i SIDE- LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY '*&&& SIDE LIGHTS AMERICAN HISTORY BY HENRY W. ELSON, A.M. LECTURER OF THE AMERICAN SOCIETY FOR THE EXTENSION OF UNIVERSITY TEACHING AUTHOR OF " HISTORICAL BIOGRAPHIES FOR CHILDREN " " WHAT TO READ/' ETC. Volume I THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., Ltd. I908 All rights reserved I* Copyright, 1899, By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and electrotyped. Published May, 1899. Reprinted September, 1899; May, September, November, twice, 1900; March, August, 1902; March, 1905 ; February, 1908. New edition, two volumes in one, September, 1906. KToruJooti $«0g J. S. dishing & Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. PREFACE History can be presented to us only by means of pictures, reproductions of that which we cannot directly witness. If you study a city from photographs, the general bird's-eye view is necessary to give you the relative size and location of things ; but such a view is not enough. You must have pictures, on a larger scale, of a busy street, a mammoth office building, a public park, the interior of a workshop, and the like. The ordinary school history furnishes the bird's-eye view of our coun- try's origin and growth ; the present volume aims to give a more detailed account — a pic- ture on a larger scale — of some of the chief events in our history. It is intended not to replace the text-book, but to supplement it. The text-book gives the succession of events and, in some measure, their relative importance ; but, owing to the multitude of subjects to be 320291 VI PREFACE treated within the limits of a small volume, none can be exhaustively dealt with. It is impossible for any writer, however skilful, to relate his- torical facts in a form so condensed as that of the average text-book, and at the same time to give them that living interest so necessary in holding the attention of young readers. The text-book is useful and indispensable; it is the index that points to the vast wealth of knowl- edge that may be found in our historical litera- ture ; it furnishes the groundwork on which rests the entire structure of historic knowledge. But unfortunately the text-book too often is little more than a chronicle of events, an array of dates and facts, a skeleton without flesh, without life, without soul. Such a book is ill adapted to awaken an interest in historical study, and can be used successfully in the schools only in connection with other works as supplementary reading. Used in this way the skeleton of the text-book may be clothed with flesh and have breathed into it the breath of life. Our learned and more exhaustive historical works are beyond the reach of most busy peo- PREFACE Vll pie, nor are they adapted to use in the schools. Between these two extremes, the condensed text-book and the ponderous volumes of the historian, we find many books of great value — biographies, memoirs, histories of limited periods or of particular localities — but none of these, as far as the author knows, is fitted for the use of schools or was prepared with that end in view. - This work covers a field not hitherto covered. It has been written for the general reader, as well as for use in schools of the grammar-school grade and of the grades immediately above it. It is hoped that the book may also be found a pleasant review to the busy teacher, who has many things to teach and who finds it impossi- ble to become a specialist in everything. The period covered is the first seventy years of our national history ; but no attempt to give a connected history of that period has been made. At the same time much care has been taken to show the bearing of one great event upon another, their causes and results, and the part each bore in making our civilization what it is. Vlll PREFACE The subjects treated in the various chapters have been selected with the utmost care. The aim has been to choose out, not the dramatic and exciting, but the strategic points, the pivots on which the ponderous machinery of our his- tory has turned. This is true of most of the chapters. A few, however, such as "Wash- ington's Inauguration," " Conspiracy of Aaron Burr," "The Campaign of 1840," and the "Un- derground Railroad," have been chosen with a view of picturing the state of society at the time treated. In order that every important aspect of our national growth be presented to the reader, the subjects chosen are as unlike in character as practicable, and the events have been related with greater detail than is possible in the ordi- nary school history. This has been done at the sacrifice of leaving out many subjects of almost equal importance with those selected. Minor incidents and details in history, often insignifi- cant in themselves, are, like illustrations in a sermon or lecture, useful for the light they throw on more important matters. The authorities consulted in preparing this PREFACE IX work are far more numerous than indicated in the foot-note references. Those given are chiefly the works most likely to be accessible to the reader who may be stimulated to further research. H. W. E. Philadelphia, Pa., May, 1899. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I Declaration of Independence Love of the Colonists for England . PAGE 3 Causes that led to Independence 6 Progress toward Independence IO A View of Congress .... . 14 The Final Act in the Great Drama . . 17 CHAPTER II Framing of the Constitution Condition of the Country after the Revolution Defects in the Articles of Confederation Quarrels of the States The Annapolis Convention The Constitutional Convention The Three Great Compromises The Constitution before the People xi 25 28 32 35 37 42 48 Xll CONTENTS CHAPTER III The Inauguration of Washington PAGE The Unanimous Election 54 The Triumphal March 57 New York's Welcome 61 CHAPTER IV The Alien and Sedition Laws Political Parties One Hundred Years Ago . . 65 Folly of the Federal Party 68 Sedition Law in Operation 72 The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions ... 76 CHAPTER V Fulton and the Steamboat Fulton's Predecessors 82 Early Life of Robert Fulton 85 Fulton in Foreign Lands 87 The Clermont on the Hudson . . . .90 CHAPTER VI The Lewis and Clarke Expedition Ascending the Missouri 99 On to the Pacific 104 The Return to the United States . . . .110 An Indian Story ill CONTENTS xiii CHAPTER VII Conspiracy of Aaron Burr PAGE Aaron Burr 117 The Great Conspiracy . . . , . .125 The Arrest and the Trial 130 Theodosia 138 Later Life of Aaron Burr 144 CHAPTER VIII The Missouri Compromise Slavery during the Colonial Period . . . .149 Slavery under the Constitution . . . . 155 The Sixteenth Congress 161 CHAPTER IX The Monroe Doctrine How this Doctrine Originated . The Monroe Doctrine in Operation Cuba and Mexico Venezuela .... Remarks on the Monroe Doctrine 168 173 179 185 191 CHAPTER X Lafayette's Visit A Nation's Welcome 195 At the Capitol 200 Mount Vernon and Bunker Hill .... 203 XIV CONTENTS CHAPTER XI The Caroline Affair PAGE The Canadian Rebellion 209 Destruction of the Caroline 212 Arrest and Trial of McLeod 217 CHAPTER XII The Campaign of 1840 • The Whig Convention 225 William Henry Harrison 229 The Log Cabin and Hard Cider Campaign . . 232 Last Days of President Harrison .... 237 CHAPTER XIII Discovery of Gold in California 243 Sutter's Sawmill The "Forty-Niners" 248 A View of the Miners and the Mines . . .251 California in National Politics .... 257 CHAPTER XIV The Underground Railroad The Fugitive Slave Law 265 The Fugitive Slave Law in Operation . . .271 Working of the Underground Railroad . . . 275 CONTENTS XV CHAPTER XV The Kansas-Nebraska Bill PAGE Presidential Election of 1852 295 Stephen A. Douglas 300 Reception of the Bill at the North .... 306 Results of the Kansas-Nebraska Law . . . 308 CHAPTER XVI The Lincoln-Douglas Debates A View of the Two Men 310 Preliminaries 313 The Challenge . 318 Extracts 324 The Freeport Doctrine 328 The Result 332 CHAPTER XVII History of Political Parties The Earliest Political Parties 339 The Federal Party 341 The Democratic Party 345 The Whig Party 351 The Republican Party ...... 354 XVI CONTENTS CHAPTER XVIII Relation of the States to the Nation Origin of the States and of the Union Three Kinds of Governments, Consolidated, Fed- eral, and Confederate National and State Laws National and State Authority . Advantages of the Federal System States' Rights .... PAGB 362 365 368 371 376 381 Index 385 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY CHAPTER I Declaration of Independence It is generally considered that the most important single event in the history of this Western World is the adopting of the Decla- ration of Independence, at Philadelphia, by the Continental Congress, on July 4, 1776. This was the crowning act of the Revolu- tion ; without it there would have been no Revolution. The word "revolution/' when used in a political sense, means a fundamental change of government. If, therefore, the colonists had not succeeded in gaining their freedom and changing their form of government, the war would be known in history as simply a rebellion. 2 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY The Declaration of Independence did not win independence; it was simply an act of Congress, declaring what the people desired, what they felt of right belonged to them, what they determined to fight for. They all knew that it would require long years of bloody war to achieve their object. But it is true that the time of deciding, of determining on any act, is the supreme moment. All the effort that may follow in carrying out the decision, is, compared with the decision itself, as the body to the soul. The moment the colonists decided on independence was the supreme moment of the Revolution ; and the declaring of that decision may rightly be deemed an event of such far-reaching impor- tance that nothing else in American History can be compared with it. Our school histories all tell something about this Declaration of Independence; but they have so many things to tell that only a short space can be given even to such an event. What schoolboy or schoolgirl would not like to know more of this Declaration — how it was brought about, and who did most to bring DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 3 it about ? Let us devote this chapter to the subject. We celebrate the Fourth of July as our National Birthday; but the 2d of July was the real original Independence day. John Adams wrote on the evening of July 2, 1776: "This day will be the most memorable in the history of America; to be celebrated by suc- ceeding generations as the great anniversary festival, commemorated as the day of deliver- ance, by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward forever- more." The Declaration of Independence was not the result of a sudden burst of enthusiasm, finding expression in a rash act of Congress ; it was a growth, a deliberate step of the whole people. Love of the Colonists for England The filial love of the colonists for England was very strong. The intensity of that love seems remarkable when we consider that most of the Americans were native born, few had 4 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY ever seen England, and the ancestors of many had been driven from that country on account of their religion. Yet their hope of reconcilia- tion with the King was deep-seated; at the beginning of the war few indeed thought of independence, and when it first began to be talked about, it was very unpopular. In November, 1775, five months after the battle of Bunker Hill, the legislature or assembly of Pennsylvania instructed its dele- gates in Congress "to dissent from and ut- terly reject any propositions, should such be made, that may cause or lead to a separation from our mother country." 1 The legislature of New Jersey followed a few weeks later in almost the same language. In December the Maryland convention de- clared that the people of that province "never did nor do entertain any views or desires on independency." New York and Delaware followed with similar statements; and we hear the same voice from the provin- cial congresses of New Hampshire and North Carolina. 1 See Frothingham's " Rise of the Republic," p. 466. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 5 George Washington wrote a letter the pre- ceding year, in which we find this expres- sion, " I am well satisfied that no such thing as independence is desired by any thinking man in all North America." Years later he said that when he took command of the army at Boston he still abhorred the idea of inde- pendence. Many more examples could be given, but these show the general feeling dur- ing the first year of the Revolutionary War. At the same time there were a few men, who, from the beginning, seemed to foresee the end, and these were unwearied in their efforts to attain that end. Joseph Warren of Massachusetts, the patriot-hero who gave his life for the cause at Bunker Hill, used these prophetic words at the beginning of the war, " America must and will be free ; the contest may be severe; the end will be glorious." Samuel Adams, the most intimate friend of Warren, and James Otis of the same colony were among the few earliest leaders for inde- pendence. But, as stated above, the great mass of the people clung to the mother coun- try with childlike affection, and frowned upon 6 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY every suggestion of a separation. How, then, came the spirit of independence to take pos- session of the American heart? The fact is the people were driven and goaded to do as they did. No other course was left them but abject servitude. Causes that led to Independence We wonder more at the slowness than at the haste of the colonists to seize the great prize. After being insulted with the hated Stamp Act, the Mutiny Act, the Boston Port Bill, and other indignities, they still longed for a reconciliation with England. Their petitions to the King were full of undeserved and al- most fulsome praise for his Majesty, while they blamed Parliament for all the trouble. But this was all changed within a year. Their yearning for a reconciliation was changed to a determination never to be reconciled. No longer did they deal with Parliament; they ignored the crouching whelps, and grappled with the old lion himself. What brought about this great change ? The chief causes are few. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 7 First : The reception of the last petition to the King. This petition was agreed on by Congress in midsummer, 1775. It had been suggested by John Jay of New York, and drawn up by John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, both eminent men, true patriots, but wholly averse at that time to independence. The pe- tition expressed the tenderest regard for the person of the King ; it recited the wrongs that the colonists had endured ; it then begged in the most respectful language that these wrongs be righted, that the old-time harmony be restored, so that the Americans could live in happiness and contentment under the Brit- ish flag. The petition was sent to the King by a special messenger, Richard Penn, who was a Tory. Penn hastened away with high hopes, and the hopes of America went with him. He reached London late in August. America waited breathless for the result. The eyes of all turned almost appealingly toward England. The answer came late in October. It as- tonished everybody. The King had declined to receive the petition at all, and refused to 8 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY see the messenger that brought it ! Sadly the people heard the news, and their sadness was mingled with anger and resentment. King George III. had thus taken a fatal step toward estranging forever his subjects in the Western Hemisphere. Second : The King's proclamation. On the next day after the result of the petition was published in the Philadelphia newspapers, the King's proclamation was laid before the Ameri- can public. In this document King George had declared the colonists in a state of rebellion, and no longer under his protection. This was another stunning blow. The people were ex- asperated in the extreme. The King expected to frighten them into submission, but the op- posite effect resulted. Independence, that had been only whispered here and there, was now talked of openly on all sides. Congress assumed a bolder tone. It an- swered the King's proclamation, almost defi- antly. It appointed committees to correspond with foreign nations, and talked no more reconciliation, nor put forth disclaimers of independence. This was in the first part of DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE Q November, 1775, and from this day forward the united colonies took no step backward in the great march toward freedom. King George had made another blunder — had taken another fatal step. Third : The employment of foreign aid. The King of England sent an army of for- eigners, known as Hessians, hired for the purpose, into the colonies to fight against his own subjects! Nor was this all; he stirred up the savage Indians against the Americans whenever possible, knowing full well that war- fare with them meant the murdering of the innocent — the mother and the babe — in ad- dition to ordinary warfare. The cruel murder of hundreds of innocent men, women, and children along the frontier during the Revo- lution must be laid at the door of George the Third. The colonists were now convinced that their sovereign did not love them. He cared for America only from selfish motives, only for what he could make out of it for commerce and taxation. Could the Americans, as a self- respecting people, continue their allegiance to IO SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY such a man, and to the country of which he was the sovereign ? Progress toward Independence As soon as the full meaning of the attitude of the obstinate King had taken hold of the public mind, the air was filled with shouts of defiance, and calls for independence. The people discussed the subject in town meet- ings, on the streets, in the fields, and at their firesides. The belief everywhere was that a reconciliation was impossible, and submission meant slavery. The spirit of independence spread from New England to Georgia, and took a powerful hold upon the people. It is true, the feeling was not unanimous. There were many Tories to the end ; and even of the Whigs, especially in the middle colonies, many hesitated and counselled delay. But the great body of the people came to favor, during the winter and following spring, a final break with England. Public opinion was moulded largely by the newspapers and by pamphlets. A pamphlet, called " Common Sense," written by Thomas DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE II Paine, converted thousands. A great speech of Patrick Henry before the Virginia Conven- tion was published broadcast, and became a powerful force in moulding the public mind. But the man who stood first among the leaders of public opinion was Samuel Adams of Massachusetts. Adams was a man of broad views and of the purest motives. He had been among the few who foresaw the end from the beginning. From the first he had opposed all petitions to the throne, and noth- ing made him happier than the contempt with which the King received them, for in this he saw independence. He believed in a glorious future for America; but first the colonies must be free from England, and to attain that end he ceased not to labor day and night, until the object of his heart was won. May the name of Samuel Adams ever be honored by the American people. Not far behind this man in the great fight we must place his cousin, John Adams, who was acknowledged to be the most powerful debater on the floor of Congress. We shall see more of him later. There are many other 12 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY great names of that period with which every schoolboy is familiar. The idea of independence gained rapidly all through the winter, and before many months of the year 1776 had passed, a large major- ity of the people favored it. But there had been nothing done officially. The colonies were still, in the eyes of the world, subject to England. It was April before any colony made an official move for independence. To North Carolina must be awarded the honor of being first to act as a colony on this great subject. 1 On April the 12th its provincial congress instructed its delegates in the general Congress at Philadelphia, " To concur with the delegates of the other colo- nies in declaring independency and forming foreign alliances." This movement was led by Cornelius Harnet, who was called the Samuel Adams of North Carolina. This was a beginning and a very important one. Be- fore this the talk of separation from England had all been private talk; now there was offi- cial action by one of the famous Thirteen 1 Frothingham, p. 504. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 13 The meaning was far-reaching, and none could mistake that meaning. Not long did North Carolina stand alone. Rhode Island soon fol- lowed, and Massachusetts came third. In Massachusetts the voice of the people was heard through town meetings held all over the colony. There was but one voice, " Free- dom, freedom from the tyranny of British rule." The next to act was the Old Dominion, Virginia. The convention met at Williams- burg on the 6th of May. That convention listened to the eloquent Patrick Henry, whose burning words of the year before were still ringing through the land : " Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Al- mighty God ! I know not what course others will take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death." In that convention sat George Mason at the height of his great powers, and James Madison, not yet twenty-five years old, but one of the keenest and profoundest of lawyers. The Virginia convention went farther than any that acted before it. It instructed its 14 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY delegates in Congress to actually propose in- dependence before that body. This bold reso- lution was immediately sent by a special messenger, Colonel Nelson, to the Congress at Philadelphia. Thus we see that the South and New England took the lead, while all the middle colonies still hesitated. Let us now see what Congress is doing. A View of Congress This Second Continental Congress was so im- portant, and did such great things for Amer- ica, that it is fitting that we notice briefly a few of its leading characters. Many of the members were men of wealth, and belonged to the greatest families in their respec- tive colonies. Many attained eminence and fame in later years ; but the majority are unknown to fame except through this one act — signing the Declaration of Independence. The names of a few are familiar in every home in the land; such are those of Thomas Jefferson, the writer of the immortal document; John Adams, the second President; and Benjamin Franklin, whose DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE l c fame long before the Revolution extended to the utmost bounds of civilization. The three greatest of the colonies were Virginia, Massachusetts, and Pennsylvania, and we find from these three the strongest dele- gations in Congress. Virginia's greatest son was in the field at the head of the army ; but we find from that colony still remaining, in addition to Jefferson, Richard Henry Lee, who had been educated in England, one of the most brilliant statesmen of the time, and Benjamin Harrison, confidential friend of Washington, the father of one President and great-grandfather of another. From Massachusetts we have the two Adamses, John Hancock, one of the richest merchants of New England, a statesman of high qualities, and now President of Con- gress; and Elbridge Gerry, afterward a mem- ber of the famous triple mission to France in l 797> governor of Massachusetts and Vice- President of the United States. The Pennsylvania delegation was second to none. First, always first, the great Frank- lin; next, John Dickinson, of the same age 1 6 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY as Washington, educated in London, a re- nowned writer against the tyranny of Eng- land ; truly desirous of independence, but, thinking the time too soon, he opposed the measure with great moral courage. Scarcely below him stands James Wilson. His name, like that of Dickinson, is not at this day well known to the masses of the people. He was afterward a justice of the Supreme Court and professor in the University of Pennsylvania ; he was perhaps the most learned lawyer in America. Let us not forget Robert Morris, the wealthy Philadelphia merchant, who came forward in the dark days of the Revolution and supported the armies for a time from his own purse, but who afterward lost his fortune, and, in his old age, to the lasting disgrace of the United States, languished for several years in a debtor's prison ! There were men of note in this Congress from other colonies. There was Roger Sher- man, the shoemaker statesman from Connecti- cut, who " never said a foolish thing in his life," who spent all the rest of his life, nineteen years, as a member of Congress ; there was Caesar Rod- DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE lj ney and Thomas McKean of Delaware, and Francis Hopkinson of New Jersey ; William Ellery of Rhode Island and Samuel Chase of Maryland. Truly it was an illustrious body of men. Here were future presidents, governors, min- isters abroad, cabinet officers, and United States senators. Nearly all of them lived to be old, and to see the new Government take its place among the nations ; and not one of them ever did or said anything to bring dis- honor upon the new-born republic. The one who survived all his fellows was Charles Car- roll of Carrollton, Maryland, who died in 1832 at the great age of ninety-five years. The Final Act in the Great Drama The whole country was astir during the spring of 1776. Perils were threatening on every hand. The Howes were moving on New York ; Carleton was threatening an in- vasion from the north ; a British fleet was har- assing the southern coast, while the merciless Indian was plying the tomahawk on the fron- tier. But the patriots, instead of being awed 1 8 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY into submission, clamored the louder for in- dependence. This showed, not only a noble patriotism, but a courage that all the world must admire. A great English writer has said, "America was never so great as on the day when she declared her independence." Congress passed in May a resolution per- mitting the colonies to form governments of their own in defiance of British authority. This was true revolution, that is, a changing of their form of government. " Is not America already independent ? why not then declare it?" said the ever vigilant Samuel Adams. Early in June the messenger from the Vir- ginia convention reached Philadelphia. What his message was we have seen. On the 7th, Richard Henry Lee offered a resolution which was seconded by John Adams. Here are the words : — "That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political con- nection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be totally dissolved." DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 19 This was the true Declaration of Indepen- dence ; it covered the whole subject. But the resolution was not now voted on. After three days debate it was laid on the table till the 1st of July. Congress thought best not to be hasty in dealing with so great a subject. In order to be ready to act when the right time came, a committee was chosen to draw up a suitable declaration. This committee was chosen by ballot ; and Thomas Jefferson, re- ceiving the highest number of votes, was made chairman, and thus became the writer of the immortal paper. The other members of the committee were Franklin, John Adams, Roger Sherman, and Robert Livingston. Some of the colonies had not yet instructed their dele- gates to act, and the delegates would not vote on their own authority. By the end of June, all the colonies except one, New York, had granted this authority. On the morning of July the 1st, the mem- bers sat in their places ; Lee's motion was taken off the table and was before the House ; but no one said a word. The New Jersey delegates, who had just arrived requested that 20 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY the debate of three weeks before be repeated* that they might fully understand the subject. At first no one moved, but the eyes of all turned to John Adams. He saw that he was expected to speak ; he had made no prepara- tion, but his soul was burning with the sub- ject. He now arose and made a speech which was no doubt the most powerful one delivered in Congress during the Revolutionary period. Not a word of this great effort has been pre- served ; but Daniel Webster has given us the spirit of it in his " Supposed Speech of John Adams." Several members opposed the declaration, the leader of whom was Dickinson. He an- swered Adams as best he could; but he was on the wrong side, and years afterward he acknowledged it. The vote was taken on the evening of the next day. It was desirous that no colony vote against the measure. Each colony had one vote, the majority of the dele- gates casting it, while the minority counted for nothing. Delaware had three delegates, but one of them, Caesar Rodney, was absent in Delaware, and of the two present one was on DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 21 each side. A messenger was sent with all speed for Rodney. On hearing the news he leaped on his black horse and started at full gallop for Philadelphia, eighty miles away. All day and all night he sped through forests and over streams. 1 This was a greater ride than the more famous one of Paul Revere; the more remarkable it seems, when we re- member that Rodney was suffering from a cancer in the face, which afterward cost him his life. He reached the capital city just in time to cast his vote and save Delaware for freedom. The majority of the Pennsylvania delegates opposed independence ; but, seeing that the tide was against them, and not wishing their colony to be the only one to vote against the meas- ure, two of them remained away, and the rest cast the vote in the affirmative. The resolution for independence passed on the 2d of July by the unanimous vote of twelve colonies, New York not voting. The 2d of July is therefore the real natal day of the United States — we must call them colonies no longer. 1 Walton and Brumbaugh's " Stories of Pennsylvania," p. 180. 22 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY But it was necessary to put this great act into a fitting form of words, giving reasons for taking the step, before sending it forth to the world. Jefferson had them prepared. His document was now taken up, debated for two days, changed a little here and there, and adopted on the evening of the 4th. The same twelve States voted as on the 2d. New York added her vote a few days later, and the whole thirteen were now agreed on the great measure. The form adopted on the 4th was the " Declaration of Independence " with which we are all familiar; hence the Fourth of July has become our National Holi- day. When the Declaration was first sent out it was signed only by the President of Con- gress, John Hancock, and by the Secretary, Charles Thompson. It was also ordered to be engrossed on parchment; this was finished in several weeks, when all the fifty-six mem- bers signed it, most of them on the 2d of August. This parchment copy is now in Washington, kept by the secretary of state. The rest of the story is well known. The old Liberty Bell rang out the glad tidings of DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 23 freedom. Night was turned into day with bonfires and illuminations. The Declaration was read in cities, towns, and villages, from the pulpit in the churches, from the public platform, everywhere, amid shouts of joy and gladness from the people. It was read at the head of each brigade of the army, and the roll of the drum and the roar of cannon fur- nished the glad answer of the patriot-soldiers. Thus the exultant multitudes welcomed the new day that was dawning. Thus was the United States of America launched upon the ocean of National Life. CHAPTER II Framing of the Constitution If there is one thing in our early history that approaches in importance the passing of the Declaration of Independence, it is the making of our Constitution, which was done eleven years later in the same building of the same city. In one sense the latter is of more interest to us all ; the Declaration is now a historic document only, highly revered by all Americans, it is true, but of no present legal force; while the Constitution is still the su- preme law of the land. The Declaration was called for by the people from all parts. Con- gress simply ratified their wishes in passing it. The Constitution cost a severe and pro- longed struggle in the convention that framed it, and a more severe and more prolonged struggle in the various States before being adopted. FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 25 Condition of the Country after the Revolution Before proceeding to an account of the making of the Constitution, let us notice briefly the great need of such an instrument — the condition of the country before its adoption. The people had won their free- dom in a long and bloody war with a great nation, but at the close of the war the coun- try was in a sad plight — no money to pay the soldiers nor the foreign debt, and no means of raising money. The Congress had assumed the burden of the war and had adopted measures for carry- ing it on, not from any legal authority, but by common consent. That the colonies stick together during the war was absolutely nec- essary to success ; but scarcely was the war over when the States began to feel their im- portance and to disregard the laws of Con- gress. That body could not enforce its own laws, it could only recommend ; and any re- fractory State among the thirteen could openly and successfully defy its power. Now it is evident that no government can long 26 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY exist if it has not power to enforce its own measures, and exactly in that condition do we find the United States for some years after the Revolution. The great duty devolved upon the states- men of that day to organize and consolidate these States into one firm and compact na- tion, and at the same time to retain the sep- arate State governments in such a way that State laws and National laws would not con- flict, but work in one grand harmony. This would secure both liberty and union. These two, Liberty and Union, are opposite tenden- cies of government, and they can exist to- gether only when each yields part of its prestige to the other. Could these two, Lib- erty and Union, be so balanced in the same government as to secure the benefits of both ? It was a great problenie It was a problem that the ancient world labored for ages to solve, but labored in vain. Greece walked forth in the pride of her freedom, forgetting the need of Union, until she perished. Rome made the opposite mistake. Rome fostered and exalted Union for its strength until it FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 27 became a tyrant and strangled the child Lib- erty. It was left for America to solve the problem whether Liberty and Union could be joined in perpetual wedlock, and the world turned with wondering eyes to the new-born Republic of the West and awaited the deci- sion whether a "government of the people, by the people, and for the people," could endure upon the earth. Before the war the thirteen colonies had been joined separately to England. When that bond was broken they found themselves thirteen separate republics, and not one of them strong enough to maintain its freedom alone. Yet there was much prejudice against uniting, as each was jealous of its own liber- ties, and the people feared that a general government, when formed, would become a tyrant, as England had been. Union had been a child of the Revolution, called forth in an emergency, and for a spe- cial purpose, but was now no longer needful, especially since it was likely to encroach upon that other child still dearer to the American heart — Liberty. It was this feeling among 28 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY the people that made it so difficult for the statesmen of that day to organize the govern- ment that we now enjoy. There had been adopted, it is true, a constitution known as the " Articles of Confederation " ; but this was a rope of sand, and its best service was to teach the people their need of something better. Defects in the Articles of Confederation At different times during the colonial period there had been efforts at union. The first of these, dating 1643, comprised four New Eng- land colonies, and was in force something over forty years. Another plan of union, drawn up by Dr. Franklin at the Albany Conven- tion of 1754, was rejected by the colonies as too monarchical, and by the King as too democratic. There were efforts of less im- portance at various times, but we pass these by, and give our attention to the period be- fore us. In July, 1776, a few days after the Declara- tion of Independence was passed, a plan of government was proposed in Congress. It was FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 29 debated for a short time and then laid on the table, where it rested for over a year, when it was again taken up and adopted. This instru- ment was called the Articles of Confederation. It contained some of the elements of our pres- ent Constitution ; but it provided for no presi- dent, no supreme court, and only one house of congress. This Congress had no power over commerce, no power to raise taxes ex- cept by the unanimous consent of the States, and it dealt with the States as units and not with the people as individuals. We can read- ily see how weak such a government must be. Let us notice more fully a few of these defects. First : The operation of National law on a State and not on the citizen. The citizen had no direct relation to the government ; all his political relations were to his State. If, for example, a man now violates a postal or reve- nue law, he is punished directly under United States laws, and the State in which the of- fence is committed has nothing to do with the matter. But under the Articles of Con- federation, Congress had no such power; it 30 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY could only call upon the State in which the offence was committed to punish the offender, and if the State neglected or refused to do so, there was no power to force it. Second : There was no executive and no judiciary — no president to enforce the laws and no supreme court to interpret them. This was a serious defect indeed. Third: They voted in Congress by States and not by individual members, each State having one vote, regardless of its size and importance. It required the votes of nine States to carry any important measure; and sometimes for months there were less than nine represented. Fourth : Congress had no power to enforce any law whatever. The States, knowing this, had little regard for the laws of Congress. The Articles forbade any State to wage war or make a treaty ; yet Georgia did both with the Creek Indians. The States were for- bidden to keep troops in time of peace; yet several of them did so. They were forbidden to enter into compacts ; yet Virginia and Maryland did so concerning the navigation FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 31 of the Potomac River ; so also did Pennsyl- vania and New Jersey in setting the bounds to Delaware. 1 The Articles were constantly violated by the different States, but there was no power to prevent such violations. Fifth : Congress had no power over com- merce. This was a most glaring defect. Our agents were sent abroad to make treaties of commerce, and any treaty thus made could be set aside and annulled by any single State in the Union. The result was that foreign nations refused to treat with us and our for- eign commerce was in a most deplorable condition. There was no power to raise taxes, directly or indirectly, without the consent of every State. In 1782 Congress called upon the States to consent to a five per cent impost tariff, so as to raise money to pay the sol- diers and the foreign creditors. Twelve of the States acceded to this, but one refused, little Rhode Island, and the project had to fall to the ground. The next year a five per 1 MacMaster's " History of the People of the United States," Vol. I. p. 340. 32 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY cent tariff, limited to twenty-five years, was proposed. Twelve again agreed to this, in- cluding Rhode Island, but this time New York refused, and not a dollar could be raised. The paper money known as continental money became so depreciated that it took one hundred and seventy-five dollars to pur- chase a bushel of corn. When any one wished to express his utmost contempt for the value of anything, he would say, " Not worth a continental," an expression we still hear sometimes. Congress was penniless and powerless ; and thoughtful people saw that something had to be done, and that soon. Quarrels of the States Besides the impotency of Congress, there was continual jealousy among the States. The small States feared that the large ones would reduce them to the condition of sub- jects ,*y^tnd, in fact, Pennsylvania and New Ta^ey came near doing that very thing with Delaware. There were constant quarrels among the States. They remind us of a lot FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 33 of school children, each afraid the others would gain some advantage. New York and New Hampshire both claimed the territory of Vermont and were about to fight over it. New York sent troops into Vermont and New Hampshire was about to do the same. Vermont was plucky and bristled up like a fighting terrier, and was about to fight them both, when Washington appeared on the scene as peacemaker. Vermont stuck to her claims, and, in 1791, after seeking admission into the Union for fifteen years, became the fourteenth State. Another State quarrel was between New York, on the one side, and New Jersey and Connecticut on the other. New Jersey sold a great deal of poultry and dairy products to New York, and Connecticut sold firewood to the same State. Now New York laid a tariff on New Jersey poultry and Connecticut fire- wood. Then New Jersey retaliated by taxing New York's lighthouse on Sandy Hook, while Connecticut got even by boycotting New York. But the most serious of the State quarrels D 34 SIDE. LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY t was that between Pennsylvania and Connecti- cut over the Wyoming Valley. This quarrel came to blows and bloodshed. Connecticut claimed the Wyoming Valley by right of her charter and many of her people had settled there before the Revolution. Pennsylvania also claimed it and sent troops there to drive out the Connecticut people. After much strife i and cruelty it was decided to arbitrate. Penn- sylvania won, and Connecticut moved farther westward and took possession of a slice of northern Ohio, then a Territory, one hundred and twenty miles long and the width of the State of Connecticut. This was called the Western Reserve. By these things we see that the Government was in an imbecile condition ; something had to be done, or anarchy would prevail. Wash- ington wrote a circular letter to the governors of all the States, urging a stronger govern- ment than the one existing. The people saw that there must be radical changes in the Government ere long, but what shape it would take no one knew. Some talked of a kingdom with the second son of George the FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 35 Third as' King. This was freely talked of in England, but found no footing in America. The people had had enough of George the TMrd. Washington was approached on the subject of becoming King, but this project gained little favor with the people ; and, be sides, Washington positively refused to consider the matter. Then three confederate republic? were talked of : one comprising New Eng^ land ; another, the Middle States ; and a third, the Southern States. No one seemed to surmise that the boundless West was des- tined to become part of our public domain. The Annapolis Convention While the country was in this restless and unsettled condition, Virginia, the grand Old Dominion, came to the rescue and called a national convention to meet at Annapolis, Maryland, in September, 1786. Only a few States responded — none from New England, nor from the extreme South. There were only twelve delegates present, but these did something. They called another convention to meet at Philadelphia the following May. 36 SIDE LIGHTS ON* AMERICAN HISTORY This proposed meeting at Philadelphia was destined to be the far-famed Constitutional Convention. Would the States respond to the call? was the question of the hour. The people gen- erally looked to Virginia to take the lead, nor did they look in vain. Virginia was con- sidered the greatest State in the Union, and she had called the convention at Annapolis. The election of delegates in this State was directed by a young man, James Madison, and he made a happy hit at the outstart by securing the selection of George Washington. There was a reverence for Washington in every State that was little short of idolatry, and his name was a power in giving the con- vention tone over the whole country. There were but two men in America whose fame was world-wide, and Washington was one of them. Virginia next chose her governor, Ed- mond Randolph; but she did nothing better than when she chose Madison himself as one of the delegates. Patrick Henry would have been sent, but he refused to go. He was opposed to holding the convention ; so also FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 37 was Richard Henry Lee, who had moved the Declaration of Independence in 1776. New Jersey soon followed in the election of delegates. Pennsylvania came next, and so on until twelve States were represented, one alone refusing. That one was Rhode Island; but Rhode Island might have been brought into line had not her greatest citizen, General Nathaniel Greene, recently died of sunstroke. Congress, then sitting in New York, approved the convention after seven States had chosen delegates. The Constitutional Convention The convention met in Philadelphia in May, 1787, and began its sittings on the 25th. There were fifty-five delegates in all, some of whom did not arrive for several weeks after the sessions began. Ten others who had been elected never attended. 1 Very briefly let us notice the personnel of this convention. Thomas Jefferson, then min- ister to France, wrote that it was an assembly of demigods. It was, indeed, a notable gath- 1 Elliot's " Debates," Vol. I. p. 63. 38 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY ering. Most of the members had filled high positions before, and many filled still higher positions afterward. Seven had been gov- ernors of States, and twenty-eight, members of Congress. Two afterward became Presi- dents of the United States, one, Vice-President, and many others, cabinet officers and ministers abroad. Eight had signed the Declaration of Independence eleven years before, and a few had been members of the Stamp Act Con- gress of 1765. The greatest American genius of that day was the oldest man in the convention, Ben- jamin Franklin, aged eighty -one. Of him and of George Washington nothing need be said, as every schoolboy knows their history. There were in this convention Robert Morris, James Wilson, John Dickinson, Elbridge Gerry, and Roger Sherman — these have been referred to in the preceding chapter. There was Edmond Randolph, the popular young governor of Vir- ginia, who, as a youth, at the outbreak of the Revolution, could not agree with his Tory father, ran away from home, joined the patriot army, and served through the war. He after- FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 39 ward became governor of his State and member of Washington's cabinet. We also find Gouv- erneur Morris, the author of our decimal system of money ; John Rutledge, the brilliant orator of South Carolina; Rufus King, who was yet to spend many years in the forefront of political life; and Charles C. Pinckney, afterward a member of the famous mission to France, and twice candidate of his party for the presidency of the United States. The two profoundest statesmen in the con- vention were young men, Madison and Ham- ilton. To Madison, perhaps, we owe more for making the Constitution what it is than to any other man. Alexander Hamilton, afterward a member of Washington's cabinet, and the leader of his party as long as he lived, was a great lawyer and the greatest financier this country has yet seen. He was born in the West Indies, came to New York when a boy, 5 left college to join the army, showed military genius of a high order, entered public life at the close of the war, and fell at last a victim of the duelist's bullet 1 in the midst of his brilliant career. 1 See Chapter VII. 40 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY The convention chose Washington as its president, closed its doors, and began its sit- tings for the summer. It was well that the sessions were kept secret from the public, for had the newspapers printed the wrangles and disputes that took place in that convention, the people would have been distracted. There were now all kinds of speculation as to what the convention would do. It had been elected for the purpose of amending the Articles of Confederation, but there was a general belief that it would go beyond its instructions. James Wilson related an anecdote of the poet Pope. A common expression of the poet, who was a man of frail body, was " God mend me ! " A boy was one day assisting him across a ravine when the poet made use of his familiar phrase. "Mend you" said the lad; "it would be easier to make half a dozen new ones." So it would be easier to make half a dozen new constitu- tions than to mend the old one. 1 The United States Government was com- pared to an old man who had thirteen sons. They had built a big house and all lived 1 Bryce's "American Commonwealth," Vol. I. p. 310. FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 41 together for several years, when the sons grew weary of the paternal roof and each went out and built a hut for himself. Then trouble began : one had his corn stolen ; another lost his sheep by wolves; another, his crops by flood, and so forth. At length twelve of them begged their father to take them back, and he gladly did so. But the thirteenth still held aloof, and at last went and hanged himself. That thirteenth was Rhode Island. Hard things were now said about Rhode Island. The five per cent impost had been defeated by Rhode Island, and as the little State now refused to take part in the convention, every- thing bad was blamed on it — the bankrupt treasury, the suffering of the soldiers, the poverty of the whole nation. 1 " Drop the State out of the Union," it was said; "force it to pay its share of the Revolutionary debt, then drop it from the roll of States ; or, better still, divide it between _ Massachusetts and Connecticut." 1 MacMaster, Vol. I. p. 393. 42 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY The Three Great Compromises The Constitutional Convention sat with closed doors for four months. The work it produced was a great work: it brought order out of chaos ; it converted a Confederation of States into a Federal Government. Mr. Gladstone has said that "The American Constitution is the greatest work ever struck off at any one time by the mind and purpose of man." From another great Englishman we quote : "The Constitution of the United States of America is much the most important political instrument of modern times." It is needless to give here a full account of the working of this convention. The great document which it produced is based on three compromises, and to these we give brief notice. First Compromise. — Between the large and small States. When the convention had de- cided that the new Government should consist of three coordinate branches, an Executive, a Judicial, and a Legislative, and that the national legislature should consist of two FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 43 houses, a dispute arose between the large and small States. The large States claimed that each State should be represented in Con- gress according to population; while the small States demanded that all be equally repre- sented, regardless of size and importance, as under the Articles of Confederation. Long and fierce were the debates on this subject, each side avowing that it would not yield. Two or three times the convention was on the verge of breaking up, when at length they struck a compromise, called the Connecticut Compromise because introduced by the dele- gates from that State. 1 By this agreement it was decided that in the Lower House of Congress the representation should be accord- ing to population, while in the Upper House, or Senate, the States should be equally repre- sented. This is the most permanent clause in the Constitution, for it provides that no State shall be deprived of its equal representation in the Senate without its own consent. Thus Delaware has the same voice in the Senate as New York, while in the House of Repre- 1 Geo-^e Bancroft's " History of the U. S.," Vol. VI. p. 239. 44 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY sentatives the vote of New York is at the present time (1899) thirty-four times as great as that of Delaware. Second Compromise. — Between the free and slave States. . Before it was fully decided whether to base the House of Representatives on population or wealth, another question arose : Are slaves population or wealth ? The South claimed that the slaves were a part of the population, and should all be counted in the census that makes up the representation in Congress. The North contended that as slaves were bought and sold, they were merely property ; and since they had no vote, they should not be counted in making up the census. Besides, it would give too much power to the men who owned large numbers of slaves. Again there was fierce contention in the convention. Neither side would yield. Another compromise was the result — three-fifths of the slaves were to be counted in the census ; so it was decided, and so it continued to the time of the Civil War. Third Compromise. — Between agricultural FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 45 and commercial States. When the census ques- tion was settled, the subject of further impor- tation of negroes from Africa engaged the attention. A large majority in the convention opposed the foreign slave-trade. "The traffic must be stopped," said they; "it is an inhuman business, this seizure of human beings and condemning them to lifelong bondage because they are black; it is contrary to morality, re- ligion, and the Declaration of Independence, the very principles on which the Revolution was fought." Then two States protested in thunder-tones — South Carolina and Georgia. The African slave-trade was necessary to their prosperity, they said. They raised rice and indigo in their boundless swamps where no white man could work, and even the black man could stand it but a few years, and the ranks had to be constantly refilled from Africa. They would not join the Union if the African slave-trade was prohibited. They contended that it was not a matter of morality nor of religion ; it was a matter of business ; it was whether or not South Carolina and Georgia were wanted in the Union. 46 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY This was now very serious. The delegates from the other States felt morally bound to stop this traffic in human flesh and blood, but the attitude of these two States put a chill on their ardor. The outlook was grave : Rhode Island was not represented ; the New York delegates had gone home in anger because they couldn't have their own way ; Massachusetts was by no means certain. If now South Carolina and Georgia refused to take further part, it was plain that no Union could be formed. Before this question was settled another arose, namely, shall Congress or the States severally have control over commerce ? The South said, that by all means the States should manage their own commerce. It was an agricultural region ; it desired a low tariff, or none at all, so as to buy goods cheaply from abroad. New England now protested. Its wealth was in shipping. The tariff should be the same in all the States. Congress should control it. Again there was a deadlock. Two great ques- tions now lay before the convention : the con- trol of commerce and the foreign slave-trade. Again a compromise was reached. It was FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 47 decided that Congress should control com- merce, and that the African slave-trade be left open — not forever, but for twenty-one years — until the year 1808. This was the third compromise of the Constitution. The most important work of making the Constitution was now completed, and the sum- mer was well-nigh spent. But there was much yet to do of minor importance ; as, how to elect the President, for how long a term, and what powers should be given him ? Many wanted the President elected by Congress, and seven years was the favorite length of term ; but a term of four years was agreed upon and the election by an electoral college. Then the Supreme Court — how should the judges be appointed ? what should be their powers ? what powers should Congress have ? and the like. All these things and many others were ably discussed, and finally decided as we have them now in our Constitution. This great document being finished, the con- vention ended its sittings on the 17th of Sep- tember. Few of the members were satisfied with it; each one thought it would have 48 SIDE LIGHTS ON AMERICAN HISTORY been a little better had he written it himself. Franklin advised that all the members sign it, that each one yield his own judgment to that of the majority. "Too many," he said, "are like the French lady, who, in an argument with her sister, exclaimed, 'I do not know why it is, sister, but I find nobody that is always in the right, except myself,' " or, we may add, like the old Quaker who said to his wife, " Rebecca, all the world is queer but thee and me, and sometimes I think thee is a little*" queer." As the members were signing, Franklin, pointing to a picture on the back of the chair in which Washington sat, remarked, "In look- ing at that picture, I have often wondered, during the summer, whether it was a rising or a setting sun, now I know it is a rising sun." The Constitution before the People •The ship Constitution had had a rough voyage thus far, but the storms were by no means over. It was decided that if nine States adopted it, the new Constitution would FRAMING OF THE CONSTITUTION 49 take effect and become the supreme law of the land; but here it was destined to encoun- ter serious and almost fatal opposition. It was sent to Congress, still sitting in New York, but there was much opposition to it in that body, led by Richard Henry Lee. After debating the subject for eight days, how- ever, Congress sent it to the States without recommendation for or against it. Now for the first time the people arrayed themselves into two great political parties. Those desiring a strong government and 'favor- ing the Constitution, became known as the Federalists; those opposing it were called Anti-Federalists. The people were nearly equally divided, and the strife extended over nearly a year, and was very bitter. Delaware won the honor of being the first State to adopt the new Constitution. This was in December. Pennsylvania followed in the same month, led by James Wilson. In that State almost half the people opposed the Constitution, and it was adopted only after a most severe struggle. New Jersey came next and Georgia fourth. Georgia was 5