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Statesman s Words. 
 
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 I EXTRACTS FROM A FEW 
 
 
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 SPEECHES 
 
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 HON. JAMES A. GARFIELD. 
 
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 FINANCE. 
 "DIVORCE OF BANK AND STATE" NO GOVERNMENT BANK. 
 
 "It is the experience of all nations, and it is the almost unanimous opinion 
 of all eminent statesmen and financial writers, that no nation can safely un 
 dertake to supply its people with a paper currency issued directly by the Gov 
 ernment. And to apply that principle to our own country, let me ask if gen- 
 tlc MM ij think it safe to subject -jftny politic*! party who may be in power in this 
 Government to the great temptation of over-issues of paper money in lieu of 
 taxation? In times of high political excitement, and on the eve of a general 
 election, when there might be a deficiency in the revenues of the country, and 
 Congress should find it necessary to levy additional taxes, the temptation would 
 
 uncertain and hazardous chances. 
 
 But even if Congress and the Administration should pe always superior 
 to such political .temptations, still I affirm, in the second place, that no human 
 legislature is wise enough to determine how much currency the wants of this 
 country require. Test it in this House to-day. Let every member mark down 
 the amount which he believes the business of the country requires, and who 
 does not know that the amounts will vary by hundreds of millions? 
 
 But a third objection, stronger even than the last, is this: that such a 
 eurrency possesses no power of adapting itself to tke business of the country. 
 Mippose the total issues should be five hundred millions, or seven hundred 
 millions, or any amount you please ; it might be abundant for spring and 
 summer, and yet when the great body of agricultural products were moving 
 oft to market in the fall, that amount might be totally insufficient. Fix any 
 volume you please, and if it be just sufficient at one period it may be redun 
 dant at another, or insufficient at another. No currency can meet the wants 
 o this country unless it is founded directly upon the demands of business, 
 and not upon the caprice, the ignorance, the political selfishness of the party 
 
 i"^y nt m v re ll ^ tes no ^ tne lans and discounts and credits of our national 
 
 1 he business of the country. The amount increases or decreases, or 
 
 remains stationary, as business is fluctuating or steady. This is a natural 
 
 torm ot exchange, based upon the business of the country, and regulated by 
 
 its cnanges. And when that happy day arrives when the whole volume of our 
 
 currency is redeemable in gold at the will of the holder, and recognized by all 
 
 nations as equal to money, then the whole business of banking, the whole volr 
 
 >i currency, the whole amount of credits, whether in the form of checks, 
 
 M26238 
 
2 
 
 - will ta vegulated by the ean\e general taw. the business of the 
 country. The business of the country is like the level of the ocean, from 
 which all measurements are made of heights and depths. Though tides and 
 currents may for a time disturb, and tempests vex and toss its surface, still 
 through calm and storm the grand level rules all its waves and lays its meas 
 uring-lines on every shore. So the business of the country, which, hi the ag 
 gregated demands of the people for exchange of values, marks the ebb and 
 now, the rise and fall ot the currents of trade, forms the base-line from 
 which to measure afl our financial legislation, and is the only safe rule by 
 which the volume of our currency can be determined." Speech m the #9ttf of 
 Representatives, " Currency and the Banks," January 7, 1870. 
 
 RESUMPTION. 
 
 "If one thing was settled above all other questions of financial policy in 
 the American mind at that time, [I860,] it was this, that the only sound, safe, 
 trustworthy standard of value was coin of standard weight and fineness, or a 
 "paper c-urrency convertible into coin at the will of the holder. That was and had 
 been for several generations the almost unanimous opinion of the American 
 people. 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 "War. the imperious necessities of war, led the men of 1861- 62 to depart 
 from the doctrine of the fathers ; but they did not depart from it as a matter 
 of choice, but compelled by overmastering necessity. Every man in the Senate 
 and House of 1862, who voted for the greenback law, announced that he did it 
 with the greatest possible reluctance and with the gravest apprehension for 
 the result. Every man who spoke on this subject, from Thaddeus Stevens to 
 tJie humblest member of this House, and from Fessenden to the humblest Senator, 
 warned his country against the dangers that might follow, and pledged his honor 
 that, at the earliest possible moment, the country should be brought back to the old, 
 safe, established doctrine of the fathers. 
 
 "When they made the law creating the greenbacks, they incorporated into 
 its essential provisions the most solemn pledge men could devise, that they 
 would return to the doctrines of the fathers. The very law that created the 
 greenback provided for its redemption and retirement; and whenever the ne 
 cessities of war required an additional issue, new guarantees and new limita 
 tions were put upon the new issues to insure their ultimate redemption. They 
 \yciv issued upon the fundamental condition that the number should be so 
 limited forever that under the law of contracts the courts might enforce their 
 sanction. The men of 1862 knew the dangers from sad experience in our his 
 tory ; and, like Ulysses, lashed themselves to the mast of public credit when 
 they embarked upon the stormy and boisterous sea of inflated paper money, 
 that they might not be beguiled by the siren song that would oe sung to 
 them when they were afloat on the wild waves." Speech in the House of Rep 
 resentatives, "Jtepeal of the Resumption Law," November 16, 1877. 
 
 " Scarcely had the echoes of their cannon died away when they set about 
 
 the work of redeeming these pledges. In 1866, by the almost unanimous voice 
 
 of both houses of Congress, the work was commenced for the redemption 
 
 and cancellation of these notes. The great revenues of the nation were ap- 
 
 &Ked to this purpose and to the reduction of the interest- bearing debt. 
 
 "Hardly nad the great cost of the war been stated when the nation Avaa 
 Menaced with the formidable threat of repudiation. The worst elements of 
 American politics were appealed to, and the passions of selfishness and cupid 
 ity were summoned to the aid of those who joined in the assault on the public 
 
 "The autumn of 1867 and the spring of 1808 were days of darkness and 
 gloom ; but during the summer and fall of 1868 the Republican party appealed 
 with confidence to the American conscience to put down repudiation in every 
 form, to keep the public faith, and pay the sacred obligations of the war to 
 the uttermost farthing. 
 
 " No issue was ever more sharply defined than that on which the presi 
 dential canvass of 1868 was made. That issue was declared in the national 
 platform of the Republican party, and the victorious results were announced 
 in the first message of Grant, wherein he stated that 
 
 " To protect the national honor every dollar of Q-overnment Indebtedness shoul d be 
 paid in gold unless otherwise expressly stipulated in the contract. Let it be understood that 
 no repudiator of one farthing of our public debt will be trusted in public places, and it will go 
 far toward Btrengthening a credit which ought to be the best in the world. 
 
3 
 
 "This victory was sealed by the first act of Congress to which President 
 Grant gave the approval of his signature. It was a victory won in the name 
 of the public conscience, the public honor, the public faith in the name of 
 truth. From that moment the public credit was enhanced, month by month, 
 and the national faith met no shock until the great struggle of 1870, when a 
 most formidable attempt was made to break down the barriers of public con 
 fidence and launch the Nation again upon a career of irredeemable paper 
 money expansion." Speech in House of Representatives, " Currency and the 
 Public Faith," April 8, 1874. 
 
 CURRENCY NEEDED IN THE COUNTRY. 
 
 " The amount of currency needed in the country depends, as we have seen, 
 upon the amount of business transacted by means of money. The amount of 
 business, however, is varied by many causes which are irregular and uncer 
 tain in their operation. An Indian war, deficient or abundant harvests, an 
 overflow of the cotton lan.ds of the South, a bread famine or war in Europe, 
 and a score of such causes, entirely beyond the reach of legislation, may make 
 money deficient this year and abundant next; The needed amount varies also 
 from month to month in the same year. More money is required in the autumn, 
 when the vast products of agriculture are being moved to market, than when 
 the great army of laborers are in winter-quarters, awaiting the seed time. 
 
 " When the money of the country is gold and silver, if adapts itself to the 
 fluctuations of business without the aid of legislation. If at any time we have 
 more than is needed, the surplus flows off to other countries through the chan 
 nels of international commerce. If less, the deficiency is supplied through 
 the same channels. Thus the monetary equilibrium is maintained. So immense 
 is the trade of the world that the golden streams pouring from California and 
 Australia into the specie circulation are soon absorbed in the great mass and 
 equalized throughout the world, as the waters of all the rivers are spread 
 upon the surface of all the seas. 
 
 " Not so, however, witli an inconvertible paper currency. Excepting the 
 specie used in payment of customs and the interest on our public debt, we are 
 cut off from the money currents of the world. Our currency resembles rather 
 the waters of an artificial lake, which lie in stagnation or rise to full banks at 
 the caprice of the gatekeeper. 
 
 " Gold and silver abhor depreciated paper money, and will not keep company 
 with it. If our currency be more abundant than business demands, not a dol 
 lar of it can go abroad; if deficient, not a dollar of gold will come in to supply 
 the lack. There is no legislature on earth wise enough to adjust such a cur 
 rency to the wants of the country." Speech in the Mouse of Representatives, 
 May 15, 1868. 
 
 INCREASE OF THE CURRENCY IS TAXATION. 
 
 "No such change of values can occur without cost. Somebody must pay 
 "for it. Who pays in this case? We have seen that doubling the currency 
 finally results in reducing the purchasing power of each dollar one-half ; hence 
 every man who held a legal-tender note at the time of the increase, and con 
 tinued to hold it till the full effect of the increase was produced, suffered a 
 loss of fifty per cent, of its value; in other words, he paid a tax to the amount 
 of half of all the currency in his possession. This new issue, therefore, by de 
 preciating the value of all the currency, cost the holders of the old issue $175,- 
 000,000; and if the new notes were received at their nominal value at the date 
 of issue, their holders paid a tax of $175,000,000 more. No more unequal or 
 unjust mode of taxation could possibly be devised. It would be tolerated 
 only by being so involved in the transactions of business as to be concealed 
 from observation ; but it would be no less real because hidden. 
 
 ITS CHIEF BURDEN FALLS ON THE LABORER. 
 
 "But some one may say, This depreciation would fall "upon capitalists 
 and rich men who are able to bear it. 
 
 " If this were true it would be no less unjust. But unfortunately the cap 
 italists would suffer less than any other class. The new issue would bo paid 
 in the first place in large amounts to the creditors of the Government; it 
 would pass from their hands before the depreciation had taken full effect, and 
 passing down step by step through the ranks of middle men, the dead weight 
 would fall at last upon the laboring classes in the increased price of all the neces 
 saries of life. It is well known that in a general rise of prices, wages are 
 a/m0ng the tost to rise. This principle was illustrated in the report of thO 
 
Special Commissioner of the Revenue for the year 1866. It is there shown 
 that from the beginning of the war to the end of 1866, the average price of all 
 commodities had risen 90 per cent. Wages, however, had risen but 60 per cent. 
 A day s labor would purchase but two- thirds as many of the necessaries of life as 
 it would before. The wrong is therefore inflicted on the laborer long before 
 his income can be adjusted to his increased expenses. It was in view of this 
 truth that Daniel Webster said in one of his ablest speeches : 
 
 " Of all the contrivances for cheating the laboring classes of mankind, none has been more 
 effectual than that which deludes them with paper money. This is the most effectual of inven- 
 
 fine commu- 
 depreciated 
 paper. 
 
 *********** 
 
 "All debts would be canceled, all contracts fulfilled by payment in these 
 notes not at their real value, but for their face. All salaries fixed by law, the 
 pay of every soldier in the Army, of every sailor in tne Navy, and all pensions 
 and bounties would be reduced to half their former value. In these cases the 
 effect is only injurious. Let it never be forgotton that every depreciation of 
 our currency results in robbing the one hundred and eighty thousand pension 
 ers, maimed heroes, crushed and bereaved widows, and homeless orphans, who 
 sit helpless at our feet. And who would be benefited by this policy 1 ? A pre 
 tense of apology might be offered for it, if the Government could save what 
 the people lose. But the system lacks the support of even that selfish and im 
 moral consideration. The depreciation caused by the overissue in the case we 
 have supposed, compels the Government to pay just that per cent, more on all 
 the contracts it makes, on all the loans it negotiates, on all the supplies it pur 
 chases ; and to crown all, it must at last redeem all its legal-tender notes in 
 gold coin, dollar for dollar. The advocates of repudiation nave yet been bold 
 enough to deny this." Speech in House of Representatives," The Currency," May 
 15> 1868. 
 
 THE GUILTY DEMOCRACY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE BLOOD AND COST OF THE 
 
 REBELLION. 
 
 " My friend from Indiana [Mr. NIBLACK] is not himself an extreme partisan. 
 But he has said some things just now which deserve an answer. He says that 
 if the glory of the war belongs to the Republican party, then the results of the 
 war, the expenditures of the war, and the burdens laid upon the people in con 
 sequence of the war, fall also to our share. A part of this statement I indorse. 
 But, Mr. Chairman, I desire to ask that gentleman and his party a question. 
 Suppose that in the year 1861 every Democrat north of the Potomac and the 
 Ohio had followed the lead of Grant, and Douglas, and Dickinson, and Tod, 
 and all the other great lights of the Democratic party, had thrown n\vay the 
 Democratic name and said that they would be Democrats no longer, ;;s \\-o 
 said we would be Republicans no longer, but all would be Union men, and 
 stand together around the flag until the rebellion had been put under our feet. 
 I desire to ask the gentleman, if these things had happened, how long the war 
 would have lasted, how much the war would have cost ? I do not hesitate to 
 say that it could not have lasted a month, and the expenditures of the war would 
 never have exceeded $10,000,000.* I say, as a matter of current history, that it 
 was the great hope of the rebels of the Soutli that the assistance of the Dem 
 ocratic party of the North would divide our forces and overcome all our 
 efforts ; that at the ballot-box the Democrats at home would help the cause 
 which they were maintaining in the field. It was that, and that alone, which 
 protracted the war and created our immense debt. 
 
 " I come, therefore, to the door of your party, gentlemen on the other 
 side, and I lay down at your threshold every dollar of the debt, every item of the 
 stupendous total which expresses the great cost of the war; and I say if you had 
 followed Douglas there would have been no debt, no blood, no burden. I will not 
 stop here to call up before your door also the long line of ghosts of slain 
 heroes, our brothers who fell at the hands of rebels, in consequence of your 
 sympathy and encouragement." Speech in House of Representatives, Public 
 Expenditures," March U, 1870. 
 
 * By an official statement recently sent by the Secretary of the Treasury to the Senate 
 of the United States in reference to a resolution of inquiry, it appears that the expenditure of 
 the United States, necessarily growing out of the war of the rebellion, from July 1, 1861, 
 up to June 30, 1879, reached the enormous aggregate of $6,189,929,908.58. Congressional Com 
 mittee. 
 
RECONSTRUCTIONGOI> VISIBLE IN RECONSTRUCTION. 
 
 " I cannot forget that we have learned slowly. * * * I cannot forget that 
 less than five years ago I received an order from my superior officer command 
 ing me to search my camp for a fugitive slave, and if found to deliver him up 
 to a Kentucky captain who claimed him as his property ; and I had the honor 
 to be pemaps the first officer in the army who peremptorily refused to obey sueh an 
 order. We were then trying to save the Union without hurtipg slavery. * * * 
 It took us two years to reach a point where we were willing to do the most 
 meagre justice to the black man and to recognize the truth that 
 " 4 A man s a man for a that ! 
 
 " Sir, the hand of God has been visible in this work, leading us by degree* 
 out of tltie blindness of our prejudices to see that the fortunes of the Republic 
 and the safety of the party of liberty are inseparably bound up with the rights 
 of the black man. At last our party must see that if it would preserve its po 
 litical life, or maintain the safety of the Republic, we must do justice to the 
 humblest man in the Nation, whether black or white. I thank God that to 
 day we have struck the rock; we h ave planted our feet upon solid earth. 
 Streams of. light will gleam out from the luminous truth embodied in the leg 
 islation of this day. This is the ne plus ultra of reconstruction, and I hope we 
 shall have the courage to go before our people everywhere with This or noth 
 ing for our motto. 
 
 "Now, sir, as a temporary measure, I give my support to this military bill 
 properly restricted. It is severe. It was written with a steel pen made out of 
 a bayonet; and bayonets have done us good service hitherto. All I ask is that 
 Congress shall place civil governments before these people of the rebel 
 States, and a cordon of bayonets behind them. 
 
 ****** 
 
 "Now, what does this bill propose? It lays the hands of the Nation 
 upon the rebel State governments, and takes the breath of life out of them. It 
 puts the bayonet at the breast of every rebel murderer in the South to bring 
 him to justice. It commands the army to protect the life and property of citi 
 zens whether black or white. It places in the hands of Congress absolutely 
 and irrevocably the whole work of reconstruction. 
 
 "With this thunderbolt in our hands shall we stagger like idiots under its 
 weight ? Have we grasped a weapon which we have neither the courage nor 
 the wisdom to wield ? " Speech in House of Representatives, February 12, 1867. 
 
 GENERAL WINFIELD S. HANCOCK S COURSE IN LOUISIANA. 
 
 "I will allude to one example where he [President Andrew Johnson] has 
 found in a major-general in the army a facile instrument with which more 
 effectually to obstruct the work of reconstruction. This case is all the more 
 painful, because an otherwise meritorious officer, who bears honorable scars 
 earned in battle for the Union, has been made a party to the political madness 
 which has so long marked the conduct of the President. -This general was 
 sent into the district of Louisiana and Texas with a law of Congress in his 
 hand, a law that commands him to see that justice is administered among the 
 people of that country, and that no pretense of civil authority shall deter him 
 from performing his duty, and yet we find that officer giving lectures in the 
 form of proclamations and orders on what ought to be the relation between the 
 civil anamililary departments of the Government. We see him issuing a general 
 order, in which he declares that the civil should not give way before the mili 
 tary. We hear him declaring that he finds nothing in the laws of Louisiana 
 and Texas to warrant his interference in the civil administration of those 
 States. It is not for him to say which should be first, the civil or the military, 
 in that rebel community. It is not for him to search the dufunct laws of Lou 
 isiana and Texas for a guide to his conduct. It is for him to execute the laws 
 which he was sent there to administer. It is for him to aid in building up civil 
 governments*, rather than preparing himself to be the presidential candidate of that 
 party which gave him no sympathy when he was gallantly fighting the battles of 
 the country. 
 
 * * * * * * 
 
 "With suh a combination against us, does any one suppose that we can 
 take one step backward; much less that we will permit an officer of our army to 
 fling back in our faces his contempt of our law, and tell us what policy shall be 
 adopted ? It was reported in the public papers only yesterday, that the Gov 
 ernor of Texas had informed General Hancock that murderers in Texas could 
 not be punished by the civil law. Yet this general sends back word to the 
 Governor of Texas, that he does not wish to interfere in any civil matters. 
 
6 
 
 Sir, he was Bent down there for the vwy pTTTpose of interfering in snch mat 
 ters as the non-punishment of murderers. Speech in House of Representatives. 
 January 17, 1868. 
 
 THE EXTRA SESSION. 
 
 NULLIFICATION. 
 
 The three great "grievances" at this session of the Democracy were 3 First, 
 pretended military interference with elections; second, the jurors test oath, 
 and, third, several sections of the law relating to supervisors and marshals at 
 national elections. The removal of these was demanded by the Democracy, 
 accompanied with the threat that if not removed they wtmld, by withholding 
 the necessary appropriations, practically suspend all the functions of govern 
 ment. In response to these demands Mr. Garfield said: 
 
 "We declared our willingness on this side of the House, first, to pass abill 
 which the Senate, a Republican Senate, sent to us repealing that section of the 
 statute which prescribed a test oath for jurors. We were ready then, we are 
 ready now, to pass that bill just as the Senate seijt it to us at the last session. 
 Second, we said then, we have frequently repeated the offer this session, and 
 we say now, that we have never voted for a law to make use of the Army to run 
 elections. We have said repeatedly that there never was in this country, and there 
 is not now, such a law, and we do not desire such a law or such a practice; and 
 that it any act was needed to prevent the running of elections by bayonets we 
 Were ready to help prevent it. These two propositions we offered at the close 
 of the last session in order to remove any real or apparent ground of complaint 
 on those two scores, provided that, on the other side, the third demand, 
 namely, the repeal of the laws relating to supervisors and marshals, should 
 be abandoned. 
 
 "These offers were rejected with arrogant contempt, and the extra session 
 was forced upon the country." 
 
 ******* 
 
 " Soon after this session began we were tendered an army bill that had in it, 
 not a repeal of the lawoflSGS, alleged to bean offense, not that, for we tendered 
 that, and 109 Republicans voted to repeal it and not one Republican voted a gainst 
 the repeal, while every Democrat in this House voted against its repeal. Instead 
 of a repeal it was proposed so to modify the law of 1865 as to enlarge its re 
 strictions beyond the Army and Navy, and maJce it a crime punishable by 
 imprisonment or fine, for any civil officer of the United States to employ any arnwd 
 force, soldiers or citizens to keep the peace at the national elections. In other words, 
 we were tendered a proposition which swept the whole circle of the civil powers 
 with its prohibitions, and prevented the civil authorities of the Nation frompre- 
 sei ving the peace at the elections of our national legislatures or protecting super 
 visors in the execution of their duties. 
 
 " That assault upon the law we resisted as one man. But while we resisted 
 we protested that we were not and never had been advocates of running elec 
 tions by bayonets. 
 
 " Though that bill, with its revolutionary menace, passed both houses, it 
 was wrecked upon the rock of the Constitution, and went down, leaving not 
 a spar afloat on the face of the political waters." Speech in the House of Rep 
 resentatives, June 11, 1879. 
 
 JUDICIAL APPROPRIATION BILL. 
 
 "The issue is narrowed down to this: The gentleman tells us that he and 
 his associates are determined that there shall be appointed no marshals, dep 
 uty marshals, or assistant marshals to execute the laws of the Union, as em 
 bodied in title 26 of the Revised Statutes ; that they have devised and agreed 
 on this clause in the conference between the two houses so as to prevent 
 the enforcement of that part of the existing law. This makes a sharp issue 
 
 which every body can understand." 
 
 ******* 
 
 "Bufnot being able constitutionally to repeal them, [the election laws,] 
 gentlemen on the other side say, We will prevent their enforcement. And, 
 in attempting this, they attack the Government in a very vital part. They 
 know that the whole country, without regard to party, needs to have the 
 courts of the United States open to all suitors. Tlrey know that justice 
 ought to be administered in every district and circuit court of the United 
 States. 
 
 "They know that United States prisoners are locked up, some under 
 
sentence of our courts, others awaiting: trial ; and that the Constitution pro 
 vides that all who are held nnder charges shall have speedy trial. The great 
 duty, the imperative obligation, to provide for the speedy and prompt admin 
 istration of justice rests upon members of Congress, Kepublicans and Demo 
 crats alike. But the majority of this House have segregated from all the 
 other appropriations of the year this one for the judicial expenses of the Gov 
 ernment, and now offer an appropriation of two and a half millions of dollars, 
 and say, not to us alone, but through us to the Nation and to all the officers of 
 the Nation, that this money of the people, which has been paid into the 
 National Treasury for the very purpose of maintaining the courts, shall not 
 be used for that purpose, only on condition that the Democratic party shall 
 be permitted to couple with it a provision that certain laws of the land which 
 they cannot repeal snail not be enforced ; nay, more, that for the coming year 
 these laws shall be nullified. In short, we are told that we must submit to the 
 nullification of the election laws, or tJw courts of the United States shall be closed, 
 the prisoners awaiting trial shall be discharged or shall be held untried, against 
 the constitutional provision in their behalf, and that no provision shall be made 
 even to feed them. It is to be made unlawful to try them, unlawful to keep them, 
 
 lification"of certain laws," or you shall not have them at all/ 
 
 "Gentlemen, we earnestly desire to go home. We have borne the burden 
 of this long, weary, arid profitless session until we are anxious to go to our 
 homes and rest and give the country rest. But we cannot, even under the 
 persuasive heat of the dog- star and the pressure of this weary and distasteful 
 work, accept the dishonor which the bill offers. It is a moral bribe to us to 
 consent to the nullification of laws which you seek not to improve but to 
 destroy. We cannot, we will not, consent. 
 
 "^ou have retained in this bill a clause which, if it becomes a law, will 
 plae the President of the United States between two fires the fire of this law 
 if lie disobeys it, and the fire of Heaven if he violates his oath by obeying it." 
 Speech in the House of Ee2Jresentatives, June 19, 1879. 
 
 MILITARY INTERFERENCE WITH ELECTIONS. 
 
 "Let me recall a little history. When flagrant war was raging, when 
 eleven States were banded against the Union to destroy it, and the theatre of 
 war spread over five or six States that adhered to the Union, there was in fact 
 military interference at the elections it was the military interference of the 
 armed enemies of the United States. 
 
 "I once voted at an election where there was a very serious military inter 
 ference. In the autumn of 1863, under the heights of Missionary Eidge, near 
 the city of Chattanooga, when 5,000 Ohio soldiers under the laws of that State 
 were permitted to vote, I, in company with my comrades, voted for a governor 
 of Oiiio. 
 
 TT ! ?rSft we were Votin 9> tlie shells from the batteries of armed enemies of the 
 United Mates were bursting over our heads, and some of our voters were killed 
 while in the exercise of their right of suffrage as citizens of Ohio. That was the 
 only military interference with elections that I ever witnessed. Now, it was 
 to prevent that kind of military interference that the armies of the United 
 States m time of war kept off the armed enemies of the United States in the 
 fetate of Kentucky and in other border States while elections were being held 
 there. And in order that, in the performance of that necessary duty they 
 might not interfere with the freedom of elections and the right of citizens, 
 the act ot 1 ebruary, 1865, was passed while our guns were yet smoking, and 
 while we were yet in line of battle. Even in that act it was provided, under 
 the severest penalties of criminal law, that no officer, civil, military or naval 
 should interfere with the right of any man to vote, or should undertake to 
 prescribe qualifications for a voter." Speech in the House of Representatives, 
 ^a-pr^L /o, 1879. 
 
 ARMY AS AN ORDINARY POLICE FORCE. 
 
 "Now, I saythat the act of 1865 was in the interest of civil liberty, restrain 
 ing our armies from doing any wrong or committing any outrage. And in 
 that act there occurs for the first time in the history of our legislation con 
 nected with the Army the expression, to keep the peace at tlie polls. And 
 eyen there it is used for the purpose of saying that the law does not maka it* 
 
8- 
 
 crftiie punishable by fine and imprisonment for ah officer of e vernmeri 
 to keep the peace at the polls or to repel the armed enemies of the United 
 States. Nothing m that law refers to the use of the Army as ordinary police force 
 The marshals and their deputies are the police force of the United States 
 Our Army is governed by the rules and articles of war, and is always used as 
 an army when it is ordered to execute the laws. 
 
 "The proposition to use our Army as a police, to send the soldiers out and 
 station them one by om at the polls to run the elections as a police, is a fiction so 
 absurd that I trust no man on this side of the House will give the least color 
 to the assumption that he favors it by holding that this sixth section repeals 
 suspends, or modifies any existing statute." Speech in the Home of Eeprcsen- 
 tatives, ^Lpril /&o, Io79. 
 
 THE TEUTONIC TRAITS. 
 
 "We are accustomed to say, and we have heard to-night, that he [Gustavo 
 bchleicher] was born on foreign soil. In one sense that is true ; and yet in a 
 very proper historic sense he was born in our fatherland. One of the ablest 
 ot recent historians begins his opening volume with the declaration that Eng 
 land is not the fatherland of the English-speaking people, but the ancient 
 home, the real fatherland of our race, is the ancient forests of Germany. The 
 same thought was suggested by Montesquieu long ago, when he declared in 
 his bpint ot Laws that the British constitution came out of the woods of 
 Germany. 
 
 "To this day the Teutonic races maintain the same noble traits that Taci 
 tus describes in his admirable history of the manners and character of the 
 German. We may therefore say that the friend whose memory we honor to 
 night is one of the elder brethren of our race. He came to America direct 
 from our fatherland, and not, like our own fathers, by the way of England. 
 
 We who were born and have passed all our lives in this wide New World 
 can hardly appreciate the influences that surrounded his early life. Born on 
 the borders of that great forest of Germany, the Odenwald, lilled as it is with 
 the memories and traditions of centuries, in which are mingled Scandinavian 
 mythology, legends of the middle ages, romances of feudalism and chivalry, 
 histories of barons and kings, and the struggles of a brave people for a better 
 civilizaf ion ; reared under the institutions of a strong, semi-despotic govern 
 ment ; devoting his early life to personal culture, entering at an early age the 
 University of Giessen, venerable with its two and a-half centuries of existence, 
 with a library of four hundred thousand volumes at his hand, with a great 
 museum of the curiosities and mysteries of nature to study, he fed his eager 
 spirit upon the rich culture which that Old World could give him, and at twen 
 ty-four years of age, in company with a band of thirty-seven young students, 
 like himself, cultivated, earnest, liberty-loving almost to the verge of com 
 munism and who of us would not be communists in a despotism 1 ? he came 
 to this country, attracted by one of the most wild and romantic pictures of 
 American history, the picture of Texas as it existed near forty years ago ; the 
 country discovered by La Salle at the end of his long and perilous voyage from 
 Quebec to the northern lakes and from the lakes to the Gulf of Mexico; the 
 country possessed alternately by the Spanish and the French and then by Mex 
 ico ; the country made memorable by such names as Blair, Houston, Albert 
 Sidney Johnston and Mirabeau Laniar, perhaps as adventurous and daring spir 
 its as ever assembled on any spot of the earth : a country that achieved its 
 freedom by heroism never surpassed, and which maintained its perilous inde 
 pendence lor ten years in spite of border enemies and European intrigues. 
 
 "It is said that a society was formed in Europe embracing in its member 
 ship men of high rank, even members of royal families, for the purpose of col 
 onizing the new Republic of the Lone Star and making it a dependency of Eu 
 rope under their patronage ; but without sharing in their designs, some twenty 
 thousand Germans found their way to the new republic, and among these 
 young Schleicher came." Remarks in House of Representatives, February 11, 
 1879, on the TAfe and Character of Gustave Schleicher. 
 
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