254 to B. C. 126. 
 Scarce any fragments have been preserved of the 
 history of this empire, the borders of which ap- 
 pear at one time to have extended to the banks 
 of the Ganges, and the frontiers of China. 
 
 Founder of the empire, Diodatus or Theodotus I. B. C. 254 ; 
 he threw off his allegiance to the Syrian king, under Antiochus 
 II. He appears to have been master not only of Bactria, but 
 also of Sogdiana. He likewise threatened the Parthians ; after 
 his decease, 243, his son and successor, Theodotus II. signed a 
 treaty and alliance with Arsaces II. but was nevertheless deprived 
 of his crown by Euthydemus of Magnesia, about 221. Antiochus 
 the Great, at the conclusion of the Parthian war, directed his 
 arms against Euthydemus, 209 206 ; the contest ended in a 
 peace, by which Euthydemus, after delivering up his elephants,
 
 306 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD was not only left in possession of the crown, but was allied to the 
 ERIOP ' Syrian family by the marriage of his son Demetrius with a 
 daughter of Antiochus. Demetrius, though a great conqueror, 
 does not seem to have been king of Bactria ; his dominions com- 
 prised, it is probable, North India and Malabar, whose history 
 now becomes closely connected with that of Bactria, although 
 consisting only of mere fragments. The throne of Bactria fell to 
 Apollodotus, and after him to Menander, who extended his con- 
 quests as far as Serica, while Demetrius was establishing his do- 
 minion in India, [as sovereign of which country he is represented 
 in a medal lately discovered,] and where, about this time, several 
 Greek states appear to have existed, perhaps ever since the expe- 
 dition of Antiochus III. 205. Menander was succeeded, about 
 181, by Eucratidas, under whose reign the Bactrian empire at- 
 tained its greatest extension ; after defeating the Indian king, 
 Demetrius, who had been the aggressor, he, with the assistance 
 of the Parthian conqueror, Mithridates, (Arsaces VI.) annexed 
 India to his own empire, 148. On his return, he was murdered 
 by his son ; the same, probably, that is mentioned afterwards by 
 the name of Eucratidas II. He was the ally of Demetrius II. of 
 Syria, and the main instigator of his expedition against the Par- 
 thians, 142 ; Demetrius being defeated by Arsaces VI. Eucrati- 
 das was, in consequence, deprived of a portion of his territory ; 
 overpowered soon after by the nomad races of Central Asia, the 
 Bactrian empire fell to the ground, and Bactria itself, together 
 with the other countries on this side of the Oxus, became a prey 
 to the Parthians. 
 
 TH. SIEG. BAYER, Historia regni Grcecorum Bactriani. Pe- 
 tropol. 1738, 4to. The few remaining fragments are in this work 
 collected with industry and arranged with skill. 
 
 [Toe, Account of Greek, Parthian, and Hindu Medals, in 
 Transactions of the R. Asiatic Society, vol. i. part ii, p. 316. 
 
 TYCHSEN, De Nummis Greeds et Barbaris in Bochara nuper 
 retectis, in Comment. Nov. Soc. Sc. Gotting. vol. vi.] 
 
 Kingdom of 6. The restored kingdom of the Jews was like- 
 wise a fragment of the Macedonian monarchy ; 
 and although it ranked only with the smaller 
 states, its history in various respects deserves our 
 attention, few nations having had so powerful an
 
 BOOK iv. IV. JUDAEA. 307 
 
 influence on the progress of human civilization. THIRD 
 The foundation of the independence of the Jews - 
 was not, it is true, laid before the year 167 ; 
 yet their domestic constitution had previously 
 assumed its main features, and their history, 
 reckoning from the return of the Babylonian cap- 
 tivity, accordingly divides itself into four periods: 
 1. Under the Persian supremacy, 536 323. 2. 
 Under the Ptolemies and Seleucidae, 323 167. 
 3. Under the Maccabees, 16739. 4. Under 
 the Herodians and Romans, B.C. 39. to A. D. 70. 
 
 First period under the Persians. By permission from Cyrus, 
 a colony of Jews belonging to the tribes of Benjamin, Judah, and 
 Levi, returned to the land of their forefathers, 536 : this colony, 
 headed by Zorobabel, of the ancient royal family, and the high 
 priest Joshua, consisted of about 42,000 souls ; the far more im- 
 portant, and wealthy portion of the nation preferred to remain on 
 the other side of the Euphrates, where they had been settled for 
 seventy years, and continued to be a numerous people. The new 
 settlers found it difficult to keep their footing, principally in con- 
 sequence of differences, produced by the intolerance they them- 
 selves evinced at the building of the temple, with their neighbours 
 and kinsmen the Samaritans, to whom the colony was only a 
 cause of expense. The Samaritans, subsequently, having erected 
 a separate temple at Garizim, near Sichem, about 336, not only 
 separated completely, but laid the foundation of an inveterate 
 hatred between the two nations. Hence the prohibition to re- 
 build the city and temple, brought about by their means, under 
 Cambyses, 529, and Smerdis, 522, and not taken off until 520, 
 in the reign of Darius Hystaspes. The new colony did not re- 
 ceive a permanent internal constitution till the time of Ezra and 
 Nehemiah ; both brought in fresh colonists, the former in 478, 
 the latter in 445. The country was under the dominion of the 
 satraps of Syria ; but in the increasing domestic declension of the 
 Persian empire, the high priests gradually became the virtual 
 rulers of the nation. Nevertheless, even at the time of Alexan- 
 der's conquest, 332, the Jews seem to have manifested proofs of 
 fidelity to the Persians. 
 
 x2
 
 308 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK IT. 
 
 THIRD Second period under the Ptolemies and Seleucidae, 323 167. 
 IOP ; After the death of Alexander, Palestine, in consequence of its 
 situation, generally shared the fate of Phoenicia and Ccele-Syria, 
 (see above, p. 249.) being annexed to Syria. Capture of Jeru- 
 salem, and transplantation of a vast colony of Jews to Alexan- 
 dria by Ptolemy I. 312 ; from thence they spread to Cyrene, and 
 gradually over the whole of North Africa, and even into ^Ethio- 
 pia. From 311 301 the Jews remained, however, subject to 
 Antigonus. After the overthrow of his empire, they remained, 
 301 203, under the dominion of the Ptolemies ; the most con- 
 spicuous of their high priests during this interval were Simon the 
 Just, d. 291, and afterwards his son, Onias I. d. 218, who, by 
 withholding the tribute due to Ptolemy III. exposed Judaea to 
 imminent danger. In the second war of Antiochus the Great 
 against Egypt, 203, the Jews, of their own free will, acknow- 
 ledged themselves his subjects, and assisted in driving out the 
 Egyptian troops, who, under their general, Scopas, had again 
 possessed themselves of the country, and the citadel of Jerusalem, 
 198. Antiochus confirmed the Jews in the possession of all their 
 privileges; and although he promised their country, together 
 with Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, to Ptolemy Epiphanes, as the 
 future dowry of his daughter, Judaea still remained under the 
 Syrian supremacy ; except that the revenue was for a time di- 
 vided between the Syrian and Egyptian kings. The high priests 
 and self-chosen ethnarchs or alabarchs were at the head of the 
 people ; and we now find mention made for the first time of a 
 senate, or the sanhedrim. But the rout of Antiochus the Great 
 by the Romans was also the remote cause of the subsequent mis- 
 fortunes of the Jews. The consequent dearth of money in which 
 the Syrian kings found themselves, and the riches of the temple 
 treasures, the accumulation of the sacred income and gifts, made 
 the office of high priest an object of purchase under Antiochus 
 Epiphanes : hence arose quarrels between the pontifical families, 
 and out of those sprung factions, which Antiochus Epiphanes was 
 desirous to turn to his own account, by the introduction of Gre- 
 cian institutions among the Jews, in order thereby to promote the 
 subjection of that people, now raised by its privileges almost to 
 the rank of a state within that of Syria. Deposition of the high 
 priest, Onias III. 175 ; his brother Jason having obtained the 
 mitre by purchase, and the introduction of Grecian customs : 
 Jason, however, was in his turn supplanted by his brother Mene-
 
 BOOK iv. IV. JUDJEA. 309 
 
 laus, 172. During the civil war arising out of these events, An- THIRD 
 tiochus Epiphanes, at that time conqueror in Egypt, (see above, 
 p. 241.) takes possession of Jerusalem, 170, being provoked by 
 the behaviour of the Jews to Menelaus, the high priest of his own 
 appointment : the consequent oppression of the Jews, who now 
 were to be Hellenized by main force, soon occasioned the rise 
 under the Maccabees. 
 
 Third period under the Maccabees, 167 39. Commencement 
 of the rebellion against Antiochus IV. brought about by the 
 priest Mattathias, 167 who was almost immediately succeeded, 
 166 161, by his son Judas Maccabaeus. Supported by the 
 fanaticism of his party, Judas defeats in several battles the gene- 
 rals of Antiochus, who was absent in Upper Asia, where he died, 
 164 ; the Jewish leader is even said to have been favoured by 
 Rome. The primary object of the insurrection was not, however, 
 political independence ; they fought only for religious freedom. 
 Under Antiochus V. the sedition continued successful, both 
 against the Syrian king and the high priest Alcimus, his creature, 
 163 ; Judas having died soon after his defeat by Demetrius I. 
 was succeeded by his brother Jonathan, 161 143. The death 
 of the high priest, Alcimus, 160, opened the path of Jonathan to 
 that office, which he received in the ensuing war between Deme- 
 trius I. and Alexander Balas, 143, (see above, p. 244, 245.) both 
 rivals courting his alliance : Jonathan sided with Balas, and con- 
 sequently, from being merely the leader of a party, came to be 
 head of the nation, which still, nevertheless, continued to pay 
 tribute to the kings. Notwithstanding the favour he had shown 
 to Balas, after the overthrow of that pretender, he was confirmed 
 in his dignity by Demetrius I. 145 ; to whose assistance he 
 marched at the subsequent great revolt in Antioch. Jonathan 
 however, in 144, passed over to the side of the usurper, Antio- 
 chus, the son of Balas, (see above, p. 245.) and was by embassy 
 presented with the friendship of the Romans in the same year, 
 but by the treachery of Tryphon was taken and put to death, 
 143. His brother and successor, Simon, 143 135, having de- 
 clared against Tryphon, was by Demetrius II. not only confirmed 
 in his dignity, but excused from paying tribute ; he likewise re- 
 ceived the title of prince, (ethnarch ;) and appears to have struck 
 coins. After the capture of Demetrius, Antiochus Sidetes allowed 
 Simon to remain in possession of those privileges so long as he 
 stood in need of his assistance against Tryphon ; but after the
 
 310 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD death of that usurper, he caused him, 130, to be attacked by 
 Cendebaeus, who was defeated by the sons of Simon. Simon 
 having been murdered by his son-in-law, Ptolemaeus, who aspired 
 to the government, 135, was succeeded by his son, John Hyrca- 
 nus, 135 107, who was compelled again to acknowledge sub- 
 mission to Antiochus Sidetes ; but after the defeat and death of 
 that prince by the Parthians, 130, he asserted his entire inde- 
 pendence. The deep decline of the Syrian kingdom, the constant 
 civil wars by which it was distracted, and the renewed league 
 with the Romans, not only enabled Hyrcanus easily to maintain 
 his independence, but likewise to increase his territory, by the 
 conquest of the Samaritans and Idumaeans. But with him ended 
 the heroic line. Scarcely was he delivered from foreign oppres- 
 sion, when domestic broils arose ; the Pharisees and Sadducees 
 had hitherto been mere religious sects, but were converted into 
 political factions by Hyrcanus, who, offended with the Pharisees, 
 probably in consequence of their wish to separate the pontifical 
 and princely offices, went over to the Sadducees ; the former sect, 
 the orthodox, were as usual supported by the many ; the latter, 
 the innovators, in consequence of the laxity of their principles, 
 were favoured by the wealthy. Hyrcanus's eldest son, the cruel 
 Aristobulus, 107, assumed the royal title, but soon after dying, 
 106, was succeeded by his younger brother, Alexander Jannaeus, 
 106 79. His reign was an almost unbroken series of insignifi- 
 cant wars with his neighbours, this prince wishing to play the 
 conqueror ; and having likewise had the imprudence to irritate 
 the powerful party of the Pharisees, these made him the object 
 of public insult, and excited a tumult, 92, which was followed 
 by a bloody civil war which lasted six years. Jannaeus, it is 
 true, maintained himself during the struggle ; but the opposite 
 party was so far from being annihilated, that, at his death, when 
 passing over his sons, the feeble Hyrcanus (who possessed the 
 pontifical dignity) and the ambitious Aristobulus, he bequeathed 
 the crown to his widow Alexandra, it was with the understanding 
 that she should join the party of the Pharisees : during her reign, 
 therefore, 79 71, the Pharisees held the reins of government, 
 and left her only the name. Provoked at this, Aristobulus, 
 shortly before the death of the queen, endeavoured to obtain 
 possession of the throne, and ultimately obtained his ends, not- 
 withstanding Alexandra nominated Hyrcanus to be her successor. 
 Hyrcanus, at the instigation of his confidant, the Idumaean Anti-
 
 BOOK iv. IV. JUDAEA. 311 
 
 pater, who was the progenitor of the Herodians, and assisted by THIRD 
 the Arabian prince Aretas, waged war against his brother, 65, and PERIOP* 
 shut him up in Jerusalem : but the Romans were arbitrators, 
 and Pompey, then all-powerful in Asia, decided for Hyrcanus, 
 64 ; the party of Aristobulus, however, refusing to accede, the 
 Roman general took possession of Jerusalem ; made Hyrcanus 
 high priest and prince, under condition that he should pay tri- 
 bute ; and took as prisoners to Rome Aristobulus and his sons, 
 who, however, subsequently escaped and caused great disturb- 
 ances. The Jewish state being now dependent on Rome, re- 
 mained so, and the yoke was confirmed by the policy of Antipater 
 and his sons, who followed the general maxim of entire devotion 
 to Rome, in order thereby to succeed in wholly removing the 
 reigning family. As early as 48, Antipater was appointed pro- 
 curator of Judea by Caesar, whom he had supported at Alexandria, 
 and his second son Herod, governor in Galilee, soon became suf- 
 ficiently powerful to threaten Hyrcanus and the sanhedrim, 45. 
 He gained the favour of Antony, and thus maintained himself 
 amid the tempests which, after the assassinatiou of Caesar, 44, 
 shook the Roman world, powerful as the party opposed to him 
 were : that party, however, at last, in lieu of the ill-fated Hyrca- 
 nus, the only surviving son of Aristobulus, placed Antigonus at 
 their head, and, assisted by the Parthians, then flourishing in 
 power, seated him on the throne, 39. Herod having fled to 
 Rome, not only met with a gracious reception at the hands of the 
 triumviri, but was by them appointed king. 
 
 Fourth period under the Herodians, B. C. 39 to A. D. 70. 
 Herod the Great, B. C. 39 to A. D. 1. put himself in possession 
 of Jerusalem and all Judaea, B. C. 37, and confirmed his power 
 by marrying Mariamne of the house of the Maccabees. Not- 
 withstanding his severity shown to the party of Antigonus, and 
 the house of the Maccabees, the total extinction of which Herod 
 deemed necessary for his own safety; yet so greatly did the 
 wasted country stand in need of peace, that for that very reason 
 his reign may be said to have been a happy one. Availing him- 
 self of the liberality of Augustus, whose favour he contrived to 
 obtain after the defeat of Anthony, B. C. 31, Herod gradually 
 increased the extent of his kingdom, which at last comprised 
 Judaea, Samaria, Galilee, and beyond the Jordan, Peraea, Ituraea, 
 and Trachonitis, (that is to say, the whole of Palestine,) together 
 with Idumaea ; from these countries he derived his income with-
 
 312 MACEDONIAN MONARCHY. BOOK iv. 
 
 THIRD out being obliged to pay any tribute. The deference consequently 
 ^ shown by Herod to Rome, was but the effect of a natural policy, 
 and his conduct in that respect could be objected to him only by 
 bigoted Jews. To his whole family, rather than to himself indi- 
 vidually, are to be attributed the executions which took place 
 among its members ; happy had it been if the sword had smitten 
 none but the guilty and spared the innocent. In the last year 
 but one of his reign is placed the birth of Christ (according to 
 the usually adopted computation, made in the sixth century by 
 Dionysius Exiguus. But the more accurate calculations of modern 
 chronologists show that the real date of the Saviour's birth was 
 probably four years earlier). According to his will, with some 
 few alterations made by Augustus, his kingdom was divided 
 among his three surviving sons ; Archelaus, as ethnarch, receiving 
 the greater moiety, Judaea, Samaria, and Idumaea ; the two 
 others, as tetrarchs, Philip a part of Galilee and Trachonitis, An- 
 tipas the other part of Galilee, and Peraea, together with Ituraea ; 
 subsequently to which division, the various parts did not, in con- 
 sequence, all share the same fate. Archelaus, by misgovern - 
 ment, soon lost his portion, A. D. 6 ; Judaea and Samaria were 
 consequently annexed as a Roman province to Syria, and placed 
 under procurators subordinate to the Syrian governors : among 
 these procurators, the most famous is Pontius Pilate, about A. D. 
 27 36, under whom the founder of our religion appeared and 
 suffered, not as a political although accused of being so but as 
 a moral reformer. On the other hand, Philip retained his te- 
 trarchy until the day of his death, A. D, 34, when his country 
 had the same lot with Judaea and Samaria. Soon after, that is 
 to say, in A. D. 37, it was, however, given by Caligula, with the 
 title of king, to Agrippa, (grandson of Herod by Aristobulus,) as 
 a recompense for his attachment to the family of Germanicus ; 
 and when Antipas, who wished to procure a similar favour for 
 himself but instead of it, was deposed, 39, Agrippa received his 
 tetrarchy also, 40, and soon afterwards, by the possession of the 
 territory which had belonged to Archelaus, became master of the 
 whole of Palestine. Agrippa having died in A. D. 44, the whole 
 country being appended to Syria, became a Roman province, and 
 received procurators, although Chalcis, 49, and subsequently also, 
 53, Philip's tetrarchy, were restored as a kingdom to his son 
 Agrippa II. d. 90. The oppression of the procurators, and of 
 Gessius Florus in particular, who obtained the office, A. D. 64,
 
 BOOK iv. IV. JUD^A. 313 
 
 excited the Jews to rebellion, which, 70, ended in the capture THIRD 
 and destruction of their city and temple by Titus. The spread __ u ^ ) - u - 
 of the Jews over the whole civilized world of that time, although 
 previously commenced, was by this event still further increased ; 
 and at the same time the extension of Christianity was prepared 
 and facilitated. Even after the conquest, Jerusalem not only 
 continued to exist as a city, but was also still considered by the 
 nation as a point of union ; and the attempt, under Adrian, to 
 establish a Roman colony there, produced a fearful sedition. 
 
 BASNAGE, Histoire des Juifs depuis J. C. jusqu' a present. 
 La Haye, 1716, 15 vols. 12mo. The first two parts only, pro- 
 perly speaking, belong to this period ; but the others likewise 
 contain several very valuable historical researches. 
 
 PRIDEAUX, The Old and New Testament connected in the 
 history of the Jems and their neighbouring nations. Lond. 1714, 
 2 vols. This work, together with that above quoted, have always 
 been esteemed the grand books on the subject. The French 
 translation of Prideaux's Connection is, by its arrangement, more 
 convenient for use than the original : this translation was pub- 
 lished at Amsterdam, 1722, 5 vols. 8vo. under the title of PRI- 
 DEAUX, Histoire des Juifs et des peuples voisins depuis la deca- 
 dence des Royaumes d' Israel et de Juda, jusqu a la mort de J. C. 
 
 f- J. D. MICHAELIS, Translation of the Books of Esdras, Ne- 
 hemiah, and Maccabees, contains in the observations several his- 
 toric discussions of high importance. 
 
 -|- J. REMOND, Essay towards a history of the spread of Ju- 
 daism, from Cyrus to the total decline of the Jewish state. 
 Leipzig, 1789. The industrious work of a young scholar. 
 
 To the works enumerated p. 34, 35, must be added, for the 
 more ancient history of the Jews : 
 
 J. L. BAUER, Manual of the history of the Hebrew nation, 
 from its rise to the destruction of its state. Nuremberg, 1800, 
 2 parts, 8vo. As yet the best critical introduction, not only to 
 the history, but also to the antiquities of the nation. 
 
 f In the works of J. J. HESS, belonging to this subject, namely, 
 History of Moses ; History of Joshua ; History of the Rulers 
 of Judah, 2 parts ; History of the Kings of Judah and Israel : 
 the history is throughout considered in a theocratic point of
 
 314 ROMAN STATE. BOOK v. 
 
 FIFTH BOOK. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE ROMAN STATE. 
 Introductory remarks on the Geography of Ancient Italy. 
 
 General ITALY constitutes a peninsula, bounded on the 
 Italy. north by the Alps, on the west and south by the 
 Mediterranean, and on the east by the Adriatic 
 sea. Its greatest length from north to south is 
 600 geogr. miles ; its greatest breadth, taken at 
 the foot of the Alps, is 320 geogr. miles ; but that 
 of the peninsula, properly so called, is not more 
 than 120 geogr. miles. Superficial contents, 
 81,920 sq. geogr. miles. The principal moun- 
 tain range is that of the Apennines, which, di- 
 verging occasionally to the west, or east, stretch 
 from north to south through Central and Lower 
 Italy. In the earlier times of Rome, these moun- 
 tains were covered with thick forests. Main 
 streams : the Padus (Po) and the Athesis, (Adige,) 
 both of which discharge their waters in the Adri- 
 atic; and the Tiberis, (Tiber,) which falls into 
 the Mediterranean. The soil, particularly in the 
 plains, is one of the most fertile in Europe ; on 
 the other hand, many of the mountain tracts 
 admit but of little cultivation. In that period 
 when the Mediterranean was the grand theatre 
 of trade, Italy, by her situation, seemed destined 
 to become the principal mart of Europe ; but she
 
 BOOK v. GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY. 315 
 
 never in ancient times availed herself sufficiently 
 of this advantage. 
 
 It is divided into Upper Italy, from the Alps to Divisions 
 the small rivers of Rubicon and Macra; (this 
 part, however, of Italy, until presented with the 
 right of citizenship under Caesar, was, according 
 to the Roman political geography, considered as 
 a province ;) into Central Italy, from the Rubicon 
 and the Macra down to the Silarus and Frento ; 
 and into Lower Italy from those rivers to the 
 southern land's end. 
 
 I. Upper Italy comprises the two countries, Gallia Cis- 
 alpina and Liguria. 
 
 1 . Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata, in contradis- cisalpine 
 tinction to Gallia Transalpina. It bears the name Gaul> 
 of Gallia, in consequence of being for the most 
 part occupied by Gallic races. This country is 
 one continuous plain, divided by the Padus into 
 two parts, the northernmost of which is therefore 
 denominated Gallia Transpadana, (inhabited by 
 the Taurini, Insubres, and Cenomani,) while the 
 southern part (inhabited by the Boii, Senones, 
 and Lingones) is known by the name of Gallia 
 Cispadana. Various streams contribute to swell 
 the Padus ; from the north the Duria, (Durance,) 
 the Ticinus, (Tessino,) the Addua, (Adda,) the 
 Ollius, (Oglio,) the Mintius, (Minzio,) and several 
 less important rivers; from the south, the Ta- 
 narus, (Tanaro,) the Trebia, etc. The Athesis, 
 (Adige,) the Plavis, (Piave,) and a number of 
 smaller mountain streams, roll their waters di- 
 rectly into the Adriatic.
 
 316 ROMAN STATE. BOOK v. 
 
 The cities in Gallia Cisalpina were, generally 
 speaking, Roman colonies ; and most of them 
 have preserved to this day their ancient names. 
 Among these are reckoned in Gallia Transpadana, 
 principally, Tergeste, Aquileia, Patavium, (Pa- 
 dua,) Vincentia, Verona, all east of the Athesis ; 
 Mantua, Cremona, Brixia, (Brescia,) Mediola- 
 num, (Milan,) Ticinum, (Pavia,) and Augusta 
 Taurinorum, (Turin,) all west of the Athesis. In 
 Gallia Cispadana we meet with Ravenna, Bono- 
 nia, (Bologna,) Mutina, (Modena,) Parma, Pla- 
 centia, (Piacenza). Several of the above places 
 received municipal rights from the Romans. 
 
 2. Liguria. This country deduced its name 
 from the Ligures, one of the old Italic tribes : it 
 extended from the river Varus, by which it was 
 divided from Gallia Transalpina, down to the 
 river Macra ; northward it extended to the Padus, 
 and comprised the modern territory of Genoa. 
 Cities : Genua, an extremely ancient place ; Ni- 
 csea, (Nice,) a colony of Massilia ; and Asta, 
 (Asti.) 
 
 II. Central Italy comprises six countries; Etruria, La- 
 tium, and Campania on the west; Umbria, Picenum, 
 and Samnium on the east. 
 
 Emma. 1. Etruria, Tuscia, or Tyrrhenia, was bounded 
 north by the Macra, which divided it from Ligu- 
 ria ; south and east by the Tiberis, which sepa- 
 rated it from Latium and Umbria. Main river, 
 the Arnus, (Arno). It is for the most part a 
 mountainous country; the seashore only is level. 
 This country derives its name from the Etrusci,
 
 BOOKV. GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY. 317 
 
 a very ancient people, composed, it is probable, 
 of an amalgamation of several races, and even 
 some early Grecian colonies, to which latter they 
 were indebted, not indeed for all their arts, but 
 for that of writing ; to commerce and navigation 
 the Etrusci were indebted for their opulence 
 and consequent splendour. Cities: between the 
 Macra and Arnus, Pisae, (Pisa,) Florentia, Faesu- 
 lae ; between the Arnus and Tiberis, Volaterrae, 
 (Volterra,) Volsinii, (Bolsena,) on the Lacus Vol- 
 siniensis, (Lago di Bolsena,) Clusium, (Chiusi,) 
 Arretium, (Arrezzo,) Cortona, Perusia, (Perugia,) 
 in the neighbourhood of which is the Lacus Thra- 
 simenus, (Lago di Perugia,) Falerii, (Falari,) and 
 the wealthy city of Veii. Each of the above 
 twelve cities had its own individual ruler, lucumo; 
 although frequent associations were formed among 
 them, yet no firm and lasting bond seems to have 
 united the nation into one. 
 
 2. Latium, properly the residence of the Latini, 
 from the Tiberis north, to the promontory of Cir- 
 ceii, south ; hence that country was likewise de- 
 nominated Latium Vetus. Subsequently, under 
 the name of Latium was likewise reckoned the 
 country from Circeii, down to the river Liris, 
 (Latium Novum;) so that the boundaries came to 
 be, north, the Tiberis, south, the Liris : the seat 
 of the Latins, properly speaking, was in the fruit- 
 ful plain extending from the Tiber to Circeii ; 
 around them, however, dwelt various small tribes, 
 some eastward, in the Apennines, such as the 
 Hernici, Sabini, .ZEqui, and Marsi ; others south- 
 ward, such as the Volsci, Rutuli, and Aurunci. 
 Rivers : the Anio (Teverone) and Allia, which
 
 318 ROMAN STATE. BOOK v. 
 
 fall into the Tiber, and the Liris, (Garigliano,) 
 which empties itself into the Mediterranean. Ci- 
 ties in Latium Vetus : Rome, Tibur, Tusculum, 
 Alba Longa, Ostia, Lavinium, Antium, Gabii, Ve- 
 litrae, the capital of the Volsci, and several smaller 
 places. In Latium Novum : Fundi, Terracina, 
 or Anxur, Arpinum, Minturnae, Formiae. 
 Campania. 3. Campania. The country lying between the 
 Liris, north, and the Silarus, south. One of the 
 most fruitful plains in the world, but at the same 
 time greatly exposed to volcanic eruptions. Ri- 
 vers : the Liris, the Vulturnus, (Voltorno,) the 
 Silarus, (Selo). Mountain : Vesuvius. Campania 
 derived its name from the race of the Campani. 
 Cities : Capua the principal one ; and also Lin- 
 ternum, Cumse, Neapolis, Herculaneum, Pompeii, 
 Stabiae, Nola, Surrentum, Salernum, etc. 
 
 The three eastern countries of Central Italy are as follows: 
 
 1. Umbria. It is bounded, north, by the river 
 Rubico, south, by the river JEsis, (Gesano, ) divid- 
 ing it from Picenum, and by the Nar, (Nera,) di- 
 viding it from the Sabine territory. It is for the 
 most part plain. The Umbrian race had in early 
 times spread over a much larger portion of Italy. 
 Cities : Ariminium, (Rimini,) Spoletium, (Spo- 
 leto,) Narnia, (Narni,) and Ocriculum, (Otriculi.) 
 
 2. Picenum. Bounded, north, by the .ZEsis, 
 south, by the Atarnus, (Pescara.) The people are 
 called Picentes. This country consists in a fer- 
 tile plain. Cities : Ancona and Asculum Picenum, 
 (Ascoli.)
 
 BOOK v. GEOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT ITALY. 319 
 
 3. Samnium, the name of a mountain tract ex- 
 tending from the Atarnus, north, to the Frento, 
 south ; although that country reckoned among its 
 inhabitants, not only the rude and powerful Sam- 
 nites, but also several less numerous races ; for 
 instance, the Marrucini and Peligni in the north, 
 the Frentani in the east, and the Hirpini in the 
 south. Rivers : the Sagrus and the Tifernus. 
 Cities : Allifae, Beneventum, and Caudium. 
 
 III. Lower Italy, or Magna Grecia, comprised four coun- 
 tries ; Lucania and Bruttium on the western side, Apulia 
 and Calabria on the eastern. 
 
 1. Lucania. Boundaries: north, the Silar us, 
 south, the Laus. For the most part a mountain 
 tract. It derived its name from the race of the 
 Lucani, a branch of the Ausones, or chief nation 
 of Lower Italy. Cities : Paestum, or Posidonia, 
 still renowned for its ruins, and Helia, or Velia. 
 
 2. Bruttium, (the modern Calabria,) or the 
 western tongue of land from the river Laus to the 
 southern land's end at Rhegium. The river 
 Brandanus constitutes the eastern frontier. A 
 mountainous country, deriving its name from the 
 Bruttii, (a half savage branch of the Ausones,) 
 who dwelt in the mountains, while the seashores 
 were occupied by Grecian settlements. Cities : 
 Consentia, (Cosenza,) Pandosia, Mamertum, and 
 Petilia. (Concerning the Greek colonies see 
 above p. 155.) 
 
 3. Apulia. The country ranging along theApuha. 
 eastern coast, from the river Frento to the com- 
 mencement of the eastern tongue of land ; an ex-
 
 320 ROMAN STATE. BOOK v. 
 
 tremely fertile plain, and particularly adapted to 
 grazing cattle. Rivers : the Aufidus (Ofanto) and 
 the Cerbalus. This country is divided into two 
 parts by the Aufidus, the northern called Apulia 
 Daunia, the southern called Apulia Peucetia. Ci- 
 ties : in Apulia Daunia; Sipontum and Luceria: 
 in Apulia Peucetia; Barium, Canna3, and Ve- 
 nusia. 
 
 Calabria. 4. Calabria or Messapia, the smaller eastern 
 tongue of land, which terminates in the promon- 
 tory of lapygium. Cities: Brundusium(Brindisi) 
 and Callipolis (Gallipoli). Concerning Tarentum 
 and other Grecian colonies, see above, p. 155. 
 
 Three large islands are likewise reckoned as 
 appertaining to Italy : they are Sicily, Sardinia, 
 and Corsica. According to the political geogra- 
 phy of the Romans they were, however, consi- 
 dered as provinces. Although the above islands 
 were, along the coast, occupied by aliens, the ab- 
 originals, under their own kings, maintained a 
 footing in the inland parts ; among these the Si- 
 culi, said to have migrated from Italy, were the 
 most celebrated ; they remained in Sicily, and 
 gave their name to the whole island. Concerning 
 the cities, the more important of which were, 
 some of Phoenician, but the most part of Grecian, 
 origin, see above, p. 30, and p. 155, sqq.
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 
 
 FIRST PERIOD. 
 
 From the foundation of Rome to the conquest of Italy and 
 the commencement of the wars with Carthage, B. C. 754 
 264, or A. U. C. 1490. 
 
 SOURCES. The most copious author, and, if we except his FIRST 
 system of deducing everything connected with Rome from 
 Greece, the most critical of all those who have written on the 
 earlier history of Rome and Italy, is Dionysius Halicarnassensis, 
 in his Archceologia : of this work only the first eleven books, 
 reaching down to the year 443, have been preserved ; to these, 
 however, must be added the fragments of the nine following 
 books, xii xx. discovered in 1816, and published by the Abbate 
 Mai of Milan. Next to Dionysius is Livy, who as far as lib. iv, 
 c. 18, is our main authority, till B. C. 292. Of the Lives of 
 Plutarch the following belong to this period, Romulus, Numa, 
 Coriolanus, Poplicola and Camillus; which for the knowledge 
 and criticism they display, are perhaps more important even than 
 Livy and Dionysius, see A. H. L. HEEREN, Defontibus et auc- 
 toritate vitarum Plutarchi, inserted in Comment Recentiores Soc. 
 Sclent. Gott. Comment. I. II. Greed, III. IV. Romani ; re- 
 printed also as an appendix to the editions of Plutarch by Reiske 
 and Hutten, Gottingen, 1821, ap. Dieterich. The sources of the 
 most ancient Roman history were extremely various in kind. 
 The traditions of the Fathers were preserved in historical ballads ; 
 (no mention is ever made of any grand epic poem;) and in this 
 sense there existed a bardic history ; by no means, however, 
 wholly poetic, for even the traditions of Numa's Institutes are 
 without the characteristics of poetry. The art of writing was in 
 Italy of earlier origin than the city of Rome ; how far, conse- 
 quently, the public annals, such as the Libri Pontificum, ex- 
 tended back in early time remains undetermined. Several of 
 the memorials are, beyond a doubt, mere family records, whether 
 preserved by vocal tradition or in written documents. To the 
 above must be added monuments, not only buildings and works 
 of arts, but also treaties engraved on tables ; of which, neverthe- 
 less, too little use seems to have been made. The Romans having 
 learnt the art of writing from the Greeks, their history was as
 
 322 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST frequently written in Greek as in Latin ; and that not only by 
 Greeks, such as, in the first place, Diocles of Peparethus, but 
 likewise by Romans, such as Fabius Pictor, at an early period. 
 From these last sources Dionysius and Livy compiled. The 
 more ancient Roman history given by these authorities rests, 
 therefore, in part, but by no means entirely, on tradition and 
 poetry ; still further amplified by the rhetoric style, that of the 
 Greeks more especially. At what epoch the Roman history lays 
 aside the poetic character can hardly be determined with cer- 
 tainty ; it may be traced even in some parts of the period ex- 
 tending from the expulsion of the kings to the conquest by the 
 Gauls. For the purposes of chronology, great importance at- 
 taches to the fasti Romani, contained partly in inscriptions, (fasti 
 Capitolini,') partly in manuscripts. They have been collected 
 and restored by Pighius, Noris Sigonius, etc. in GR-SEVII, Thes. 
 A. R. vol. xi. ; likewise in ALMELOVEEN, Fast. Rom. I. II. 
 Amstel. 1705, etc. 
 
 PIGHII Annales Romanorum. Antwerp, 1615, fol. 2 vols. 
 An essay towards a chronological arrangement ; it reaches down 
 to Vitellius. 
 
 The Roman history has been copiously treated of by the mo- 
 derns in many works besides those on universal ancient history 
 before enumerated, (p. 2.). We shall mention only the more im- 
 portant. 
 
 ROLLIN, Histoire Romaine, Depuis la foundation de Rome 
 jusqu' a la bataille d'Actium. 13 vols. 8vo. Paris, 1823, edit, 
 revue par Letronne. This history, which extends to B. C. 89, 
 has been continued and terminated by CREVIER. Although the 
 critical historian might suggest much that is wanting in this 
 work, it nevertheless contributed to advance the study. 
 
 ED. FERGUSON, The History of the Progress and Termina- 
 tion of the Roman Republic. London, 1783, 4to. On the whole, 
 the best work on the history of the Roman republic ; it has su- 
 perceded the earlier work of GOLDSMITH. 
 
 P. CH. LEVESQUE, Histoire de la Republique Romaine, 3 vols. 
 Paris, 1807- He who would still wish to admire with blind en- 
 thusiasm the glory of ancient Rome, had better not read this 
 work. 
 
 B. G. NIEBUHR, Roman History. 
 
 Rather criticism than history ; the author seems to be perpe-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 323 
 
 tually endeavouring to overthrow all that has hitherto been ad- FIRST 
 mitted. The spirit of acuteness is not always that of truth ; and 
 men do not so lightly assent to the existence of a constitution 
 which not only is contrary to the broad view of antiquity infer- 
 ences drawn from some insulated passages not being sufficient to 
 overturn what is corroborated by all the others but likewise, ac- 
 cording to the author's own avowal, stands opposed to all analogy 
 in history. But truth gains even where criticism is wrong ; and 
 the value of some deep researches will not for that reason be 
 overlooked. Consult on this subject : 
 
 f- W. WACHSMUTH, Researches into the more Ancient History 
 of Rome, Halle, 1819. 
 
 C. F. TH. LACHMANN, Commentatio de fontibus T. Livii in 
 prima Historiarum Decade. Gottingae, 1821. A prize essay. 
 
 For the works upon the Roman constitution see below, at the 
 end of this and at the beginning of the third period. 
 
 Abundance of most important writings upon Roman antiqui- 
 ties v/ill be found in the great collections : 
 
 GRJEVII Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Lugd. Batav. 
 1694, sq. 12 vols. fol. and likewise in 
 
 SALENGRE, Thesaurus Antiquitatum Romanarum. Venet. 
 1732, 3 vols. fol. 
 
 Many excellent papers, particularly in 
 
 Memoires de I' Academic des Inscriptions. 
 
 With the exception of NARDINI, Roma Fetus, inserted in 
 GR^VII Thes. A. R. t. iv. the best work on the topography of 
 ancient Rome is 
 
 VENUTI, Descrizione Topograjica delle Antichitd di Roma. 
 P. I. II. Roma, 1763 ; and especially the new edition of that 
 work by VISCONTI, 1803. There is also : 
 
 f" S. H. L. ABLER, Description of the city of Rome. Altona, 
 1781, 4to. 
 
 The best representation of the monuments of ancient Rome 
 will be found in 
 
 PIRANESI, Anlichitd di Roma, 3 vols. fol. 
 
 1. In certain respects, the history of Rome is General 
 
 . ., character- 
 
 always that or one town, inasmuch as until the istic of RO- 
 
 period of the Caesars, the city continued mistress toiy. "'
 
 324 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST of her extensive territory. The main parts of the 
 internal constitution of Rome were formed during 
 
 this first period; which, considered in an histo- 
 rical point of view, can hardly be said to be void 
 of interest. Whether every fundamental institu- 
 tion had its origin precisely at the epoch to which 
 it is attributed, is a question of little importance ; 
 it is sufficient to observe, that they certainly arose 
 in this period ; and that the steps by which the 
 constitution was developed are, upon the whole, 
 determined beyond the possibility of a doubt. 
 Romans 2. Exaggerated and embellished as the most 
 
 of Latin . ~. . . ... 
 
 origin. ancient traditions or the Romans respecting their 
 origin may be, they all agree in this, that the 
 Romans belonged to the race of the Latini, and 
 that their city was a colony of the neighbouring 
 Alba Longa. Long before this the custom seems 
 to have obtained with the Latini, of extending the 
 cultivation of their country by colonies. 
 
 The primitive history of Rome is as difficult to reduce to pure 
 historic truth as that of Athens, or any other city of antiquity ; 
 this proceeds from its being principally founded on traditions, 
 handled by poets and rhetoricians, and likewise differing from 
 one another; as may be seen in Plutarch's Romulus. As the 
 knowledge of those traditions, such as they are found in Diony- 
 sius and Livy, attaches to so many other subjects, it would be 
 improper to pass them over in silence ; and that they contained 
 truths as well as poetic fictions is proved most evidently by the 
 political institutions of which they narrate the origin, and which 
 certainly reached back to those times. To attempt to draw a 
 line of demarcation between mythical and historic times would 
 be to mistake the real nature of mythology. 
 
 L. DE BEAUFORT, Sitr Vincertitiide des cinq premiers siecles de 
 I'histoire Romaine, nouv. ed. a la Haye, 1750, 2 vols. 8vo. Every 
 thing that can be said against the credibility of the primitive 
 Roman history has been developed by Beaufort with abundant, 
 and often with laboured, acuteness.
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 325 
 
 3. During the first two hundred and forty-five FIRST 
 
 , . r ...... PERIOD. 
 
 years subsequent to its foundation this city was: r 
 
 , Kings ot 
 
 under the rule of governors, denominated kings ; Rome. 
 these, however, were not hereditary, still less 
 were they invested with unlimited power, al- 
 though they exerted themselves to become both 
 perpetual and absolute. On the contrary, in this 
 period was framed a municipal constitution, de- 
 monstrative of the existence, even at this early 
 date, of a considerable degree of political civiliza- 
 tion ; in its principal parts this constitution was, 
 no doubt, as in every colony, copied from that 
 of the mother city. Its principal features were : 
 a. Establishment and internal organization of the 
 senate, b. Establishment and progress of the 
 patrician or hereditary nobility, which, supported 
 by the privilege of administering the sacred af- 
 fairs, and by the introduction of family names, 
 quickly formed, in opposition to the plebeians, a 
 political party ever growing in power, although 
 not, therefore, a mere sacerdotal caste, c. Or- 
 ganization of the people (populus), and modes of 
 popular assembly (comitia), founded thereupon ; 
 besides the original division according to heads 
 into tribus and curia, another was subsequently 
 introduced according to property into classes and 
 centuries, out of which, besides the more ancient 
 comitia curiata, arose the very artificially con- 
 structed comitia centuriata. d. Religious insti- 
 tutions, (religiones,) which being most closely con- 
 nected with the political constitution, formed a 
 state religion, by means of which everything in 
 the state was attached to determined forms, and 
 received a higher sanction. Nor must we omit
 
 326 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST g. the relations in private life established by law, 
 -the clientship, marriage, and especially paternal 
 authority. In consequence of those domestic re- 
 lations, a spirit of subordination and discipline, 
 from the earliest times, pervaded the people ; and 
 to that spirit the Romans were indebted for the 
 glory to which they attained. 
 Destruction 4 Notwithstanding many little wars with their 
 
 of Alba J 
 
 immediate neighbours the Sabines, JEqui, and 
 Volsci, together with various cities of the Etrusci, 
 and even with the Latins themselves, Rome added 
 but little to her territory : nevertheless she took 
 the first step towards her aggrandizement ; from 
 the time of the destruction of Alba Longa, she 
 aimed at being the head of the collected cities of 
 the Latins, and finally attained the object of her 
 ambition. 
 
 Line of kings. Romulus, 754 717- First establishment of 
 the colony ; augmentation in the number of the citizens, pro- 
 duced by the establishment of an asylum, and an union with 
 part of the Sabines. Numa Pompilius, d. 679. By represent- 
 ing this prince as the founder of the religion of the Roman state, 
 that religion received the high sanction of antiquity. Tullus 
 Hostilius, d. 640. The conquest and destruction of Alba lays 
 the foundation of Roman supremacy in Latium. Ancus Martius, 
 d. 618. He extends the territory of Rome to the sea; the 
 foundation of the port of Ostia proves that Rome already applied 
 to navigation, the object of which was perhaps as yet rather 
 piracy than trade. Tarquinius Priscus, d. 578. A Grecian by 
 descent. Under his conduct Rome was already able to enter the 
 field against the confederate Etrusci. Servius Tullius, d. 534. 
 The most remarkable in the line of Roman kings. He placed 
 Rome at the head of the confederacy of the Latins, which he 
 confirmed by communia sacra. On his new division of the 
 people according to property were raised the highly important 
 institutions of the census and comitia centuriata. The necessity 
 of this measure is demonstrative of the great and increasing 
 prosperity of the Roman citizens ; there can be no doubt, how-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 327 
 
 ever, that by its adoption the frame of the republic was already FIRST 
 completed. Tarquinius Superbus, (the tyrant,) 509. This in- PERIOD- 
 dividual, having taken forcible possession of the throne as nephew 
 to Priscus, endeavoured to confirm his power by a close connec- 
 tion with the Latins and Volsci ; by this, as well as by his ty- 
 ranny, he offended both the patrician and plebeian parties. His 
 deposition, and the consequent reformation of the government, 
 were however, properly speaking, brought about by the ambition 
 of the patricians. 
 
 ALGAROTTI, Saggio soprn la durata de regni de' re di Roma. 
 (Op. t. iii.) Chronological doubts. Can the raising of difficul- 
 ties deserve the name of criticism ? 
 
 5. The only direct consequence to the internal Consular 
 
 cT0vcro* 
 
 constitution of Rome, proceeding from the aboli- ment, 
 tion of royalty was, that that power, undetermined B 
 as it had been while in the hands of the kings, 
 was transferred to two consuls, annually elected. 
 Meanwhile the struggle for liberty, in which the 
 new republic was engaged with the Etrusci and 
 Latins, contributed much to arouse the repub- 
 lican spirit which henceforward was the main 
 feature of the Roman character the evils of po- 
 pular rule being in times of need remedied by the 
 establishment of the dictatorship. The party, 498. 
 however, which had deposed the ruling family, 
 took wholly into their own hands the helm of 
 state ; and the oppression of these aristocrats, 
 shown principally towards their debtors, who had 
 become their slaves, (nexi,} notwithstanding the 
 lex de provocations established by Valerius Pop- 
 licola, ensuring to the people the highest judicial 
 power was so galling, that after the lapse of a 
 few years it gave rise to a sedition of the com- 507 - 
 mons, (plebis,) the consequence of which was the 
 establishment of annually elected presidents of 493 - 
 the people (tribuni plebis).
 
 328 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST First commercial treaty with Carthage, 508, in which Rome 
 PERIOD, appears certainly as a free state, but not yet as sovereign of all 
 Latium ; the most important monument of the authenticity of 
 the earlier Roman history. 
 
 HEYNE, Fcedera Carthaginiensium cum Romanis super navi- 
 gatione et mercalura facia : contained in his Opusc. t. iii. Cf. 
 -j- A. H. L. HEEREN, Ideas, etc. Appendix to the second vol. 
 
 Rise of the 6. The further development of the Roman con- 
 constitu- stitution in this period, hinges almost wholly on 
 the struggle between the new presidents of the 
 commons and the hereditary nobility ; the tri- 
 bunes, instead of confining themselves to defend 
 the people from the oppression of the nobles, soon 
 began to act as aggressors, and in a short time 
 so widely overstepped their power, that there re- 
 mained no chance of putting an end to the strug- 
 gle but by a complete equalization of rights. A 
 long time elapsed ere this took place ; the aris- 
 tocracy finding a very powerful support both in 
 the clientship and in the religion of the state, 
 operating under the shape of auspices. 
 
 Main facts of the contest : 1 . In the trial of Coriolanus the 
 tribunes usurp the right of summoning some patricians before 
 the tribunal of the people. Hence arise the comitia tributa ; 
 that is to say, either mere assemblies of the commons, or assem- 
 blies so organized that the commons had the preponderance. 
 This institution gave the tribunes a share in the legislation, 
 subsequently of such high importance, those officers being allowed 
 to lay proposals before the commons. 2. More equitable distri- 
 bution among the poorer classes of the lands conquered from the 
 neighbouring nations, (the most ancient leges agrarice,') suggested 
 by the ambitious attempts of Cassius, 486. 3. Extension of the 
 prerogatives of the comitia tributa, more especially in the elec- 
 tion of the tribunes, brought about by Volero, 472. 4. Attempts 
 at a legal limitation of the consular power by Terentillus, (lex 
 Terentilla,') 460, which, after a long struggle, at last leads to 
 the idea of one common written code, 452, which is likewise
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 329 
 
 realized in spite of the opposition at first made by the patri- FIRST 
 cians. PERIOD. 
 
 f CHR. F. SCHULZE, Struggle between the Democracy and 
 Aristocracy of Rome, or History of the Romans from the Ex- 
 pulsion of Tarquin to the Election of the Jlrst Plebeian Consul. 
 Altenburgh, 1802, 8vo. A most satisfactory development of this 
 portion of Roman history. 
 
 7. The code of the twelve tables confirmed the code of the 
 ancient institutions, and was in part completed by \ls* 
 the adoption of the laws of the Greek republics, 
 among which Athens in particular is mentioned, 
 whose counsels were requested by a special de- 
 putation. In this, however, two faults were com- 
 mitted ; not only were the commissioners charged 
 
 with drawing up the laws elected from the patri- 
 cians alone, but they were likewise constituted 
 sole magistrates, with dictatorial power, (sine pro- 
 vocatione;) whereby a path was opened to them 
 for an usurpation, which could be frustrated only 
 by a sedition of the people. 
 
 Duration of the power of the Decemviri, 451 447- The 
 doubts raised as to the deputation sent to Athens are not suffi- 
 cient to invalidate the authenticity of an event so circumstan- 
 tially detailed. Athens, under Pericles, was then at the head of 
 Greece; and, admitting the proposed design of consulting the 
 Greek laws, it was impossible that Athens should have been 
 passed over. And indeed, why should it be supposed, that a 
 state which fifty years before had signed a commercial treaty 
 with Carthage, and could not be unacquainted with the Grecian 
 colonies in Lower Italy, might not have sent an embassy into 
 Greece ? 
 
 The yet remaining fragments of the code of the twelve tables 
 are collected and illustrated in BACHII Hist. Jurisprudents Ro- 
 mance ; and in several other works. 
 
 8. By the laws of the twelve tables the legal its enact- 
 relations of the citizens were the same for all; but m 
 
 as that code seems to have contained very little
 
 330 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST in reference to any peculiar constitution of the 
 state, the government not only remained in the 
 hands of the aristocrats, who were in possession 
 of all offices, but the prohibition, according to the 
 new laws of marriage between patricians and ple- 
 beians, appeared to have raised an insurmount- 
 able barrier between the two classes. No won- 
 der, then, that the tribunes of the people should 
 have immediately renewed their attacks on the 
 patricians ; particularly as the power of those po- 
 pular leaders was not only renewed, but even 
 augmented, as the only limit to their authority 
 was the necessity of their being unanimous in 
 their acts, while each had the right of a negative. 
 
 Besides the other laws made in favour of the people at the re- 
 newal of the tribunicia potestas, 446, that which imported ut 
 quod tributim plebes jussisset, populum teneret, frequently re- 
 newed in subsequent times, and meaning, in modern language, 
 that the citizens constituted themselves, must, it would appear, 
 have thrown the supreme power into the hands of the people ; 
 did not the Roman history, like that of other free states, afford 
 examples enough of the little authority there is to infer from the 
 enactment of a law that it will be practically enforced. 
 
 Dissensions 9. The main subjects of the new dissensions 
 tricTanTand between patricians and plebeians, excited by the 
 plebeians, tribune Canuleius, were now the connubia patrum 
 cum plebe, and the exclusive participation of the 
 patricians in the consulship, of which the tribunes 
 demanded the abolition. The repeal of the for- 
 mer law was obtained as early as 445, (lev Canu- 
 leia ;) the right of admission to the consulship was 
 not extended to the Plebeians, till after a struggle 
 annually renewed for eighty years ; during which, 
 when, as usually was the case, the tribunes for- 
 bade the military enrolment, recourse was had to
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 331 
 
 a transfer of the consular power to the yearly FIRST 
 elected commanders of the legions ; a place to - 
 which plebeians were entitled to aspire, (tribuni 
 militum consulari potestate.} Establishment of the Censors. 
 office of CENSORS, designed at first for nothing 
 more than to regulate the taking of the census, 
 and invested with no higher authority than what 
 that required, but who soon after, by assuming 
 to themselves the censura morum, took rank 
 among the most important dignitaries of the 
 state. 
 
 10. Meanwhile Rome was engaged in wars, Petty wars 
 insignificant but almost uninterrupted, arising out 
 of the oppression, either real or imaginary, which 
 she exercised as head of the neighbouring federate 
 cities, (socii,) comprising not only those of the 
 Latins, but likewise, after the victory of lake Re- 
 gillus, those of the other nations : the cities em- 
 braced every opportunity of asserting their inde- 
 pendence, and the consequent struggles must 
 have depopulated Rome, had not that evil been 
 diverted by the maxim of increasing the comple- 
 ment of citizens by admitting the freedmen, and 
 not unfrequently even the conquered, to the en- 
 joyment of civic privileges. Little as these feuds, 
 abstractedly considered, deserve our attention, 
 they become of high interest, inasmuch as they 
 were not only the means by which the nation 
 was trained to war, but also led to the founda- 
 tion of that senatorial power, whose important 
 consequences will be exhibited hereafter. 
 
 Among these wars attention must be directed to the last, 
 that against Veii, the richest city in Etruria ; the siege of that 
 place, which lasted very nearly ten years, 404 395, gave rise 
 
 V
 
 332 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST to the introduction among the Roman military of winter cam- 
 
 PERIOP ' paigning, and of pay ; thus, on the one hand, the prosecution of 
 
 wars more distant and protracted became possible, while on the 
 
 other the consequences must have been the levy of higher taxes, 
 
 (tributa). 
 
 Rome burnt 11. Not long after, however, a tempest from the 
 
 dauis. north had nearly destroyed Rome. The Senno- 
 nian Gauls, pressed out of northern Italy through 
 Etruria, possessed themselves of the city, the 
 capitol excepted, and reduced it to ashes ; an 
 event which made so deep an impression on the 
 minds of the Romans, that few other occurrences 
 in their history have been more frequently the ob- 
 ject of traditional detail. Camillus, then the de- 
 liverer of Rome, and in every respect one of the 
 chief heroes of that period, laid a double claim to 
 the gratitude of his native city, by overruling, 
 after his victory, the proposal of a general migra- 
 tion to Veii. 
 
 Feuds re- 12. Scarcely was Rome rebuilt ere the ancient 
 feuds revived, springing out of the poverty of the 
 citizens, produced by an increase of taxation con- 
 sequent on the establishment of military pay, and 
 by the introduction of gross usury. The tribunes, 
 Sextius and Licinius, by prolonging their term of 
 office to five years, had established their power; 
 while Licinius, by an agrarian law, decreeing that 
 no individual should hold more than five hundred 
 jugera of the national lands, had ensured the po- 
 
 A consul pular favour; so that at last they succeeded in 
 m obtaining, that one of the consuls should be chosen 
 from the commons ; and although the nobility, by 
 the nomination of a praetor from their own body, 
 and of cediles curules, endeavoured to compensate
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 333 
 
 for the sacrifice they were obliged to make, yet FIRST 
 the plebeians having once made good a claim to - 
 the consulship, their participation in the other 
 magisterial offices, (the dictatorship, 353, the cen- 
 sorship, 348, the preetorship, 334,) and even the 
 priesthood, (300,) quickly followed as a matter of 
 course. Thus at Rome the object of political 
 equality between commons and nobles was at- 
 tained ; and although the difference between the 
 patrician and plebeian families still subsisted, 
 they soon ceased to form political parties. 
 
 A second commercial treaty entered into with Carthage, 345, 
 demonstrates that even at this time the navy of the Romans was 
 anything but contemptible ; although its principal object as yet 
 was mere piracy. Roman squadrons of war however appear 
 more than once within the next forty years. 
 
 13. Far more important than any wars in which 
 Rome had hitherto been engaged, were those 
 soon about to commence with the Samnites. In 
 former contests the object of Rome had been to 
 establish her supremacy over her immediate 
 neighbours ; but in these, during a protracted 
 contest of fifty years, she opened a way to the 
 subjugation of Italy, and laid the foundation of 
 her future greatness. 
 
 Commencement of the wars against the Samnites, the Cam- 
 panians having called the Romans to their assistance against that 
 nation, 343. These wars, carried on with vigorous exertion and 
 various success, lasted, with but short intermissions, till 290. 
 This is the true heroic age of Rome, ennobled by the patriotic 
 valour of Decius Mus, (father and son, both voluntary victims,) 
 Papirius Cursor, Q. Fabius Maximus, etc. The consequences of 
 this struggle were : a. The Romans learnt the art of mountain 
 warfare, and thereby for the first time acquired a peculiar system 
 of military tactics ; not, however, till they had been, 321, obliged 
 to pass under the furcas Caudinas. b. Their relations were
 
 334 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST more firmly established with their neighbours the Latins and 
 Etrurians, by the complete conquest of the former, 340, and by 
 repeated victories over the latter, more especially in 308. c. 
 Great national federations having arisen in Italy, particularly 
 during the last period of the Samnite wars, the Romans entered 
 into connection with the more distant nations of the country ; 
 with the Lucanians and Apulians, by the first league, 323, with 
 the Umbri, from the year 308 ; and although the nature of this 
 connection frequently varied, the different nations were perpe- 
 tually struggling for independence, and were consequently at en- 
 mity with Rome. In this period, moreover, commenced the 
 practical illustration of the leading ideas of Rome upon the politi- 
 cal relations in which she placed the conquered with regard to 
 herself. 
 
 14., After the subjection of the Samnites, Rome, 
 
 the Taren- ... r> . . . . T 
 
 tines, who wishing to confirm her dominion in Lower Italy, 
 . was thereby, for the first time, entangled in war 
 with a foreign prince ; the Tarentines, too feeble 
 to maintain alone their footing against the Ro- 
 mans, called Pyrrhus of Epirus to their assistance. 
 He came, indeed, but not so much to further the 
 views of the Tarentines as to advance his own ; 
 but even in victory, he learnt by experience that 
 the Macedonian tactics gave him but a slight pre- 
 ponderance, which the Romans soon transferred 
 to their own side, exhibiting the truth of the prin- 
 ciple, that a good civic militia, sooner or later, 
 will always get the upper hand of mercenary 
 troops. 
 
 The idea of calling upon Pyrrhus for assistance was the more 
 natural, as the predecessor of that prince, Alexander I. (see 
 above p. 275.) had endeavoured, but without success, to effect 
 conquests in Lower Italy. In the first war with Pyrrhus, 280 
 278, two battles were fought, the first at Pandosia, 280, the other 
 at Asculum, 279 ; in both of which Rome was unsuccessful. 
 But Pyrrhus, after crossing over into Sicily, 278, (see above, p. 
 173, 174.) once more returned into Italy, 275, when he was de-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 335 
 
 feated by the Romans at Beneventum, and compelled to evacuate FIRST 
 Italy, leaving a garrison at Tarentum. That city, however, soon ER10P ' 
 afterwards, 272, fell into the hands of the Romans, whose domi- 
 nion was consequently extended to the extremity of Lower Italy. 
 
 15. The chief means to which, even from the Roman co- 
 earliest times, the Romans had recourse for the lo 
 foundation of their dominion over the conquered, 
 
 and at the same time for the prevention of the too 
 great increase of the needy classes at Rome, was 
 the establishment of colonies of their own citizens, 
 which, being settled in the captured cities, served 
 likewise as garrisons. Each colony had its own 
 distinct internal constitution, modelled, for the 
 most part, upon that of the mother city itself; 
 hence to keep the colonies in perfect dependence 
 naturally became an object of Roman policy. 
 This colonial system of the Romans, necessarily 
 and spontaneously arising out of the rude custom 
 of bereaving the conquered of their lands and 
 liberty, assumed its main features in the Samnite 
 war, and gradually embraced the whole of Italy. 
 Closely connected with this system was the con- 
 struction of military highways, (vice militares,) one 
 of which, the Appian Way, was constructed so 
 early as 312, and to this day remains a lasting 
 monument of the greatness of Rome at that 
 period. 
 
 Even at the time of Hannibal's invasion, the number of Roman 
 colonies amounted to 53: but several which had been settled 
 returned to the mother city. 
 
 HEYNE, De Romanorum prudentia in coloniis regendis : in- 
 serted in Opusc. vol. iii. Cf. Prolusiones de veterum coloniarum 
 jure ejusque causis, in his Opusc. vol. i. 
 
 16. But the relations existing between Rome Relations 
 
 ^ )iiiti-*.*.rt 
 
 between 
 
 \x
 
 336 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST a nd the Italian nations were extremely various in 
 
 PERIOD. . . * 
 
 Rome an<T kind. 1. A few cities and nations enjoyed the 
 nations"" 1 ^ u ^ privileges of Roman citizenship ; in some in- 
 stances, however, without the right of voting in 
 the comitia (municipia). 2. The privileges of the 
 colonies (jus coloniarurn) were of a more restricted 
 nature ; the colonists were indeed in possession 
 of their own civic government, but had no further 
 share whatever either in the comitia or magistra- 
 cies of Rome. The other inhabitants of Italy 
 were either federates (socii, fcedere juncti} or sub- 
 jects (dedititii). The first (a) preserved their in- 
 ternal form of government ; but on the other hand 
 () were obliged to furnish tribute and auxiliary 
 troops (tributis et armis juvare rempublicam). 
 Their further relation with Rome depended upon 
 the terms of the league. The most advantageous 
 of these terms were 3. in favour of the Latins, 
 although each of their cities had its own separate 
 league (jus Latii ;} as 4. the rest of the Italian 
 nations had their jus Italicum. On the other 
 hand, 5. the subjects, dedititii, were deprived of 
 their internal constitutions, and were governed 
 by Roman magistrates, (prcefecti,) annually re- 
 newed. 
 
 C. SIGONIUS, De antiquo jure civium Romanorum ; and his 
 treatise De antiquo jure Italics, inserted both in his Opera and 
 in GRJEVII Thes. Ant. Rom. t. ii. contain the most learned re- 
 searches on the details of these relations. 
 
 17. The internal constitution of Rome itself, 
 now completed, bore the character of a demo- 
 cracy. crac y > inasmuch as equality of rights existed both 
 for nobles and commons. Yet this democracy was 
 modified by expedients so various and wonderful
 
 BOOK v. TO THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. 337 
 
 the rights of the people, of the senate, of the FlR9T 
 
 a - i , , PERIOD. 
 
 magistrates, fitted so nicely into each other, and ~ 
 were so firmly supported by the national religion, 
 connecting every thing with determinate forms 
 that there was no reason, at that time, to fear the 
 evils either of anarchy, or, what is much more 
 astonishing when we consider the warlike cha- 
 racter of the people, those of military despotism. 
 
 The rights of the people consisted in the legislative power, so 
 far as fundamental national principles were concerned, and in the 
 election of the magistrates. The distinction between the comifia 
 tribula (as independent of the senate) and the comilia centu- 
 riata (as dependent on the senate) still existed as to form, but 
 had lost all its importance, the difference between patricians and 
 plebeians being now merely nominal, and the establishment of 
 the tribus urbance, 303, excluding the too great influence of the 
 people ( forensis factio) upon the comilia tributa. The rights of 
 the senate consisted in administering and debating all transitory 
 national affairs, whether foreign relations, (war and peace only 
 excepted, in which the consent of the people was requisite,) 
 financial concerns, or matters regarding domestic peace and secu- 
 rity. But the manner in which the senate was supplied must 
 have made it the first political body at that time in the world. 
 The rights and rank of magistrates were founded on their greater 
 or lesser auspicia, no public affair being entered upon except 
 auspicato. Consequently he only who was in possession of the 
 former could hold the highest civic and military power ; (impe- 
 rium civile et militare ; suis auspicils rem gerere ;) as dictator, 
 consul, praetor ; such was not the case with those who had only 
 the lesser auspicia. The union of civil and military power in 
 the person of the same individual was not without its inconveni- 
 ences, but military despotism was in some measure guarded 
 against by the prohibition of any magistrate possessing military 
 command within Rome itself. We must not dismiss this subject 
 without observing, that as the Roman constitution arose merely 
 out of practice, there never having been any completely written 
 charter, we cannot expect that all the details should be clearly 
 ascertained ; to attempt, therefore, in default of such authority, 
 to describe all the minutiae would be the surest way to fall into 
 error.
 
 338 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FIRST Of the numerous works on the Roman constitution and on 
 Roman antiquities, we shall mention : 
 
 DE BEAUFORT, La Republique Romaine, ou plan general de 
 I'ancien gouvernement de Rome. La Haye, 1 766, 2 vols. 4to. 
 A most copious work, and one of the most solid in regard to the 
 matters discussed ; although it does not embrace the whole of the 
 subject. 
 
 Hisloire critique du gouvernement Romain ; Paris, 1765. 
 Containing some acute observations. 
 
 Du Gouvernement de la republique Romaine, par A. AD. DE 
 TEXIER, 3 vols. 8vo. Hamburg, 1796. This contains many 
 enquiries peculiar to the writer. 
 
 Some learned researches respecting the principal points of the 
 Roman constitution, as SIGONIUS and GRUCHIUS de cornitiis Ro- 
 manorum, ZAMOCIUS de Senatu Romano, etc. will be found col- 
 lected in the first two vols. of GRJEVIUS, Anliq. Roman. 
 
 For the popular assemblies of the Romans, an antiquarian 
 essay by Chr. Ferd. Schulze, Gotha, 1815, chiefly according to 
 Niebuhr, may be consulted. 
 
 Among the numerous manuals of Roman antiquities, NIEU- 
 PORT, explicatio riluum Romanorum, ed. Gesner. Berol. 1743, 
 promises at least as much as it performs. Of those which profess 
 to treat of Roman antiquities in general, none have yet risen 
 above mediocrity. Jurisprudence, however, has been much more 
 successfully handled. We cite the two following excellent com- 
 pendiums : 
 
 BACHII, Historia Jurisprudences Romance. Lips. 1754. 
 1796. 
 
 t C. HUGO, Elements of the Roman Lam ; 7th edit. Berlin, 
 1820.
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 339 
 
 SECOND PERIOD. 
 
 From the commencement of the war with Carthage to the 
 rise of the civil broils under the Gracchi) B. C. 264 
 134. Year of Rome, 490620. 
 
 SOURCES. The principal writer for this highly interesting SECOND 
 period, in which was laid the foundation of the universal domi- . ERIOD - 
 nion of Rome, is Polybius as far as the year 146, not only in the 
 complete books preserved to us, which come down to 216, but 
 also in the fragments. He is frequently followed by Livy, lib. 
 xxi xlv. 218 166. Appian, who comes next, does not confine 
 himself merely to the history of the war ; Florus gives us only an 
 abridgement. The lives of Plutarch which relate to this portion 
 of history, are FABIUS MAXIBIUS, P. MNIL.IVS, MARCELLUS, 
 M. CATO, and FLAMINIUS. 
 
 Of modern writers we dare only mention one : and who is 
 worthy to be ranked beside him ? 
 
 MONTESQUIEU, Considerations sur les causes de la grandeur 
 el de la decadence des Remains. 
 
 1. The political division of Italy laid the foun- 
 dation for the dominion of Rome in that country ; 
 the want of union and political relations in the 
 world paved the way to her universal empire. 
 The first step cost her much, the succeeding fol- 
 lowed easily and rapidly ; and the history of the struggiebe- 
 struggle between Rome and Carthage only shows th age and 
 on a larger scale what the history of Greece ex- K 
 hibits on a smaller. The whole of the following 
 history confirms the fact, that two republics can- 
 not exist near each other, without one being de- 
 stroyed or subjected : but the vast extent of this >ts extent. 
 
 z2 

 
 340 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 SECOND struggle, the important consequences which fol- 
 
 lowed, together with the wonderful exertions 
 made, and the great men engaged on both sides, 
 gave it an interest which cannot be found in that 
 
 state of the O f an y o ther nations. Though the power and re- 
 two parties. J 
 
 sources of both states were nearly equal in ap- 
 pearance, they were widely different in quality 
 and circumstances. Carthage, besides her domi- 
 nion over the seas, had also a better furnished 
 treasury, by which she was enabled to enlist into 
 her service as many mercenaries as she pleased : 
 Rome, on the contrary, strong in herself, had all 
 the advantages possessed by a nation of warriors 
 over one partly commercial, partly military. 
 The first 2. The first war of twenty-three years between 
 ty-three the two republics, arose from very slight causes : 
 264 24i?' it soon, however, became a struggle for the pos- 
 session of Sicily, which in the end naturally ex- 
 tended itself to the dominion of the sea. Rome, 
 by the aid of her newly-built fleet, having ob- 
 tained for some time this power, was enabled to 
 attack Africa, and succeeded in driving the Car- 
 thaginians from Sicily. 
 
 The occupation of Messina by the Romans, 264, gave rise to 
 tliis war. The defection of Hiero king of Syracuse from the 
 side of Carthage, and his joining the Romans, first gave the latter 
 the idea of expelling the Carthaginians from the island. The 
 victory near Agrigentum, and capture of that city in 262, seemed 
 to facilitate the execution of this project : it also convinced the 
 Romans of the necessity of their having a naval power. We 
 shall the less wonder at their forming a fleet in Italy, where wood 
 was then plentiful, if we remember their previous experience in 
 naval affairs ; these were not the first vessels of war which they 
 constructed, but only the first large ones which they built upon 
 a Carthaginian model. The first naval victory of the Romans 
 under Duilius, by the aid of grappling machines, 260. The
 
 BOOKV. TO THE GRACCHI. 341 
 
 project then conceived of carrying the war into Africa was one of SECOND 
 the great ideas of the Romans, and from that time it became a ER10D ' 
 
 ruling maxim of the state, to attack the enemy in his own terri- 
 tory. The second and very remarkable naval victory of the Ro- 
 mans, 257, opened the way for them to Africa, and shows their 
 naval tactics in a very brilliant light : but the unfortunate issue 
 of their expedition to Africa, restored the equilibrium ; and the 
 struggle for the dominion of the sea became the more obstinate, 
 as success did not altogether favour one party. The result of the 
 contest appears to have turned upon the possession of the eastern 
 promontories of Sicily, Drepanum, and Lilybseum, which were 
 in a manner the bulwarks of the Carthaginians, and seemed im- 
 pregnable since Hamilcar Barca had taken the command of them, 
 247. The last naval victory of the Romans, however, under the 
 consul Lutatius, 24], having cut off the communication between 
 Sicily and Carthage, and the finances of both parties being com- 
 pletely exhausted, a peace was concluded upon the conditions : 
 1. That the Carthaginians should evacuate Sicily and the small 
 islands adjacent. 2. That they should pay to Rome, by instal- 
 ments in ten years, for the expenses she had been at in carrying 
 on the war, the sum of 2,200 talents. 3. That they should not 
 make war against Hiero king of Syracuse. 
 
 3. The issue of this war placed the political 
 connections of Rome in a new situation, and ne- 
 cessarily extended her influence abroad. The 
 length of the war and the manner of its conclu- 
 sion had, moreover, inspired a national hatred, 
 such as is only found in republics ; the conviction 
 also that they could not remain independent of 
 one another, must have become much more strik- 
 ing, as the points of contact had greatly increased 
 since the beginning of the war. Who does not 
 know the arrogance of a republic after the first 
 essay of her power has been crowned with suc- 
 cess ! Rome gave a striking example of this by 
 her invasion of Sardinia in the midst of peace. 
 These successes had also a sensible effect on the
 
 342 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 Roman constitution. For although in appearance 
 cesses OQ its form was not in the least changed, yet the 
 tution? sU power of the senate now acquired that prepon- 
 derance which the ruling authority of a republic 
 never fails to do after long and successful wars. 
 
 Origin and nature of the governments of the first Roman pro- 
 vinces, in part of Sicily and in Sardinia. 
 
 chastise- 4. An opportunity was soon afforded the Ro- 
 niyrian pi- mans, in the Adriatic sea, of making use of their 
 superior naval power, in chastising the pirates of 
 Illyria under their queen Teuta. By effecting 
 this, they not only secured their authority over 
 that sea, but at the same time formed their first 
 political relations with the Grecian states ; rela- 
 tions which soon afterwards became of great im- 
 portance. 
 
 Commencement of the first Illyrian war, 230, which ended with 
 the subjugation of Teuta, 226. The war, however, again broke out, 
 222, against Demetrius of Pharus, who conceived himself inad- 
 equately rewarded by Rome for the services he had rendered her 
 in the preceding war. The Romans found him a much more 
 dangerous adversary than had been expected, even after his ex- 
 pulsion and flight to Philip, 220, (see above, p. 282.) Through- 
 out this war, Rome appeared as the deliverer of the Grecian 
 states, which had suffered extremely from the plunder of these 
 freebooters; Corcyra, Apollonia, and other cities placed them- 
 selves formally under her protection, while the Achaeans, ^Eto- 
 lians, and Athenians vied with each other in showing their gra- 
 titude. 
 
 Relations 5. In the mean time, while Carthage endeavoured 
 Greece, to make up for the loss of Sicily and Sardinia by 
 extending her Spanish dominions, which the 
 jealousy of Rome restrained her from carrying 
 beyond the Ebro (p. 84.), Rome herself had a 
 new war to maintain against her northern neigh-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 343 
 
 hours the Gauls, which ended after a violent con- SECOND 
 test with the establishment of her authority over 
 the north of Italy. 
 
 From the first Gallic war to the burning of Rome, 390, the 
 Gauls had repeated their attacks in 360 and 348, even to the 
 conclusion of the peace in 336. But in the latter part of the 
 Samnite war, a formidable confederacy having taken place among 
 the Italian tribes, some of the Gauls enlisted as mercenaries in 
 the service of the Etruscans, while others allied themselves to 
 the Samnites. This led them to take part in these wars in 306, 
 302, and 292, until they were obliged, together with the Etrus- 
 cans, to sue for peace in 284, before which time the Romans had 
 sent a colony into their country, near Sena. This peace lasted 
 till 238, when it was disturbed by the incursion of the transalpine 
 Gauls ; without, however, their coming to any war with Rome. 
 But in 232, the proposition of Flaminius the tribune, (lex Fla- 
 minia), to divide the lands conquered from the Senones, became 
 the cause of new disturbances. Upon this occasion, the Gauls 
 entered into an alliance with their transalpine countrymen, the 
 Gsesates on the Rhone, who had been accustomed to engage as 
 mercenaries. These having crossed the Alps, the dreadful war 
 of six years (226 220) began, in which, after defeating the 
 Gauls near Clusium, 225, the Romans pursued them into their 
 own territory, and encamped upon the Po, 223. The Gauls 
 having been again completely overthrown by Marcellus, were 
 obliged to sue for peace ; when the Roman colonies of Placentia 
 and Cremona were established. The number of men capable of 
 bearing arms in all Italy subject to the Romans during this war 
 amounted to 800,000. 
 
 6. Before this storm was totally appeased, in Hannibal 
 which it is probable that Carthaginian policy was command 
 not altogether inactive, Hannibal had obtained the m Spain> 
 chief command in Spain. From the reproach of 
 having first begun the war, he and his party 
 cannot be cleared ; Rome, in the situation she 
 then was, could hardly desire it ; he however 
 who strikes the first blow is not always the real 
 aggressor. The plan of Hannibal was the de-
 
 344 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 SECOND stfuction of Rome - and by making Italy the 
 
 PERIOD. . . _ ,' , J ., 
 
 and makes P n ncipal seat ot the war, he necessarily turned 
 
 sca ^ e m n ' s favour ; because Rome, obliged 
 to defend herself, left to him all the advantages 
 of attack. The preparations she made for de- 
 fence, show that it was not believed possible he 
 could execute his enterprise by the route which 
 he took. 
 
 The history of this war, 218 201, of which no later trans- 
 action has been able to destroy the interest, is divided into three 
 parts : the history of the war in Italy ; the contemporary war in 
 Spain ; and from 203, the war in Africa. Hannibal's invasion 
 of Italy in the autumn, 218 engagement near the river Ticinus 
 and the battle of Trebia, in the same year. Battle near the lake 
 Thrasymenus in the spring, 217- Seat of the war transferred 
 to Lower Italy, and the defensive system of the dictator Fabius 
 until the end of the year. Battle of Cannae, 216, followed by 
 the conquest of Capua and the subjection of the greater part of 
 Lower Italy. The defensive mode of warfare afterwards adopted 
 by the Carthaginian, arose partly from his desire to form a junc- 
 tion with his brother Asdrubal and the Spanish army, and partly 
 from his expectation of foreign support by means of alliances, 
 with Syracuse, after the death of Hiero, 215, and with Philip of 
 Macedon, 216. These hopes, however, were frustrated by the 
 Romans. Syracuse was besieged and taken, 214 212, (see 
 above, p. 174.) and Philip kept employed in Greece, (see above, 
 p. 282.) In addition to this, the Romans retook Capua, not- 
 withstanding the audacious march of Hannibal towards Rome, 
 211, and he had now no succour left except the reinforcement 
 which Asdrubal was bringing from Spain. The latter, however, 
 was attacked immediately upon his arrival in Italy, near Sena, 
 by the consuls Nero and Livius, and left dead on the field, 207- 
 From this time the war in Italy became only of secondary im- 
 portance, as Hannibal was obliged to act on the defensive in 
 Bruttium. 
 
 The Course of Hannibal over the Alps ascertained, by J. 
 WHITTAKER. London, 1794, 2 vols. 8vo. The author endea- 
 vours to {prove that the passage of Hannibal was over the great 
 St. Bernard, and criticises the opinions of other writers.
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 345 
 
 may likewise mention the learned treatise : SECOND 
 
 A Dissertation on the Passage of Hannibal over the Alps. ERIOP> 
 By H. L. WICKHAM, M. A. and the Rev. J. A. CRAMER, M. A. 
 second edition, Oxon.J 
 
 The war in Spain began nearly about the same time between 
 Asdrubal and the two brothers, Cn. and P. Cornelius Scipio, 
 and was continued, with various success, till the year 216, the 
 issue depending much upon the disposition of the Spaniards 
 themselves. The plan of Carthage after the year 216, was to 
 send Asdrubal with the Spanish army into Italy, and to supply 
 its place by an army from Africa ; two victories, however, gained 
 by the Scipios near the Ebro, 216, and the Illiberis, 215, pre- 
 vented this from being effected, till at last both fell under the 
 superior power and cunning of the Carthaginians, 212. But the 
 arrival of the youthful P. Cornelius Scipio, who did not appear 
 merely to his own nation as an extraordinary genius, entirely 
 changed the face of affairs, and the fortunes of Rome soon be- 
 came attached to his name, which alone seemed to promise vic- 
 tory. During his command in Spain, 210 206, he won over 
 the inhabitants while he defeated the Carthaginians, and for the 
 furtherance of his great design, contracted an alliance with Sy- 
 phax in Africa, 206. He was unable, however, to prevent the 
 march of Asdrubal into Italy, 208, which nevertheless rendered 
 it an easy task for him to subdue all Carthaginian Spain as far 
 as Gades, 206, and thus procured him the consular dignity at his 
 return, 205. 
 
 The carrying of the war into Africa by Scipio, notwithstand- 
 ing the opposition of the old Roman generals, and the desertion 
 of Syphax, who at the persuasion of Sophonisba again went over 
 to the Carthaginians (whose loss however was well repaid by 
 Masinissa, whom Scipio had won over to his side in Spain), was 
 followed by an important consequence ; for after he had gained 
 two victories over Asdrubal and Syphax, 203, and taken the 
 latter prisoner, the Carthaginians found it necessary to recall 
 Hannibal from Italy, 202 ; and the battle of Zama terminated 
 the war, 201. The following were the conditions of peace : 
 1. That the Carthaginians should only retain the territory in 
 Africa annexed to their government. 2. That they should give 
 up all their ships of war, except ten triremes, and all their ele- 
 phants. 3. That they should pay, at times specified, 10,000 
 talents. 4. That they should commence no war without the
 
 346 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK r. 
 
 SECOND 
 E| ' IOD ' 
 
 Power of 
 
 the war. 
 
 shebe- 
 
 consent of Rome. 5. That they should restore to Masinissa all 
 the houses, cities, and lands that had ever been possessed by 
 himself or his ancestors. The reproach usually cast upon the 
 Carthaginians, of having left Hannibal unsupported in Italy, in 
 a great measure vanishes, if we remember the plan formed in 
 216, to send the Spanish army into Italy, and to replace it by 
 an African one : a plan formed with much ability, and followed 
 with as much constancy. We may add to this, that the Barcine 
 faction maintained its influence in the government even to the 
 end of the war. But why they, who by the treaty of peace gave 
 up five hundred vessels of war, suffered Scipio to cross over 
 from Sicily, without sending one to oppose him, is difficult to 
 explain. 
 
 7. Notwithstanding her great loss of men, and 
 the devastation of Italy, Rome felt herself much 
 more powerful at the end of this war than at the 
 beginning:. Her dominion was not onlv esta- 
 
 o o c/ 
 
 blished over Italy, but extensive foreign countries 
 had been brought under it ; her authority over the 
 seas was rendered secure by the destruction of the 
 naval power of the Carthaginians. The Roman 
 form of government, it is true, underwent no 
 change, but its spirit much, as the power of the 
 senate became almost unlimited ; and although 
 the dawn of civilization had broken over Rome, 
 since her intercourse with more civilized fo- 
 reigners, the state still remained altogether a na- 
 tion of warriors. And now, for the first time, 
 appears in the page of history the fearful pheno- 
 menon of a great military republic ; and the his- 
 tory of the next ten years, in which Rome over- 
 threw so many thrones and free states, gives a 
 striking proof, that such a power is the natural 
 enemy to the independence of all the states within 
 the reach of her arms. The causes which led 
 Rome from this time to aspire after the dominion
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 347 
 
 of the world are to be found neither in her geo- SECOND 
 graphical situation, which for a conquering power - 
 by land seemed rather unfavourable ; nor in the 
 inclination of the people, who were opposed to 
 the first war against Philip ; but singly and en- 
 tirely in the spirit of her government. The means, 
 however, whereby she obtained her end, must 
 not be sought for merely in the excellence of her 
 armies and generals, but rather in that uniform, 
 sharp-sighted, and dexterous policy, by which Her policy. 
 she was enabled to frustrate the powerful al- 
 liances formed against her, notwithstanding the 
 many adversaries who at that time sought to form 
 new ones. But where could be found such an- 
 other council of state, embodying such a mass 
 of practical political wisdom, as the Roman senate 
 must have been from the very nature of its organ- 
 ization? All this, however, would not have been state of the 
 
 rest of the 
 
 sufficient to have subjugated the world, if the world, 
 want of good government, the degeneracy of the 
 military art, and an extremely corrupt state of 
 morals among both rulers and people, in foreign 
 states, had not seconded the efforts of Rome. 
 
 View of the political state of the world at this period. In 
 the west, Sicily (the whole island after 212), Sardinia, and Cor- 
 sica, from the year 237* and Spain, divided into citerior and 
 ulterior (the latter rather in name than in fact), had become 
 Roman provinces 206 ; the independence of Carthage had been 
 destroyed by the last peace, and her subordination secured by 
 the alliance of Rome with Masinissa ; Cisalpine Gaul, formed 
 into a province, served as a barrier against the inroads of the 
 more northern barbarians. On the other side, in the east, the 
 kingdom of Macedonia, and the free states of Greece, forming 
 together a very complicated system, had opened a connection 
 with Rome since the Illyrian war, 230, and Philip's alliance 
 with Hannibal, 214. Of the three powers of the first rank,
 
 348 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 SECOND Macedonia, Syria, and Egypt, the two former were allied against 
 
 the latter, who, on her part, maintained a good understanding 
 
 with Rome. The states of secondary rank were, those of the JE- 
 tolian league, the kings of Pergamus, and the republic of Rhodes, 
 with some smaller, such as Athens : these had allied them- 
 selves to Rome since the confederacy against Philip, 211. The 
 Achaean league, on the contrary, was in the interests of Ma- 
 cedonia, which Rome always endeavoured to attach to herself, in 
 order to make head against those of the first rank. 
 
 War 
 against 
 Philip, 
 B. C. 200. 
 
 T. Quintius 
 
 Flaminius, 
 
 198, 
 
 lays the 
 foundation 
 of Roman 
 power in the 
 
 east. 
 
 179. 
 
 8. A declaration of war against Philip, notwith- 
 standing the opposition of the tribunes of the peo- 
 ple, and an attack upon Macedonia itself, accord- 
 ing to the constant maxim of carrying the war 
 into the enemy's country, immediately followed. 
 They could not, however, drive Philip so soon 
 from the fastnesses of Epirus and Thessaly, which 
 were his bulwarks. But Rome possessed in T. 
 Quintius Flaminius, who marched against Philip 
 as the deliverer of Greece, a statesman and ge- 
 neral exactly fitted for a period of great revolu- 
 tions. By the permanency of his political in- 
 fluence he became indeed the true founder of the 
 Roman power in the east. Who could better 
 cajole men and nations, while they were erecting 
 altars to him, than T. Quintius? So artfully in- 
 deed did he assume the character of a great 
 genius, such as had been given by nature to 
 Scipio, that he has almost deceived history itself. 
 The struggle between him and Philip consisted 
 rather in a display of talents in political stratagem 
 and finesse than in feats of arms : even before the 
 battle of Cynoscephalae had given the finishing 
 stroke, the Romans had already turned the ba- 
 lance in their favour, by gaining over the Achaean 
 league.
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 347 
 
 The negotiations between Rome and Macedonia, from the SECOND 
 year 214, give the first striking examples of the ability and PERIOP ' 
 address of the Romans in foreign policy ; and they are the more 
 remarkable, as the treaty with the .ZEtolians and others, 211 (see 
 above, p. 283), was the remote cause of the transactions which 
 afterwards took place in the east. The peculiar system adopted by 
 the Romans, of taking the lesser states under their protection as 
 allies, must always have given them an opportunity of making 
 war on the more powerful whenever they chose. This in fact 
 happened in the present case, notwithstanding the peace con- 
 cluded with Philip, 204. The chief object of the Romans in 
 this war, both by sea and land, was to drive Philip completely 
 out of Greece. The allies on both sides, and the conditions of 
 peace, were similar to those concluded with Carthage (see above, 
 p. 284). The destruction of the naval power of her conquered 
 enemies became now a maxim of Roman policy in making peace ; 
 and she thus maintained the dominion of the seas without any 
 great fleet, and without losing the essential character of a domi- 
 nant power by land. 
 
 9. The expulsion of Philip from Greece brought 
 that country into a state of dependence upon 
 Rome; an event which could not have been better 
 secured than by the present of liberty which T. 
 Quintius conferred upon its inhabitants at the 
 Isthmian games. The system of surveillance, 
 which the Romans had already established in the 
 west over Carthage and Numidia, was now adopted 
 in the east over Greece and Macedonia. Roman 
 commissioners, under the name of ambassadors, 
 were sent into the country of the nations in alli- 
 ance, and were the principal means by which this 
 system of espionage was carried on. These how- 
 ever did not fail to give umbrage to the Greeks, 
 particularly to the turbulent ^Etolians ; more espe- 
 cially as the Romans seemed in no hurry to with- 
 draw their troops from a country which they had 
 declared to be free. 

 
 350 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 SECOND Liberty was expressly granted to the state which had taken 
 ERIOD ' the part of Philip, namely, to the Achaeans ; to the others it was 
 naturally understood to belong. It was nevertheless three years, 
 194, before the Roman army evacuated Greece and withdrew 
 from the fortified places. The conduct of T. Quintius during- 
 this period fully shows what he was. The Greeks indeed had 
 much want of such a guardian if they wished to remain quiet : 
 his conduct, however, in the war against Nabis, 195, shows that 
 he had not really at heart the tranquillity of Greece. 
 
 War with 10. The treaty of peace with Philip contained 
 the seeds of a new and greater war with Syria ; 
 but though this seemed inevitable at that time, 
 it did not break out till six years afterwards ; and 
 in but few periods of the history of the world is 
 so great a political crisis to be found, as in this 
 short interval. The fall of Carthage and Ma- 
 cedonia had shown the rest of the world what it 
 had to expect from Rome ; and there was no 
 lack of great men sufficiently endowed with cou- 
 Dangerofarage and talents to resist her. The danger of a 
 league '" formidable league between Carthage, Syria, and 
 perhaps Macedonia, was never so much to be 
 feared, as when Hannibal, now at the head of 
 affairs, laboured to effect it with all the zeal which 
 his hatred of Rome could inspire ; and they might 
 calculate with certainty beforehand on the acces- 
 she sion of many smaller states. Rome, however, by 
 her equally decided and artful policy procured 
 Hannibal's banishment from Carthage, amused 
 Philip by granting him some trifling advantages, 
 and gained over the smaller states by her ambas- 
 sadors. By these means, and by taking advan- 
 tage of the intrigues in the court of Syria, she 
 prevented this coalition from being formed. An- 
 tiochus was therefore left without assistance in 

 
 BOOK y. TO THE GRACCHI. 551 
 
 Greece, except from the .^Etolians, and a few other SECOND 
 unimportant allies ; while Rome drew from hers, - 
 especially the Rhodians and Eumenes, advan- 
 tages of the greatest consequence. 
 
 The first cause of contention between Rome and Antiochus 
 was the liberty of Greece, which the former wished to extend to 
 the Grecian cities of Asia, and to those in particular which had 
 belonged to Philip, and afterwards to Antiochus ; while the latter 
 contended, that Rome had no right to intermeddle with the af- 
 fairs of Asia. The second cause of dispute was the occupation 
 of the Thracian Chersonesus by Antiochus, 196, in right of some 
 ancient pretensions ; and Rome, on her part, would not tolerate 
 him in Europe. This quarrel therefore commenced as early as 
 196, but did not become serious till the year 105, when in con- 
 sequence of Hannibal's flight to Antiochus, together with the 
 turbulence and excitement of the ^Etolians, whose object it was 
 to embroil the rival powers, the political horizon was completely 
 overcast. What a fortunate thing it was for Rome that such 
 men as Hannibal and Antiochus could not understand each 
 other ! 
 
 HEYNE, de faederum ad Romanorum opes imminuendas inilo- 
 rum eventis eorumque causis ; in Opusc. vol. iii. 
 
 11. This war was much sooner brought to a 
 termination than the Macedonian, owing to the 
 half-measures adopted by Antiochus. After hav- B.C. 191. 
 ing been driven from Greece by Glabrio, and 
 after two naval victories had opened to the Ro- 
 mans the way to Asia, he felt inclined to act on 
 the defensive ; but in the battle near Magnesia at Battle of 
 the foot of Mount Sipylus, L. Scipio gathered the S: nesia ' 
 laurels which more properly belonged to Glabrio. 
 The total expulsion of Antiochus from Asia Minor, 
 even before this victory, had been the chief ob- 
 ject of the war. The conditions of peace (see Conditions 
 
 of DC3.CC* 
 
 above, p. 284.) were such, as not only weakened 
 Antiochus, but reduced him to a state of depend- 
 ence.
 
 352 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 SECOND During this contest in the east, a sanguinary war was going on 
 
 EItIOP ' in the west ; from the year 201 in Spain, where the elder Cato 
 
 commanded; and from 193 in Italy itself, against the Ligurians. 
 Whatever may be said upon the means made use of by Rome to 
 increase the number of her citizens, it will always be difficult to 
 comprehend, not only how she could support all these wars with- 
 out being thereby weakened, but how at the same time she could 
 found so many colonies ! 
 
 Moderation 12. Even after the termination of this war, 
 Rome refrained with astonishing moderation from 
 appearing in the light of a conqueror : it was only 
 for the liberty of Greece, and for her allies, that 
 she had contended ! Without keeping a foot of 
 land for herself, she divided, with the exception 
 of the free Grecian cities, the conquered Asia 
 Minor between Eumenes and the Rhodians ; 
 the manner, however, in which she dealt with 
 the ^Etolians, who after a long supplication for 
 peace were obliged to buy it dearly, shows that 
 she also knew how to treat unfaithful allies. The 
 War war against the Gauls in Asia Minor was not less 
 necessary for the preservation of tranquillity in 
 tna *- countr y> tnan it was injurious to the morals 
 189 - and military discipline of the Roman army. They 
 
 here learned to levy contributions. 
 
 200190. 13. Thus, within the short space of ten years, 
 was laid the foundation of the Roman authority 
 in the east, and the general state of affairs en- 
 Rome the tirely changed. If Rome was not yet the ruler, 
 she was at least the arbitress of the world from 
 the Atlantic to the Euphrates. The power of the 
 three principal states was so completely humbled, 
 that they durst not, without the permission of 
 Rome, begin any new war ; the fourth, Egypt, 
 had already, in the year 201, placed herself under
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACGHI. 333 
 
 the guardianship of Rome ; and the lesser powers SKCOM> 
 followed of themselves : esteeming it an honour pFRIon - 
 to be called the allies of Rome. With this name 
 the nations were lulled into security, and brought 
 under the Roman yoke ; the new political system 
 of Rome was founded and strengthened, partly 
 by exciting and supporting the weaker states 
 against the stronger, however unjust the cause 
 of the former might be, and partly by factions 
 which she found means to raise in every state, 
 even the smallest. 
 
 Although the policy of Rome extended itself everywhere by 
 means of her commissioners, or ambassadors, yet she kept a 
 more particular guard against Carthage by favouring Masinissa 
 at her expense, against the Achaean league by favouring the 
 Spartans, and against Philip of Macedon by favouring every one 
 who brought any complaint against him (see above, p. 285). 
 
 14. Although these new connections and this 
 intercourse with foreign nations greatly aided the 
 diffusion of knowledge and science, and was fol- 
 lowed by a gradual improvement in her civiliza- 
 tion, yet was it nevertheless, in many respects, 
 detrimental to the internal state of Rome. The 
 introduction of the scandalous Bacchanalia, which 
 were immediately discovered and forbidden, shows 
 how easily great vices may creep in among a 
 people who are only indebted for their morality to 
 their ignorance. Among the higher classes also 
 the spirit of intrigue manifested itself to an asto- 
 nishing degree ; particularly by the attacks di- 
 rected against the Scipios by the elder Cato, 
 whose restless activity became the instrument of 
 his malignant passions. The severity of his cen- 
 sorship did not repair the evils caused by his im- 
 morality and pernicious politics.
 
 354 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 SECOND Voluntary exile of Scipio Africanus to Linternum, 187- He 
 dies there, 183, the same year in which Hannibal falls under the 
 continued persecution of Rome. His brother Scipio Asiaticus is 
 also unable to escape a trial and condemnation, 185. One would 
 have expected a sensible effect from the exile of these two great 
 men ; but, in a state where the ruling power is in the hands of a 
 body like what the Roman senate was, the change of individuals 
 is but of little consequence. 
 
 15. Fresh disputes arose, as early as 185, with 
 
 with Philip, _, ... r -\/r t i 
 
 185. Philip oi Macedon, who soon found that they had 
 spared him no longer than it suited their own 
 convenience. Although the intervention of Phi- 
 lip's youngest son, upon whom the Romans had 
 formed some design, prevented the powers from 
 coming to an immediate rupture, and war was 
 
 His death, s ^\\\ further delayed by Philip's death, yet the 
 national hatred descended to his successor, and 
 continued to increase, notwithstanding an alliance 
 
 Open war, concluded with him, until the war openly broke 
 out (see above, p, 287). 
 
 The first circumstance which gave umbrage to Philip was the 
 small portion they permitted him to conquer in Athamania and 
 Thessaly during the war against Antiochus. But what sharpened 
 his animosity, much more than the object in dispute, was the 
 conduct of the Roman commissioners, before whom he, the king, 
 was called upon to defend himself as an accused party, 184. 
 The exclamation of Philip, that " the sun of every day had not 
 yet set," showed his indignation, and at the same time betrayed 
 his intention. The interval previous to the breaking out of the 
 war was anything rather than a time of peace for Rome ; for 
 besides that the Spanish and Ligurian wars continued almost 
 without intermission, the revolts which broke out in Istria, 178, 
 and in Sardinia and Corsica, 176, produced much bloodshed. 
 
 secondMa- 16. In the second Macedonian war, which 
 
 war, ends ended with the destruction of Perseus and his 
 
 kingdom (see above, p. 288), it required the ac-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 355 
 
 tive efforts of Roman policy to prevent a powerful SECOND 
 confederacy from being formed against her; as ^f^r 
 Perseus used all his endeavours to stimulate, not kin dom ' 
 
 168. 
 
 only the Grecian states, and Thrace and Illyria, 
 but also Carthage and Asia, to enter into alliance 
 with him. Where was it that Rome did not at 
 this crisis send her ambassadors? She did not, 
 indeed, succeed so far as to leave her enemy quite 
 alone, but prepared new triumphs for herself over 
 the few allies she left him. The devastated Epirus, 
 and Gentius king of Illyria, suffered dearly for the 
 assistance they had lent him ; the states also which 
 had remained neuter, the Rhodians and Eumenes, 
 were made to feel severely that they were the 
 mere creatures of Rome. 
 
 Beginning of the Macedonian war, 171> before Rome was pre- 
 pared ; a deceitful truce, which raised the indignation even of 
 the elder senators, was the means resorted to for gaining time. 
 Notwithstanding this, the war at first, 170 and 169, was favour- 
 able to Perseus ; but he wanted resolution and judgment to 
 enable him to turn his advantages to account. In 168, Paulus 
 ^Emilius, an old general, against the usual custom of the Romans, 
 took the command. Bloody and decisive battle near Pydna, 
 June 22, 168. So completely may one day overturn a kingdom 
 which has only an army for its support ! Contemporary with this 
 war, and highly fortunate for Rome, was the war of Antiochus 
 Epiphanes with Egypt. No wonder that Rome did not, till 168, 
 through Popilius, command peace between them ! (See above, 
 p. 261.) 
 
 17. The destruction of the Macedonian mon- its conse- 
 archy was attended with consequences equally qi 
 disastrous to the conquerors and the conquered. 
 To the first it soon gave the notion of becoming 
 the masters of the world, instead of its arbiters ; 
 and it exposed the latter, for the next twenty 
 
 A a2
 
 356 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 Y ears to a ^ tne ev ^ s inseparable from such a 
 catastrophe. The system of politics hitherto pur- 
 sued by Rome could not last much longer ; for if 
 nations suffered themselves to be brought under 
 the yoke by force, it was not to be expected that 
 they would long be held in dependence under the 
 specious name of liberty. But the state of things 
 after this war was such as contributed to hasten a 
 change in the form of the relations which existed 
 between Rome and her allies. 
 
 The republican constitution given to the already ruined and 
 devastated Macedonians (see above, p. 288.) and Illyrians, and 
 which, according to the decree of the senate, " showed to all 
 people that Rome was ready to bestow liberty upon them," was 
 granted upon such hard conditions, that the enfranchised nation 
 soon used every endeavour to procure themselves a king. Greece 
 however suffered still more than Macedonia. Here, during the 
 war, the spirit of faction had risen to the highest pitch ; and the 
 arrogant insolence of the Roman party, composed for the most 
 part of venal wretches, was so great, that they persecuted not 
 only those who had espoused an opposite faction, but even those 
 who had joined no faction at all. Rome nevertheless could not 
 believe herself secure, until she had destroyed, by a cruel artifice, 
 all her adversaries (see above, p. 288). 
 
 18. Entirely in the same spirit did Rome pro- 
 ceed against the other states from whom she had 
 anything to fear. These must be rendered de- 
 fenceless; and every means of effecting that pur- 
 pose was considered justifiable by the senate. 
 The quarrels between the successors to the throne 
 of Egypt were taken advantage of to cause dis- 
 sensions in that kingdom (see above, p. 260); 
 while Syria was retained in a state of tutelage, 
 by keeping the rightful heir to the throne at 
 Rome ; and its military power neutralized by 
 means of their ambassadors (see above, p. 243).
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 357 
 
 19. From these facts we may also conclude, SECOND 
 that the injuries now meditated against Carthage ~ 
 were not separate projects, but rather formed part 
 
 of the general system of Roman policy at this 
 period, although particular events at one time re- 
 tarded their execution, and at another hastened it. 
 History, in recounting the incredibly bad treat- 
 ment which Carthage had to endure before her 
 fall, seems to have given a warning to those na- 
 tions who can take it, of what they may expect 
 from the domination of a powerful republic. 
 
 Cato was chief of the party which sought the destruction of 
 Carthage, both from a spirit of envy against Scipio Nasica, whom 
 he hated for his great influence in the senate ; and because, when 
 ambassador to Carthage, he thought they did not treat him with 
 sufficient respect. But Masinissa's victory, 152 (see above, 
 p. 88), and the defection of Utica, brought this project into im- 
 mediate play. Beginning of the war, 150, the Carthaginians 
 having been previously inveigled out of their arms. The city, 
 however, was not captured and destroyed till 146, by P. Scipio 
 ^Emilianus. The Carthaginian territory, under the name of 
 Africa, was then made a Roman province. 
 
 20. During this third war with Carthage, hos- A new war 
 
 .,.. -11 /r t i i w ' l h Mace- 
 
 tihties again broke out in Macedonia, which donia and 
 brought on a new war with Greece, and entirely 
 changed the state of both these countries. In 
 Macedonia, an impostor named Andriscus, who 
 pretended to be the son of Philip, placed himself 
 at the head of that highly disaffected people, 
 assumed the name of Philip, and became, parti- 
 cularly by an alliance with the Thracians, very B - c<]48 . 
 formidable to the Romans, until overcome by 
 Metellus. Rome wishing to take advantage of 
 this crisis to dissolve the AchaBan league, the 
 Acha?an war broke out (see above, p. 289). This
 
 338 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 SECOND war W as begun by Metellus, and terminated by 
 Terminated Mummius with the destruction of Corinth. By 
 "of reducing both Macedonia and Greece to the form 
 o f provinces, Rome now gave evident proof that 
 no existing relations, nor any form of government, 
 can prevent nations from being subjugated by a 
 warlike republic, whenever circumstances render 
 it possible. 
 
 It might have been expected, that the destruction of the two 
 first commercial cities in the world, in the same year, would have 
 been followed by important consequences to the course of trade ; 
 but the trade of Carthage and Corinth had already been drawn 
 to Alexandria and Rhodes, otherwise Utica might, in some re- 
 spects, have supplied the place of Carthage. 
 
 Warm 21. While Rome was thus destroying thrones 
 
 Spain, 146. . , .. o i 
 
 and republics, she met in Spain with an antago- 
 nist a simple Spanish countryman named Viria- 
 thus whom, after six years' war, she could only 
 A.C. 140. rid herself of by assassination. The war, never- 
 theless, continued after his death against the Nu- 
 mantines, who would not be subjected, but were 
 133. at last destroyed by Scipio ^Emilianus. 
 
 The war against the Spaniards, who of all the nations subdued 
 by the Romans defended their liberty with the greatest obsti- 
 nacy, began in the year 200, six years after the total expulsion 
 of the Carthaginians from their country, 206. It was exceedingly 
 obstinate, partly from the natural state of the country, which was 
 thickly populated, and where every place became a fortress ; 
 partly from the courage of the inhabitants ; but above all, owing 
 to the peculiar policy of the Romans, who were wont to employ 
 their allies to subdue other nations. This war continued, almost 
 without interruption, from the year 200 to 133, and was for the 
 most part carried on at the same time in Hispania Citerior, where 
 the Celtiberi were the most formidable adversaries, and in His- 
 pania Ulterior, where the Lusitani were equally powerful. Hos- 
 tilities were at the highest pitch in 195, under Cato, who reduced
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 3j<J 
 
 Hispania Citerior to a state of tranquillity in 185 179, when SECOND 
 the Celtiberi were attacked in their native territory; and 155 PERIOD. 
 150, when the Romans in both provinces were so often beaten, 
 that nothing was more dreaded by the soldiers at home than to 
 be sent there. The extortions and perfidy of Servius Galba 
 placed Viriathus, in the year 146, at the head of his nation, the 
 Lusitani: the war, however, soon extended itself to Hispania 
 Citerior, where many nations, particularly the Numantines, took 
 up arms against Rome, 143. Viriathus, sometimes victorious and 
 sometimes defeated, was never more formidable than in the 
 moment of defeat ; because he knew how to take advantage of 
 his knowledge of the country, and of the dispositions of his coun- 
 trymen. After his murder, caused by the treachery of Caepio, 
 140, Lusitania was subdued ; but the Numantine war became 
 still more violent, and the Numantines compelled the consul 
 Mancinus to a disadvantageous treaty, 137- When Scipio, in 
 the year 133, put an end to this war, Spain was certainly tran- 
 quil ; the northern parts, however, were still unsubdued, though 
 the Romans penetrated as far as Galatia. 
 
 22. Towards the end of this period, the Ro- Attains m. 
 mans obtained at a much cheaper rate the pos- 
 session of one of their most important provinces ; 
 for the profligate Attains III. king of Pergamus, 
 bequeathing them the whole of his kingdom (on 
 what account is uncertain, see above, p. 292.), B ]33 
 they immediately took possession of it, and kept 13 - 
 it in spite of the resistance of the legitimate heir 
 Aristonicus, merely ceding, as a recompense, 
 Phrygia to Mithridates V.'king of Pontus. Thus, 
 by a stroke of the pen, the largest and finest part 
 of Asia Minor became the property of Rome. 
 If this extraordinary legacy was the work of 
 Roman policy, she paid dearly enough, in the 
 long run, for this accession to her power and 
 riches, by the destruction of her morals, and the 
 dreadful wars to which this legacy gave rise 
 under Mithridates.
 
 3GO ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 SECOND 23. The foreign possessions of Rome, besides 
 Roman Italy, comprised at this time under the name of 
 provinces, provinces, a name of much higher signification 
 in the Latin language than in any other, Hispania 
 Citerior and Ulterior, Africa (the territory of Car- 
 thage), Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica, Liguria, and 
 Cisalpine Gaul, in the west ; and in the east, 
 Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia (territory of Perga- 
 Howgo- mus). The inhabitants of these countries were 
 entirely subject to Rome. The administration 
 of them was carried on by those who had en- 
 joyed the office of consul, and by praetors, sub- 
 ordinate to whom were the quaestors, or col- 
 lectors of the revenue. The highest military and 
 civil powers were united in these governors; a 
 principal cause of that horrible oppression which 
 was soon felt. Troops were always kept up in 
 the provinces ; and the Latin language every- 
 where introduced (except only where Greek was 
 spoken), that the inhabitants might be made as 
 much like Romans as possible. 
 
 Till nearly the end of this period, praetors were expressly ap- 
 pointed to each province. It was not till after the origin of the 
 qucesliones perpetuce, that it became the custom for the praetors 
 who had vacated office, to succeed to the provinces (proprce- 
 lores~), a principal cause of the degeneracy of the Roman con- 
 stitution. 
 
 C. SIGONIUS, de Anliquo jure provinciarnm in Grcevii Thes. 
 Antiq. Rom. vol. ii. 
 
 venue. 
 
 Roman re- 24. The acquisition of these rich countries 
 naturally had great influence in augmenting the 
 revenue of the Romans. Though Rome was not 
 indeed a state, like Carthage, altogether de- 
 pendent upon finances, yet she kept these ad-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE GRACCHI. 361 
 
 justed in a wonderful manner; a spirit of nice SECOND 
 order being observed in this as well as in every - 
 other department of her administration. If in 
 extraordinary emergencies recourse were had to 
 native loans, to a change in the value of money, 
 or a monopoly of salt, order was soon restored ; 
 while the booty obtained from conquered coun- 
 tries was also a great source of the public income 
 so long indeed as it was reserved for the state, 
 and did not become the prey of the generals. 
 
 Sources of the Roman revenue (vectigalia) were: 1. Tribute 
 a. from the Roman citizens ; that is to say, a property-tax im- 
 posed by the senate according to the urgency of the case (which, 
 however, was remitted, for a long time, after the war with Per- 
 seus, 168, being no longer necessary), b. Tribute of the allies 
 (socii) in Italy : which seems also to have been a property-tax ; 
 differing in different places, c. Tribute of the provinces : in 
 some a heavy poll-tax, in others taxes on property ; in all, how- 
 ever, they were paid in natural productions, mostly ordinary, 
 though sometimes extraordinary, as well for the salary of the 
 governor as for the supply of the capital. 2. The revenue from 
 the national domains (ager publicus), both in Italy (especially 
 Campania) and in the provinces ; the tythes (decumce') of which 
 were paid by means of leases for four years, granted by the cen- 
 sors. 3. The revenue from the customs (portoria), collected in 
 the seaports and frontier towns. 4. The revenue arising from 
 the mines (metalla), particularly the Spanish silver mines ; the 
 proprietors of which were obliged to pay a duty to the state. 
 5. The duty upon enfranchised slaves (aurum vicesimariutn). 
 All receipts flowed into the national treasury, the cerarium ; all 
 outgoings were exclusively ordered by the senate ; and the peo- 
 ple were consulted as little with regard to them as they were re- 
 specting the imposts. The officers employed were the qucestores, 
 under whom were the scribce, divided into decurias, who, though 
 certainly subordinate, had nevertheless great influence. Their 
 services, as they were not yearly changed, must have been indis- 
 pensable to the qucestores for the time being; and the whole 
 management of affairs, at least in detail, must have fallen into 
 their hands.
 
 362 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 Upon the finances of Rome, the best work at present is : 
 
 P. BURMANNI, Fectigalia Populi Romani. Leyden, 1734, 
 4to. 
 
 Two excellent treatises have since appeared in German upon 
 this subject : 
 
 j- D. H. HEGEWISCH, Essay upon Roman Finances. Antona, 
 1804, and 
 
 j- R. BOSSE, Sketch of the System of Finance in the Roman 
 Slate. Brunswick, 1803, 2 parts. Both include the periods of 
 the republic and the monarchy. 
 
 THIRD PERIOD. 
 
 From the beginning of the civil broils under the Gracchi, 
 to the fall of the republic. B. C. 134 30. Year of 
 Rome, 620724. 
 
 THIRD SOURCES. Concerning the first half of this important period 
 PERIOD. o f t h e re p u blic, down to the time of Cicero, we are sadly in 
 want of precise information. Not one of the contemporary 
 writers has been preserved to us, nor indeed any one of the 
 later historians who have compiled a history of the whole period. 
 APPIAN, de Bellis Civilibus ; PLUTARCH, in his Lives of the 
 Gracchi; and the spirited Compendium of VEL. PATERCUL.US, 
 are, for this portion, our principal authorities ; and even the im- 
 perfect summaries of the lost books of Livy, so masterly supplied 
 by Freinshemius here become of importance. For the times 
 which follow, the Jugurtha and Cataime of Sallust, are two ex- 
 cellent historical cabinet pieces, and become the more valuable 
 for the insight they at the same time give us of the internal con- 
 dition of Rome. His great work, however, The Histories, is, 
 with the exception of a few precious fragments, unfortunately 
 lost. For the times of CJESAR and CICERO, we have the Com- 
 mentaries of the first, and the Orations and Letters of the latter; 
 both fertile sources of information. What is left us of Dio CAS- 
 sius's History, begins with the year 69 before Christ. Of PL.U-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 363 
 
 TARCH'S Lives, besides those of the Gracchi, the following are THIRD 
 connected with this period : C. MARIUS, SYLLA, LUCULLUS, FERIOD - ... 
 CRASSUS, SERTORIUS, CATO OF UTICA, CICERO, BRUTUS, and 
 ANTONIUS. Upon the sources for these lives, see my treatises 
 cited above, p. 321. 
 
 Among the moderns, the greater part of this period is parti- 
 cularly treated of by : 
 
 DE BROSSES, Hisloire de la Republique Romaine dans le 
 cours du VII s Siecle par Salluste, a Dijou, 1777, 3 vols. 4to. 
 
 In German by J. C. SCHLEUTER, 1790, etc. with remarks, 
 4 vols. The editor of this capital work had an idea of trans- 
 lating Sallust, and supplying what is lost. It contains, besides 
 a translation of Jugurtha and Cataline, the period between both, 
 of which Sallust treats in his Histories: that is, from Sylla's 
 abdication, B. C. 79 67 ; and is equally important for its own 
 merits and for the period to which it belongs. 
 
 VERTOT, Hisloire des revolutions arrivees dans le gouverne- 
 ment de la Republique Romaine. Paris, 1796, 6 vols. 12mo. Al- 
 though this justly esteemed work includes the foregoing period, 
 it is particularly valuable for the present. 
 
 MABLY, Observations sur les Romains. Geneve, 1751, 2 vols. 
 8vo. A survey of the internal history ; ingenious, but as super- 
 ficial as the Observations sur les Grecs by the same author. 
 
 1. The foregoing period is composed of the civil wars. 
 history of foreign wars alone ; in this, on the con- 
 trary, Rome appears in a continual state of in- 
 ternal commotion. And if foreign hostilities in- 
 terrupt this state of things for a short time, it is 
 only that it may be renewed with more violence, 
 till at last it ends in a furious civil war. As the Power of 
 almost boundless power of the senate had laid 
 
 the foundation of an exceedingly hateful family anstocrac y' 
 aristocracy, against which the tribunes of the which is 
 people arrayed themselves, in the character of 
 powerful demagogues, there arose a new struggle 
 between the aristocratic and democratic parties, 
 which almost immediately grew into two powerful
 
 364 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 THIRD 
 
 factions. This contest, from its extent and its 
 consequences, soon became much more important 
 than the ancient one between the patricians and 
 the plebeians. 
 
 This family aristocracy gradually arose from the power of the 
 magistrates, who now not only enjoyed a very high political im- 
 portance, but, by the government of the provinces, acquired 
 immense wealth. The present aristocracy, then, consisted of the 
 ruling families (nobiles} concentrated in the senate. The struggle 
 with the opposite party, the people (plebs), became so much the 
 more violent in consequence of the great abuses which had 
 crept into the administration, particularly in the division of the 
 lands of the republic ; the ruling families securing to themselves 
 the fruits of all the victories and conquests, while the power of 
 the democracy, by the vast accumulation of people (without the 
 means of livelihood, although voting in the comitia), especially 
 of enfranchised slaves, who, though strangers, mostly without 
 power or property, formed, nevertheless, the greater part of 
 what was then called the Roman people. 
 
 G. AL. RUPERTI, Stemmata gentium Romanarum. Goett. 
 1795, 8vo. Almost indispensable for obtaining a clear insight 
 into the history of the Roman families, and of course into that 
 of the state. 
 
 First dis- 
 
 2. Commencement of the disturbances under 
 tribunate of Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, whom 
 Gracchus, former connections had long made the man of the 
 
 J >* (_/ loo* 
 
 He desires people. His desire was to relieve the distress 
 the'diSress ^ tne l wer orders ; and the means whereby he 
 of the lower hoped to do this was a better division of the 
 
 orders, 
 
 lands of the republic, now almost exclusively in 
 the hands of the aristocracy. His reform, there- 
 fore, naturally led at once to a struggle with that 
 party. Tib. Gracchus however soon found, by 
 experience, that a demagogue cannot stop where 
 he would, however pure his intentions may be 
 at first; and no sooner had he obtained a pro-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 365 
 
 longation of his term of office, in opposition to THIRD 
 the usual custom, than he fell a sacrifice to his -5^% 
 
 and dies in 
 Undertaking. theattempt; 
 
 The first agrarian law of Gracchus was confirmed by the 
 people, notwithstanding the fruitless opposition of his colleague 
 Octavius, who was deposed; it decreed, that no person should 
 possess above five hundred acres of land, nor any child above half 
 that quantity. This law was, in fact, only a renewal of the 
 ancient lex Licinia ; in the condition, however, in which Rome 
 now was, it bore much harder upon the property usurped by the 
 great families, than it did in former times. Appointment of 
 a committee for dividing the national lands, and for enquiring 
 also at the same time which were the property of the state (ager 
 publicus) and which were not. New popular propositions of the 
 elder Gracchus, especially that for the division of the treasures 
 left by king Attalus of Pergamus, with the view of securing his 
 continuance in office ; great insurrection of the aristocratic party 
 under Scipio Nasica, and murder of Tiberius Gracchus, on the 
 day of electing the new tribunes of the people. 
 
 3. The fall of the chief of the new party, his fail does 
 however, occasioned any thing rather than its de- h^party^ 
 struction. Not only was there no mention of an 
 abrogation of the agrarian law, but the senate 
 was obliged to allow the place in the commission, 
 which had become vacant by the death of Grac- 
 chus, to be filled up ; and Scipio Nasica himself 
 was sent out of the way, under the pretext of an 
 embassy to Asia. The party of the senate did, 
 indeed, find a powerful support for a short time B. c. 132. 
 in the return of Scipio JEmilianus (d. 129) from 
 Spain ; but its greatest support was found in the 
 difficulties of the law itself, which prevented its 
 execution. 
 
 Great revolt of the slaves in Sicily under Eunus, 134 131. 
 This contributed not a little to keep alive the dissensions, as it 
 showed the necessity of a reform.
 
 366 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD 4. Evident endeavours of the tribunes of the 
 
 PERIOD. . . . ~ . 
 
 fhelriT people to increase their power, Gracchus having 
 bunesen- now awakened them to a sense of it. Not satis- 
 
 deavour to 
 
 increase fied with a seat and voice in the senate, Carbo 
 
 their power. . . ,, . . ... 
 
 B.C. 130. wished that the renewing of their dignity should 
 be passed into a law. By the removal, however, 
 of the chiefs of the lower party, upon honour- 
 able pretexts, new troubles were put off for some 
 years. 
 
 First establishment of the Roman power in Transalpine Gaul 
 by M. Fulvius Flaccus, on the occasion of his being sent to the 
 assistance of Massilia, 128. Southern Gaul became a Roman 
 province as catty as 122, in consequence of the defeat of the 
 Allobrogi and Averni by Q. Fabius, who had been sent against 
 them to support the JEdui, the allies of Rome. Capture of the 
 Balearian isles by Metellus, 123. Qusestorship of C. Gracchus 
 in Sicily, 128125. 
 
 c. Grac- 5. These palliative remedies, however, availed 
 nothing after the return of C. Gracchus from 
 Sicily with a full determination to tread in the 
 footsteps of his brother. Like him, it is true, 
 he fell a victim to his enterprise ; but the storm 
 that he raised during the two years of his tri- 
 bunate fell so much the more heavily, as the 
 popular excitement was more general, and from 
 his possessing more of the shining talents ne- 
 cessary to form a powerful demagogue than his 
 brother. 
 
 First tribunate of C. Gracchus, 123. Renewal of the agrarian 
 law, and rendering its provisions more strict. Nevertheless, as 
 he increased the fermentation by his popular measures and by 
 acting the demagogue, and obtained the renewal of the tribunate 
 for the following year, 122, he so far extended his plan, as to 
 render it not only highly dangerous to the aristocracy, but even 
 to the state itself. Establishment of distributions of corn to the
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 367 
 
 poor people. Plan for the formation of the knights (prdo eques- THIRD 
 tris) into a political body, as a counterbalance to the senate, by PERIOD. 
 conferring on it the right of administering justice, (judicial) 
 which was taken from the senate. Still more important project 
 of granting to the Italian allies the privileges of Roman citizen- 
 ship ; and also the formation of colonies, not only in Campania, 
 but also out of Italy, in Carthage. The highly refined policy of 
 the senate, however, by lessening this man of the people in the 
 eyes of his admirers, through the assistance of the tribune Livius 
 Drusius, prevented his complete triumph ; and, once declining, 
 Gracchus soon experienced the fate of every demagogue, whose 
 complete fall is then irretrievable. General insurrection, and 
 assassination of C. Gracchus, 121. 
 
 6. The victory of the aristocratic faction was victory of 
 this time not only much more certain and bloody, 
 but they turned the advantages it gave them to tlon> 
 such good account, that they eluded the agrarian 
 law of Gracchus, and indeed, at last, completely 
 abrogated it. But the seeds of discord already 
 disseminated, especially among the Italian allies, 
 could not be so soon checked, when once the 
 subjects of these states had conceived the idea 
 that they were entitled to a share in the govern- 
 ment. How soon these party struggles might 
 be renewed, or indeed a civil war break out, de- 
 pended almost entirely upon foreign circum- 
 stances, and the chance of a bolder leader being 
 found. 
 
 Agrarian law evaded : at first by repealing an act which pro- 
 hibited the transfer of the national lands already divided, whereby 
 the patricians were enabled to buy them again ; afterwards by 
 the lex Thoria : complete stop put to all further divisions, a land- 
 tax, to be distributed among the people, being instituted in its 
 stead ; but even this latter was very soon annulled. 
 
 f- D. H. HEGEWISCH, History cf the Civil Wars of the 
 Gracchi. Altona, 1801.
 
 368 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD -j- History of the Revolution of the Gracchi in my Miscella- 
 PEBIOP - neous Historical Works. Vol. iii. 1821. 
 
 ^ ' Visible effects of this party spirit upon 
 spirit in public morals, which now began to decline the 
 
 corrupting . . . - 
 
 the nation, more rapidly, in proportion to the increase ot 
 foreign connections. Neither the severity of the 
 censorship, nor the laws against luxury (leges 
 sumtuarice), nor those which now became neces- 
 sary against celibacy, could be of much service in 
 this respect. This degeneracy was not only to be 
 found in the cupidity of the higher ranks, but also 
 in the licentiousness of the lower orders. 
 
 Luxury in Rome was first displayed in the public administra- 
 tion (owing to the excessive accumulation of wealth in the trea- 
 sury, especially during the Macedonian wars) before it infected 
 private life ; and the avarice of the great long preceded the latter. 
 The sources from whence they satisfied this passion were found 
 in the extortions of the governors of provinces, their great power, 
 and the distance from Rome rendering the leges repelundarum of 
 but little effect. Probably the endeavours of the allied princes 
 and kings to gain a party in the senate was a still more fruitful 
 source, as they could obtain their end only by purchase, and so 
 gave a new impulse to the cupidity and intriguing disposition of 
 the members of that council. But private luxury requires every- 
 where some time to ripen. It attained its height immediately 
 after the Mithridatic wars. 
 
 f D. MEINER, History of the Corruption of the Morals and 
 Constitution of the Romans. Leips. 1782. 
 
 f- MEIEROTTO, Morah and Manners of the Romans at dif- 
 ferent periods of the Republic. Berlin, 1776. Which considers 
 the subject in several points of view. 
 
 j- C. A. BOTTIGER, Sabina, or, morning scenes at the toilette 
 of a rich Roman lady. Leips. 1806, 2 vols. A true and lively 
 description of the luxury of the Roman ladies, but principally at 
 its most brilliant period. It has been translated into French. 
 
 TheAfncan 8. This corruption was manifested in a striking
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 309 
 
 manner in the next great war that Rome entered THIRD 
 
 ... . r . . T , PERIOD. 
 
 into, which was m Africa, against Jugurtha of waragamst 
 Numidia, the adopted grandson of Masinissa ; i^'^f' 
 
 D. O- 1 1O 
 
 and soon after against his ally Bocchus of Mauri- ioe. 
 tania. This war, kindled and maintained by the 
 avarice of the Roman nobles, which Jugurtha had 
 already had an opportunity of knowing at the 
 siege of Numantia, paved the way to the aggran- 
 dizement of C. Marius, a new demagogue, who, c. Marius 
 being also a formidable general, did much more 
 harm to the state than even the Gracchi. 
 
 Commencement of the quarrel of Jugurtha with the two sons 
 of Micipsa, and assassination of Hiempsal, one of them, 118. 
 When the other, Adherbal, arrived at Rome, 117> the party of 
 Jugurtha had already succeeded, and obtained a partition of the 
 kingdom. New attack upon Adherbal, who is besieged in Cirta, 
 and, notwithstanding the repeated embassies of Rome to Jugur- 
 tha, is compelled to surrender, and is put to death, 112. The 
 tribune C. Memmius constrains the senate to declare war against 
 Jugurtha ; but Jugurtha purchases a peace of the consul Calpur- 
 nius Piso, 111. Nevertheless Memmius hinders the ratification 
 of the peace, and Jugurtha is required to justify himself at 
 Rome. He would probably, however, have bought his acquittal, 
 if the murder of his kinsman Massiva, 110, by the help of Bo- 
 milcar, had not rendered it impossible. The war is renewed 
 under the consul Sp. Albinus and his brother Aulus, 110, but with 
 very little success, until the incorruptible Q. Metellus took the 
 command, 109, who would have put an end to it, notwithstand- 
 ing the great talents now displayed as a general by Jugurtha, 
 and his alliance with Bocchus, 108, had he not been supplanted 
 by Marius, who obtains the consulship by his popularity, 107- 
 Marius is obliged to have recourse to perfidy to get Jugurtha 
 into his hands, who is betrayed by Bocchus, 106. Numidia is 
 divided between Bocchus and two grandsons of Masinissa, 
 Hiempsal and Hiarbas. 
 
 9. The elevation of Marius to the consulate not obtains the 
 
 11111 r> i i consulate ; 
 
 only humbled the power of the aristocracy, but 
 
 Bb
 
 370 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 a ^ so showed, for the first time, that the way was 
 open to a man of low birth (homo novus] to the 
 highest offices ; the method, however, which he 
 had taken to form his army, entirely against the 
 Roman custom, that is, of composing it of the 
 lower orders (capite censis] must have rendered 
 him doubly formidable. Nevertheless, he would 
 scarcely have effected so great a change in the 
 constitution, if a new and terrible war had not 
 rendered his services indispensable : this was 
 threatened invasion of the Cimbri and Teu- 
 
 Teutones; tones the most powerful nations of the north, 
 during which a new and violent rebellion of the 
 slaves was raging in Sicily : for after the defeat 
 of so many Roman armies, the people believed 
 that no one but the conqueror of Jugurtha could 
 save Italy ; and Marius knew so well how to turn 
 this to account, that he remained consul during 
 four successive years. 
 
 The Cimbri, or Cimmerians, probably a nation of German 
 origin, from beyond the Black sea, originated a popular migration 
 which extended from thence as far as Spain. Their march was 
 perhaps occasioned, or accelerated, by the Scythian war of 
 Mithridates ; and their course, like that of most nomad races, 
 was from east to west along the Danube. They had already, in 
 113, defeated the consul Papirius Carbo, near Noreia in Styria. 
 In their progress towards the west they were joined by German, 
 Celtic, and Helvetic tribes (the Teutones, Ambrones, and Tigu- 
 rians). Attack Roman Gaul, 109, where they demand settle- 
 ments and defeat Junius Silanus the consul. Defeat of L. 
 Cassius Longinus and M. Aurelius Scaurus, 107- Great defeat 
 of the Romans in Gaul, 1 05, occasioned by the disagreement of 
 their generals, the consuls, Cn. Manlius and Q. Servius Caepio. 
 Marius obtains the command, and remains consul from 104 101. 
 The migrations of the Cimbri a part of whom reach the Pyre- 
 nees, but are driven back by the Celtiberians, 103 give Marius
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 371 
 
 time to complete his army. In 102, after dividing themselves, THIRD 
 they first attempted to penetrate into Italy : the Teutones PE " IOI) ' 
 through Provence, and the Cimbri by Tyrol. Great defeat and 
 slaughter of the Teutones by Marius, near Aix. 102. The Cim- 
 bri, on the contrary, effect an invasion and make progress till 
 Marius comes to the help of Catulus. Great battle and defeat of 
 the Cimbri near the Po, July 30, 101. 
 
 J. MULLER, Bellum Cimbricum. Tigur, 1772. A youthful 
 essay of that celebrated historian. Compare 
 
 f MANNERT, Geography, etc. part iii. 
 
 10. Although during this war the power of the bu y s his 
 
 ii -11- i i sixth con- 
 
 popular party had sensibly increased, yet thesuiate. 
 
 storm did not break out until Marius bought 
 
 o 
 
 his sixth consulate. Now, even in Rome it- 
 self, he wished to avenge himself upon his 
 enemies ; and what could the senate do, when it 
 had at its head a demagogue in the consul him- 
 self? His league with the tribune Saturnius, and 
 the praetor Glaucias, forming already a true tri- 
 umvirate, would have overthrown the republic 
 after the expulsion of Metellus, if the unbridled 
 licentiousness of the rabble connected with his 
 allies had not obliged him to break with them, 
 lest he should sacrifice the whole of his popu- 
 larity. 
 
 The measures of this cabal, who wished to appear as if tread- 
 ing in the steps of the Gracchi, were principally directed against 
 Q. Metellus, the chief of the party of the senate, and who, since 
 the African war, had been the mortal foe of Marius. After the 
 exile of Metellus, occasioned by his opposition to a new agrarian 
 law, this faction usurped the rights of the people, and lorded it 
 in the committees ; until, at a new election of consuls, a general 
 revolt, favoured by Marius himself, took place of all the well- 
 disposed citizens against them ; Saturnius and Glaucias were 
 besieged in the capitol, forced to surrender, and executed. The 
 
 Bb2
 
 372 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD return of Metellus from his voluntary exile soon followed, 92, 
 PERIOD> much against the will of Marius, who was obliged to retire into 
 Asia. 
 
 B.C. 98 11. The few years of tranquillity which Rome 
 now enjoyed, brought to maturity many benefits 
 and many evils, the seeds of which had been 
 already sown. On one hand the rising eloquence 
 of Antonius, Crassus, and others, was employed 
 with effect against the oppressors of the pro- 
 vinces in the state trials (questiones) ; and some 
 generous spirits used all their endeavours to heal 
 the wounds of Sicily, Asia, and other provinces, by 
 a better administration ; while, on the other hand, 
 the power of the ordo equestris became a source of 
 much abuse : for besides their right to sit in the 
 tribunals (judiciis), which C. Gracchus had con- 
 ferred upon them, they had also obtained the 
 farming of the leases, and thereby the collection 
 of the revenue in the provinces ; by which means 
 they were enabled not only to oppose every re- 
 form that was attempted in the latter, but even 
 at Rome to hold the senate in a state of de- 
 pendence. The struggle which now arose be- 
 tween them and the senate respecting the judicia 
 (or right to preside in the tribunal), was one of 
 the most fatal to the republic, as this right was 
 abused by them for the purpose of satisfying their 
 personal rancour, and oppressing the greatest 
 men. The tribune M. Livius Drusus the younger, 
 it is true, wrested from them half their power ; 
 but, alas ! the manner in which he did it kindled 
 into a flame the fire which had been smouldering 
 from the time of the Gracchi. 
 
 Acquisition of Gyrene by the testament of king Apion, 97 ;
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 373 
 
 notwithstanding which it maintained its independence, although THIRD 
 probably by paying a tribute. Adjustment of the differences PERIOD. 
 between the kings of Asia Minor by the praetor Sylla, 92 (see 
 above, p. 294). 
 
 12. Revolt of the Italian tribes, who desire to warofthe 
 obtain the right of Roman citizens ; whereupon 9188. 
 the bloody war of the allies ensues. Although 
 the oppression of Rome had been preparing this 
 war for a long time, yet it was an immediate 
 consequence of the intrigues of the Roman de- 
 magogues, who since the law of the younger 
 Gracchus, had, with the view of making them- 
 selves popular, continually flattered the allies 
 with the hope of sharing the privileges of Roman 
 citizenship. It was however soon seen, that the 
 allies were not at a loss among themselves for 
 leaders, capable of forming great plans and exe- 
 cuting them with vigour. Italy was about to 
 become a republic, with Corfinium for its capital 
 instead of Rome. Neither could Rome have 
 saved herself from such an event, but by gradu- 
 ally permitting the allies to enjoy the complete 
 freedom of the city. 
 
 After the civil wars of the Gracchi, large bands of the allies 
 were continually flocking to Rome. These were in the pay of the 
 demagogues, whom the lex Licinia, 95, had banished from Rome, 
 and thereby laid the foundation of the revolt. From that time 
 the conspiracy among these tribes began, and attained without 
 interruption such a degree of maturity, that the carelessness of 
 Rome can only be accounted for from the party fury which then 
 existed, and which the lex Varia, 91, enacted against the pro- 
 moters of rebellion, served only to inflame the more. The mur- 
 der of the tribune Livius Drusus, 91, a very ambiguous charac- 
 ter, brought the affair to an open rupture. In this alliance were 
 the Marsi, Picentes, Peligni, Marrucini, Frentani, the Samnites, 
 who played a principal part, the Hirpini, Apuli, and the Lu-
 
 374 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD cani. In this war, which was so much the more bloody, as it was 
 mostly composed of separate contests and sieges, especially of the 
 Roman colonies, Cn. Pompeius the elder, L. Cato, 3Iarius, and, 
 above all, Sylla, particularly distinguished themselves on the side 
 of the Romans ; and among the generals of the allies Pompadias, 
 C. Papius, etc. Concession of the freedom of the city, first to 
 such allies as remained faithful, the Latins, Umbrians, etc. by 
 the lex Julia, 91 ; afterwards, by degrees, to the remainder by 
 the lex Plotia. Some, nevertheless, still continued in arms. 
 
 HEYNE, de Belli Socialis causis et eventu, in Opusc. t. iii. 
 
 13. The war now just ended, essentially changed 
 the constitution of Rome, as she no longer re- 
 mained, as hitherto, the exclusive head of the 
 whole state ; and although the new citizens were 
 only formed into eight tribes, yet their influence 
 must soon have been felt in the committees, on 
 account of the readiness with which they pro- 
 moted factions. Besides this, the long-cherished 
 private hatred between Marius and Sylla was 
 greatly strengthened by this war, as Sylla's fame 
 was considerably raised thereby, while that of 
 Marius was proportionably diminished. An op- 
 portunity was only wanted, like that which the 
 first Pontine war soon furnished, to stir up a new 
 civil war, which threatened to destroy the liberty 
 of Rome. 
 
 Alliance of 14. Alliance of Marius with the tribune Sulpi- 
 cius, with the view of wresting from Sylla the 
 
 command of the forces against Mithridates, al- 
 B.C. 88. rea dy conferred upon him by the senate. The 
 ease with which Sylla, at the head of an army on 
 which he could depend, expelled the chiefs of 
 this party, seems to have left him ignorant of the 
 fact, that the party itself was not thereby de- 
 stroyed. However judicious may have been his
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 375 
 
 other measures, the elevation of Cinna to the con- THIRD 
 sulship was an error in policy of which Italy had - 
 still more reason to repent than himself. How 
 much blood might have been spared if Sylla had 
 not unseasonably wished to become popular ! 
 
 Proposition of Sulpicius for an indiscriminate distribution of 
 the new citizens and freemen among all the tribes of Italy, 
 that he might thereby gain a strong party in his favour, which, 
 by a violent assembly of the people, transfers the command from 
 Sylla to Marius. March of Sylla upon Rome, and expulsion of 
 Marius, who, by a series of adventures almost surpassing belief, 
 escapes to Africa and is proscribed with his son and ten of his 
 partisans. Reestablishment of the power of the senate, whose 
 number is made up by three hundred knights. Sylla, after 
 having caused his friend C. Octavius and his enemy L. Cinna to 
 be elected consuls, hastens back to Greece. 
 
 15. First war against Mithridates the Great. I'irstwar 
 
 , . . ... against Mi- 
 
 Sylla gams several victories over that king's thndates. 
 generals in Greece ; wrests from him all his 
 conquests, and restricts him to his hereditary do- 
 minions. Rome since the time of Hannibal had His great 
 
 i i f i i power : 
 
 met with no such powerful opponent as the king 
 of Pontus, who in a few months had become 
 master of all Asia Minor, Macedonia, and Greece, 
 and threatened even Italy itself; we must besides 
 consider, that the war on the side of Rome was that of 
 carried on in a manner altogether different from vided! 
 that of any previous one ; as Sylla, after the vic- 
 tory of the opposite party, being himself pro- 
 scribed in Rome, was obliged to continue it with 
 his own army, and his own private resources. 
 The unfortunate countries which were the theatre 
 of this war, felt as many calamities during the 
 struggle, as Italy was doomed to suffer after its 
 close.
 
 376 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 THIRD Commencement of the war by Mithridates before the termina- 
 
 FERIOD tion of that of the allies, 89, by taking possession of Cappadocia 
 
 and Paphlagonia. He was not less formidable by his alliance 
 with the tribes along the Danube, and his navy, than by his land 
 forces; and the irritation of the people of Asia against Rome 
 rendered his enterprise still more easy. Double victory over 
 Nicomedes king of Bithynia and the Roman general M. Aquilius, 
 followed by the conquest of all Asia Minor except the isle of 
 Rhodes. Massacre of all the Roman citizens in the states of 
 Asia Minor. Expedition of the king's army into Greece, under 
 the command of his general Archelaus, who makes Athens the 
 theatre of the war, 88. Siege and capture of that unfortunate 
 town by Sylla, 1st March, 87. Repeated great defeats of 
 Mithridates's army under the command of Archelaus, near Chal- 
 cis, and afterwards near Orchomenus, by Sylla, 86, whose general 
 plan was formed upon the entire destruction of his enemies. 
 Negotiations for peace commenced by Archelaus, and finally 
 settled at a personal conference between Sylla and Mithridates. 
 The adverse party in Rome, however, had in the mean time sent 
 a new army into Asia Minor, to act as well against Sylla as 
 against Mithridates, under the command of L. Valerius Flaccus, 
 who, however, is assassinated by his lieutenant Fimbria. The 
 latter gains some advantages over the king, but, being shut up 
 by Sylla, kills himself. Owing to the licentiousness of his army, 
 which Sylla dared not restrain ; and the heavy contributions ex- 
 acted by him in Asia Minor after the peace, in order to carry 
 on the war in Italy, 84; together with the bodies of pirates 
 formed out of the fleet disbanded by Mithridates, these unfor- 
 tunate countries were almost ruined ; the opulent cities more 
 especially. 
 
 Newrevo- 16. But during this war a new revolution took 
 Rome" 1 place in Rome, which not only overthrew the 
 order reestablished by Sylla, but also, by the 
 under Cm- victory of the democratic faction under Cinna and 
 Marius, gave rise to a wild anarchy of the people, 
 and which the death of Marius, alas, too late for 
 Rome! only rendered more destructive; as the 
 leaders themselves could no longer restrain the 
 savage hordes of their own party. However
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 377 
 
 dreadful the prospect of the return of Sylla might THIRD 
 seem, it was nevertheless the only hope that - 
 
 remained for all those who h,ad not joined the 
 popular faction, or had not some connection with 
 its leaders. 
 
 Revolt of Cinna, brought on by the proscriptions, soon after 
 the departure of Sylla ; Cinna, by distributing the new citizens 
 into all the tribes, hoped to raise himself a party ; but C. Octa- 
 vius, at the head of the senate and ancient citizens, drove him 
 from Rome, and forced him to give up the consulship, 87- He 
 however soon raised a powerful army in Campania, and recalled Ma- 
 rius from exile. Capture and pillage of Rome, already weakened 
 by famine, and horrible massacre of the inhabitants ; after which 
 Marius and Cinna name themselves consuls and banish Sylla. 
 Death of Marius, 13th Jan. 86. C. Papirius Carbo succeeds him 
 in the consulship. The mediation of the senate is useless, as the 
 chiefs of both parties can only hope for security by the annihilation 
 of their adversaries. The murder of Cinna by his own soldiers, 
 84, entirely deprives the dominant faction of a competent leader. 
 Neither the cowardly Carbo, although he remained consul alone, 
 nor the stupid Norbanus, nor the youth C. Marius (the son), had 
 sufficient personal authority for that purpose ; and Sertorius 
 leaves Italy in good time to kindle a new flame in Spain. 
 
 17. Return of Sylla to Italy, and a terrible syiia's re- 
 civil war, which ends only with the extermination bioody^ivii 
 of the democratic faction, and his own elevation ^ r>B ' c ' 
 to the perpetual dictatorship. Although his ene- 
 mies had so much advantage over him in point of 
 numbers, yet their party was so little consoli- 
 dated, that he with his veterans could not fail to 
 obtain an easy victory. The slaughter during this 
 war fell for the most part upon the Italian tribes, 
 who had joined the party of Marius, and this 
 afforded Sylla the means of giving settlements to 
 his own soldiers ; but most of the horrors of this 
 
 revolution which fell to the share of Rome, were 
 
 n5 syiia s pro- 
 reserved till the day of victory was past. Sylla s
 
 378 ROMAN STATE. BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD proscription, which should only have punished his 
 
 personal enemies, was the signal for a general 
 
 massacre, as every one took that opportunity to 
 rid himself of his private foes ; and avarice did as 
 much as vengeance. Who in these days, so ter- 
 rible to Italy, was sure of his life or property ? 
 And yet, when we consider the dreadful circum- 
 stances which attended the foregoing dominion of 
 the people, deduct all that was done without 
 Sylla's knowledge, and consider how much he was 
 obliged to do in order to satisfy his army, we 
 shall find it difficult to say how far he deserves 
 the reproach of wanton cruelty. 
 
 Sylla's arrival ; victory over Norbanus immediately after, and 
 seduction of the army of the consul Scipio, 82. After this 
 almost every person of distinction declared in his favour, and the 
 young Pompey having brought to him an army which he had 
 himself raised, his party acquired more consideration, and himself 
 more power. Victory over the younger Marius, near Sacripor- 
 tum, who throws himself into Prseneste, where he is besieged. 
 But the great and decisive battle gained before the gates of 
 Rome, over the Samnites under the command of Telisinus, is 
 followed by the fall of Prseneste and the capture of Rome. 
 After the proscription which immediately ensued, Sylla is created 
 perpetual dictator, and secures his power in Rome by the eman- 
 cipation of ten thousand slaves, whose masters he had proscribed ; 
 and in Italy by colonies of his veterans, whom he establishes at 
 the expense of his enemies. 
 
 Reform in 18. Great reform in the constitution during the 
 tution: two years' dictatorship of Sylla. The aristocracy 
 79. ' " of the senate, which he filled up with knights, 
 thesenate was not on ty reestablished, but he also stopped 
 restored, ^hc sources from which the great disorders of the 
 Syiia's ab- democracy had hitherto proceeded. It seems 
 79. atioD ' probable that his natural indolence, which led
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 379 
 
 him to prefer a life of luxurious ease to one of THIRD 
 
 . . . . . . PERIOD. 
 
 laborious activity, when he was no longer spurred " 
 to the latter by his passions, was the chief cause 
 of his voluntary abdication. He had, however, 
 the great advantage over Marius, of not being the 
 sport of his own feelings. The conduct of Sylla, 
 indeed, was so consistent throughout, that it satis- 
 factorily shows he knew very well what was his 
 ultimate aim which Marius never did. 
 
 Internal regulations of Sylla by the leges Corneliaz. } . Law 
 to restrain the influence of the tribunes, by taking from them 
 their legislative power. 2. Law respecting the succession to the 
 magistracy; the number of praetors fixed to eight, and the quae- 
 stors to twenty. 3. Lex de majestate, especially to limit the 
 power of the governors of provinces, and to abolish their exactions. 
 4. Lex dejudiciis, whereby ihejudicia were again restored to the 
 senate. 5. Several police regulations, de sicariis, de veneficiis, 
 etc. for the preservation and tranquillity of Rome, upon which 
 everything depended. 6. The lex de civitate, taking from the 
 Latins and several Italian cities and tribes the privileges of 
 Roman citizens, upon which they set so much store, although 
 we scarcely know in what they consisted. Foreign wars : War 
 in Africa against the leaders of the democratic faction, Cn. Do- 
 mitius and king Hiarbas, which is ended by a triumph to Pom- 
 pey, 80. Second war against Mithridates begun by Murena, 
 in hopes of obtaining a triumph, to whom Archelaus came over ; 
 but which, under the command of Sylla, terminates in an accom- 
 modation. 
 
 19. Nevertheless it was impossible that the A state like 
 enactments of Sylla should be long observed ; as posed to 
 the evil lay too deep to be eradicated by laws. 
 A free state like that of Rome, with no middle 
 class, must, from its nature, be exposed to con- 
 tinual convulsions, and these will be more or less 
 violent in proportion to its greatness. Besides, 
 as in the last revolution almost all property had
 
 380 ROMAN STATE 
 
 THIRD changed hands, there was spread over all Italy a 
 -'re- P owei "f u l P ar ty> wn desired nothing so much as 
 
 volution de- a counter-revolution. And to this we may add, 
 
 sired by 
 
 many. that there were many young men, such as Lu- 
 cullus, Crassus, and above all Pompey, who had 
 opened to themselves a career during the late 
 troubles, which they would scarcely yet wish to 
 bring to a close. It will not then appear strange, 
 that immediately after the death of Sylla (t 88), a 
 
 jEmiiius consul, M. ./Emilius Lepidus, should form the de- 
 
 Lepidus. * 
 
 sign of becoming a second Marius; a design which 
 could only be frustrated by the courage and acti- 
 vity of such a patriotic citizen as Q. Lutatius 
 Catulus, his colleague. 
 
 Attempt of Lepidus to rescind the acts of Sylla, 78- Defeated, 
 first before Rome and again in Etruria, by Catulus and Pompey, 
 77> after which he dies in Sardinia. 
 
 civil war of 20. But much more dangerous for Rome might 
 
 Sertonus in . 
 
 Spain. have been the civil war kindled by Sertonus in 
 Spain, if the plan of that exalted republican to 
 invade Italy had succeeded. Even Pompey him- 
 
 72. * " self, after a six years' struggle, would hardly have 
 prevented it, had it not been for the worthless- 
 ness of the Roman vagabonds who surrounded 
 him, and his assassination by Perpenna. The 
 rapid termination of the war after the fall of its 
 conductor, is a circumstance much more credit- 
 able to Sertorius than to the conqueror Pompey. 
 
 The forces of Sertorius in Spain, consisted not only of the 
 party of Marius which he had collected, but more essentially of 
 the Spaniards, particularly the Lusitanians, whom he had in- 
 spired with an unbounded confidence in himself. Very variable 
 success of the war against Metellus and Pompey, who receive 
 but very little support from Rome, 77 75. Negotiation of Ser-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 381 
 
 torius with Mithridates the Great, and interchange of embassies 
 without any important result, 75. Sertorius assassinated by PERIOD. 
 Perpenna, 72- 
 
 21. Before, however, the flame of war was The third 
 totally extinguished in the west, Mithridates war 
 
 kindled a new and much fiercer one in the east ; 
 at the same time a war of slaves and gladiators 
 was raging with terrible fury in Italy itself; andP irates ' 
 whole fleets of pirates not only ravaged the Italian 
 coasts, but threatened Rome herself with a fa- 
 mine, and obliged her to have recourse to a mode 
 of naval warfare altogether peculiar. All these 
 enemies were not without intelligence with one 
 another ; and colossal as was the power of the re- 
 public at that time, and rich as Rome was in dis- 
 tinguished men, it seems probable that the storm 
 which beat on every side between 75 71, would threatens 
 
 rf . the downfal 
 
 have razed her to the ground, if a stricter alliance of Rome. 
 could have been formed between Sertorius, Spar- 
 tacus, and Mithridates. But the great difficulty 
 of communication which at that time existed, and 
 without which probably a republic such as the 
 Roman never could have been formed, proved of 
 more assistance at this crisis than at any other. 
 
 The third Mithridatic war, occasioned by the will of Nico- 
 medes king of Bithynia, who had bequeathed his kingdom to 
 Rome (see above, p. 294), was carried on in Asia Minor, first by 
 Lucullus, 74 67, and afterwards by Pompey, 66 64. Mithri- 
 dates, being better prepared, had already concluded an alliance 
 with Sertorius in Spain, 75. But the deliverance of Cyzicus by 
 Lucullus, 73, and the defeat of the king's fleet, intended to act 
 against Italy, not only frustrated all his original plans, but were 
 followed by the occupation of his own dominions, 72 and ^\, by 
 the enemy, notwithstanding a new army which Mithridates col- 
 lected, mostly from the nomad hordes of Northern Asia. Flight
 
 382 ROMAN STATE BOOK T. 
 
 THIRD of Mithridates to Tigranes, 7\, who positively refused to deliver 
 PEUIOD - him up, and formed an alliance with him, 70 ; while the Par- 
 thian, Arsaces XII. held both parties in suspense by negotia- 
 tions. Victory of Lucullus over the allied sovereigns, near Tigra- 
 nocerta, 69, and Artaxata, 68 ; but the mutinies which now 
 broke out among his troops not only hindered him from following 
 up these advantages, but turned the scale so much in Mithrida- 
 tes's favour, that in 68 and 67 he quickly regained almost all his 
 dominions, even while the Roman commissioners were on their 
 route to take possession of them. Lucullus, by his reform in the 
 finances of Asia Minor, raises a powerful party against himself in 
 Rome, and thereby loses his command. 
 
 The servile 22. The war of the slaves and gladiators, which 
 
 war, B. C. ' 
 
 7371. happened nearly at the same time, was, from the 
 theatre of action being in its neighbourhood, 
 equally dangerous to Rome ; it became still more 
 terrible from the violence with which these out- 
 raged beings sought to revenge their wrongs, and 
 
 j more formidable from the talents of their leader, 
 
 Spartacus ; and the conclusion of this struggle 
 seemed, therefore, of so much importance to 
 
 terminated Rome, that it grave M. Crassus a much higher in- 
 
 by Crassus. . 
 
 nuence in the state than he could ever have ob- 
 tained by his riches alone. 
 
 Commencement of this war by a number of runaway gladiators, 
 who, being strengthened by an almost general revolt of the 
 slaves in Campania, 73, soon became very formidable. The de- 
 feat of four generals, one after the other, throws open to Spar- 
 tacus the road to the Alps, and enables him to leave Italy ; but 
 the greediness of booty manifested by his hordes, who wished to 
 plunder Rome, obliged him to return. Crassus takes the com- 
 mand and rescues Rome, 72 ; upon which Spartacus retires into 
 Lower Italy, hoping to form a junction with the pirates, and to 
 carry the war into Sicily, but is deceived by them, Jl. His 
 complete overthrow near the Silarus, 71- Pompey, then return- 
 ing from Spain, finds means to seize a sprig of the laurel chaplet 
 which by right should have adorned only the brow of Crassus ;
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 383 
 
 hence arises a misunderstanding between these two commanders, THIRD 
 during their consulate, 'JO, which threatened to be dangerous to PFRIOP ' 
 the state. 
 
 23. The war against the pirates of Sicily and The war 
 
 ,",, , against the 
 
 isauria was not only very important m itself, but pirates; 
 still more so in its consequences. It procured 
 for Pompey a legal power such as no Roman ge- 
 neral had ever before enjoyed ; and the quick and 
 glorious manner in which he brought it to a close, terminated 
 
 i f i i c i by Pompey. 
 
 opened lor him the way to the great object ot his 
 ambition the conduct of the war in Asia against 
 Mithridates. 
 
 The extraordinary power acquired by these pirates was owing 
 partly to the great negligence of the Romans in sea affairs, (see 
 page 340), partly to the war against Mithridates, who had taken 
 the pirates into his pay, and partly also to the Roman oppressions 
 in Asia Minor. War had been undertaken against them as early 
 as 75, by P. Servilius ; but his victories, though they procured 
 him the title of Isauricus, did them but little arm. They were 
 to be dreaded, not only for their piracies, but because they also 
 offered an easy means of communication between the other ene- 
 mies of Rome from Spain to Asia. The new attack of the praetor 
 M. Antonius upon Crete, proved a complete failure ; but it was 
 the cause of that hitherto independent island being again at- 
 tacked, 68, by Metellus, and reduced to a Roman province, 67- 
 Pompey takes the command against the pirates with extraordi- 
 nary privileges, obtained for him by Gabinius, and finishes the 
 war in forty days, 67- 
 
 24. After these triumphs over so many enemies, Fail of Mi. 
 
 J thndates. 
 
 Mithridates was the only one which now re- 
 mained ; and Pompey had here again the good 
 fortune to conclude a struggle already near its 
 end; for notwithstanding his late success, Mithri- 
 dates had never been able completely to recover 
 himself. His fall undoubtedly raised the power
 
 384 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 Tmno 
 PERIOD. 
 
 State of 
 Home; 
 
 changes in 
 her consti- 
 tution ; 
 
 the restora- 
 tion of the 
 power of 
 the tri- 
 bunes. 
 
 of Rome in Asia Minor to its highest pitch ; but 
 it brought her, at the same time, into contact 
 with the Parthians. 
 
 Pompey obtains the conduct of the war against Mithridates 
 with very extensive privileges, procured for him by the tribune 
 Manilius (lex Manilla), notwithstanding the opposition of Ca- 
 tulus, 67- His victory by night, near the Euphrates, 66. Sub- 
 jection of Tigranes, while Mithridates flies into the Crimea, 65, 
 whence he endeavours to renew the war. Campaign of Pompey 
 in the countries about the Caucasus, 65 ; he marches thence into 
 Syria, 64. Mithridates kills himself in consequence of the de- 
 fection of his son Phraates, 63. Settlement of Asiatic affairs 
 by Pompey : besides the ancient province of Asia, the maritime 
 countries of Bithynia, nearly all Paphlagonia and Pontus, are 
 formed into a Roman province, under the name of Bithynia ; 
 while on the southern coast Cilicia and Pamphylia form another 
 under the name of Cilicia ; Phoenicia and Syria compose a third, 
 under the name of Syria. On the other hand, Great Armenia 
 is left to Tigranes ; Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes ; the Bosphorus 
 to Pharnaces ; Judaea to Hyrcanus (see page 310) ; and some 
 other small states are also given to petty princes, all of whom 
 remain dependent on Rome. The tribes inhabiting Thrace during 
 the Mithridatic war, were first defeated by Sylla, 85, and their 
 power was afterwards nearly destroyed by the proconsuls of Ma- 
 cedonia: as by Appius, in 77; by Curio, who drove them to 
 the Danube, 75 73 ; and especially by M. Lucullus, while his 
 brother was engaged in Asia. Not only the security of Mace- 
 donia, but the daring plans of Mithridates rendered this ne- 
 cessary. 
 
 25. The fall of Mithridates raised the republic 
 to the highest pitch of her power : there was no 
 longer any foreign foe of whom she could be 
 afraid. But her internal administration had un- 
 dergone great changes during these wars. Sylla's 
 aristocratic constitution was shaken by Pompey, 
 in a most essential point, by the reestablishment 
 of the power of the tribunes, which was done be- 
 cause neither he nor any leading men could ob-
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 385 
 
 tain their ends without their assistance. It was THIRD 
 by their means that Pompey had procured such - 
 unlimited power in his two late expeditions, that 
 the existence of the republic was thereby endan- 
 gered. It was, however, a fortunate circumstance 
 for Rome, that Pompey's vanity was sufficiently 
 gratified by his being at the head of affairs, where 
 he avoided the appearance of an oppressor. 
 
 Reiterated attempts of the tribune Sicinius to annul the con- 
 stitution of Sylla defeated by the senate, 76. But as early as 
 75 Opimius obtained that the tribunes should not be excluded 
 from honourable offices, and that the judgments (judicia) should 
 be restored to the knights (equites). The attempts of Licinius 
 Macer, 72, to restore the tribunes to all their former powers, 
 encountered but a short opposition ; and their complete reesta- 
 blishment was effected by Pompey and Crassus during their con- 
 sulate, in 70. 
 
 26. This victory of the democratic faction, how- This victory 
 ever, in consequence of the use made of it by 
 some leading men, necessarily led the way to an 
 oligarchy, which after the consulate of Pompey 70 - 
 and Crassus became very oppressive. Catiline's Catiline's 
 conspiracy, which was not matured till after se- cc 
 veral attempts, would have broken up this con- 
 fined aristocracy, and placed the helm of state 
 in the hands of another and still more dangerous 
 faction : a faction composed in part of needy pro- 
 fligates and criminals dreading the punishment 
 of their crimes, and partly of ambitious nobles. 
 It occasioned a short civil war ; but procured 
 Cicero a place in the administration. With whatcicero. 
 pleasure do we forgive the little weaknesses and 
 failings of one so gifted with talents and great 
 virtues ! of one who first taught Rome, in so
 
 386 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD many ways, what it was to be great in the robe 
 - of peace ! 
 
 Catiline's first conspiracy, in which Caesar and Crassus seem 
 to have been implicated, 66, as well as in the second, 65 : failure 
 of the former by chance of the latter through Piso's death. 
 The third broke out in 64, as well in Rome, where the conspi- 
 rators, having no armed force, were soon suppressed by the vigi- 
 lance and activity of Cicero, 63, as in Etruria, where a victory 
 of the proconsul Antonius over Catiline, who was left dead on 
 the field, concluded it, 62. 
 
 Effects of 27. The suppression of this conspiracy, how- 
 
 the Asiatic ,., - ~> 1-11 
 
 war on the ever, did not stay the enect which the recently 
 concluded Asiatic war had upon Roman man- 
 
 ners. The luxury of the east, though united with 
 Grecian taste, which had been introduced among 
 the great by Lucullus; the immense riches poured 
 into the treasury by Pompey ; the tempting ex- 
 amples of unlimited power, which single citi- 
 zens had already exercised ; the purchase of the 
 magistracy by individuals, in order, like Verres, 
 after the squandering of millions, to enrich them- 
 selves again in the provinces ; the demands of 
 the soldiers upon their generals ; and the ease 
 with which an army might be raised by him who 
 had only money enough to pay it ; all these cir- 
 cumstances must have foreboded new and ap- 
 proaching convulsions, even if the preceding 
 storms in this colossal republic, in which we 
 must now judge of virtues and vices, as well as 
 of riches and power, by a very magnified stand- 
 ard, had not formed men of that gigantic cha- 
 Greatmen racter they did i men like Cato, who struggled 
 
 of this pe- , ,, , 
 
 riod: cato. alone to stem the impetuous torrent or the revo- 
 lution, and was sufficiently powerful to retard its 
 progress for a time ; or, like Pompey, who by
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 387 
 
 good fortune and the art of acquiring influence, THIRD 
 arose to a degree of authority and power never - 
 before attained by any citizen of a free state ; or, 
 like Crassus, " who only considered him as rich 
 that could maintain an army by his own private 
 means," founding their pretensions on wealth ; or, 
 finally, like the aspiring and now powerful Caesar, 
 whose boundless ambition could only be sur- 
 passed by his talents, and courage, " who would 
 rather be the first in a village than the second 
 in Rome." The return of Pompey from Asia, 
 threatening the senate with a new dictator, ap- 
 peared an eventful moment. 
 
 Attempt of Pompey, through the tribune Metellus Nepos, to 
 be allowed to return to Rome at the head of his army, frustrated 
 by the firmness of Cato, 62. 
 
 28. The arrival of Pompey in Rome renewed 
 the struggle between the senate and that powerful 
 general, although he had disbanded his army on 
 landing in Italy. The ratification of his manage- J e th jJj s c~ 
 ment of affairs in Asia, which was the chief point si. 
 
 of contention, was opposed by the leading men of 
 
 the senate, Cato r the two Metelli, and Lucullus, 
 
 which induced Pompey to attach himself entirely 
 
 to the popular party, by whose means he hoped 
 
 to obtain his end ; Caesar's return, however, from char's - 
 
 his province of Lusitania, entirely changed the Lusitania, 
 
 face of affairs. 
 
 29. Close union between Caesar, Pompey, and Triumvirate 
 Crassus ; that is, a secret alliance, formed by the i> om pey? 
 interposition of Caesar. That which formed the ** g 5 " 
 height of the ambition of Pompey and Crassus 
 
 was only regarded by Caesar as the means by 
 which he might be able to effect his. His con- c*sar's 
 
 c c2
 
 388 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD sulate a kind of dictatorship under the mask of 
 - great popularity necessarily paved the way to 
 59 > his future career, as by giving him the govern- 
 
 obtains him ment of the two Gauls and Illyria for five years, 
 mentoMhe it opened a wide field for conquest, and gave him 
 and nJJria an opportunity of forming an army devoted to his 
 
 Caesar's abode and campaign in Gaul from the spring of 58 till 
 the end of the year 50. By arresting the emigration of the Hel- 
 vetians, and by the expulsion of the Germans, under Ariovistus, 
 from Gaul, 58, Caesar gained an opportunity of intermeddling in 
 the internal affairs of that country, and afterwards of subduing 
 it, which was completed by his victory over the Belgae, 57, and 
 the Aquitani, 56 ; so that Caesar was at liberty to undertake his 
 several expeditions, as well in Britain, 55 and 54, as in Germany, 
 54 and 53. But the repeated revolts of the Gauls, 53 51, 
 especially under Vercingetorix, 52, occasioned a war no less ob- 
 stinate than their first conquest. Roman policy continued the 
 same throughout. The Gauls were subdued, by the Romans ap- 
 pearing as their deliverers ; and in the country they found allies 
 in the JEdui, Allobroges, etc. 
 
 30. The triumvirate, in order to establish their 
 power upon a solid foundation, took care, by the 
 management of the tribune Clodius, to get rid of 
 the leaders of the senate, Cato and Cicero, before 
 the departure of Cresar ; and this they did by 
 giving the former a kingdom to govern, and by 
 procuring the banishment of the latter. They 
 must however soon have discovered, that so bold 
 a demagogue as Clodius could not be used as a 
 mere machine. And, indeed, after Caesar's de- 
 parture he raised himself so much above the tri- 
 umvirs, that Pompey was soon obliged, for his 
 own preservation, to permit Cicero to return from 
 exile, which could only be effected by the most 
 violent efforts of the tribune Milo. The power of
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 389 
 Clodius, however, was but little injured thereby, T THIRD 
 
 ' J 1 EB10D. 
 
 although Pompey, to put a stop to the source of ~ 
 these disorders, and revive his own popularity, 
 procured the nomination of himself as prcefectus 
 annonce, or superintendent of provisions. 
 
 Exile of Cicero, the greater part of which he spent in Mace- 
 donia, from April, 58, till 4th Sept. 57- Ptolemy king of Cy- 
 prus deposed, and that island reduced to a Roman province by 
 Cato, on the proposition of Clodius, 57 (see page 264). The 
 personal dislike of Clodius and the riches of the king were the 
 causes that brought upon him this misfortune. 
 
 MIDDLETON'S Life of Cicero, 2 vols. 8vo. This work is al- 
 most a complete history of Rome during the age of Cicero ; for 
 whom the writer discovers an undue partiality. 
 
 f M. TULLIUS CICERO, all his Letters translated, in chrono- 
 logical order, and illustrated with notes, by C. M. WIELAND. 
 Zurich, 1808. With a preliminary view of the life of Cicero. 
 Of all Germans the writings of Wieland, whether original or 
 translations (and to which can we give the preference ?) afford 
 the most lively insight into Greek and Roman antiquity at va- 
 rious periods. What writer has so truly seized its spirit, and 
 placed it so faithfully and elegantly before his readers? His 
 labours on the Letters of Cicero (whose foibles he exposes with 
 a rigorous and unflinching hand) serve to make us much better 
 acquainted with Rome, as it then was, than any Roman history. 
 
 31. A jealousy arises between the triumvirate, Jealousy of 
 as Caesar, though absent, still found means to 
 keep up his party at Rome in such watchful ac- 
 tivity, that Pompey and Crassus considered it 
 impossible to maintain their own influence, ex- 
 cept by procuring such concessions as had been 
 made to him. Harmony once more restored by 
 an accommodation at Lucca, as the parties found 
 it necessary to preserve a good understanding 
 with each other. 
 
 The terms of this accommodation were; that Caesar should 
 have his government prolonged for another five years ; and that 
 Pompey and Crassus should enjoy the consulship for the ensuing
 
 390 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK v. 
 
 B.C. 55. 
 
 THIRD year, the former receiving the provinces of Spain and Africa ; 
 
 FERIOD * and the latter that of Syria, for the purpose of carrying on a war 
 
 against the Parthians. In proportion as these conditions were 
 
 kept secret, there remained less secrecy respecting the alliance 
 
 itself. 
 
 Second 32. Second consulate of Pompey and Crassus. 
 pomI5ly tcof Ifc was onl y amidst violent storms that they could 
 and eras- effect their purposes ; as it depended upon which 
 faction should first gain or keep possession of the 
 forum. The resistance they met with from the 
 inflexible disposition of Cato, who in his austere 
 virtue alone found means to secure himself a 
 powerful party, shows how unfairly those judge 
 who consider the power of the triumvirate as un- 
 limited, and the nation as entirely corrupted. 
 
 Campaign of Crassus against the Parthians, undertaken at his 
 own expense, 54. Instead, however, of gathering laurels like 
 Caesar, he and his whole army were completely overthrown in 
 Mesopotamia, 53 ; and the Parthians from this time maintain a 
 powerful preponderance in Asia (see above, p. 302). 
 
 33. As the triumvirate by this failure of Crassus 
 was reduced to a duumvirate, Pompey (who re- 
 mained in Rome, and governed his provinces by 
 lieutenants), in the midst of continual domestic 
 broils, which he cunningly took care to foment, 
 was evidently aiming to become the acknow- 
 ledged head of the senate and republic. The 
 idea that a dictator was necessary prevailed more 
 and more during an anarchy of eight months, in 
 which no appointment of a consul could take 
 place ; and notwithstanding the opposition of 
 Cato, Pompey succeeded, after a violent commo- 
 tion, in which Clodius was murdered by Milo, in 
 
 is appointed getting himself nominated sole consul; a power 
 
 g econsu1 ' equal to that of dictator. 
 
 B.C. 53.
 
 BOOKV. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 391 
 
 Consulate of Pompey, 52, in which, at the end of seven months, THIRD 
 he took as colleague his father-in-law Metellus Scipio. The go- PRIOI) - 
 vernment of his provinces, which afterwards became the chief 
 seat of the republicans, is prolonged for five years. 
 
 34. From this time civil war became inevit- civil war 
 able ; for not only the chiefs of the parties, but in ' 
 also their adherents desired it. The approach of 
 the time when Caesar's command would expire, 
 necessarily hastened the crisis. Could it be sup- 
 posed that the conqueror of Gaul would return 
 to a private life, and leave his rival at the head of 
 the republic? The steps taken on both sides 
 towards an accommodation were only made to 
 escape the odium which would attach to him who 
 struck the first blow. But Pompey unfortunately 
 could never understand his opponent, who did all 
 himself, all completely, and all alone. The bril- 
 liant light in which Pompey now appeared, as 
 defender of the republic, delighted him so much, 
 that it made him forget what belonged to its de- 
 fence ; while Caesar avoided, with the greatest 
 care, every appearance of usurpation. The friend, 
 the protector of the people against the usurpa- 
 tions of their enemies, was the character which 
 he now chose to assume. 
 
 Commencement of the contest upon Caesar's demand to be 
 allowed to hold the consulship while absent, 52. Caesar, by the 
 most lavish corruption, had increased his adherents in Rome, 
 gained the tribunes, and among them especially the powerful 
 speaker C. Curio (whom he did not think too dearly purchased 
 at the price of about half a million sterling) ; by this man it was 
 suggested to Caesar that he should give up his command, and 
 leave a successor to be appointed in his place, 51, if Pompey 
 would do the same: a proposition which created a prejudice 
 much in his favour. Repeated, but insincere offers of both par- 
 ties for an accommodation, 50, till at last a decree of the senate
 
 392 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD W as passed, Jan. 7> 49, by which Caesar was commanded " to 
 
 disband his army under the penalty of being declared an enemy 
 
 to the republic/' without regard to the intercessions of the tri- 
 
 bunes, whose flight to him gave an appearance of popularity to his 
 
 party. Caesar crosses the Rubicon, the boundary of his province. 
 
 civil war 35 xh e c \ v \\ war now about to break out, 
 
 between 
 
 seemed likely to spread over nearly all the coun- 
 tries of the Roman empire ; as Pompey, finding 
 it impossible to maintain himself in Italy, had 
 chosen Greece for the principal theatre of the 
 war; while his lieutenants, with the armies un- 
 der their command, occupied Spain and Africa. 
 Caesar, by the able disposition of his legions, was 
 everywhere present, without exciting beforehand 
 any suspicion of his movements. A combination 
 of circumstances, however, carried the war into 
 Alexandria, and even as far as Pontus ; indeed it 
 might be called rather a series of six successive 
 wars than merely one, all of which Caesar, by 
 flying with his legions from one quarter of the 
 world to the other, ended, within five years, vic- 
 toriously and in person. 
 
 Rapid occupation of Italy in sixty days (when the troops 
 under Domitius surrendered at Corfinus), which, as well as 
 Sicily and Sardinia, were subdued by Caesar almost without op- 
 position ; Pompey, with his troops and adherents, having crossed 
 over to Greece. Caesar's first campaign in Spain against Pompey 's 
 generals, Afranius and Petreius, whom he forces to surrender ; 
 this, however, is counterbalanced by the loss of the legions under 
 Curio in Africa. In December, 49, however, Caesar is again in 
 Italy, and named dictator, which he exchanges for the consulate. 
 Spirited expedition into Greece with the ships he had been pre- 
 viously collecting together, Jan. 4,' 49. Unfortunate engagement 
 at Dyrrachium. Removal of the war into Thessaly, and decisive 
 battle of Pharsalia, July 20, 48, after which Pompey flies to 
 Alexandria, where he is killed on his landing. Caesar arrives 
 three days after him at Alexandria.
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 393 
 
 36. Caesar, after the victory of Pharsalia, again THIRD 
 nominated dictator, with great privileges. The 
 death of Pompey, however, does not destroy his 
 party ; and the six months' war of Alexandria, 
 
 as well as the expedition into Pontus against 
 Pharnaces, gave them time to rally their forces 
 both in Africa under Cato, and in Spain under 
 the sons of Pompey. 
 
 During the Alexandrine war (see above, p. 266) and the ex- 
 pedition against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, Avho had 
 obtained the kingdom of his father, but was slain by Caesar im- 
 mediately after his arrival, 47, great disorders had broken out 
 in Rome, caused by the tribune Dolabella's nattering the people 
 with the abolition of debts (novae tabulae), notwithstanding the 
 military power of M. Antony, whom Caesar had sent to Rome as 
 master of the horse (magister equitum), as this abandoned sen- 
 sualist at first actually favoured the projects of the tribune. 
 Caesar's return to Rome, December, 47, put an end, it is true, to 
 these disorders ; but the increase of the opposite party in Africa, 
 and an insurrection among his soldiers, obliged him to set out 
 for Africa immediately, January, 46. Victory near Thapsus 
 over Scipio and Juba ; after which Cato kills himself at Utica. 
 Numidia, the kingdom of Juba, becomes a Roman province. 
 Caesar after his return to Rome in June, is only able to stay 
 there four months, as, before the end of the year, he is obliged to 
 set out for Spain to crush the dangerous efforts of Pompey 's two 
 sons. Bloody battle at Munda, March, 45, after which Cneius is 
 killed, but Sextus escapes to the Celtiberians. 
 
 37. Nothing seems more evident than that Enquiry into 
 Caesar did not, like Sylla, overthrow the republic 
 
 for the purpose of reestablishing it ; and it is 
 perhaps impossible to say what could be the final 
 views of a childless usurper, who throughout his 
 whole career, seemed only to be guided by an in- 
 ordinate ambition, springing from a consciousness 
 of superior powers, and to satisfy which, no means 
 seemed to him difficult or unlawful. The period
 
 394 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD of his dictatorship was so short, and so much in- 
 
 terrupted by war, that his ultimate plans had not 
 
 time for their development. He endeavoured to 
 establish his dominion by popular measures ; and 
 although his army must still have been his main 
 support, yet no proscription was granted to sa- 
 tisfy it. The reestablishment of order in the dis- 
 tracted country of Italy, and particularly in the 
 capital, was his first care ; and he proposed to 
 follow that by an expedition against the powerful 
 Parthian empire. His attempts, however, to ob- 
 tain the diadem, seemed to place it beyond a 
 doubt that he wished to introduce a formal mon- 
 archy. But the destruction of the form of the 
 republic was shown to be more dangerous than 
 the overthrow of the republic itself. 
 
 The following were the honours and privileges granted to 
 Caesar by the senate. After the battle of Pharsalia, 48, he was 
 nominated dictator for one year and consul for five years ; and 
 obtained the potestas tribunicia, as well as the right of making 
 war and peace, the exclusive right of the committees, with the 
 exception of the tribunes, and the possession of the provinces. 
 The dictatorship was renewed to him, 47, for ten years, as well 
 as the prcefectura morum, and was at last, 145, conferred upon 
 him for ever, with the title of imperator. Although Caesar thus 
 became absolute master of the republic, it appears to have been 
 done without laying aside the republican forms. 
 
 Conspiracy 38. Conspiracy against Caesar, formed by Bru- 
 tus and Cassius, and terminating in the death of 
 Csar. Men so exalted as were the chiefs of 
 j. n j s p] ^ easily understand one another ; and it 
 was quite in accordance with their character not 
 to meditate upon the consequences of their deed. 
 
 His Death, Cesar's death was a great misfortune for Rome. 
 Experience soon showed that the republic could
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 39.5 
 
 not be reestablished thereby ; and his life might THIRD 
 probably have spared the state some of those ca- FERIOD ' 
 lamities which now, by its change to a monarchy, 
 became unavoidable. 
 
 We still want a discriminating life of Caesar, who in modern 
 times has been as extravagantly praised as Alexander has been 
 unjustly censured. As generals and conquerors, both were 
 equally great and little ; as a man, however, the Macedonian, 
 in the brilliant period of his life, to which Caesar never attained, 
 was superior ; to the great political ideas which developed them- 
 selves in Alexander, we know of none corresponding in Caesar ; 
 who knew better than any how to attain dominion, but little of 
 preserving it. 
 
 Histoire de la Vie de Jules Caesar, par M. DE BURY, Paris, 
 1758, 2 vols. 8vo. 
 
 f Life of C. Julius Caesar, by A. G. MEISSNER, continued by 
 J. Ch. L. Haken, 1811, 4 parts. At present the best. 
 
 Caius Julius Ccesar, from original sources, by PROFESSOR 
 SOLTL. A short biography, judiciously executed. 
 
 39. Notwithstanding the amnesty at first de- Amnest 
 clared, the funeral obsequies of Caesar soon 
 showed, that peace was of all things the least 
 desired by his generals, M. Antony and M. Lepi- 
 dus, now become the head of his party ; and the 
 arrival of Caesar's nephew, C. Octavius (after- 
 wards Caesar Octavianus), whom he had adopted 
 in his will, rendered affairs still more complicated, 
 as every one strove for himself; Antony's parti- 
 cular object being to raise himself into Caesar's 
 place. However earnestly they sought to gain 
 the people, it was in fact the legions who de- 
 cided, and the command of them depended, for 
 the most part, upon the possession of the pro- 
 vinces. We cannot therefore wonder, that while 
 they sought to revenge the murder of Caesar, this
 
 396 ROiMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD became the chief cause of the struggle, and in a 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 "few months led to a civil war. 
 
 At the time of Caesar's death, M. Antonius was actual consul, 
 and Dolabella consul-elect ; M. Lepidus magister equitum (ma- 
 ster of the horse) ; M. Brutus and Cassius, praetors (the first, 
 prcetor urbanus). Caesar had given to the former the province 
 of Macedonia, and to the latter that of Syria, which had been 
 confirmed to them by the senate. M. Lepidus had been nomi- 
 nated to Transalpine, and D. Brutus to Cisalpine Gaul. But 
 soon after the murder of Caesar, Antony obtained, by a decree 
 of the people, Macedonia for himself, and Syria for his colleague 
 Dolabella, with whom he had formed a close connection ; instead 
 of which the senate decreed to Cassius Gyrene, and to Brutus, 
 who now had the important charge of supph >'ig Rome with 
 provisions, Crete. But soon after (June 1, 44), Antony de- 
 sired, by a new change, to obtain Cisalpine Gaul for himself, and 
 Macedonia for his brother C. Antony, both of which he procured 
 from the people. 
 
 Antonyen- 40. As M. Antony sought by force to establish 
 himself in Cisalpine Gaul, and D. Brutus refused 
 to g' ve it U P to mm > and retired into Mutina, a 
 
 Gaui. short, indeed, but very bloody civil war arose, 
 (helium mutinense.} The eloquence of Cicero had 
 caused Antony to be declared an enemy of the 
 republic ; and the two new consuls, Hirtius and 
 Pansa, together with Caesar Octavianus, were 
 sent against him. The defeat of Antony com- 
 pelled him to seek refuge beyond the Alps with 
 Lepidus ; but the two consuls being slain, Octa- 
 vianus at the head of his legions was too impor- 
 tunate to be refused the consulship, and soon 
 convinced the defenceless senate, how impossible 
 it was to reestablish the commonwealth by their 
 powerless decrees. The employment, moreover, 
 of the magistrates suffecti, which soon after arose, 
 was in itself a sufficient proof that it was now no
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 397 
 more than the shadow of what it had formerly THIRD 
 
 * PERIOD. 
 
 been. 
 
 The Mutine war begins in December, 44, and closes with the 
 defeat of Antony at Mutina, April 14, 43. Octavius obtains the 
 consulate, Sept. 22. t 
 
 41. Octavianus, deserting the party of the Formation 
 senate, enters into a secret negotiation with An- 
 tony and Lepidus ; the consequence of which is 
 a meeting of the parties at Bononia, and the for- 
 mation of a new triumvirate. They declare 
 themselves the chiefs of the republic for five 
 years, under the title of triumviri reipublicce con- 
 stituenda ; and dividing the provinces among them- 
 selves according to their own pleasure, they make 
 the destruction of the republican party their prin- 
 cipal object. A new proscription in Rome itself, 
 and a declaration of war against the murderers of 
 Ca?sar, were the means by which they proposed 
 to effect it. 
 
 The agreement of the triumvirate was concluded Nov. 27, 43, 
 after which the march of the triumvirs upon Rome gives the 
 signal for the massacre of the proscribed, which soon extends all 
 over Italy, and in which Cicero perishes, Dec. 7- The cause of 
 this new proscription was not party hatred alone, but was as 
 much, perhaps more, owing on the one hand to the want of 
 money for carrying on the war they had undertaken, and on the 
 other to a desire of satisfying the turbulent demands of the le- 
 gions. Vv here is to be found a time so full of terror as this, when 
 even tears were forbidden ? 
 
 . 42. The civil war, now on the eve of breaking civil war 
 out, may be considered therefore as a war be- oligarchy 
 
 tween the oligarchy and the defenders of 
 republic. The Roman world was, as it were, 
 divided between the two ; and although the for- 
 mer had possession of Italy, and the western pro-
 
 398 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 vmces that advantage seemed counterbalanced to 
 ~ the chiefs of the opposite party by the possession 
 of the eastern countries, and the naval power of 
 Sextus Pompey, which seemed to assure them 
 the dominion of the sea. 
 
 M. Brutus had taken possession of his province of Macedonia 
 as early as the autumn of 44 ; while Cassius, on the contrary, 
 had to contend for that of Syria with Dolabella, who by the 
 murder of the proconsul Trebonius had possessed himself of Asia. 
 Being, however, for this offence, declared an enemy by the 
 senate, and shut up in Laodicea by Cassius, he killed himself, 
 June 5, 43. From this time Brutus and Cassius were masters 
 of all the eastern provinces, at whose expense they maintained 
 their troops, though not without much oppression. S. Pompey, 
 after the victory of Munda, 45, having secreted himself in Spain, 
 and afterwards become a chief of freebooters, had grown very 
 powerful ; when the senate, after Caesar's assassination, having 
 made him commander of the sea-forces, he with them took pos- 
 session of Spain, and, after the conclusion of the triumvirate, of 
 Sicily, and then, very soon after, of Sardinia and Corsica. It was 
 a great thing for the triumvirate, that C. Pompey did not know 
 how to reap half the profit he might have done from his power 
 and good fortune. 
 
 its seat in 43. Macedonia became the theatre of the new 
 
 Macedonia. ... , . -11 -, r ^ 
 
 civil war, and together with the goodness of their 
 cause, superior talents, and greater power both 
 by land and sea, seemed combined to ensure the 
 victory to Brutus and Cassius, But in the deci- 
 sive battle at Philippi, fortune played one of her 
 most capricious tricks, and with the two chiefs 
 fell the last supporters of the republic. 
 
 Double battle at Philippi towards the close of the year 42 ; 
 voluntary death of Cassius after the first, and of Brutus after the 
 second engagement. 
 
 PLUTARCH i Vita Bruti ; from the narratives of eyewitnesses. 
 
 44. The history of the eleven years intervening
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. ;jof> 
 
 between the battle of Philippi and that of Actium, THIRD 
 is little more than an account of the quarrels PFRIOD - 
 
 1 the oligar- 
 
 of the oligarchy among themselves. The most ch y am n g 
 subtle was, in the end, victorious; for M. An- 
 tony possessed all the sensuality of Caesar, with- 
 out his genius : and the insignificant Lepidus 
 soon fell a sacrifice to his own vanity and weak- 
 ness. While Antony went into Asia to arrange 
 the affairs of the eastern provinces, and from 
 thence with Cleopatra to Alexandria, Octavianus 
 returned to Rome. But the famine which then 
 reigned in that city through Pompey's blockade 
 of the seacoast; the misery spread throughout 
 Italy by the wresting of patrimonial lands from 
 the proprietors to distribute among the veterans ; 
 and the insatiable covetousness of the latter ren- 
 dered his situation as dangerous now as it had 
 been before the war. Besides all this, the hatred Fulvia 
 
 causes a 
 
 of the enraged consort of Antony, who had en- civil war; 
 tered into an alliance with her brother-in-law, the 
 consul L. Antony, brought on, towards the end 
 of the year, a civil war, which ended with the 
 surrender and burning of Perusium, in which L. 
 Antony had shut himself up, and which was 
 already much weakened by famine. 
 
 The helium Perusinum lasted from the end of the year 41 till 
 April, 40. 
 
 45. This war, however, had nearly led to one 
 still greater ; for M. Antony, as the enemy of 
 Octavianus, had come to Italy in order to assist 
 his brother, and with the intention of forming anB.c.40. 
 alliance with S. Pompey against the former. But 
 fortunately for the world, not only was harmony
 
 400 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD restored between the triumvirs, but on account of 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 the great famine which prevailed at Rome, a 
 peace was also concluded with Pompey, although 
 it lasted but a very short time. 
 
 The principal object of the peace between the triumvirs was a 
 new division of the provinces, by which the city of Scodra in 
 Illyria was fixed upon as the boundary. Antony obtained all the 
 eastern provinces ; Octavianus all the western ; and Lepidus 
 Africa. Italy remained in common to them all. The marriage 
 of Antony with Octavia, Fulvia being dead, was intended to ce- 
 ment this agreement. In the peace concluded with S. Pompey 
 at Misenum, he obtained the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Cor- 
 sica, and the promise of Achaia. 
 
 Pompey re- 4(j. Pompey, however, was not long in finding 
 
 commences i i i 
 
 the war; that an alliance between him and the triumvirs 
 would only end in his own destruction ; and the 
 war which he soon commenced, and which Octa- 
 vianus could not bring to a close but with the 
 
 which assistance of Agrippa, was of so much the more 
 importance, as it not only decided the fate of 
 P m P e y> DUt by leading to dissensions, and the 
 
 expulsion, expulsion of Lepidus, reduced the triumvirate to 
 a duumvirate. 
 
 After a doubtful engagement at sea, 38, and the formation of 
 a new fleet, Pompey was attacked on all sides at the same time ; 
 Lepidus coming from Africa, and Antony sending also some 
 ships. Final overthrow of Pompey, who flies to Asia and there 
 perishes. Lepidus wishing to take possession of Sicily, Octa- 
 vianus gains over his troops, and obliges him to retire from the 
 triumvirate. 
 
 Foreign 47. The foreign wars in which Octavianus as 
 
 wars pre- . r . , 
 
 s- well as Antony were engaged m the lollowing 
 years, prevented for some time their mutual 
 jealousy from coming to an open rupture. Octa- 
 yianus, to tame his unruly legions, employed them
 
 BOOK v. TO THE FALL OF THE REPUBLIC. 401 
 
 with some success against the nations of Dalmatia 
 and Pannonia ; whilst Antony undertook an ex- B "'J 
 pedition against the powerful Parthians and their 33 - 
 neighbours. But in offending Rome by his con- Antony O f- 
 duct in these wars, he only armed his opponent aTd s 
 against himself ; and his formal separation from?! vorc ? s 
 
 r Octant, 32. 
 
 Octavia, loosened the only tie which had hitherto 
 held together the two masters of the world. 
 
 After his first stay in Alexandria, 41 , Antony returned to Italy, 
 40, and then, having made peace with Octavianus, he carried his 
 new wife Octavia with him into Greece, where he remained till 
 the year 37 Although his lieutenant Ventidius had fought with 
 success against the Parthians, who had invaded Syria (see 
 above, p. 302.), Antony determined to undertake an expe- 
 dition against them himself, 36. But although in alliance with 
 Artavasdes king of Armenia (whom he soon after accused of 
 treachery), in seeking to effect an entrance into Parthia, by 
 passing through Armenia and Media, a different route from that 
 taken by Crassus, he was very nearly meeting with the same 
 fate, and the expedition completely failed. He then revenged 
 himself upon Artavasdes, who fell into his hands in a fresh ex- 
 pedition which he made, 34, and deprived him of his kingdom. 
 After his triumphal entrance into Alexandria, he made a grant 
 of this as well as other countries to Cleopatra and her children. 
 (See above, p. 267-) In 33, he intended to renew his expedition 
 against the Parthians, in alliance with the king of Media ; but 
 having, at the instigation of Cleopatra, ordered Octavia to return 
 home, when she had already come as far as Athens on her way to 
 meet him, Octavianus and Antony reciprocally accused each other 
 before the senate, and war was declared at Rome, though only 
 against Cleopatra. 
 
 48. Greece became again the theatre of war ; Greece the 
 
 111 f r A A. seat f 
 
 and although the forces of Antony were most between 
 considerable, yet Octavianus had the advantage oc 
 of having, at least in appearance, the better 
 cause. The naval victory of Actium decided for feTted at e 
 Octavianus, who could scarcely believe it, till he ^{ . 
 
 ii d
 
 402 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD found that Antony had forsaken his fleet and 
 
 - 1 - army, the latter of which surrendered without 
 
 striking a blow. The capture of Egypt followed, 
 
 (see above, p. 267.) and that country was reduced 
 
 his death, t o a Roman province ; the death of Antony and 
 
 leaves Oc- Cleopatra ended the war, and left Octavianus 
 
 without a absolute master of the republic. 
 
 rival. 
 
 The history of the last days of Antony, principally after his 
 decline, having been written under the rule of his enemies, must 
 be received with that mistrust which all such histories require. 
 It has furnished abundant matter for the retailers of anecdote. 
 The history of Cleopatra rests partly on the accounts of her phy- 
 sician Olympus, of which Plutarch made use. 
 
 FOURTH PERIOD. 
 
 HISTORY OP THE ROMAN STATE AS A MONARCHY TO THE 
 OVERTHROW OP THE WESTERN EMPIRE. B. C. 30. A. C. 
 
 476. 
 
 Geographical outline. View of the Roman empire and 
 provinces, and other countries connected with it by war 
 or commerce. 
 
 Boundaries THE ordinary boundaries of the Roman empire, 
 
 manem- which, however, it sometimes exceeded, were in 
 
 pire ' Europe the two great rivers of the Rhine and 
 
 Danube ; in Asia, the Euphrates and the sandy 
 
 desert of Syria ; in Africa likewise, the sandy 
 
 regions. It thus included the fairest portions of 
 
 the earth, surrounding the Mediterranean sea.
 
 BOOK v. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 403 
 
 EUROPEAN COUNTRIES : I. Spain (Hispania). European 
 Boundaries : on the east the Pyrenees, on the 
 south, north, and west, the sea. Principal rivers : 
 the Minius (Minho), Durius (Douro), Tagus 
 (Tejo), Anas (Guadiana), Baetis (Guadalquiver), 
 which flow into the Atlantic ; and the Iberus 
 (Ebro), which falls into the Mediterranean. 
 Mountains: besides the Pyrenees, the Idubeda 
 along the Iberus, Orospeda (Sierra Morena). 
 Divided into three provinces. 1. Lusitania : 
 northern boundary the Durius, southern, the 
 Anas. Principal tribes : Lusitani, Turdetani. 
 Principal town : Augusta Emerita. 2. Bastica : 
 boundaries on the north and west the Anas, on 
 the east the mountains of Orospeda. Principal 
 tribes : Turduli, Bastuli. Principal towns : Cor- 
 duba (Cordova), Hispalis (Seville), Gades (Cadiz), 
 Munda. 3. Tarraconensis, all the remainder ofxarraco- 
 Spain. Principal tribes : Callaeci, Astures, Can- n< 
 tabri, Vascones, in the north ; Celtiberi, Carpe- 
 tani, Ilergetes, in the interior; Indigetes, Cose- 
 tani, etc. on the Mediterranean. Chief towns : 
 Tarraco (Tarragona), Cartago Nova (Carthagena), 
 Toletum (Toledo), Ilerda (Lerida) ; Saguntum 
 and Numantia (Soria) were already destroyed. 
 The Balearic isles, Major (Majorca), and Minor Balearic 
 (Minorca), were considered as belonging to 
 Spain. 
 
 II. Transalpine Gaul. Boundaries : on the Transalpine 
 west the Pyrenees ; on the east the Rhine, and a 
 line drawn from its source to the little river 
 Varus, together with that river itself; on the 
 north and south the sea. Principal rivers : the 
 Garumna (Garonne), Liger (Loire), Sequana 
 
 Dd2
 
 404 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 (Seine), and Scaldis (Scheldt), which empty 
 themselves into the ocean; the Rhodanus (Rhone), 
 which is increased by the Arar (Saone), and falls 
 into the Mediterranean ; and the Mosella (Mo- 
 selle) and Mosa (Meuse), which flow into the 
 Rhine. Mountains : besides the Alps, the Jura, 
 Vogesus (Vosge), and Cebenna (Cevennes). 
 Gaiiia Nar- Divided into four provinces. 1. Gallia Xarbo- 
 
 bonensis. 
 
 nensis, or Braccata. Boundaries : on the west 
 the Pyrenees, on the east the Varus, on the north 
 the Cevennian mountains. Principal tribes : 
 Allobroges, Volcae, Calyes. Principal towns : 
 Narbo (Narbonne), Tolosa (Toulouse), Nemausus 
 (Nlmes), Massilia (Marseilles), Vienna. 2. Gallia 
 Gailia cei- Lusrdunensis, or Celtica. Boundaries : to the 
 
 tica. 
 
 south and west the Liger (Loire), to the north the 
 Sequana, to the east the Arar. Principal tribes : 
 JEdui, Lingones, Parisii, Cenomani, etc. all of 
 Celtic origin. Principal towns : Lugdunum 
 (Lyons), Lutetia Parisiorum (Paris), Alesia 
 
 Gaiiia A- (Alisc). 3. Gallia Aquitanica. Boundaries: the 
 Pyrenees on the south, the Liger on the north 
 and east. Principal tribes : Aquitani (of Iberian 
 origin), Pictones, Averni, etc. of Celtic descent. 
 Principal towns : Climberis, Burdegala (Bour- 
 
 Gaiiia deaux). 4. Gallia Belgica. Boundaries : on the 
 north and east the Rhine, on the west the Arar, 
 on the south the Rhodanus as far as Lugdunum, 
 so that it comprised at first the countries bor- 
 dering on the Rhine and Helvetia. The latter, 
 however, were afterwards separated from it under 
 the names of Germania Inferior and Superior. 
 Principal tribes : Nervii, Bellovaci, etc. in the 
 north, of Belgic origin ; Treviri, Ubii, of Ger-
 
 BOOK v. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 405 
 
 man origin; Sequani, Helvetii, in the interior, 
 of Celtic origin. Principal towns : Vesentio 
 (Besancon), Verodunum (Verdun), etc. Along 
 the Rhine in Germania Inferior : Colonia Agrip- 
 pina (Cologne). In Germania Superior : Mo- 
 gontiacum (Mayence, or Mentz), and Argento- 
 ratum (Strasburg). 
 
 III. Gallia Cisalpina, or Togata (Lombardy, cisalpine 
 see above, p. 315). But as from the time of 
 Caesar the inhabitants enjoyed all the privileges 
 
 of Roman citizens, it may be reckoned as forming 
 part of Italy. 
 
 IV. Sicilia; divided into Syracuse and Lily- sicil y- 
 baeum. 
 
 V. Sardinia and Corsica, see above, p. 320. Sardinia, 
 
 Corsica. 
 
 VI. The Insulae Britannicae (British islands) ; British 
 but of these, only England and the southern part 
 
 of Scotland were reduced into a Roman province 
 in the time of Nero, under the name of Britannia 
 Romana. Principal rivers : Tamesis (Thames) 
 and Sabrina (Severn). Cities : Eboracum (York) 
 in the north, Londinum (London) in the south. 
 Into Scotland, Britannia Barbaria, or Caledonia, 
 the Romans often penetrated, but without being 
 ably completely to conquer it ; and as for Hi- 
 bernia, lerne (Ireland), it was visited by Roman 
 merchants, but never by Roman legions. 
 
 VII. The countries south of the Danube, Countries 
 which were subdued under Augustus and formed Danube : 
 into the following provinces : 1. Vindelicia. Vmdel 
 Boundaries : on the north the Danube, on the 
 
 east the -ZEnus (Inn), on the west Helvetia, on 
 the south Rhaetia. Principal tribes : Vindelici, 
 Brigantii, etc. Principal towns : Augusta Vin-
 
 406 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 delicorum (Augsburg), Brigantia (Bregenz). 2. 
 Rhaetia. Boundaries : on the north Vindelicia, 
 on the east the Inn and the Salza, on the south 
 the chain of the Alps from Lacus Verbanus (Lago 
 Maggiore) to Belinzona, on the west Helvetia. 
 Principal tribe : Rhaeti. Principal towns : Curia 
 (Chur), Veldidena (Wilden), Tridentum (Trent). 
 
 Noricum. 3. Noricum. Boundaries : on the north the 
 Danube, on the west the jiEnus, on the east the 
 mountain Cetius (Kahlenberg), and on the south 
 the Julian Alps and the Savus (Save). Prin- 
 cipal tribes : Boii. Cities : Jovavum (Salzburg), 
 
 Pannonia Boiodurum (Passau). 4. Pannonia Superior. 
 Boundaries : on the north and east the Danube, 
 on the south the Arrabo (Raab), on the west the 
 mountain Cetius. Cities : Vindobona (Vienna), 
 Caruntum. 5. Pannonia Inferior. Boundaries : 
 
 on the north the Arrabo, on the east the Danube, 
 on the south the Savus. Cities : Taurunum (Bel- 
 
 Mcesia grade), Mursa (Esseg), and Sirmiura. 6. Mresia 
 Superior. Boundaries : on the north the Danube, 
 on the south Mount Scardus, or Scodrus, on the 
 west Pannonia, on the east the river Cebrus 
 (Ischia). Cities : Singidunum (Semlin), and 
 
 Mcesia Naissus (Nissa). 7. Moesia Inferior. Bounda- 
 
 Infenor. 
 
 ries : on the north the Danube, on the west the 
 Cebrus, on the south mount Hsemus (the Balkan), 
 and on the east the Pontus Euxinus. Cities : 
 Odessus (Varna), Tomi (Tomisvar). 
 iiiyricum. VIII. Illyricum, in its most extensive signifi- 
 cation, comprised all the provinces south of the 
 Danube, together with Rhaetia and Dalmatia : 
 but Illyricum Proper comprehends only the lands 
 along the coast of the Adriatic, from Rhsetia in
 
 BOOK v. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 407 
 
 Italy to the river Drinus, and easterly to the 
 Savus. Principal towns : Salona, Epidaurus 
 (near the present Ragusa), Scodra (Scutari). 
 
 IX. Macedonia. Boundaries : on the north Macedonia. 
 mount Scodrus, on the south the Cambunian 
 mountains, on the west the Adriatic, and on the 
 
 east the ^Egean sea. Rivers : the Nestus, Stry- 
 mon, and Halyacmon, which fall into the ./Egean 
 sea, and the Apsus and Aous, which fall into the 
 Adriatic. Principal tribes : Pseones in the north, 
 Pieres and Mygdones in the south. Principal 
 towns : Pydna, Pella, Thessalonica, Philippi, 
 with other Greek colonies (see above, p. 164). 
 Dyrrachium and Apollonia on the western coast. 
 
 X. Thrace had for some time kings of her own, Thrace. 
 though dependent on Rome, and was first re- 
 duced to a Roman province under Claudius. 
 Boundaries : on the north Mount Hsemus, on 
 
 the west the Nestus, on the south and east the 
 sea. River : Hebrus. Principal tribes : Triballi, 
 Bessi, and Odrysae. Cities : Byzantium, Apol- 
 lonia, Bercea. 
 
 XI. Achaia (Greece), see above, p. 131. 
 
 XII. To the north of the Danube the province 
 of Dacia was brought under the Roman empire 
 by Trajan. Boundaries : on the south the Dan- 
 ube, on the west the Tibiscus (Theiss), in the 
 east the Hierasus (Pruth), in the north the 
 Carpathian mountains. Principal tribe : Daci. 
 Chief cities; Ulpia Trajana and Tibiscum. 
 
 ASIATIC PROVINCES: I. Asia Minor contained Asiatic 
 
 , n nn\ provinces. 
 
 the provinces: 1. Asia (see above, p. 293). Asia Minor. 
 2. Bithynia, together with Paphlagonia and part 
 of Pontus, 3. Cilicia, with Pisidia (see above,
 
 408 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 Syria. p. 18.) II. Syria and Phoenicia. III. The isle 
 p? of Cyprus. Several other states, likewise de- 
 pendent, still preserved their kings : as, Judaea 
 (became a Roman province, A. D. 44.), Com- 
 magene (province A. D. 70, and, together with 
 Judaea, added to Syria), Cappadocia (province 
 A. D. 17), Pontus (completely a province under 
 Free states. Nero). Free states at this time : Rhodes, Samos 
 (provinces A. D. 70), and Lycia (province A. D. 
 43). Beyond the Euphrates, Armenia and Meso- 
 potamia were reduced to provinces by Trajan, 
 but, as early as the time of Adrian, were aban- 
 doned. 
 
 African AFRICAN PROVINCES. I. Egypt. II. Cyre- 
 
 f^pt. ces naica, with the isle of Crete. III. Africa, Nu- 
 
 Africa! ica " midia (see above, p. 47). Mauritania still had 
 
 Mauritania. j ts se p ara te king, but he was set aside, A. D. 41, 
 
 and the country divided into two provinces : 
 
 1, Mauritania Caesariensis. Boundaries: on the 
 east the river Ampsaga, on the west the Mu- 
 lucha. Principal places : Igilgilis and Caesaria. 
 
 2. Mauritania Tingitana, from the river Mulucha 
 to the Atlantic ocean. Capital : Tingis. 
 
 states on Principal states on the borders of the empire : 
 Germany"' I. Germania. Boundaries: on the south the Dan- 
 ube, on the north the sea, on the west the Rhine, 
 on the east undetermined, though the Vistula is 
 generally regarded as such. Principal rivers : 
 the Danubius, Rhenus (Rhine), Albis (Elbe), 
 Visurgis (Weser), Viadrus (Oder), and the Vis- 
 tula ; the Lupias (Lippe) and Amisia (Ems) are 
 likewise frequently mentioned. Mountains and 
 forests : the Hercynian forest, a general name for 
 the forest mountains, particularly of eastern Ger-
 
 BOOK v. GEOGRAPHICAL OUTLINE. 409 
 
 many. Melibocus (the Hartz), Sudetus (the 
 Thuringian forest) ; the forest of Teutoburg, to 
 the south of Westphalia, etc. It would be use- 
 less to seek for a general political division, or for 
 the cities, of ancient Germany ; we can only 
 point out the situation of the principal tribes. It 
 is necessary, however, to precede this by two 
 observations : 1 . The same territory, in the tide of 
 forcible emigration and conquest, and particularly 
 after the second century, often changed its inha- 
 bitants. 2. The names of some of the principal 
 tribes often became that of a confederacy. The 
 principal tribes in the period of Augustus were, 
 in northern Germany ; the Batavi in Holland ; 
 the Frisii in Friesland ; the Bructeri in West- 
 phalia ; the lesser and larger Chauci in Olden- 
 burg and Bremen ; the Cherusci, likewise the 
 name of a confederation, in Brunswick ; the Catti 
 in Hesse. In southern (central) Germany : the 
 Hermunduri in Franconia; the Marcomanni in 
 Bohemia. The Alemanni, not the name of a 
 single tribe, but of a confederation, are first men- 
 tioned in the third century : in the period of 
 Augustus these tribes, and the principal of those 
 of eastern Germany, which gradually became 
 known, were included under the general name of 
 
 Suevi. Suevi 
 
 The northernmost countries of Europe were 
 considered as isles of the German ocean, and 
 therefore regarded as belonging to Germany. 
 They were Scandinavia, or Scandia (southern 
 Sweden), Nerigon (Norway), and Eningia, or 
 probably Finningia (Finland). The northernmost 
 island was called Thule.
 
 410 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 The north of Europe, from the Vistula to the 
 Tanais (Don), was comprised under the general 
 
 Sarmatia. name of Sarmatia ; but beyond the territory 
 about the Danube, and especially Dacia (see 
 above, p. 407), they were only in a slight degree 
 acquainted with the coast of the Baltic, by the 
 amber trade. 
 
 In Asia the Roman empire was bounded by 
 Great Armenia (see above, p. 19, and 299), the 
 
 Parthia. Parthian empire from the Euphrates to the Indus 
 (see above, p. 19 22), and the peninsula of 
 Arabia (see above, p. 19). 
 
 India. Eastern Asia, or India, became known to the 
 
 Romans by a commercial intercourse carried 
 on between them, and which began soon after 
 the conquest of Egypt. It was divided into 
 India on this side the Ganges, that is: 1. The 
 territory between the Indus and Ganges ; 2. The 
 peninsula on this side, the western coast of which 
 in particular (Malabar), was very well known ; 
 and, 3. The island of Taprobana (Ceylon), 
 and India beyond the Ganges, to which also the 
 distant Serica belonged : but of all these coun- 
 tries they had but a very imperfect knowledge. 
 
 Africa. The boundaries of Africa were Ethiopia above 
 Egypt, and Gaetulia and the great sandy desert 
 of Libya, above the other provinces.
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 411 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 From Augustus C&sar to the death of Commodus, 
 B. C. 30. A. C. 193. 
 
 SOURCES. For the whole of this period DION CASSIUS, FOURTH 
 lib. li Ixxx, is our historian ; though of his last twenty books _. EIIIOD V 
 we have only the abridgment of Xiphilinus. For the history 
 of the emperors from Tiberius to the beginning of Vespasian's 
 reign, the principal writer is TACITUS, in his Annals, A. C. 
 14 63 ; (of which, however, part of the history of Tiberius, 
 32 34, all of Caligula and the first six years of Claudius, 37 
 47, as well as the last year and a half of Nero, are unfortunately 
 lost) ; and in his History, of which scarcely the first three years, 
 69 71 } are come down to us. SUETONIUS'S Lives of the Cce- 
 sars, down to Domitian, are so much the more valuable, because 
 in a state like the Roman it becomes of importance to know the 
 character and domestic life of the ruling men. For the reigns of 
 Augustus and Tiberius the History of VELLEIUS PATERCULUS 
 is not of less consequence, although written in a court-like tone. 
 The sources for the history of the separate Caesars will be given 
 as we come to them. 
 
 The following are the labours of modern writers : 
 Hisloire des Empereurs el des autres Princes qui ont regnc 
 dans les six premiers siecles de VEglise, par M. LENAIN DE 
 TILLEMONT. a Bruxelle, 1707> 5 v l s - 8vo. (An earlier edition 
 in 4to. 1700, 4 vols.) The work of Tillemont has some worth 
 as a laborious compilation, but is superseded in its execution by 
 the following : 
 
 Histoire des Empereurs Romains, depuis Auguste jusqu' a 
 Conslantin, par M. CREVIER. Paris, 1749, 12 vols. 8vo. 
 [[Translated into English.] A continuation of Rollin's Roman 
 History (see above, p. 318), quite in the spirit of that writer, 
 and by one of his school. 
 
 DR. GOLDSMITH'S Roman History, from the foundation of the 
 city of Rome to the destruction of the western empire. London, 
 1774, 2 vols. 8vo. Rather a sketch than a detailed history (see 
 above, p. 321, sqq.).
 
 412 ROMAN STATE BOOK Y. 
 
 FOURTH -j- History of Rome under the Emperors, and of the contem- 
 PERIOP - porary nations, by M. D. G. H. HUBLER. Fry burg, 1803, 
 
 3 parts. Continuation of the work cited p. 2 : it reaches down 
 
 to Constantine. 
 
 Augustus 1. Octavianus Caesar, on whom the senate 
 Brc^'ao conferred the honourable title of Augustus, which 
 A.C. 14. they periodically renewed, and which descended 
 to his successors, possessed the sole dominion 
 of the empire during forty-four years. The 
 government, notwithstanding the great revolu- 
 tions by which the republic had been converted 
 into a monarchy, was not yet, either in fact or 
 in form, altogether a despotic one. The private 
 interest of the ruler required that the republican 
 form should be preserved to the utmost, as with- 
 out that he could not make an entire change ; 
 and the rest of his history sufficiently shows, 
 that the cruelty with w r hich he may be re- 
 preached in the early part of his career, was 
 rather owing to circumstances than to his natural 
 j disposition. But during a reign so long, so 
 tranquil, and so fortunate, could it be otherwise 
 than that the republican spirit which at the be- 
 ginning existed only in a few individuals, should 
 evaporate of itself! 
 
 The forms under which Augustus held the different branches 
 of supreme power (dictatorship excepted) were ; the consulate, 
 which, till B. C. 21, was annually renewed; and the potestas 
 consularis, which, in B. C. 19, was settled on him for ever ; 
 the tribunicia potestas, which was, 30, granted him for ever, 
 rendered his person sacred (sacrosancta}, and prepared the way 
 to the jiulicia majesiatis (accusations of high treason) . As im- 
 perator, 31, he continued commander of all the forces, and ob- 
 tained the imperium proconsulare (proconsular power) in all the 
 provinces. He assumed the magulraltira. morum (censorship), 
 19; and became ponlifex maximus (high priest), 13. To avoid 
 
 I
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 413 
 
 all appearances of usurpation, Augustus at first accepted the FOURTH 
 
 sovereign power only for ten years, and afterwards had it re fcRIOD ' . 
 
 newed from time to time, for ten or five years, which, at a later 
 period, gave rise to the sacra decennalia. 
 
 2. The senate, indeed, remained a permanent The senate. 
 council of state, and Augustus himself endea- 
 voured to increase its authority by more than one 
 purification (lectio} ; but the connection between 
 him and that assembly seemed of a very fragile 
 nature, as it was undetermined, and could not at 
 this time be settled, whether Augustus was over 
 the senate, or the senate over Augustus. All 
 matters of state could not be brought before the 
 senate, as even the most important often required 
 secrecy. It naturally followed, that a prince, 
 as yet without a court, and who had no proper 
 minister, but only his friends and freedmen, 
 should consult with those whom he thought most 
 worthy his confidence, a Maecenas, or an Agrippa, 
 etc. Hence afterwards was formed the secret 
 council of state (consilium secretum principis}. 
 Among the republican magistrates the highest 
 lost most ; and as so much now depended upon 
 the preservation of peace in the capital, the offices 
 of prsefect of the city (prcefectus urbis} and preefect 
 of provisions (prcefectus annonce) were not only 
 made permanent, but became, especially the 
 former, the principal offices in the state. 
 
 The spirit of monarchy shows itself in nothing more than in its 
 strict distinction of ranks ; hence, therefore, the magistrates, 
 especially the consuls, lost nothing. Hence also the long-con- 
 tinued custom of nominating under-consuls ( consules suffecli,) 
 which in time became merely a formal assumption of the orna- 
 menta consularia et triumphalia (consular and triumphal orna- 
 ments). Other offices were created for the purpose of rewarding 
 friends and dependents.
 
 414 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH 3. The introduction of standing armies, already 
 long prepared, naturally followed a dominion ac- 
 
 Introduc- j ,f J u J J 
 
 tionof quired by war; and became, indeed, necessary 
 to guard the frontiers and preserve the newly- 
 made conquests ; the establishment of the guards 
 and militia of the city (cohortes prcetoriance and 
 cohbrtes urbanci) were measures equally necessary 
 for the security of the capital and the throne. 
 The creation of two praBtorian praefects, however, 
 instead of one, diminished for the present the 
 great importance of that office. 
 
 Distribution of the legions over the provinces in caslra stativa 
 (fixed camps), which soon grew into cities, especially along the 
 Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates (legiones Germanicee, 
 Illyricce, et Syriacce). Fleets also were stationed at Misenum 
 and Ravenna. 
 
 The pro- 4. The government, as well as the administra- 
 be- tion and revenue of the provinces, Augustus wil- 
 li n gly divided with the senate ; keeping to him- 
 se ^ tnose on tne frontiers (provincice principis,) in 
 which the legions were quartered, and leaving 
 to that assembly the others (provincice senati'is). 
 Hence his deputies (legati, lieutenants) exercised 
 both civil and military authority in his name ; 
 while those of the senate, on the contrary (pro- 
 consules), only administered in civil affairs. Botli 
 were, in general, attended by commissioners (pro- 
 curatores et qiuzstores}. The provinces were un- 
 questionably gainers by this new arrangement, 
 not only because their governors were more care- 
 fully looked after, but because they were paid by 
 the state. 
 
 The fate of the provinces naturally depended, in a great degree, 
 upon the disposition of the emperor and governor ; but there Avas 
 also an essential difference between the provinces of the emperor
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 415 
 
 and those of the senate (provincice principis et senatus) : in the FOURTH 
 latter there was no military oppression as there was in the for- IJEU10D - 
 mer ; and to that may be ascribed the flourishing state of Gaul, 
 Spain, Africa, etc. 
 
 5. There is little doubt but that the finances Finances: 
 of the treasury remained, upon the whole, much 
 the same as before ; but in its internal administra- 
 tion Augustus made many alterations, of which 
 we have but a very imperfect knowledge. Of the private 
 course there would be at first an obvious differ- XeiEof ffi 
 ence between the privy and military chest of the JJJJJJj* 
 emperor (jiscus), which was at his immediate dis- chest 
 posal, and the state chest ((zrarium) which he 
 disposed of indirectly through the senate, though 
 it must afterwards follow as a natural conse- 
 quence of increasing despotism, that the latter swallowed 
 should progressively become merged in the for- e 
 
 mer. 
 
 The great disorder into which the treasury had been thrown 
 during the civil wars, and especially by giving away the state 
 lands in Italy to the soldiers, together with the heavy sums re- 
 quired for the maintenance of the standing army now established, 
 must have rendered it much more difficult for Augustus to 
 accomplish the reform he so happily executed ; and in which it 
 seems to have been his chief aim to place everything, as far as 
 possible, upon a solid and lasting foundation. The principal 
 changes which he made in the old system of taxation seem to 
 have been : 1. That the tithes hitherto collected in the provinces 
 should be changed into a fixed quota, to be paid by each indivi- 
 dual. 2. The customs, partly by reestablishing former ones, and 
 partly by imposing new ones as well as an excise (centesima 
 rerum venalium), were rendered more productive. The posses- 
 sion of Egypt, which was the depot of nearly all the commerce of 
 the east, rendered the customs at this time of great importance 
 to Rome. 3. All the state lands in the provinces were, by de- 
 grees, changed into crown lands. Of the new taxes the most 
 considerable were the vigesima hereditatum (the twentieth of in- 
 heritances), though with important restrictions; and the fines
 
 416 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH upon celibacy by the lex Julia Poppcea. The greater part of 
 ERIOD - these state revenues most likely flowed, from the very first, into 
 ihejiscus : that is, the whole revenues of the provincice principis, 
 as well as of those parts of the provincial senatus which were ap- 
 propriated to the maintenance of the troops; the revenues arising 
 from the crown domains ; the vigesima, etc. To the cerari ttm(no\v 
 under three prcefecti cerarii) remained a part of the revenues of 
 the provincice senatus, the customs and the fines. Thus it ap- 
 pears that Augustus was master of the finances, of the legions, 
 and thereby of the empire. 
 
 See above, p. 362, the writings of HEGEWISCH and BOSSE. 
 
 Extension 6. The extension of the Roman empire under 
 
 of the em- . . 
 
 pire: Augustus was very considerable; being gene- 
 rally of such a nature as conduced to the secu- 
 rity of the interior, and to the safeguard of the 
 
 Spain and frontiers. The complete subjugation of northern 
 
 Gaul, 25. ~ . . ^ , , , 
 
 spam, and western (jaul, secured the frontiers 
 
 on that side ; as did the threatened but never- 
 
 20. executed expedition against the Parthians, and 
 
 the one actually undertaken against Armenia, 
 
 Countries A. C. 2. But the most important conquest in 
 
 south of the 
 
 Danube, this quarter was that ot the countries south 01 the 
 
 jg gg 
 
 Danube, viz. Rhsetia, Vindelicia, and Noricum, as 
 
 29. well as Pannonia, and afterwards Moesia. To 
 
 counterbalance these, the expedition against Ara- 
 
 24. bia Felix completely failed ; and that against 
 
 Ethiopia was of no further consequence than to 
 
 strengthen the frontiers. 
 
 Unsuccess- 7. All these conquests together, however, did 
 to subdue not cost the Romans so much as their fruitless 
 Germany. a ^ eni pt to subjugate Germany, first, by the sons- 
 in-law of Augustus, Drusus and Tiberius Nero, 
 and afterwards by the son of the former, Drusus 
 Germanicus. Whether or not this undertaking 
 was a political fault, must always remain a pro- 
 blem, as it is now impossible to say how far
 
 BOOKV. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 417 
 
 the security of the frontiers could be preserved FOURTH 
 
 . , , . PF.RIOD. 
 
 without it. 
 
 Rome commenced her hostile attack upon Germany under 
 the command of Drusus, B. C. 12 ; Lower Germany (Westphalia, 
 Lower Saxony, and Hesse) being in general the theatre of the 
 war : while the Lower Rhine was attacked both by sea and land 
 at the mouths of the Ems, the Weser, and the Elbe, on account 
 of the great assistance afforded the Romans by their alliance with 
 the nations on the coasts, the Batavi, Frisii, and Chauci. The 
 intrepid Drusus, in his second expedition, 10, penetrated as far 
 as the Weser, and, 9, even as far as the Elbe, but died on his 
 return. His successors in the command (Tiberius, 9 7, Domi- 
 tius, yEnobarbus, 7 2, M. Vinicius, 2 A. C. 2, then again Ti- 
 berius, A. C. 2 4, who was followed by Quintilius* Varus, A. C. 
 5 9,) endeavoured to build on the foundation laid by Drusus, 
 and, by erecting forts and introducing the Roman language and 
 laws, gradually to reduce into a province the part of Germany 
 they had already subdued ; but the craftily organized revolt of 
 the young Arminius (Hermann,) a prince of the Cherusci, son 
 of Siegmar, ancT~sbn-in-law of Segestes, a friend of the Romans, 
 together with the defeat of Varus and his army in the Teuto- 
 burg vvald, or forest, near Paderborn, A. C. 9, rescued Germany 
 fronT'slavery, and its language from annihilation. It moreover 
 taught the conquerors (what they never forgot) that the legions 
 were not invincible. Augustus immediately despatched Tiberius, 
 wlitf had just quelled a furious insurrection in Pannonia, to- 
 gether with Germanicus, to the Rhine; but these confined them- 
 selves to simpleTficuTsions, till Germanicus, A. C. 14 16, again 
 carried his arms further into the country, and certainly pene- 
 trated as far as the Weser. Yet, notwithstanding his victory 
 near Idistavisus (Minden), the loss of his fleet and part of his 
 army by a tempest on his return, and the jealousy of Tiberius at 
 his victory, obliged him to give up his command. From this 
 time the Germans were left at rest in this quarter. 
 
 j" MANNERT, Geography of the Greeks and Romans, part iii. 
 
 8. The long, and for Italy itself, peaceable Reign of 
 reign of Augustus, has generally been considered brilliant ' 
 a fortunate and brilliant period of Roman history ; JJ^ e< or 
 and, when compared with the times which pre-
 
 418 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH ceded and followed, it certainly was so. Secu- 
 
 PERIOD. . , 11-11 
 
 nty ot person and property were reestablished ; 
 
 the arts of peace flourished under the benign pa- 
 tronage of Augustus and his favourite Maecenas ; 
 and we may add, that, as the formal restoration of 
 the republic would only have been the signal for 
 new commotions, the government of Augustus, if 
 not the very best, was, at least, the best that 
 Rome could then bear. Should it be said his 
 x private life was not blameless, it may be replied, 
 j that he inflexibly maintained an outward decency, 
 * to which, indeed, he sacrificed his only daughter ; 
 and if laws could have bettered the public morals, 
 there was no lack of decrees for that purpose. 
 
 Among his most important laws to this end are, the lex Julia 
 de adulteriis and the lex Papia Poppcea against celibacy. The 
 latter excited many murmurs. 
 
 Augustus's 9. Nearly all that remains of the history of 
 Augustus, is an account of his domestic troubles ; 
 the most unhappy family being that of the em- 
 
 Lim. peror. The influence of Livia, his second wife, 
 was very great, but 'does not seem to have been 
 perverted to any worse purpose than raising her 
 sons, Tiberius and Drusus, to the throne. The 
 naturally unsettled state of the succession, in a 
 government such as that of Rome now was, be- 
 
 B. c. 23. came much increased by circumstances. After 
 the untimely death of his nephew and son-in-law 
 
 Julia mar- Marcellus, whom he had adopted, his widow Julia, 
 
 Agrippa, the only child of Augustus by his wife Scribonia, 
 
 was married to Agrippa. The two eldest sons of 
 
 12. this marriage, C. and L. Caesar, were adopted, 
 
 6 A. c. 9. upon the death of their father, by the emperor, 
 who showed so much fondness towards them as
 
 BOOK v. FROM CJESAR TO COMMODUS. 419 
 
 they grew up, that Tiberius, who in the mean FOURTH 
 time had married their mother, Julia, afterwards 
 
 A. C. 2. 
 
 banished by Augustus for her licentious conduct- 
 left the court in disgust. The death of the two 24. 
 young princes, however, again revived the hopes 
 of Tiberius, who was adopted by Augustus upon Tiberius 
 the condition that he should also adopt Drusus Augustus 7 
 Germanicus, the son of his deceased brother 4 ' 
 Drusus; after which Augustus, with* the consent 
 of the senate, formally associated him with him- 
 self in the government, making him an equal 
 partner in the imperial privileges : called by his 
 successors, tex regia. 
 
 Marmor Ancyranum ; or, inscriptions in the temple of Au- 
 gustus at Ancyra. A copy of the account given of his govern- 
 ment, which Augustus latterly caused to be set up at Rome as a 
 public memorial : unfortunately much mutilated. It is to be 
 found in CHISHULL, Antiq. Asiatic. 
 
 Memoirs of the Court of Augustus, by THOMAS BLACKWELL. 
 London, 1760, 3 vols. 4to. divided into fifteen books. The last 
 vol. was published after the death of the author, by MR. MILLS. 
 The last two books of this prolix work contain a description of 
 the contemporary affairs of Augustus ; the others go back to 
 earlier times. A just appreciation of Augustus requires a pre- 
 vious critical examination of the sources from which Suetonius 
 has drawn the materials for his biography. 
 
 Histoire des triumvirats augmentee de I'histoire d'Auguste, 
 par LARRY. Trevoux, 1741, 4 parts, 8vo. The last part of 
 this simple narrative contains the history of Augustus from the 
 death of Catiline. 
 
 10. The reign of Tiberius Claudius Nero, or, as Au gu <ti4, 
 he was called after his adoption, Augustus Tiberius 15, 37. * 
 Caesar, from his fifty-sixth to his seventy-eighth 
 year, changed rather the spirit than the form of 
 the Roman constitution. He succeeded quietly to Changes 
 
 11 ill- in the con- 
 
 the vacant throne at Rome, although the legions stitution : 
 
 E c2
 
 420 ROMAN STATE BOOK v, 
 
 FOURTH in Pannoiiia, and still more in Germany, felt that 
 
 PERIOP - they could make emperors. Under him the co- 
 
 power ot > ' 
 
 the comma mitia, or assemblies of the people, were reduced 
 to a mere shadow ; as he transferred their duties 
 to the senate, which also became the highest 
 tribunal for the state crimes of its own members : 
 this assembly, however, had now been so much 
 accustomed to obey the will of the prince, that 
 everything depended on his personal character. 
 
 despotism Tiberius founded his despotism upon the judicia 
 
 introduced .. . ~ , . , 
 
 b y the>- mqjesfatis, or accusations ot high treason, now 
 
 become an engine of terror, the senate also 
 degraded sharing his guilt with a pusillanimity and ser- 
 thesenate? vility which knew no bounds. This degraded 
 assembly, indeed, from the moment that it ceased 
 to be the ruling authority of a free state, neces- 
 sarily became the passive instrument of the most 
 brutal tyranny. Notwithstanding the military 
 talents and many good qualities of Tiberius, his 
 despotic character had been formed long before 
 his fifty-sixth year, when he mounted the throne ; 
 although exterior circumstances prevented him 
 from entirely throwing off the mask which he 
 had hitherto worn. 
 
 The foundation of the judicia majestatis, which soon became 
 so terrible by the unfixed state of crime, had been laid during 
 the reign of Augustus by the lex Julia de majestate, and the 
 cognitiones extraordinarice, or commissioners appointed to take 
 
 (cognizance of certain crimes ; it was, however, the abuse of them 
 by Tiberius and his successors, which rendered them so dreadful. 
 
 Ruin of 12. The principal object of Tiberius's suspicion, 
 and his and therefore of his hate, was Germanicus, a 
 
 man almost adored by the army and the people. 
 
 This brave general he soon recalled from Ger-
 
 BOOK v. FROM (LESAR TO COMMODUS. 421 
 
 many, and sent into Syria to quell the disorders FOURTH 
 of the east. After having successfully put an end - 
 to the commotions which called him there, he 
 was poisoned by the contrivances of Cn. Piso A. c. 19. 
 and his""wiie ; and even that did not shelter the 
 numerous family which he left behind, with his 
 widow Agrippina, from persecution and ruin. 
 
 The expeditions of Germanicus in the east not only gave a 
 king to Armenia, but also reduced Cappadocia and Commagene 
 to Roman provinces, A. C. 17- 
 
 Histoire de Ccesar Germanicus, par M. L. D. B. QEAUFORT]. 
 a Leyden, 1>541. An unpretending chronological narrative. 
 
 13. Rome, however, soon experienced to herL.,Eiius 
 cost the powerful ascendancy which L. ^Elius 
 
 Sejanus, the preefect of the praetorian guard, had Tiberius" 
 acquired over the mind of Tiberius, whose un- 23 ~ 3L 
 limited confidence he possessed the more, as he 
 enjoyed it without a rival. The eight years of his 
 authority were rendered terrible not only by the 
 cantonment of his troops in barracks near the 
 city (castra prcetoriana), but (having first per- 
 suaded Tiberius to quit Rome for ever, that he Tiberius re- 
 might more securely play the tyrant in the isle of capreae/26. 
 Capreae) by his endeavouring to open a way for 
 himself to the throne by villanies and crimes with- 
 out number, and by his cruel persecution of the 
 family of Germanicus. The despotism he had Fal1 f 
 
 . Sejanus 
 
 introduced became still more dreadful by his attended 
 
 own fall, in which not only his whole party, 
 every one that could be considered as connected 
 with it, became involved. The picture of the Tiberius 
 
 m . 1111 becomes a 
 
 atrocious despotism of Tiberius is rendered doubly despotic 
 disgusting by the horrid and unnatural lust which m 
 he joined to it in his old age.
 
 422 ROMAN STATE BOOK v, 
 
 FOURTH Tiberius's misfortune was, that he came too late to the throne- 
 
 .PERIOD. jjj g ear jy virtues made no compensation for his later cruelties* 
 
 It is properly the former which Vel. Paterculus praises, whose 
 
 flattery of Tiberius, in whose reign he flourished, is more easily 
 
 justified than his praise of Sejanus. 
 
 Caligula, 14. At the age of twenty-five Cams CaBsar 
 
 March 16, ^ .. , . , . . c ^ 
 
 37 Jan. Caligula, the only remaining son of Germanicus, 
 24 ' 41 ' ascended the throne; but the hopes which had 
 been formed of this young prince were soon 
 wofully disappointed. His previous sickness and 
 debaucheries had so distorted his understanding, 
 that his short reign was one tissue of disorder 
 and crime. Yet he did still more harm to the 
 state by his besotted profusion than by his tiger- 
 like cruelty. At length, after a career of nearly 
 four years, he was assassinated by Cassius 
 Chorea and Cornelius Sabinus, two officers of 
 his guard. 
 
 Claudius, 15. His uncle Tiberius Claudius Caesar, who, 
 Oct. is, at the age of fifty, succeeded him, was the first 
 emperor raised to the throne by the guards ; 
 the weak a favour which he rewarded by granting them a 
 wfvesand donative. Too weak to rule of himself, almost 
 freedmen. i m becile from former neglect, profligate, and cruel 
 from fear, he became the tool of the licentious- 
 ness of his wives and freedmen. Coupled with 
 the names of Messalina and Agrippina, we now 
 hear, for the first time in Roman history, of a 
 p a u as an d a Narcissus. The dominion of Messa- 
 lina was still more hurtful to the state by her 
 rapacious cupidity, to which everything gave 
 way, than by her dissolute life ; and the blow 
 which at last punished her unexampled wanton- 
 ness, left a still more dangerous woman to supply
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 423 
 
 her place. This was Agrippina, her neice, widow FOURTH 
 of L. Domitius, who joined to the vices of her ^ ERIOD - 
 predecessor a boundless ambition, unknown to procures 
 the former. Her chief aim was to procure the for heJ son, 
 succession for Domitius Nero, her son by a former Distance 
 marriage who had been adopted by Claudius, n d Burrhu8 ' 
 and married to his daughter Octavia by setting 50. 
 aside Britannicus, the son of Claudius ; and this poisons 
 she hoped to effect, by poisoning Claudius, having 54. 
 already gained Burrhus, by making him sole pre- 
 fect of the praetorian guard. Notwithstanding 
 the contentions with the Germans and Parthians 
 (see above, p. 303) were only on the frontiers, 
 the boundaries of the Roman empire were in 
 many countries extended. 
 
 Commencement of the Roman conquests in Britain (whither 
 Claudius~himself went) under A. Plautius, from the year A. C. 
 43. Under the same general, Mauritania, A. C. 42, Lycia, 43, 
 Judaea, 44 (see above, p. 312), and Thrace, 47, were reduced to 
 Roman provinces. He also abolished the prefectures which had 
 hitherto existed in Italy. 
 
 16. Nero Claudius Ca3sar, supported by Agrip- Nero, Oct. 
 pina and the praetorian guard, succeeded Clau- j u ' ne il^ 
 dius at the age of seventeen. Brought up in the H 8 j' se duca- 
 midst of the blackest crimes, and, by a perverted 
 education, formed rather for a professor of music 
 and the fine arts than for an emperor, he ascended 
 the throne like a youth eager for enjoyment; and 
 throughout his whole reign his cruelty appears 
 subordinate to his fondness for debaucheries and 
 revelry. The unsettled state of the succession 
 first called into action his savage disposition ; and 
 after the murder of Britannicus the sword fell Destroys 
 
 - Britannicus 
 
 in regular order upon all those who were even and all the
 
 I 
 
 424 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH remotely connected with the Julian family. His 
 
 PERIOD. J , 
 
 Julian fa- vanity as a pertormer and composer excited m an 
 amV also ec l ua l degree his cruelty ; and as, among all ty- 
 makeshim ran ts, every execution gives occasion for others, 
 
 cruel. ' 
 
 we need not wonder at his putting to death every 
 one that excelled him. His connection, however, 
 in the early part of his reign, with Agrippina, 
 Burrhus, and Seneca, during which he introduced 
 some useful regulations into the treasury, kept him 
 within the bounds of decency. But Poppaea Sa- 
 bina having driven him on to the murder of his 
 murders his mother and his wife Octavia, and Tigellinus being 
 mother; made his confident, he felt no longer restrained 
 by the fear of public opinion. The executions of 
 individuals, nearly all of which history has re- 
 corded, was not, perhaps, upon the whole, the 
 plunders greatest evil ; the plunder of the provinces, not 
 
 the provin- , 
 
 cestosup- only to support his own loose and effeminate 
 
 profligacy, pleasures, but also to maintain the people in a 
 
 continual state of intoxication, had nearly caused 
 
 the dissolution of the empire. The last years of 
 
 (Nero were marked by a striking and undoubted 
 insanity, which displayed itself in his theatrical 
 performances, and even in the history of his fall. 
 A.c.68. It appears that both around and upon a throne 
 / like that of Rome, heroes were formed for vice 
 \ as well as virtue ! 
 
 Discovery of the conspiracy of Piso, 65, and the revolt of Ju- 
 lius Vindex in Celtic Gaul, 68, followed by that of Galba in 
 Spain, who is there proclaimed emperor, and joined by Otho, in 
 Lusitania. Nevertheless, after the defeat of Julius Vindex in 
 Upper Germany, by the lieutenant Virginius Rufus, these in- 
 surrections seemed quelled, when the praetorian guard, instigated 
 thereto by Nymphidius, broke out into rebellion in Rome itself. 
 Flight and death of Nero, June 11, 68. Foreign wars during
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 425 
 
 his reign: in Britain (occasioned by the revolt of Boadicea), FOURTH 
 
 great part of whicTTwas subdued and reduced to a Roman pro- P EIUOD - 
 
 vince, by Suetonius Paulinus ; in Armenia, under the command 
 
 of the valiant Corbulo, against the Parthians (see above, p. 303) ; 
 
 and in Palestine against the Jews, 66. Great fire in Rome, 
 
 64, whicTTgives rise to the first persecution against the Chris- 
 
 tians. 
 
 The principal cause why the despotism of Nero and his pre- 
 decessors was so tamely submitted to by the nation, may un- 
 doubtedly be found in the fact, that the greater part of it was 
 fed by the emperors. To the monthly distriFutions of corn were 
 now added the extraordinary congiaria and viscerationes (sup- 
 plies of wine and meat). The periods of tyranny were very 
 likely the golden days of the people. 
 
 17. By the death of Nero the house of Csesar Extinction 
 became extinct, and this gave rise to so many Kan Lniiy 
 
 commotions, that in somewhat less than two years, 
 four emperors by violence obtained possession of bles 
 the throne. The right of the seriate to name, or 
 at feast to confirm, the successors to the throne, 
 was still indeed acknowledged ; but as the ar- 
 mies had found out that they could create em- 
 perors, the power of the senate dwindled into an 
 empty ceremony. Servius Sulpicius Galba, now Gaiba, 
 seventy-two years of age, having been already Jjan 
 proclaimed emperor by the legions in Spain, and 69< 
 acknowledged by the senate, gained possession 
 of Rome without striking a blow, the attempt of 
 Nymphidius having completely failed, and Vir- 
 ginius Rufus voluntarily submitting to him. 
 Galba, however, having given offence both to the 
 praetorian guard and the German legions, was killed by 
 dethroned by the guards, at the instigation of his rf 
 former friend Otho, at the very time when he 
 thought he had~le"cured his throne by adopting
 
 426 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH the young Licimus Piso, and had frustrated the 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 - hopes ot (Jtno. 
 otho, Jan. 18. M. Otho, asred thirty-seven, was indeed ac- 
 
 rtQ A " I *^ 
 
 is. knowledged emperor by the senate, but wanted 
 
 the sanction of the German legions, who, pro- 
 claiming their general, A. Vitellius, emperor, in- 
 vaded Italy. Otho marches against him, but 
 after the loss of the battle of Bedriacum kills 
 himself whether from fear or patriotism, remains 
 uncertain. 
 
 The special sources for the history of Galba and Otho, are 
 their Lives by PLUTARCH. 
 
 viteiiius, 19. Vitellius, in his thirty-seventh year, was 
 Dec^o,' acknowledged emperor not only by the senate, 
 69 ' but likewise in the provinces; his debaucheries 
 
 and cruelty, however, together with the licen- 
 tiousness of his troops, having rendered him 
 odious at Rome, the Syrian legions rebelled and 
 Vespasian proclaimed their general, T. Flavius Vespasian, 
 JSpero emperor, who, at the solicitation of the powerful 
 Mutianus, governor of Syria, accepted the impe- 
 rial diadem. The troops on the Danube declaring 
 for him shortly after, and marching into Italy 
 under their general Antoriius Primus defeated 
 the army of Vitellius at Cremona. Vitellius was 
 immediately hurled from the throne, though not 
 till after some blood had been spilt by the com- 
 motions that took place at Rome, in which Flavius 
 Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, was slain, and 
 the capitol burnt. 
 
 Vespasian, 20. Flavius Vespasian ascended the throne in 
 
 June 24, his fifty-ninth year, and became thereby the 
 
 founder of a dynasty which gave three emperors 
 
 to Rome. The state, almost ruined by profusion,
 
 BOOK v. FROM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 427 
 
 civil war, and successive revolutions, found in FOURTH 
 Vespasian a monarch well suited to its unhappy - 
 condition. He endeavoured, as far as he could, Fixes the 
 to determine the relations between himself and Senate; ' 
 the senate ; while, by a decree, he restored to it 
 all the rights and privileges which had been con- 
 ferred upon it by his predecessors of the family of 
 CaBsar, and settled and added some others (lex 
 regia). He made a thorough reform in the com- 
 pletely-exhausted treasury, which he recruited in improves 
 part by reducing the countries Nero had made suryT* 
 free, together with some others, into provinces ; 
 partly by restoring the ancient customs, by in- 
 creasing others, and by imposing new ones : with- 
 out this it would have been impossible for him to 
 have reestablished the discipline of the army. 
 His liberality in the foundation of public build- founds pub- 
 ings, as well in Rome as in other cities ; and the 
 care with which he promoted education, by grant- 
 ing salaries to public teachers, are sufficient to 
 free him from the reproach of avarice ; and al- 
 though, on account of their dangerous opinions, 
 he banished the Stoics (who since the time of banishes 
 Nero had become very numerous, and retained theStolcs; 
 nearly all the principles of republicanism), the an- 
 nulling of the judicia majestatis and the restora- and annuls 
 tion of the authority of the senate show how far 
 he was from being a despot. 
 
 Rhodes, Samos, Lycia, Achaia, Thrace, Cilicia, and Comma- 
 gene, were brought by Vespasian into the condition of provinces. 
 Foreign wars : that against the Jews, which ended with the de- 
 struction of Jerusalem, A. C. 70; and a much greater war 
 against the Batavians and their allies under Civilis, who during 
 the late civil wars, sought to shake off the Roman yoke, 69 ; but 
 were reduced to an accommodation by Cerealis, 70. Expeditions
 
 428 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH of Agricola in Britain, 78 85, who not only subdued all Eng- 
 EKIOP ' land, and introduced the Roman manners and customs, but also 
 
 attacked and sailed round Scotland. 
 
 D, Vespasianus, sive de vita et legislatione T. Flavii Vespa- 
 siani Imp. commentarius, auctore A. G. CRAMER. Jenae, 1785. 
 An excellent enquiry, with illustrations of the fragments of the 
 lex regia. The second part, de legislatione, contains a learned 
 commentary upon the senaius consulta, during his reign. 
 
 Titus, 21. His eldest son, Titus Flavius Vespasian, 
 
 79^!se P l who in the year 70 had been created Caesar, and 
 
 13 ' 81> reigned from his thirty-ninth to his forty-second 
 year, gives us the rare example of a prince be- 
 coming better on the throne. His short and be- 
 nevolent reign was, indeed, only remarkable for 
 its public calamities : an eruption of mount Vesu- 
 vius, overwhelming several cities, was followed 
 by a destructive fire, and a dreadful plague at 
 
 Dreadftii Rome. His early death secured him the reputa- 
 79. tion of being, if not the happiest, at least the best 
 of princes. 
 
 22. His younger brother and successor, L. 
 Flavius Domitian, who reigned from his thirtieth 
 to his forty- fifth year, gives an example quite op- 
 posite to that of Titus: beginning with justice 
 and severity, he soon degenerated into the com- 
 
 a complete pletest despot that ever swayed the Roman sceptre. 
 
 despot; His cruelty, joined to an equal degree of pride, 
 and nourished by suspicion and jealousy, made 
 him the enemy of all who excelled him by their 
 exploits, their riches, or their talents. The mor- 
 
 unsuccess- tifications to which his pride must have been sub- 
 
 ' jected in consequence of his unsuccessful wars 
 
 against the Catti, and more particularly the Daci, 
 
 increased his bad disposition. His despotism 
 
 was founded upon his armies, whose pay he aug-
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 429 
 
 mented one fourth ; and that he might not there- FOURTH 
 by diminish the treasury, as he had too much - 
 
 f i i i i raises the 
 
 done at first, he multiplied the judicia majestatis, soldiers' 
 rendering it still more terrible by the employ- e^ p ' loys in _ 
 ment of secret informers (delatores), in order, by formers - 
 confiscations, to augment the wealth of his pri- 
 vate treasury (Jiscus). By confining his cruelty 
 chiefly to the capital, and by a strict superintend- 
 ence over the governors of provinces, Domitian 
 prevented any such general disorganization of the 
 empire as took place under Nero. His fall con- 
 firmed the general truth, that tyrants have little 
 to fear from the people, but much from indivi- 
 duals who may think their lives in danger. 
 
 The foreign wars during this reign are rendered more worthy 
 of remark by being the first in which the barbarians attacked the 
 empire with success. Domitian's ridiculous expedition against 
 the Catti, 82, gave the first proof of his boundless vanity ; as did 
 the recall of the victorious Agricola, 85, from Britain, of his jea- 
 lousy. His most important war was that against the Daci, or 
 Getae, who, under their brave king Dercebal, had attacked the 
 Roman frontiers ; this again occasioned another with their neigh- 
 bours, the Marcomanni, Quadi, and Jazygi, 86 90, which 
 turned out so unfortunate for Rome, that Domitian was obliged 
 to purchase a peace of the Daci by paying them an annual 
 tribute. 
 
 23. M. Cocceius Nerva, aged about seventy Nerva, 
 
 r J Jan. 24, 96 
 
 years was raised to the throne by the murderers Jan. 27, 
 of Domitian; and now, at last, seemed to break his reign 
 forth the dawn of a more happy period for the *J a d n of 
 empire. The preceding reign of terror com- P eri< ^- 
 pletely ceased at once ; and he endeavoured to 
 impart fresh vigour to industry, not only by dimi- 
 nishing the taxes, but also by distributing lands 
 to the poor. The insurrection of the guards cer-
 
 430 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH tainly cost the murderers of Domitian their lives ; 
 - but it was at the same time the cause of Nerva's 
 
 securing the prosperity of the empire after his 
 death, by the adoption of Trajan. 
 98 ^' ^' Ulpius Trajan (after his adoption, Nerva 
 -Aug.'n, Trajan), a Spaniard Ly birth, governed the em- 
 thebestof pire from his forty-second to his "sixty-second 
 monarchsT year. He was the first foreigner who ascended 
 the Roman throne, and at the same time the first 
 of their monarchs who was equally great as a 
 ruler, a general, and a man. After completely 
 abolishing the judlcia majestatis, he made the re- 
 Restores storation of the free Roman constitution, so far as 
 
 the Roman . -- , . . 
 
 constitu- it was compatible with a monarchical torm, his 
 peculiar care. He restored the elective power to 
 the comitia, complete liberty of speech to the se- 
 nate, and to the magistrates their former autho- 
 rity ; and yet he exercised the art of ruling to a 
 degree and in a "detail which few princes have 
 
 his frugality equalled. Frugal in his expenses, he was never- 
 
 aHty; e theless splendidly liberal to every useful institu- 
 tion, whether in Rome or the provinces, as well 
 as in the foundation of military roads, public mo- 
 numents, and schools for the instruction of poor 
 children. By his wars he extended the dominion 
 of Rome beyond its former boundaries; subdu- 
 
 conquers i n g, in his contests with the Daci, their country, 
 and reducing it to a Roman province ; as he like- 
 wise did, in his wars against the Armenians and 
 
 Armenia, Parthians, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and part of 
 
 muTand Arabia. Why was so great a character disfigured 
 
 5bi. D y an ambition of conquest ? 
 
 The first war against the Daci, in which the shameful tribute 
 was withdrawn and Dercebal reduced to subjection, lasted from
 
 BOOK v. FfcOM C^SAR TO COMMODUS. 431 
 
 101 103. But as Dercebal again rebelled, the war was re- FOURTH 
 
 newed in 105, and brought to a close in 106, when Dacia was ERIC ""'. 
 
 reduced to a Roman province, and many Roman colonies esta- 
 blished therein. The war with the Parthians arose from a dis- 
 pute respecting the possession of the throne of Armenia (see 
 above, p. 304), 114 116: but although Rome was victorious 
 she gained no permanent advantage thereby. 
 
 The especial source for the history of Trajan is the Panegyri- 
 cus of PLINY THE YOUNGER ; the correspondence, however, of 
 the same writer, while~governor of Bithynia, with the emperor, 
 affords us a much deeper insight into the spirit of his govern- 
 ment : PLINII Epist. lib. x. Who can read it without admiring 
 the royal statesman ? 
 
 RITTERSHUSII Trajanus in lucem reproductus. Ambegae, 
 1608. A mere collection of passages occurring in ancient authors 
 respecting Trajan. 
 
 Res Trajani Imperatoris ad Danubium Gestce, auclore CON- 
 RAD MANNERT. Norimb. 1793 : and 
 
 JOH. CHRIST. ENGEL, Commentatio de Expeditionibus Tra- 
 jani ad Danubium, et origine Valachorum. Vindob. 1794. 
 Both learned dissertations, written for the prize offered by the 
 Royal Society of Gottingen; the first of which obtained the 
 prize, and the other the accessit, i. e. was declared second best. 
 
 25. By the contrivances of Plotina, his wife, Adrian. 
 Trajan was succeeded by his cousin and pupil, 
 whom he is said also to have adopted, P. Julius 
 Adrian, who reigned from his forty-second to his 
 sixty-third year. He was acknowledged at once 
 by the army of Asia, with which he then was, 
 and the sanction of the senate followed imme- 
 diately after. He differed from his predecessor 
 in that his chief aim was the preservation of 
 peace; on which account he gave up (rare mo- 
 deration !), directly after his accession, the newly 
 conquered provinces of Asia, Armenia, Assyria, 
 and Mesopotamia, and so put an end to the Par-
 
 432 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 PFRIOD. 
 
 FOURTH war ( see above, p. 304.) He retained, 
 
 though with some unwillingness, that of Dacia, 
 because otherwise the Roman colonies would 
 have become exposed. He well made up for his 
 pacific disposition, however, in seeking, by a ge- 
 neral and vigorous reform in the internal admi- 
 nistration, and by restoring the discipline of the 
 army, to give greater solidity to the empire. For 
 that purpose he visited successively all the pro- 
 vinces of the Roman empire ; first the eastern, 
 and afterwards the western; making useful regu- 
 lations and establishing order wherever he came. 
 He improved the Roman jurisprudence by the 
 introduction of the edictum perpetuum. Passion- 
 ately fond of and well instructed in literature and 
 the fine arts, he gave them his liberal protection, 
 and thus called forth another Augustan age. 
 Upon the whole, his reign was certainly a salu- 
 tary one for the empire; and for any single acts 
 of injustice of which he may be accused, he fully 
 compensated by his choice of a successor. After 
 having first adopted L. Aurelius Verus (afterwards 
 JElius Verus), who fell a sacrifice to his debauch- 
 eries, he next adopted T. Aurelius Antoninus 
 (afterwards T. ^Elius Adrianus Antoninus Pius), 
 upon condition that he should again adopt M. 
 Aurelius Verus (afterwards M. Aurelius Antoni- 
 nus^apd L. Uesonius Commodus (afterwards L., 
 Verus), the son of ^Elius^ Verus. 
 
 During his reign a great revolt broke out in Judaea, under 
 Barcochab, 132 135, occasioned by the introduction of pagan 
 worship into the Roman colony of JElia Capitolina (the ancient 
 Jerusalem). 
 
 The especial source for the history of Adrian, is his Life and
 
 BOOK v. FROM CLESAR TO COMMODUS. 433 
 
 that of JElius Verus by .ZELius SPAUTIANUS in Script. Hist. FOURTH 
 Aug. Minores, already quoted. Enrop ' 
 
 26. The reign of Antoninus Pius, from his Antoninus 
 forty-seventh to his seventieth year, was without 
 doubt the happiest period of the Roman empire. 
 He found everything already in excellent order ; 
 and those ministers which Adrian had appointed, 
 he continued in their places. His quiet activity 
 furnishes but little matter for history ; and yet he 
 was, perhaps, the most noble character that ever 
 sat upon a throne. Although a prince, his life 
 was that of the most blameless individual; while 
 he administered the affairs of the empire as 
 though they were his own. He honoured the 
 senate ; and the provinces flourished under him, 
 not only because he kept a watchful eye over the 
 conduct of the governors, but because he made it 
 a maxim of his government to continue in their 
 places all those whose probity he had sufficiently 
 proved. He observed rigid order in the finances, 
 and yet without sparing where it could be of 
 service in the foundation or improvement of useful 
 institutions ; as his erection of many buildings, 
 establishment of public teachers with salaries in 
 all the provinces, and other examples fully show. 
 He carried on no war himself ; on the contrary, 
 several foreign nations made choice of him to 
 arbitrate their differences. Some rebellions which 
 broke out in Britain and Egypt, and some frontier 
 wars excited by the Germans, the Daci, the 
 Moors, and the Alani, were quelled by his lieu- 
 tenants. 
 
 The principal and almost the only source for the history of 
 
 pf
 
 434 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH Antoninus Pius, Dion Cassius's history of this period being lost, 
 * is his Life by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS in the Script. Hist. August. 
 And even this refers to his private character rather than his 
 j public history. Compare the excellent Reflections of MARCUS 
 ( AURELIUS, i, 16. upon this prince. 
 
 Vie des Empereurs Tite Antonin et Marc Aurele, par M. 
 GAUTIER DE SIBERT. Paris, 1769, 8vo. A valuable essay on 
 the lives of the two Antonines. 
 
 27. He was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius 
 Antoninus, the philosopher (aged 40 59 years), 
 
 March 17, who immediately associated with himself, under 
 / the title of Augustus, L. Verus (aged 30 40 
 years, 1 169), to whom he gave his daughter in 
 marriage. Notwithstanding the differences of 
 their character, the most cordial union existed 
 between them during the whole of their common 
 reign ; L. Verus, indeed, being almost always 
 absent in the wars, took but a very small share in 
 the government. The reign of M. Aurelius was 
 marked by several great calamities : a dreadful 
 pestilence, a famine, and almost continual wars. 
 Nothing short of a prince like Aurelius, who ex- 
 hibited to the world the image of wisdom seated 
 on a throne, could have made so much misery 
 
 161166. tolerable. Soon after his accession, the Catti 
 made an irruption upon the Rhine, and the Par- 
 thians in Asia. L. Verus was sent against them. 
 But the wars on the Danube with the Marco- 
 manni and their allies in Pannonia, and other 
 
 The north- northern nations, who now began to press forward 
 
 era nations - _ l 
 
 begin to with great force upon Dacia, were ot much greater 
 
 M!L consequence. They occupied M. Aurelius from 
 
 the year 167, with but little intermission, to the 
 
 end of his reign. He succeeded, indeed, in main-
 
 BOOK v. FROM (LESAR TO COMMODUS. 435 
 
 taining the boundaries of the empire ; but then FOURTH 
 he was the first who settled any of the barba-~ 
 riansT within it, or took them into the Roman 
 service. In the internal administration of affairs 
 he closely followed the steps of his predecessor, 
 except that he was rather too much influenced 
 by his freedmen and family. The only rebellion 
 which broke out against him, was that of Avidius 
 Cassius, his lieutenant in Syria, occasioned by a 
 false report of his death ; but it was quelled by and death, 
 the destruction of that general, as soon as the 175< 
 truth was made known. 
 
 The war against the Parthians (see above, p. 304) was indeed 
 brought to a successful issue by Verus, the principal cities of the 
 Parthians falling into the hands of the Romans ; Verus left 
 them, however, to be carried on by his lieutenants, while he riot- 
 ed in debaucheries at Antioch. The first war against the Marco- 
 manni, carried on in the beginning and until the death of Verus, 
 by the two emperors together, was highly dangerous for Rome, 
 as many other nations had joined the Marcomanni, particularly 
 the Quadi, Jazygi, and Vandals, and penetrated as far as Aqui- 
 leia. M. Aurelius ended this war by a glorious peace, 174, as 
 he found it necessary to stop tne progress of CassiusV Irebellion ; 
 in 178, however, the Marcomanni again commenced hostilities, 
 and before their close M. Aurelius died at Sirmium. Contem- 
 porary with these wars, yet, as it seems, without any connection 
 with them, were the attacks of other nations upon Dacia, the 
 Bastarnae, Alani, etc. who poured in from the north, probably 
 pressed forward by the advance of the Goths. This was thejirst 
 symptom of the great migration of nations now beginning. 
 
 The especial sources for the history of M. Aurelius, are the 
 Biographies of him and L. Verus, written by JULIUS CAPITOLI- 
 NUS, as well as that of Avidius Cassius, by VULCATIUS GALLI- 
 CANUS in Script. Hist. August. The letters discovered in Milan, 
 among and together wltlTtEe writings of FRONTO, are of no his- 
 torical service. His principles are best learnt from his Medita- 
 tions on himself. 
 
 rf2
 
 436 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH CH. MfiiNERS de M. Aurel. Antonini ingenio, moribus, et 
 ERIOP ' scriptis, in Cammentat. Soc. Getting, vol. vi. 
 
 means of adoption the Roman empire 
 17, i8o had been blessed, during the last eighty years, 
 
 Dec. 31 
 
 192. I with a succession of rulers such as have not often 
 j fell to the lot of any kingdom. But in J. Corn- 
 modus the son of M. Aurelius 'probably the off- 
 spring of a gladiator), who reigned from his nine- 
 teenth to his thirty-first year, there ascended the 
 (throne a monster of cruelty, insolence, and lewd- 
 ness. At the commencement of his reign he 
 bought a peace of the Marcomanni that he might 
 return to Rome. Being himself unable to sup- 
 port the burden of government, the helm of state 
 was placed in the hands of the stern and cruel 
 Perennis, Perennis, praefect of the praetorian guard ; but 
 who, being murdered by the discontented sol- 
 diers, was succeeded by the freedman Cleander, 
 
 who put up all for sale, till he fell a sacrifice to 
 his own insatiable avarice, in a revolt of the 
 people, caused by their want of provisions. The 
 extravagant propensity of Commodus for the 
 diversions of the amphitheatres, and the combats 
 of wild beasts and gladiators, wherein he himself 
 usually took a part, in the character of Hercules, 
 became a chief cause of his dissipation, and 
 thereby of his cruelty ; till at last he was killed 
 j at the instigation of his concubine Marcia, Laetus 
 I the praefect of the praetorian guard, and Electus. 
 182184. The wars on the frontiers during his reign, in 
 Dacia, and especially in Britain, were success- 
 fully carried on by his lieutenants, generals who 
 belonged to the school of his father.
 
 BOOK v. FROM CAESAR TO COMMODUS. 437 
 
 The especial source for the history of Commodus is his private FOURTH 
 life by JEi,. LAMPRIDIUS, in the Script. Hist. August. The FERIOD - 
 history of Herodian begins with his reign. 
 
 29. The disasters under M. Aurelius, and the Stat ? of the 
 extravagances of Commodus, had injured the em- this period, 
 pire, but not enfeebled it. Towards the close of 
 the period of the Antonines it still retained its 
 pristine vigour. If wise regulations, internal peace, 
 moderate taxes, a certain degree of political, and 
 unrestrained civil liberty, are sufficient to form 
 the happiness of a commonwealth, it must have 
 been found in the Roman. What a number of 
 advantages did it possess over every other, simply 
 from its situation ! Proofs of it appear on every 
 side. A vigorous population, rich provinces, 
 flourishing and splendid cities, and a lively in- 
 ternal and foreign trade. But the most solid '/ 
 foundation of the happiness of a nation consists in ( 
 its moral greatness, and this we here seek for in ' 
 vain. Otherwise the nation would not so easily 
 have suffered itself to be brought under the yoke 
 of Commodus by praetorian cohorts and the le- 
 gions. But what best shows the strength which 
 the empire still retained, is the opposition it con- 
 tinued to make, for two hundred years longer, to 
 the formidable attacks from without. 
 
 D. H. HEGEWISCH upon the Epochs in Roman History most 
 favourable to Humanity. Hamburg, 18008. 
 
 Foreign commerce, so flourishing in this period, could only be 
 carried on, to any extent, with the east mostly with India 
 as the Roman empire spread over all the west. This trade con- 
 tinued to be carried on through Egypt, and also through Palmyra 
 and Syria. Information thereupon will be found in 
 
 W. ROBERTSON'S Disquisition concerning the Knowledge
 
 FOURTH 
 PERIOD. 
 
 43S 
 
 ROMAN STATE 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 which the Ancients had of India. London, 1791, 4to. Often 
 reprinted. And particularly upon Egypt, in 
 
 W. VINCENT, the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea. London, 
 1802, 4to. 2 vols. A very instructive work. 
 
 HEEREN, Commenlationes de Grcecorum et Romanorum de 
 India nolilia, et cum Indis commerciis : in Commentat. Soc. 
 Gott. vol. x. xi. 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 From the death of Commodus to Diocletian, 
 A. C. 193284. 
 
 SOURCES. The Extracts of Xiphilinus from DION CASSIUS, 
 lib. Ixxiii Ixxx. though often imperfect, reach down as low as 
 the consulate of Dion himself under Alexander Severus, 229. 
 HERODIANI Hist, libri viii. comprise the period from Commodus 
 to Gordian, 180 238. The Scriptores Histories Augustce Mi- 
 nores contain the private Jive's of the emperors down to Diocle- 
 tian, by JULIUS CAPITOLINUS, FLAVIUS VOPISCUS, etc. The 
 Breviaria Historic* Romance of EUTROPIUS, AURELIUS VICTOR, 
 and S. RUFUS are particularly important for this period. Fi- 
 nally, the important information that may be derived from the 
 study of medals and coins, not only for this section, but for the 
 whole history of the emperors, may be best learnt by consulting 
 the writers upon those subjects : J. VAILLANT, Numismata Au~ 
 gustorum et Casarum, euro J. F. BALDINO. Rome, 1743, 3 vols. 
 The Medallic History of Imperial Rome, by W. COOKE. London, 
 1781, 2 vols. But above all, the volumes belonging to this 
 period in ECKHEL, Doctrina Nummorum Veterum. 
 
 With the period of the Antonines begins the great work of 
 the British historian : 
 
 The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 by EDWARD GIBBON. Oxford, 1828, 8 vols. 8vo. In worth and 
 extent this work is superior to all others. It embraces the whole 
 period of the middle ages ; but only the first part belongs to this 
 period.
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 439 
 
 1. The extinction of the race of the Antonines FOURTH 
 by the death of Commodus was attended with - 
 
 . . , i-t Pertinax, 
 
 convulsions similar to those which took place Jan. i 
 when the house of Csesar became extinct at the 193? 
 death of Nero. It is true that P. Helvius Per- 
 tinax, aged sixty-seven, praefect of the city, was 
 raised to the throne by the murderers of Commo- 
 dus ; and that he was acknowledged, first by the 
 guards, and afterwards by the senate. But the 
 reform which he was obliged to make at the be- 
 ginning of his reign in the finances, rendered him 
 so odious to the soldiers and courtiers, that a re- 
 volt of the first, excited by Laetus, cost him his 
 life before he had reigned quite three months. 
 This was the first commencement of that dreadful 
 military despotism which forms the ruling cha- 
 racter of this period ; and to none did it become 
 so terrible as to those who wished to make it the 
 main support of their absolute power. 
 
 The insolence of the praetorian guard had risen very high dur- 
 ing the reign of Commodus ; but it had never, even in the time 
 of the Antonines, been entirely suppressed. It was only by 
 large donatives that their consent could be purchased, their ca- 
 price satisfied, and their good humour maintained ; especially at , 
 every new adoption. One of the greatest reproaches to the age 
 of the Antonines is, that those great princes, who seem to have 
 had the means so much in their power, did not free themselves 
 from so annoying a dependence. 
 
 JUL. CAPITOLINI Pertinax Imp. in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 2. When, upon the death of Pertinax, the rich Dtfias 
 and profligate M. Didius Julianus, aged fifty- 
 seven, had outbid, to the great scandal of the 
 people, all his competitors for the empire, and 
 purchased it of the praetorian guard, an insurrec- 
 tion of the legions, who were better able to create
 
 440 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 emperors, very naturally followed. But as the 
 - army of Illyria proclaimed their general Septi- 
 
 Septimius . f o i r o. T? . ~ ' ,. 
 
 mius Severus, the army ot byna, Fescennms JMi- 
 ger, and the army of Britain, Albinus, nothing less 
 
 Albums. t j ian a ser j es o f c [ v \[ wars could decide who should 
 maintain himself on the throne. 
 
 JEL. SPABTIANI Didius Julianus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 3. Septimius Severus, however, aged 49 66. 
 was the" first wEo got possession of Rome, and, 
 after the execution of Didius Julianus, he was 
 acknowledged by the senate. He dismissed, it 
 is true, the old prretorian guard, but immediately 
 chose, from his own army, one four times more 
 numerous in its stead. And after he had provi- 
 sionally declared Albinus emperor, he marched 
 his army against Pescerinius Niger, already mas- 
 ter of the east, whom, after several contests near 
 the Issus, he defeated and slew. Nevertheless, 
 having first taken and destroyed the strong city 
 of Byzantium, a war with Albinus soon followed, 
 whom the perfidious Severus had already at- 
 tempted to remove by assassination. After a 
 
 I 
 
 VII \\* 
 
 seif!Feb" bloody defeat near Lyons, Albinus kills himself. 
 
 19, 197. These civil wars were followed fcy hostilities 
 against the Parthians, who had taken the part of 
 Pescennius, and which ended with the plundering 
 of their principal cities (see above, p. 304). Se- 
 verus possessed most of the virtues of a soldier ; 
 but the insatiable avarice of his minister Plau- 
 tianus, the formidable captain of the praatorian 
 guard, robbed the empire even of those advan- 
 tages which may be enjoyed under a military go- 
 
 1204. vernment, until he was put to death at the insti- 
 gation of Caracalla. To keep his legions em-
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 441 
 
 ployed, Severus undertook an expedition into FOURTH 
 Britain, where, after extending the boundaries of- 
 
 the empire, he died at York (Eboracum}, leaving 
 his son the maxim, " to enrich the soldiers, and 
 hold the rest for nothing." 
 
 Agricola had already erected a line of fortresses, probably 
 between the Firth of Clyde and the Firth of Forth. These were 
 changed by Adrian into a wall along the present boundaries of 
 Scotland. Severus again extended the frontiers, reestablished 
 the fortresses of Agricola, and afterwards built a wall from sea 
 to sea ; his son, however, gave up the conquered country, and the 
 wall of Adrian again became the boundary of the empire. 
 
 JEl,. SPARTIANI Septimius Severus et Pescennius Niger. 
 
 JUL. CAPITOLINI Claudius Albinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 4. The deadly hatred which reigned between caracaiia, 
 the two sons of Severus, M. Aurelius Antoninus ISpd'u, 
 Bassianus Caracaiia, aged 23 29, and his young 217< 
 step-brother Geta, aged twenty-one, led to a 
 dreadful catastrophe ; for at their return to Rome, 
 and after a fruitless proposition had been made 
 for a division of the empire, Getajvvas^ assassi- Geta mur- 
 nated in the arms of his mother Julia Domna, to- 
 gether with all those who were considered as his 212> 
 friends. The restless spirit of Caracaiia, how- 
 ever, soon drew him from Rome, and in travers- 
 ing first the provinces along the Danube, and 
 then those of the east, he ruined them all by his 
 exactions and cruelty, to which he was driven for 
 money to pay his soldiers, and to purchase peace 
 of his enemies on the frontiers. The same neces- 
 sity led him to grant the right of citizenship to all 
 the provinces, mat ne might thereby gain the 
 duty of the vicesima heredltatum et manumissionum 
 (twentieth upon inheritances and enfranchise- 
 ments), which he very soon afterwards changed
 
 442 ROMAN STATE. BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH into a tenth (decima). With respect to his foreign 
 
 wars, his first was against the Catti and Ale- 
 
 manni, among whom he remained a long time, 
 
 sometimes as a friend and sometimes as an ene- 
 
 215. my. But his principal efforts, after having pre- 
 viously ordered a dreadful massacre of the inha- 
 bitants of Alexandria, to satisfy his cruel rapa- 
 
 216. city, were directed against the Parthians (see 
 above, p. 304) ; and in his wars against them he 
 was assassinated by Macrinus, the praefect of the 
 praetorian guard. 
 
 The praefect, or captain, of the praetorian guard became, from 
 
 [ the time of Severus, the most important officer in the state. 
 
 Besides the command of the guards, the finances were also under 
 
 his control, together with an extensive criminal jurisdiction. A 
 
 natural consequence of the continually increasing despotism. 
 
 ML. SPARTIANI Antoninus Caracalla el Ant. Geta, in Script. 
 Hist. Aug. 
 
 Macrinus, 5. His murderer, M. Opelius Macrinus, aged 
 2i7 June fifty-three, was recognized as emperor by the sol- 
 8,218. diers, and forthwith acknowledged by the senate. 
 He immediately created his son, M. Opelius Dia- 
 dumenus, aged nine years, Caesar, and gave him 
 the name of Antoninus. He disgracefully termi- 
 nated the war against the Parthians by purchas- 
 ing a peace, and changed the decima (tenth) of 
 Caracalla again into the vicesima (twentieth). 
 However, while he still remained in Asia, Bassia- 
 nus Heliogabalus, grand-nephew of Julia Domna, 
 and higri~pr7est in the temple of the Sun at 
 Emesa, whom his mother gave out for a son of 
 Caracalla, was proclaimed emperor by the le- 
 gions, and, after a combat with the guards, subse- 
 quently to which Macrinus and his son lost their 
 lives, they raised him to the throne.
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 443 
 
 Maesa, the sister of Julia Domna, had two daughters, both FOURTH 
 widows; Soaemis, the eldest, was the mother of Heliogabalus, P ERIOI) - 
 and Mammaea, the youngest, the mother of Alexander Severus. 
 
 JUL. CAPITOLINI Opelius Macrinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 6. Heliogabalus, aged 14 18, who assumed Heiiogaba- 
 the additional name of M. Aurelius Antoninus, j u u S ne 8, 
 brought with him from Syria the superstitions J}^ n> 
 and voluptuousness of that country. He intro- 222 - 
 duced the worship of his god Heliogabal in Rome, 
 and wallowed openly in such brutal and infamous 
 debaucheries, that history can scarcely find a 
 parallel to his dissolute, shameless, and scandal- 
 ous conduct. How low must the morality of that 
 age have been sunk, in which a boy could so early 
 have ripened into a monster! The debasement 
 of the senate, and of all important offices, which 
 he filled with the degraded companions of his 
 own lusts and vices, was systematically planned 
 by him ; and he deserves no credit even for the 
 adoption of his cousin, the virtuous Alexander 
 Severus, as he shortly after endeavoured to take 
 away his life, but was himself for that reason as- 
 sassinated by the praBtorian guards. 
 
 j" JEij. LAMPRIDII Ant. Heliogabalus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 1 . His young cousin and successor, M. Aurelius Alexander 
 Alexander Severus, aged 14 27, who had been MaTdTii, 
 carefully educated under the direction of his mo- ^"235. 
 ther Mammaea, proved one of the best princes in 
 an age and upon a throne where virtues were 
 more dangerous than vices. Under favour of his 
 youth he endeavoured to effect a reform, in which 
 he was supported by the cooperation of the guards, 
 who had elevated him to the throne. He re- 
 stored the authority of the senate, from among
 
 444 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH whom he chose, with rigid justice, his privy coun- 
 - cil of state, banishing the creatures of Helio- 
 
 1233. 
 
 gabalus from their places. The revolution in the 
 Persia, 226. Parthian empire, out of which was now formed 
 the new Persian, was of so much importance to 
 Rome, that it obliged Alexander to undertake a 
 war against Artaxerxes, in which he was pro- 
 231233. bably victorious. But while marching in haste 
 to protect the frontiers against the advance of the 
 Germans upon the Rhine, his soldiers, exas- 
 perated at the seventy of his discipline, and in- 
 235. cited by the Thracian Maximin, murdered him 
 in his own tent. His prelecT~oT~Th^e~~pF8etorian 
 222. guard, Ulpian, had already, for the same cause, 
 fallen a victim to this spirit of insubordination, 
 which was not checked even by the immediate 
 presence of the emperor himself. 
 
 The revolution in Parthia, whereby a new Persian empire was 
 formed (see above, p. 304.), became a source of almost perpetual 
 war to Rome ; Artaxerxes I. and his successors, the Sassanides, 
 claiming to be descendants of the ancient kings of Persia, formed 
 pretensions to the possession of all the Asiatic provinces of the 
 Roman empire. 
 
 LAMPUIDII Alexander Severus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 HEYNE de Alexandra Severo Judicwm, Comment, i. ii. in 
 Opuscula Academica, vol. vi. 
 
 8. The death of A. Severus raised military 
 235 May, despotism to the highest pitch, as it placed on the 
 138< throne the half savage C. Julius Maximinus, by 
 birth a Thracian peasant. At first he continued 
 the war against the Germans with great success, 
 
 236. repulsing them beyond the Rhine ; and resolved, 
 
 237. by crossing Pannonia, to carry the war even 
 among the Sarmatians. But his insatiable rapa- 
 city, which spared neither the capital nor the
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 445 
 
 provinces, made him hateful to all ; and Gor- FOUR 
 dian, proconsul of Africa, in his eightieth "year, 
 wa% together with his son of the same name, 
 proclaimed Augustus by the people, and im- 
 mediately acknowledged by the senate. Upon 
 this, Maximinus, eager to take vengeance on the 
 senate, marched directly from Sirmium towards April, 233. 
 Italy. In the mean time, the legions of the 
 almost defenceless Gordians were defeated in The Gor- 
 Africa, and themselves slain by Capellianus the dl 
 governor of Numidia. Notwithstanding this, as 
 the senate could expect no mercy, they chose as 
 co-emperors the preefect of the city, Maximus 
 Pupienus, and Clodius Balbinus, who, in con- Balbinus 
 formity with the wishes of the people, created nus. 
 the young Gordian III. Caesar. In the mean- 
 while Maximinus, Having besieged Aquileia, and 
 the enterprise proving unsuccessful, was slain by 
 his own troops. Pupienus and Balbinus now 
 seemed in quiet possession of the throne ; but 
 the guards, who had already been engaged in a 
 bloody feud with the people, and were not will- 
 ing to receive an emperor of the senate's choosing, 
 killed them both, and proclaimed as Augustus, 
 Gordian,_already created Caesar. 
 
 Jvii. CAPITOHNI Maximinus Gordiani ires, Pupienus et 
 Balbinus, in Script. Hist. August. 
 
 9. The reign of the young M. Antoninus Gor- Gordian 
 dianus lasted from his twelfth to his eighteenth gsgFeb. 
 year. He was grandson of the proconsul who had 244 * 
 lost his life in Africa, and in the early part of his 
 reign, acquired a degree of firmness from the 
 support of his father-in-law, Misitheus, praefect Syrian 
 
 * i . c pedition, 
 
 of the praetorian guard, as well as from the sue- 241243.
 
 446 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH cessful expedition which he undertook into Syria 
 against the Persians, who had invaded that pro- 
 vince. But after the death of Misitheus, Philip 
 the Arabian, being made praefect of the guards in 
 his stead, found means to gain the troops over 
 to himself, and, after driving Gordian from the 
 throne, caused him to be assassinated. 
 
 10 * ^ e re * n f M. Julius Philippus was in- 
 Sept.249. terrupted by several insurrections, especially in 
 Pannonia ; until at length Decius, whom he him- 
 self had sent thither to quell the rebellion, was 
 compelled by the troops to assume the diadem. 
 Philip was soon after defeated by him near Ve- 
 rona, where be perished, together with his son of 
 the same name. In this reign the secular games, 
 ludi steculares, were celebrated, one thousand 
 years from the foundation of the city. 
 247. 11. Under the reign of his successor, Trajanus 
 sept-249 Decius, aged fifty, the Goths for the first time 
 
 Oct. 251 . /. j A , . . iC rs~ 1 
 
 250. torced their way into the Koman empire by cross- 
 ing the Danube; and although Decius in the be- 
 ginning opposed them with success, he was at 
 last slain by them in Thrace, together with his 
 son, Cl. Herennius Decius, already created Cae- 
 sar. Upon this the army proclaimed C. Trebo- 
 nianus Gallus emperor, who created his son, Vo- 
 lusian, Caesar ; and having invited Hostilian, the 
 yet remaining son of Decius, with the ostensible 
 purpose of securing his cooperation, he neverthe- 
 less soon contrived to get rid of him. He purchased 
 a peace of the Goths ; but, despised by his gene- 
 rals, he became involved in a war with his vic- 
 torious lieutenant, JEmilius JEmilianus, in Moesia, 
 
 * 7> and was slain, together with his son, by his own
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 447 
 
 army. In three months, however, .ZEmilianus FOURTH 
 shared the same fate ; Publius Licinius Valeria- - 
 
 nus, the friend and avenger of Gallus, advancing 
 against him with the legions stationed in Gaul. 
 Both the people and army hoped to see the em- 
 pire restored under Valerian, already sixty years valerian. 
 of age ; but, although his generals defended the 
 frontiers against the Germans and Goths, he 
 himself had the misfortune to be defeated and 
 taken prisoner by the superior forces of the Per- 
 sians. Upon this event his son and associate in 
 the empire, P. Licinius Gallienus, who knew 
 
 ~- 
 
 . . . . , 259968. 
 
 everything except the art of governing, reigned 
 alone. Under his indolent rule the Roman em- 
 pire seemed on one hand ready to be split into 
 a number of small states, while on the other it 
 seemed about to fall a prey to the barbarians ; 
 for the lieutenants in most of the provinces de- 
 clared themselves independent of a prince whom 
 they despised, and to which, indeed, they were 
 driven, like Posthumius in Gaul, for their own 
 security. There were nineteen of these ; but as 
 many of them named their sons Cassars, this pe- 
 riod has been very improperly distinguished by 
 the name of the thirty tyrants, although their in- 
 tolerable oppressions might well justify the latter 
 expression. The Persians at the same time were 
 victorious in the east, and the Germans in the 
 west. 
 
 The German nations which were now become so formidable to 
 the Roman empire, were: 1. The great confederation of tribes 
 under the name of Franks, who spread over Gaul along the whole 
 extent of the Lower' Rhine. 2. The allied nations of the Ale- 
 manni on the Upper Rhine. 3. The Goths, the most powerful 
 ofafl, who had formed a monarchy upon the banks of the Lower
 
 448 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH Danube and the northern coasts of the Black sea, which soon 
 ERIOD ' extended from the Boristhenes to the Don ; and who became 
 formidable, not only by their land forces, but also by their naval 
 power, especially after they had captured the peninsula of Crim 
 Tartary (Ckersonesus Taurica); and by means of their fleets 
 they not only kept the Grecian, but likewise the Asiatic pro- 
 vinces in a continual state of alarm. 
 
 TREBELLI POLLIONIS Valerianus, Gallieni duo, triginta ty- 
 ranni, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 j- Concerning the thirty tyrants under the Roman emperor 
 Gallienus, by J. C. F. MANSO ; at the end of his Life of Con- 
 stantine. 
 
 Claudius, 12. Gallienus losing his life before Milan, in 
 
 March, 268 -.AT ^ ^ 
 
 Oct.27o. the war against Aureolus an usurper, had never- 
 theless recommended M. Aurelius Claudius (aged 
 45 47) for his successor. The new Augustus 
 
 (reestablished in some degree the tottering em- 
 pire ; not only by taking Aureolus prisoner and 
 defeating the Alemanni, but also by a decisive 
 269. victory gained at Nissa over the Goths, who had 
 invaded Moesia. He died, however, soon after, 
 at Sirmium, of a pestilential disease, naming for 
 his successor Aurelian, a hero like himself, who 
 mounted the throne upon the death of Quintillus 
 the late emperor's brother, who had at first pro- 
 claimed himself Augustus, but afterwards died by 
 his own hand. 
 
 TREBELLII POLLIONIS divus Claudius, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 13. During the reign of L. Domitius Aure- 
 March,275. lianus, which lasted almost five years, those 
 countries which had been partly or entirely lost 
 to the empire were restored. Having first driven 
 back the Goths and the Alemanni, who had ad- 
 vanced as far as Umbria, he undertook his expe- 
 271. dition against the celebrated Zenobia, queen of
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 449 
 
 Palmyra, who at that time possessed Syria, Egypt, FOURTH 
 ancTpart of Asia Minor. These countries he again PERIOP ' 
 brought under the dominion of the empire, after 
 
 having defeated Zenobia and made her prisoner, z 
 
 . __ . j; . ...... feated and 
 
 Ihe western provinces of Gaul, Britain, and made P ri- 
 Spain, which since the time of Gallienus had ^S. 
 been governed by separate rulers, and were now 
 under the dominion of Tetricus, he reduced to 
 their former obedience. Dacia, on the contrary, 274. 
 he willingly abandoned ; and as he transported 
 the Roman inhabitants across the Danube into 
 Moesia, the latter henceforward bore the name of 
 Dacia Aureliani. Hated for his severity, which 
 in a warrior so easily degenerates into cruelty, 
 he was assassinated in Illyria at the instigation of 275. 
 his private secretary Mnestheus. 
 
 FLAV. VOPISCI divus Aurelianus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 Palmyra in the Syrian desert, enriched by the Indian trade, 
 and one of the most ancient cities in the world, became a Roman 
 colony in the time of Trajan. Odenatus, the husband of Zeno- 
 bia, had acquired so much celebrity by his victories over the Per- 
 sians, that Gallienus had even named him Augustus with him- 
 self. He was murdered, however, by his cousin Maeonius, 267. 
 Zenobia now took possession of the government for her sons 
 Vabalathus, Herennianus, and Timolaus, without, however, being 
 acknowledged at Rome. After this, in the time of Claudius, 
 she added Egypt to her dominions. Aurelian, having first 
 defeated her near Antioch and Emesa, soon afterwards took 
 Palmyra, which, in consequence of a revolt, he destroyed. Even 
 in its ruins Palmyra is still magnificent. 
 
 The Ruins of Palmyra, by R. WOOD. London, 1753; and 
 the Ruins of Balbec, otherwise Heliopolis, by the same author, 
 London, 1757> give us clear and certain ideas of the splendour 
 and magnitude of these cities. 
 
 A. H. L. HEEKEN, de Commercio urbis Palmyras vicinarum- 
 que vrbium, in Comment, recent. Soc. Getting, vol. vii. and the 
 Appendix to Heeren's Researches. 
 
 eg
 
 450 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH 14. An interregnum of six months followed 
 
 Tacitas> ' upon the death of Aurelian, till at length the 
 
 27!l 25 ' senate, at the repeated solicitations of the army, 
 
 April, 276. ventured to fill up the vacant throne. The object 
 
 of their choice, however, M. Claudius Tacitus, 
 
 the worthiest of the senators, was unfortunately 
 
 seventy-five years old, and perished after a short 
 
 reign of six months, in an expedition against the 
 
 Goths. Upon this event the army of Syria raised 
 
 M. Aurelius Probus to the purple ; while Flori- 
 
 anus the brother of Tacitus, who had already been 
 
 acknowledged at Rome, was put to death by his 
 
 own people. 
 
 FLAV. VOPISCI Tacitus; ejusd. Florianus, in Script. Hist. 
 Aug. 
 
 A r riT S 276 **** ^ e S ^ X y ears ' rei o n of Probus was a war- 
 August, like one. He defeated the Germans, and forced 
 
 282 
 
 277. them beyond the Rhine and Danube ; strengthen- 
 
 278. ing the frontiers by building a strong wall from 
 the Danube, near Regensburg, to the Rhine. He 
 also obliged the Persians to make peace. Never- 
 theless, the number of towns which he reestab- 
 lished and peopled with prisoners of war, and the 
 vineyards which he caused his soldiers to plant 
 on the Rhine, are proofs that he had taste and 
 inclination for the arts of peace. This policy, 
 however, would not suit the legions ! After he 
 had perished, therefore, by the hands of his 
 soldiers, they proclaimed the praefect of the pras- 
 
 Carus, torian guard, M. Aurelius Carus, emperor, who 
 
 Aug. 282. i i /~i " i i 
 
 created his two sons Caesars men very unlike 
 each other in disposition, M. Aurelius Carinus 
 being one of the greatest reprobates, while M.
 
 BOOKV. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 451 
 Aurelius Numerianus was gentle by nature, and OURTH 
 
 J PERIOD. 
 
 had a mind well formed by study. The new em- 
 peror, having defeated the Goths, marched against 
 the Persians, but was shortly afterwards killed, it Aug. 233. 
 is said, by a flash of lightning. Nor did his son 
 Numerianus long survive him, being murdered 231. 
 by his own father-in-law, Arrius Aper, the praeto- 
 rian prefect. 
 
 . VOPISCI Probus imper. ejusd. Cyrus, Numirianus et 
 Carinus, in Script. Hist. Aug. 
 
 16. Although this period gives us a finished Review of 
 
 i f i. -i'^ i i- ' *. i-n the govern- 
 
 picture oi a complete military despotism, it is still me ntdimng 
 evident that this was owing to the entire separa- thlspeno(L 
 tion of the military order from the rest of the 
 people, by the introduction of standing armies, 
 and the extinction of all national spirit among 
 the citizens. The legions decided because the 
 people were unarmed. It was, indeed, only 
 among them, situated far from the soft luxuries 
 of the capital, and engaged in almost a continual 
 struggle with the barbarians, that a remnant of 
 the ancient Roman character was still preserved. 
 The nomination of their leaders to the purple be- 
 came a natural consequence, not .only of the un- 
 certainty of the succession, which could not be 
 fixed by mere ordinances, but often of necessity, 
 from their being in the field under the pressure of 
 urgent circumstances. Thus a succession of dis- 
 tinguished generals came to the throne : what 
 authority, indeed, would an emperor at that time 
 have had who was not a general ? All durable 
 reform, however, was rendered quite impossible 
 by the quick succession of rulers. Even the best
 
 452 ROMAN STATE BOOK T. 
 
 amon g them could do but very little for the in- 
 ternal administration ; as all their energies were 
 required to protect the frontiers, and defend 
 themselves against usurpers, who, with the ex- 
 ception of the formality of being acknowledged 
 by the senate, had claims as well founded as 
 their own. 
 
 17. The decline of the empire also became so 
 
 tens the de- 
 cline of the much the more rapid, m proportion as in these 
 
 days of terror luxury had increased not only in 
 the splendour and profligate effeminacy of private 
 life, but more particularly in public, to a pitch 
 almost beyond belief. The latter was especially 
 shown in the exhibitions of the amphitheatre and 
 circus ; by which not only every new ruler, but 
 even every new magistrate was obliged to pur- 
 chase the favour of the people. Thus these rem- 
 nants of a free constitution served only to accele- 
 rate the general ruin ! What enjoyments, indeed, 
 could be found under the rod of despotism, ex- 
 I cept those of the grossest sensuality ; and to 
 satisfy this, the intellectual amusements of the 
 theatre (mimes and pantomimes), and even those 
 of rhetoric and poetry, were made to contribute. 
 TnS:ts I- ^ et > Curing this general decay, the gradual 
 of the { spread of the Christian religion was working a 
 
 Christian I r 
 
 religion. [ reform altogether of a different nature. Before 
 the end of this period it had opened itself a way 
 into every province, and, notwithstanding the 
 frequent persecutions, had made converts in every 
 rank of society, and was now on the eve of be- 
 coming the predominant form of worship. \Ve 
 shall be better able to estimate its value, if we 
 consider it as the vehicle by which civilization
 
 BOOK v. FROM COMMODUS TO DIOCLETIAN. 453 
 
 made its way among the rude nations that now FOURTH 
 appeared on the scene, than if we merely consider 
 it as the means of improving the manners and 
 morals of the Roman world. In a political view 
 it became of the greatest importance on account 
 of the hierarchy, the frame-work of which was 
 now in a great measure constructed among its 
 professors. It was afterwards adopted as a state 
 religion ; and although the ancient creed of Rome 
 had formerly been on the same footing, yet it was 
 only calculated for the republic, and not at all 
 for the now existing monarchy. The overthrow 
 of paganism was necessarily attended with some 
 violent convulsions, yet its loss was nothing to be 
 compared with the support which the throne 
 afterwards found in the hierarchy. 
 
 The dispersion of the Jews, and especially the persecutions 
 which were renewed from time to time, after the reign of Nero, 
 (but which only served to kindle enthusiasm,) strongly cooperated 
 in spreading the Christian religion. These persecutions were 
 principally called forth against the Christians on account of their 
 forming themselves into a separate society, which caused them to 
 be regarded as a dangerous sect at Rome, notwithstanding the 
 general toleration granted to every other system of religious 
 belief. Although towards the end of this period, only a very 
 small proportion of the inhabitants of the Roman empire as yet 
 professed the Christian faith, it nevertheless had followers in 
 every province. 
 
 j- History of the Social Constitution of the Christian Church, 
 by D. G. J. PLANCK, 4 parts, 1800. It is the first part of this 
 excellent work which relates to this period.
 
 454 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 THIRD SECTION. 
 
 From Diocletian to the overthrow of the Roman empire in 
 the west, A. C. 284 476. 
 
 FOURTH SOURCES. It now becomes of importance to enquire whether 
 EB10P ' the historians were Christians or pagans. ZOSIMCS, the imitator 
 of Polybius, belonged to the last. He describes the fall of the 
 Roman state, as his model does the previous part. Of his His- 
 tories only five books and a half, to the time of Gratian, 410, 
 have descended to us. He was certainly a violent antagonist of 
 the Christians, yet, nevertheless, the best writer of this period. 
 AMMIANI MARCELLIXI Hisloriarum, lib. xiv xxxi. from the 
 year 353378 (the first thirteen books are lost). Probably a 
 Christian, but yet no flatterer ; and, notwithstanding his tire- 
 some prolixity, highly instructive. Together with the writers of 
 general history already noticed at p. 437, we must here especially 
 add to the abbreviators, PAULI OROSII Hist. lib. vii. and Zo- 
 JJAR.E Annales. The Panegyrici Veleres, from Diocletian to 
 Theodosius, can only be used with circumspection. The writers 
 of church history, such as EUSEBIUS, in his Hist. Eccles. lib. x. 
 and in his Vita Constantini Pidgin, lib. v. as well as his continu- 
 ators, SOCRATES, THEODORET, SOZOMEXUS, and EVAGRIUS, are 
 also highly important for the political history of this period, 
 though, from their partiality towards the Christian emperors, 
 they should rather be classed with the panegyrists than the his- 
 torians. To these may be added another principal source, viz. 
 the Constitutions of the emperors, which have been preserved in 
 the Codex Theodosianus and Justinianeus, from the time of Con- 
 stantine the Great. 
 
 Besides the works quoted at pages 411, 437, the Byzantine 
 historians here become of importance. We shall mention also : 
 
 Histoire du Bas-Empire depuis Conslantin, par M. LE BEAU, 
 continuee par M. AMEILHOX. Paris, 1824, 20 voLs. 8vo. The 
 first seven parts only belong to this period.
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 455 
 
 t The German translation of GUTHRIE and GRAY'S Universal FOURTH 
 History, 5 sections, 1 vol. Leipsic, 1768. Rendered very useful PEUIOP - 
 by the labours of Ritter. 
 
 Hisloire du Bas-Empire, depuis Constantin jusqii a la prise 
 de Constantinople en 1453, par CARENTIN ROYOU. Paris, 
 1803, 4 vols. 8vo. A useful abridgement, without much 
 research. 
 
 1. The reign of C. Valerius Diocletian, aged Diocletian, 
 
 & . Sept. 17, 
 
 39 60, proclaimed emperor after the murder of 284 May 
 Numerianus, by the troops in Chalcedon, begins 
 a new section in Roman history. To the period 
 of military despotism succeeded the period of 
 partitions. After Diocletian had defeated Cari- carinus, 
 nus the yet remaining Caesar, in Upper Mcesia, t285 ' 
 where he was assassinated, he made M. Valerius Maximian 
 Maximianus Herculius, a rough warrior who had ^g iat6 f 
 hitKerto been his comrade in arms, the sharer of vernment ' 
 
 286. 
 
 his throne. Herculius now contended with the 
 Alemanni and Burgundians on the banks of the 
 Rhine, while Diocletian himself made head 
 against the Persians. Nevertheless, the two Au- 
 gusti soon found themselves unable to withstand 
 the barbarians, who were pressing forward on 
 every side, more especially as Carausius had 2^293' 
 usurped and maintained the title of Caesar in 
 Britain. Each of them, therefore, created a Cae- Gaierius 
 
 . . .- LI imu jj i T /r andChlorus 
 
 sar : Diocletian chose C. Galenus, and Maximi- created 
 anus Flavins Constantius Chlorus, both of whom 
 had distinguished themselves as generals, at that 
 time the only road to advancement. The whole 
 empire was now divided between these four rulers; 
 so that each had certain provinces to govern and 
 defend ; without detriment, however, to the unity 
 of the whole, or to the dependence in which a
 
 456 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH Caesar stood as the subordinate assistant and 
 
 PERIOD. 
 
 future successor of his Augustus. 
 
 In the partition, 292, Diocletian possessed the eastern pro- 
 vinces ; Galerius, Thrace, and the countries on the Danube 
 (Illyricum) ; Maximianus, Italy, Africa, and the islands ; and 
 Constantius, the western provinces of Gaul, Spain, Britain, and 
 Mauritania. 
 
 2. This new system could not but have a strik- 
 ing effect upon the spirit of the government. It 
 was now not only in fact, but also in form, en- 
 tirely in the hands of the rulers. By their con- 
 tinual absence from Rome they became freed 
 from that moral restraint in which the authority of 
 the senate, and the name of the republic, not yet 
 entirely laid aside, had held before them. Diocle- 
 tian formally assumed the diadem, and, with the 
 ornaments of the east, introduced its luxuries into 
 his court. Thus was laid the foundation of that 
 structure which Constantine the Great had to 
 complete. 
 
 3. The consequences of this new system be- 
 came also oppressive to the provinces, inasmuch 
 as they had now to maintain four rulers, with 
 their courts, and as many armies. But however 
 loud might be the complaints of the oppression 
 occasioned thereby, it was, perhaps, the only 
 means of deferring the final overthrow of the 
 whole edifice. In fact, they succeeded not only 
 
 296. in defeating the usurpers, Allectus in Britain 
 293296. (who had murdered Carausius in 293), Julian in 
 Africa, and Achilleus in Egypt; but also in de- 
 fending the frontiers, which, indeed, by the vic- 
 tories of Galerius over the Persians, they ex- 
 tended as far as the Tigris. Did not, however,
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 457 
 
 the gloomy perspective present itself, that among FOURTH 
 so many rulers, and the undefined relations which 
 
 existed between the Caesars and the emperors, 
 the union could not be of long continuance? 
 
 4. Diocletian voluntarily abdicated the throne 
 (although the growing power and encroaching 
 disposition of Galerius might perhaps have had 
 some influence), and obliged his colleague Max- 
 imianus to do the same. The two Caesars, Con- Constan- 
 stantius and Galerius, were proclaimed Augusti, 307'. 3C 
 and altered the division of the empire, so that the ^5313 
 former possessed all the western countries, of 
 which, however, he freely ceded Italy and Africa 
 
 to Galerius, who had all the remaining provinces. 
 The latter, during the same year, created Flavius 
 Seyerus, Caesar, and confided to him the govern- 
 ment of Italy and Africa; as he did also C. Ga- 
 lerius Maximin, to whom he gave the Asiatic 
 provinces. The administration of the two em- 
 perors, however, was very different ; Constantius 
 was as much beloved for his mild and disinter- 
 ested government, as Galerius was hated for his 
 harshness and prodigality. Constantius died very 
 soon after at York, leaving his son Constantine 
 heir to his dominions, who was immediately pro- 
 claimed Augustus by the legions, although Gale- 
 rius would only acknowledge him as Caesar. 
 
 5. Thus Constantine, who afterwards obtained Constantine 
 the surname of Great, began to rule, aged 33 j u e i y 2? ' 
 64, though at first only over Britain, Spain, and 22^337!^ 
 Gaul ; nevertheless, after seventeen years of vio- 
 lence and warfare, he succeeded in opening him- 
 self a way to the sole dominion of the empire. 
 
 The rulers disagreed among themselves ; and for-
 
 458 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH midable usurpers started up and rendered war in- 
 
 FERIOD. . , , 
 
 evitable. 
 
 The history of the first seven years of Constantine, 306 313, 
 is very complicated ; after that, he had only one rival to struggle 
 with, 314 323. At his accession, Galerius, as Augustus, was 
 in possession of all the other provinces ; of which, however, he 
 had given to Caesar Maximin the government of those of Asia, 
 and to Caesar Severus, now created Augustus, Italy and Africa. 
 The latter, however, rendering himself odious by his oppression, 
 Maxentius, the son of the former emperor, Maximianus, assumed 
 theTitle" of Augustus at Rome (Oct. 28, 306), and associated 
 his father with himself in the government ; so that at this time 
 there were six rulers : Galerius, Severus, Constantine, Maximin, 
 and the usurpers Maxentius and his father Maximianus. But 
 in the year 307, Severus, wishing to oppose Maxentius, was 
 abandoned by his own troops, upon which he surrendered him- 
 self to Maximianus, who caused him to be executed. In his 
 place Galerius created his friend Licinius, Augustus ; and Max- 
 imin obtained the same dignity from his army in Asia. In the 
 mean time, Maximianus, after having endeavoured to supplant 
 his own son in Rome, fled to Constantine, who had crossed over 
 into Gaul and there defeated the Franks, 306 ; but having made 
 an attempt upon the life of Coustantine, who had married his 
 daughter Fausta, that emperor caused him to be put to death, 
 310. As the excesses of Galerius soon brought him to the 
 grave, 311, there only remained Constantine, Licinius, and 
 Maximin, and the usurper Maxentius^ The latter was soon de- 
 feated and slain, 312, before the gates of Rome, by Constantine, 
 who thereby Tjecame master of Italy and the capital. A war 
 having broken out about the same time between Maximin and 
 Licinius, Maximin was defeated near Adrianople, and then 
 killed himself, 313. The year 314 brought on a war between 
 tin- two n.-i:uiiii:;_: - r.ijvrurs. C'nn>t;.;itine and Licinius. which, 
 however, ended the same year in an accommodation, by which 
 Constantine obtained all the countries on the south bank of the 
 Danube, as well as Thrace and Mcesia Inferior ; it broke out 
 again, however, in 322, and was finally terminated by a decisive 
 victory in Bithynia, and the total overthrow of Licinius, whom 
 Constantine put to death, 324. ~~ 
 
 6. However opposite may be the opinions
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 459 
 
 formed respecting the reign of Constantine the FOURTH 
 
 ,, , . . PERIOD. 
 
 Great, its consequences are perfectly plain. Al- - 
 though he annihilated military despotism, he es- 
 tablished in its stead, if not completely, yet in 
 great measure, the despotism of the court, and 
 likewise the power oFThe hierarchy. He had 
 already, during his expedition against Maxentius, 
 decided in favour of the Christian religion ; and 
 since he thereby gained a vast number of par- 
 tisans in all the provinces, and weakened at the 
 same time the power of his co-emperors, or com- 
 petitors, it was the surest way he could have 
 taken to obtain sole dominion, the great object of 
 his ambition. This change must nevertheless 
 have had very considerable influence on every 
 part of the government, as he found in the previ- 
 ously established hierarchy a powerful support of 
 the throne ; and since he, in concert with it, set- 
 tled what was, and what was not the orthodox 
 doctrine, he introduced a spirit of persecution 
 heretofore unknown. 
 
 At a period in which religious parties must almost necessarily 
 have become political parties, we can by no means venture to 
 judge of the importance of the sect by the importance of their 
 points of doctrine. The quarrels of the Arians, which arose at 
 this time, gave Constantine, by the council of Nice, 325, the op- 
 portunity he wished for, of making good his authority in religious 
 legislation. 
 
 7. The removal of the seat of empire from 
 Rome to Constantinople was connected with this 
 change in the form of worship as a Christian 
 court would have been awkwardly situated in a 
 city still altogether pagan although the need 
 there was of protecting the frontiers against the 
 Goths and Persians had a considerable share
 
 460 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH therein. It did, indeed, become the principal 
 
 means of establishing the despotism of the court ; 
 
 but those who regard it as one of the causes of 
 the decline of the empire, should remember, that 
 for an empire fallen so low as the Roman was at 
 this time, despotism was almost the only support 
 that remained. 
 
 The various partitions of the empire from the time of Diocle- 
 tian, had led the way to this change of the capital ; because a 
 natural result of that system was, that the emperors and Ctesars, 
 when not with the army as they usually were, would reside in 
 different cities. The seat of Diocletian's government was at 
 Nicomedia ; of Maximian's, at Milan ; even Constantine himself 
 remained but very little at Rome. In these new residences they 
 felt themselves unfettered ; and therefore, although the Roman 
 senate existed till after the time of Constantine, its authority 
 must have fallen of itself from the time of Diocletian. 
 
 8. We ought not, therefore, to wonder that the 
 consequence of this removal was so complete a 
 change in the whole form of government, that 
 after a short time it seemed to be altogether a 
 different state. A partition of the empire was 
 made, which, though it might in part have been 
 founded on those which had previously existed, 
 was yet so different, that it not only changed the 
 ancient divisions of the provinces, but completely 
 altered their mode of government. The court, 
 with the exception of polygamy, assumed entirely 
 the form of an eastern court. A revolution also 
 had taken place in the military system, by the 
 complete separation of the civil and military au- 
 thorities, which the praetorian praefects had hi- 
 therto possessed, but who now became merely 
 civil governors. 
 
 According to the new division the whole empire was divided 
 into four prefectures, each of which had its dioceses, and each
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 461 
 
 diocese its provinces. The prefectures were : I. The eastern FOURTH 
 (prcefectttra Orieniis ; it contained five dioceses; 1. Orientis : PEUIOD. 
 2. JEgypti; 3. Asice ; 4. Ponti ; 5. Thraciaz ; forming alto- 
 gether forty-eight provinces, and comprising all the countries of 
 Asia and Egypt, together with the frontier countries of Libya 
 and Thrace. II. Prcefectura Illyrici, containing two dioceses ; 
 1. Macedonice ; 2. Dacioz ; forming eleven provinces, and com- 
 prising Mcesia, Macedon, Greece, and Crete. III. Prcefectura 
 Italia, containing three dioceses; 1. Italic? ; 2. Illyrici; 3. 
 Africoe ; forming twenty-nine provinces, and comprising Italy, 
 the countries on the south of the Danube, as far as the bounda- 
 ries of Moesia ; the islands of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, and 
 the African provinces of the Syrtis. IV. Prcefectura Gal- 
 liarum, containing three dioceses ; 1. Gallice ; 2. Hispanice ; 3. 
 Britannioe ; forming altogether twenty-eight provinces, and com- 
 prising Spain and the Balearian islands, Gaul, Helvetia, and 
 Britain. Each of these prefectures was under a prcefectus prce- 
 torio (praetorian prefect), but who was merely a civil governor, 
 and had under him vicarios, in the dioceses, as well as the rec- 
 lores provinciarum, of various ranks and titles. They were 
 named proconsules presides, etc. Besides these, Rome and Con- 
 stantinople, not being included in any of the four prefectures, 
 had each its prefect. 
 
 As principal officers of state and the court (s. cubiculty, we 
 now for the first time meet with the prcepositus s. cubiculi 
 (grand-chamberlain), under whom were all the comites palatii 
 and cubicularii, in four divisions ; these, at a later period, were 
 frequently eunuchs of great influence ; the magister officiorum 
 (chancellor, minister of the interior) ; the comes sacrarum largi- 
 iiorum (minister of the finances) ; the quaestor (the organ of the 
 emperors in legislation ; minister of justice and secretary of 
 state) ; the comes rei principis (minister of the crown-treasury) 
 privy -purse] ; the two comites domesticorum (commander of the 
 household guards), each of whom had his corps (scholas) under 
 him. The number of the state officers and courtiers was conti- 
 nually increasing. If the good of a commonwealth consisted in 
 forms, ranks, and titles, the Roman empire must at this time 
 have been truly happy ! 
 
 At the head of the troops were the magistri peditum (masters 
 of the infantry) and the magistri equitum (masters of the horse), 
 under the magister utriusque militce (general in chief of the 
 whole army) . Their subordinate commanders were called comites
 
 462 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH and duces. Constantine considerably reduced the army. In the 
 PERIOD, arrangement of the troops he also made great alterations j these, 
 
 however, were but of slight consequence compared with that 
 
 which was produced by admitting into the service a continually 
 
 increasing number of barbarians. 
 
 Notitia dignitatem utriusque Imperil cum not. PANCIROL.LI 
 
 GRJEV. Thesaur. Antiquitat. Rom. vol. vii. 
 
 Taxes. 9. It would naturally be expected that these 
 
 great changes should lead to others in the system 
 of taxation. New taxes, or old ones revived, 
 were added to those already existing, and became, 
 by the manner in which they were collected, 
 doubly oppressive. We shall particularly notice, 
 a. The annual land-tax (indictio}. b. The tax 
 upon trade (aurum lustrale). c. The free gift (don. 
 gratuit.^), now grown into an obligatory tax (aurum 
 coronariuin). To these we must add the municipal 
 expenses, which fell entirely upon the citizens, 
 and especially upon the civic officers (decur tones'), 
 places which must have been generally held by 
 the rich, as Constantine had in great measure ap- 
 propriated the wealth of the cities to the endow- 
 ment of churches, and the support of the clergy. 
 
 a. The land-tax, or indiction, which if not first introduced by 
 Constantine was entirely regulated under him, was collected after 
 an exact register, or public valuation, of all the landed estates. 
 Its amount was yearly fixed and prescribed by the emperor (in- 
 dicebalur^, and levied by the rectors of provinces and the de- 
 curions ; an arbitrary standard (caput) being taken as the rate 
 of assessment. 
 
 As this register was probably reviewed every fifteen years, it 
 gave rise to the cycle of inductions of fifteen years, which became 
 the common era, beginning from September 1, 312. In this 
 manner the tax included all those who were possessed of pro- 
 perty, b. The tax on commerce ; which was levied on almost 
 every kind of trade. It was collected every four years, whence 
 the aurum lustrale. c. The aurum coronarium grew out of the
 
 BOOK y. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 463 
 
 custom which obtained of presenting the emperors with golden FOURTH 
 crowns on particular occasions ; the value of which was at last P " IOD - 
 exacted in money. Every considerable city was obliged to 
 pay it. 
 
 10. The rapid spread of the Christian religion, spread of 
 the promulgation of which was enforced as a [i^ re " S " 
 duty upon all its professors, was now accelerated h < 
 
 by the endeavours of the court. Constantine for- 
 bade sacrifices, and shut up the temples; and the 
 violent zeal of his successors unfortunately soon 
 turned them into ruins. 
 
 Histoire de Consiantin-le- Grand, par le R. P. BERN. DE VA- 
 RENNE. Paris, 1778, 4to. 
 
 Vita di Constantino il Grande dell' ABB. FR. GUSTA. Fu- 
 ligno, 1786. Both these works, especially the first, are written 
 in a tone of panegyric ; the latest, and by far the best, is 
 
 -j- Life of Constantine the Great, by J. C. F. MANSO. Bresl. 
 1817- With several very learned appendixes, which clear up 
 some particular points. 
 
 11. The three Ca3sars and sons of Constantine Constan- 
 the Great, Constantine, 337 340 ; Constantius, stantiu n ~ 
 337361; and Constans, 337350; had been 
 carefully educated, and yet resembled one another 
 
 as much in their vices as they did in their names. 
 They indeed divided the empire again upon the 
 death of their father ; but were so eager after 
 territory, which neither of them was qualified to 
 govern, that a series of wars followed for the 
 next twelve years, till at last Constantius was left 
 master of the whole ; and by the murder of most 
 of his relations secured the throne to himself. 
 
 In the partition of the empire Constantine obtained the prce- 
 fectura Galliarum, Constans the prcefeclura Italics et Illyrici, 
 and Constantius the prcefectura Orientis. But as Constantine 
 desired to add Italy and Africa to his portion, he attacked
 
 464 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH Constans, and thereby lost his life, so that Constans came into 
 PERIOD. ^ Q possession of the western countries. In consequence, how- 
 ever, of his wretched misgovernment, Magnentius, a general, 
 proclaimed himself emperor in Gaul, and Constans was slain 
 in endeavouring to escape, 350. A war with Constantius, who 
 was then occupied in the east, became inevitable, and broke out 
 351. The usurper was defeated first at Mursa in Pannonia, 
 then retreating into Gaul he was again defeated, 353 ; upon 
 which he slew himself, together with his family. 
 
 Constantius 12. As Constantius, however sunk in effemi- 
 nacy and debauchery, and surrounded and go- 
 verned by eunuchs was unable to sustain the 
 weight of government alone, he took his cousin 
 35i. Constantius Gallus, hitherto a state prisoner, and 
 whose father he had formerly slain, to his assist- 
 ance, created him Caesar, and sent him into the 
 east against the Parthians. But his excessive 
 arrogance, which was fomented by his wife Con- 
 stantina, rendered him so dangerous that Con- 
 stantius recalled him, and caused him, upon his 
 return, to be put to death in Istria. His younger 
 brother Fl. Julian, from whom the suspicious 
 354. Constantius believed he had nothing to fear, was 
 NOV. e, promoted in his place, created Caesar, and sent 
 355 ' to defend the frontiers on the Rhine. Although 
 Julian passed suddenly from study to warfare, he 
 not only fought against the Germans with suc- 
 cess, but also made a deep inroad into their coun- 
 try. In the mean time Constantius, after his 
 generals had been beaten by the Persians, who 
 wished to reconquer the provinces they had 
 ceded, was preparing an expedition against them 
 in person, and with that view endeavoured gradu- 
 ally to withdraw the troops of Julian, in con- 
 sequence of which the latter, suspecting his de-
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 465 
 
 sign, was induced to accept the diadem presented FOURTH 
 by his soldiers. While marching, however, along 3^ 
 the Danube against Constantius, he received in- 
 formation of that prince's death in Asia. 
 
 13. Fl. Julian, (the apostate.) who reigned from Julian, 
 
 , . . , .... March, 360 
 
 nis twenty-ninth to his thirty-second year, was j une 25, 
 the last and most highly gifted prince of the house 
 of Constantine. Instructed by misfortunes and 
 study, he yet had some faults, though certainly 
 free from great vices. He began with reforming 
 the luxury of the court. His abjuration of the 
 religion now become dominant, and which he 
 wished to annihilate by degrees, was an error in 
 policy, which he must have discovered to his 
 cost had his reign been prolonged. Wishing, 
 however, to terminate the war against the Per- 
 sians, he penetrated as far as the Tigris, where 
 he lost his life in an engagement, after a reign of 
 three years. 
 
 f The Emperor Julian and his Times, by AUGUST. NEANDER. 
 Leipsic, 1812. An historical sketch. 
 
 14. Fl. Jovianus, now thirty-three years ofjovian, 
 age, was immediately raised to the purple by the 3 Feb. 
 army. " He concluded a peace with the Persians, 24> 364 * 
 by which he restored them all the territory that 
 
 had been conquered from them since the year 
 297. After a short reign of eight months he was 
 carried off by a sudden disorder ; and the army 
 proclaimed Fl. Valentinian at Nice in his stead, 
 
 Valentinian almost immediately associated his ar 
 brother Valens with himself in the government, 
 and divided the empire by giving him the prce- 
 fectura Or tent is, and retaining the rest for him- 
 self. 
 
 Hh
 
 466 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH 15. The reign of Valentinian I. in the east, 
 who, in the year 367, created his son Gratian 
 
 *- 2 ' Augustus with himself, is distinguished by the 
 
 364 Nov. ' J 
 
 17,375. system of toleration which he followed with re- 
 gard to the affairs of religion, though in other 
 respects a cruel prince. Nearly the whole of his 
 reign was taken up in almost continual struggles 
 with the German nations, who had recovered 
 from the losses they had suffered under Julian. 
 His first efforts were directed against the Franks, 
 the Saxons, and the Alemanni on the Rhine; 
 and afterwards against the Quadi and other na- 
 tions on the Danube ; where he died of apoplexy 
 at Guntz in Hungary. 
 
 Vaiens, 16. In the mean time his brother Valens (aged 
 
 Of? 4 _ *^f\ft 
 
 38 52 years) had to contend with a powerful 
 insurrection which had broken out in the east. 
 A certain Procopius had instigated the people to 
 this, by taking advantage of the discontent oc- 
 casioned by the oppression of Valens, who, having 
 adopted the opinion of the Arians, was more dis- 
 liked in the east than his brother was in the 
 373. west. His war against the Persians ended with 
 a truce. But the most important event that hap- 
 pened during ,his reign, was the entrance of the 
 Huns into Europe, which took place towards its 
 close. This in its turn gave rise to the great 
 popular migration, by which the Roman empire 
 in the west may properly be said to have been 
 overthrown. The immediate consequence was 
 the admission of the greater part of the Visigoths 
 into the Roman empire, and this occasioned a 
 war which cost Valens his life. 
 
 The Huns, a nomad people of Asia, belonged to the great
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 467 
 
 Mongolian race. Having penetrated to the Don, 373, they FOURTH 
 
 subdued the Goths upon that river as far as the Theiss. The IJERIOD - 
 
 Goths, divided into Ostrogoths and Visigoths, were separated 
 
 from one another by the Dnieper. The former, driven from 
 
 their country, fell upon the Visigoths, in consequence of which 
 
 the emperor Valens was requested by the latter to grant them 
 
 admission into the Roman empire, and with the exception of 
 
 the Vandals, who had been seated in Pannonia from the time 
 
 of Constantine, they were the first barbarian nation that had 
 
 been settled within the boundaries of the empire. The scandal- 
 
 ous oppression of the Roman governor, however, drove them into 
 
 rebellion ; and as Valens marched against them, he was defeated 
 
 near Adrianople and lost his life, 378. 
 
 17. During these events, Gratian (a^ed 16 G 
 
 3 
 
 24 years) succeeded his father Valentinian I. in and 
 the west, and immediately associated his brother, 
 
 Valentinian II. (aged 5 21 years) with himself 392. '" 
 in the empire ; giving him, though under his own 
 superintendence, the prcefectura Italice et Illyrici. 
 Gratian set forward to the assistance of his uncle 
 Valens against the Goths, but receiving on his 
 march an account of his defeat and death, and 
 fearing the east might fall a prey to the Goths, 
 he raised Theodosius, a Spaniard, who had al- 
 ready distinguished himself as a warrior, to the 
 purple, and gave him the prtefectura Orientis et 
 Illyrici. 
 
 18. The indolent reign of Gratian led to the Revolt of 
 rebellion of Maximus, a commander in Britain, 333. 
 who, crossing into Gaul, was so strongly sup- 
 ported by the defection of the Gallic legions, that 
 Gratian was obliged to seek safety in flight. He 
 was, however, overtaken and put to death at 
 Lyons. By this event Maximus found himself 
 in possession of all the prcefectura Galliarum ; 
 and by promising Theodosius not to interfere 
 
 Hh2
 
 468 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 with the young Valentinian II. in Italy, he pre- 
 
 PERIOD. * . . , , , . 
 
 -vailed upon him to acknowledge him emperor. 
 But having broken his promise by the invasion of 
 Italy, he was defeated and made prisoner by 
 sss. Theodosius in Pannonia, and soon after executed. 
 Upon this Valentinian II. a youth of whom great 
 hopes were entertained, became again master 
 of all the west. But, unfortunately, he was mur- 
 dered by the offended Arbogast, his magister mi- 
 litum; who, thereupon, raised to the throne his 
 own friend Eugenius, magister officiorum. Theo- 
 dosius, however, so far from acknowledging, de- 
 clared war against him and made him prisoner. 
 He himself thus became master of the whole em- 
 pire, but died in the following year. 
 
 19. The vigorous reign of Theodosius in the 
 Jan. 19, ' east, from his thirty-fourth to his fiftieth year, 
 17,395' was not less devoted to politics than to religion. 
 The dexterity with which he at first broke the 
 power of the victorious Goths (though they still 
 preserved their quarters in the provinces on the 
 Danube), procured him considerable influence, 
 which the strength and activity of his character 
 enabled him easily to maintain. The blind zeal, 
 however, with which he persecuted Arianism, 
 now the prevailing creed in the east, and restored 
 the orthodox belief, as well as the persecutions 
 which he directed against the pagans and the 
 destruction of their temples, accasioned the most 
 dreadful convulsions. His efforts to preserve the 
 boundaries of the empire, not a province of which 
 was lost before his death, required an increase of 
 taxes ; and however oppressive this might be, we 
 cannot impute it to the ruler as a crime. In an
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 469 
 
 empire so enfeebled in itself, and which, never- FOURTH 
 theless, had powerful foes on every side to con- - 
 tend with, it followed that every active reign 
 would be oppressive. Yet never before had the 
 internal depopulation of the empire made it ne- 
 cessary to take so many barbarians into Roman 
 pay, as under this reign ; whence naturally fol- 
 lowed a change in the arms and tactics of the 
 Roman armies. 
 
 P. EKASM. MULLER, de genio sceculi Theodosiani. Havnise, 
 1798, 2 vols. A very learned and in every respect excellent de- 
 scription of the deeply-decayed Roman world as it now stood. 
 
 20. Theodosius left two sons, between whom Final divi- 
 the empire was divided. Both parts, however, Roman em- 
 were certainly considered as forming but one em- pire> 
 pire an opinion which afterwards prevailed, and 
 
 even till late in the middle ages had important 
 consequences yet never since this period have 
 they been reunited under one ruler. The eastern 
 empire, comprising the prcefectura Orientis et Illy- 
 rici, was allotted to the eldest son, Arcadius (aged Arcadius, 
 
 395 408 
 
 18 31) under the guardianship of Rufinus the 
 Gaul. The western, or the prcefectura Galliarum 
 et Italice, to the younger, Honorius, a^ed 11 39. Honorius, 
 
 * * gg5 423 
 
 under the guardianship of the Vandal Stilico. 
 
 21. The western empire, to the history of which 
 we shall now confine ourselves, suffered such 
 violent shocks during the reign of Honorius, as 
 made its approaching fall plainly visible. The 
 intrigues of Stilico to procure himself the govern- 
 ment of the whole empire, opened a way for the 
 Goths into its interior, just at a time when they 
 were doubly formidable, fortune having given 
 them a leader greatly superior to any they had
 
 470 ROMAN STATE BOOK v. 
 
 hitherto had. Alaric king of the Visigoths esta- 
 ^- blished himself and his people in the Roman em- 
 
 Alaric king . ' _ .. 
 
 of the vui- pire, became master of Home, and mounted the 
 throne : it was the mere effect of chance that he 
 did not overthrow it altogether. 
 
 
 Both Honorius and Arcadius, especially the latter, belonged 
 to that class of men who never come to years of maturity ; their 
 favourites and ministers therefore governed according to their 
 own inclination. Stilico, who made Honorius his son-in-law, 
 was not deficient, indeed, in abilities for governing ; and his en- 
 deavour to obtain the management of the whole empire, arose, 
 perhaps, from the conviction that it was necessary he should have 
 it. He could not, however, gain his object by intrigue ; for after 
 the murder of Rufinus ; 395, he found a still more powerful op- 
 ponent in the eunuch Eutropius, his successor in the east. Un- 
 der the regency of Stilico, Gaul, in consequence of its troops 
 being withdrawn to oppose Alaric, 400, was inundated by 
 German tribes by Vandals, Alani, and Suevi who from thence 
 penetrated even into Spain. Nevertheless, he preserved Italy 
 from their attacks by the victory which he gained, 403, over 
 AJaric at Verona ; and again over Radagaisus, 405, who had ad- 
 vanced with other German hordes as far as Florence. But 
 Stilico, having entered into a secret alliance with Alaric, for the 
 purpose of wresting eastern Illyrica from the empire of the east, 
 was overreached by the intrigues of the new favourite Olympius, 
 whose cabal knew how to take advantage of the weakness of 
 Honorius, and of the jealousy of the Roman and foreign soldiers. 
 Stilico was accused of aspiring to the throne, and was executed 
 August 23, 408. Rome lost in him the only general that was 
 left to defend her. Alaric invaded Italy the same year, 408, and 
 the besieged Rome was obliged to purchase peace ; the condi- 
 tions, however, not being fulfilled, he was again, 409, before 
 Rome, became master of the city, and created Attains, the prae- 
 fect of the city, emperor instead of Honorius, who had shut him- 
 self up in Ravenna. In 410 he assumed the diadem ; and, 
 making himself master of the city by force, gave it up to be 
 plundered by his troops. Soon afterwards, while projecting the 
 capture of Sicily and Africa, he died in lower Italy. His brother- 
 in-law and successor, Adolphus, together with his Goths, left 
 Italy, now completely exhausted, 412, went into Gaul, and from
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 476. 471 
 
 thence proceeding into Spain, founded there the empire of the FOURTH 
 Visigoths : he carried with him, however, Placidia the sister of 
 Honorius, either as prisoner or as hostage, and married her in 
 Gaul. During these events an usurper arose in Britain and 
 Gaul named Constantine, 407: he was vanquished, and put to 
 death, 411, by Constantius, one of Honorius's generals. This 
 latter prince not only gave Constantius his sister Placidia, who 
 had become a widow and was restored in 41 7> in marriage, but 
 also named him Augustus in 421. He died, however, a few 
 months after, so that Placidia henceforward had a considerable 
 share in the government. She went nevertheless, 423, to Con- 
 stantinople, where she remained until the death of Honorius. 
 
 j" FL Stilico, or the Wallenstein of Antiquity, by CHR. FR. 
 SCHULZE, 1805. Not written by way of comparison. 
 
 22. In this manner was a great part of Spain, 
 and part of Gaul, cut off from the Roman empire 
 during the reign of Honorius. After his death 423. 
 the secretary John usurped the government, but 
 was defeated by the eastern emperor Theodosius 425. 
 II. The nephew of Honorius, Valentinian III. avaientinian 
 minor (aged 6 36), was then raised to the throne, 455. 425 ~ 
 under the guardian care of his mother Placidia 
 (f 450). Under his miserable reign the western 
 empire was stripped of almost all her provinces 
 with the exception of Italy. Yet the govern- 
 ment of his mother, and afterwards his own inca- 
 pacity, were as much the cause as the stormy 
 migration of barbarous tribes, which now con- 
 vulsed all Europe. 
 
 Britain had been voluntarily left by the Romans since 427- 
 In Africa, the governor Boniface having been driven into rebel- 
 lion by the intrigues of the Roman general ^Etius, who possessed 
 the ear of Placidia, invited the Vandals from Spain, under the 
 command of Geriseric, to come to his assistance. The latter then 
 obtained possession of the country, 429 439 ; indeed, even as 
 early as 435, Valentinian was obliged to make a formal cession 
 of it to them. Valentinian's wife Eudoxia, a Grecian princess,
 
 472 ROMAN STATE BOOK v, 
 
 FOURTH was purchased by the cession of western Illyricum (Pannonia, 
 PERIOD- Dalmatia, and Noricum) ; so that of all the countries south of 
 the Danube there now only remained those which belonged to 
 the prefecture of Italy : Rhaetia and Vindelicia. On the south- 
 east of Gaul was formed, 435, the kingdom of the Burgundians, 
 which, besides the south-east part of France, comprised also 
 Switzerland and Savoy. The south-west was under the domi- 
 nion of the Visigoths. There remained only the territory north 
 of the Loire which still submitted to the Roman governors ; the 
 last of whom, Syagrius, survived the fall of the empire itself; 
 holding out till the year 486, when he was defeated near Soissons 
 by Clodovicus, or Clovis, king of the Franks. 
 
 The Huns. 23. But while the western empire seemed thus 
 of itself almost to fall to pieces, another impetuous 
 rush of nations took place, which threatened the 
 whole of western Europe. The victorious hordes 
 of Huns who now occupied the territory formerly 
 the seat of the Goths, between the Don and the 
 Theiss, and even as far as the Volga, had united 
 themselves, since the year 444, under one com- 
 
 Attiia. mon chief, Attila ; who, by this union and his 
 own superior talents as a warrior and ruler, be- 
 came the most powerful prince of his time. The 
 eastern empire having bought a peace by paying 
 
 450. him a yearly tribute, he fell with a mighty army 
 upon the western provinces. The united forces, 
 however, of the Romans under .ZEtius and the Vi- 
 sigoths, obliged him near Chalons (in campis Ca- 
 
 451. talaunicis) to retreat. Nevertheless, the follow- 
 ing year he again invaded Italy, where he had a 
 secret understanding with the licentious Honoria, 
 
 453. Valentinian's sister. The cause of his second re- 
 treat, which was soon followed by his death, is 
 unknown. The miserable Valentinian soon after 
 deprived the Roman empire of its best general, 
 
 454. being led by his suspicions to put .ZEtius to death.
 
 BOOK v. FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 475. 473 
 
 He himself, however, was soon doomed to un- FOURTH 
 dergo the punishment of his debaucheries, being - 
 murdered in a conspiracy formed by Petronius 
 Maximus, whose wife he had dishonoured, and 
 some friends of ^Etius, whom he had executed. 
 
 24. The twenty years which intervened be- 
 tween the assassination of Valentinian, and the 
 final destruction of the Roman empire in the 
 west, was nearly one continued series of intestine 
 revolutions. No less than nine sovereigns rapidly 
 succeeded one another. These changes, indeed, 
 were but of little importance in this troublesome 
 period, compared to the terror with which Gen- 
 seric king of the Vandals filled the Roman em- 
 pire : he by his naval power having become mas- 
 ter of the Mediterranean and Sicily, could ravage 
 the coasts of the defenceless Italy at his pleasure, 
 and even capture Rome itself. While in Italy, 
 the German Ricimer, general of the foreign troops 
 in Roman pay, permitted a series of emperors to 
 reign in his name. It would have been his lot to 
 put an end to this series of Augusti, but for mere 
 accident, which reserved that glory for his son 
 and successor, Odoacer, four years after his fa- 
 ther's death. 
 
 After the death of Valentinian, Maximus was proclaimed em- 
 peror ; but as he wished to compel Eudoxia, Valentinian's 
 widow, to marry him, she called over Genseric from Africa, who 
 took and pillaged Rome, and Maximus perished after a reign of 
 three months, 455. He was succeeded by M. Avitus, who 
 ascended the throne at Aries ; and he again was soon deposed 
 by Ricimer, 456, who, just before, had defeated the fleet of the 
 Vandals. Ricimer now placed upon the throne, first Julianus 
 Majorianus, April 1, 457 ; but he, having distinguished himself 
 in the wars against the Vandals, 461, was set aside, and Libius 
 Severus put in his place, who, however, died in 465, probably of
 
 474 FROM DIOCLETIAN TO A. C. 475. BOOK v. 
 
 FOURTH poison. His death was followed by an interregnum of two years, 
 PERIOD, during which Ricimer ruled, though without the title of em- 
 peror. At length the patrician Anthemius, then at Constan- 
 tinople (where they never gave up their pretensions to the right 
 of naming or confirming the sovereigns of the west), was, though 
 not without the consent of the powerful Ricimer, named emperor 
 of the west, April 12, 467, by the emperor Leo. But differences 
 having arisen between him and Ricimer, the latter retired to 
 Milan, 469, and commenced a war, in which he took and pil- 
 laged Rome, and Anthemius was slain. Ricimer himself fol- 
 lowed soon after, f Aug. 18, 472. Upon this, Anicius Olybrius, 
 son-in-law of Valentinian III. was proclaimed Augustus, but 
 dying in three months, Oct. 472, Glycerius assumed the purple 
 at Ravenna, without, however, being acknowledged at Constan- 
 tinople, where they in preference named Julius Nepos Augustus. 
 The latter, in 474, having expelled Glycerius, became also in his 
 turn expelled by his own general Orestes, 475, who gave the 
 diadem to his son Romulus Momyllus, who, as the last in the 
 succession of Augusti, acquired the surname of Augustulus. In 
 476, however, Odoacer, the leader of the Germans in the Roman 
 pay at Rome, sent him, after the execution of Orestes, into cap- 
 tivity, and allowed him a pension. Odoacer now remained master 
 of Italy till the year 492, when the Ostrogoths, under their king 
 Theodoric, founded there a new empire. 
 
 25. Thus fell the Roman empire of the west, 
 while that of the east, pressed on every side, and 
 in a situation almost similar, endured a thousand 
 years, notwithstanding its intestine broils, which 
 would alone have sufficed to destroy any other, 
 and the hosts of barbarians who attacked it 
 during the middle ages. The impregnable situa- 
 tion of its capital, which usually decides the fate 
 of such kingdoms, joined to its despotism, which 
 is not unfrequently the main support of a king- 
 dom in its decline, can alone, in some measure, 
 explain a phenomenon which has no equal in the 
 history of the world.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 CHRONOLOGY OF HERODOTUS TO THE TIME OF CYRUS, EX- 
 TRACTED FROM THE RESEARCHES OF M. VOLNEY. See 
 
 Preface. 
 
 ALTHOUGH Herodotus did not write his work in 
 chronological order, yet we cannot doubt that he 
 had some general plan of computing time. By 
 carefully selecting and comparing the separate 
 data scattered through his work, this plan to a 
 certain extent may be traced out, and early his- 
 tory, with regard to settled chronology, must ne- 
 cessarily gain a good deal. The following essay 
 is founded upon a procedure of this kind ; it is 
 drawn entirely from Herodotus, and only from 
 data which he has precisely determined, the pas- 
 sages of his work being always referred to. 
 
 The year B. C. 561, in which the fall of Asty- 
 ages and the Median empire took place, as may 
 be proved from Herodotus himself, is a fixed point 
 of time from which we may ascend into higher 
 antiquity. This point of time may be determined 
 by the chronological data respecting the battle of 
 Marathon, four years before the death of Darius 
 (Herodotus VII. 1. 4.) agreeing with the general 
 data of the Greeks, who fix it in the third year of 
 the 72nd Olymp. B. C. 490. By adding to this 
 the thirty-two years of Darius's reign that had 
 already elapsed (Herodotus, ibid.), the eight 
 months of Smerdis (Herodotus, III. 68.), the 
 seven years and five months of Cambyses (He-
 
 476 APPENDIX. 
 
 rodotus III. 66.), and the twenty-nine years of 
 Cyrus (Herodotus, I. 214.), we obtain the year 
 560 as the first year of Cyrus. 
 
 I. CHRONOLOGY OF THE MEDIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 B. c. 
 End of the Median empire 561 . 
 
 Duration of the Median empire one hundred and 
 fifty-six years (Herodotus, I, 130.) 
 
 The beginning of it, therefore, after their separation 
 
 from the Assyrians, would be .... 717- 
 
 In this period, at first, six years of anarchy 3 . . J16 710. 
 
 Reign of Deioces fifty-three years (Herodotus, 1. 102.) 710 657- 
 
 Reign of Phraortes, twenty-two years (ibid.) . . 657 635. 
 
 Cyaxares, forty years (I. 106.) . . .... 635595. 
 
 Irruption and dominion of the Scythians, twenty- 
 eight years (I. 203. 106.) 625598. 
 
 Conquest of Nineveh (I. 106.) . . . . 597- 
 
 Astyages reigned thirty-five years (I. 130.) .:,' . 595 561. 
 
 The succession of Median kings given by Cte- 
 sias, which entirely differs from this, the author 
 thinks might be explained by a duplication ; see 
 t Gott. Gel. Anz. 1810, p. 4. 
 
 II. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ASSYRIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The dominion of the Assyrians over Asia, or 
 their empire, ended with the revolt of the Medes 
 (Herodotus, I. 95.); although the existence of 
 their state did not then end, but terminated with 
 the capture of Nineveh by Cyaxares, B. C. 597. 
 
 B. C. 
 
 Revolt of the Medes, as above .... 717- 
 
 The dominion of the Assyrians had endured five 
 
 hundred and twenty years (Herodotus, I. 95.) 
 The Assyrian empire lasted therefore from . . 1237 717- 
 
 a These are certainly not determined from Herodotus ; but they remain after 
 subtracting the one hundred and fifty years' reign of the four Median kings.
 
 APPENDIX. 477 
 
 As Herodotus intended to write the history of 
 this empire in a separate work (I. 184.), he only 
 casually mentions (I. 7.) its founder Ninus, who 
 began to reign 1237; and afterwards Sennacherib 
 and his expedition (II. 141.); and the last king, 
 Sardanapalus (II. 150.). 
 
 The mention of Sennacherib and his expedition 
 furnishes a point of time for comparing the chro- 
 nology of Herodotus with that of the Bible, or the 
 Jews. According to the latter, Sennacherib's ex- 
 pedition took place B. C. 714. (see above, p. 26.); 
 his death takes place immediately after, and he 
 has for his successor Esar-haddon, 2 Kings, xix. 
 37. Here then is certainly a contradiction, since, 
 according to Herodotus, the Assyrian dominion 
 had ceased three years before, namely, 717. M. 
 Volney endeavours to reconcile this difficulty by 
 the restoration of an ancient reading in the sacred 
 text ; according to which Amon, king of Judaea, 
 reigned twelve years instead of two (2 Kings, 
 xxi. 10.); from which it would follow, that the 
 expedition of Sennacherib took place in 724. 
 As this would leave seven years after his death 
 for his successor Esar-haddon, who agrees both 
 in time and name with the Sardanapalus of the 
 Greeks (the Greek name being formed from 
 Esar-haddon-pal, i. e. Esar, the lord, son of Pal), 
 the two chronologies are thus made to agree 
 exactly. But even in following the ancient 
 usual reading, the greatest difference between 
 the two statements is only ten years ; quite as 
 little as can be reasonably expected under such 
 circumstances. 
 
 With regard to the Assyrian chronology of
 
 478 APPENDIX. 
 
 Ctesias, M. Volney has satisfactorily shown that 
 it is full of contradictions, and unworthy of any 
 credit. 
 
 III. CHRONOLOGY OF THE LYDIAN EMPIRE. 
 
 The arrangement of the Lydian chronology 
 rests upon the settlement of two principal facts : 
 first, the great eclipse of the sun under Alyattes, 
 foretold by Thales (Herodotus, I. 74.); and 
 secondly, the conquest of Sardes, and overthrow 
 of the empire under Croesus, by Cyrus ; both of 
 which Herodotus certainly mentions, but without 
 assigning any precise date. But by a careful com- 
 parison of all the data it has been proved, that 
 the great eclipse in Asia Minor (according to the 
 Tables of Pingre") happened in the year 625; and 
 the conquest of Sardes, and the end of the Lydian 
 empire, B. C. 557, or in the fourth year of Cyrus. 
 Therefore : 
 
 B. C. 
 
 End of the Lydian empire 557- 
 
 It subsisted under three houses ; under that of 
 the Atyadae (fabulous and uncertain); under that 
 of the Heraclidae, five hundred and five years 
 (Herodotus, I. 7.) ; and under the last, that of the 
 Mermnadae, one hundred and seventy years. 
 
 The Heraclidae and Mermnadae, then, reigned 
 altogether six hundred and seventy-five years. 
 Therefore : 
 
 B. C. 
 
 Commencement of the reign of the Heraclidae, with 
 
 Agron the son of Ninus (1. 7-) 1232. 
 
 End of this house with the murder of Candaules, by 
 
 Gyges . . 727- 
 
 By fixing the time of Agron, son of Ninus,
 
 APPENDIX. 479 
 
 Herodotus verifies himself (I. 7.) ; as, by the pre- 
 ceding data, Ninus began his reign in Assyria, 
 1237 ; consequently, it must have been in the 
 fifth year of his reign that he conquered Lydia, 
 and placed his son Agron upon the throne. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Dominion of the Mermnadse, one hundred and se- 
 venty years, under kings of that house . . . 727 557- 
 
 Gyges, thirty-eight years (Herodotus, I. 14.) . . 727 689. 
 
 Ardys, forty-nine years (Herodotus, I. 16.) . . 689 640. 
 
 First irruption of the Cimmerians .... 670. 
 
 Sadyattes, twelve years (Herodotus, I. 16.) . . 640 628. 
 
 Alyattes, fifty-seven years (Herodotus, I. 25.) . . 628 571- 
 
 War with Cyaxares, ending with the great eclipse, 
 
 and second irruption of the Cimmerians . . 625. 
 
 Croesus, fourteen years and fourteen days (Herodotus, 
 
 1. 86.) . . . . . . . . 571-557. 
 
 IV. CHRONOLOGY OF THE BABYLONIANS. 
 
 For this as well as for the Egyptians there is 
 no evidence to guide us, the data being very 
 scanty, and taken from Herodotus alone. The 
 chronology of the Babylonians, according to the 
 canon of Ptolemy, begins with Nabonassar, 747, 
 who was succeeded by twelve kings (mentioned 
 in the same canon), down to Nabopolassar ; (see 
 above, p. 28.) 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Nabopolassar 627604. 
 
 Nebuchadnezzar 604 561. 
 
 Evil-Merodach 561559. 
 
 Neriglissar . . . . . . . . 559 555. 
 
 Labynetus . 555 538. 
 
 Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus .... 538.
 
 480 APPENDIX. 
 
 V. CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS. 
 
 M. Volney very properly commences this with 
 the dodecarchy as of the earlier periods only 
 the time of Sesostris, 1365, is ascertained; and 
 arranges it in the following manner. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 Dodecarchy ........ 671 656. 
 
 Psammetichus's sole dominion thirty-nine years . 656 617- 
 
 Reign of Neco, sixteen years . . . . 617 601. 
 
 Psammis, six years . ... . 601 595. 
 
 Apries, twenty-five years . ... . 595 570. 
 
 Amasis, forty- four years . . . . 570 526. 
 
 Psammenitus, six months . . . . 525. 
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 NING HOUSES OF MACED< 
 
 F ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
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 8 
 
 
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 eopatra. PHILIP ARHHIDJEUS 
 married Eurydic 
 
 
 OUSE OF ANTIPATER. 
 
 ANTIPATER t 320. 
 
 ER t 298, married Thessalonice. 
 JL . 
 
 ANTIPATER t 294. 
 
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 emetrius Poliorcetes. 
 
 married Antigonu 
 
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 Stratonice 
 athes IV. of Cappad 
 
 ANTIOCHUS II! 
 ,ed Laodice, daughtei 
 
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 ANTIOCHUS SIDETJ 
 ied his daughter-in-h 
 
 _A. 
 
 ANTIOCHUS CYZIC 
 ied Cleopatra, daugh 
 
 ANTIOCHUS EUSEB 
 married Cleopatra 
 
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 II. GENEALOGICAL TA 
 
 SELEUCUS I. 
 married, 1. Apame. 2. Stratoni 
 
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 I. THEOS t 247. 
 v. 2. Berenice, daughter of Ptol. Phil 
 
 A 
 
 1. 1. 
 
 CALLINICUS t 227. Antiochus 
 Andromachus, father of Achaeus. 
 
 CERAUNUS t 224. Stratonice 
 married Mithridates IV. 
 
 IV. PHILOPATOR t 176. ANTIOCHUS 
 d his sister Laodice. t 1( 
 
 Laodice ANTIOCH 
 ied Perseus king of Maced. 
 
 ATOR t 126. 
 
 tol. Philom. 2. Rhodogyne. 
 
 ANTIOCHUS GRYPHUS t 97. 
 ried Cleopatra Selene, daughter of Ptol 
 
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 DEMETRIUS I. 
 t 150. : 
 
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 DEMETRIUS II. 
 opatra, daughter 
 
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 OL. ALEXANDI 
 ried Cleopatra, 
 Ptol. Lathy: 
 
 PXOL. ALEXA 
 married Clei 
 
 2. 
 ; younger t 44. 
 I Cleopatra. 
 
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 III. GENEALOGICAL TAI 
 
 PXOLEMY I. son 
 ried, 1. Eurydice, daughter of Antip 
 
 ----- 
 
 2. 
 279. PXOL. II. PHILADELPH 
 ia. married, 1. Arsinoe, daughter 
 2. His sister Arsir 
 
 A 
 
 PXOL. III. EVERGEXES t 221. 
 ried Berenice, daughter of Magas. 
 
 PHILOPAXOR t 204. Magai 
 . His sister Arsinoe. 
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 HIPHANES t 181. 
 
 ghter of Antiochus the Great. 
 
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 lunger. 2. 
 PXOL. VIIT. LAXHYRUS t 
 married, 1, 2. his two siste 
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 3. 
 PTOL. AULEXES t 51. Ptol. of 
 married, 1. His sister Cleop. f 5 
 2. Unknown. 
 A. 
 
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 AXRA f 30. PXOL. DlONYSIUi 
 
 L. 2. her brothers. married Cleopa 
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 . C. 166. 
 
 
 
 
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