avl Teaching us, by the most persuasive reasons, How akin they are to human things. And, with child-like, credulous affection, We behold their tender buds expand ; Emblems of our own great resurrection Emblems of the bright and better land. OPEN SPACES. IV. OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' National Review ' of December 1886. OF late years a marked increase has taken place in the number of urban parks, gardens, and playgrounds of the United Kingdom which are accessible to the public. This activity on the part of municipal authorities, and of phi- lanthropic societies and individuals, is largely owing to the growth of a public opinion favour- able to the creation of pleasant oases, refreshing to the mind and body, wherever the undue extension of bricks and mortar has banished man from the humanising influences of nature, and has turned the soil into a stony wilderness. The credit of giving the impulse which set this public opinion in motion is due, in a great 58 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION measure, to Miss Octavia Hill. She it was who, in season and out of season, was never weary of preaching, often to deaf ears, the importance of preserving open spaces for the benefit of the poor, and especially of their children. She it was who first put into practice the principles she preached, and turned a fetid London court into an ' open-air drawing-room.' Her ex- ample has been largely followed. Within the short space of three years the Metropolitan Public Garden Association, through the gene- rosity of the public, has alone been enabled to throw open to the people of London four playgrounds and seventeen gardens, and, of these, one of the former and one of the latter have been permanently transferred to the care of the local municipal authorities. This trans- ference of open spaces from the care of an association supported by voluntary subscrip- tions to that of a public body like a local vestry or district board means, of course, an increase (though an infinitesimal increase) of OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 59 the rates, and there are those who, from not thoroughly appreciating the important issues involved in the matter, question the justice of the propriety of a public authority increasing the burdens of the people for what they con- sider to be a luxury rather than a necessity. Such a doctrine will find no support at my hands, even supposing these open spaces could be regarded as luxuries. I believe that there are luxuries of a public character, such as museums, art galleries, &c., which the Govern- ment of a rich and prosperous nation is justified in providing for the benefit, refine- ment, and enjoyment of the people committed to its charge ; but the question will arise, Can parks, gardens, and playgrounds, means for the preservation of the public health, be con- sidered luxuries ? Should they not much more justly be ranked amongst public necessities? Health is one of the first of these, and in my opinion no expense should be spared, and no opportunity neglected, to increase the average 60 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION standard of the nation's health and strength. If a people's average standard of vitality be lowered, that people will assuredly be handi- capped in the race of nations by so much as that standard has been lessened. The health of the mind is largely dependent. on the health of the body, and although, occasionally, a powerful and healthy brain may be found in a diseased body, as a rule the mind and the body act and react one upon the other, so that a nation (and it should be remembered that a nation is nothing more than the aggregate of the men and women composing it) will only have as much muscular power and brain force as may be the sum total of these qualities possessed by the men and women of which it is formed. A simple reference to the last census returns will show that this country is increasing at the rate of 300,000 a year, and that these 300,000 are not added to the country population, but are absorbed by the large overgrown cities of Great Britain and OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 61 Ireland. Now it is a well-known and uni- versally recognised axiom of hygienic science, that, other things being equal, the health of a population is in inverse ratio to its density; in other words, that the more the people are congregated together, the more unhealthy do they become. This being the case, it will be readily seen that unless steps are taken to counteract the operation of this natural law^ the inhabitants of our towns must degenerate in health, which is as much as to say that this is the destined fate of two-thirds of our population, for at this moment there are in Great Britain two men living in towns for every one living in the country. Now what are the most obvious steps to be taken to counteract this natural tendency of disease to dog the steps of men when crowded together ? Why, to open out the population as much as possible, or, if this cannot be done, at all events to break up these dense masses of humanity by inter- 62 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION secting them, wherever and whenever possible, with open spaces. If this be the first remedy, then surely it is the duty of those who are the guardians of the public health to provide such open spaces ; for individuals cannot be expected to buy them for the general good, and in no way, in my opinion, could public money be more legitimately spent than in thus preserving and improving the health of the community. I trust that I have clearly shown that the providing of public gardens and open spaces in large towns is no question of ornamental luxury, but one very closely con- nected with the health of the people, and as such should be considered a most legitimate object for the expenditure of public money. If it be right that the people inhabiting our large towns should be provided at the public expense with parks, gardens, and playgrounds, for similar reasons I think many will agree with me that, where possible, gymnasia should be attached to elementary schools, and that OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 63 systematic instruction should be given to the children in gymnastics and calisthenics. The body should be trained as well as the brain. At present our system is entirely a one-sided one. We starve the body and overwork the brain, and the former takes its revenge on us by refusing to nourish the latter ; the brain, unable to bear a strain, which would be no strain if the body were properly cared for, frequently breaks down, and broken health ensues, followed sometimes by insanity, and even death. Germany, Switzerland, as well as Xorway and Sweden, have for long been alive to the necessity of caring for the body in order to get the best work out of the brain ; and although the inhabitants of these States, being mostly country bred, are not in such urgent need of physical training as are the populations of our crowded towns, the sums expended by the Governments of these nations on the com- pulsory gymnastic training of the young would appear incredible to the educational authorities 64 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION of this country. Whilst I have been writing, the physical aspect of the education of women has occupied the attention of the British Medi- cal Association, and its President, Dr. Withers Moore, has been giving the following strong expression to a belief that women are suffering through over-pressure in brain-work whilst at school and college. 'From the eagerness of woman's nature,' says Dr. Withers Moore, ' competitive brain- work among gifted girls can hardly but be ex- cessive, especially if the competition be against the superior brain-weight and brain-strength of man. They require,' he asserts, ' to be pro- tected from their own willingness to study.' And how, we may add, can they be better pro- tected than by being encouraged to turn some of their energies towards the improvement of their physical natures by means of calisthenic and gymnastic exercises, or by healthy open- air games suitable to their sex ? In a pamphlet which has lately appeared, Mr. Alexander, OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 65 Director of the Liverpool Gymnasium, discusses the provision in England for physical education, points out its inadequacy in every respect, and states what are the nature and extent of the required reforms. He maintains that there are many teachers in charge of existing gym- nasia who would be glad to have their services utilised in the daytime. That the obstacle to physical training is the eagerness with which result fees are looked after, so that the teachers cannot spare the school-children during the day. Surely the remedy for this is to include gymnastics in the school course, and to grant fees for successful physical as well as mental training, say, in accordance with the school-average width of chest. Mr. Alexander says : Let there be a central training-school where certificates will be granted to those who pass an examination of proficiency; let there be a code of exercises decided upon of a light, recreative, and popular character, with plenty of mental stimulus about them, as there should be about all exercises. F 66 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION Let the exercises be useful, such as swimming drill, by which children can be thoroughly practised in the movements before they enter the water, thus facili- tating their swimming lesson. If the Education Department will not give the necessary half-hour per diem for this, then at least give it directly after school-hours, and watch the beneficial result that will surely take place. One or two professional in- structors could visit the schools in each town in order to keep up the standard of efficiency, and inspections could take place at convenient periods. The experiment, to have a fair chance, should share in the result fees. To sliow that it would be an easy matter to calculate the result fees to be given for average increase in circumference of chest in consequence of gymnastic training, I annex a form prepared by Dr. W. P. Brookes, of Much Wenlock, who, for many years, has taken a deep interest in the question of physical train- ing, and by which it will be seen that from statistics taken in the Much Wenlock National School for six months, from August 21, 1871, to February 21, 1872, in the case of six boys OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 67 who went through a course of drill and gymnastic training consisting of the use of Indian clubs, the vaulting-horse, horizontal and parallel bars, the average increase in chest circumference was If inches ; whilst in the case of six other boys who went through a course of instruction in drill alone, it was but ^ of an inch. I shall produce one more witness to the necessity for physical training namely, Dr. George Fletcher, who has had large experience as a medical officer. In a paper on ' The Management of Athletics in Public Schools,' read before the medical officers of schools in January last, Dr. Fletcher insists that a large amount of exercise in pure air is required to keep lads in bodily health, and he contends that all games and physical exercises in schools should be regulated, and be under supervision. The experience I have gained as Chairman of the Metropolitan Public Garden Association has shown me the wisdom of this remark. Ordinary town lads are unacquainted T? 2 68 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION with the games in which English schoolboys of a higher social grade delight. Their ways are rough, they are unaccustomed to discipline, and, if turned loose into a playground without supervision, are unable to avail themselves of the advantages offered them. Their sport de- generates into bullying or horseplay, with no good physical result. Gymnastic apparatus, under these circumstances, becomes a positive danger, and broken heads, arms, and legs are certain to be the result if the lads are allowed to use them without supervision or instruc- tion ; but under a good teacher they soon learn discipline, enjoy themselves, and become as keen followers of organised games as any schoolboy at Eton or Harrow. Dr. Fletcher's words are : It should be remembered that, as regards com- pulsion in games, bodily exercise should be as care- fully supervised by the masters as mental exercise ; for it is not wise that boys should be left to manage these physical matters entirely by themselves, think- ing that you can trust nature, and all will come right, OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 69 and that the boy for whom, exercise is desirable will be prompted by nature to take just the amount required for his health. No such thing. In the general routine of lessons a boy is compelled to conform to certain rules for the education of his mind; this is not here left to nature nor to the boy's disposition, for, if it were, there would, in most instances, be a miserable deficiency of brain exercises, or, in a few rare cases, a mischievous excess. If a boy does not like his Virgil or his Euclid his masters do not leave him to take what he likes of those sub- jects ; he is compelled to enter into them, and to get through a certain amount, and often will soon excel in some branch of study from judicious compulsion ; so with games do not allow the boy to play only when he chooses; at any rate, you are improving his bodily vigour, and he has had every chance of excelling in some branch of athletics. Let it be fairly instilled into the minds of parents by masters that the education of the body is not far behind the education of the mind in importance, and the amount and kind of exercise both of mind and body should be always considered together. Englishmen, as a rule, do not look to the Government to introduce reforms unless these reforms are first demanded by a large section 70 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION of the community. This characteristic of the national temperament has its strong and also its weak side. If, on the one hand, it makes the people self-reliant, on the other it is a dis- tinct discouragement to the spirit of amend- ment in governing bodies, who, instead of being continually on the alert to discover and put into practice improvements in the management of their different departments, as a rule consider it rather the duty of an official to throw cold water on all suggested innovations which threaten to alter the orthodox routine of work. The result of this customary apathy on the part of our officials makes it necessary for reformers to acquire popular support before bringing the question of any reform to the notice of governing bodies, and in order to obtain this support the public must be educated, and urged to action, by the subject requiring reform being constantly presented to their attention. Bearing these facts in mind, those OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 71 of us who believe that in order to preserve the national health and physique at the proper standard, reforms in our system of education and in the management of our towns are imperatively demanded, should not be disheartened because so little apparent progress would appear to be made in the popularisation of national hygiene and of physical training, but should lose no oppor- tunity of promulgating their views, on the platform, through the press, and by all those means of spreading information and of influencing public opinion which modern civilisation affords. Action has already been taken in this direction by the Manchester Open Spaces Committee, and by the Metro- politan Public Garden Association. The former has obtained the signatures of the following influential and eminent persons to a petition urging the appointment of a Eoyal Commission to consider the question of physical training : H. R. H. the Princess 72 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION Louise, H.E.H. the Duke of Cambridge, His Grace the Lord Archbishop of York, His Grace the Duke of Westminster, the Et. Kev. Bishop of Bedford, Bishop Suffragan for East London, the Very Eev. the Dean of St. Paul's, London, the Very Eev. the Dean of Manchester, the Ven. Archdeacon Farrar, the Et. Hon. the Earl of Carnarvon, the Et. Hon. the Earl of Meath, the Et. Hon. Lord Wolseley, the Et. Hon. Lord Aberdare, the Et. Hon. Lord Tennyson, His Honour Judge Hughes, Maj.-Gen. E. G. Bulwer, C.B., Edwin Chadwick, C.B., Sir Andrew Clark, Bart., M.D., Sir T. S. Wells, Bart., F.E.C.S., Sir James Paget, Bart., Sir Henry E. Eoscoe, LL.D., M.P., Sir William Eoberts, M.D., Sir Henry Thompson, F.E.C.S., Eev. E. A. Abbott, D.D., City of London School, Eev. E. C. Wickham, M.A., Head Master of Wel- lington College, Eev. J. M. Wilson, M.A., Head Master of Clifton College, Bristol, Eev. Saml. A. Barnett, St. Jude's, Whitechapel, OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 73 Eev. C. H. Spurgeon, Matthew Arnold, M.A.. LL.D., D.C.L., Robert Browning, D.C.L., Pro- fessor Tyndall, Professor Huxley, Professor J. G. Greenwood, Principal of Owens College, Manchester, Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour, M.P., William Abraham, M.P., Joseph Arch, M.P., Thomas Burt, M.P., E. N. Buxton, M.P., William Crawford, M.P., B. W. Foster, M.P., Albert Grey, M.P., W. H. Houldsworth, M.P., George Howell, M.P., S. Morley, M.P., John Wilson, M.P., J. E. Morgan, M.D., Professor of Medicine, Victoria University, Manchester, Jno. Tatham, B.A., M.B., Medical Officer of Health, Salford, Ernest Hart, Esq., F.E.C.S., Chas. Eoberts, Esq., F.E.C.S., Walter Besant, Esq., John Euskin, Esq. Sympathy and general approval, without signature of the form sent, have been expresed by : The Et. Hon. the Earl of Derby, the Et. Hon. G. J. Goschen, M.P., Sir John Lubbock, Bart., John Tomlinson Hibbert, M.P. The Metro- politan Public Garden Association has sent 74 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION the following Memorial on the subject to the 4 Education Commission,' and a somewhat similar one to the School Board of London : To the Rt. Hon. SIR RICHARD ASSHETOX CROSS, M.P., G.C.B. (Chairman), and the Members of the Royal Commission on Education. The Memorial of the members of the Metro- politan Public Garden Association, respect- fully showeth, That your memorialists are of opinion that in- creased facilities for the physical training of the young ot both sexes, and further provision for their wholesome recreation, are much needed in all the larger towns of the United Kingdom; and feeling that this is a subject which is within the lawful scope of the inquiry of the members of the Royal Commission on Education, they humbly beg to urge its consideration. They base their belief upon the following grounds : 1 . That physical training is not at present one of the obligatory subjects for the ensurance of a Govern- ment grant in elementary schools. 2. That several teachers in Board or Voluntary schools are unable to give instruction in gymnastics OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION 75 or calisthenics either in the playgrounds or the rooms of the schools. 3. That there is a want of some fund from which the maintenance, out of school-hours, of existing playgrounds can be defrayed. 4. That there is great difficulty in obtaining, in densely populated districts, adequate open spaces for public recreation. 5. That there is a marked difference in bodily health and vigour and in a predisposition to disease and immorality between the young in the country and those in towns. They believe that these difficulties might be overcome in the following ways : 1. By the alteration of the Code of Education, so that physical training should be included among the obligatory subjects, and in this way necessarily intro- duced into each department of every elementary school. 2. By assistance given towards the introduction of instruction in physical training into the curri- culum of all training colleges. 3. By the enforcement of a regulation that all playgrounds in connection with public elementary schools should be kept open, under supervision, for the use of the children and young people of the neighbourhood between and after school-hours. 4. By a grant of further powers to local public 76 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION bodies for the purchase of land for open or covered gymnasia, and for suitable recreation grounds for the use of the general public. They believe that if these suggestions were carried out, the following results would ensue to the rising generation : 1. A decrease in juvenile mortality, a better physical development, and a greater amount of bodily health. 2. An increase in the mental powers. 3. A decrease in crime, drunkenness, and im- morality. It is therefore the earnest desire of your memo- rialists that the members of the Royal Commission on Education should take this matter into their serious consideration, and consent to hear evidence upon the need of better means for physical training and increased facilities for wholesome recreation in all towns. And your memorialists will ever pray, &c. A National Physical Eecreation Society has lately been established, for the promotion of the physical education of the working classes, under the presidency of Mr. Herbert Glad- stone, M.P., supported by the Hon. A. F. Kinnaird, Colonel G. M. Onslow (Inspector of OPEN SPACES AND PHYSIC \L EDUCATION 77 Military Gymnasia), Lord Charles Beresford, M.P., the Hon. T. H. W. Pelham, and Mr. T. C. Edwardes Moss, M.P., of athletic fame, with Mr. A. Alexander, F.E.G.S. (Director of the Liverpool Gymnasium), as Honorary Secretary. An association with such influential leaders should be able to work wonders in the im- provement of the physical education of the people, and in the confident hope that at no distant period the bodies of the poorer child- ren of this country will be as well cared for as their brains, I ask those who read this paper to assist in forming a public opinion favourable to the maintenance, by municipal authorities, of open spaces, playgrounds, and gymnasia in towns, and to such alterations in the Education Code as will bring up a gen- eration of English men and women, physically capable of bearing the burden of the high civilisation and extended empire they have inherited from their forefathers. Civium vires, civitatis vis. 78 OPEN SPACES AND PHYSICAL EDUCATION APPENDIX. Statistics of the Drill and Gymnastic Training given to Twelve Boys in the Much Wenlock National School, from August 21, 1871, to February 21, 1872. DKILL AND GYMNASTICS. Increase, after Six Months, in the circumference Boy Of Chest Of Upper Arm Of Fore Arm Inche Inches 1 From 27^ to 28| = 1 inch x inch Nil 2 28 29f - j " i 2 inch 3 30 3l4 = 13 *I Nil 4 29 = ji I 3 ' Nil 5 > 28|- 30J = 2 inches 1 3 Nil 6 27| 30 = 2j .1 4 ! inch Average increase in circumference of chest = 1| inches, i.e. nearly 2 inches. Exercises : Indian Club, Vaulting Horse, Horizontal and Parallel Bars. DKILL ALONE. Increase, after Six Months, in the circumference Boy Of Chest Of Upper Arm Of Fore Arm Inches Inches 7 From 24| to 24| = inch J inch Nil 8 27i 27* = i ^< 4 *'4 ; 8 " I 4 | inch 9 OQ1 QA _ 1 ^^ ou 3 ,, i ., i 4 M 10 26i 26j = i 1 4 Nil 11 25! 26 =| 1 4 )) ^ inch 12 25^ 25| = i 1 4 V Nil Average increase in circumference of chest = |j inch, i.e. nearly ^ inch. W. P. BROOKES, TRUSTEE. EDWARD STROUD, SCHOOLMASTER. 79 ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE BENEFIT OF YOUNG MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN, I. A WOMAN'S WOBK. AX ACCOUNT OF THE GIELS' FRIEXDLY SOCIETY. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' National Review ' of September 1884. our contemporaries lias lately published an interesting series of articles under the head- ing of ' Women who work,' describing the life and occupations of several classes of women who gain their livelihood by work. It is a satisfactory sign of the times, and of the pro- gress of a sensible public opinion, that women are nowadays not ashamed to confess that they support themselves by honest toil. Side by side with this laudable determination on the part of women of limited means to be no 80 A WOMAN'S WORK longer a burden on their relatives, but to take a share in the actual work, and therefore in the rewards of industry, there has sprung up amongst the leisured class of women a similar desire to be of some use in the world, to do some good before they pass away, to be some- thing more than mere ornaments of life. We see this tendency on all sides. The amount of unpaid religious, philanthropic, and social remedial work which is being carried on by women is enormous. Witness the labours of such women as Miss Eobinson, Miss Weston, Mrs. Josephine Butler, or Miss Ellice Hopkins. We may or we may not approve of the objects they have in view. We may or we may not believe in their discretion or their wisdom, but we cannot but respect the energy, the faith, the self-sacrifice, the devotion with which in their different lines, and with the best powers they possess, they are voluntarily labouring for the good of others. Such self-sacrifice, such devotion, such faith, cannot fail to make A WOMAN'S WOKK 81 its influence felt on a selfish and cynical world. If there be much to lament in the present con- dition of society, if there be alienation of class from class, if the rich man fears the poor, and the poor man hates the rich, if the world be out of joint, and we cry in our despair that faith and virtue, honour and love, sympathy and brotherly kindness have vanished from the face of the earth, if in our moments of despon- dency and of weakness we should be tempted to exclaim that our upper classes care for nothing but sport and the gratification of sel- fish pleasure, that our middle classes are lost to all higher aims than the pursuit of wealth, and that our working classes are wallowing in the mire of drunkenness and violence, let us but turn to the work of these noble ladies and of the many others who are labouring in similar undertakings for the spiritual, moral, or material welfare of their fellow-creatures, and we shall be forced to confess that the women of England refuse to despair of the G 82 A WOMAN'S WORK world, and that, holding aloft, in the darkness which surrounds us, the beacon-light of their own purity and self-sacrifice, they are setting an example worthy of imitation, and are acting the angel's part in their devoted efforts to guide the footsteps of mankind into higher and nobler paths. Our object in writing this paper is to draw attention to one of the most conspicuous ex- amples of a successful work carried out by women for the benefit of women. It is often said that women do not possess any power of organisation ; but it would be difficult to find a non-political association which, for rapidity of growth, for solidity of foundation, and for amount of work accomplished in as short a space of time, can compare with the Girls' Friendly Society an association which, only starting in 1875, now numbers, according to a Eeport which has just been issued, over 124,000 ladies and w r orking women of the English-speaking races. This organisation is A WOMAN'S WOEK 83 to be found not only in the United Kingdom, but in America, Canada, the Cape of Good Hope, and in the colonies of Australia and New Zealand. Her Majesty the Queen is Patron of it, and in looking through the List of Associates we find the names of several princesses of the blood royal, and of many women of the highest social distinction. The first question which rises to the lips is, What has been the motive which has prompted so many women of different social grades to unite, and what is the object which they have set themselves to attain? The name of the Association fails to convey any distinct reply to this question. The mind naturally turns to the contemplation of averages and of actu- arial calculations when the words ' Friendly Society ' are uttered ; but the objects of the * Girls' Friendly Society ' are far other than those of an ordinary 'Friendly Society.' There was no idea on the part of the foundress of this organisation to establish a thrift society 6 2 84 A WOMAN'S WORK for women, in imitation of those established by men for the benefit of men. The Friendly Society Mrs. Townsend desired to create was one which should unite women of all grades in a friendly league for the protection of female virtue. She aimed at establishing such a freemasonry amongst women as would raise in the eyes of women themselves, and conse- quently of the world, the value of a woman's purity. She desired to surround every young girl, however humble her social position, with the protection of innumerable loving hearts and hands, ready to support her in trial, shield her in danger, and encourage her in difficulty. She attempted in some measure to span with a friendly chain the gulf which separates the rich from the poor, and to excite so genuine a love for virtue as should make each woman, whatever her social rank, feel that an affront offered to the virtue of the poorest girl was an insult to the richest, and that the degradation of one was the dishonour A WOMAN'S WORK 85 of all. That there was need for such an Association, and that it evidently responded to the yearnings of many an honest woman's heart, must be acknowledged, when we con- sider the extraordinary manner in which this Society has grown, and that last year there was an increase of 2,008 ladies and of 11,904 working-girl members, making a total in England of 21,414 ladies, and of 83,085 working women belonging to this Association. 1 The power which these numbers represent is very great, and it is to be hoped that it may ever be wisely directed. It would seem that precautions are taken in the constitution of the Society in England to avoid the dangers of personal government, and that the direction of its affairs is in the hands of a Central Council (having its headquarters at 3 Victoria Mansions, Westminster), composed of some 1 The Society now (1886) numbers in England 23,916 lady associates, and 100,141 working-girl members, and a total of 133,182 associates and members throughout the world. 86 A WOMAN'S WORK fifty members, of whom thirty-two are repre- sentatives elected by the lady Associates living in the thirty-two dioceses of England and Wales. The work which this Council has to direct (aided by diocesan councils in each of the dioceses of England and Wales) is not limited, as might be thought from the above remarks, solely to a watchful care over the morals of its members, but embraces a large field of philanthropic labour, which for con- venience of supervision and of organisation has been divided into departments, and has been placed under the direction of separate heads. Amongst these departments we find that the following have already been organ- ised namely, 4 Members in Business,' ' Mem- bers in Mills and Factories,' ' Workhouses and Orphanages,' ' Members in Service,' ' Eegis- try Work,' ' Lodges and Lodgings,' ' Litera- ture,' * Sick Members and Homes of Eest,' ' Domestic Economy,' ' Industrial Training,' and ' Emigration.' Each of these departments A WOMAN'S WORK 87 possesses not only a representative on the Central Council, but lias its representative on each diocesan council and in each properly organised branch, of which there are over 700 in England and Wales. 1 The branches are composed of the ladies and working-girl mem- bers living within the limits of each rural deanery in the country, and of each parish in the large towns. These regulate their own affairs under the direction of a secretary who is annually elected. The branch secretaries within each diocese form the diocesan councils of which we have already spoken, and which annually elect the Central Council and the President. The Honourable Lady Grey holds this responsible position at present. It will be seen from this sketch of the constitution that it is established on representative prin- ciples, that it is in connection with the Church of England, and that the work of the society is secular as well as moral and religious. 1 Now 821 (1886). 88 A WOMAN'S WORK Although the Lady Associates must be of the English Church, no such restriction is made o in the case of the working-girl members. The only bar to admission is loss of character. Any member losing her good name ceases ipso facto to belong to the Society. It is found necessary in the interest of the members to adhere firmly to this rule, as this is one of the few, if not the only society, which exists for the benefit of girls of strictly good charac- ter, whilst there are many associations esta- blished for assisting those of bad or doubtful reputation. To show the extent of the work of the Society, and that the labours of a head of a department can be no sinecure, it is only necessary to mention that during the last 15 months 5,952 mistresses applied to the Society for servants, that 5,333 girls sought situa- tions, and that 3,976 members were placed in service ; that 1,282 members were assisted in sickness, placed in convalescent homes, lodged in the private residences of ladies, or in A WOMAN'S WORK 89 cottages under the supervision of ladies be- longing to the Society, at a cost of some 1,500 ; that the Society owns 6 homes of rest and 43 homes called 'Lodges,' 1 where members of the Society can reside, and which contain an aggregate of over 300 beds, and that the funds collected for the support of these homes during the same period amounted to 5,073 4s. 4d. In addition to the above there are 78 club and recreation rooms open to members. 2 The Society possesses three magazines, one of which, Friendly Leaves., has a monthly circulation of 50,000 copies, and there are 23 diocesan circulating libraries containing 10,695 volumes, 306 district schools, and 294 out of 542 unions in England and Wales are visited by Associates and included in the organisation. Members of the Society who desire to emigrate are placed under the special care of Lady Asso- ciates in England and the colonies, whose duty 1 Now 60 (1886). 3 Now 167 (1886). 90 A WOMAN'S WOEK it is to assist them, to facilitate their de- parture from this country, and to welcome them on their arrival in the land of their adoption. Should it be necessary, places are found for them in the colony to which they are emigrating, so that no time is lost in searching for a situation, and during the voyage they are placed under the charge of a matron, and mess together. A girl, therefore, who has once joined the Girls' Friendly Society should never be in want of a friend, wherever she be living. This great work is maintained by voluntary subscriptions, and by an annual contribution of sixpence from each working-class member and of half a crown from every Lady Associate. Between the 1st October 1882 and the 31st December 1883, according to the Eeport from which we quote, the large sum of 3,536 17s. was contributed to the central fund by working- class members, exclusive of gifts to the different departmental funds such as those A WOMAN'S WORK 91 for ' Homes of Best,' ' Sick Members,' and ' Lodges.' These are the dry bones of the organisation, of which alone we are capable of taking cognizance ; the inner, religious, spiritual work we are unable to gauge. That this Society is destined to exercise great influence on future generations of Eng- lishwomen, should it continue to increase at its present rate, and should it preserve its vitality, is self-evident. It is also apparent that as the social and political power of women increase, so will increase the influence of such an Association as we are describing. Already the Girls' Friendly Society has made its influence felt in both Houses of the Legislature. The careful reader of the newspapers cannot have failed to have noticed the continued repetition of the name of the Society in the list of petitions presented to Parliament, and always in connection with the same subject namely, in favour of the Criminal Law Amendment Bill, which has 92 A WOMAN'S WORK just passed the House of Lords. Should this Bill become law, l the exertions of the members of the Girls' Friendly Society will not have been without influence on the result. Irre- spective of the power for good over the rising generation of young women which such a widespread Association should possess, we recognise the healing influence which the inter-communication of women of so many social grades must exercise on the social sores of the day. It is with pleasure that we draw attention to the work of the Girls' Friendly Society, and we wish it God-speed in its benevolent endeavours to raise the moral tone of the women of England and to increase the domestic happiness of the people. 1 The Criminal Law Amendment Bill received the Queen's Assent on August 14, 1885. 93 ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE BENEFIT OF YOUNG MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN. II. ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION. 1 IT used to be said that ' a handful of good life is better than a bushel of learning.' There are some who nowadays loudly assert that if only the bushel of learning be provided the good life will follow, and they point on the one hand to the pure lives of certain ancient philosophers and of some modern cultivated sceptics, and on the other to the wickedness of many professed believers in Christianity, as proofs of the truth of their proposition. I do not intend to enter into a discussion on the 1 March 29, 1883. 94 ADDEESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. influence which systems of moral philosophy divorced from religion may or may not be able to exercise on the human mind and conduct. Such questions are too deep for me, and unfitted for this platform. I only allude to the tendency of certain minds to depreciate the moral power of Christianity, and to ex- aggerate that of secular education, for the purpose of enabling us to ask ourselves the simple question whether individually by our lives and conduct we have shown the moral superiority of Christian over secular training. It may be assumed that all on this platform, and those I am addressing here to-night, have been brought up within the fold of some Christian Church, and, inasmuch as they have taken the trouble to join an Association which has for its object the strengthening of Christian life amongst its members, are presumably more in earnest in their desire to lead Christian lives than some of their fellows. But let each of us ask ourselves how far we ADDEESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. 95 have succeeded in our endeavours, and in order that we may obtain a true answer let us consider what would be our reply, if this question, instead of being addressed to our- selves, were asked in regard to the conduct of some other member of the same Association : and if our answer be that we have succeeded but badly, as I fear must be the reply if we speak truthfully, we cannot profess much astonish- ment if the world, arriving at the same opinion, should, in its carelessness, fall into the error of ascribing the failure to the system instead of to its true cause, the natural frailty of man- kind. But, although it may be true that the lives of professing Christians fall far short of the ideal of Christianity, and that in some cases heathens and sceptics have led lives which in their uprightness and purity have hardly been surpassed by Christian saints, it must not be forgotten that religious sentiment lay deep in the hearts of the most eminent of the ancient searchers after truth, and that the 96 ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. modern ' gospel of humanity ' owes its best elements to the Gospel of that Christ Whose divinity it ignores. Seeing that the inconsist- ency between the doctrines of Christianity and the actions of the nominal followers of Christ are the cause of scepticism to many, we should not only take shame to ourselves for having brought reproach upon our pro- fession, but remembering that much of the infidelity of the world is owing to our own shortcomings, and would disappear did we live up to the standard set us by Christ Him- self, let us, and especially such of us as are members of Christian associations, be very watchful over our conduct, and see that it does not give the lie to the profession of our lips. Depend upon it the world scans very closely the conduct of those whose religion takes a more decided character than that of their fellows, and will make very small allow- ance for the weakness of human nature. Let us beware lest even unconsciously we be guilty ADLRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. 97 of the slightest approach to hypocrisy. Con- sistency of conduct and moral courage, blended with humility and consideration for the feel- ings, opinions, and rights of others, will always win the respect of men consideration for the opinions and rights of others, inasmuch as the human mind is not infallible ; and humility, seeing that it is owing to our shortcomings that the Christian religion has proved a stumbling-block to some. How glibly does the tongue talk of consistency of conduct and of moral courage, and how difficult it is to practise these virtues ! ' It is easy enough to be good on 10,000/. a year,' says Becky Sharp in ' Vanity Fair,' and with justice in one sense, though most erroneously in another. The man with 10,000/. a year is no more free from temptations than he of WL a year ; his temptations are only of a different nature. There is, however, this truth in Becky Sharp's assertion namely, that he of 10,000/. is under no temptation to sell his birthright for a mess H 98 ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. of pottage, but on the other hand the poor man is by his very poverty exempted from many grievous temptations to which the rich are naturally exposed. ' How hardly shall they that have riches enter into the kingdom of God ! ' The moral of these considerations is that we should be lenient towards the short- comings of those in a different rank of life or station to ourselves, not knowing the exact force with which peculiar temptations may assail them. Thus, where we find it easy to be consistent our brother may find it almost impossible. Elisha the prophet recognised this fact, for he permitted Naaman, the con- fidential minister of the King of Syria, to bow the knee in the house of Eimmon, when his master should be leaning on his arm. Eefusal to accommodate himself to the customs of his country and the practice of his sovereign, might in this case have led to political and social ostracism, perhaps to death itself. The abstention from the heathen temple of a man ADDRE33 TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. 99 in a humbler station of life might have passed unnoticed, and although want of moral courage can under no circumstances be justifiable, it is more excusable in some cases than in others ; and men should be very loth to condemn those with whose circumstances and tempta- tions they have not had practical experience. Compare the position of a soldier, kneeling night and morning to address his God in the presence of coarse, profane, jeering companions, with that of a young man, kneeling at home in his own room in the house of Christian parents. Compare the temptations to lust and to pride of a young, healthy, handsome heir to millions, and of a poor, sickly, half starved man of the people ; on the other hand, reverse the picture and consider the tempta- tions of the latter to theft, dishonesty, and lying, as compared with those of the former. Such pictures might be presented in numbers. Do not misunderstand me, however : because some temptations assail us with more force 100 ADDKESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A, than our neighbours, that is, of course, no reason why we should yield to them, and no excuse for so doing. We know where we must look for strength, and we as Christians believe that if we rightly ask, sufficient strength will be given us. It is a reason, however, why we should be lenient towards the faults of others, why we should carefully scan our own conduct, why we should asso- ciate ourselves together in societies such as this, in order that those who are less tempted in one direction may give assistance to their more heavily weighted brothers, in confidence that they in their turn will not withhold sup- port when their assistance is required. Great is the power conferred by association. The knowledge that support and sympathy are at hand oftentimes will turn the natural coward into a hero. This is the secret of the supe- riority of a disciplined over an undisciplined force. Each man stands shoulder to shoulder, and knows that his fellows will not desert ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. 101 him as long as breath is in their bodies. Example also is another potent power for good as well as for evil. ' Keep good men company and you shall be of the number.' We are all imitative creatures, and are more influenced by the example of those around us than we usually suppose. For all these reasons association among young men desirous of leading godly lives is good, so long as it does not lead to spiritual pride, hypocrisy, or cant, dangers to which all religious societies are more or less exposed, and against which their members should be ever on the watch. Earnest, definite, active work for God, and for our neighbour, sanctified by prayer, is, when we have leisure for such work, one of the most effectual means of purifying the Christian life. We have not, however, all leisure to employ in this manner. The majority of us are probably masters of but a small portion of our time. But even the most hardly worked can, if he desires it, do 102 ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. some work for God. There are few who cannot during the twelve hours of daylight perform some kind deed, however small, to cheer a neighbour's heart. Such acts done for the love of God will add more happiness to life than untold riches, and speak more eloquently for Christianity than volumes of written sermons. It would be well if we were to ask ourselves each morning, ' What kind act can I do this day ? ' and at eventide, ' Have I by word or deed brought happiness to the heart of a fellow-creature ? ' * See how these Christians love one another ! ' was said by the heathens of old. Would it not be well if these words could be spoken of the members of this Association ? It is gratifying to hear that such a spirit does indeed animate many connected with your society, and that you are able in your Report to say that the majority of your members ' are constantly en- gaged in various works of Christian usefulness and missionary enterprise in different parts of the city and neighbourhood.' ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. 103 Iii these days of scepticism and atheism, of violence and crime, when the hand of man is raised against his fellow-man, and the land is soaked in blood, it is a matter for thankful- ness to think that we possess in our midst so large a body of earnest young men as I see before me this night, banded together in the firm resolve, God helping them, to combat the powers of evil which in weaker moments we may be prone to think have been permitted to take permanent possession of the hearts of men. Away with such coward thoughts, if ever they had existence ! If there is much to deplore there is much more to be thankful for. Never were the Churches of Christ more active than at present ; never was there greater desire for union amongst all denominations of Chris- tians than in the present day (witness the presence of members of so many Christian denominations on the platform) ; never was there more tolerance, more earnestness, more zeal, more real work for Christ, or greater desire to follow in the footsteps of our great 104 ADDRESS TO THE DUBLIN Y.M.C.A. Exemplar, and 'do unto others as we would that they should do unto us.' May your Association flourish, your members be con- spicuous in all good works, advance in godli- ness and knowledge, become better citizens and better neighbours, and by noble and consistent lives prove to a sceptical world that the love of Christ is still potent to reform men's lives, and to work such miracles in the heart of man as no human philosophy has yet been able to accomplish. 105 ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE BENEFIT OF YOUNG MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN m. THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN. Repriuted, by permission, from ' The Quiver ' of June 1886. DISRAELI has said that ; the history of heroes is the history of youth ; ' and again, that * almost everything that is great has been done by youth ; ' but reluctantly he was forced to add that l for life in general there is but one decree. Youth is a blunder.' It is the object of several religious or- ganisations, notably the Young Men's Chris- tian Association, the Young Men's Friendly Society, the Church of England Young Men's Society, and lastly, but not least, the London Diocesan Council for the Welfare of Young 106 THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN Men, to minimise as far as possible the chances of life becoming a ' blunder ' to the young men of London, and, by influencing their lives in the direction of what is good, to endeavour to add yet further brilliant examples to the roll of youthful heroes. The latter Council, which has been lately established, hopes to effect this result, not so much by creating new organisations for aiding the young man in his struggle with evil, as by utilising and rendering more effective those which already exist. The principal objects of the London Diocesan Council are (1) To promote the formation and de- velopment of existing societies in London, as well as to encourage the establishment of youths' institutes, boys' clubs, night-schools, guilds, working-boys' homes, &c. (2) To make grants of money, so far as funds will permit, towards starting such insti- tutions ; to afford information as to the dif- ferent societies and best modes of procedure ; THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEM 107 and to put persons willing to work amongst young men in communication with parishes and institutions where their help is required. (3) To establish a central corresponding office, to which the clergy and others may recommend young men and boys coming to London, in order that they may be introduced to clergymen or other friends, or to local institutions. (4) To provide at the central office, Northumberland Chambers, Northumberland Avenue (which is likewise the address of the Young Men's Friendly Society), and also through the agency of local institutions, registries of suitable lodgings, to which young men may be directed. And (5) to foster all movements, such as the establishment of gymnasia, the appropria- tion of open spaces in parks and elsewhere for cricket and athletic sports ; the extension of libraries ; and generally to stir up sympathy with whatever tends to the welfare of young men. 108 THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN Such intermediary work, far from inter- fering with the labours of the different young men's societies, will be of great service to them ; and as Chairman of the Central Council of the Young Men's Friendly Society, which now numbers over 350 branches, and fifty affiliated institutions, I heartily welcome this latest addition to the organisation of the Church for working amongst the male youth of England. Great is the need of labourers in this field. It is, indeed, difficult to exaggerate the import- ance of the work. The future of England will depend upon the characters of the young men who, in a few years, will have attained their majority, and who, in the exercise of the privilege of manhood, will in due course be called upon to cast their votes into the ballot- box, and by those votes will be required to state what is their will in regard to the course which legislation shall take both at home and abroad. The destinies of the nation will be THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN 109 in their hands. The seeds, whether good or bad, which have been sown in youth, will assuredly develop in after years, and all effort to change the character of the growth will then be too late. Now is the time for action. Two millions of male voters have recently been added to the electorate of England ! Who and what manner of men will their im- mediate successors be? Some of them will be respectable young men who are already proving their worth, and the excellence of their bringing up as apprentices and assist- ants in small towns, or as farm lads in the country ; but some of them, and I fear no small proportion, will be the hangers-on of public-houses, the idle loafers who stand at the corners of streets or village greens, who have never entered a church or chapel since they were compelled to do so as children in the Sunday-school, who have thrown off all restraint, and glory in their recklessness and disregard of authority, whether civil or religious. 110 THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN Shall I be told, although this may be true and most regrettable, that it is nobody's fault ; that a certain proportion of young men will inevitably go to the bad, and that neither the Church nor society is to blame for the result? Doubtless, as long as evil is in the world, wickedness will abound, but I cannot believe that every young man who finds his way into the criminal, the dangerous, or the dissipated classes has had a fair chance of doing better. I do not think this can be said of all the human failures in the upper or middle classes, much less of those to be found in the lower. To begin with the upper classes : What is the amount or value of the religious instruc- c tion given to a boy at Eton or Harrow, or indeed at any of our public schools? How many clergymen with cures in fashionable parishes or districts have established Sunday- schools for the children of their well-to-do parishioners? And when, later in life, the young man enters college, or his father's THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN 111 counting-house, what provision does the Church make to continue his spiritual educa- tion and to prepare him for the religious doubts, difficulties, and objections which, in this age of universal discussion, and of open unbelief, are certain to assail him? Indeed, in the matter of spiritual instruction, as far as the Church is concerned, the labourer's or artisan's son, until the age of thirteen years, has often the advantage over the duke's, for he will probably attend a Sunday-school, whereas the latter will obtain no instruction, should his mother be indifferent to religion. But from the age of thirteen years, both duke's son and labourer's son are pretty well on a par as regards the absence of religious teaching from the course of their daily instruction, if we except the perfunctory attendance at chapel which will be enforced on the former, should he be sent to a public school. Both are left by the Church very much to their own devices, until they have reached the age of discretion. 112 THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MES Let us imagine that both have reached that period of life, and have been prepared for ad- mission into the full membership of the Church a supposition which must leave room for large exceptions in the case of the class which the labourer's son represents. This is the time when a great effort should be made to assist the young man in his efforts towards the attainment of a spiritual life. But how little is really done to induce him to continue to communicate, and how large is the percent- age of those who, having once partaken of the Holy Sacrament, never do so again ? Class custom, ridicule, timidity, ignorance, keep hundreds from ever again approaching the Table of our Lord. Here is the opportu- nity for a society like the 'Young Men's Friendly.' Here it can step in, and by its organisation enable a clergyman to keep touch with the young lads of his village or parish. Here he can find occupation for his young men of a higher social standard, and, by teaching THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN 113 them to think and work for others, assist them in the cultivation of their own moral natures. By means of it, or of some similar organisa- tion, he can get his young men together, instruct them, guide them, sympathise with them, make friends with them, gain their love and esteem, and prepare them for the higher duties of Christian life. Organisation will give courage to the timid, instruction will en- lighten the ignorant, example will inspirit the downhearted, and social intercourse will soften roughness and teach courtesy and good-will. Should a young man leave his parish, he need not be lost sight of ; he can be recommended to the care and kindly offices of the branch of the Society in the place to which he is remov- ing. Herein lies the advantage which mem- bership of a large society possesses over that of a local ' guild.' A member of a local or- ganisation loses all privileges on removing from his native town or village ; the member of a wider organisation only leaves friends in i 114 THE WELFARE OF YOUNG MEN one locality to meet with equal friendship and brotherly support in another. Such an organisation should bring classes together, should draw forth mutual good-will and self-sacrifice, and should materially assist not only in raising a higher moral standard amongst its members, but, through their influ- ence, should be the means of elevating the character of the surrounding population. If the London Diocesan Council is deter- mined to do more than play at benefiting the young men of London, its fullest energies will be needed to grapple with the herculean task it has undertaken. The names of the Duke of Westminster, of the Earl of Aberdeen, of the Bishop of Bedford, as well as of numbers of other dis- tinguished men both of the clergy and laity, who constitute the Council, encourage the hope that the Church is alive to its duties towards the young men of London, and is determined, God helping it, to fulfil them 115 ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE BENEFIT OF YOUNG MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN, IV. THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE. Reprinted, by permission, from ' The Quiver' of October 1886. WE often hear that the gulf between rich and poor is widening : that there is less sympathy between classes than there used to be, that the poor man hates the rich, and the rich man fears the poor, with an intensity which was unknown to our ancestors ; and we are threatened with social upheavals in the near future which we are told are to overwhelm Society. Personally I doubt the accuracy of these assertions ; but whether the seers of these dismal visions are true prophets or false I care not to consider. I am content to leave i2 116 THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE the future in the hands of a beneficent Power which directs all things for the ultimate good of man. It is possible, I suppose, that the world may have again to pass through some fiery furnace like that of the French Kevolution, from which it shall issue purified and re- generated. It is of little consequence, however, what may be the individual views and hopes of the writer or of the reader of this paper : they may be founded on the rock of wisdom or on the sands of folly. Time alone will prove this. The one factor in the solution of this question, which is of importance to both reader and writer, and the only one over which they can hope to possess any effectual control, is that of their individual responsibility in the matter. For of this we may be certain that we make our own history. There is no effect without an originating cause, and political and social upheavals are as much the effect of individual, as earthquakes are of THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE 11? volcanic, action. Now, if we possess this con- trol, it is surely the part of honest and patriotic, not to say of Christian, men to cultivate the philanthropic sentiment, and to take pains to bring up their children with a desire to benefit their fellow-creatures, and with a genuine love of humanity ; to show them that no custom, or prejudice, or class feeling, should ever be permitted to sever them in sympathy from any man or section of men ; to encourage them in the habit of looking at matters and considering arguments from an opponent's point of view ; to teach them to give all men credit for honesty and good intentions until they have been found wanting ; to lead them to make a practice as far as possible of getting to know personally the men or classes of men with whose opinions, social, political, or religious, they have the least sympathy, and never to believe evil of others unless the evidence in support of the accusation is founded upon some better foundation than that of common report. 118 THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE Should the above propositions be granted, the question will still arise, whether sym- pathetic interest in others, and consideration for others, are qualities which are capable of cultivation ; whether it is possible to train the mind and character so that altruism shall, even if only from habit, to a certain extent take the place of selfishness. Love of self is so deeply implanted in the human breast, that the world need be in no fear of any very serious disturbance occurring to the recognised course of events, even should a little more unselfishness have to be taken in future into consideration in calculating the result of human motives. There are some who believe that the above questions can be answered in the affirmative, and, as childhood is a time when impressions can be readily made and the character moulded, they have endeavoured to give practical effect to their views by the formation of a 'Ministering Children's League,' THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE 119 the objects of which are to promote kindness, unselfishness, and the habit of usefulness amongst children, and to create in their minds an earnest desire to help the needy and suffering. The little ones who join this Association take no engagement upon them- selves, and make no promises. They may leave the League at any time, and they are not permitted to join without the sanction and approval of their parents. Having joined, however, they are asked to endeavour to do at least one kind deed every day, and they are taught to remember that in the home circle numerous opportunities may be found of being kind to others. Three or four times a year the members of the local branches meet, and on such occasions, in the neighbourhood of the trysting place, may be seen hundreds of little feet trot- ting along in the same direction, the hands of their owners laden with articles of their own manufacture, to be sent 120 THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE to poor districts, for distribution amongst the needy. It is hoped that these children, having once acquired the habit of ministering to the wants of others, will, as they grow up, seek out larger opportunities of benefiting their fellow-creatures, and will transmit later on to their children the desire to take an active part in the philanthropic work of their generation, and thus establish amongst the rich and leisured classes of England, in a greater degree than at present, the whole- some feeling that it is their duty and privilege to labour for the good of others. The League now numbers over forty branches, in Great Britain, Ireland, Canada, and the United States. In this latter country the idea of the League has been most cordially received, and branches have been organised even in such distant States as California, Texas, and Utah. The lady who acts as Honorary Secretary THE MINISTERING CHILDREN'S LEAGUE 121 of this League, and who was also its foundress, resides at 83 Lancaster Gate, W. ; and should the readers of this short paper desire any further information on the subject, she will gladly supply it. To quote her own words, ' It is sad to note how many, many deeds of kindness remain undone, how many days and hours are wasted, and how much misery remains unallevi- ated, because men, women, and children have never acquired the habit of making them- selves of use to their fellow-creatures, and have never learned to appreciate the luxury of doing good. Children have warm, generous hearts, but these hearts often become hardened, for many little ones are from their very cradles trained in habits of luxury and thoughtlessness of the needs of others. Even self-denying parents have self-indulgent chil- dren, and to the former it is a sore trial to see their offspring growing into selfish men and women. The habit of usefulness in the 122 THE MINISTERING CHILDEEN'S LEAGUE world requires cultivation as well as any other ; it is grossly neglected, and yet surely it is calculated to be a greater blessing to those who acquire it than to those who are benefited by it. The Ministering Children's League has been formed in the hope that, under the Providence of God, it may prove a humble instrument for the diffusion of happi- ness and the alleviation of misery, and that it may lead in some small degree to the im- provement of the rising generation.' 123 ASSOCIATIONS FOR THE BENEFIT OF YOUNG MEN, WOMEN, AND CHILDREN, V. GORDON DIVISION OF THE MINISTEEING LEAGUE. Reprinted from 'Eastward Ho!' of January 1887. Ix the October number of the * Quiver ' for 1886 I drew attention to the Ministering Children's League, then recently started by Lady Brabazon, with the view of training children in habits of unselfishness, of kind- liness, and of thousrhtrulness for others. * o Since then the League has advanced as if it were a living being traditionally shod so as to be capable of clearing at one bound seven times the length of its own name ! It has not only established itself as a recognised 124 GORDON DIVISION 01? institution in Great Britian and Ireland, but has crossed the ocean, and now numbers between 100 and 200 Branches in the United States and Canada, as well as some fifty in the British Isles. Most encouraging accounts of the progress of the League have been received from Canada. A lady in Toronto writes as follows : The M.C.L. has taken strong root, and is doing well. Towards the latter part of the winter very little was done, owing to much illness amongst the little ones ; but in March, when the monthly meetings began regularly, they were all well at- tended, both boys and girls showing much interest in the League. Many poor families were taken in hand, toys mended and made for the sick children's hospital, &c. Indeed, I can truly assure you that all, both associates and children, who have enlisted in the work have their hearts thoroughly in it. At Ottawa, before the League had been eleven months established, the associates and members determined to erect a Convalescent Home in memory of their first President, the THE MINISTERING LEAGUE 125 late Mrs. Lewis, wife of the Bishop. The Branch Seer etary there writes as follows : The one wish of the children is to build a Convalescent Home for children early in the spring, and this winter they will unitedly work for this object. We have already had the land given us, and have been promised the lumber to build it with, and as the want of such a Home has been very much felt this summer, I think every one will help with a will. The idea is for the children to work at home, to meet every second Saturday to show their work, and to get any help they may require with it ; and about Christmas-time to have a Fair, the proceeds of which will go towards their ' Home.' I cannot tell you how thoroughly the little members enter into the spirit of the League, never forgetting that they must try and do at least one kind deed every day. Any suggestions or hints you can send us will be most acceptable, as we always want to be considered simply a branch of the 'Ministering Children's League ' at home. From the United States equally encourag- ing accounts continue to arrive, and experience proves that no child need be thought too poor to join the League, as the following extract 126 GOEDON DIVISION OF from a letter from the Central Secretary in New York will show : Last Thursday my sister and I visited St. John's Hospital, Brooklyn, and when we went into the children's ward you can imagine how pleased I was to see over each little bed a membership card of the M.C.L., with the child's name written on it. I did not know that a branch had been formed there, but the sister-in-charge told me that the children, are all enthusiastic members of the League, and that it is lovely to see how constantly the poor little things try to keep the rule. Those who are able to be about wait on the ones who are in bed, and they are always doing kind things for one another. They say the prayer every evening at 7 o'clock, and the League is evidently a very real thing to them all, besides this they are giving the support of a baby, 20 dollars, in St. Mary's Orphanage, Shanghai. How the poor little creatures get the money I do not know, but they are deeply interested in their baby. They are all the children of the poor, and they are crippled, and diseased in other ways. That the work of the League is equally appreciated on the shores of the Pacific will be seen from the following extract from a letter from a worker in California : THE MINISTERING LEAGUE 127 Few of these children can give much money, but they all seem willing to learn to do some cheerful work for the Master. They will hang their cards up in their homes, and the sight of them every day will have a good effect in these prayerless houses. This is a true mission-field, but only one of many in California, and the League can do work here which the missionary could not do without the proper support. I hope you will urge the claims of the League on this coast especially, for it is more needed in this country than in any other of which I have any knowledge. The League has received the approval of such eminent men as the Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of Gloucester and Bristol, the Bishop of Manchester, Archdeacon Hessey, and others, and it has proved, by the rapidity of its growth, the necessity there was for its existence. It was soon felt, however, that there was no reason why it should be confined to chil- dren, and that it would be well if a Branch could be established for boys and young men. The Foundress of the ' Ministering Children's 128 GOEDON DIVISION OF League,' in conjunction with her most earnest fellow-workers in this field of labour, has lately started a Boys' and Young Men's Branch, under the name of the ' Gordon Division of the Ministering League,' the office of which is at 83 Lancaster Gate, London, W. In this work she is receiving the most encouraging support of Mr. A. Egmont Hake, the cousin and biographer of the gallant General after whom this Division of the League is called. Mr. Hake writes as follows : It will be a matter of real interest and pleasure to me to help in any way to promote the interests of the Gordon Division of the Ministering League. I feel sure that a scheme so admirable in its aim cannot fail if only taken up with energy and zeal to do great good in the direction intended : it has more than an ordinary attraction for me because, knowing and loving General Gordon as I did, there is nothing I would not do to help in bringing about the widest possible knowledge of his good deeds. The members of the Gordon Division are THE MINISTERING LEAGUE 129 asked to carry out the same rule laid down for the children of the ' Ministering League ' namely, * To try and do at least one kind deed every day ; ' but the motto of the ' Gordon Division ' is ' With God and for others,' whilst that of the children is ' No day without a deed to crown it.' A very handsome card of membership, to which is affixed an excellent photograph of the true Christian and gallant General, is given to each member on payment of sixpence for the card and a subscription of a shilling a year. . '. The First Branch of the Gordon Division was started in Kingston, Ireland, on September 21, 1886 ; a year and a half after the birth of the Children's League, which took place in the Eev. C. J. Eidgeway's parish, at Lancaster Gate, London, on January 10, 1885. There is ample scope in the world for the labours of devoted men such as Gordon. Witness the useless lives led by many members 130 GORDON DIVISION OF of our upper classes, the selfish existence of no small proportion of our middle, and the brutalised, sensual habits of a portion of our working classes. Is it not apparent that some of our social, and even political, troubles may be plainly traced to the want of sympathy between class and class ? Many men who are living useless, selfish, are not aware of it, and would be most in- dignant if told they were not doing their duty in the world. Some of them would reply that they had no duty, and that they enjoyed a competency, which dispensed them from the necessity of labour ; whilst others would answer that they did perform their duty, inasmuch as they were accumulating a fortune for the bene- fit of wife and children. They would state that they led exemplary, moral lives, and that society would not require any more at their hands. There would be a certain amount of truth in such a reply, but not the whole truth. In the case of men who have to work for their THE MINISTERING LEAGUE 131 living, their first energies, of course, are due to their homes and families, but there are few men whose burdens are so heavy that they could not spare a small portion of their time in assisting others to bear theirs. The men of pleasure cannot plead this excuse. A little work for others would enable them, perhaps for the first time in their lives, to learn how sweet is leisure and recreation honestly earned by useful toil. It is custom and want of train- ing which make so many men and women blind to the suffering which exists in the world, deaf to the calls for help, and sceptical of their power of alleviating it. We all have read in our childhood the story of ' Eyes and no Eyes.' We remember how two boys were sent out to take a walk, and on their return were asked to give an account of what they had seen : the one had seen nothing ; the other was full of information in regard to all that had attracted his notice on the road. K 2 132 GOKDON DIVISION OF So it is with the man or woman who has been brought up from childhood to look out for opportunities of doing little kindnesses to his or her fellow-creatures. Whilst another, perhaps possessing just as tender a heart, has had everything done for him or her, and has never been taught (generally unintentionally on the part of the parents) to think of others, but to consider number one the most impor- tant personage in the world. It is hoped that the 'Gordon Division of the Ministering League ' may be an instrument, through God's Providence, to produce many young men who in their journey through life will have eyes for the poor and suffering ; and who from experience will know how best to turn their abilities, means, and energies to the relief of all forms of human misery. Christians, and indeed many who do not acknowledge the divinity of our Lord, will think it no exaggeration to say that our social and political difficulties would greatly disappear THE MINISTERING LEAGUE. 133 were the example of Christ more closely fol- lowed, and were more implicit obedience ren- dered to His words, ' This is my commandment, that ye love one another.' 134 OVER-POPULATION: ITS EVILS AND BEMEDIES. I. STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION: ITS NECESSITY. Reprinted, with amendments, by permission, from the ' Nineteenth Century ' of November 1884. PROFESSOR SEELEY has endeavoured, in his ' Expansion of England,' to make Englishmen realise that the colonies are not merely posses- sions but a part of England. He has taught us that we must cease to think that emigrants when they go to the colonies leave England, or are lost to England, and has urged us to accustom ourselves to contemplate the whole Empire together, and call it England. He has shown that the drift of English history during this and the last century has been STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION. 135 towards a diffusion of our race and the ex- pansion of our State, and that we have, as it were, * conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind.' He has proved to us that * Greater Britain ' is an extension of the English State, and not merely of the English nationality, and that it is on the whole free from that weakness which has brought down most empires the weakness of being a mere mechanical forced union of alien nationalities. He has pointed out that there are in general three ties by which States are held together community of race, com- munity of religion, and community of interest and that whilst it is evident that we are bound by the first two, the conviction that we are bound by the third is daily gaining ground. If these things be so, and if at the same time we find that the density of population of Great Britain is two hundred and ninety- one to the square mile, whilst in Canada it is not much more than one to the square mile ; if 136 STATE-DIKECTED COLONISATION : we also find that in the older portion of the British Empire the increase of the popula- tion outstrips the increase of the demand for labour ; if we find that in the large towns of England and Scotland there are numbers of men and women unable to obtain employment, and living miserable lives of semi-starvation and wretchedness, whilst on the other side of the ocean, but still within the limits of the British Empire, there are immeasurable plains of fertile lands waiting to be tilled ; if we find that, owing to material hindrances, the natural laws of supply and demand fail to equalise the density of population in this por- tion of the Empire and in that, as but for the intervening ocean would undoubtedly be the case is it extraordinary if the question should be asked, in louder and yet louder tones, why the State should not be permitted to bridge over the material hindrances to the natural flow of population from one shore of this Empire to the other, and permit the laws of supply and ITS NECESSITY 137 demand free scope for the exercise of their beneficent action ? If the untilled and un- appropriated lands of Canada, of Australia, or of New Zealand were situated in Kent, in Sussex, or in Surrey, and if the Government had it in their power to grant 160 acres free, as the Canadian Government can, to any man who chose to settle upon them and to till them, it cannot be doubted that London would rapidly be cleared of its too redundant population. The only hindrance to the more rapid colonisation of Greater Britain lies in the difficulty of traversing the intervening ocean, and in the sentimental but erroneous feeling that a man by emigrating to the colonies is leaving his country behind him. If, conse- quently, the sentimental difficulty be shown to be erroneous, there remains but a material one to hinder the free action of the laws of supply and demand, which but for its presence would long since have made their 138 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: influence felt, and have permitted the different portions of the Empire to intermingle with greater freedom. By advancing under proper guarantee the money necessary to enable the surplus population of one part of Great Britain to remove to the other, Government would not be guilty of an interference with economic laws, but would in reality be set- ting them free from restrictions of a material nature. If your watch should fail to mark the time with its usual accuracy, and on investi- gation your watchmaker were to inform you that the machinery only required a little cleaning and oiling, and the affixing of some slight connection which was missing, but that as there was no damage of a more serious nature he must decline to undertake so simple a piece of work, you would naturally be indignant, and would reply that although the oiling of wheels and the affixing of a connec- tion might be an easy matter to the watch- ITS NECESSITY 139 maker, it was not so to you, and that as you were willing to pay him for the work, the very simplicity of the repairs needed should make him the more willing to do that which it was distinctly his duty to perform, even though nothing further should be required of him than the cleaning and oiling of wheels. The machinery of the national life has for some time been out of order, and the time- piece of emigration which keeps the balance between the supply of and demand for labour has been gradually losing ground, so that the former has been gaining upon the latter at the rate of 1,000 pair of hands a day. Although, metaphorically speaking, nothing further is required than the oiling of the wheels of emigration~and the completion of a simple connection, the owner of the timepiece the British nation has failed in its efforts to place the machinery in proper order, and now turns for assistance to those who are respon- sible for the proper working of the national 140 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: machinery. The reply of the master work- men is, however, most unsatisfactory. They acknowledge that the wheels of the timepiece are clogged, but they refuse to take the simple steps necessary to put matters to rights. They assert that this is none of their business. They cannot attend to such trivialities. If some mainspring of national life were broken, or any other similar serious accident had occurred, they acknowledge that it would then be their duty to take instant steps to repair the damage, but such an insignificant matter as the lubrica- ting of wheels is quite outside their business. This is all very well. But supposing the simple work required to be done should be beyond the powers of the owner of the watch, what then ? Supposing the dust accumulates, and the wheels are stopped, will not the whole machinery rust and stiffen, so that even the watchmaker's attempt will not be able to repair it ? As with the watch so witli the nation, ITS NECESSITY 141 Our rulers acknowledge that there has been a larger privately conducted exodus of British subjects from these islands during the past year than has ever occurred since the time of the Irish famine ; they confess that it is not likely that private emigration can increase to any large extent beyond this amount ; they allow that annually there is a larger and larger unemployed, or semi-employed, population to be found congregated in the populous districts of the island, and they state that they are fully alive to the grave social and political dangers which await a State the population of which increases at a greater rate than the demand for labour, and which cannot find laud upon which to place its increasing numbers ; and yet this same Government hesitates to take steps which would at once turn starving and desperate men into contented and loyal subjects, and without any recurring expense to the nation would permanently relieve the State from the sense of an impending danger. 142 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: It is well to recall to our memories what is the amount of the decennial increase of our population. Every ten years between three and four million more mouths have to obtain food in this country ; and inasmuch as the soil of England is not elastic and cannot be made to produce a greatly increased quantity of food, as England at this moment cannot supply all her sons with an adequate meal a day, and as she already has to import half the food which she consumes, the problem how we are to feed our surplus population is one which is serious now, wiU annually increase in seriousness, and, unless solved within a very few years by some statesmanlike measure of relief to population, will not be long in settling itself in a very unpleasant way for some of us if we decline to grapple with it whilst it is still capable of easy solution. It should be borne in mind that in addition to this annual increase of population, which is almost entirely confined to our large towns, ITS NECESSITY 143 and represents the planting every ten years 011 the shores of England of another ' Greater London,' we have, according to Mr. Samuel Smith, M.P., a permanent burden to bear in the cost of maintaining, repressing, punishing, and relieving in time of sickness, by means of official and charitable agencies, some two to three million pauperised and degraded people, including in that number the 900,000 persons in receipt of pauper relief. It is well also to get thoroughly into our heads that no altera- tion in our land laws, however thorough in character, could do more than postpone for a few years the settlement of this important question. Mr. Smith, who has made a study of these social questions, has calculated that the land of England could not possibly support more than an additional four million of persons, were it possible to place them on the land, and this number is just about equal to the present increase of the population in ten years, whilst of course as the population 144 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: increases the decennial increase will become larger ; so it is at once apparent that, even if Mr. Henry George's theories were to obtain full realisation in this country, at the end of ten years from that time the difficulty of over- population would again arise. Let Mr. Smith speak for himself. In a lecture lately pub- lished on 'National Progress and Poverty' he is reported to have said that Within the last ten years the island of Great Britain had added more to its population than it did in the six hundred years that followed the Norman con- quest. We were adding to our population every year as much as we did during every century up to the close of the seventeenth century. It rose from five and a half to eleven millions during the eighteenth century, and during this century it had further risen to thirty millions, and before its close it would apparently approach to forty millions. If the increase of our population was to go on during the next century at the same rate, this island would contain one hundred and fifty millions of people before the year 2000, and Great Britain would present the appearance of little else than one con- tinuous city from Land's End to the Firth of Forth. ITS NECESSITY 145 .... No country had increased with such rapidity as our own, and that too in spite of much emigration. During the present century we had parted with nearly ten millions of persons by emi- gration, and had these remained at home the over- crowding which we now deplored would have been ten times worse. ... In France the population was almost stationary, while in England it increased about fifteen per cent, every ten years; and we could not disguise the fact that this added not a little to the strain and difficulty of life. . . . He was in favour of all such legislation as proceeded upon a sound and just basis, but he would urge his hearers not to expect a panacea for their poverty in any changes it was possible to make in our land laws. The declining population of the rural dis- tricts was largely owing to causes which laws could not arrest. They were, on the one hand, owing to the enormous importation of foreign food at ex- tremely low prices, and, secondly, to the large adoption of labour-saving machinery. We could not, if we wanted, arrest the action of free trade, nor could they hinder land being turned from cropping to grazing when the latter was more profitable. The high price of butcher's meat and the low price of corn had done much to change the character of our rural life, and diminished employ- 146 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: ment for the rural population. It was most difficult to arrest the action of natural laws. Two-thirds of the population of this country now resided in towns ; and even if we could check the influx of the other third part for the next twenty years by means of changes in our land laws, we could not hinder the vast increase of population which took place in our towns. In his opinion, no changes in the land laws could do more than put four million additional people into agricultural employment, so that even that would only carry away the surplus of our population for another ten years. It would be wholly inadequate to deal with that continuous increase which he had already pointed out would bring our population at the end of the next century to one hundred and fifty millions. The land of England, if divided equally among all the people, would only give a little under one and a half acres to each person, and by the end of next century this would be reduced to one-third of an acre. By no possible manipulation of our laws could we get permanent relief for our increasing population from the soil of this little island; but, fortunately, we possessed a splendid safety-valve in our prodigious colonial possessions. In Australia there was but one person to the square mile against 450 in England ; and in Australia and the adjacent islands there were 704 acres to each ITS NECESSITY 147 person, while in Canada there were 482 acres to each person. Therefore, it seemed better that the surplus population should distribute itself through these wide and fertile regions. He could not look with any satisfaction to the thought of the cities of this country growing larger and larger until at last the land was covered with nothing but brick and mortar. Huge cities invariably brought with them huge evils. Therefore he thought it would be a far truer policy for patriotic people to try and spread the Anglo-Saxon race more freely over unoccupied portions of the globe than to concentrate them in enormous cities. Our nation was built up like a tower, tier by tier, to a colossal height, and to pull out any rafter would cause the edifice to tumble down. He had no wish to see the tower grow much higher, and he would rather see dwellings of one story than dwellings of ten stories. He would rather see a thrifty and comfortable population spread over countries where there was elbow-room for everybody, than crowded together with a density such as had never been seen in the history of the world. ... If the surplus of our unpaid labour could be drafted off to the British colonies, which offered an almost unbounded outlet, that might to some extent give partial relief to this country. If after this powerful argument, showing i. 2 148 8tAf-l)LRECTED COLONISATION:. that emigration is the antidote to over- population, there should still be some who believe that a reform of the land laws will meet the difficulty, let them divide for them- selves the number of acres of land within these islands, good and bad, rock and marsh (77,828,000), by the population (35,246,000), and they will soon perceive how ridiculous is the notion that any partition of the land of the country could ever prove a permanent cure for over-population. It is natural that Associations like the late Democratic Federation or the Society for the Nationalisation of the Land should endeavour to prevent the accomplishment of any scheme of emigration which would per- manently reduce the numbers, and conse- quently the misery and the discontent, of the masses in our large centres of industry. If there were no starving men and women, and no discontent in England, the persons who support these Associations might indeed ITS NECESSITY 149 despair of inducing a practical and naturally conservative people like the English to em- brace the wild theories of Professor Wallace, or to throw in their lot with visionary revolutionists of the type of Mr. Hyndman or Mr. Henry George. The Democratic Federation, lately reor- ganised under the title of ' The Social Demo- cratic Federation,' was not slow to perceive the hindrances which a well-considered scheme of State-directed colonisation would offer to the acceptance by the people of its peculiar views ; and from the very inception of the movement to bring the question of State emigration prominently before the public the Federation strained every nerve, by organised opposition at public meetings, and by other means, to prevent the adoption by the Government and the country of a remedy for over-population, and its consequent misery and discontent. A contented population is not ffood material with which to revolutionise 150 STATE-DIE ECTED COLONISATION: a country. Let the poor man transfer his labour from Great Britain, where it is not wanted, to the Greater Britain where it is im- peratively demanded, and the opportunity for revolution might arrive and find the former battalions of misery and despair so weakened by desertion, and so enervated by the Capua of prosperity, as to be unwilling to risk their lives in a hopeless struggle with the irresis- tible forces of social order. And here it would be well to make it clearly understood that the advocates of the State direction of colonisation, as represented at all events by the National Association for Promoting State- directed Colonisation, of which I have the honour to be chairman, do not propose that Her Majesty's Government should transfer the idle, the vicious, the ne'er- do-well, or the pauper from the slums of London to those of Melbourne or of Toronto (as seems to be the idea of some of the oppo nents of State colonisation), nor has it ever ITS NECESSITY 151 been proposed that any individual should be sent to the colonies either contrary to his or her desire, or without the concurrence of the authorities of these colonies, nor is there any intention of making a money present to any emigrant to enable him to proceed to the colonies. All that the Association desires is that the British Government shall, in conjunction with the colonial authorities, draw up a well-con- sidered scheme of emigration and colonisation by means of which able-bodied and industrious men, who may not be possessed of the means necessary to enable them to emigrate, shall be provided with the means of colonising, or of emigrating with their families, under the strictest possible guarantee that the money shall be repaid with easy interest within a certain number of years. That it is practicable to obtain the repay- ment of money advanced to emigrants lias been already proved by those colonies which 152 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: have invited emigration, and have been in the habit of advancing part payment of the cost of passage. Special laws to facilitate and ensure the repayment of emigration loans have been passed, and successfully enforced by these colonies, and where colonisation is encouraged by the free gift of land it is still easier to ensure repayment by means of a statutory mortgage on the land, as has been done by the Canadian Government. It has been asserted that the indebtedness towards the mother country of large numbers of colo- nists would be an encouragement to colonial secession and repudiation of debt. This might be true if the indebtedness were to be per- manent, or if it were exclusively towards the mother country, but the suggestion of the National Association for Promoting State- directed Colonisation is that the colonies and the mother country should join hands and interest in this matter ; that inasmuch as they would equally gain by a well-directed system ITS NECESSITY 153 of colonisation they should jointly appoint an Imperial Emigration Commission to select the emigrants, apportion to the mother country and the colonies the proper share of the burden of assistance, select the emigrants, mark out and prepare the lands for the colonists, collect and enforce the payment by the emigrants of the interest and capital sum of the money ad- vanced, and generally supervise and control the entire system of State-directed emigration to the colonies. If at any time a colony con- sidered that immigration to its shores should cease, it would withdraw its accredited repre- sentative from the Imperial Commission, and the stream of State-directed emigration would for the time be diverted to some other depen- dency, until the period should again arrive when the colony might consider that a fresh influx of labour would be of service to it. The fear has been expressed that State-directed would diminish the flow of privately conducted emigration. I do not believe this. When it 154 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: was once known that an emigrant would be obliged to repay with interest within a certain number of years the money advanced, and that the Commission possessed ample legal powers to enforce the claim, only those would have recourse to State aid who were compelled to do so by dire necessity. The reluctance with which the working- classes accept pauper relief when accompanied by the restriction of individual liberty is a proof, I think, that there need be no fear of any large number of persons obtaining State aid towards the expenses of their emigration who were not rightly entitled to it. If the colonies were given a complete power of veto, were taken into counsel, and if it were clearly understood that no attempt would be made to foist upon them the vicious, the idle, and the pauper, it can hardly be doubted that they would gladly co-operate with Her Majesty's Government in a scheme of colonisa- tion which would be as great a boon to them ITS NECESSITY 155 as it would be to the mother country. It is lamentable to consider how many millions of pounds have been squandered in the mainten- ance of able-bodied men and women in our workhouses, who if some system of State- directed colonisation had been in existence would never have entered the workhouse, and might perhaps have become landowners, possessors of 160 acres or more of the rich soil of Manitoba. Think what the future of thousands of the boys and girls of our streets and of our pauper schools might have been, if, instead of being allowed to run wild or having been sent to large establish- ments to contaminate each other, to graduate in infant roguery, and to relapse in large measure into the evil ways of their parents, they had been planted out in early life on the farms of Canada, where youthful labour is in such great request. Think of them rising in time to be fellow-labourers with their masters, partners with them in the management of 156 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: their farms, and in many instances ending their lives as independent owners of land. Think of the different future which is in store for the girl who returns from the pauper school to the East End of London, and for her who has been fortunate enough to find her way under the guidance of Miss Eye, or of some other benevolent lady, to a happy country household in the colonies of England. This is no idle dream. It has been realised over and over again, and might be the destiny of thousands of our destitute boys and girls if only the country could once be made thoroughly to understand that it is not only a wiser but a more economical policy to give these children a chance of becoming contented and independent citizens in a new country than to coop them up in workhouses or dis- trict schools in the old. Mr. Samuel Smith has calculated that a total expenditure of 25/. per head is sufficient to partially train and plant out a child in Canada, whereas each ITS NECESSITY 157 child in our workhouses costs about five times that amount, and is then turned out without any practical knowledge of the world, to in- crease, in all probability, the rates which are raised for the maintenance of gaols and work- houses, not to mention the money raised for the support of hospitals and penitentiaries. But even in the more expensive work of adult and family State-directed colonisation a comparatively small expenditure of money say a million sterling, about the cost of a couple of ironclads would suffice to remove some 10,000 families from this country, build houses for them, provide them with agricul- tural implements and seeds, and maintain them, for eighteen months, until, on the crops arriving at maturity, the colonists should be in a position to support themselves. The funds advanced to these men, instead of being lost to the country, as would be the case with money expended on ironclads, would be ac- cumulating interest, would be rolling up, and 158 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: would be used over and over again in sending out other happy emigrants, not leaving Eng- land, as is often the case now, with feelings of bitterness in their hearts, but grateful to the mother country for giving them the means of bettering their condition, and with loyal and kindly feelings towards the institutions and home of their youth. That the Canadian Government is desirous of encouraging colo- nisation, and believes in the possibility of recovering money advanced to settlers on the free grant lands, is shown by the following memorandum, drawn up by the Canadian Government and despatched to the Earl of Kimberley in 1880 :- MEMORANDUM. On the suggestion made to him by the High Commissioner of Canada in England, Sir A. T. Gait, G.C.M.G., the undersigned has the honour to pro- pose the following as a basis of joint action in pro- moting Irish immigration, should the Imperial Government entertain tlie project. ITS NECESSITY 159 The Canadian Government, sympathising with their fellow subjects of Ireland in their distressed circumstances, would cheerfully co-operate in a well-considered measure of relief by means of a systematic immigration from Ireland. If such a system of Irish immigration were established, it is evidently a condition precedent to obtaining the cordial co-operation of Canada that the immigrants should not become a burden upon the existing population. In the case of single men and women no serious difficulty would arise, as employment can readily be found. But in the present distressed circumstances of Ireland it is manifest that it is only by the removal of entire families that any sensible relief would be experienced from the pressure of a redun- dant population. Provision would have, therefore, to be made, not only for the transport of the families to their place of settlement, but also for their maintenance until a crop can be had from the land. In the older provinces of the Dominion, where the land is all heavily timbered, the difficulty of managing a large immigration would be very great. But in the vast fertile plains of the North- West the question becomes comparatively easy of solution. By very simple pre-arrangement any required 160 STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION.' number of farm lots could be prepared for occupa- tion in the season preceding the arrival of the immigrants, a small dwelling erected, a certain extent of the prairie land broken up and prepared for seed, and in the case of late arrival actually sown, so as to insure a crop the same season that the immigrants were placed in possession. This work could be done by contract under proper super- vision, and would give employment on arrival to the new immigrant while his crop was growing, thereby greatly reducing the cost of the undertaking, and really limiting it ultimately to little more than the cost of his transport, as the repayment of advances by the earlier settlers would soon be sufficient to meet the annual outlay for preparing new lands. The cost of removing an immigrant family con- sisting of parents and three children from the port of embarkation to Winnipeg may now be taken at about 40L, subject to a certain increase for their transport thence to their farm lot. The dwelling and eight acres of land prepared for crop with seed may be estimated at from 3ol. to 40. Some pro- vision for the family might be required on arrival, but the wages of the man ought to suffice for the support of his family till his crop is harvested, after which the immigrant may be regarded as self-sup- porting. ITS NECESSITY 161 The Canadian Government provides each settler with a 'free grant' of 160 acres, subject only to a patent fee of 21. The settler can also secure the pre-emption of 160 acres adjoining at the current price and usual conditions. For the reimbursement of the outlay for trans- port and for establishing the immigrant upon his farm, it is suggested that the Canadian Government would provide that the total cost, as certified by their agent, and acknowledged by the settler, should form a first charge on the land, payable by certain annual instalments with interest. The above memorandum was drawn up with a view to immigration from Ireland, but the Canadian Government would certainly be prepared to do as much for English and Scotch as for Irish immigrants. It may be said that the Government have lately attemp- ted to carry out a system of State-aided emi- gration in the case of Ireland, and that their efforts have been far from successful. Granted. But why did they fail? Because from the very first they started on wrong lines. Because they granted State aid but not State direction, U 162 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: and because the most important suggestions made in the above memorandum were ignored. No provision was made for the maintenance of colonists until a crop had been had from the land, and no care was taken that the immigrants did not become a burden upon the existing popu- lation. The farm lots were not prepared for occupation in the season preceding the arrival of the immigrants, no dwellings were erected, land was not broken up and prepared for seed, and, in case of late arrival, actually sown, so as to insure a crop the same season the im- migrants were placed in possession of the land. The emigrants from Ireland were in several cases simply pitchforked on to the shores of Canada and the United States, and allowed to look after themselves as best they could. Natu- rally the United States and Canada objected to such proceedings, and refused to receive immigrants on such terms. It is not to be wondered at that such was the result, es- pecially as this pitchforking of the refuse of ITS NECESSITY 163 the Irish population was carried out through the agency of the Irish unions. A more foolish proceeding it is difficult to imagine, or one more likely to excite prejudice, and make the Canadians and Americans believe that England was endeavouring to transfer the burden of her pauper classes from her own shoulders to those of her neighbours across the ocean. The Marquis of Lansdowne, in a despatch to Lord Derby of the olst of March last, lately laid before Parliament, explains very clearly the causes which led the Ontario Government to withdraw assistance from pauper immigrants. I have now the honour to enclose copy of a Privy Council Order, in which the future policy of tlie Dominion Government in regard to immigrants from Ireland is stated. I would observe that the stipulation that no assisted passages will in future be given to ' inmates of workhouses or persons subsist- ing on workhouse relief ' is intended to guard against the importation, not of persons who during a time of temporary difficulty may have been relieved out M 2 164 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: of the union funds, but of persons habituated to such assistance and having the usual attributes of chronic pauperism. I have assured my Ministers that it has never been the intention of the Irish Government to send such persons to this country ; it is, however, the case that, owing to circumstances which I have already described, a widespread impres- sion prevails that persons of this class have been designedly sent here. The use of the expression ' union emigrants ' to distinguish those who have been sent out through the agency of the Poor Law unions from those selected by other agencies has, I think, led to an erroneous impression that the whole of the former class are of the pauper type, and consequently objectionable. It would, I think, be very desirable that every opportunity should be taken of reassuring public opinion here upon this point, and that some steps should be taken, such, perhaps, as those indicated by Mr. Hamilton, in his letter of the 7th of March, in order to afford evidence of the desire of the Irish Government to meet, in the fullest possible manner, the requirements of the Dominion in these respects. An arrangement under which an agent of the Canadian Government would personally inspect and, if necessary, investigate the antecedents of the emigrants before they proceed to Canada would, ITS NECESSITY 165 I think, be well received. Such an arrangement might, as Mr. Hamilton suggests, be discussed with the High Commissioner on his return to London. I observe also that in the annual report of the Minister of Agriculture for this year it is stated that the charge for inland transportation from Quebec to Manitoba will be reduced from $30 to $.12. The following is the Privy Council Order referred to : The Committee of the Privy Council have had under consideration a despatch, dated the 13th of March, 1884, from the Earl of Derby, covering correspondence on the subject of the settlement in Canada of assisted emigrants from Ireland. The Acting Minister of Agriculture, to whom the despatch was referred, reports that, in view of the fact of the difficulties which were found in the way of satisfactory settlement of a considerable per centum of the assisted emigrants from the congested districts of the south and south-west of Ireland sent out last year by the Poor Law unions, arising from the unsuitability or indisposition of those persons to earn a subsistence for themselves, and also in view of the fact of the prejudice which has been created from this cause against the class of assisted 166 STATE-DIKECTED COLONISATION: emigrants from the districts in question, he recom- mends that the Dominion-assisted passages should not be afforded to inmates of workhouses, nor to persons subsisting on workhouse relief, and, further, that the Dominion Government should not take any responsibility of settling such persons. The Acting Minister observes if, however, the Irish Emigration Commissioners send out such per- sons it should be upon the understanding that they provide the expense of maintenance during the winter in Canada following their arrival, and that one or two of the members of each family, and individual emigrants, shall be of physical ability to earn a living. The Acting Minister states that the arrangement which has hitherto existed as respects other classes of emigrants remains. The Committee concur in the foregoing report and the recommendations therein made, and they respectfully advise that your Excellency be moved to despatch a cable message in the sense of this report, if approved, to the Earl of Derby, in answer to his despatch of the 13th of March instant. The following is the despatch addressed by the Secretary of the Department of Immigra- tion, Ontario, to Mr. H. Hodgkin, of Mr. Tuke's ITS NECESSITY 167 Emigration Scheme Committee, on the same subject : Toronto : February 13, 1884. Dear Sir, I have the honour, under instructions from the Hon. the Commissioner of Immigration, to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 27th of October last, in reference to the prospects of immigration for the approaching season. It was deemed advisable to wait and see how the immigrants sent out last year under the auspices of the Imperial Government would fare during the winter, before encouraging more of the same class to follow. So far their condition is not encouraging, as many of them are now living on charity, and public feeling has been somewhat strongly expressed, in the public press and otherwise, concerning them. This remark really applies to the people sent out by the unions ; but they are so closely associated in the public mind with those sent out by you, that it will be hard to find employment for either class next summer, as the farmers place but little value on their labour, and the people of the cities are afraid of laying the foundations of pauperism. What makes matters worse, a considerable number of families who went to the United States last summer have been sent back to Toronto, and have now to be supported ly chariti/. 168 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: The Ontario Government has, therefore, decided that it will no longer be possible to give assistance to any class of workhouse or ' union ' people either in the way of meals or railway passes. This will apply to the agency at Quebec as well as to all agencies in this Province, nor will this Department assume the responsibility of settling them, or finding employment for them. Should you send any of that class on your own responsibility, it may be well to appoint an agent here to find work for them, and pay their landing money, &c. Indeed, this would appear to the undersigned to be necessary. The numbers of union or workhouse people sent out appear to the Commissioner to have considerably exceeded the numbers of that class suggested by Major Gaskell, when here, as likely to be forwarded. They are also inferior, as a class, to those described by him. I do not, in any sense, wish to impute to Major Gaskell a desire to mislead in any way. The difficulties arising in selection are quite understood and appreciated. For these reasons it will not be possible any longer to continue the arrangement made with Major Gaskell in reference to the Avork- house or union people who may be forwarded, and therefore the special privileges which they have been granted under that arrangement must necessarily be withdrawn. ITS NECESSITY 1G9 I take the opportunity of stating, for the benefit of your Committee, that while there is ample room in this Province for all able-bodied persons of both sexes who are willing and able to work, yet these two features are essential to tlie procuring of a livelihood here, namely, ability and willingness to labour. Many persons in the older countries drift into the workhouse from their inability or their unwillingness to earn a livelihood by labour. It is impossible to provide a home here for such people. I am extremely anxious that you should under- stand that the foregoing observations are not in- tended to apply to other than workhouse or union people. I have, &c. (Signed) DAVID SPENCE, Secretary. II. Hodgkin, Esq., 12 Hereford Gardens, London, VV. When too late the Irish Government saw how egregiously they had blundered, and en- deavoured to repair their error by offering to take steps which, if adopted in the first in- stance, would have averted all colonial oppo- sition to what would then have been State- directed instead of simply State-aided inimi- 170 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: gration. On the 7th of March the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland addressed the following despatch to the Under- secretary of State for the Colonies : With reference to previous correspondence I am directed by the Lord-Lieutenant to state that the attention of His Excellency has been called by members of Mr. Tuke's Committee to communica- tions they have received from Mr. Spence, the Secretary of the Ontario Emigration Department, of which I enclose a copy. His Excellency would be glad if you would be good enough to call the immediate attention of the Secretary of State for the Colonies to the subject. Lists of emigrants are now being made out, and much dissatisfaction would be caused if those who are provisionally selected for Canada should subse- quently be refused. His Excellency would be quite prepared, should the Doniinon Government agree to such a course, to appoint an agent or agents to look after the emi- grants on their arrival in Canada ; but he desires to act entirely in accordance with the Dominion Government in the matter, and would be unwilling to take any step which has not their entire con- currence and co-operation. ITS NECESSITY 171 It further occurs to His Excellency that some arrangement might be made with the High Com- missioner, under which emigrants desiring to proceed to Canada should be personally inspected by agents of the Colonial Government before they are finally approved. As time is of great importance in this matter His Excellency would suggest that the Canadian Government should be communicated with by telegram, or, if this is not possible, that a despatch should be sent to them immediately by post, to which their answer might be sent by wire. It is a pity that the above ideas did not occur sooner to His Excellency, and all this frantic haste and excited endeavour to prevent, when too late, the failure of the Government emigration scheme might have been avoided. We now know why the attempt made by the Government last year to assist emigration from Ireland failed so conspicuously. It would be well to recapitulate the causes of failure, for, if ever any general system of State-directed colonisation is to be carried out by this country, 172 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: care must be taken to avoid the errors wliicli the Government were guilty of in 1882-83. The causes of the breakdown then were 1. Sending out emigrants through the agency of the Poor Law Unions. 2. Sending out paupers without reference to their character or physical capabilities, and without finding them employment or providing them with the means of subsistence on arrival. 3. Acting without the thorough co-opera- tion of the colonial authorities, and without submitting the emigrants before embarkation to the approval of an agent appointed by the colony to which they proposed to proceed. 4. Sending colonists to take possession of virgin land without previously preparing the land for cultivation, erecting dwellings, pro- viding implements and seed, and enabling the colonists to maintain themselves until the first harvest. Experience has shown that for the sum of about 110 an emigrant and his family can be ITS NECESSITY 173 sent out from Great Britain to Manitoba, can be placed on a 160-acre lot given gratis by the Colonial Government, can be supplied with a rough dwelling, implements, seeds, and main- tenance until, by the advent of the crop, he is able to support himself, and to begin to repay with interest the money which has been ad- vanced to enable him to emigrate. This plan has been most successfully carried out by Lady Gordon Cathcart, who, in a letter ad- dressed to the writer, accepting the position of a Vice-President of the National Association, says : I have for two or three years past realised that for the congested districts of the whole of the north and west of Scotland emigration is the only relief and alternative, and consequently last year, in the face of many difficulties, was able to persuade twelve crofter families to take advantage of a scheme we formulated, based upon the lines which were ex- plained by my agent to the meeting lately held at Baroness Burdett Coutts'. It was a test scheme, which we hoped, if successful, might lead to kinder results, and I am glad to say it has answered beyond 174 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: our most sanguine expectations, so much so that forty-five large families from our property on the west coast are leaving to join their friends. ... I think in the end it is a question which the Govern- ment will be obliged to consider, and from experience (provided suitable families are sent out, who are industrious and anxious to get on) I feel certain that in State-directed colonisation is to be found one of the most effectual and humane reliefs for the sadly overcrowded and poverty-stricken districts. So high an authority as the Marquis of Lome, late Governor-General of Canada, has shown that it is not only Highland crofters who benefit by removal from overcrowded districts. He has publicly stated that men who have lived all their lives in cities and towns, and are utterly unacquainted with agriculture, make even better colonists than the Highland crofters, and as a proof of his assertion he has pointed out the success which has attended the colonising efforts of Paisley weavers, as shown by the flourishing condition of the town and district of Paisley, in Canada, which was colonised by men who had never ITS NECESSITY 175 previously left the loom. A little thought will show the reason of what would appear to be a paradox. The Highland crofter inherits from his ancestors a system of agriculture little removed from that practised by the patriarchs of Bible history. He brings with him to the colony a mind prejudiced against the adoption of new-fangled innovations. He considers the system of agriculture which was good enough for his forefathers to be good enough for him. On the other hand, the town-bred emigrant, with intelligence sharp- ened by education, and by contact with his fellow-men, and entirely ignorant of agricul- ture, is willing to learn, and is not too proud to avail himself of the most effective weapons which science and knowledge can place at his disposal in the conflict he has undertaken with Nature. Success naturally, therefore, attends his efforts. State-directed colonisation is not a new idea. For years emigration has been aided 176 STATE-DIKECTED COLONISATION: and directed by the Colonial Governments, and in 1820, and again after the Crimean war, the Home Government, with a view to esta- blishing a line of military settlements between the natives and the colonists of the Cape, granted free passages and farms to old soldiers and selected families. The novel part of the present suggestion is that a permanent sys- tem of colonisation should be undertaken by the mother country in conjunction with the colonies, seeing that the former is as much interested in encouraging emigration from her shores as the latter can be in welcoming im- migration. The work of emigration and of colonisation should be carefully kept dear of all workhouse taint. It is marvellous that the Govern- ment should not have perceived the neces- sity of this very apparent caution. Let the colonies once suspect that England desires to shunt from her shoulders to theirs the burden of her pauper classes, and the State ITS NECESSITY 177 organisation of emigration will become irn possible for many years to come. Who could blame them ? We English are perfectly aware that the blundering on the part of our Government, to^which attention has been drawn, was only the result of red-tapeism and of official un- willingness to step beyond the beaten path of precedent in matters relating to the relief of the poorer classes, but we cannot expect the colonists to give us credit for such superlative inflexibility of temperament, and incapability of altering official methods of procedure so as to meet the requirements of novel circum- stances. In the official correspondence above quoted, both the Governor-General and the Secretary to the Immigration Department, Ontario, go out of their way to show that the Dominion Government, as well as that of Ontario, had changed its policy in regard to the assistance to be given to immigrants 5 178 STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION: solely on account of the pauperised and inferior description of emigrants sent out by the Irish unions. Mr. Spence is very care- ful also to show that his observations are not intended to apply to other than union people, and that there is ample room in Ontario for able-bodied emigrants willing to work. It is to be hoped that the experi- ence the Government have gained in this badly managed Irish experiment may not be forgotten, and that when the day shall come as it must shortly when they shall be called upon to institute some system of Imperial colonisation for the whole of the United King- dom, they will know how to avoid the errors they have been guilty of to-day, and will be careful to work in the very closest r'.o-operation with the authorities of the colonies to which it is proposed to assist emigration. But it may be argued : If private emigra : tion relieves this country of that portion of ITS NECESSITY 179 its surplus agricultural and artisan popula- tion capable of finding the means necessary for its removal, and if our colonies object, as they naturally do, to be invaded by an idle, criminal, or pauper immigration, who are the people you propose to emi- grate ? I do not suppose that any one who had personal knowledge of the condition of the working classes in our large towns would make such an inquiry, but it is quite possible that many may not be aware of the present condition of trade and of the labour market, and may be ignorant of the fearful competi- tion existing in the centres of industry, which compels large classes of honest, sober, hardworking men and women to lead such a bitter struggle for mere existence, that the acquisition of the actual necessaries of daily life is sufficient to engross their fullest energies, and which leaves them without the barest margin of time or strength for making 180 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION i any provision against the advent of disease and old age, much less for the accumulation of capital. As personal knowledge of a subject is infinitely preferable to that obtained at second hand, however trustworthy may be the source whence the information has been obtained, two members of the 'National Association for Promoting State-directed Colonisation ' visited this year three of the docks of London, at the hour when the gates are opened and the hands engaged for the day's work. They found large crowds of men besieging the entrance to the docks, eager and anxious to obtain work. The gates were opened, the hands required engaged, the gates again shut, and 700 disappointed, wretched, hungry men were turned away to spend another day of enforced idleness and of heart-sickening expectancy. If 700 men were dismissed without work in one morning from three dock gates in the ITS NECESSITY 181 metropolis, 1 consider what must be the number of the involuntary unemployed throughout the entire kingdom, and then, bearing in mind that workmen of this class live from hand to mouth, calculate if you can the number of women and of helpless children dependent for their daily bread upon the wages of these men, and see what a vast abyss of suffering, disease, and misery is opening at your feet, of which perhaps up to the present time you have been unconscious ; then, if you can, be astonished that hatred (insensate, unreasoning hatred, if you will) should be engendered in the minds of these sufferers against social order and against that political economy which is supposed to require, as Mr. Hugh E. Hoare once fitly expressed it, that the lowest classes should act as ' the buffers which interpose between population and the limits of subsistence.' 1 The Mansion House Committee appointed in 1885 to inquire into the causes of distress in the metropolis report that from 8,000 to 9,000 men apply daily, in vain, at the docks of London for work. 182 STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION: Iii support of the above evidence I shall quote from an article entitled ' Imperial Emi- gration,' written in favour of State emigration, by Mr. George Potter, which appeared in the April number of the ' National Eeview ' of 1883. It is too often said, but only said by the very ignorant, that a man can always work here if he will. This is a fallacy. There are thousands of poor men who are on the verge of starvation, who would work only too gladly if work was within their reach. . . . Yearly, the state of our labour market is becoming so unwholesomely overstocked, that it is difficult for even many of the very industrious to obtain the necessaries of life to support themselves and families . . . That there is a large surplus of labour in the market at the present time will not be denied except by those who do not take the trouble or have not the means at hand of knowing the facts. Similar evidence has been repeatedly given by the Bishop of Bedford, by East-end clergy- men, and by those who come into direct con- tact with the working classes in the over- crowded districts of London and of our large ITS NECESSITY 183 towns. Mr. Charrington, whose noble efforts on behalf of the poor of East London are well known in connection with the East-end Emi- gration Fund, has frequently stated in public that there is an ever-increasing congestion of poverty-stricken people in the East of Lon- don, many of whom stint themselves of the necessaries of life, in order to be able to scrape together the sum which the Committee re- quire them to find before they will assist them to emigrate. Mr. Potter concludes as follows : Emigration, to be beneficial to the country, I contend, must of necessity be aided by the State, for the very classes whom the State can best spare are of themselves unable to emigrate from want of the necessary funds. . . . Whether Imperial emi- gration be advanced by a Liberal or Conservative Government, those who move in the matter will receive a large amount of support from the working classes, and will also earn the blessing of many whose sufferings in this country have been most grievous. It cannot be doubted that, to those who occupy themselves with carrying out this great and good 184 STATE-DIBECTED COLONISATION: scheme, will be given the greatest gratification which any statesman can desire, and that is, the earnest, heartfelt thanks of a happy and contented people. Hear what another leading representative working-man, but this time one connected with the agricultural interest, has to say on the subject. Mr. Alfred Simmons, Secretary of the Kent and Sussex Labourers' Union, in a pamphlet called ' State Emigration : a Reply to Lord Derby,' published by the ' National Association for Promoting State- directed Colonisation,' says : Before the urgency of the demand for State emi- gration and colonisation can he appreciated in its fulness, a frank and impartial consideration must be given to certain hard facts ; and the significance of the logical outcome and the ultimate result upon society of those facts must be clearly faced. To decline to listen to and recognise them is folly ; to ignore them, a crime. Let us then consider them. Notwithstanding the large number of emigrants, the population of Great Britain is increasing at the rate of nearly 400,000 souls per annum, and Lord Perby has recently correctly told us that ' the volume ITS NECESSITY 185 of our capital and business does not increase corre- spondingly with the population.' But while the general population of the country is thus rapidly increasing, the population of the agricultural districts is seriously decreasing. Considerable numbers of agricultural labourers took advantage of the free ocean passages offered by Queensland, New Zealand, and South Australia during the years 1873-82 ; but taking the figures in the bulk, a very small propor- tion of the decrease of the agricultural labouring population is to be accredited to emigration. Agricultural labourers have migrated in enormous numbers to the large cities and towns and manufac- turing and mining districts. Dr. G. B. Longstaff affirms that ' 75,000 more persons are born every year in the agricultural counties of England that is to say, three-quarters of a million in ten years than can find employment. Of these three-quarters of a million, about 600,000 in round numbers settle in the manufacturing and mining counties, in London, and its suburbs, and only about 150,000 go to the colonies.' Mr. W. H. Paterson, of Durham, who holds a responsible position among the miners' associations, speaking in October last, said : ' I know thousands of men employed in mines who have come from the farms, but who would be glad to return to agricultural work if they could get employ- 186 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: ment.' And Mr. Paterson's statement applies with equal force to the industries of the cities and towns. In my opinion many influences are operating to- gether to drive agricultural people from the farms. Some of those influences are denied, and may be debateable; others are admitted, and are incontro- vertible. It will suffice to refer to two of the latter. Firstly, the amassing of farms ; secondly, the intro- duction of agricultural machinery. The first is preventible, the second is inevitable ; both are enormously influencing the present condition and the future of our peasantry. I am personally acquainted with many parishes in the land which formerly provided regular employment for from 200 to 300 labourers, but on which there are now employed not one-half the original number, and many of those at present employed are only casually engaged. In every department of agriculture the machine has taken the best-paid-for agricultural work from the labourer. The steam plough, the hay-mowing and hay-making machines, the reaping machines, and the threshing machines have not only reduced the agricultural labourers' incomes, but have driven thousands of peasants from their country cottage homes into the already overcrowded manu- facturing districts. It has been the custom to depict the English peasant's life in glowing colours. ITS NECESSITY 187 His cleanly woodbined cottage has been held up for general admiration. The very smoke from the cottage chimney, c as it curled its silvery career heavenward,' has been surrounded with a halo of romantic moonshine. But what a satire upon the imagination of the romancist is the knowledge that tens of thousands of our ' happy country couples,' from want of work which, interpreted, means want of bread are annually driven from their leafy lanes to swell the ranks, to imbibe the pestilential and reeking exhalations, and to observe the horrible immorality of the rookeries of the courts, and alleys, and ' slums ' of our great cities and towns. Senti- ment is hollow, romance a mockery when placed beside the hard and cruel facts that force themselves upon our everyday observation. On all sides it is admitted that a large proportion of the agricultural people who migrate to the towns degenerate both physically and morally. The process still goes on, and it is a topic well worth the attention of the best thinkers, for there is truth in the lines A bold peasantry, a nation's pride, When once destroyed can never be supplied. Thus, then, it is shown that year by year probably from 50,000 to 60,000 hungry people flock into the towns from the agricultural districts from sheer inability to secure employment. Besides this 188 STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION: influx, the towns themselves rapidly add to their own populations by natural increase. A third addition to English towns arrives in the shape of Irish and Scotch immigrants to the number of upwards of 130,000 per annum. A fourth mass reaches us from the Continent German, French, and Italian work- people the returns showing an average arrival of (in round numbers) 70,000 foreigners per annum. Now, it will hardly be contended that this everlasting invasion of our towns by masses of labour-starved people is beneficial, or that it can be permitted to continue with impunity and to go on for ever. Something must be done, or the only one possible result will ensue. It is simply a matter of time. In Manchester it is stated that at this moment there are 10,000 men out of employment. In Bristol, Liverpool, Leicester, Sheffield, Newcastle, and many other of the large provincial cities, thousands lie idle ragged, starving, degenerating. In London well, every one is supposed to know how things are in the ' slums ' and in East London. All that seems to be wanting is one capable enthusiast a master mind, bent on what might be styled mischief and there are many others than myself who would scarcely care to write down or breathe in public what the consequences might be. Mr. Simmons concludes : ITS NECESSITY 189 Here, are thousands of idle hands. There, are millions of acres of fertile but idle lands. The two pant to be brought into association. But an ocean divides them. "We have the money, we have the ships, we have all the machinery and power necessary but we decline to use or apply them. The unem- ployed and helpless ones declare that they wish to go. Our retort is, that we may want them here. So here they remain in their squalor and rags and misery in case ' we may want them.' We have great and glorious possessions abroad, but instead of peopling them and creating fresh markets for ourselves, we coop up our surplus population in idleness, and set off to build better houses for poor souls who cannot go to live in them, because their pockets are empty. We can all sympathise with and help in the cry for the better housing of the poor ; but at the best that is a partial remedy. Emigration provides a permanent and a complete escape from poverty for those who accept it. It is a boon to the people who go, a benefit to those who stay at home, and an advantage to the colonies where they are received. Conducted on a State-directed, joint home and colonial footing, it will assist in welding together more firmly the interests and affections of the people located in the different sections of the Empire. All this is admitted, but the help necessary to secure so much 190 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: positive good is withheld. As one who is intimately acquainted with the feelings and sentiments of the poorest classes both in London and in the provinces, I emphatically assert that help cannot be withheld much longer without creating a serious danger to the community. If space permitted, I could quote from the speeches of many other leaders of the working classes to prove the existence of a terrible condition in our large towns of excessive competition, over-crowding, starvation, and helplessness, and such representative working- men as Mr. J. C. Laird, Mr. J. Maudsley, Mr. E. Memmott, Mr. T. Asliton, and Mr. W. A. Coote have all publicly de- clared their belief that this curse of over- population might easily be turned into a national blessing by the adoption of a well- considered scheme of State-directed coloni- sation. But it is not only working-men who entertain these opinions. Many eminent men of different political parties, and of vary- ITS NECESSITY 191 ing religious denominations or lines of thought, have expressed themselves in favour of the adoption by the Government of the principle of directing colonisation. The late Archbishop of Canterbury wrote : The best and the fittest means by which these miseries of over-pressure can be transmitted into comfort and wise affluence is obviously by the people spreading out that is, settling in other parts of our Greater Britain that is, by emigration to our colonies. This has run its own course so far. But we seem to have now reached a point at which, to enable capable men to take advantage of the best opportunities in the best way, some public action of the State in their favour, or at least some direction, is required in one form or other. Cardinal Manning, in reply to an invita- tion to join the National Association for Promoting State-directed Emigration and Colonisation, says : Holding as I do that emigration and colonisation are the extension of the mother country, and that in this sense they are the true counteraction of the disintegrating policy which seems to me to be 192 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION! threatening the Empire, I believe that I am ill agreement with the Association in its object. If, therefore, you think my name in the list of patrons worth having, I shall be happy to give it. I believe that the maintenance and consolidation of the Empire is vital to England, and that if we lost it we should collapse at home. Professor Tyndall, the Earl of Carnarvon, Mr. Spurgeon, the Lord Mayor, the Bishop of Bedford, the Marquis of Lome, the Bishop of Carlisle, Mr. Hodgson Pratt, Mr. . II. S. Northcote, M.P., Mr. F. D. Mocatta, the Dean of Manchester, and other distinguished men, as well as several members of both Houses, have declared themselves in favour of State-directed colonisation. The debate in the House of Lords on the 28th of March, 1884, when the Earl of Carnar- von moved for copies or extracts of correspon- dence in regard to State-aided emigration to Canada, raised this question at one bound from the rank of a mere theory as regards the action of this country to that of one of prac- ITS NECESSITY 193 tical politics. The debate showed that both political parties in the State were prepared to accept the principle of the State direction of emigration, if only the details of organisation could be satisfactorily arranged. Lord Derby acknowledged that ' if it is right to feed a man when he cannot support himself, then there can be no argument on the ground of principle against State-directed colonisation,' Again, he said, ' If it is right in regard to poor-law relief and national education, clearly there can be no argument oil ground of prin- ciple against transferring labour from one place where it is not wanted to another where it is wanted.' It follows, therefore, from the speeches of Lords Carnarvon and Derby, that the principle of the demand of the National Association for Promoting State-directed o Colonisation is accepted by both political parties in the State. There was no difference of opinion between the Liberal head of the Colonial Office and the Conservative head of o 194 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: that department, as to the importance of the question. 1 Lord Derby agreed with Lord Carnarvon that the question is one which will grow in importance, and which cannot be discussed in an off-hand way. He acknowledged that the subject had never been fully discussed in either House of Parliament, and stated that he was not inclined to argue in a doctrinaire manner how far State assistance should be given. He acknowledged that times and cir- cumstances had changed, and that public opinion had of late years sanctioned the em- ployment of public funds for objects which a few years ago would have been considered beyond the scope of Governmental action, and he, without hesitation, declared that the cry of communism could not with justice be raised against State-directed colonisation, unless it were conceded that, by the adoption of our 1 Since then the present head of the Colonial Office (1885), Eail Granville, has expressed himself as not unfavourable to the consideration of the suhject. ITS NECESSITY 195 present Poor and Educational Laws, we had already entered on the path of communism. There was no difference of opinion in the House, and can be none, as to the distress in the East- end of London, but Lord Derby considered that the distress must be looked upon as a sad but unavoidable evil, which could not be remedied, although always in- creasing ; whilst Lord Carnarvon considered that many of the men and women who are now a standing menace to the stability of social order, and a disgrace to our civilisation, might become useful and prosperous members of society if assisted by Government loan to transfer labour which is not wanted here to Her Majesty's colonies, where it is greatly needed, and where land is abundant. Lord Derby stated that the rate of emigra- tion in 1883 was 320,000 persons of British and Irish origin, and that this rate was greater than it had been at any time since the Irish famine, Prom this fact he argued that o 2 STATE-DIRECTED COLOKISATIOK J there was no necessity for any acceleration df this outflow. He omitted, however, to men* tion that the average annual increase of the population during the last ten years is 340,000, and, as he acknowledged that the labour market in London was already overstocked, he should have told us how he intended to deal with the annual extra increase of 340,000 souls over and above the number which is annually removed by private emigration, for by his own showing private emigration does not touch the present over -population of the country by 340,000 souls annually, even at the present exceptional high rate of emigration. Lord Derby said he did not consider that the colonies could absorb more labour, and yet he refuted his own argument by confessing that the attractive power of a colony is in proportion to the bulk of the attracting mass, and that the demand for labour in the colonies would increase in the future. Again, he somewhat paradoxically remarked that he ITS NECESSITY 197 was not prepared to condemn generally a scheme of colonisation by means of which all money advanced to the emigrant should be repaid and security obtained by way of mort- gage on the land, and yet he stated that colonisation would probably fail ; and he gave as his reason that the places to be colonised would be arranged by persons at a distance. But he did not tell us why these places should not be arranged by persons at a distance, and why a system of colonisation which has proved successful under the management of a Scotch lady of fortune, should fail when carried out with all the means at its disposal to enforce repayment which a Commission appointed by the Government and the colony would possess. Lord Derby rightly said that no scheme of State-directed emigration could answer without the co-operation of the colonies. This is perfectly true ; but no one, as far as I am aware, proposes to emigrate people from this country either contrary to their own 198 STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION: will or to that of the colony to 'which they are sent. I have already shown that the National Association for Promoting State- directed Colonisation lays the greatest stress in its programme on the necessity of main- taining in this matter the most complete co-operation between the colonies and the mother country. Finally, Lord Derby doubted whether there was any popular demand for State emigration. In answer to this I would point to the composition of the National Associa- tion for Promoting State-directed Colonisa- tion, which has on its council, besides eminent members of the tipper and middle classes, representatives of some 150,000 l working-men who have expressed themselves in favour of Government direction. This National Association was the outcome of a meeting of seventy representative working- men, held on the loth of October, 1883, when 1 Now (1886) over 170,000. ITS NECESSITY 199 the following resolutions were unanimously passed : 1. Moved by Mr. H. W. Rowland, General Secre- tary of the Cabdrivers' Association, London; seconded by Mr. J. C. Laird, member of the Newcastle-on- Tyne Council and School Board, and President of the Trades Council of that town ; and supported by Mr. J. Judge, of the Leeds Council, and officially repre- senting the Leeds branch of the National Union of Boot and Shoe Riveters ; Mr. John Potter, member of the Town Council and President of the Trades Council, Maidstone ; Mr. J. Strange, of Birmingham ; Mr. John Fox, officially representing and Secretary of Bristol, West of England, and South Wales Trade and Provident Society; Mr. J. Smith, member of London Trades Council ; Mr. J. Ambler, representa- tive at the Trades Union Congress of the Trades Council, Hull; and Mr. Dyke, of the Cabdrivers' Co-operative Association : ' That this Conference of representative working- men, strongly declares in favour of State-directed emigration to the British colonies.' 2. Moved by Mr. James Maudsley, officially repre- senting the Manchester and Salford Trades Council and the Amalgamated Association of Cotton Spinners, Manchester; seconded by Mr. Edward Memmott, 200 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: President of and officially representing the Sheffield Trades Council; and supported by Mr. W. H. Patterson, Financial Secretary of the Miners' Asso- ciation, Durham ; Mr. D. Merrick, President of the Trades Council, and President of Trades Union Congress for 1878; Mr. Beech, officially representing Amalgamated Trades Council, Oldhara ; and Mr. T. Pilcher, member of Folkestone School Board, and Chairman of Kent and Sussex Labourers' Union : c That seeing the large number of unemployed and indigent people amassed in our cities and towns, the attention of the Government be urgently directed to the necessity that exists for facilities to enable such people to proceed to and settle in our colonies.' Since then influential meetings have been beld in the London Mansion House and in the Town Halls of Newcastle-on-Tyne, Liver- pool, and Manchester, and in all cases similar resolutions bave been passed. In London and Manchester tbe resolutions were passed unanimously or nem. con., though the Mayor of Manchester, who was in the chair at the latter meeting, spoke several times strongly against the motion, whilst in Newcastle only about a/ ITS NECESSITY 201 dozen dissentients voted against the resolu- tions in a crowded meeting. The National Association for Promoting State-directed Colonisation is organising a series of meetings to be held in all the large provincial towns of England, and invites assistance, both personal and pecuniary, to- wards the formation of such a strong public opinion in favour of State emigration as may encourage the Government to bring forward a well-considered scheme for the alleviation of the congested condition of our over-populated country. 1 Whether there is or is not a demand for the State direction of Emigration, of this I am confident, thai means must be found, and that quickly, to put an end to the fearful struggle for life which is to be met with in the East and South of London and in most of our large towns. The disease has got beyond the power 1 The office of the Association is at 84 Palace Chambers, Westrqiuster, London, S.W. 202 STATE-DIEECTED COLONISATION. of private efforts, and lias assumed proportions too gigantic to be dealt with by any power short of a government or a powerful muni- cipality. Starving men are not to be argued with, nor are they likely to acquiesce quietly in Lord Derby's fatalistic theory, that their con- dition is the inevitable result of economic con- ditions which are to be deplored but cannot be altered. Whether the Government like it or not, they will have to take into their serious con- sideration how best to relieve this deplorable congestion of population in our large towns ; and the adoption of some well-considered scheme of State-directed colonisation appears to me the only remedy for effectually dealing with a social malady which, if allowed to continue unchecked, must inevitably end in some fatal national catastrophe. 203 APPENDIX. CANADA. DOMINION LANDS REGULATIONS. The following Regulations for the sale and settlement of Dominion Lands in ' the Province of H.B.[Co's. -2|6 LANDS. 204 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: Manitoba aiid the North-West Territories shall, on and after the first day of January, 1882, be substi- tuted for the Regulations now in force, bearing date the twenty-fifth day of May, 1881 : 1. The surveyed lands of Manitoba and the North-West Territories shall, for the purposes of these Regulations, be classified as follows : CLASS A. Lands within twenty-four miles of the main line or any branch line of the Canadian Pacific Railway, on either side thereof. CLASS B. Lands within twelve miles, on either side, of any projected line of railway (other than the Canadian Pacific Railway) approved by Order in Council published in the Canada Gazette. CLASS C. Lands south of the main line of the Canadian Pacific Railway not included in Class A or B. CLASS D. Lands other than those in Classes A, B, and C. 2. The even-numbered sections in all the fore- going classes are to be held exclusively for home- steads and pre-emptions. (a) Except in Class D, where they may be affected by colonisation agreements as hereinafter provided. (6) Except where it may be necessary, out of them, to provide wood lots for settlers. (c) Except in cases where the Minister of the APPENDIX 205 Interior, under provisions of the Dominion Lands Acts, may deem it expedient to withdraw certain lands, and sell them at public auction or otherwise deal with them as the Governor in Council may direct. 3. The odd-numbered sections in Class A are reserved for the Canadian Pacific Railway Company. 4. The odd-numbered sections in Classes B and C shall be for sale at two dollars fifty cents per acre, payable at time of sale. (a) Except where they have been or may be dealt with otherwise by the Governor in Council. 5. The odd-numbered sections in Class D shall be for sale at two dollars per acre, payable at time of sale. (a) Except where they have been or may be dealt with otherwise by the Governor in Council. (b) Except lands affected by colonisation agree- ments, as hereinafter provided. 6. Persons who, subsequent to survey, but before the issue of the Order in Council of 9th October, 1879, excluding odd-numbered sections from homestead entry, took possession of land in odd-numbered sections by residing on and culti- vating the same, shall, if continuing so to occupy them, be permitted to obtain homestead and pre- emption entries as if they were on even-numbered sections. 206 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: PRE-EMPTIONS. 7. The prices for pre-emption lots shall be as follows : For lands in Classes A, B ; and C, two dollars fifty cents per acre. For lands in Class D, two dollars per acre. Payment shall be made in one sum at the end of three years from the date of entry, or at such earlier date as a settler may, under the provisions of the Dominion Lands Acts, obtain a patent for the homestead to which such pre-emption lot belongs. COLONISATION. Plan Number One. 8. Agreements may be entered into with any company or person (hereinafter called the party) to colonise and settle tracts of land on the following conditions : (a) The party applying must satisfy the Govern- ment of its good faith and ability to fulfil the stipulations contained in these Regulations. (b) The tract of land granted to any party shall be in Class D. 9. The odd-numbered sections within such tract may be sold to the party at two dollars per acre, APPENDIX 207 payable, one-fifth in cash at the time of entering into the contract, and the balance in four equal annual instalments from and after that time. The party shall also pay to the Government five cents per acre for the survey of the land purchased by it, the same to be payable in four equal annual in- stalments at the same times as the instalments of the purchase money. Interest at the rate of six per cent, per annum shall be charged on all past-due instalments. (a) The party shall, within five years from the date of the contract, colonise its tract. (//) Such colonisation shall consist in placing two settlers on homesteads on each even-numbered section, and also two settlers on each odd-numbered section. (c) The party may be secured for advances made to settlers on homesteads according to the provisions of the 10th section of the Act 44 Victoria, cap. 1(5 (the Act passed in 1881 to amend the Dominion Lands Acts). (d) The homestead of one hundred and sixty acres shall be the property of the settler, and he shall have the right to purchase the pre-emption lot belonging to his homestead at two dollars per acre, payable in one sum at the end of three years from the date of entry, or at such earlier date as he may, 208 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION i under the provisions of the Dominion Lands Acts, obtain a patent for his homestead. (e) When the settler on a homestead does not take entry for the pre-emption lot to which he has a right, the party may within three months after the settler's right has elapsed purchase the same at two dollars per acre, payable in cash at the time of purchase. 10. In consideration of having colonised its tract of land in the manner set forth in sub-section (//) of the last preceding clause, the party shall be allowed a rebate of one-half the original purchase-money of the odd-numbered sections in its tract. (a) During each of the five years covered by the contract an enumeration shall be made of the settlers placed by the party in its tract, in accordance with sub-section (7>) of clause 9 of these Eegulations, and for each bond-fide settler so found therein a rebate of one hundred and twenty dollars shall be credited to the party ; but the sums so credited shall not, in the aggregate, at any time exceed one hundred and twenty dollars for each loud-fide settler found within the tract, in accordance with the said sub-section, at the time of the latest enumeration. (ft) On the expiration of the five years, an enumeration shall be made of the bond -fide settlers APPENDIX 209 on the tract, and if they are found to be as many in number and placed in the manner stipulated for in sub-section (6) of clause 9 of these Regulations, a further and final rebate of forty dollars per settler shall be credited to the party, which sum, when added to those previously credited, will amount to one-half of the purchase money of the odd-numbered sections and reduce the price thereof to one dollar per acre. But if it should be found that the full number of settlers required by these Regulations are not on the tract, or are not placed in conformity with sub-section (6) of clause 9 of these Regulations, then for each settler fewer than the required number, or not placed in conformity with the said sub-section, the party shall forfeit one hundred and sixty dollars of rebate. (c) If at any time during the existence of the contract the party shall have failed to perform any of the conditions thereof, the Governor in Council may cancel the sale of the land purchased by it, and deal with the party as may seem meet under the circumstances. (rf) To be entitled to rebate, the party shall furnish to the Minister of the Interior evidence that will satisfy him that the tract has been colonised and settled in accordance with sub-section (&) of clause 9 of these Regulations. 210 STATE-DIRECTED COLONISATION: Plan Number Two, 11. To encourage settlement by capitalists who may desire to cultivate larger farms than can be purchased where the regulations provide that two settlers shall be placed 011 each section, agreements may be entered into with any company or person (hereinafter called the party) to colonise and settle tracts of land on the following conditions : (a) The party applying must satisfy the Govern- ment of its good faith and ability to fulfil the stipu- lations contained in these Regulations. (?>) The tract of land granted to any party shall be in Class D. (c) All the land within the tract may be sold to the party at two dollars per acre, payable in cash, at the time of entering into the contract. The party shall, at the same time, pay to the Government five cents per acre for the survey of the land purchased by it. (d) The party shall, within five years from the date of the contract, colonise the township or town- ships comprised within its tract. (e) Such colonisation shall consist in placing one hundred .and twenty-eight lona-fide settlers within each township. 12. In consideration of having colonised its tract APPENDIX 211 of land in the manner set forth in sub-section (c) of the last preceding clause, the party shall be allowed a rebate of one-half of the original purchase money of its tract. (a) During each of the five years covered by the contract, an enumeration shall be made of the settlers placed by the party in its tract, in accordance with sub-section (e) of clause 1 1 of these Regulations, and for each bond-fide settler so found therein a rebate of one hundred and twenty dollars shall be repaid to the party ; but the sums so re- paid shall not, in the aggregate, at any time exceed one hundred and twenty dollars for each lona-fide settler found within the tract, in accordance with the said sub-section at the time of the latest enumeration. (6) On the expiration of the five years, an enumeration shall be made of the lona-fide settlers placed by the party in its tract, and if they are found to be as many in number and placed in the manner stipulated for in sub-section (e) of clause 11 of these Regulations, a further and final rebate of forty dollars per settler shall be repaid, which sum when added to those previously repaid to the party will amount to one-half of the purchase-money of its tract, and reduce the price thereof to one dollar per acre. But if it should be found that the full p 2 212 STATE-D1EEOTED COLONISATION: number of settlers required by these Eegulations are not ou the tract, or are not placed in conformity with the said sub-section, then, for each settler fewer than the required number or not settled in conformity with the said sub-section, the party shall forfeit one hundred and sixty dollars of rebate. (c) To be entitled to rebate, the party shall furnish to the Minister of the Interior evidence that will satisfy him that the tract has been colonised and settled in accordance with sub-section () of clause 1 1 of these Regulations. OFFICIAL NOTICE. 13. The Government shall give notice in the Canada Gazette of all agreements entered into for the colonisation and settlement of tracts of land under the foregoing plans, in order that the public may respect the rights of the purchasers. TIMBER FOR SETTLERS. 14. The Minister of the Interior may direct the reservation of any odd or even-numbered section having timber upon it, to provide wood for home- stead settlers on sections without it; and each such settler may, where the opportunity for so doing exists, purchase a wood lot, not exceeding twenty acres, at the price of five dollars per acre in cash. APPENDIX 213 15. The Minister of the Interior may grant, Under the provisions of the Dominion Lands Acts, licences to cut timber on lands within surveyed townships. The lands covered by such licences are thereby withdrawn from homestead and pre-emption and from sale. PASTURAGE LANDS. 1C. Under the authority of the Act 44 Viet, cap. 16, leases of tracts for grazing purposes may be granted on the following conditions : ( parish of Kensington. 234 GEEAT CITIES AND SOCIAL EEFOEM each house and its drains, with the signature of the inspecting sanitary officer attached, certifying the house to be in a healthy and habitable condition before any tenant would be permitted to enter it. Provided with healthy houses, pure water and pure air (by that time it will be as criminal an act to poison your neighbour by pouring vitriolic vapours or smoke into the atmosphere, or by polluting the water he drinks with the refuse of your manufactory, as to mix arsenic in his food or drink) ; with pleasant parks and gar- dens for the old, and with playgrounds where the young may exercise their limbs ; with unadulterated food and well-regulated hours of labour, there is no reason why the standard of life in cities should not be a high one, and, as science advances, it will probably be found that in well-regulated cities the mortality will be less than in the country, where greater carelessness in matters of hygiene would probably prevail. But in the meantime. GEEAT CITIES AND SOCIAL EEFORM 235 and until public opinion insists on Govern- ment becoming responsible for the sanitary condition of these islands, and places the necessary legal powers in their hands, what can individuals do who are dissatisfied with the happy-go-lucky manner in which these matters are treated by Vestries, Corporate bodies, Guardians of the Poor, and others whose duty it nominally is to look after the health of the public ? Let them agitate, we say, and again agitate ! It is a sad fact that no reform has ever yet been obtained in this country without agitation, and we suppose that in a country governed by Parliamentary majorities it is hardly to be expected that Governments will go out of their way to introduce reforms which are not loudly de- manded by the public voice, and which do not promise to increase the number of their followers or to strengthen their own position. Agitation, therefore, is necessary. Agitation for the purpose of enlightening the public in 236 CHEAT CITIES AND SOCIAL REFOEM regard to the danger which attends any in- fringement of the laws of nature laws which can never be evaded without punishment swiftly falling on the head of the evader. Let them agitate for improved building laws, for open spaces in our large towns, for gym- nastic training of the young in all schools supported by public money, for the early closing of houses of business, for greater strictness in carrying out existing sanitary regulations, and for improvement in the laws for the suppression of noxious vapours and smoke and the pollution of rivers ; let every town form sanitary and vigilance committees to see that the authorities are active and do their duty ; to organise lectures and educate public opinion in matters of hygiene, to look after the registration of municipal voters, to encourage the more enlightened citizens to take a part in the government of their town, and, irrespective of party, to support men who, if elected on Town Council or School GfcEAT CITIES AND SOCIAL KEFORM 2.37 Board, will turn their first attention to the improvement of the sanitary condition of the municipality and the health of their fellow- citizens ; let them support and encourage the formation, on sound economic principles, of companies for the erection of artisans and labourers' dwellings ; for, until our working classes are decently housed, it is useless to look for any improvement in their moral, social, or physical condition : finally, let them take some thought for the amusements of the people, remembering that men and women must and will seek amusement, and if they cannot get healthy and innocent recreation, they will take what they can get even though harmful to mind and body. 'The Park Band,', the 'Kyrle,' the 1 People's Entertainment,' the ' Popular Bal- lad Concert' Societies, provide good music for the people in and out of doors, either gratis 01 at a cheap rate, and the thanks of the public are due to them for their success- 238 GREAT CITIES AND SOCIAL REFORM ful exertions. The ' Kyrle,' the ' National Health,' and the ' Metropolitan Public Gardens Association' are indefatigable in their efforts to provide parks, playgrounds, and gardens for the inhabitants of the crowded streets of London, whilst the ' Commons Preservation Society ' looks after the interests of the public living outside the metropolitan area. The ' Early Closing Association ' and the ' Shop Hours Labour League ' have been instrumen- tal in enabling many to avail themselves of these open spaces, and of obtaining for the overworked opportunities for using their limbs and muscles in healthful exercise. The numerous Artisans' Dwelling Companies of London have, in conjunction with thePeabody Trustees, provided thousands of healthy and cheap dwellings for the working classes, both in and outside London. The 'Metropolitan Public Fountain Association ' has supplied in our public thoroughfares pure water for man and beast, where formerly there was no means GREAT CITIES AND SOCIAL REFORM 239 of quenching thirst. The ' Coffee Tavern Companies' and the 'Working Men's Clubs and Institute Union ' have been the means of furnishing the artisan with some alternative places of refreshment and recreation to the public-house. All these societies, and many others, have, within the last few years, sprung into existence, and are all working in the direction of improving the condition and health, and consequently happiness, of the people. There is much, however, still to be done. The improvement of the health of the people, and especially of our city populations, is a work worthy of the attention of political men, and presents a field wide enough to exhaust the energies of the highest intelli- gence. The object of this short paper will have been attained if it leads a few thoughtful minds to consider the best means of counter- acting the dangers which increasing density of population threatens to bring upon the city 240 GfcFAT CITIES AKD SOCIAL KEFOfiM dwellers of England ; and let us hope that an ever-increasing number of practical statesmen, leaving empty party wrangles to the Tapers and Tadpoles of political life, will seriously turn their attention to those all-important questions of national hygiene which are of real and vital importance to the masses of the population. 241 a to o ^i If 1 2 ^ *- 1 -'II 1 1 1 1 ~ 1 "^ 1 I | 1 J^ O o oo* 1 o * oF -I 0> t- fci . 2.2 2 _ z. -. 1 1 1 Q ; ~ . . .. s s s * ' - hj f- "- ~ KH BJ J - ~ - ~ " V- _ - 1 1 1 o a s = 8 a 8 s 8 8 - O ""' ll !* a hi A 5 d 1 = 1 a ? 2 S s g .a .5.1 PI E !D S -! 5 3 "Pi B e'oo oooooooo o o5 HH ' 1 1 1 -< -^ OOM< OO-*-^ M ' O OS 'u ootoascscst^o S s5 *** kO ^-< 1-1 o 5 Z -rr^r^ E? 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S >> 3 " ' | P B o CJ g ".2 ? s 0. g ^^ ?s g 12 Ic |s 2 | 1 "2 C^ "~ ' g ^ c - - ' f 2 ^ V- C5 (3S I *5 '. p o o oo c > o o oo => - oocoo o c => c > o o o o 3 C) CO O CT O O O 00 i" < ei -^ C-l i-l O CC 3 S? SSS3 ' a -~r^r^ i| ~ O O r ' o S a II 2 31 j|||j | 'j ooSaj^ "?1 '-^ xr^2i^: .0 ot> ^ ' ' 2 I i illli P5 cc in H H H ^^ t*" S *^ ^ PH CC^C M"^ I M -S 5 P (S c cj s o a 3 s'5 S. 250 2-3 t =2 Sin P tl w - III so o 00 oo p fififi o o o !NOO In 1= 1 1 .2 r5 ^ - 251 OVER-POPULATION: ITS EVILS AND KEMEDIES. III. SOME SUGGESTED REMEDIES FOR OVER. POPULATION AND ITS ATTENDANT EVILS. Reprinted, by permission, from ' Eastward Ho ! ' of July 1885. MR. SAMUEL SMITH, in an interesting article in the ' Contemporary Review ' of January 1885, has drawn public attention to a proposal for establishing a national system of indus- trial training for destitute children. He shows that whilst ' the bulk of the nation has made wonderful progress both morally and materi- ally in the last forty years,' yet ' there remains a large deposit of human misery in our midst, wholly untouched by the progress of the '252 SOME SUGGESTED EEMEDIES nation ; ' and he believes, and I think most well-informed people will agree with him, that a ' larger proportion of the population is now on the verge of starvation than was the case ten years ago.' He is of opinion that the destitution is mainly due to two causes : 1, To the rapid increase of the urban popula- tion ; 2, To the want of a national system of industrial training in our elementary schools. Mr. Smith has not included the love of intoxicating beverages as another fruitful cause of destitution, probably because he conceives drunkenness to be not so much a cause as an effect. Should this be his view, I most cordially agree with him, for misery is a fruitful source of drunkenness. If his system of industrial training were established, not only for destitute but for all children, and if juvenile paupers were entirely separated from the evil influence of their parents and of pauper associations if they were shipped to the colonies in early youth, and trained there FOE OVER-POPULATION 253 on model farms until such time as they were fit to be apprenticed to colonial farmers and settlers, I believe that in a few years it would be found that drunkenness, pauperism, crime, and destitution would have appreciably di- minished in this country, that the colonists would be furnished with a supply of young lads trained to agriculture, and accustomed to discipline, who would prove invaluable to them as labourers on their farms, whilst the assistance of girls who could cook and sew, wash, and tend cows and poultry would be equally welcomed by their hard-worked part- ners in life. I therefore cordially endorse the opinion of Mr. Smith, that destitution would appreciably diminish, and that the wages of the working classes would increase, were child- ren taught to use their hands, and were the mother country relieved of the pressure on the means of subsistence of a proportion of the rising generation. I cannot so rea- dily agree with Mr. Hyndman, who has re- 254 SOME SUGGESTED EEMEDIES cently criticised my article in the ' Nineteenth Century ' on the necessity of State-directed emigration and colonisation, and who asserts that if his land theories were adopted there would be room on the shores of England for the millions of additional people which every decade adds to our population. Although I believe with Mr. S. Smith that the industrial training of destitute children would appre- ciably diminish pauperism, I do not think that it would be sufficient in itself to meet the vast and serious problems of how to find food for the ever-increasing numbers which crowd our shores. The annual increase of the population, notwithstanding the large emigration which is constantly taking place, is so enormous, that the land, even if equally divided, would in a short time be found in- capable of supporting so vast a multitude. It must be remembered that the soil of these islands is a fixed quantity, as also are its mineral resources ; that there is a limit to FOR OVER-POPULATION 255 the demand of the world for our productions, as we are finding out at this moment to our cost ; that our people forced to remain at home will from their very numbers keep per- manently down the rate of wages will lead miserable, poverty-stricken, wretched lives, fighting and struggling for bare existence, incapable of purchasing or enjoying the pro- ducts of their own labour, and unable, owing to their numbers, to extract a decent living from either industry or the soil. These men, if placed on the shores of Canada, the Cape, or Australia, would within a short time be flourishing farmers, with broad acres of their own, paying good prices for the goods which the industry of the mother country would supply, whilst the money thus paid would go to keep the workers in England (no longer so overweighted by numbers) in the enjoyment of decent comfort. Mr. Smith appears, indeed, himself to doubt whether his excellent proposal for 256 SOME SUGGESTED REMEDIES industrial training of destitute children would by itself prove a sufficient remedy for over- population ; for although he says that he sees great difficulties in the way of State-directed emigration, he adds, ' I do not wish to say that this plan may not have to be tried in some exceptional crisis possibly we may be driven by dire necessity to adopt it.' I fear that this dire necessity has already arrived ; and I think Mr. Smith proves this himself when he says : This country, like all the settled aud prosperous States of the world (France excepted), is confronted by a rapidly growing population : it has increased from five and a half millions in the year 1 700 to ten and a half millions in the year 1800, and is now (1884) thirty-one millions in Great Britain alone, and will apparently be thirty-six or thirty-seven millions by the end of this century, and over 120 millions by the end of next, if the same rate of increase is maintained. Tt is also to be noted that the rate of increase is steadily becoming more rapid, owing to the great saving of life caused by improved sanitary arrangements, superior medical science, and FOE OVEK-POPULATION 257 abundant provision for nursing the sick and poor. Up to the beginning of the eighteenth century the rate of increase was extremely slow in all European countries, ours included. War, pestilence, and famine carried off a great portion of the people, and it is computed that the population of England only in- creased three millions in the 600 years after the Norman Conquest or just about the increase of the last ten years. It is further to be added that emigration was very small until the present century, and that the huge increase of this century, which will be three to four-fold in Great Britain, is in spite of an emigration of several millions of our people. I see no reason why this process should be stayed in the next century, unless some national catastrophe occur. The death-rate is always falling, the birth- rate keeps up. Agencies for saving life are always increasing; and we ought, as prudent people, to provide against contingencies which are patent to the most careless observer. We have, further, to face the fact that all this increase goes into our cities the rural population is steadily decreasing. Possibly this may be checked by changes in our Land Laws; but no changes in them can hinder arable land being turned into pasture where it pays better, nor can hinder labour-saving machinery being introduced. I believe that any S 258 SOME SUGGESTED EEMEDIES relief that can be got from a more minute cultivation of the soil of this little island will not do much to change the course of events I have described. Our cities will keep growing larger and larger, and, I may add, more and more unmanageable. London has grown within this century from one to five millions of inhabitants, if we include the suburban area ; and, at the same rate of increase, will reach twenty to thirty-five millions at the close of the next century. Let us remember that the world has never seen a city of more than two or three millions of people except this gigantic metropolis of ours. Ancient Babylon and Eome never contained such multitudes as London already contains; and its growth is faster now than ever before in its history. In ten years another million will be added to ' Greater London ' ; and when or how is this process to stop ? Nothing short of a destructive earthquake, a war, a pestilence, or a largely augmented emigration can stop it. Of course a complete change in the habits of the people could do so. If reckless marriages were never entered on; if many women only married when they were assured of means of bringing up a family in comfort and happiness, there would be no necessity to look for other remedies ; but, taking the world as we find it, we must seek some means to increase the stream of emigration from the mother country to the colonies. FOE OVEE -POPULATION 259 It is because I desire to see the people avail themselves of this wonderful safety- valve of emigration, and because I perceive plainly that vast numbers of them are unable, without assistance, to make use of this instru- ment of their salvation, that I wish the State to organise a self-supporting system of State- directed colonisation, 1 which shall enable the honest, sober man who desires to emigrate, and who is physically fit, but who has not the means to do so, to begin life afresh, as a settler in Canada, Australia, or the Cape, on land which by a system of annual payments shall eventually become his freehold. Mr. Samuel Smith misunderstands the suggestions of the National Association for promoting State-directed Colonisation when he says, ' The demand for emigration would be made by the most useful and productive 1 See the ' State-directed Colonisation Series,' published by the National Association for promoting State-directed Colonisation, 84 Palace Chambers, Westminster, S.W. s2 260 SOME SUGGESTED KEMELIES part of the population.' This is an error, as no applicant for State aid would, under the proposals of the Association, be accorded assistance unless he were physically lit, could prove that he was destitute, and could produce a character for general good con- duct and sobriety. It may be thought that it would be difficult to find such. This is not the case. It has been calculated that 20 per cent, of the so-called ' unemployed ' in London are men who have fallen into dis- tress from no fault of their own, who find it impossible to rise, and who, if given the opportunity, would work hard to retrieve their fortunes arid position. It may be said that 20 per cent, is but a small proportion. True ; but if one man per cent, could alone be saved from pauperism, the effort should be made, and the country would be so much the richer and happier. But the truth is that there is no single remedy for over-population, and for the misery and wretchedness consequent FOR OVER-POPTJLATION 261 thereon. It is also true that many who now swell the pauper, the criminal, the vicious, and even the honest ' unemployed ' classes might often readily obtain employment if in their youth they had been trained to habits of industry, and had been taught the use of their hands. Mr. Smith very truly says that ' mul- titudes of poor women are pinching themselves to live on 5s. a week on slopwork, while mis- tresses cannot get cooks and housemaids at 20/. or 30/. per annum with their food. It is a strange anomaly, yet so it is. I can only account for it by the want of any system for transforming the slatternly girl of the slums into the neat and tidy domestic servant. Why could not cookery and housework form an essential part of a school girl's education?' Of course it could, and within a very few years it will. But as yet, even our State- aided industrial schools, from a mistaken though benevolent wish to raise their pupils in the social scale, are apt to turn them out 262 SOME SUGGESTED REMEDIES better scholars than cooks. Farmers' wives complain bitterly that it is almost impossible to obtain the old class of farm servant who was up at five, and who could milk and churn, look after the poultry, and cook and do the general work of the house. Landlords, and probably farmers, make the same complaint about the farmers' wives. Whereas formerly they not only superintended but did much of the actual work of the dairy and of the poultry-yard, now the wives of the larger farmers know as little of the actual working of a farm as the finest lady in Belgravia, whose female aristocratic ancestors would have considered themselves disgraced could they not with their own delicate hands have made the conserves, the strong waters, and the sweetmeats which found a place on their husbands' tables, or had they not known how to extract many a useful specific remedy from the herbs growing on their ancestral manors. An absurd idea is abroad amongst all classes FOB, OVER-POPULATION 263 that manual labour is degrading. We hear of certain professions being menial and others honourable. Alas ! How imperfectly have we learnt the lesson which Carlyle was ever trying to teach us, that 'All true work is sacred ; in all true work, were it but true hand- labour^ there is something of divineness. Labour, wide as the earth, has its summit in heaven.' Would it not be well also to study more tho- roughly our Euskin, wherein we are taught the aristocratic origin of the word ' menial ' ? Those of us who feel that all labour honestly performed is honourable, and who believe that much preventible misery, not only in the lowest, but even in the middle and upper-middle classes, is due to the fear of losing caste if a manual or menial occupation be undertaken, should endeavour to show by word and action that no man or woman was ever yet degraded by an occupation not in itself morally wrong. Let it become the fashion for the daughters of our upper classes 264 SOME SUGGESTED KEMEDIES to prepare themselves for the management oi a household ; let the sons be taught a handi- craft ; let those destined to inherit property, or who desire to emigrate, be placed for some years under the charge of a working farmer, where they may learn practical as well as theoretic agriculture, and we shall not be long before it will become as rare to find an English man or woman who cannot use his or her hands in some useful labour, as I fear it is now in certain classes to find one who can. What an impetus would such an education give to voluntary emigration ! Many poor but idle men and women are now hindered from seek- ing their fortunes in the colonies from the sad conviction that they are unfurnished with the educational outfit to enable them to succeed in countries where it is necessary to be able to work with the hands. Ask at the emigra- tion offices, especially at the offices of the agencies for female emigration, how many educated men and women in straitened cir- FOE OVER-POPULATION 265 cumstances desire to leave this country, but are dissuaded by the colonial authorities from so doing, owing to their inability or unwilling- ness to use the hands which God has given them. The colonies can absorb any number of hardworking farmers and respectable women, especially women of education, but they must be able and willing to take their share in manual labour. I repeat There is no single remedy for over-population and its attendant evils of misery and degradation, which, to be over- come, must be combated in several ways. The following appear to me the most imperative and practical remedies for over- population and destitution : 1. Teaching every child in the national elementary schools some trade or occupation by means of which he or she can gain a living. 2. Removing our pauper and destitute children from the evil influences of their homes, and training them for a life of agri- 266 SOME SUGGESTED EEMEDIES culture, on farms either at home or in the colonies, until such time as they are fit to be apprenticed as labourers. 3. Establishing technical schools and colleges where the higher branches of indus- trial and technical arts could be taught to those scholars who, in the industrial depart- ment of the elementary schools, had shown marked ability. 4. Founding scholarships in connection with these technical schools. 5. The establishment of a self-supporting system of State-directed colonisation, which should enable carefully selected voluntary emigrants, not possessed of capital, to settle as farmers on Government land in the colonies. (The details of such a scheme I have already laid before the public in an article which appeared in the ' Nineteenth Century ' for November 1884.) 6. The reform of restrictions to the easy possession, sale, and transfer of land. FOE OVEE-POPULATION 267 7. The gradual sale by the Government of Crown lands, in small lots and on easy terms of payment. 8. The establishment of companies like the Small Farm and Labourers' Holdings Company, for the purchase of land and its resale in small holdings. 9. The adoption of some system of Im- perial Federation, which shall draw the colonies nearer the mother country, encourage mutual trade, and get rid of the popular notion that a man by emigrating is leaving his native land. 10 . A reform of the Licensing Laws. If, in the above enumeration of suggested remedies for over-population and its attendant evils, I have made no mention of the influences of religion and of morality, which teach the individual to be sober, thrifty, self-restrained, and self-disciplined, it must not be thought that I am insensible to their value. I am well aware that without these in- fluences all legislation would be inoperative ; 268 SOME SUGGESTED EEMEDIES but I have not mentioned them simply because it is self-evident that such virtue must be the foundation of all improvement, whether indi- vidual, social, or national. Societies and nations but represent the sum of the good and bad qualities of the individuals which compose them, and the virtues which raise the individual must of necessity raise the society and the nation of which the individual is a unit. I am of opinion that under the influence of free trade, and the consequent low price which can be obtained by the British farmer for the produce of the soil, no very great success must be looked for from the selling of lands in small lots or by the establishment of a peasant proprietary. Our climate is not one which favours the farmer, whether great or small ; our land requires to be constantly reinvigorated by manure, which the small farmer cannot produce, and which he has not the capital to purchase. But I am, never- FOR OVEK-POPULATION 269 theless, strongly of opinion that the experi- ment of establishing small peasant proprietors should be tried. If the experiment prove successful, England will have great cause to rejoice in the re-establishment of the ancient sturdy race of yeomen, who stood England in good stead during many a perilous crisis in her history; and if it should fail, it will have served the purpose of laying at rest theories which might become dangerous to society if not permitted the means of giving to the world a practical proof of the error on which they are based. But in order that these theories may have free and fair play, and that it should not be possible to say that they were hindered in their action, all artificial or legal restrictions to the sale or transfer of land should be re- moved ; and, by the adoption of Imperial Federation, the British race should be taught the lesson of its unity and the extent of its inheritance. 270 OVER-POPULATION The history and geography of the outlying portions of ' Greater Britain ' should be care- fully taught in every school, and it should be impressed on the rising generation that the poorer natives of Cornwall and Sutherland were practically farther removed from each other at the beginning of this century than, owing to cheap and rapid means of communica- tion, Her Majesty's subjects in Canada, or even in Australia and the Cape, are at present from their fellow-subjects in England or Scotland. If the above measures were taken, I think that socialistic agitators would soon be made aware that a sad demoralisation had taken place amongst their followers ; whilst a happy and contented population at home would rejoice in the consciousness of the living sympathy and of the moral, as well as physical, strength which millions of loyal fellow-subjects on the distant shores of ' Greater Britain' would give them in the face of the world. THE CAUSE OF THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT, ; , I. THE SHOP HOUES LEAGUE. Reprinted, by permission, from 'The Philanthropist of January 1883. THE question of the legislative restriction of the hours of labour, irrespective of age or sex, is no new one. As long ago as 1848, the Earl of Shaftesbury, the veteran philanthropist, whose name can never be too highly honoured in an assembly of Englishmen, and who was then a comparatively young man, was in the chair when a lecture was delivered by Dr. Guy, which has since been published as the first of a series of ' Contributions to Sanitary Science,' in which, speaking of the long hours of labour of journeymen bakers, Dr. Guy said: 272 THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT I contend, then, that without legislative in- terference your case is hopeless. The individual journeyman cannot, as is absurdly contended by your opponents in the House, make his own bargain ; the whole body of journeymen cannot bind over the whole body of masters to the side of humanity and justice, and strikes have failed and will fail again, and are at the best but temporary remedies. But the Legislature can help you if it will, and it will help you if you can succeed in enlisting public sympathy in your behalf. To that object all your efforts ought to be directed. Let the public be once fairly roused to a sense of the hardships under which you suffer, and their awakened sympathy will react upon the House of Commons, and put a little heart into their political economy. We shall then hear less about ' interference ' and more about humanity and justice ; less about the difficulty of inspecting your places of work, and more about the insuffer- able hardships of you the workmen ; less about unfavourable temperature and indifferent yeast, and more about excessive night toil and foul air. Again he said : For my own part, so far from fearing or con- demning the principle of inspection, or limiting it to factories, which I think an injustice, I would extend ?EtE OVERWORKED SHO^-ASSISTANT 2?3 the principle till it applied to every trade and occu- pation in which abuses existed calling for legislative remedy. I believe that that system of inspection and reporting has done infinite good, and is yet destined to be carried further. At the time this gentleman spoke the hours of journeymen bakers were something too horrible to contemplate. The ordinary hours were from eleven at night till five, six, seven, and eight o'clock in the evening of the next day, making eighteen to twenty-one hours of continuous occupation, with irregular intervals of such rest as could be obtained by lying down on a hard board in the bakehouse ; and in one case which came under the notice of Dr. Guy, and which we have no reason to suppose an isolated one, a journeyman baker began work on Thursday night at eleven o'clock, and continued without rest or sleep till one o'clock on Sunday, beginning again on Sunday evening at eleven o'clock. This poor fellow worked no less than sixty-two T 274 THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT hours on the stretch, and after an interval of ten hours had to begin again. The dis- closures then made led to legislative action regulating the labours of journeymen bakers under eighteen years of age, and the publicity given to these terrible instances of overwork, and the inspection of bakehouses which fol- lowed in consequence of these disclosures, has led to an improvement in the hours of adult labour in the trade ; but as legislation was limited to minors it would Appear that Dr. Guy's prophecy has been verified in regard to the hopelessness of improving satisfactorily the condition of adult journeymen bakers with- out legislative action, for only a few months ago (1882) a crowded meeting of operative bakers was held at the Pimlico Rooms, at which it is reported to have been stated that the bakers of London were very much over- worked, their hours of work being practically unlimited, a fact which it was said had the worst possible effect upon their health, and which lowered them morally and socially. THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT 275 The employers and employed who have joined the Shop Hours Labour League, 1 recog- nising that their interests in the early closing of places of business are identical, and impressed with a conviction that a general closing of shops can never take place as long as a minority of traders insist on long hours, have come to the conclusion that compulsory legis- lation is the only solution to this difficult question, and that in the interest of the em- ployers as much as in that of the employed. The object of the League is to arouse interest in the question amongst the public generally, to lay before them the arguments in favour of legislation, to establish a committee to obtain evidence on this subject, and having done this to authorise the committee to ap- proach Parliament with a humble petition that a Parliamentary Committee may be appointed to confer with the Committee of the Shop 1 Shop Hours (compulsory closing) League, and Traders' Parliamentary Association. T2 276 THE OVERWORKED SHOP- ASSIST ANT Hours Labour League with a view to the drafting of a compulsory early closing Bill. It has been estimated that one thousand lives are sacrificed annually in London alone to overwork, and that three thousand to four thousand more shop assistants go back home to die. This loss of life goes on unseen and unsuspected. If the loss were open and sudden the public would be so horrified that legislation would at once be demanded. Not- withstanding the praiseworthy efforts of the Early Closing Association, which for nearly forty years has been endeavouring, by means of moral persuasion, to induce shopkeepers to close their doors at reasonable hours, this happy result (owing to the opposition of a minority) is still far from having been ob- tained, and, if we take into consideration the increased size of London, it may well be doubted whether there are not now a larger number of shops open at unreasonable hours than when the Association first commenced its THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT 277 labours. These remarks are not intended in any degree to reflect upon the admirable work which this Association has been the means of carrying on, but simply to show how gigantic and growing is the evil to be contended with, and how hopeless it is to think that it can be overcome by individual or private efforts, however powerful and energetic. It is common to hear of assistants who are kept at work for fourteen, fifteen, sixteen, seventeen, and even eighteen hours out of the twenty-four, and it has been ascertained on undoubted testimony that female assistants at some refreshment bars are kept at work from seven a.m. till ten p.m., and from seven a.m till one a.m. on alternate days, thus working one day fifteen hours, and the next eighteen hours, out of the twenty-four. It has been said by some that instead of seeking legislative aid the shop assistants should combine and strike against these ex- cessive hours of labour. The Shop Hours Labour League is not of this opinion, It is 278 THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT not a Trades Union. It has been established for the single purpose of bringing the griev- ances of shopkeepers and shop-assistants in the matter of long hours to the notice of the public, and through publicity to obtain relief at the hands of Parliament in a legal and constitutional manner ; but supposing, for the sake of argument, that the League was willing to advocate a strike with all its atten- dant loss of capital and of temper, and was willing to set class against class irrespective of the consequences, the question still arises, Could it be done ? All who know the circum- stances of the case must answer, No. The sup- ply of shop-assistants, both male and female, far surpasses the demand ; the places of those who struck would be instantly filled, and it is dreadful to think what would be the fate of the unfortunate men and women who had been foolish enough to listen to such evil counsels. If the Shop Hours Labour League does not advocate strikes in order to attain its object THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT 279 much less does it approve of any acts of intimidation or of an illegal nature. It looks upon all who break the law, or whose zeal has got the better of their discretion, as its worst enemies. I rejoice to hear that the young men who foolishly attempted the other day to ' boycott ' a tradesman who had declined to join the Early Closing Movement were in no way associated with the League, and I trust that no hesitation will be shown in expelling any whose conduct might endanger the popu- larity and ultimate success of the cause. Legislation regulating the hours of labour of adults will not be obtained without a severe constitutional struggle, and we must be careful that no unnecessary difficulties are raised. There already exist precedents for the regula- tion of the hours of adult labour in the ' Act to amend the Law for regulating the hours of receiving and delivering goods and chattels in Pawnbrokers' Shops,' which was passed in 1846, and in the Acts for closing Public 280 THE OVEBWOBKED SHOP-ASSISTANT Houses during the hours of Divine Service, and in the Sunday Closing Bills for Ireland and Cornwall ; and although it may be argued that these are restrictions made in the interest of the public rather than of the shopkeepers, they are still restrictions on adult labour and limitations as to hours of work. I am given to understand that the Government are under a promise to Lord Stanhope to bring in some Bill next session dealing with the question of early closing, 1 but it will probably be drawn up, unless I am greatly mistaken, on lines similar to that of Lord Stanhope, and will only refer to women, young persons, and children. Such restrictions do not commend themselves to the League. It would be foolish, however, in my opinion, for - the League to oppose such a Bill. It should be accepted as an instalment of justice. The discussion which must take place in and out 1 Never introduced. Sir John Lubbock has (I860) brought a Bill into the House of Commons. THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT 281 of Parliament before it could be passed would ventilate the subject, and within a very few years after the passing of such a Bill it would probably be found (in the interests of the women and children for whose relief the Government Bill was drafted) that it was necessary to pass a Supplementary Act in- cluding- men. The effect of passing a compul- sory closing Bill for women and young persons only w r ill be to throw out of employment many young women, as those shopkeepers who may be opposed to legislation and to the Early Closing Movement, in order to avoid coming under the operation of the law, will dismiss their female assistants and exclusively employ young men. Before any Bill, however, can be drafted, it will be necessary to take evidence from both employers and employed, and in such a work I trust that the League will take a prominent part. 1 Composed of 1 Very valuable evidence has been given by members of the League before a Committee of the House of Commons. 282 THE OVERWOKKED SHOP-ASSISTANT both employers and employed, it will be ad- mirably fitted to collect much reliable and useful information which would be invaluable to any Government or private Member of Parliament contemplating legislative action. The great questions of national health of body and mind and of national morality are mixed up in this matter of early closing. Bodily ex- haustion is unfavourable to the exercise of self- control. It engenders a feverish condition of mind and body which craves for the stimulus and excitement of drink ; drink is apt to lead to debauchery ; evils which entail others in their train ; which ruin their victims body and soul, and are the fruitful source of crowded workhouses, lunatic asylums, penitentiaries, and gaols, and lead to increased expenditure of public money, expenditure which in its turn becomes the ruin of many an honest but struggling ratepayer. It has been well said that 'if mankind in the present day were strictly to adhere to those practices which pro- THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT 283 mote the health and well-being of their minds and bodies, and as strictly to abstain from those which tend to injure them, there would be little or no cause to complain that our race is degenerating, and that the men of modern days scarcely possess the sixth part of the strength of their forefathers.' 284 THE CAUSE OF THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT, II. THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' Nineteenth Century ' of October 1882. THE Bill for the limitation of the hours during which shops and warehouses may be open for the sale of textile fabrics and articles of wearing apparel where young women and ' young persons ' are employed, and which was introduced by Earl Stanhope into the House of Lords this session (1882), is a laudable attempt to alleviate the undoubted sufferings of thou- sands of young women who are at present the victims of the long hours of labour need- lessly entailed on them by the action of trade competition, the mutual jealousy and THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 285 love of greed of employers, and the thought- lessness of the public. The subject of long hours of labour is closely connected with another which has already found a place in the pages of this Eeview namely, that of the ' Health and Physique of our City Populations.' The young woman who is kept continuously at work behind a counter for fourteen or sixteen hours out of the twenty-four, with only twenty minutes' interval for dinner and fifteen for tea, and who, under pain of dismissal, is forbidden to sit down during these long hours, can scarcely be expected to develop into the healthy mother of healthy children ; and yet these are the conditions under which thousands of women, the future mothers of future Englishmen, are wasting young lives which, under more favourable circumstances, might have been productive of happiness and blessings to themselves and to their children. Close rooms, vitiated air, want 286 THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT of proper exercise, and confinement, hurried and interrupted meals, often added to badly cooked food and unventilated sleeping-rooms, will tell upon all but the strongest constitu- tions. It is no wonder, then, that they who go in and out amongst these young women have sad tales to tell of insanity, consumption, bronchial affections, chronic dyspepsia, and other maladies taking hold of constitutions which at their age should be free from such maladies, and would be, had these young women remained in their country homes, and not been tempted by the fas- cinating idea of becoming * young ladies ' in some fashionable London shop. The fashionable-shop idea is usually found to be not quite so easy of realisation as at iirst imagined, and the silly girl is thankful before long to accept service on any terms in some very unfashionable bar or tobacconist's shop in some quarter of the town not particularly famous for its aristocratic connections. THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 287 Lord Stanhope quoted in the House of Lords extracts from a letter by a lady belonging to the Girls' Friendly Society an association of ladies and working girls established for the purpose of befriending and protecting the young of their own sex. This lady, who has taken an active interest in the class of young women which Lord Stanhope's Bill was intended to benefit, gives the following interesting account of how the question of long hours of work was first forcibly brought to her notice : On a hot night in the beginning of June, about 10.30 P.M., my servant came into the drawing-room, saying there was a young woman asking if she might speak to me. Going at once to see her, I found one of the members of the Girls' Friendly Society (a bright stylish girl from one of the shops in the neighbourhood). Poor child! she looked ready to drop, and after my insisting on her sitting down, she said, ' I made bold to come and see you to-night, for I knew you cared for us, and oh ! do you think the Girls' Friendly Society could do any- thing to get us shop-assistants shorter hours ? It is 288 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT not only for myself I care, but for the younger ones these hours are ruining them, body and soul. We all went into business at a quarter to eight this morning, and it was exactly a quarter past ten when I came out fourteen hours and a half on our feet ! ' We may only sit down for twenty minutes for dinner, and fifteen minutes for tea, and to-day I was interrupted "to go and serve customers " three times from dinner, and twice from tea ! ' This interview, and all she told me of their life and ways the ex- pedients to which they are driven to keep themselves up, to brighten their eyes, and to do without food, { which is often so badly cooked and served we cannot eat it ' made a deep impression on me, and I deter- mined to verify if possible the statements. I found the shop in which she worked bears a high character. There are some twelve or fourteen young women, and the master seems a kind man. But ' we must keep open as late as the others, or we should lose our customers,' is his plea. Since then it has been my lot to correspond and confer with ladies interested in this class in all parts of England, and all I have learnt has made me very anxious some Bill might be passed for the shop-assist- ants in the same way as the Factory Act, for though in our small provincial towns the hours are not very long, in many places, such as Liverpool, Manchester, and Bristol, they are quite as bad as in London. TIIE EABLY CLOSING MOVEMENT It is not in the West-End or even City house?, but in such places as Islington, Newington, the Borough, Wandsworth, Walworth, Clapham Junction, in each of which places I know individual girls working in shops where the rule is from 8 A.M. to 10 P.M. every day and on Saturdays, and when stock-taking (which they seem to do twice a year), to 11 and 11.30 P.M. In these places there are thousands of girls employed as shop-assistants. Only a month ago one of these was laid up at the ' Lodge ' by an illness entirely brought on by over long standing, and when the doctor told her if she went back her health would be irrecoverably ruined, she said, ' I must go back, for what else can I do? Oh ! I wish there could be a law to take care of us ! ' Poor child ! She was an orphan, and this work was her daily bread. Another, who came on a Saturday to rest t?ll Monday, suffered so much from her feet that the matron had to ait her loots off! Two, almost worn out, literally crawled into the ' Recreation Room ' about 10 o'clock from a shop close by, and on the matron asking them why they came out when so weary, answered, ' We knew you would give us a cup of hot tea and let us rest ; and we need not be in till twelve ; the others are going for a walk.' Does not this result of late hours seem all too U 290 THE EARLY CLOSING- MOVEMENT terrible? The only time for a walk between 10 and 12 P.M., and that, too, when heated, excited, and overstrained! and some are very young, many but fourteen! Surely if the House of Lords do but realise the issues at stake, in the common cause of humanity they will support Lord Stanhope's Bill ? Sometimes in talking to my girls I laughingly ask them why they do not strike surely, if there are 300,000 shop-assistants in London, they could make themselves felt; but they are far too fright- ened. If they show they are dissatisfied, or even look anything but happy and smiling, they are dis- missed. For alas ! the supply is even greater than the demand. On Saturday night, my brother, who is a clergyman, and happened to be staying here, took me to see for myself how late the shops are open. We went about ten o'clock into one where some of my young people work, and he had some conversation with the master, who chanced to be standing about ; he said how much he wished he could close earlier, for the expenses, gas, labour, all was more than his profit, only he dared not close when others were open! I heard on Sunday that shop closed at a quarter to twelve the night before ! Here is evidence of overwork the truth of which, coming as it does from a lady intimately THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 291 acquainted with the lives of these young women, is beyond all doubt. But, indeed, we do not require in this matter the evidence of experts; we have only to use our own eyes. The scandal is one which is open, acknowledged on all hands, universally deplored. The very shopkeepers who keep these young women for so many hours in bondage deplore the necessity of it, and usually respond in the affirmative when requested by such a Society as the Early Closing Association to sign a memorial requesting their fellow shop-owners to close at a more reasonable hour than is customary; but the competition between shop and shop is so sharp that, if but a small mi- nority hold aloof and insist on a late trade, the majority feel themselves, rightly or wrongly, obliged to yield for fear of losing their cus- tomers. Whether this result would really follow a bolder and more independent line of action on the part of the majority may well be doubted ; but the fact remains that a small, u2 292 THE EAKLY CLOSING MOVEMENT sometimes infinitesimally small, minority is able in a given neighbourhood to checkmate the wishes of the vast majority of traders, and to doom thousands of young men and women to a bondage hurtful to mind and body. Lord Stanhope brought forward in support of his Bill the evidence of several Government inspectors, who, in their reports, had deplored the sufferings to which these young people were unnecessarily exposed, and who advo- cated legislative action as the only remedy likely to prove effective. In the debate which followed the introduction of the Bill, all the speakers (including Lord Kosebery on behalf of the Government), the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Earl of Aberdeen, the Duke of Somerset, and Earl Fortescue, spoke in favour of the principle of the Bill, and consequently in favour of legislation of some kind ; but doubts were expressed whether the Bill as drafted would be practically efficacious, and whether legislation exclusively for women and young THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 293 persons might not have an injurious effect on their employment. The absence also of pro- visions in the Bill for the prosecution and punishment of offenders excited just criticism, and the House was evidently relieved when Lord Stanhope, on the advice of Lord Shaftes- bury, consented to withdraw the Bill, and to bring in next session a more complete and better-considered measure. 1 The public, whilst grateful to Lord Stan- hope for having brought to the notice of the House of Lords and the country the sufferings of a large class of useful members of society, will probably rejoice that no hasty legislation was attempted this year. 2 Before next session there will be ample time to collect informa- tion to gauge the opinion of those classes most directly interested in the matter, and to perfect a scheme of legislation which may 1 This Bill was not brought in again by Lord Stanhope. 2 Sir John Lubbock's Bill for the compulsory closing ot houses cf business was brought into the House of Commons in the session of 188o. 294 THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT prove a real remedy for the present evils, and may meet with the hearty welcome and co- operation of both employers and employed. Without the good-will and support of both these important classes legislation would be most difficult, and would probably prove a failure. To the success, also, of any legisla- tion for the closing of houses of business at an earlier hour in the evening than is usual at present, it is necessary that the general public should be taken into confidence, should be shown the hardships which the practice of late shopping entails upon both shop-owners and assistants, and that their sympathies should be enlisted in support of any contem- plated legislation. The Early Closing Association, which lias been at work for many years, and which, with the assistance of the Duchess of Sutherland and other influential ladies, was instrumental in establishing the much-appreciated Saturday half-holiday (which has now taken firm root THE EAKLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 295 in the land, and without which our volunteer army could scarcely exist), has also done good work in bringing about in the West-End of London and in the City a much better state of things than existed not many years ago ; but although the Association can boast of success in the provinces, and in certain dis- tricts of London, the mass of the metropolis is still given over to late hours and all its attendant evils. This fact has led many to believe that nothing short of legislation will ever effectually grapple with the difficulty, and has called into existence a new Associa- tion, bearing the name of the Shop- Assist- ants' Labour League. 1 This organisation, which is only in its infancy, is composed of shop-owners and shop-assistants, who, per- ceiving that their interests in the matter of early closing are identical, have wisely com- bined for the purpose of obtaining legislative 1 Since reorganised under the title of the Shop Hours Reform League. 296 THE E1BLY CLOSING MOVEMENT prohibition of long hours of trade labour. Several crowded meetings have been held by this Association and by similar organisations in London, Liverpool, Glasgow, and Dublin, and it was at the request of the Liverpool organisation that Lord Stanhope brought forward his Bill. Whilst Lord Stanhope is desirous of legislating only on behalf of women and young persons, the shop-owners and shop- assistants themselves, as represented by the Shop-Assistants' Labour League, are content Avith no such restriction, but desire compulsory legislation in the interest of both sexes. The Early Closing Association, on the other hand, deprecates legislative interference with labour, either female or male, and, notwithstanding past discouragements, is still willing to put its trust in the power of a slowly growing public opinion. Although there are differ- ences of opinion regarding the measures which would be most likely to lead to a general early closing of shops and ware- THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 297 houses, all seem to be agreed that the hours during which shop-assistants are kept at work are excessive, injurious to health, destructive of spiritual and mental vigour, and should be shortened. Between these conflicting views the public will have ulti- mately to decide. It is well, therefore, that it should clearly understand the subject upon which it will shortly be called upon to give an opinion. The shop-assistant population is estimated at some 320,000 : about equal to the population of Leeds, and larger than that of Edinburgh and Newcastle. Notwith- standing all Factory and Workshop Acts, notwithstanding the active and benevolent exertions of the Early Closing Association for the last thirty years, according to the last report of this Society ' there are still in London alone no less than 30,000 shops, employing about 100,000 assistants, who work continually twelve, thirteen, and fourteen hours a day, without any oppor- 298 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT tunity for relaxation ; and the same state of things prevails in other towns. Tims very large numbers of persons are yet slaves to the system which has already slain its tens of thousands, and are debarred the op- portunity of lieathful exercise, of mental im- provement, and of religious training. Behind unnumbered counters, and in countless work- shops and workrooms secluded from public gaze, they toil through the midnight hours, and often, slaving through the whole week, are driven by the assumed necessities of their avocation to work far into the Sunday morn- ing ere their week's labour is closed.' . But some will say, How can this be the case? Has not Parliament passed Factory Act on Factory Act, and Workshop Act on Workshop Act ? We thought legisla- tion, on behalf of women and children at all events, had been carried to such a point that it would be impossible for any employer to overwork them and yet escape being THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT 299 caught in the toils of one of the numerous Acts relating to employment of women. The answer to these remarks is that the Factory Act of 1878 limits the hours of labour to twelve hours on ordinary weekdays, from six in the morning to six at night, or from seven in the morning to seven at night, and to eight hours on Saturdays, with inter- vals for meals of one hour and a half on the former, and half an hour on the latter, only to children, ' young persons,' and women in non-textile factories and in workshops ; it only refers to women in addition to children and ' young persons ' when the latter are em- ployed in them. In workshops where there are no children or young persons, women may be employed for fifteen hours, though they may not be actually engaged in work for any longer number of hours than eleven, the hour of closing on ordinary weekdays being at nine instead of six. The words of the Act are : 300 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT In a workshop wliicli is conducted on the system of not employing therein either children or young persons (a) The period of employment for a woman shall, except on Saturday, begin at six o'clock in the morning, and end at nine o'clock in the evening, and shall on Saturday begin at six o'clock in the morning, and end at four o'clock in the afternoon ; and (/>) There shall be allowed to a woman for meals and absence from work during the employment not less, except on Saturday, than four hours and a half; and on Saturday than two hours and a half. Thus, both women and ' young persons ' may be legally employed for twelve hours a day, with one hour and a half for meals, and women alone may be employed for fifteen hours with four and a half hours for meals, whilst the workshops in which the latter are employed need not be closed before nine o'clock at night. Many persons will think that the law is too lenient in permitting the employment of women for so long a period as eleven hours of actual labour, but THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 301 it should be widely known that even this limited amount of protection is beyond the reach of the majority of female shop-assist- ants. Lord Stanhope's clients are as a rule employed in neither factories nor ' workshops ' as defined by this Act, and are therefore entirely unprotected by law. The expres- sion ' workshop ' in the Act of 1878 is thus defined : Any premises, room, or place, not being a factory within the meaning of this Act, in which premises, room, or place, or within the close, or curtilage, or precincts of which premises, any manual labour is exercised by way of trade or for purposes of gain, in or incidental to the following purposes or any of them, that is to say: (a) in or incidental to the making of any article or of part of any article ; (/>) in or incidental to the altering, repairing, ornamenting, or finishing of any article ; or (c) in or incidental to the adapting for sale of any article, and to which or over which premise?, room, or place, the employer of the persons working therein has the right of access or control. 302 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT The ordinary business of a female shop- assistant would therefore not come under this Act, for she is not engaged in the manu- facture of any article, but only in retailing it ; nor would the large class of barmaids and attendants at places of refreshment, whose hours are peculiarly long, come under the protection of this Act. AYith respect to this class the Early Closing Association state that ' it has been ascertained from un- doubted testimony that the female assistants serving at some of these bars are kept at work from 7 A.M. to 10 P.M., or from 7 A.M. to 1 A.M. on alternate days, with very short intervals for meals,' thus working one day fifteen hours and the next eighteen hours out of the twenty-four. These hours remind us of the long hours of labour of the journey- men bakers brought to light by Dr. Guy in his * Contributions to Sanitary Science,' l where 1 The Case of the Journeymen Bakers. By Dr. Guy. Henry Renshaw, 35G Strand. THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 303 lie gives a few of the answers to the questions he addressed to the operative bakers who sought his advice at the Hospital. Some of these poor men were actually worked sixty- two hours on a stretch, night and day, and after ten hours had to begin work again ! Since Dr. Guy's pamphlet was written, legis- lation has happily limited the hours of work of youths under eighteen years of age in this particular trade, and it is to be hoped that, owing to the disclosures which were then made, these excessive hours of labour, even for adult males, no longer exist, though in all probability they are still lengthy. But to return to the classes with which we are more immediately concerned, it will be apparent that their present situation is one which satis- fies neither Lord Stanhope, the Early Closing Association, the Shop-Assistants' Labour League, nor indeed, we may safely add, the British public. No doubt the case of the female attendants at bars and restaurants is 304 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVK.MKM an exceptional one : eighteen hours' consecu- tive labour is not the rule in other trades, nor even, should we hope, in all bars ; but that it should be possible for a young girl to l>e worked on alternate days for the entire week for fifteen and eighteen hours a day, and that from year's end to year's end, proves that some reform in these matters is needed. \\V have heard lately of very much longer hour* than these, during which men are kept ;it a work which requires the coolest brain and the steadiest nerve, men upon whose vigilance and clear-headedness the lives of thousands are daily depending namely, railway servants ; we have also heard, and are daily hearing, what comes of overwork, and some of us have been made to pay dearly, by loss of life or limb, or of dear friends, for this wroii'j done to our fellow-men. There is no wrong without its retributive action, and we may be sure that in the matter of the overworked, whether in the case of railway THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 305 journeymen bakers, or barmaids, and indeed of all that class of the overdriven and the underpaid which Carlyle designates as 'poor slaves,' we shall as a nation not escape un punished. Our Nemesis may be halting in gait, and she may come in disguise ; but she will overtake us none the less, and every hour and every day that we allow this grievous wrong to continue we shall be running up a score of reckoning against ourselves of which we little reck, and which will be presented for payment at a time we little imagine. But leaving these abnormally long hours, which even the most ultra disciple of the doctrine of laiss&s faire would hardly attempt to justify the very recital of which is apt to make us feel that Darwin is not far wrong, and that some of us are in nature nearer the jellyfish, with its cold conscienceless existence, than many of us believe leaving these terribly long hours of labour, we have only to use our eyes in order to discover that the majority of X 306 THE EARLY CLOSING- MOVEMENT shops in London do not close before nine or ten at night, and that thus the assistants are kept at work for thirteen, fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen hours out of the twenty-four. This being the present situation (an emi- nently unsatisfactory one), let us hear what Lord Stanhope, the early Closing Associa- tion, and the Shop- Assistants' Labour League have to say on the subject. The peer, as is his due, shall have pre- cedence. His speech, having been duly de- livered, reported in the newspapers, read, and criticised, need not be repeated here. It will be sufficient for our purpose to read the text of his Bill, which, happily for us, is a short one too short, said some of his critics in the House of Lords. Here it is : Whereas by reason, of the present labour in shops and warehouses for the sale of textile fabrics and articles of wearing apparel, many women and young persons are grievously injured in health : Be it enacted by the Queen's Most Excellent THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 307 Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same as follows : 1. This Act may be cited as the Shop Hours Eegulation Act, 1882. 2. On and after the first day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-three, it shall not be lawful for any shop or warehouse for the sale of textile fabrics and articles of wearing apparel, where women and young persons are employed, to be open for more than ten hours in each day. 3. ' Women ' and ' young children ' shall have the same significance in the Act as in the Factory and Workshops Act, 1878. 4. To meet the exigencies of the season trade, permission may be granted by the Secretary of State for the Home Department for an extension of time to any establishment making an application therefor, but such extension shall not exceed sixty days in each year, nor be for more than two hours in each of said days, and the employers receiving permission for each extension must forward an intimation to the Home Office each night the extension is taken advantage of. The substance of the debate which fol- x2 308 THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT lowed the introduction of this Bill has already been given ; and finally, as previously stated, the Bill was withdrawn, in deference to a very general expression of opinion that a more complete measure should be introduced next session. In contrast to the views held by Lord Stanhope, the Early Closing Association in 1874, on the last occasion that the subject of legislation on behalf of shop-assistants was brought to its notice, reported as follows : Although the Board of Management are pre- pared to consider any well-devised project for legis- lating on the subject of early closing, thus far they see no reason to depart from their reliance on that mode of operation which has achieved such valuable results in the past a method which has conferred inestimable benefits on multitudes, without giving any one reason to complain of coercion or injury. Whether the Bill which is to be intro- duced next year will be considered a suffi- ciently ' well-devised project ' to merit their THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 309 consideration remains to be seen. But al- though they differ from Lord Stanhope and his friends as regards the best mode of dealing with the question of late hours, they entirely corroborate all his statements relating to the facts of the case and the gravity of the evil. In a circular issued to the ministers of re- ligion in the metropolis they say : On the ordinary days of the week the shops are kept open, except in comparatively few cases, till nine or ten o'clock, and on Saturdays till midnight, and thus the assistants are kept at work for thirteen, fourteen, or sixteen hours out of the twenty-four. The physical evils produced by this system are in- tensified by the vitiated atmosphere of the shops, the inadequate time allowed for meals, and by the circumstance which particularly affects young women that no rest is obtainable during the hours of business. These protracted hours of labour, and the attend- ant circumstances, produce weariness and exhaus- tion, impaired health, and in many cases premature death. The effect upon the moral and mental conditions of the assistants is equally disastrous. They have 310 THE EAKLY CLOSING MOVEMENT no time which they can apply to their own advan- tage and improvement, to intellectual pursuits, or to any benevolent or Christian work, and by the lengthened labour on Saturday nights the proper observance of the Sunday must be seriously inter- fered with. The state of things we have thus briefly de- scribed prevails in every part of London and the suburbs. The Association has done much in alleviating the evil, but much remains to be done, and the growth of the metropolis, as well as the keen com- petition amongst tradesmen, place enormous ob- stacles in our path. Again, in a circular addressed to retail employers, the following words are used : As the winter season is again approaching, we feel it incumbent upon us to direct attention once more to the importance of securing, if possible, an earlier closing of the shops in your neighbourhood, and thus lessening the inconveniences and hardships inflicted upon both employers and assistants by the present system of late hours. We fully appreciate the difficulties which beset this question, but we feel assured, from past expe- THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT 311 rience, that they are not insuperable, and that if we can secure the hearty co-operation of the employers, a great and beneficial change might very soon be brought about. From our communications with the firms in all parts of the metropolis, we find that all are agreed in denouncing the present protracted hours as both unreasonable and unnecessary. We feel sure also that public opinion concurs in this, and that purchasers would willingly acquiesce in a better system, and would readily accommodate themselves to earlier hours of shopping. The question is therefore really in the hands of the employers. If the present unwillingness to co-operate as regards the hours of closing could be put aside, combinations might be formed which would settle this matter to the satisfaction of all parties. The Association gives the following inter- esting account of its origin, and of the work which it has set itself to accomplish : The Early Closing Association has been in exist- ence for more than thirty years. It originated in a very small beginning, having nothing in its aspect to foretell its future success. But it had its seat in 312 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT a few earnest hearts, strong in their consciousness of right, and in their hatred of injustice and wrong, and ever content to oppose fortitude to defeat, per- severance to opposition, and to rise unsubdued from every apparent overthrow to renewed exertions well knowing that what they had resolved to accom- plish was but a deed of righteousness towards God and their fellow-creatures. Experience has shown that they were right in the objects they held in view, and the mode of action they adopted. Re- garded at first as dreaming Utopians or agitating malcontents, they overcame suspicion and distrust by the exercise of candour and conciliation. By degrees it became manifest that, while they laboured to free the servant from toils and exactions that enfeebled his body, crushed his spirit, and paralysed his mental faculties, they were also labouring, in an equal degree, to benefit the employers themselves. As might have been expected, some of the most intelligent employers in the metropolis were amongst the very first to appreciate the true philosophy of the movement by the recognition of this fact ; and it is very much to their countenance, and liberal support and co-operation, that the subsequent pro- gress of the movement is due. Previous to the existence of this Society, the destructive and fatal effects of immoderately pro- THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 313 longed labour upon the bodily and mental constitu- tion were practically known only to the victims of the system which enforced it. The evil, which was one of comparatively modern growth, had gone on unchecked, and increasing in oppressiveness, from the beginning of the second quarter of the present century. In 1800 the largest shop in London a haberdasher's only employed sixteen persons on the premises. By the year 1825 the development of the present class of large houses had commenced. From causes connected with the gradual breaking down of the divisions of textile trade maintained by the ancient City Guilds, the invention of improved machinery, and the opening up of the American cotton-fields, the discovery of gas and of the motive power of steam, the hours of toil and the sharpness of competition had gradually increased. Formerly the apprentices and trade assistants of London were noted for their vigorous and healthy frames, independent bearing, and fondness for athletic exercises ; but the gradual substitution of a class of paid assistants for the more domestic relations of a past age inflicted untold hardships upon these employes. Twelve hours a day, includ- ing two hours for meals and relaxation or ten hours of work is, by prescription and old custom, all that a master is entitled to in return for a day's 314 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT wages. Such was the law of labour for centuries, and it is still so with agricultural labourers and operatives. But, in our cities, and more especially in the capital, this just custom has been gradually set aside, until its violation had become the rule, and its observance the exception. In 1800, nine o'clock, the ideal hour of closing recommended in Defoe's 'Complete British Tradesman,' had been exceeded. The twelve hours first became thirteen, then fourteen, and so on, until the only limit to labour was the power of endurance on the part of the servant ; in fact, the custom fast changed into one decreeing the maximum of exertion as the minimum of service. Such, we are sorry to say, is still the law practically in operation in numberless instances where men can be forced to submit to it. Fifteen, sixteen, and on Saturday even longer hours of unremitting toil became no uncommon lot for either shopman or journeyman and often the entire Sunday had to be sacrificed as well. The results of this tyrannous sacrifice to the Moloch of business were mostly hideous and deadly. Multi- tudes fell victims to it, and no man heeded then- fall. They languished on sick beds they returned home, broken in constitution and spirits, to be supported by parents and relatives they died in hospitals, or, worse still, they lingered in madhouses and lunatic asylums. These facts, and others such THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 315 as these, the Early Closing Association brought into the light of day. When their startling revelations were first made, the public could not credit them ; they shrank from the recognition of such a state of affairs, and needed corroborative testimony. That testimony the Society produced in overwhelming force it was not the testimony of individuals, but of multitudes not of the parties personally inter- ested alone, but of philanthropists and men of science, ministers of religion and members of the faculty, who made rigid investigations in reference to the startling facts alleged, and, finding them true, boldly published the truth to the world. It was against this system, thus fatal and ruinous in its effects, that the Society commenced its labours. For many years it has worked unweariedly, in behalf not only of those who fight the battle of life at odds against capital and circumstances, but in behalf of capital- ists and employers themselves, whose true interests are, as the labours of the Society have proved, bound up with, and inseparable from, those of the em- ployed. Amid much success, the managers of the Society feel that a large portion of the work has yet to be done. It has been estimated by eminent medical men that 1,000 lives are sacrificed annually, in London alone, to overwork, and that 3,000 or 4.000 more shop-assistants go back home to die. 316 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT It will be seen, therefore, that the Early Closing Association and Lord Stanhope are equally impressed with the gravity of the evils attendant on long hours of labour. The Association also recognises the fact that none are more to blame than the working classes in this matter of late shopping, and that it is most desirable that it should be explained to them how much unnecessary suffering they are thus entailing on their fellow-labourers ; that although working-men, being employed all day, may be unable to make their purchases at an earlier hour, still their wives are at liberty to buy whenever they choose ; and that late hours, in working-class districts, are more owing to force of habit than necessity. It was considered that the best way to approach the working classes would be through their clubs. A deputation from the Board therefore, we are informed, attended two meetings of working-class delegates at the offices of the Working-Men's Club and THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 317 Institute Union, and fully stated their case, obtaining the hearty approval of the delegates. The Early Closing Association complain that it is not ad-aquately supported by the class it desires to benefit. The Early Closing Association, working for the whole metropolis, and giving advice and assistance to applicants in all parts of the kingdom, has, within a quarter of a century, brought about an enormous change in the condition of many thou- sands of shop-assistants, while supported by less than a tenth part of those whom it has benefited. In many provincial towns local associations have effected their purpose; and it is a notorious fact that along the whole line the Early Closing Associa- tion is supported, not by the bulk of the assistants, but by the employers and the few assistants who form the exception to the rule that the majority of their fellows are sunk in senseless apathy in regard to the question of early closing, or if they do feel any interest in it move neither hand nor foot for themselves, but cry to others for help. Shop-assistants (grocers', and others) have alike immense power to help themselves if they would only use it. Let them grapple with their grievance 318 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT as other classes have done. They have not to fight such a battle for shorter hours as the artisans fought. In their case there need be no antagonism whatever between employers and employed, for the vast majority of employers, and a sympathetic public, are on their side. The artisan paid his eightpence or shilling per week to the short-hours movement. The assistant need only pay one penny. This sum contributed by assistants in all trades would produce a sum (40,OOOL per annum in London alone) suffi- cient to sweep the late-closing system from every corner of the kingdom. On the other hand, the employes, as re- presented by the Shop-Assistants' Labour League, assert that their reason for holding aloof from the Early Closing Association is that they despair of reform being brought about by moral persuasion. They point to the comparatively small result (as it appears in their eyes) which, after thirty years' labour, the Association can show ; and they claim for themselves the liberty of agitating for what they believe to be, under the circumstances, the only effectual remedy namely, legislative THE EAKLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 319 restriction. It is asserted that, taking into consideration the increase in the number of shops within the metropolitan area during the last fifty years, the number of victims to over- work and long hours is greater than it was at the commencement of that period ; and, in their own words, that the moral suasion system lias been tried over and over again, and lias proved delusive and worthless. In fact it has signally failed times out of number. It has been tried, and found that in any given district the shops have been kept open to late hours by the stupidity of a factious minority or majority of traders. This proves the utter fallacy and abor- tiveness of moral suasion to cope with this evil. Three hundred thousand shopkeepers have a right to ask the Legislature to step in and protect those who are, from a variety of causes, unable to protect themselves. The evil can only be cured by Act of Parliament. Much of the social and moral evil and degradation which pervade London is markedly due to the long hours of labour young men and ladies undergo in shops. Coming as they do from quiet healthy country homes, and penned up in fetid atmospheres they long for liberty, and very 320 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT often grow weary of their bondage, and throw up in despair and disgust (especially the young ladies) their situations. Some of the greatest wrecks and waifs (male and female) in this great sink of London were once in shops, and, but for the want of healthier recreation of mind and body, might have been filling useful and lucrative and honourable positions. The Shop-Assistants' Labour League have been entreated to act on the Trades Union plan, and have refused great offers of help, simply because we (sic) hold that Trades Unions may be a means to an end ; it (sic} has its few good point*, but also very bad ones. ... A strike of shop- assistants, even in London, would be a terrible calamity, and would almost, if not entirely, stop the trade of the world. Such are the arguments in favour of legis- lative action put forward by the League. It claims the support and sympathy expressed in writing of many eminent statesmen, philan- thropists, and medical men, but it does not appear clear that these are more than simple declarations of sympathy, and need not neces- sarily imply in all cases approval of the course THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 321 of legislation which the League advocates. Amongst these may be mentioned the Earl of Shaftesbury, Earl Cairns, Mr. Gladstone, Cardinal Manning, Mr. Fawcett, Sir William Gull, Dr. Eichardson, Dr. Norman Kerr, and many other men of note. 1 The Shop-Assistants' Labour League, al- though only started in June of 1881 and carried on without capital by men who are themselves the victims of these long hours, and have only one day in the week on which they can meet namely, Sunday and are therefore forced to sacrifice their hard-earned Sunday's rest for the purpose of endeavour- ing to emancipate themselves from this heavy bondage, numbers already 350, of whom sixty 2 1 Alas ! Since the above was written many of these eminent men have died (1886). 2 The Shop Hours Reform League (1886) is now a numer- ous and powerful body, and receives the support of repre- sentative men like Sir John Lubbock, Cardinal Manning, the Right.IIon. O. Morgan, and the Right Hon. H. Broadhurst, &c., who lately spoke in its favour at a banquet of 800 traders held in St. James's Hall. 322 THE EAKLY CLOSING MOVEMENT are employers of labour. It has held over twenty public meetings in different parts of London. Only on one occasion was there any opposition, and that proceeded from a single individual an employer, whose men were found to be at work at the very hour 10.2-5 P.M. at which he was speaking in opposition to the movement. This incident, therefore, only tended to strengthen the cause of the tf League. On all other occasions there was not even an attempt at opposition, and the following resolution was invariably carried nemine contradicente : That the very long hours of labour from wliich shop-assistants suffer, twelve to seventeen hours a day, is highly detrimental to the moral, social, and physical welfare of those who are in shops, and that nothing short of Parliamentary relief can cure the evil. The League assert that the drapers and pawnbrokers employ their assistants for the shortest number of hours, usually from eight THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT 323 to eight, or eight to nine or half-past ; whilst the longest hours, from seven A.M. till nine, ten, eleven, twelve, and half-past twelve, are kept by grocers, cheesemongers, jewellers, clothiers, tailors, publicans, hatters, shoe- makers, stationers, butchers, fruiterers, green- grocers, chemists (very long), coffee-palace and restaurant managers, and tobacconists. Finally they say that nine-tenths of the fallen women of the metropolis have at one time or another of their lives been shop-assistants, and have been driven to prostitution owing to the confinement, long hours, and monotony of their labour. We have now heard the statements of those who profess to have studied the subject, and it rests with the reader, after sifting the chaff from the wheat, and giving the subject his best consideration, to arrive ut the justest conclusion of which he is capable. Having so decided, let him endeavour to give effect to this decision by influencing his neighbours, T2 324 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT and thus assist in some small degree to build up that public opinion which must ultimately influence the decision of Parliament. We should remember that the question which is submitted to our decision is no light one. We are called upon to be jurymen in no in- significant cause. The health, the happiness, and the lives of some 300,000 of our fellow- creatures are at stake. The slaves of the West Indies were emancipated at a cost to the nation of 20,000,000/. This large sum was considered as of no account when weighed in the balance against the freedom and happiness of the emancipated. The statesmen of those days did not say, We will leave the question to be settled by the progressive civilising force of public opinion some century hence ; or, We will liberate the children and ' young persons ' ; or, We will liberate the women and children, but we cannot so far violate the principles of political economy as to interfere with the labour of man. And if some should answer, THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT 325 ' Yes, but these West Indian slaves were not free agents ; they were compelled to labour, and could not escape from their masters ! ' it may very fairly be asked in return, 'Are these shop-assistants free agents ? Are they not, by the pressure of competition and of want, driven to labour whether they will or no, on whatever terms their masters choose to impose ; and have they any more chance of escape from their thraldom than the negroes had ? ' The negro might have exercised his free will and have refused to work, and he would probably have died under the lash ; the shop-assistant may refuse to labour, and he may if he choose die of starvation or in the workhouse. It is useless to say he could change his employment. He can no more do so than the slave could. All trades similar to that of a shop-assistant are filled to repletion. It would be impossible for a clerk or shop-assistant suddenly to turn navvy, labourer, or artisan, even were he permitted to do so by the trades 326 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT union societies, for he would lack the necessary strength, experience, and knowledge. A man or a woman once embarked on a career in this over-populated country can rarely change ; for better or for worse the choice of a trade or profession must be made in early life and adhered to. In new countries like America or the colonies it is otherwise. There the labour markets are not so over-stocked, and the labourer can make terms, and advantageous ones too, with his employer. Here he must accept such terms as are offered to him, and make the best of them. Since the passing of the Irish Land Act, Liberals at all events can no longer assert that their party principles necessitate a rigid ad- herence under all circumstances to the doctrine of freedom of contract. In dealing with Ire- land they have not allowed politico-economic dogmas to interfere with the measures of re- form which they considered necessary for the pacification of the country, although by vio- THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 327 lating these doctrines they have entailed severe loss and sufferings on large and influential classes. It is to be hoped that when the English shop-assistants come to plead in Par- liament for shorter hours of labour, they will not be met with the old reply that the principle of freedom of contract between man and man forbids the consideration of the subject. This argument can no longer with justice be employed. The Irish Land Bill was framed on the supposition that the tenant- farmers of Ireland were not free agents, and that therefore they were not in a position to contend for their rights on equal terms with their landlords. It was asserted that con- tract could not be said to exist in their case. Whether this argument was or was not based on just premises we will not here discuss. It will be enough for us to remark that the tenant-farmers of Ireland were sufficiently in- dependent to make their influence felt both by Parliament and by their landlords. That 328 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT whilst their representatives obstructed and for a whole session rendered nugatory all legislation in Parliament, in Ireland these same helpless tenant-farmers were able to refuse successfully all payment of rent, to forbid their landlords the enjoyment of sport on their own lands, to ' boycott ' them, to make their lives a burden to them, and finally, in some instances, to shoot them. The shop-assistants have only lately learnt the art of organisation. They have not as yet attempted to return special representative members to Parliament ; they have not struck work or attempted to intimidate or ' boycott ' their employers ; they have not adopted the practice of maiming animals or otherwise de- stroying the property of their masters ; and it is not as yet necessary even for the most tyrannical of the latter to go about armed under police protection. Whether this differ- ence in the action of the shop-assistants as compared with that of the practised organi- THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT 329 sers of the sister country will act detrimen- tally to the cause of the former, time alone will show. The shop-assistants are certainly as dependent on the good-will of their em- ployers for their daily bread as any Irish tenant-farmer ever was. Freedom of contract can no more be said to exist in their case tli an in that of the clients of Mr. Parnell ; for were the shop assistants to be so foolish as to strike to-morrow, double their number would come forward the clay after to fill their places ; and yet Parliament devotes day after dav, and session after session, to the consider- / 7 ation of the grievances of the latter, whilst the grievances of the former are scarcely heard of. If a rigid adherence to the supposed laws of political economy can be dispensed with in the one case, they certainly can, and ought to be, in the other. Seeing how successful agitation attended with violence has of late years proved itself to be in this country, we are tempted to inquire whether there can be 330 THE EARLY CLOSING MOVEMENT any connection between violence and success in the attainment of political objects. We trust not. It would be a sad day for England if such an idea were ever to take possession of the minds of the people, and yet it would appear from recent events as if there were cause for such fear. She would be considered but a bad mother who, yielding to the every whim of the violent and unruly of her children, yet denied justice to the obedient and long-suffering. She would cease to deserve the title of mother, and would rather merit that of step-mother. The chief and almost the only husiness of the Government is to take care that no man live idle, but that every one may follow his trade diligently ; yet they do not wear themselves out with perpetual toil from morning till night, as if they were beasts of burden, which as it is indeed a heavy slavery, so it is everywhere the common course of life amongst all the mechanics, except the Utopians ; but they, dividing the day and night into twenty-four hours, appoint six of these for work, three of which are THE EAELY CLOSING MOVEMENT 331 before dinner, and three after; they then sup, and at eight o'clock, counting from noon, go to bed, and sleep eight hours ; the rest of their time besides that taken up in work, eating, and sleeping, is left to every man's discretion ; yet they are not to abuse that interval to luxury and idleness, but must employ it in some proper exercise, according to their various inclinations, which is for the most part reading. Utopia ! cries the reader. Yes, you are right, it is Utopia ; and, perhaps, if the Government and Parliament of England were to endeavour by wise legislation to enable her to approach in condition somewhat nearer than at present to the ideal commonwealth imagined by the great Sir Thomas, this fair land of ours might become a happier place to some few millions of its poorer, and possibly also to some not insignificant fraction of its richer, inhabitants. 332 TEE CAUSE OF THE OVERWORKED SHOP-ASSISTANT, in. SIR JOHN LUBBOCK'S SHOP HOURS REGU- LATION BILL AND THE COMPULSORY CLOSING OF SHOPS. 1 SIR, Will you be so good as to permit me to make a few comments upon the Shop Hours Eegulation Bill, which has already evoked a somewhat considerable correspond- ence in the Times and other newspapers ? There seems to be a confusion of ideas in the minds of many persons as to the scope of the Bill, the objects of our movement, and the nature of the propositions which have not yet advanced beyond the stage of discussion. The 1 Copy of a letter sent to the Times by Mr. Sutherst, president of the Shop Hours Reform League. SHOP HOURS REGULATION BILL 333 Bill referred to the Select Committee over which Sir John Lubbock presides is of the most modest description, the cardinal provi- sion being a limitation of the employment of young persons in shops and warehouses to twelve a clay, under a penalty of one pound. The proposition is simply a mild extension of that beneficent principle which has already been acted upon for the protection of those who are unable to protect themselves. It is, of course, necessary in every case in which the aid of the State is invoked to prove something more than a sentimental grievance. This, I submit, has already been done. In the crowded parts of our large cities and towns the majority of boys and girls, of young men and women, are obliged to stand and work behind the counter for thirteen, fourteen, and up to fifteen hours a day. They have, as a rule, no half-holiday, their mealtimes are irregular and inadequate, and on a Saturday it is mid- night before they are released from the heated, 334 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK'S vitiated atmosphere of the shop. The boys and men feel these long hours acutely, but the long standing alone is a cruel torture to the girls and women, whose constitutions are speedily undermined by it. The summer months are near, the fields and parks are becoming attractive, and the young of all social grades will soon revel in outdoor sports and rural delights, but during the sweltering summer months the shop-assistant will be tied to the counter day in and day out. What opportunities are there of mental culture, social intercourse, or physical exercise, at nine and ten o'clock at night with a weary body and jaded mind ? Far better the dark- ness of winter than a summer's sun which merely intensifies the monotonous toil of the shop. I do not, of course, allude to shops in the fashionable quarters, but to the legions of retail establishments situated in populous localities. It is for the overworked majority I am anxious to appeal, and it is satisfactory SHOP HOURS REGULATION BILL 335 to know that employers are as anxious as their assistants to have a speedy remedy for a state of things which affects them almost as much as their employes. Yet there are men callous enough to allege before a Parliamen- tary Committee that these harsh conditions are not injurious to health. To refute such assertions I need only appeal to the evidence of medical men, the majority of whom declare ' that there is no more fruitful source of blighted health and early death by consump- tion and other diseases than the prolonged and late hours to which shopkeepers and their assistants are subjected.' Such testimony is, I take it, scarcely needed to convince those who know the facts. But on being driven from one point our opponents tenaciously seize another. They allege that if the Bill passes young persons will be thrown out of employ- ment, that retail establishments will be dis- organised, and that the measure will be a fruitful source of irritation and annoyance. I 336 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK'S reply, Nothing of the kind. It has already been proved that, as a rule, the services of young persons as beginners cannot be dis- pensed with ; that the seniors will not do the work of the juniors ; and that the difference in the wages between young persons and adults would operate in favour of those below eighteen years of age, and further, that the custom of boys and girls beginning work at thirteen and fourteen years of age would not be interfered with to any appreciable extent. But, not satisfied with these answers, such meaningless phrases as ' drastic interference with the liberty of the subject,' 'grandmotherly legislation,' and ' the curfew bell,' are dis- interred and paraded before the public in new garments in order to obscure their identity. But they are old and threadbare, having been marshalled against every measure intended for the protection of the health of the people. The inference reluct- antly forced upon my mind by the conduct of SHOP HOUKS REGULATION BILL 337 those who decry ameliorative legislation is not that they care for the welfare of those who are overworked, but that they are too solicitous for their own interests ; and desire, if necessary, to keep their establishments open the clock round, regardless of the con- sequences. Fortunately, however, such men are in a minority, and will, I trust, be speedily obliged to comply with the wishes of the more generous majority, for I cannot believe that the country will refuse to limit the hours of young persons to seventy-two or seventy-four per week, when ,the employment of those en- gaged in workrooms is limited by law to fifty- four hours a week, and when the consequences are of the serious nature already indicated. So much for the Bill as it stands. But it is urged that our proposal is too modest, and that we should pray Parliament to go further. In support of this view it should be remem- bered that there are probably about half a million adult women employed in shops who z 338 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK'S are wholly unprotected, whose physical powers are shamefully overtaxed, and who need legal protection quite as much as young persons. This surely concerns not only the women themselves, but, unless we are to become a race of degenerate dwarfs, it vit- ally affects future generations, and, indeed, the well-being of the nation at large. The employment of women engaged in millinery and dressmaking establishments is limited by law, and hence we have the strange anomaly of protected labour in the workroom upstairs and unprotected in the sale-room below. Xow, it seems to me that if it is right to protect women in one part of the building it cannot, cceteris paribus, be wrong to protect them in the other parts of the same building. Then, it may be said, why not extend the provisions of the present Bill to women ? Because w r e do not wish to run the risk of depriving them of an employment for which they are admirably suited, and because there is a remedy which SHOP HOUKS REGULATION BILL 339 will go to the root of the matter and protect all concerned. Different associations of traders have striven for nearly half a century to close shops by persuasion, but their efforts have invariably been thwarted by a small minority who refuse to accede to the wishes of the majority. The result, as a rule, has been failure, for it would be unreasonable to expect the majority to close, leaving the whole of the trade to be done by the minority. Eetail traders have, therefore, come to the conclusion that the sanction of law should be given to the will of a majority, so that there may be a general uniform hour of closing. This prin- ciple is roughly embodied in the following ' compulsory closing ' or ' local option ' clause which has been handed to Sir John Lubbock as a suggested amendment of the Bill : Every Town Council, Local Board, or other rural or urban authority (in the metropolis the Home Secretary) shall, upon receiving requisitions desiring the adoption of compulsory early closing or a general z 2 340 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK'S weekly half-holiday, and signed by two-thirds of the shopkeepers of each particular trade who are em- ployers of one or more assistants within the district, make by-laws compelling all shops, excepting fish and oyster shops, chemists' shops, coffee-houses, con- fectioners', eating-houses, fruit and vegetable shops, restaurants, tobacconists' shops, booksellers' and newsagents' shops, to close at the hour specified in the requisition, provided that no shops (except those exempted above) shall be open after eight of the clock on five days of the week, and ten of the clock on one day of the week, or on any day preceding a public holiday. In the excepted shops above men- tioned, and in bookstalls and public-houses, no young person shall be employed for a longer period than twelve hours a day. If an enactment on these lines can be secured early closing will speedily become universal, because the traders will not only .have the general hours of closing in their own hands, but it will be open to them to obtain, either in addition or separately, a weekly half- holiday on the least busy day of the week. We also propose, if possible, to prevent Sunday trading, which unfortunately prevails SHOP HOUES REGULATION BILL 341 to a lamentable extent, by increasing the pen- alty of live shillings to five pounds, so as to stamp out a system which is as unnecessary as it is degrading. The only objection there is to the suggested compulsory closing clause is that it coerces an unwilling minority, but surely it is a much sounder policy to allow a majority of two-thirds to coerce the other third than that the latter should continue to coerce the former as they do under existing circum- stances. But even if the proportions are re- versed, it is, I venture to submit, the duty of the State to interfere in every case in which the public health or morals are concerned, and in principle no better justification is needed for an enactment of this description than the health of upwards of a million per- sons engaged in the retail trade. I deplore meddling legislation as much as any one, but in this instance there is an unparalleled con- currence of favourable circumstances with an almost total absence of really valid opposing 342 S1E JOHN LUBBOCK'S arguments. The public are in favour of such a reform, and would not be at all inconve- nienced by it. Traders would do the same amount of business, with a diminution of working expenses. The hours (8 P.M. on five days, and 10 P.M. on Saturdays, with the option of a weekly half-holiday) are on the side of being too late rather than too early. The exemptions are more than sufficient to meet the public requirements. The Act would remain inoperative unless called into force by two-thirds of the traders themselves, and no one not employing one or more assist- ants would be affected. If, however, these considerations were not self-evident, the immense gain to traders and assistants alike, as well as to the community at large, would justify even a wider departure from the ordinary trammels of legislation. Parliament is a human institution whose functions are, among others, to remove anomalies and to promote the welfare of every section of the SHOP HOUES REGULATION BILL 343 community, even at the risk of inconveniencing or irritating a refractory minority, for, I hold, there is no social transformation so great that the representatives of the people would not be justified in effecting if it could be clearly shown to be for the good of the people as a whole. This problem has already been solved by the Legislative Assembly of Victoria. An Act came into operation last month of which the following are the chief provisions with regard to the closing of shops : All shops other than those of the kinds specified in the Third Schedule hereto [which are those exempted in the clause we propose to add to our Bill as given above], and other than such as may be licensed to remain open at night under any by-law made under the authority of this Act, shall be closed on each and every evening of the week, except Saturday, at the hour of seven of the clock, and on Saturday evening at the hour of ten of the clock. Provided that on the day immediately preceding any public holiday any such shop may be kept open until ten of the clock in the evening. 344 SIR JOHN LUBBOCK'S Any municipal council may, if it think fit, from time to time, make, alter, and repeal by-laws in and for the municipality for all or any of the following purposes : The limiting the hours during which shops men- tioned in the Third Schedule hereto may be kept open ; but no by-law shall be made limiting such hours unless a petition, certified to by the munici- pal clerk as being signed by a majority of the shopkeepers keeping shops of the class within such municipal district to be affected thereby, has been previously presented to such municipal council. For permitting shops of any particular class (not included in the Third Schedule hereto), on obtaining a licence to keep open after the hours hereinbefore mentioned, and during such hours as shall be speci- fied in such licence ; but no by-law shall be made authorising the issuing of such licence unless a peti- tion, certified to by the municipal clerk as being signed by a majority of the shopkeepers keeping shops of such class within such municipal district, have been previously presented to such municipal council. Requiring shops (not included in the Third Schedule hereto) to close before the hours hereinbefore mentioned, but no such by-law shall be made except on receipt of such a petition as aforesaid. SHOP HOURS REGULATION BILL 345 For limiting the total number of hours persons may be employed during the day and night in shops licensed to remain open at night; provided that such limit shall not be less than eight hours in each full day and night. For imposing penalties not exceeding ten pounds ca any shopkeeper failing or neglecting to close his shop in accordance with the provisions of this Act or of any by-law made in pursuance hereof. For closing all shops within its municipality other than those mentioned in the Third Schedule for one afternoon in each week ; provided that before any such by-law be made a petition, certified by the municipal clerk as signed by a majority of the shopkeepers substantially interested and affected thereby, shall be presented to such municipal council. This is a much more sweeping measure than we propose, because certain shops are commanded to be closed regardless of the wishes of the owners, but our proposal is simply to give the sanction of law to the will of a majority of two -thirds, and then under safe restrictions. My apology for troubling you at such 346 SHOP HOUKS REGULATION BILL length is the importance I attach to our move- ment, which is unquestionably of national im- portance. We are not asking for a limit of eight hours a day, but twelve. We are not endeavouring to set class against class, but to promote a measure which will equally benefit employer and employed. We are seeking to make toil honourable and elevating instead of harsh and degrading ; and I submit, in conclusion, that if our only aim were to protect the girls and women of our shops, the effort would merit the sympathy of all who have any regard for the principles of justice and humanity. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, T. SUTHERST, President Shop Hoars Compulsory Closing League. 3 Dr. Johnson's Buildings, Temple, E.G. : April 26, 1886. (It is gratifying to know that Sir John Lubbock's Bill has received the Queen's assent and become law since the publica- tion of the first edition of this work.) 347 SOME SOCIAL WANTS OF LONDON, I. PUBLIC WASH-HOUSES, LAUNDRIES, AND S WIMNING-BA THS. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' Pall Mall Gazette ' of February 8, 1884. MR. E. GURNET has told us that one of the social wants of East London would be sup- plied if a first-rate band could be permanently engaged, at an annual cost of 4,000/., to dis- course sweet music ' daily, or rather nightly, throughout the year in a large covered space.' Mr. Gurney, however, from the tone of his article, would I am sure acknowledge that there are other social wants in London, and especially in the east and south, at least as pressing as the establishment of a permanent 348 PUBLIC WASH-HOUSES, LAUNDRIES, band, which some might be tempted to look upon as a luxury. Among many other social wants the attention of your readers might profitably be drawn to the consideration of the absence of an adequate supply in London of public wash-houses, laundries, and swim- ming-baths. I venture to think that the provision of these is of more real import- ance to the masses than that even of the best music. I do not wish to draw away one single penny from the fund which Mr. Gurney hopes to see established for the musical in- struction of the dwellers in the East-End, for I am bold enough to assert that the social wants I have mentioned are of such primary necessity to the health of the people that they should be provided for out of public or municipal funds. Although the proposition that ' cleanliness is next to godliness ' is not, as many suppose, to be found in Holy Writ, I believe that it contains a considerable element of truth, and that there is a close con- AND SWIMMING-BATHS 349 nectiori between cleanliness and the cultivation of the civic and social virtues. At all events, the converse of this proposition namely, that dirt is closely allied to ungodliness, general disorder, and human wretchedness must be apparent to all, and requires no demonstration. The upper and middle classes of England believe in the gospel of cleanliness, and practise it both in their homes and in their persons. The rich Englishman considers it necessary to his health that he should daily cleanse his body with water, or, at all events, that he should not allow many days to elapse without doing so ; but I would ask my readers how many families of the working classes live up to a similar high standard of cleanliness? Some of us are in the habit of talking of the ' great unwashed,' but have the wealthier classes of this country ever asked themselves whether, if they w r ere suddenly placed in conditions similar to those in which the poorer live, they would for long be able 350 PUBLIC WASH-HOUSES, LAUNDRIES, to retain their habits of cleanliness ? Consider the conditions adverse to this virtue under which the poorer classes live, and how little has been done to encourage or make possible these desirable habits. Consider how con- fined are their dwellings, the number inhabit- ing each room, the impossibility of obtaining privacy, the limited water supply, the wear and tear upon clothing, the dirty and often filthy nature of their employments, the limited wardrobe, the smoky atmosphere in which their dwellings are often situated, and the utter neglect by the nation at large of all opportunities of assisting them in their efforts towards cleanliness. That the working classes in many cases rise superior to all these hin- drances and impediments, and that many homes in districts the most unfavourable to cleanliness are models of perfection, is no argument in favour of leaving matters in statu quo., though it is a strong argument for modesty on the part of those who, while more AND SWIMMING-BATHS 351 happily circumstanced, find fault with the unwashed, and yet take no step to render cleanliness possible to them. Owing to the want of proper accommoda- tion for the washing and drying of clothes in working-class houses, these disagreeable oper- ations have to be carried on in the dwelling and sleeping apartments of the inmates. Is it astonishing if the husband and sons take refuge from the scene of discomfort in the nearest public-house, and if the frequent cleans- ing of clothes be voted a nuisance in the family, and the use of soap and water when applied to garments be associated in their minds with damp linen, steaming clothes, general discomfort, and rheumatism ? What a different aspect would the washing of clothes present to the husband's mind if the operation did not necessitate the upsetting of all domes- tic comfort, if it were carried on out of sight in a public laundry belonging to the parish, to which his wife would in turn with her 352 PUBLIC WASH-HOUSES, LAUNDRIES, neighbours have the right of access for a certain number of hours on payment of a small fee! When we pass from the consideration of wash-houses and laundries to that of swim- ming-baths, _ it may be said that while the former may be considered necessities the latter are decidedly luxuries. I decline to accede to this proposition. Healthy exercise is necessary to the proper physical develop- ment of the people, and the nation which neglects the physical condition of its people is not only doomed to destruction, but richly deserves the national effacement which is certain to overtake it. I do not ask that the people shall be admitted free to any of these institutions, but only that they shall be placed in their midst, and that the payment shall be made so low as to enable the population to make large use of them. The Vestry of Pad- dington has actually built a swimming-bath and gymnasium out of public funds, and as a AND SWIMMING-BATHS 353 ratepayer in the parish I heartily approve of their conduct. I believe also that other vestries have acted in a similarly enlightened manner. Whatever may be said with regard to the duty of the nation to provide means of healthy recreation for adults, I believe that most people would agree that the physical development of children should not be left to chance, and will rejoice that the School Board of London has recognised the importance of teaching its scholars the art of swimming, and that prizes are annually offered for competition among those who have obtained the greatest proficiency in this useful and healthy exercise. Unfortunately comparatively few of the child- ren are able to learn to swim, as in many districts it is impossible to teach this art owing to the absence of any bathing-places. How eagerly the children of the metropolis avail themselves of the scanty opportunities for bathing which the police regulations allow them is shown by the hundreds who may be A A 354 PUBLIC WASH-HOUSES, LAUNDRIES, seen of a summer evening waiting on the banks of the Serpentine expectant of the signal which will permit them to plunge into its waters. Why should not every parish follow the example of Paddington ? If one parish can do it others could. The ruins of Borne and Pompeii attest the importance which the ancients attached to the provision of public baths for the people. Why should we with our higher civilisation, and with our enormous aggregations of population within crowded areas, from whence Nature with her streams and lakes has been driven, fail to do what the ancients in their small, village-like towns, and with their comparatively imperfect water supply, considered necessary for the health of the people ? We have at our door the most magnificent natural swimming-bath running for miles through the very heart of the city, and yet how little use is made of it ! I am not aware of more than one floating bath in the whole course of the Thames through AND SWIMMING-BATHS 355 London, whereas in Paris there are several on the Seine. Why should not floating public swimming-baths for both sexes be established by scores from Greenwich to Putney ? Why should not washing establishments such as are to be seen on the Seine be likewise erected, both paid for and managed by the municipal authorities ? These floating baths and wash- houses would cost but little in their erection, and their maintenance would be a mere trifle compared with the sums which are thrown away by corporations and vestries on much less profitable objects. I see the political economist rise in indignation at the proposal. And yet it is not supposed to be iniquitous for the nation to pay for the free opening to the people of a National Gallery, nor when the least admirable portion of the plebs has drunk itself into penury is it thought to savour of Communism if the prudent and respectable portion of society be compelled by the State to support the former in workhouses. The pre- A A 2 356 PUBLIC WASH-HOUSES, LAUNDRIES, ETC. servation of the health of the people is in iny opinion the first duty of the State ; and by the erection in towns of public wash-houses, laundries, and swimming-baths an important step would, without doubt, be taken towards improving the health and increasing the happiness of our city populations. 357 SOME SOCIAL WANTS OF LONDON. IT. CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' Quiver ' 'of November 1884. THE announcement which lately appeared in an evening journal ' that an attempt is about to be made, under good auspices, to form a Company for the establishment of residential clubs for young men ' is satisfactory, inas- much as it shows that some practical out- come is likely to result from the attention of the public having been drawn by that journal to the existence of this social need. The suggestion, though on the whole most favourably received, as shown by the tenor of the correspondence on the subject which 358 CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN has appeared in the press, has not escaped criticism. It has been said that club life is calculated to encourage luxury and selfishness, and to indispose young men from entering into the married state. We have been warned that the fast element in such a club would get the upper hand of the steady-going, and that in a short time the institution would degener- ate into a gambling hell, unless supervision and restrictions were imposed which would be resented by the young men. I am not aware that the young men who fill our West- End clubs, or the working lads who frequent our numerous working-men's clubs, are less moral, less self-restrained, more addicted to drinking or gambling, or more averse to marriage, than were their ancestors at a similar period of life ; nor do I see any reason to believe that the class for whose comfort it is proposed that these residential clubs shall be established is less capable CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN 359 of self-restraint and of self-government than the classes which have already tried the experiment, and found it succeed. To say that club life discourages marriage is only to say that the selfish man, if he belongs to a club, finds it suits his purpose better to remain unmarried than to make a drudge and a slave of some poor woman whom he has solemnly promised to love, comfort, and honour. The man who is worthy of marriage will not be induced to forego linking his lot for better or for worse with the woman of his choice, because he may have to renounce some small measure of material comfort. Better that a woman should remain unmarried than that she should be linked for life to a worshipper for self ; better for the State and for society that the curse of selfishness should not, perchance, be transmitted to another generation. My present object, however, is not so much to combat the arguments of those who SCO CLtBS FOB YOUNG tvIEN AND prophesy failure in any attempt to establish residential clubs for young men in offices and warehouses, as to plead for the formation of similar establishments for the use of the weaker sex employed in similar lines of life. I would wish to point out that the arguments which are brought against the establishment of clubs for young men do not apply to the formation of similar institutions for young women, whilst the need of residential clubs is much greater in the case of the women than in that of the men. No one surely will assert that the young woman who has had the advantage of living in one of these clubs, and who has conse- quently learnt to appreciate a standard of domestic comfort and cookery above that which is known to her less favoured sister living in lodgings, will be likely to make a worse wife, or to make her home less happy, nor will it surely be said that she will be less likely to marry ; for where is the CLUBS FOR YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN 361 woman, whatever her position, who does not look forward to marriage as the coping stone of the edifice of life ? It cannot be asserted that the refinements of a home-like life, or the companionship of respectable members of her own sex, will make a young woman less moral, or less self-restrained, or will lead to gambling, or to any. other re- prehensible Bohemian courses. Quite the contrary. It must be acknowledged that in the case of women, at all events, the civilising influences of a home-like life are distinctly in favour of the moralities and of religion. But see how adverse to such good results are the present conditions under which many young women employed in our post-offices, in our warehouses, in our refreshment-rooms, are at present living. What can be more demoralising than for a girl of tender years to be suddenly thrown on the streets of London without experience, without a guide, without a home, without a friend ? And yet 362 CLUBS FOR YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN this is literally the case with thousands brought up in honest country homes, who, by the pressure of competition, are forced to seek their own living far from home and friends, alone in London, or some other of our large towns. Let it not be thought that these young women are of one class only. They are of all classes from the daughter of the clergyman, of the officer, or of the professional man, who has just obtained a situation in the superior de- partments of the Post Office, down the several social grades till we come to the bar attendant or the factory girl. All these, should they have the misfortune to possess no friends in London, labour under the same sad necessity of having to seek a solitary lodging in some cheap quarter of the town. If there are restaurants, musical entertainments, and the like for the young man, what places of refresh- ment and of amusement are open to the young woman who entertains a proper sense of the CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN 363 respect due to herself and to her sex ? None not one. Concerts and other high-class entertainments are too expensive to be often attended ; the public galleries and museums are closed in the evening ; the cheaper places of amusement are impossible to her ; public libraries there are none, or as good as none, as far as she is concerned ; a piano she cannot afford ; flowers, which might remind her of her early life, of her parents, and of her country home, are not easily obtainable ; add to this the depressing effect of long hours of labour, of scanty food (for what but tea can be obtained at a lodging ?), of dismal and monotonous surroundings, of a prover- bially heavy atmosphere, and is it matter for astonishment if, with lowered physical strength and a weakened will, virtue should occasionally be found unable to cope with vice, and the first step be taken in the down- ward path of ruin and disgrace ? Recognising that comfortable lodgings, 364 CLUBS FOU YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN cheerful society, and innocent recreation would prove a valuable protection to young women against the dangers of the city, philanthropic and religious organisations have established here and there in London, as well as in our large provincial cities, comfortable homes, where young women can find board, lodging, and good food ; but most, if not all, of these institutions are supported by the contributions of the wealthy and of the philanthropic, and as a conse- quence can never supply the needs of the large class of girls who, being in the re- ceipt of good salaries, and holding respon- sible positions, very properly decline to be recipients of charity. There is no reason why residential clubs, or even social clubs which are not residential, fitted up so as to suit the requirements of the better-paid young women of our offices and business houses, as well as of our art, literary, and medical female students, should CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN 365 not prove as remunerative speculations as such establishments will assuredly become when managed by a well-directed Company or by an enterprising and judicious capitalist in the interest of young men. Such a Com- pany or proprietor should be careful to pro- vide for the needs of the different classes of young women engaged in business or in professional work, by providing separate houses and a graduated scale of accom- modation and of price, so as to enable each young woman to choose her house and her companions. It might be possible for such a Company to solve the difficult problem of how to provide decent accommodation for the lowest class of female workers without the inter- vention of charity. In such a large concern as we are contemplating it might be quite practicable to make the better class of house pay such a profit as would cover a possible loss on the lowest, and yet return a dividend 366 CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN high enough to satisfy shareholders who would probably have been moved to invest their money in the business as much from motives of philanthropy as of gain. It is well known that at present it is impossible to provide these poorer female workers with decent accommodation, except through the aid of charity. Until, therefore, it has been found possible to solve this difficulty, the public should support with their best energies the philanthropic societies such as the Girls' Friendly Society and the Young Women's Christian Association which are nobly carrying on a good and useful work in providing these Homes for the working girls of London and the provinces. There is, however, room for all. Charit- ably conducted homes would not suffer from the competition of commercially conducted ones, inasmuch as they would cater for the accommodation of different classes of workers. A house conducted on commercial prin- CLUBS FOE YOUNG- MEN AND WOMEN 367 ciples has lately been opened for the accom- modation of young women at 8 South Crescent, Tottenham Court Eoad, London. It contains, besides bed-rooms, a dining-room and a club-room provided with a pianoforte, books, magazines, and newspapers. Far from finding that prices calculated on a higher scale than those usually charged by the charitable and philanthropic homes deter young women engaged in government offices or in superior branches of business from enter- ing this house, experience shows that the inmates gladly pay a higher price for the privilege of feeling that they do not owe th comforts they enjoy to the charity of the public, and that they secure the society of their social equals. Inasmuch as there is room for many another effort in the same direction, and as the need of such commercially conducted houses for young women is great, I trust that some of the practical public support which 368 CLUBS FOE YOUNG MEN AND WOMEN has been accorded to the suggestion I lately made in an evening paper, with regard to the establishment of residential clubs for young men, may be widened so as to include within its operations a similar scheme for the benefit of their hardworked and sorely tried sisters. 369 CHOECH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD. ADDRESS BY LORD BRABAZON. THE duties of the Church in respect to I. Literature. II. Amusements. Such is the subject which we are called upon to discuss this day. It is taken for granted by those who have drawn up this Congress that the Church has a duty in respect to both literature and amusements, and we are relieved therefore of the onus of showing that such an obligation is incumbent on her. There cannot be many who would question the existence of such an obligation. If by the word ' Church ' we mean the general body of Christians believing B B 370 CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD in the doctrines of the Church of England, it assuredly is incumbent on that corporate body to take every step which may conduce to the spiritual improvement of its members, or, in other words, of itself ; and in order to effect this purpose every effort should be made not only to recommend to men the practice of virtue through the medium of the recognised services and preaching of the ordained ministers of the Church, but by utilising all the secular influences which move men in this nineteenth century to thought and action. Amongst these influences may be reckoned literature and amusements. These two motive powers the Church cannot afford to neglect. As long as the world lasts men will seek recreation as a means of refreshment after labour, and, though literature is a more potent power in our day than it ever was in the past, it promises to exert still greater influence in the future. Eeading is now an almost universal acquirement. The number CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD 371 of daily and weekly newspapers in circulation in Great Britain is enormous ; add to these the fortnightly and monthly magazines, the organs of special movements, societies, and bodies, the innumerable penny novelettes, which circulate amongst the young of the lower and lower middle classes, and the three- volume novels which are devoured by their brothers and sisters of a higher social standing, and it will be seen that the current literature of the day cannot fail to exercise a tremendous influence for good or for evil on the national life. Is it possible for the Church to avail itself of literature as an instrument for the dissem- ination of wholesome, moral, and ennobling thought, and for the spread of religious principles ? I think it is. The large circulation which those two ex- cellent magazines, ' The Boy's ' and The Girl's Own Paper,' have attained is a good example of the way in which moral influence can be a B 2 372 CHURCH CONGRESS, exercised through the press over a special class of readers. In these papers the ' goody goody ' type of writing, which repels more than it attracts, is entirely absent. The tastes of the readers are carefully studied, and every effort made to make the publication attractive ; at the same time all that is base, vulgar, or immoral is rigidly excluded, with the result that a boy or girl cannot well fail to rise from the perusal of such a paper not only entertained but with moral principles strengthened. When we consider how numerous are the publications which exercise upon the public mind a distinctly contrary effect, we may rejoice that there are some, and those with a large circulation, which represent vice and virtue in their proper colours. These papers, though published by a religious society, are not directly under the influence of or in connection with the Church, and it is well that such should be the case CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD 373 their power is all the greater for it ; indeed, few of the readers of these papers are aware that they have any connection with a reli- gious society, and a certain proportion would perhaps cease to read them were the fact blazoned on the title-page. Cannot the Church still further extend its influence on the reading public of other classes in a some- what similar and indirect manner ? Some of our bishops have lately surrounded themselves with an able band of preachers whose duty it is to act as a kind of reserve in the battle of the Church, ready at the command of their superiors to attack the foe wherever the stress of conflicts may be greatest. I rejoice over this addition to the forces of the Church militant, but would point out that the written is now often more powerful than the spoken word ; and that it would be well if a portion of this episcopal reserve were composed of men ready with the pen as well as with the tongue, and if the special duty were assigned 374 CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEF1ELD to this section of studying the literature most read amongst the people of the diocese, and of turning their attention to the best means of influencing and elevating thought and conduct through the local press. It probably would be found that this could best be done by anonymous composition. The competition between local prints is great, and really well written articles on scientific, artistic, literary, social, or philanthropic subjects would always be welcome. It would probably be more difficult to obtain the insertion of strictly religious articles, though even these might occasionally be received if dealing with the philosophical and speculative questions of the day, but it would be wise for a general veto to be placed by episcopal authority on con- troversial or political writing, even when con- tributed anonymously. In the demesne of more serious thought D and writing the Church has always taken a prominent position a position which it is in- CHUECH CONGKESS, WAKEFIELD 375 cumbent on her to maintain if she is to retain her hold over the cultivated and thoughtful classes of society, and perhaps in no way can she exercise her influence with greater effect than through the written contributions of her gifted sons to the high-class magazines of the day. It is a matter for deep thankfulness that the days of ease, luxury, and even sloth amongst the prelates of the Church have passed away, and that the position of a Bishop or other high dignitary of the Church is one of such continual toil that only strong con- stitutions can stand its wear and tear ; but this enforced activity is purchased somewhat dearly by the want of leisure which robs the Church of much valuable thought, learning, and research, which in former days would have been transferred to paper and have enriched the world. It would be well if the Church, recognising its altered condition, could reserve certain positions of emolument to be 376 CHUECH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD held by men who had proved by useful literary work their fitness and ability for a post the possession of which would give them the opportunity of doing still better literary work in the interests of religion. I think I have shown that there are many opportunities in the realm of literature within which the Church may, and indeed ought to, exercise her influence. Is this less so in the case of the amuse- ments of the people ? I think not. England is no longer the ' merrie England ' of old. Our people, as a rule, are congregated in towns, where the pressure of life is so great that the majority have very little time for amusements, even if opportunities of innocent and healthy recreation presented themselves. But as a fact the amusements to be found in an English town are few, and still fewer are those which could be called either healthy or innocent. Let us consider what are the amusements of our people living in towns. CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD 377 We might almost begin and end the list with the word ' drinking,' throwing in an occasional reference to a travelling theatrical company (not visited by the masses), a perambulating circus or menagerie, or show of some hmis naturae (the more horrible and sensational the better) ; then we should not forget the local races, with their annual demoralisation of the neighbourhood, nor should the periodic saturnalia which take place on the occasion of Bank holidays be omitted. The list is, I think, now complete, and a very edifying one it is doubtless calculated to throw brightness into the lives of the people, and to enable them to return to their daily work refreshed and invigorated in mind and body. The question of the amusements of the masses is very closely connected with that of the national health, and it cannot be denied that the latter is intimately connected with national morality. This being the case, I assert that it is the duty of the Church to 378 CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD encourage both in town and country (for in many a rural village monotony and dulness are at the bottom of much vice) every innocent amusement which may conduce to the increased health, instruction, sociability, mutual good-feeling, brightness, and happiness of the people. To descend to practical methods, I am persuaded that no village should be without its ' Eecreation Kooin ' or town without its ' Working-Men's Club ' or 'Mechanics' Institute,' institutions which should be provided with at least one large room. Such a building should be under the care of a person who should be responsible for order, and if possible reside on the premises. Here would be a centre for the in- numerable amusements which would suggest themselves as soon as the town or village possessed a local habitation dedicated to recreation. Every effort should be made to interest the people in the building by giving CHUECH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD 379 them a share in its management, though if it be a distinctly Church institution I think it would be well to vest it in the incumb- ent and churchwardens for the time beim?. c Experience has proved that people care more for that for which they have to pay, and I would therefore suggest that an exceedingly low subscription should be asked of all who make use of it, so low as not to exclude the poorest ; that the latent talent of the village or town should be gradually drawn out, so that the members of the institute should not be dependent for their amusement on out- siders. A brass or drum and fife or string band, or all three, might be organised, concerts, readings, and lectures given, and (although I know I am treading on delicate ground) I am bold enough to add an occasional dance, but with this restriction, that no girl should be permitted to attend without being accompanied by her mother or some other female relative. If this precaution were taken, 380 CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD which after all is only carrying into lower social circles the universal custom of the higher, I see no reason why young men and women of the working class should not be permitted to enjoy the pleasures of the dance as much as the sons and daughters of the middle and upper ranks of society. In the country all outdoor games, such as cricket, football, &c., should be encouraged, and in towns, where it is difficult to obtain facilities for these exercises, I trust the Church will promote and favour the establishment by municipalities of parks, open spaces, and public playgrounds for children. The Govern- ment have lately given great facilities for the formation of cadet volunteer corps. One such corps has been recently started in Birmingham, and another amongst the boy population of the East-End of London, and I am told that not only is the exercise of drill good for the health of the lads, but it teaches them discipline, trains them in habits of order CfiURCH CONGRESS, WAItEFIELD 381 and obedience, and implants in their hearts feelings of esprit de corps and of patriotism. Every amusement which draws a man out of his shell, which makes him exert himself for the honour or advantage of others, be it only for the sake of an abstraction, raises him morally. It is useless for temperance reformers to ex- pect the people to desert the public-house and its attractions as long as no effort is made to furnish them with more rational enjoyment. I would therefore more especially ask all who desire to see our people renounce those drinking habits which are the cause of so much national misery to turn their attention towards providing the masses with rational and elevating amusements. This is a work in which the Church may well take the lead. It is one which will enable her to draw closer to large classes which at present hold aloof from her. and the closer she draws to the people the greater will be her influence, the greater will 382 CHURCH CONGRESS, WAKEFIELD be their respect for her, and the easier will it be for her to bring to them the message of love with which she has been entrusted by her Divine Master. I shall conclude these observations by expressing a hope that the Church of England will cast off the timidity which too often paralyses her best efforts, and, careless of the opinion of those who judge her by ancient standards, will recognise the altered condition of life in the nineteenth century, will boldly take the lead in all social and philanthropic movements calculated to benefit the mass of the people, and which are in accordance with the spirit of the Gospel of Christ, resting assured, if she follows in the footsteps of her Lord, who even took thought for the poor and the suffering, that she will not suffer in influence, no matter what may be the forces arrayed against her, or what may be the opinions of a hostile and sceptical world. 383 THE NEED OF NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL AND TECHNICAL TRAINING, Reprinted, by permission, from ' Time,' May 1886. ENGLAND owes the late Mr. Forster and the Parliament of 1870 a debt of gratitude for passing an Education Act which, whatever its defects (and that it has some it is the object of this short paper to show), has on the whole proved a blessing to the country. Indeed, without it we could hardly have continued, with any chance of success, to compete in the markets of the civilised world. The nation whose workers possess the greatest general intelligence will, in the long run, drive out of the market the productions of a people of in- ferior culture ; unless, indeed, the latter should make up for inferior general culture by paying 384 THE NEED OF NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL marked attention to the training of their producers, with a view to attain the highest perfection in the handling of the tools of their several arts and handicrafts, when a modifica- tion, though not a cpmplete reversal, of the above rule might be expected. Now it appears to me (and T know that I am not singular in rny belief) that in desiring to obtain for the nation a high standard of general culture, and in omitting to teach them the use of the tools by which the mass of them will hereafter have to earn their living, we are unintentionally lead- ing them to believe that the bread which has been gained by the sweat of the brow is less honourably earned than -that which is the result of intellectual literary effort, or even of mechanical quill-driving. Now I am sure this was not the intention of the late Mr. Forster or of the promoters of the Bill of 1870. They did not wish to cast a slur upon labour, or to make a difference in the honour attaching to different kinds of work. All work is honour- AM) TECHNICAL tKAINlfrG 385 able, says Carlyle. All work is not equally profitable, for the reason that we are not all born with equal capacities, nor with equal opportunities for improving ourselves. It is easier to find a good hedger and ditcher than a good judge or prime minister; but if both conscientiously do their work to the very best of their ability, they are both worthy of honour, though the world will ever give the latter a larger share of its praise than the former. This is no reason, however, why the State should intensify this distinction by train- ing the brain to the neglect of the hand and eye. The practical result of this one-sided training is that every boy and girl on leaving school is desirous of engaging in work which is neither manual nor what is mistermed menial. There are few occupations within the reach of a poor boy which do not fall within the above category, and the result is that they have to be content with an occupation which is really manual, though for some unknown CO 386 THE NEED OF NATIONAL INDUSTEIAL reason it is in popular parlance exempted from being included in that category ; I mean quill- driving. As the demand for clerks is limited, the only result of this overstocking of the supply of writers or copyists is that those who obtain employment are obliged to be content with wages which the despised artisan would reject with scorn, and the remainder who are not fortunate enough to obtain this miserable pittance well, what becomes of them God alone knows ; they are ignorant of a trade, they have been brought up to be ashamed of work- ing with their hands, and they sink into the vast army of unemployed ; they are useless at home, useless as emigrants ; and, with bitter- ness and despair in their hearts, they are ready to blame every one Providence, society, capitalists, any one but themselves for the miserable condition of their existence. And yet there is ample room in the world for these men, and millions more, if only they could use their hands ; there is room in this country, AND TECHNICAL TRAINING 387 and there is practically unlimited space in our colonies. Millions of acres of the most fertile land in the world are waiting for tillers ! Canada alone offers 160 acres of land free to any man who will reside on them ; and several of our Australian colonies offer free land- grants. But these new lands require strong, healthy men, fit for manual labour, farmers, labourers, or artisans ; clerks and scribblers are useless to them. What I have said of the boys is, with a slight alteration, true of the girls. These mainly desire to become gov- ernesses, a class notoriously overstocked and underpaid. Of the four subjects, a knowledge of which is most essential to women of all classes, hygiene (including an acquaintance with the rudiments of the art of healing), cookery, household work, and needlework, only the latter is compulsorily taught at school, and that imperfectly, according to Lady Leigh, who lately wrote a letter on the subject to the Times. If it is of importance that men's c c 2 388 THE *EED OF NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL demand for employment should be addressed equally to all branches of labour, it is infinitely more important in the case of girls, for there exists a very close connection between starva- tion and prostitution. The writer has lately returned from a visit to America, where he visited several of the eastern cities, and was pleased to find that the municipal authorities were aware that their otherwise excellent system of education was deficient on the side of technical and industrial training. In Philadelphia a central institution has been established, in connection with the common schools of the city, to which three boys from each school are annually sent. These lads are selected by competitive exami- nation. The three successful lads from each school are educated free of charge for five years in the central institution, and cne of the prin- cipal branches of the education they receive during these years is a practical workshop- training in the use of tools in iron and wood. AND TECHNICAL TRAINING 389 In order to avoid the opposition of trades unions, the boys are not taught any particular trade, but when a lad has passed through the course he has received such a thorough practical training that he is fit to turn his hand to any trade he likes. The advantage of this system of selection is, that it is impos- sible for any one to assert that these lads are working with their hands because they are unable to work with their heads, for they have proved themselves by competition to be the intellectual elite of their respective schools. Whilst the writer was being shown through this institution, a deputation from the great manufacturing town of Pittsburg arrived with a view to obtain information and report to the school authorities of that place on the success of the experiment. A very perfect technical school has also been established in Gerard Col- lege, in Philadelphia. A public-spirited citizen of New York, struck by the difficulty which a young man met with who was desirous of 390 THE NEED OF NATIONAL INDUSTEIAL learning a trade, has established a private technical school in that city, where of an even- ing numbers of young men may be seen learning the arts of bricklaying, stonecutting, papering, carpentering, blacksmithery, &C. So difficult have the trades unions, by their rules, made it in New York for a man to learn a trade, that the actual leaders are feeling the pressure, and some have gladly availed themselves of the tuition offered, and have sent their sons to this school. It is not only in America that greater attention is being paid to technical and industrial education. The Governments of France and Germany have taken steps to make instruction in handicrafts part of the curriculum of their national schools. The present distress (April 1886) leads one to inquire how much of it is due to the existence of an over-abundance of unskilled labour in the country, and how far this state of things is due to the neglect of technical and AND TECHNICAL TKAINING- 391 industrial training in our national schools. It appears to me self-evident that, unless we are prepared to be left behind in the competition of nations, we must follow the example of our neighbours, and make technical and industrial training a prominent and compulsory portion of our educational system. If school boards were encouraged to pro- mote the technical and industrial training of their scholars, it would be a comparatively easy matter, as a first step, to establish, in each of our large towns, one school which should combine intellectual, technical, and in- dustrial instruction, and which would serve as a model to the schools of the neighbourhood. The country is fully alive to the necessity of giving our artisans a higher technical educa- tion ; and the elementary technical instruction which, as boys, they might receive at school could easily be supplemented, in case of the more proficient, by attendance at some of the 392 THE NEED OF NATIONAL INDUSTRIAL excellent technical colleges which have recently been established throughout the country. If any general system of elementary tech- nical instruction were established, money would not be wanting to found scholarships, so that clever young artisans might be enabled to study the higher branches of their respec- tive handicrafts. Technical classes have lately been established in connection with Firth College, Sheffield ; a technical school has been opened at Leicester ; the technical school at Manchester will shortly have to be enlarged, as it has proved too small for the students who crowd it ; the engineering department of University College, Nottingham, is said to be making satisfactory progress. In London, the Fins- bury Technical College is said to have 108 students in regular attendance, whilst in the evening classes there are no less than 685 *._> AND TECHNICAL TRAINING 393 " . students. The South London School of Technical Art reports an increased number of students, and it is proposed to establish there a class for instruction in the old English art of ornamental work in wrought iron. Finally, the building of the City and Guilds of London Institute, for the advancement of technical edu- cation, lately opened in Exhibition Eoad, has been provided with fittings aud apparatus, and is now ready for the reception of students. It has been said that the trades unions would oppose technical education. No proof is given of the truth of this assertion, and I have shown that they do not oppose it in America. The leaders of the working classes are men of intelligence, and it is not likely that they would seriously countenance op- position to any scheme of education which would enable the workmen of England to compete on more equal terms with their 394 THE NEED OF NATIONAL 1NDUSTKIAL fellow-craftsmen of the Continent. Our pre- sent system of education is an excellent one for the exclusive manufacture of clerks and scholastic teachers of both sexes professions which are not wanted in the colonies, and for which sufficient work cannot be found at home. Our population is increasing at the rate of 300,000 a year, and we cannot feed that which is with us at present, and yet we continue to educate our children as if the necessity for labour had disappeared from amongst us. The country wants handicraftsmen, and we produce scriveners ; the colonists are crying out for men who can handle a plough, shoe a horse, and mend a cart, and we send them out clerks or would-be gentlemen. Our farmers and working-men want wives who can cook, bake, and wash, who understand a dairy and the management of poultry, and we supply them with young women who are incapable of doing any of these things. AND TECHNICAL TEAINING 395 In view of the present distress and depression in trade and agriculture, when all classes must exercise the greatest economy and thrift, it is imperative that our boys should be taught to labour, and our girls to become good housewives. 396 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISURE. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' National Review ' of April 1885. ' I AM possessed of a considerable amount of energy, which, now that I have left the army and have nothing to do, I am obliged to work off by travelling about Europe.' The above remark was made to me by a most intelligent officer who had retired from the army with the rank of colonel, who was still in the prime of life, and who was gifted not only, as he himself said, with energy, but Avith health, strength, and apparently with excellent abilities. It struck me as sad that a good man's energies should be thus wasted, when there AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISUEE 397 was so much work needing to be done in the world, and this led me to consider why and how it was that so few men of leisure devote themselves to useful or philanthropic work. Notwithstanding the splendid example which has been set by Lord Shaftesbury, how few men of position and of leisure have followed in his footsteps ! Those who have done so, whose names are known to the public, may almost be counted on the fingers of one hand ; and if Lord Shaftesbury were to die l to-morrow, there is not one of them who would be capable of occupying with equal ability, energy, and dignity the high position which he has for so long maintained as a leader of the religious and philanthropic world. I do not mean to say that there are not probably more men now who devote themselves, their money, and their time to the good of their fellow-creatures than during any previous period of our national history. It is only 1 The Earl of Shafteslury died October 1, 1885. 398 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISURE natural that such should be the case. As the age we live- in is essentially an active one, it would indeed be remarkable if philanthropy were to be the only field of activity which had not benefited by the stirring influences of our time. I quite believe that there is more voluntary and unpaid work undertaken by men for the love of God and their neighbour at the present time than there ever was before ; but this does not alter the fact that the proportion of the men of the leisured class which devotes itself to unpaid, useful, religious, and philanthropic work is a small one, and that among the younger generation of philan- thropists we may look in vain for the equals of a Howard, a Clarkson, a Wilberforce, a Zachary Macaulay, or a Shaftesbury. Why is this ? Surely the career of a philanthropist is as noble as that of a politician ! It cannot be less interesting. It is probably of more genuine service to the world. True it is, that in this direction lies not the path of worldly honours AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISUKE 399 and distinctions ; but the gratitude of a people and the sense of useful work accomplished should be reward enough for the genuine philanthropist. If he obtain these, and the approval of his own conscience, he may ungrudgingly leave the stars and the titles to the politician, the successful general, or the lawyer. The lack of first-class men in this department of the world's work is not due to any falling off in the demand for their labour, or to any overstocking of the religious and philanthropic labour market. Just the reverse. Never were there so many philanthropic en- terprises endeavouring to enlist the sympa- thies of the world ; never was religious work more active and more desirous of availing itself of lay help ; never was personal work amongst the poor and suffering in body or in spirit more needed than at present ; never was there greater separation between rich and poor, and, consequently, at no time was it more necessary to apply to the social sores of 4CO AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISUBE our time (irritated and inflamed by the poison of class ignorance and prejudice) the healing remedies of personal ministration and Christian sympathy. Women (all honour to them !) can be found in plenty, who make it the duty and pleasure of their lives to minister to the wants and to alleviate the miseries of the poor suf- ferers who, in life's battle-field, have fallen victims to the shock of the social forces of our time; but the men those thousands of them who are not engaged in the strife, who are simple spectators of the fight why do they hold aloof from the work of rescue ? How can they reconcile it with their manhood to permit feeble women to descend into the arena a] one, and amidst all the horrible surroundings of the fight, and at the peril of their own health, and often at the sacrifice of their lives, to labour single-handed in the cause of mercy ? the men looking on the while indifferent, or, what is worse, so engrossed in their own sport AX APPEAL TO MES OF LEISURE 401 or selfish amusement, as, in sooth, not to per ceive that there is indeed any struggle in progress, or any wounded who need attention. Shall I be told that the care of those who have fallen on the battle-field of life is as strictly a woman's duty as is the nursing of the maimed and wounded on the actual and material field of slaughter, and that men are not fitted for such work, and would only do it badly did they attempt it? that woman's nature is more sympathetic than man's, and that she is never so happy as when employed on some mission of mercy, and that, conse- quently, she is the fit and proper person to undertake the philanthropic work of the world ? True ; yet the Ambulance Corps does not consist solely of nurses. Are there not doctors and surgeons, ambulance men and bearers, professional and volunteers ? As on the material field of strife, so on the battle arena of the world, there is ample scope for the philanthropic energies of men, without inter - 402 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISUKE fering with that portion of the work of rescue for which women are more peculiarly fitted. For want of men, women are frequently obliged to undertake branches of philanthropic work for which they are unsuited, with the natural result that the work is badly done, and much good female energy wasted which might have been better employed if directed into other and more appropriate channels. Now, supposing a man of leisure, of in- dependent means, of cultivation, possessed of a good heart, and the desire to make himself of use in the world, were to inquire what branches of useful work were open to him outside the recognised lines of political, magis- terial, and literary labour, what answer could be returned him ? There are many who seem to think that if a man of leisure and means does not go into Parliament, attend Petty Sessions, or write a book, there are only two other ways in which he can spend his days as a sportsman or as an idler. It never seems AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISURE 403 to enter the heads of these people that there can be any other choice. Let us see, however, if, outside the above orthodox masculine occu- pations, we cannot discover several ways in which a man may profitably and agreeably spend his time, and taste of that happiness which they alone feel who are working for the good of others. Altruistic unprofessional work may be either secular or religious. If secular, it would include such unpaid labour as that of poor-law guardians, town councillors, vestrymen, man- agers of public libraries, baths and wash- houses, gymnasia, cricket and football clubs, penny banks, boys' homes and clubs, orphan- ages, industrial schools, hospitals, convalescent homes, working-men's clubs, coffee-taverns, debating and penny reading societies, sanitary and vigilance associations, Hospital Sunday and HospitalSaturday movements, emigration, temperance, benefit, thrift, charity organisa- tion, Kyrle, open spaces, national health, D D 2 404 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISUKE public playground, drinking-fountain, ambu- lance, early closing, people's entertainment, popular ballad concert, workhouse concert, and country and seaside convalescing societies, &c. Religious work would include that of deacons and lay readers appointed by the bishops of the Church of England, similar work as carried on by other Churches, Sunday-school teaching, membership of such associations as the Young Men's Christian Association, the Young Men's Friendly Society, the Church of England Purity Society, the White Cross Army, &c. Are not these lists sufficiently com- prehensive ? Yet they do not profess to be exhaustive. There are, doubtless, many other ways in which men of leisure might turn their talents to useful account. I have only jotted down those which first arose in my mind. Let others add to them. Many a good work is languishing for want of help, not pecuniary, but personal help. AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISTlKE 405 How different would be the condition of things o in our East-End and South London parishes, or in our large manufacturing towns, if settle- ments of young men like those established by some of the Universities were more com- mon. I can myself witness to the good work performed by two young men engaged in busi- ness in the City, who have taken a house to- gether in the far East of London, have added a large room to the building, have surrounded themselves with a band of young lads and men, and after working hours devote them- selves to their welfare, instruction, and amuse- ment. May others follow their example ! I shall be content if the few words I have written may lead some men of leisure, whose lives are at present devoid of all serious or useful occupation, to think whether, after all, that life is worth living which is exclusively o *- devoted to sport or pleasure, or, still worse, to idleness or vice, and whether it would not be more truly worth living if some portion 406 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF LEISUKE of the time, talents, health, and energy with which God has endowed them were to be de- voted to the benefit of their fellow-creatures, and to the advancement of His kingdom upon earth. 407 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF WEALTH. Reprinted, by permission, from the ' National Review ' of July 1885. Ix an article recently published in this maga- zine I ventured to make an ' Appeal to Men of Leisure ' to devote some portion of the time at their disposal to the furtherance of works of philanthropy and charity. The favourable reception accorded to my remarks encourages me to make a further appeal on behalf of similar objects to men of wealth and position. Such an appeal may, perhaps, draw forth the remark that men of wealth in England are notoriously generous, and that men of high social position are never wanting to take 408 AN APPEAL TO MEN OE WEALTH the lead in works of genuine charity. These remarks are true in one sense, but untrue in another. It is true that large sums of money are always forthcoming on the occasion of any special appeal to the generosity of the British public, and that the voluntary sub- scriptions annually contributed to works of charity in this country are larger than in any other ; it is also true that there is hardly any institution in the kingdom which cannot show its list of aristocratic, and often royal sup- porters ; but it would not be in accordance with facts to assert that men of wealth and of social position take as active an interest in works of philanthropy and of charity as they do, for instance, in the pursuit of politics, or of mere luxury or amusement, or that they spend on the former as large a proportion of their income as they do on the latter. Now, although it may be thought, and very possibly really may be, Utopian to expect the average man of wealth to expend upon his less fortu- AN APPEAL TO MES OF WEALTH 409 nate fellow-creatures as much as he spends upon his own amusements, I certainly am quixotic enough to believe that a much larger proportion of men would be found capable of such madness if in their youth they had been brought up to consider the wants of others ; if, instead of being led to understand that philanthropy and charity were right and proper subjects for the consideration of parsons and women, but were beneath the attention of men of the world, it had been pointed out to them that there was no nobler work than the relief of human suffering and the elevation of mankind, whether viewed from the Christian or the humanitarian point of view ; if it had been shown them that exceptional opportunities for engaging in this work had been placed within their reach, that the mass of mankind were constantly engaged in a never-ending struggle for bare existence, and that questions affecting their social well- being were of vastly more importance to the 410 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF WEALTH people than the most exciting topics of poli- tical or even of international warfare, except in so far as the latter, by raising prices, still further increased for them the difficulties of living. I do not think that many persons who are in the habit of watching the currents of public opinion will disagree with me when I say that social questions not only hold a vastly more important position in the public mind than for- merly, but that they are annually encroaching on the domain of pure politics, and that no statesman or party will, in the near future, be able with impunity to leave them out of calculation. Indeed, I would go so far as to say that the political party which has the courage to grapple firmly with such social questions as the housing of the poor, the regulation of the hours of labour, the State direction of colonisation, the prevention of adulteration, the reform of our Poor Laws, the sanitation of our public cities, the establish- AN APPEAL TO MEN OF WEALTH 411 ment of a Government Department of Health with a Minister at its head of Cabinet rank, the reform of our sanitary laws, the increase and better payment of inspectors of nuisances and of factories, and the appointment of a real and not of a sham Public Prosecutor, whose duty it shall be to defend the individual against all action, whether corporate or private, calculated to injure the public health that the party, in short, that is bold enough to break loose from superstitious worship of the doctrine of laissez faire, and recognises that the happiness of the people is the true end and aim of its existence, will obtain a lengthened monopoly of political power. Even supposing all this to be desirable, I hear the reader say, Why appeal to wealthy men? What have they to say to it? Why not rather, in these democratic days, descend into the streets, and address your appeal to the masses with whom now rests the fate of Ministries. That is just what I want you rich 412 AN APPEAL TO MEN OP WEALTH men of England to do ! I do not so much care that you should increase your subscriptions to charitable objects (though this might often be done with advantage), as that you should use the great influence you possess in the cause of the happiness of the greatest number. I want you to show the poor man (what I know to be the case) that he is not forgotten by you ; that you are alive to his sorrows, that you sympathise with him in Ins troubles, that you respect him for his honest struggles against penury and want, that you admire him for his patience ; that you willingly acknowledge that moral worth is superior to all social distinction ; that you recognise wealth as a talent which has been given you from above, and that your greatest pleasure in life is to use it for the good of your less favoured brethren. If wealth descended oftener into the streets, there would be less animosity between capital and labour. Sym- pathy would soon produce love, and self- AN APPEAL TO MEN OF WEALTH 413 sacrifice reverence. Let the rich man take for his motto, ' Not alms but a friend ' a friend who should use his wealth and his education, not to pauperise, but to elevate and encourage, to dissipate prejudice, to soften hatreds, and to bridge the yawning chasms of society ; for is it not true that separation begets ignorance, and ignorance hatred ? Let the poor man and the rich, the working- man and the man of leisure, join hands in works of general utility and philanthropy, and there will be an end to class hatred. ' One touch of nature makes the whole world kin.' The poor man will 'not begrudge the wealth which he sees is being used to good purpose ; he will recognise, without anger, the advantages which education, wealth, leisure, and social advantages have given to his fellow -workers of the upper classes, and respecting the unselfishness which prompts the latter to devote their advantages to the benefit of mankind in general, will freely accord the 414 AN APPEAL TO MEN OF WEALTH honour which he might have been tempted to withhold from the possession of mere wealth or social position, unsustained by personal merit. I appeal, then, to the wealthy and the socially distinguished to throw themselves into all movements of a non-political character which are calculated to insure the happiness of the people, and by this I mean not happi- ness only which is the outcome of physical content, but that also which results from a good conscience and a well-regulated life. PRINTED BY BPOTTISWOODE AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE LONDON 1887. 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