mm 
 
FEW MONTHS L\ AMEEIOA: 
 
 CONTAINING REMARKS ON SOME OF TTS 
 
 INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL INTERESTS. 
 
 BY JAMES ROBERTSON. 
 
 The band of commerce was design d 
 T associate all the branches of mankind ; 
 And if a boundless plenty bo the robe. 
 Trade is the golden girdle, of the globe. 
 
 COAVPER. 
 
 LONDON : 
 
 LONGMAN & CO. 
 JAMES GALT & CO., MANCHESTER. 
 
 /C 
 
 / f> O 
 
 .3 
 
GALT, KKRRUISII, <fe ENT, PRINTERS, 28, NEW CAKNON STREET, MANCHESTEB, 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 HAVING had occasion to pass a few months in the United 
 States, during the winter of 1853-4, a considerable amount of 
 information, upon various subjects, was brought under my 
 notice, some of which, it occurred to me, would not be 
 without interest to English readers. 
 
 But, as the subjects which most naturally come under the 
 consideration of travellers have been well nigh exhausted by 
 previous writers, I have, in the following pages, almost 
 entirely confined my remarks to those which do not ordi 
 narily engage their attention to the material interests of 
 the country to those subjects with which it is the business of 
 mercantile men, having commercial relations with the States, 
 to make themselves more or less acquainted ; and it has been 
 my study to communicate these remarks with simplicity, with 
 accuracy, and within a small compass. The subjects have 
 been connected by a brief narrative, to lend variety to what 
 might otherwise, by many readers, have been deemed tedious; 
 at the same time, this arrangement has been convenient for 
 the more natural introduction of the topics which are brought 
 under review. 
 
 During the first few weeks I was in the States, I was much 
 impressed with their apparent wealth. The solidity of the build 
 ings in the cities, the immense quantities of produce brought 
 
 oo 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 to the sea-ports, the activity of the people, and their liberal, 
 I might say, their profuse expenditure, led me to form a high 
 opinion of the great natural resources of the country. With 
 longer experience, and with more information, those opinions 
 were much modified. The country is not so rich as it seems 
 to be at first sight, though its wealth is more equally diffused 
 than in England, and is much more freely expended. 
 
 I would here venture to make a remark which more pro 
 perly should have formed a part of the text. The New 
 Engenders the Yankees, properly so called are essentially a 
 commercial people. Their natural inclinations lead them to 
 trade to manufacture to drive a bargain to speculate. To 
 secure a field for the exercise of this their peculiar talent, 
 they have encouraged, and succeeded in establishing, an 
 illiberal commercial policy throughout the Union, under 
 favour of which, undertakings of various kinds have thriven 
 that otherwise would not have existed for many months. By 
 means of protection, undertakings have been fostered that 
 are a tax upon the community ; and their profits have been 
 made at the expense of the nation. Hence, capital has been 
 diverted to unnatural channels, and the average rate of profit 
 has been diminished throughout the Union. 
 
 On this account, the New England States, to some extent 
 Pennsylvania, and part of Louisiana may be said to be bur 
 dens on the industry of the other states in the Union, and 
 to prosper at their expense. Were the other states to inau 
 gurate a more liberal policy, and to introduce the principles 
 of Free Trade, I venture to believe that in a few years the 
 population of the ISTew England States would be considerably 
 diminished, and that in the meantime, emigration would go 
 011 towards the West as actively as it has done in recent 
 years from Ireland. 
 
 It was at one time my intention to make a few remarks on 
 some of the interests of the Canadas, but to the applications 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 for information made at the local government offices, no reply 
 was received. This I do not now regret, because the subjects 
 which would have engaged my. attention, have, in addition to 
 others, been exhausted by Mr. Brown, in his able article 
 "Canada," in the "Encyclopaedia Britaimica. " 
 
 I take this opportunity of expressing the obligations under 
 which I lie to numerous friends in the States, who provided 
 me with information. Those friends were not merely in one 
 or two cities, but in almost every one I visited. Where 
 so many are entitled to my thanks, it would be impossible to 
 name them all, and it would be invidious to name but a few. 
 
 JAMES ROBERTSON. 
 
 Manchester, March 17#7i, 1855. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER J. 
 
 Liverpool to New York New York city Its Commerce and 
 
 Communications Amusements John Mitchell . . . . 1 21 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Philadelphia Its Commerce Coal Trade of the States . . . 22 32 
 
 CHAPTER 111. 
 
 Baltimore Its Commerce Washington The President . . 33 39 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Kichmond State of Virginia Tobacco Trade of the States 
 
 To Wilmington and Charleston 40 48 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Charleston Its Commerce Savannah Communications with 
 the West Convention of Southern States To Montgomery 
 and Mobile Gulf of Mexico 49 01 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 New Orleans city Suburbs Cemetries Climate Popu 
 lation Amusements Commerce Yellow Fever . . . 02 70 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The Cotton Trade Its Progress Exports A ariations in 
 Price Future Supply Production per Acre Surface 
 under Crop Extent of Suitable Lands Cost of Pro 
 duction Growing Scarcity of Labour Chinese Labour 
 Sugar Trade Extent and Value of Crop Loss to the 
 Union by Protection of Sugar 77 90 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 "Cuba Its Annexation a Gain or Loss to the United States? Its 
 
 Productions and Commerce Southern Logic ..... 91101 
 
CONTEXTS. ^11 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 Steamers on the Mississippi Accidents New Orleans to 
 
 Louisville by River Pacific Railway 102114 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Louisville St. Louis Cincinnati River Traffic Provision 
 
 Trade Vine Culture Pittsburg Iron Trade of the States 115128 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Washington Houses of Congress Public Men Frequent 
 Official Changes Newspapers Post Office National 
 Expenditure 129144 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Baltimore American Women Mode of Life Personal Attrac 
 tions Education Marriage Wives 145 151 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 New York Hotels Servants Railways Plank Roads 
 
 Telegraphs 152165 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Commerce of the States Shipping Limited Liability in Part 
 nership Immigration 166 184 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 To Buffalo Its Commerce Wheat Trade of the States Pro 
 ductiveness and Value of Agricultural Labour Profits of 
 Agriculture Severity of American Winters Trade of 
 the Lakes 185 198 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 Buffalo to Montreal Boston Its Commerce Education . . . 199 209 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Lowell Cotton and Woollen Manufactures of the States Cost 
 of Protection American Cotton Manufactures compared 
 with English Wages Machinery Joint Stock Asso 
 ciations Private Enterprise in England English and 
 American Competition in Neutral Markets Inducements to 
 Emigrants Strikes among Workmen 210 223 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Labour in America less productive than in England American 
 Manufactures Productiveness of Agriculture in England 
 and in America Increase of Capital in the United States 
 International Relations Boston to Liverpool 224 230 
 
CHAPTER I, 
 
 LIVERPOOL TO NEW YORK NEW YORK CITY ITS COMMERCE AND 
 COMMUNICATIONS AMUSEMENTS JOHN MITCHELL. 
 
 ON the 16th of November, 1853, I sailed from Liverpool for 
 New York, in the Collins Steamer the "Atlantic." 
 
 My fellow passengers, with the exception of about half-a- 
 dozen, were all Americans, and being from various parts of 
 the Union, I ventured to consider them a fair representation 
 of the people. The general knowledge gained during twelve 
 days from such a mixed assemblage, I afterwards found to be 
 a valuable preparation for travelling through the States. 
 
 During the first four-and-twenty hours, the weather was 
 unusually fine, and we progressed rapidly. The passengers, 
 free from sea-sickness, were full of enjoyment, and the deck 
 was a scene of the most active excitement. But a calm sea 
 in the Atlantic is of rare occurrence, even in a favourable 
 season of the year, and yet more so in November. As we 
 passed Cape Clear, and came into the long swell of the Ocean, 
 the motion of the ship became very disagreeable, arid soon 
 put an end to all amusements. The ladies soon disappeared, 
 and shortly afterwards their example was followed by most of 
 the gentlemen. On the second day, the attendance at the 
 dinner table was thin, and at the hour of tea, the cabin was 
 nearly deserted. Of those who thus vanished, many did not 
 again appear for some days, and a few not till we approached 
 our destination. 
 
2 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 After the second day we had a succession of squalls, gales, 
 and, in two instances, of rather severe storms. This rough 
 weather continued for nine successive days, and during most 
 of that time, we could scarcely get on deck. 
 
 However exhilarating it may be for a sailor to encounter a 
 storm at sea, it is not at first a very agreeable adventure for 
 a landsman, who entertains a secret feeling, that it would be 
 quite as comfortable to view the storm from a safe position on 
 land. And yet, there is an excitement in finding one s-self 
 tossed in a ship on the wide ocean, and in seeing the boiling 
 waters lashed into fury by the tempestuous winds. Still, a 
 calm was a relief, and it was more grateful to have a glimpse 
 of the sun, than to see the air thickened with spray, till it 
 became difficult to distinguish the sea from the surrounding 
 atmosphere. 
 
 Jn conformity with an annual custom in the New England 
 States, at the conclusion of the harvest, the 24th was kept as 
 a day of thanksgiving. In the evening one of the passengers 
 delivered an address, in the course of which he alluded at 
 considerable length to Great Britain, and to the friendly re 
 lations existing between the two countries. His remarks 
 were warmly applauded, particularly when he referred to the 
 Queen. Such sentiments I found to be pretty general in 
 America, for, although on the surface there is some desire 
 to under-estimate many things in England, yet under that, 
 there is easily perceived a feeling of warm attachment to the 
 mother country. 
 
 There was no library on board, and the passengers were 
 therefore compelled to rely on their own resources, to enable 
 them to pass the time agreeably. Various expedients were 
 employed, to create excitement; but with rough weather, 
 and the consequent violent motion of the vessel, none of 
 them were very successful. 
 
 Some preparations were made to publish a newspaper, but 
 even that could not be accomplished. This was a cause of 
 
IN AMERICA. 3 
 
 disappointment to the passengers, many of whom had infor 
 mation and other matters to communicate of course excel 
 lent of their kind but who were unable to get their ideas 
 committed to paper. 
 
 Captain West, by his pleasant manners and kind attentions 
 to all, did much to promote agreeable intercourse among the 
 passengers. He told me that this would be the two hundred 
 and twenty-sixth time he had crossed the Atlantic ! 
 
 On the 27th, as we came under shelter of the American 
 coast, the weather became moderate, and we were able to 
 escape from the cabin. The deck again became a scene of 
 great activity the more joyous as almost all the passengers 
 neared their homes. On the evening of the 28th, the lights 
 along the coast were distinctly seen from deck, and on 
 awaking on the morning of the 29th, I was delighted to 
 find our ship safely moored at the quay of New York. 
 
 The city of New York is situated at the southern extremity 
 of the island of Manhattan. Having no means of expansion 
 except in one direction, it extends very rapidly to the 
 northern side of the island, and at its present rate of 
 increase, threatens at no very distant day to cover its 
 entire surface. 
 
 tThe southern part of the city is by far the most important, 
 and it is there that all its commercial operations are carried on. 
 This has induced great numbers of the people to reside on 
 the other side of the river, in the cities of Brooklyn, Williams- 
 burg, and Jersey-city ; which, by steamboats running every 
 five minutes, are found to be more accessible than the upper 
 part of the city. * 
 
 The population of the city 
 
 In 1800, was 60,489 
 
 1820 123,706 
 
 1840 312,710 
 
 1850 515,547 
 
4 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 and at the present time, including the suburban cities I have 
 named, it is estimated at 850,000. 
 
 The old part of the city is built somewhat irregularly, but 
 in that more recently built, forming three-fourths of its ex 
 tent, the streets are spacious, and laid out at right-angles to 
 each other. The principal street and leading thoroughfare is 
 Broadway. Commencing at the southern part of the island, 
 it extends through its entire length, and the other streets 
 being as it were its tributaries, it contains a throng of people 
 and a crowd of vehicles of every description, which is not 
 surpassed by any of the great thoroughfares in London. Great 
 inconvenience has been felt from this accumulation of traffic, 
 and various measures have been devised for relief, by diverting 
 it into other streets ; but the success of those measures has 
 been very partial. 
 
 As New York may be said to represent America, so may 
 Broadway be said to represent New York. At one end, it is 
 the centre of the commerce of the city, and at the other, of 
 its fashion. It contains the handsomest buildings in the 
 city ; all the large hotels, some of the large stores, and all 
 the most fashionable and most expensive shops. At the south 
 end its pavement is busied with mercantile men, in active 
 pursuit of their business, and its centre is crowded with 
 omnibuses freighted with passengers, and waggons loaded 
 with goods. Beyond its commercial limits, the omnibuses 
 still continue to ply, but largely interspersed with brilliant 
 equipages ; and its side walks are thronged with ladies, richly, 
 I might almost say gaudily, dressed, wiiose chief occupation 
 seems to be, to admire the tempting w r ares which are ex 
 hibited in the shop windows, and to spend the money, which 
 their husbands or other relatives strive to make at the lower 
 end of the street. Thus one end of Broadway may be said 
 to represent the active commercial spirit of the city, and 
 the other its extravagance and gaiety. 
 
 The other parts of the city proper, have no special attrac- 
 
IN AMERICA. 5 
 
 tions, except for their commerce ; but in the northern end, 
 many of the streets contain very handsome houses, the resi 
 dences of the wealthier merchants, 
 
 A great drawback to the attractiveness of New York, arises 
 from its excessive filthiness. Till I went there I had never 
 seen such a dirty city. Although the weather was then fine, 
 and it had been dry for some time previously, yet parts of 
 some of the streets were almost impassable from mud, and 
 pools of dirty water. Many of the streets had not been 
 cleaned for years, and although the citizens complained 
 bitterly of the nuisance, their remonstrances passed un 
 heeded. Even Broadway, the resort of the beautiful, the 
 gay, and the fashionable, in some places was not much 
 better than others. Opposite to the hotel at which I lived, 
 there was a large pool of water at least 200 feet in length, and 
 of width sufficient to prevent any one from attempting to leap 
 across it without the risk of going up to the ankles. In other 
 parts of Broadway matters were not much better ; and I have 
 seen some of the inhabitants not hesitate to throw their ashes 
 and dirty water into the middle of the street. 
 
 This state of the city arose from no scarcity of means 
 at the command of the authorities to effect an improvement, 
 for as I shall shew, the annual income of the city is unusually 
 large. It arose from the neglect of those in office, if it did 
 not, as was openly stated by the citizens, arise from some 
 thing worse. 
 
 In 1853, the Tax levied in the city and county of New 
 York (the city is co-extensive with the county), was 
 $5,007,275,* of which sum $4,704,789 were collected.! Of 
 this amount $3,311,741 were appropriated for the expenditure 
 of the City Government, under which head was not included 
 interest on City Debt and Public Schools. 
 
 * A Dollar is worth about 4s. 2d. 
 
 fThe sum collected in 1851 was 4.8-15.34G dollars, nnd Uio amount demanded for 
 1855 is 5,918,593 dollars. 
 
6 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 To gratify the curiosity of those who are familiar with 
 municipal affairs in this country, I give some of the items of 
 which this large sum was composed. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Almshouses . 385,000 
 
 Cleaning Streets 289,625 
 
 Fire Department 79,846 
 
 Lamps and Gas 295,063 
 
 Police 614,672 
 
 Salaries 234,917 
 
 This may serve as a specimen of the whole, for the other 
 departments are conducted on an equally liheral scale of 
 expenditure. Under what sort of management those large 
 sums were expended I can form no opinion. The population 
 of New York have the reputation of being shrewd men of 
 business, and one would therefore imagine that they would 
 take care to see their money applied in the manner best fitted 
 to promote the interests of the city ; and to produce efficiency 
 in the different departments of the service. Whether those 
 ends are attained is a different matter, for I believe that most 
 men in New York will admit that thus far, the management 
 of their municipal affairs has been a complete failure. To the 
 state of the streets I have already adverted. The efficiency 
 of the police force, and of the fire department, is far from 
 being satisfactory ; and in other departments I could not 
 learn that there was anything of which to boast. 
 
 So intolerable had the state of Broadway become during 
 the winter of 1853--4, so much damage had been done to 
 the goods of merchants, from dust in dry weather, and from 
 mud when it was wet, and so little prospect was there of any 
 improvement s being effected, that the merchants at last took 
 the matter into their own hands, and voluntarily subscribed 
 money to pay for the performance of those duties which the 
 authorities neglected. Men were employed to sweep the 
 street at night, and one of the merchants superintended the 
 
IN AMERICA. 7 
 
 proceedings. On my return here in spring, Broadway was in 
 the most beautiful order, and presented a striking contrast to 
 what it had been six months before. 
 
 As a contrast to the expenditure of the city of New York, 
 I may here mention that that of Manchester with a popu 
 lation of more than half that of New York, amounted in 
 1853, exclusive of poor rate, to 101,222 14s. And yet, I 
 venture to affirm, that in respect of the efficiency of its 
 police force, and its fire department, the cleanliness of its 
 streets, its pavements, its general sanitaiy condition, and 
 indeed the entire administration of its municipal affairs, 
 Manchester is under far better management than New York. 
 
 Of one of the public works of their city, the people of 
 New York have reason to be proud ; that is, the Croton Water 
 Works. By means of these, the city has an almost unlimited 
 supply of pure water, and at a moderate cost to the inhabitants. 
 The whole cost of the works was about $9,000,000. 
 
 When I arrived in New York, the Indian summer was 
 drawing to a close, and the dullness of the mornings and 
 evenings gave intimation of the approach of winter. Still, 
 from the dryness of the atmosphere, the cold was less felt 
 than it would have been in a more moist climate, with a 
 temperature ten degrees higher. During the day the air was 
 gratefully mild, almost warm, and with a clear lofty atmos 
 phere, an elasticity of spirits was felt, to which one is a 
 stranger in England I imagine that this in a large measure 
 favours that activity of character, for which the Americans 
 have obtained credit. 
 
 For that activity, and what they themselves denominate 
 "smartness," the New York men of business claim pre 
 eminence in the Union, and I believe they do so with much 
 justice. The extent and variety of the New York commerce, 
 and the multitude of people with whom the merchants come 
 in contact, favour confidence in themselves, quickness of 
 apprehension, and promptitude in action, and these are the 
 
8 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 qualities which form the character of a smart man. It may 
 be questioned, however, whether these qualities form the 
 character of a merchant, properly so called ; or, whether the 
 turmoil, and constant excitement in which New York business 
 is carried on, is favourable to the prudent management of 
 those operations which require much consideration and fore 
 sight. Hence, as is contended by some conversant with the 
 business of New York, much of that more properly called 
 mercantile in contradistinction to that conducted by dealers 
 and commission agents, and extending to a distant period, 
 is conducted by merchants in Boston and Philadelphia. 
 Undoubtedly most of the trade of the port is carried on by 
 merchants resident there, but as New York offers the best 
 point for shipment of home produce, and for the distribution 
 to the interior of foreign commodities, merchants of the other 
 cities I have named, transact much of their business through 
 this city, finding it to afford them the largest, and frequently 
 the most advantageous market. 
 
 As a specimen of the smartness of New York men, I may 
 repeat what was related to me by a German merchant, who 
 had opportunities of knowing something of the nature of the 
 commerce of the city. 
 
 A dealer has a quantity of goods which he is anxious to 
 sell. A buyer presents himself, but his credit is not un 
 doubted. Wishing, however, to secure the sale of his goods, 
 and at the same time desirous of avoiding any undue risk 
 with the buyer s long-dated acceptance, the dealer endeavours 
 to find out at what rate this acceptance can be " sold on the 
 street." If, though that should be at a high rate of discount, 
 there still remain a profit on the sale, that is at once effected, 
 and the transaction is closed. With the acceptance he has 
 no further concern ; for as selling a bill on the street means 
 " without recourse," his liability ceases when the bill passes 
 out of his possession. 
 
 The sudden rise, and wonderful progress of the commerce 
 
IN* AMERICA. 9 
 
 of New York, has been unprecedented. At the end of last 
 century, its foreign trade was surpassed by that of Phila 
 delphia; and at no very distant date, it was of no great 
 magnitude ; but within the last few years it has advanced 
 with rapid strides. The value of the foreign trade of the 
 port amounted, 
 
 
 IMPORTS. 
 
 EXPOET9. 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollara. 
 
 In 1821 
 
 to ... 20,020,012 
 
 . . . . 12,124,645 
 
 1831 
 
 . . 57,291,727 
 
 . . . 20,142,710 
 
 1841 
 
 . . . 75,268,015 
 
 . . . . 30,731,519 
 
 1851 
 
 . . 141,073,531 
 
 . . . 80,227,207 
 
 1854 
 
 . . . 191,074,504 
 
 .... 107,575,050 
 
 or, in the latter year to an aggregate of 298,049,554$, an 
 amount which I am not aware is exceeded by the trade of 
 any other city in the world, with the single exception of 
 Liverpool.* 
 
 * It will be observed that there is a wide difference between 
 the value of the exports and imports. This arises from the 
 largest portion of the exports of the States being sent abroad 
 from the southern ports ; while of the imports, the largest 
 portion is received at New York. The imports seem to have 
 gradually increased Avith the wealth and population of the 
 country ; but the exports from this and the other northern 
 ports, received a new impulse by the relaxation of the 
 commercial restrictions of Great Britain, and since 1847 
 have more rapidly increased. 
 
 The imports consist of dry goods, or manufactured articles 
 of cotton, wool, silk, and flax; of iron, raw and manufactured; 
 and of sugar, tea, coffee, fruits, &c. From this point they 
 are distributed to other parts of the States, either directly, 
 or through other cities on the sea-board. 
 
 The exports are composed of gold, breadstuff s, provisions, c., 
 
 * The value of the exports alone, from Liverpool, in 1853, amounted to 
 47,152,194. Parliamentary Paper. 
 
10 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 by far the greater portion of which is sent to Great 
 Britain. A few of the most important articles shipped in 
 1853, were 
 
 Specie , 21,127,228 dollars. 
 
 Flour 2,309,702 barrels. 
 
 Wheat 8,184,249 bushels. 
 
 Indian Corn 1,134,223 do. 
 
 Cotton 290,440 bales. 
 
 The shipping belonging to the port has increased as rapidly 
 as its commerce, and bears a larger proportion to the value of 
 that commerce than in any other mercantile city of any mag 
 nitude. That arises from two causes. First, because the 
 exports from New York are principally of raw produce, there 
 fore bulky, and requiring a large amount of tonnage for their 
 conveyance to foreign markets. Secondly, because much of 
 the shipping that is employed in the southern ports, to convey 
 their cotton and other produce to foreign markets, is owned 
 by New York merchants. 
 
 The tonnage belonging to the city 
 
 In 1826 was 316,289 tons 
 
 1836 404,814 
 
 1842 459,474 
 
 1853 1,149,133 
 
 This amounts to more than a fourth part of the entire 
 shipping of the States, and is more, I believe, than that 
 belonging to any other port in the world. 
 
 In 1834 the proportion of tonnage built in New York, to 
 that built in the whole country, was about one seventh, but 
 in 1851 it had risen to about one-fourth. In 1853 the num 
 ber of ships launched, and on the stocks, was 145, with a 
 tonnage of 105,228. In the same year the number of 
 arrivals at the city were 
 
 From foreign ports 4,105 vessels. 
 
 Coastwise 7,035 
 
 Total.. 11,1 40 
 
IN AMERICA. 11 
 
 The arrivals and clearances at the port have increased yet 
 more strikingly than that of the tonnage owned. They were 
 
 ENTERED CLEARED. 
 
 In 1821 . . . 171,963 tons .... 154,472 tons 
 
 1831 . . . 337,009 ... 294,235 
 1841 . . . 549,045 .... 407,325 
 
 1851 . . . 1448,768 ... 1230,082 
 
 1853 . . . 1755,521 . . . . 1384,009 
 
 This is more than a fourth of all the other ports taken 
 together. 
 
 The proud position now occupied by New York as the first 
 commercial city of the New World, insures it a still more 
 rapid progress, and a yet higher pre-eminence. At an early 
 period of its history, it had much to fear from the competition 
 of its rivals, Boston and Philadelphia. Indeed, as I have 
 already remarked, the latter surpassed it in the extent of its 
 foreign commerce, at the end of the last century, and till 
 1810, was a-heacl of it in population. With a much richer 
 State, and as convenient access to the west, it might, had its 
 inhabitants been possessed of enterprise, have striven to 
 maintain its superiority. But the favourable opportunity 
 was allowed to slip, and never again presented itself. New 
 York had taken the start, and has now so entirely outstripped 
 it in population, wealth, enterprise, and foreign intercourse, 
 that it can never hereafter fear any rival on the east coast. 
 
 That pre-eminence which New York now enjoys, it owes 
 to several favourable circumstances, to great natural advan 
 tages, and to those which it has derived from the enterprise 
 of its inhabitants. It has a most magnificent harbour, 
 twenty-five miles t in circumference, and capable of con 
 taining the whole navies of the world. It lies close upon the 
 sea ; and by the Hudson river, it has convenient access to 
 some distance in the interior. Those natural advantages 
 alone, would have" rn ade it a p6rt of much consequence, but 
 they did not satisfy the inhabitants. A new world was 
 
12 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 opening up in the north and west, and with those regions it 
 was desirable that New York should be brought into commu 
 nication. In 1825 the Erie Canal was opened, connecting 
 Lake Erie with the Hudson river. By this means New York 
 was brought into communication, not only with the fertile 
 valleys of the western part of the state, but also with the 
 whole coast of the western lakes ; an inland navigation of 
 hundreds of miles was opened up for the enterprise of its 
 merchants, and the whole produce of the west was directed 
 to its harbour for distribution to the markets of the world. 
 The cost of transportation from Buffalo to New York previous 
 to the opening of the canal, was about $100 per ton, and the 
 length of passage was twenty days. Now the cost of carriage 
 is from $2 to $3 per ton, and even that is being diminished. 
 
 The success which attended the opening of the Erie Canal 
 led to the construction of that to Lake Champlain, and of 
 branches from the former to points on Lake Ontario. 
 
 The importance of those canals will be seen by the follow 
 ing statement, shewing the quantity and value of the articles 
 conveyed towards the east and west. They were 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1836 . . . 1,310,807 tons, valued at 07,034,043 
 1846 . . . 2,208,000 115,012,109 
 
 1851 . . . 8,582,733 159,981,801 
 
 These figures represent the entire movement on all the 
 canals in the state of New York. 
 
 In 1853 the value of the articles which came to the Hud 
 son river by canals, was 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Productions of the forest 13,026,295 
 
 Agriculture 48,330,343 
 
 Manufactures 3,256,056 
 
 Merchandise 5,549,128 
 
 Other articles 3,075,244 
 
 74,443,066 
 
JN AMERICA, 13 
 
 Or an increase of upwards of twenty million dollars compared 
 with the year 1851. 
 
 Satisfactory as were those results, the New York people 
 expected they could improve on them by other enterprises, 
 and by the construction of railways to connect their harbour 
 still farther with the north and west. The traffic on the 
 canals was enormous in quantity, the time occupied in trans 
 mitting produce was considerable, much of the merchandise 
 going westward could be sent more conveniently by railway, 
 and from the severity of an American winter, the navigation of 
 the canal was obstructed at the very time when farmers and 
 others could most conveniently send their produce to market, 
 and when it was most wanted for consumption. Influenced 
 by these and other considerations, stupendous lines of rail 
 ways have been constructed or are in progress, to join New 
 York to Lakes Erie and Ontario, and the regions bordering 
 on those lakes in the north and west. One of these lines, 
 the Erie railway, spreads out into a number of lines at each 
 end, forming at each terminus a sort of delta, to accommodate 
 its large business. At the city end it has three outlets, and 
 I believe it touches the western lakes at seven separate 
 points. 
 
 From those points on the lakes, bordering on the 
 state of New York, communications are carried on westward 
 to all the other lakes, and thence by rivers, and by 
 canals and railways in course of construction, to various 
 points of the interior. By those channels, the foreign im 
 ports into the harbour of New York, and the manufactures 
 of the eastern states reach the consumers of the west ; and 
 in return, the latter send by the same routes to the east 
 coast their agricultural and forest productions. 
 
 By some of those new enterprises, the valleys of the Mis 
 sissippi and the Ohio have been approached from New York ; 
 and produce, which a very few years ago found its natural 
 outlet to the sea, by the Gulf of Mexico, is now diverted to 
 
14 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 the east coast by this newly-opened inland navigation. In 
 this way, the Indian corn of the state of Missouri above 
 St. Louis, reaches Chicago, by the Illinois river and Chicago 
 canal, and thence by lake and canal finds its way to New 
 York ; and by the Ohio river and canal, through Cleveland, 
 the provisions from the regions on the Ohio above Louis 
 ville, are carried forward to the same destination. It has 
 been even attempted to divert the cotton of Tennessee into 
 this channel, and several cargoes have been brought to the 
 east coast through those new inland routes. * 
 
 But those advantages, natural and acquired, which New 
 York now enjoys, have secured to it others which will con 
 tribute yet further to its prosperity. 
 
 It is now the largest indeed the money market of the 
 States ; and, therefore, offers facilities to merchants in the 
 transaction of their business, which cannot be afforded by 
 any other city. It is the largest general market in the 
 Union, and therefore commands a preference from buyers 
 and sellers. The extent of its foreign trade ensures a speedy 
 shipment of produce to any part of the world, at average 
 rates of freight ; and from its being the point of communi 
 cation between Europe and America, it affords to merchants 
 at all times, the fullest and latest information upon every 
 subject affecting the commerce of the country. 
 
 The future of New York no one can even imagine, far 
 less venture to predict. The position to which it has now 
 attained, seems to have prepared it only for more gigantic 
 strides. Not only is it now in direct communication with 
 many of the most important points in the interior of the 
 country, but it is daily striving to enlarge those communi 
 cations, and to reduce their cost. The west, as it advances 
 in population and wealth, will almost in the same degree 
 administer to its greatness ; for nearly all the surplus produce 
 of those immense regions, will find its natural outlet to the 
 markets of the world, through the ports on the east coast, and 
 
JN AMERICA. 15 
 
 through none so readily as New York ; and through the same 
 channel will be distributed to the interior, the merchandise 
 which is imported into the Union from all parts of the world. 
 
 But New York is not merely a commercial city. She is 
 largely engaged in manufactures of various kinds, indeed 
 more so than any other city in America. In 1850 she had 
 3,387 productive establishments, in which there was a capital 
 invested amounting to $34/233,822. In those works there 
 were employed 83,620 hands, and their produce in that year 
 was valued at $105,218,308. Of those manufactures I was 
 unable to procure details ; but I apprehend they include 
 branches of industry which in this country would scarcely 
 be included in that class. The number of works which own j 
 this capital among them, shews that many of them must be 
 on a very diminutive scale. 
 
 The value of real and personal estate in the city and 
 county of New York has advanced more than in proportion 
 to its population. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1826 it amounted to 107,238,981 
 
 1813 ditto to ...... 229,229,079 
 
 1854 ditto to ....... 462,021,734 
 
 As may be expected, New York is the port at which arrives 
 by far the largest portion of immigrants. In 1854 they num 
 bered 307,639, being somewhat more than in the previous 
 year. The largest number was from Germany, and next 
 from Ireland. Till within the last two years the greatest 
 number arrived from the latter country indeed in 1851 
 more than from all other countries taken together, but 
 recently the arrivals have diminished. It may therefore be 
 presumed, that the exodus from Ireland is on the decline for 
 a permanency, unless some new cause should arise to give it 
 a renewed impulse. 
 
 All large cities have some difficulty in procuring plentiful 
 supplies of perishable country produce, and in particular of 
 
16 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 the article milk. True enough an article called milk can be 
 had in abundance, but of a quality which is frequently far 
 from being pure. From this drawback to the comfort of its 
 inhabitants, New York suffers as much as any city, but I am 
 not aware that in any other city, there has been so much light 
 thrown upon the system by which its milk supplies are 
 provided. 
 
 I do not know whether the quality of that furnished to the 
 people of New York is inferior to what is sold in other cities, 
 and therefore information afforded from America, may not be 
 without some interest to those who are curious on such a 
 subject. 
 
 The supply to the city, in ] 841, was estimated at 16,405,000 
 quarts, of which a very small proportion was pure, the whole 
 business being then in the hands of the swill milk manu 
 facturers. 
 
 In 1852, the supply was estimated at 120,600,000 quarts, 
 valued at $ 5,437,000. Of this there was 
 
 QUARTS. 
 
 Of Country milk 36,500,000 
 
 Swill milk 58,500,000 
 
 Addition to country milk of water, chalk, mag 
 nesia, &c 11,000,000 
 
 Addition of ditto to swill milk 14,000,000 
 
 120,000,000 
 
 The good milk amounted to 36,500,000 quarts only, while 
 84,100,000 quarts were bad. 
 
 In the su-ill milk establishments, which are in and around 
 the city, it was estimated that, in 1852, there were 13,000 
 cows. In one establishment alone, there were 2,000. More 
 than a half are connected with distilleries, from which the 
 swill is received. This is a product of the distilleries, and is 
 a highly stimulating liquid, on which the cows are almost 
 entirely fed, and with which they are kept in a state of 
 
IN AMERICA. 17 
 
 perpetual semi-intoxication, never being allowed a breath of 
 pure air or a moment s exercise. 
 
 It is believed that this mixture is fatal to infant life, and 
 very injurious to the health of adults. I believe that were 
 these details more generally known in New York, they would 
 go far to diminish the consumption of milk in the city. 
 
 In Xew York a foreigner can more readily learn something 
 of the character of the American people, than in any other 
 city in the country. The activity of its people represents that 
 of the nation, and here are to be met men from every part of 
 the Union, and representatives of every great interest. Not 
 only does this apply to commercial and industrial pursuits, but 
 also to political and other associations. To this place there 
 seems to tend all the unsettled spirits of the nation ; men 
 who have devised schemes of usefulness or of mischief, and 
 who expect to reduce them here into some practical form. 
 Though much, therefore, has been said of fillibusterism in 
 the southern states, I venture to believe that in this city 
 has had its origin the movement for the possession of : Guba, 
 as well as that thus far only partially developed for the 
 future annexation of Canada. 
 
 Of the private life of the citizens of New York I saw but 
 little. I learned, however, that they lead a life of much 
 gaiety, and by popular interpretation, of much enjoyment. 
 In summer, those who have leisure and means, frequent 
 watering and other places of amusement. In winter, there 
 is no lack of public and private amusements in the city. In 
 some private circles, where lavish expenditure would seem 
 to be a virtue, extravagant entertainments are given, where 
 each host or hostess tries to outshine his or her neighbour 
 in expense and ostentation ; and where the lady guests 
 endeavour to outrival each other, in rich and gaudy dresses. 
 Of those entertainments, much talk is frequently made in 
 the city ; and that would lead one to suppose they are of 
 less frequent occurrence than they are reported to be, because 
 
 c 
 
18 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 events which happen daily, or even often, cease to be matters 
 of wonderment. While, therefore, the good citizens of New 
 York may indulge freely in those enjoyments which proceed 
 from excitement, it may be inferred that their entertainments 
 are less vulgar, than they themselves would lead the world 
 to believe. 
 
 Public amusements abound in the city. This is not merely 
 a consequence of the love of such pastimes among the citi 
 zens, but arises also from the great number of strangers from 
 other parts of the country, who frequent the city during a 
 great part of the year. New York being the great market 
 for the sale of the produce of the north and west, and also 
 for the purchase of foreign commodities, farmers, manufac 
 turers, merchants, and dealers in those various articles, come 
 hither for longer or shorter periods nearly every year, and 
 sometimes oftener, to make their needful purchases or sales. 
 As the expense of travelling is small, and the charges at the 
 hotels moderate for ladies, and as the Americans have, I 
 might almost say, a mania for travelling, most of those who 
 come to New York on business, bring some of their female 
 relatives with them. The consequence may be easily fore 
 told. The ladies must have new bonnets of the smartest 
 shape and latest fashion, or new shawls or dresses, of the 
 most brilliant colours ; and after purchase, of course they 
 must go into public to let them be seen. The gentlemen are 
 busy all day, and can play the gallant only in the evening. 
 Hence places of public amusement receive a large share of 
 popular countenance, and thrive to a degree in proportion 
 to the city population quite unknown in England. 
 
 The first in position, of those public places of amusement, 
 is the Opera. The quality of the performances at this place 
 is fair, and above the average ; but I confess that I was less 
 charmed with the music than with the brilliant dresses, the 
 clear delicate complexions, and the sparkling eyes of the fair 
 auditors. The entertainments at other public places were 
 
IN AMERICA. 19 
 
 very mediocre, and scarcely equal to what is to be found in 
 a third rate town in England. Passing one of those places 
 one evening, I enquired at the door what was being per 
 formed. The reply was " The Road to Ruin, and other 
 splendid pieces." Not caring to find out that road, I did not 
 take advantage of the polite invitation which was given me to 
 " walk in." 
 
 After arriving in the city, my attention was early attracted 
 to its large newspaper circulation. The daily publication in 
 the city cannot be less than 200,000 copies. Of these, one 
 paper, with the largest circulation, is sold at one cent. Three 
 others, whose daily circulation together is upwards of 100,000 
 copies, are sold at two cents. Most of the others are sold 
 at five cents and upwards. Of course almost every person 
 purchases a paper : and I was told, so necessary a part 
 of life have they become in the city, that no cabman will 
 accept a fare in the morning, till he has read that morning s 
 paper. This may be an exaggeration, but it nevertheless 
 shews the universality of the practice. 
 
 During my stay in New York, the popularity of John 
 Mitchell was at its height. He came there about the same 
 time, and as the latest martyr to the cause of liberty, he 
 was the man whom many of the New Yorkers delighted to 
 honour. Some of the newspapers eulogised the great Irish 
 patriot in leading articles, the editors not knowing at that time 
 that he designed to establish a paper of his own, and public 
 meetings were held to give him welcome. He was serenaded 
 during the night ; and even those in authority who wanted 
 to continue in office hastened to vote addresses to him, and 
 to congratulate him on his escape. As a grand climax, he 
 was feasted at a great public banquet, where public men 
 offered him their adulation, and public writers complimented 
 him as one of the great champions of the cause of freedom ! 
 
 Great must have been the gratification of John Mitchell 
 
20 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 on that evening ! What a recompense for years of sorrow and 
 suffering, to be thus publicly identified with the cause of 
 human progress and enlightenment, and to be proclaimed a 
 leader of its forces among the most progressive people in the 
 world ! ! But, ah ! how fickle is public opinion. Here was 
 re-enacted the scene which had taken place not long before at 
 Washington, when President Fillmore invited Thomas Mcagher 
 to his table, and placed him at his right hand, as his most 
 honoured guest. It was all done for "Buncombe." Mr. Fill- 
 more did not care a snap of his fingers for Meagher, nor did the 
 public writers and speakers for Mitchell. The one desired to 
 be re-elected to the presidency, and he wanted to secure the 
 Irish votes. Of the others the newspaper proprietors wished 
 to increase the circulation of their papers among the Irish; and 
 the public men, who longed for the sweets of office, aimed at 
 gaining popularity with the same class, that they might obtain 
 their voices w r hen it came to be their turn to solicit the suffrages 
 of the public. The crowds who followed this impostor, and 
 who applauded him in public, were all natives of the Green 
 Isle. Of such, it is very well known that there is always a 
 sufficient number in New York, who are ready, at all times 
 and seasons, to attend any meeting where there is a chance 
 of excitement, or of "getting up a row." 
 
 The American people were mere spectators the masses 
 looked on with indifference, the more intelligent with ill- 
 concealed disdain. 
 
 In a very few months there was an entire change ; and 
 on my return here in spring, John Mitchell s popularity had 
 vanished. His friends were ashamed of him. The public 
 writers strove who cculd throw on him most contumely, and 
 the indifference of the public was changed into utter disgust. 
 This man, who, to gain popularity in Europe, had been an 
 advocate of anarchy, under the specious name of freedom, 
 now, from the same despicable motive, became the apologist 
 and defender of the institution of slavery. Fortunately, he 
 
IN AMERICA. 21. 
 
 mistook the American character. Southern men may defend 
 those institutions, among which they have been brought up, 
 and with which all their interests are identified, and many 
 Northern men may do the same from a regard to the integrity 
 of the Union, and from respect to the independence of each 
 State; but both of them scorned to lend their countenance 
 to a man utterly destitute of principle, and who shewed him 
 self capable of prostituting his pen in behalf of any cause 
 that would bring him notoriety and remuneration. 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA ITS COMMERCE COAL TRADE OF THE STATES. 
 
 ON the evening of the 14th of December, I left New York for 
 Philadelphia, by railway, and, after a few hours ride, reached 
 the Quaker city. We travelled by night, but the intense 
 brilliancy of the moonlight never equalled in our moist 
 climate enabled us to see much of the country, which, from 
 the " silver light" of the moon, seemed to be clothed in a 
 mantle of snow. 
 
 Next morning, on presenting my letters of introduction, 
 one of the gentlemen on whom I called, desiring to shew 
 some civility to me as a Britisher, very kindly asked me 
 to ride with him in his carriage through the city. By 
 this means I saw as much of the city in a few hours, as I 
 should otherwise have done in two or three days, and besides 
 had the advantage of a highly intelligent guide, who pointed 
 out as we passed along, the objects most likely to interest a 
 stranger. We drove through some of the leading streets and 
 squares, in which are the most handsome private dwellings 
 of the citizens ; and from these we rode to the Girard Col 
 lege, and the Fairmount waterworks. 
 
 The streets run at right angles to each other, as originally 
 designed by William Penn. They are much cleaner than 
 those of New York, but still retain many open sewers, the 
 covering of which would be a very decided improvement. 
 Many of the private houses are faced with white marble, and 
 are entered by flights of steps of the same material. These, 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 with rows of trees along the sides of the pavements, give 
 the city a very cheerful look in the hright sunshine. 
 
 Girard College was founded by a citizen of that name, 
 who died in 1831, bequeathing $2,000,000 for the purpose 
 of erecting suitable buildings for the education of orphans. 
 He desired a plain building to be erected ; but his trustees 
 have departed from his instructions, and have erected a large 
 handsome building, entirely composed of white marble. This 
 building contains the class-rooms, library, &c. On each 
 side there are two other moderately-sized buildings, four 
 in all, which contain the sleeping apartments of the boys, 
 the rooms in which they take their meals, kitchens, bakery, 
 and other rooms. At the time of my visit, there were 304 
 boys in the establishment. 
 
 The Fairmount waterworks were constructed some few 
 years ago at a cost of $450,000 dollars, and afford an abun 
 dant supply of water to the city. They are situated on the 
 banks of the Schuylkill, about two miles above the city, and 
 have reservoirs capable of containing 22,000,000 gallons. 
 One of these is divided into three sections, for the purpose 
 of filtrating the water. Being on a very beautiful part of 
 the river, they are much frequented in summer by pleasure 
 and pic-nic parties. 
 
 The State House is an object of much interest to visitors, 
 for, from this place was issued the declaration of indepen 
 dence in 17TG. Several objects belonging to that eventful 
 period are still retained, and possess attractions for the 
 curious. 
 
 Visitors to the city are always directed to the Mint, ad 
 mission to the interior of which is granted to any one on 
 application at the door. Guides are appointed to conduct 
 them over the premises, and to explain the nature of the 
 different processes through which the metal is passed, till it 
 be brought out in coin. In one of the departments, a large 
 bar of gold was put into my hands, the value of which 
 was $10,000. 
 
24 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The deposits of specie at this mint hi 1853, were 
 $61,683,971, of which about a seventh was of silver, and 
 the remainder of gold. There are three branches in other 
 parts of the States, but their deposits together did not 
 amount to more than $7,443,701. 
 
 From the city I proceeded to the River Delaware. At 
 this point it makes a sudden bend, in the form of a crescent, 
 on the convex side of which is situated the city. By 
 standing on the upper deck of one of the steamers which 
 projected farthest into the river, I obtained a view of the 
 whole bay, along the side of which lay the shipping for a 
 space of upwards of three miles. 
 
 A marked change is perceptible in the character of the 
 people, in comparison with what is seen in New York. The 
 streets are much less bustling, and the tone of the place 
 altogether much more subdued, partaking, as one might 
 almost suppose, somewhat of the quiet earnestness peculiar 
 to its founders. In population, wealth, enterprise, and ac 
 tivity, it is inferior to New York ; and its progress in recent 
 years, though very striking, has been very much less rapid. 
 However, as the port of a state, scarcely second to any in 
 agricultural, as well as mineral wealth, it will, with the 
 development of these resources, become a city of much 
 importance. 
 
 Till about the year 1820, Philadelphia was the largest city 
 in the States; but about that period it was outstripped by 
 its great rival New York : and every year since that time, the 
 disproportion between them has become more and more 
 marked. Still its progress has been very striking; and in 
 almost any other country in the world would have excited 
 surprise. Its population 
 
 In 1800 was r 70,287 
 
 1820 167,325 
 
 1840 258,037 
 
 1850 408,702 
 
IN AMERICA. 25 
 
 The condition of the population of Philadelphia, does not 
 present the same extremes of wealth and poverty, of luxury 
 and misery, that is to be found in New York. Though it 
 has a smaller population, it has more houses, an indication 
 of the more comfortable circumstances of the masses ; and in 
 consequence, it may be, of the small immigration at this port. 
 
 The foreign commerce of the city does not show the same 
 progress as its population, and is no indication of its wealth. 
 Indeed, in comparison with the earlier years of the century, 
 it Tould be difficult to say whether it has increased or 
 diminished. Till very recently it had declined, but within 
 the last three or four years a favourable change has taken 
 place. The value of the foreign trade 
 
 
 IMPORTS. 
 
 EXPORTS. 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1821 
 
 was . .. .. , 8,158,922 ... 
 
 7,391,767 
 
 1841 
 
 . . . 10,342,200 ... 
 
 5,152,501 
 
 1850 
 
 . . . 12,005,834 . . . 
 
 4,501,600 
 
 1853 
 
 . . . 21,105,026 . . . 
 
 6,171,581 
 
 * There is much probability that in imports the trade will be 
 fully sustained. By the recent extension of their communica 
 tions with the West, the inhabitants are sanguine that their 
 city will become a large market for the distribution of foreign 
 merchandise. Indeed, it is that already, but its supplies are j 
 to a large extent received at second hand, in New York. The * 
 merchants are now striving to emancipate themselves from this 
 dependance on their rival, and by the appointment of a line of 
 screw ocean steamers, bringing them into direct intercourse 
 with Europe, they expect to bring direct to their port, a large 
 portion of those commodities which have heretofore reached 
 them through other channels * These improvements in their 
 internal communications, and foreign intercourse, will, at the 
 same time, favour the increase of the export trade of the city. 
 The imports consist of dry goods, iron, cotton, sugar, and 
 
26 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 other articles of general domestic consumption, most of which 
 
 itill recently was used within the State. By the improvement 
 of the railways and canals, a considerable portion of the im 
 ports are now forwarded for distribution in the West. 
 
 The exports consist of wheat, flour, corn, provisions, coal, 
 &c., nearly all of which are the productions of the State, for 
 thus far a very small portion of the heavy products of the West 
 find this route a convenient outlet to the sea. The exports 
 of bread-stuffs alone, in 1853, were worth $3,736,098; and, 
 in 1852, there were shipped from Pdchmond which almost 
 joins Philadelphia 1,236,649 tons of coal. 
 
 The foreign shipping in the Delaware has steadily increased 
 of late years. The arrivals and departures were 
 
 In 1841 
 1850 
 1853 
 
 ENTERED. 
 i No. Tons. 
 . . . "498 99,070 
 ; . . 537 132,370 
 ... 589 183,944 
 
 CLEARED. 
 No. Tons. 
 ... 455 83,523 
 ... 479 111,618 
 ... 514 151,685 
 
 The coasting trade has made yet greater progress. The 
 arrivals were 
 
 In 1841 9,346 
 
 1853 29,456 
 
 and in addition to this, 7,284 vessels were loaded with coal, 
 at Eichmorid, in the latter year. This will make the 
 total number of arrivals in the river, in 1853, 37,329. 
 This by no means represents a tonnage in proportion to 
 the number of vessels, the same as would be the case at any 
 other port, because with the exception of the ships engaged 
 in foreign commerce, nearly all the others are small craft. 
 
 As Philadelphia has but limited direct intercourse with 
 Europe, as is to be expected, the immigrants who arrive at her 
 port are few in number, compared with those who arrive at 
 New York and New Orleans. In 1853, only 39,175 arrived, 
 nearly all of whom were from Ireland and Germany. 
 
IX AMERICA. 27 
 
 As a manufacturing city, Philadelphia occupies the second 
 place in the Union. In 1850 she had $33,737,911 capital 
 invested in manufactures. At the several establishments 
 59,106 people were employed, and the value of the produce 
 of their labour amounted to $64,114,112. This information , 
 is derived from the Census, but, in the report of the Philadel- / 
 phia Board of Trade, it has been shewn that the statements 
 in the census are very imperfect and unreliable, and that, 
 in reality, the manufactures of the city are greater than here 
 shewn. 
 
 The value of real estate in Philadelphia in 1853 was esti 
 mated at $128,218,658, but that was considered to be a very 
 low estimate. In 1851 the value of the real and personal estate 
 was $140,391,780. The annual tax levied in the city, and 
 the amount of its expenditure, I was unable to learn, and 
 I have no means of estimating either in comparison with 
 those of New York. 
 
 Several causes combined to injure the trade of Philadelphia, 
 and to give the superiority to its great rival. These were, the 
 opening of the Erie Canal, which brought New York into 
 easy and cheap communication with the West, drawing the 
 traffic of those immense regions to its harbour ; the mineral 
 wealth of the state of Pennsylvania, to the development of 
 which, the attention and capital of its merchants were too 
 largely directed, at an early period, and before other circum 
 stances rendered it possible that the mines could be worked 
 the capital beif g diverted from the more legitimate trade of 
 the city and port ; and finally, the failure of the United 
 States Bank, and the ruin in which it involved the capital 
 ists of the State. 
 
 Philadelphia is in nearer communication with the West 
 than New York, even with Lake Erie, and much more so 
 with the Ohio and the far West ; and therefore, had its citi 
 zens been attentive to their own interests, they would not have 
 lost the opportunity of drawing to their harbour the products 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 of the West. While, however, New York pressed forward 
 its great undertaking, the Erie Canal, the Philadelphiaiis 
 looked idly on, and were made sensible of the consequences 
 of their neglect, only when too late to remedy their error. 
 The bulky and heavy produce of the West, the products of 
 agriculture and of the forest will seek the cheapest route to 
 the sea-board, and that is obtained by the Erie Canal. For 
 the conveyance of such articles other channels can he merely 
 supplementary to that route. 
 
 The extensive introduction of railways into the States, led 
 many to believe, that, as Philadelphia was at a less distance 
 from the leading points of the West, than New York, she 
 might be able by her railway connections, to recover much of 
 the carrying trade, which rightly belonged to her situation, 
 but which, by the opening of the Erie Canal, had slipped out 
 of her hands. This expectation is more sanguine than rea 
 sonable. For the carriage of articles of country produce, of 
 great bulk and weight, in proportion to their value, and 
 which have to be conveyed a long distance, canals seem to 
 offer the cheapest, though not the most expeditious route ; 
 and at the points of transhipment, either on the lakes, rivers, 
 or on the sea board, they present greater facilities for the 
 loading and unloading of cargoes, than can be offered at any 
 railway terminus ; and those facilities are obtained at a much 
 smaller cost, an important consideration, where cheapness 
 alone can enable the trade to be pursued to advantage. To 
 these add, that the quantities of produce coming forward 
 annually, is much greater than can be readily conveyed by 
 any ordinary channel. 
 
 When the New Y r ork Canal, and the railways which connect 
 that city with Lake Erie, are completed, they will have the 
 capacity of carrying to the east coast in a season 9,000,000 
 tons of produce, while the railways of the State of Penn 
 sylvania, running to the same quarter, can carry only 
 1,700,000 tons. True enough, other works are in progress, 
 
IN AMERICA. 2 
 
 or in contemplation, which will enlarge her carrying power 
 to between five and six million tons per annum, but they 
 will not be in operation for some years to come. 
 
 The goods carried westward, are very much lighter in pro 
 portion to their value, than those brought to tho east, and 
 consequently, are of far less total weight. In- that case, cost 
 of carriage will not add nearly so much to their value. It is 
 therefore highly probable, that from Philadelphia beiug 
 nearer to the West, and indeed, in the line of direct communi 
 cation between New York and the Ohio, she may supply that 
 great valley with a large portion of the goods received from 
 the east coast. Indeed, she now claims to be the great 
 distributor of the West, but with more enterprise on the part 
 of her merchants, she may hereafter make that claim with 
 more solid pretensions. 
 
 The natural and acquired advantages of New York city, 
 and the position she now occupies, will, for a long period, if 
 not entirely, defeat any hopes that may be entertained in 
 Philadelphia of competing with her with any success, even 
 in the import trade. Still, the position Philadelphia holds in 
 respect to the West, ought to encourage her merchants to 
 make an effort to diminish the disparity, now existing between 
 the commerce of the two cities. 
 
 The distance of Philadelphia from the ocean, nearly one 
 hundred miles and the limited accommodation afforded by 
 her harbour, are by many deemed insuperable obstacles to 
 her ever becoming a great Commercial city. Those obstacles 
 are, however, only apparent, for the Delaware is at all times 
 navigable to the largest merchantmen, and the wharves can 
 be extended to double their present length. After the all 
 but insurmountable obstructions which were removed in the 
 improvement of the navigation of the Clyde, by the enter 
 prise of the merchants of Glasgow, and after the triumphant 
 success which has resulted from that undertaking, the citizens 
 of Philadelphia have no need to fear for the prosperity of 
 their city, if they be only true to themselves. 
 
30 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 By the opening up, and extension of their western com 
 munications, by railways and canals ; by the improvement and 
 enlargement of their river and harbour; and by the encourage 
 ment of increased intercourse with Europe, in all of which 
 undertakings they are now embarked they will go far to 
 recover much of that commercial prosperity which was lost 
 through neglect or mismanagement, and they will come near 
 to realise some of those hopes, which they so generally, arid 
 so very sanguinely, entertain. 
 
 The states of New York and Pennsylvania, are the most 
 populous and influential in the Union. In addition to their 
 large commerce, they are second to none of the other states in 
 agricultural productions and Pennsylvania in her minerals. 
 In the value of her coal and iron mines, Pennsylvania at the 
 present moment claims precedence of all the states in the 
 Union. The western states may have mines as rich, and more 
 extensive, but they are at present inaccessible and unproduc 
 tive, and, therefore, for practical purposes, they may be con 
 sidered to have no existence. 
 
 The coal-fields of this state extend under more than one- 
 third of its surface. The anthracite beds have an area of 
 975 square miles, while those of the bituminous coal extend 
 under nearly 20,000 square miles, and run into other states. 
 In 1820, the total quantity of native coal sent to market was 
 365 tons, and in 1853, it was, 
 
 In East Pennsylvania 5,490,146 Tons. 
 
 Maryland 400,000 
 
 Ohio VaUey, in 1852, (Wilson s Report). . 2,205,000 
 
 8,101,146 Tons. 
 
 In almost every year there has been an increase, in quantity, 
 over its predecessor, and that increase is likely to be maintained. 
 
 On the import of coal into the states, there is a duty of 30 
 per cent., ad vol. This, with the cost of freight, is a very large 
 protection in favour of the home producer. In the " United 
 
IN AMEEICA. 31 
 
 States Economist," of a recent date, I observe it stated, 
 that, since the opening of the coal mines in Pennsylvania, the 
 consumers of the country had paid to that State, by way of 
 protection, not less than $20,000,000 ! 
 
 And yet, with this protection, foreign coal is still imported 
 into the States, from England, and from Nova Scotia. When 
 at Halifax, I learned that the expense of freight to Boston, for 
 coal, was more than its original cost in the colony ; and yet, 
 with this disadvantage, and with a heavy duty on its import, 
 the owners can sell their coal in the States with a profit ! 
 
 Though Pennsylvania is the state, I might almost say the 
 only one, from which coal is sent to market, yet, in others, 
 there are extensive fields of great value bituminous and 
 anthracite. There are in the States 
 
 AREA OP STATE. COAL AREA. 
 
 Square Square Proportion 
 
 miles. miles. of Coal. 
 
 Of Alabama 50,875 3,400 .1 14th. 
 
 Georgia 58,200 150 1-38 
 
 Tennessee .... 44,720 4,300 1-10 
 
 Kentucky 39,015 13,500 1-3 
 
 Virginia 64,000 21,195 1-3 
 
 Maryland 10,829 550 1-20 
 
 Ohio 38,850 11,900 1-3 
 
 Indiana 34,800 7,700 1-5 
 
 Illinois 59,130 44,000 ,. 3-4 
 
 Pennsylvania .... 43,960 15,437 1-3 
 
 Michigan 60,820 5,000 1-12 
 
 Wisconsin 60,384 6,000 1-10 
 
 565,58-3 133,132 
 The price of gas in some of the principal cities is 
 
 Dols. Cts. 
 
 In Philadelphia .... 2 per 1,000 feet. 
 
 Pittshurg . .... 2 10 
 
 Boston 2 50 
 
 Cincinnati 3 
 
 New York 3 
 
 Baltimore 3 
 
32 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Dols. Cts. 
 
 Chicago 3 50 per 1,000 feet. 
 
 Charleston .... 4 
 
 Washington .... 4: 
 
 New Orleans .... 4 50 
 
 The extent of the coal-fields of Great Britain is about 
 12,000 square miles, from which nearly forty million tons are 
 annually produced, and of which about four million tons are 
 exported. In Manchester, the cost per 1,000 feet of gas is 
 5s., but the average of the kingdom is, from 6s. to 7s. 
 
 In the state of New York, the value of real and personal 
 estate was, in 1853, 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Real estate 046,407,907 
 
 Personal 221,802,950 
 
 1108,270,857 
 
 and in that year the taxes levied in the state were, 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 For State and County purposes . . . 5,781,014 
 Townships 1,226,674 
 
 7,007,688 
 
 In the accounts of this state it is very difficult to arrive at 
 satisfactory information. The affairs of the State are mixed 
 up with those which relate to public works, and hence the 
 accounts are intricate especially so to a stranger. 
 
 In the state of Pennsylvania, the value of real and personal 
 estate, in 1853, was $531,370,454, and the amount of the 
 public debt was $41,524,475. In the year 1852, the revenue 
 collected in the state was $7,716,552, and the expenditure 
 was $6,876,480. Of this amount, a very trifling sum was 
 appropriated towards the expenses, of the public schools, as a 
 special fund is maintained for their support. 
 
IN AMERICA. 33 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 BALTIMORE ITS COMMERCE WASHINGTON THE PRESIDENT. 
 
 A few hours by railway brought me to Baltimore. 
 
 This city stands on ground of some unevenness : this favors 
 its drainage, and general cleanliness, while it gives it a more 
 picturesque appearance than any of the American cities I had 
 yet seen. The streets are laid mostly at right angles to each 
 other, and are open and regular. The houses are handsomely 
 built, and substantial looking, giving evidence of a thriving 
 city, and a prosperous population. 
 
 From the number of monuments this city contains, it is 
 generally known in the States by the name of " the Monu 
 mental City." Conspicuous among these is that to the memory 
 of Washington. Its base, which is 20 feet high, and 50 feet 
 square, supports a Doric column 167 feet in height. This is 
 again surmounted by a statue of Washington, 13 feet high. 
 The shaft is ascended by an internal winding stair, and 
 from its summit an extensive and beautiful view is obtained. 
 The whole is composed of white marble, and cost $200,000. 
 
 The population of Baltimore 
 
 In 1800 was 26,114 
 
 1820 ....,... 62,738 
 
 1840 102,313 
 
 ,, 1850 169,054 
 
 The foreign commerce of this city is moderate indeed, when 
 compared with New York, but the extent of the trade of the 
 
 D 
 
1841 was 
 
 1852 . . 
 
 IMPORTS. 
 Dollars. 
 . . 6,109,101 . 
 . . 5,978,0! 
 
 EXPORTS. 
 Dollars. 
 . . , 4,997,633 
 . . . 7,549,766 
 
 1854 . . 
 
 . . 7,750,387 . 
 
 . . . 11,306,010 
 
 34 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 city is not regulated by the amount of foreign imports and 
 exports. The value of its commerce 
 
 Tn 
 
 The imports consist of tea, sugar, and dry goods ; and the 
 exports of wheat, flour, Indian corn, tobacco, and coal. At 
 no very distant period this was the largest flour market in 
 the States. 
 
 In 1853 the flour inspections were 1,181,603 barrels. In 
 the same year 3,411,905 bushels of wheat were received at 
 the port, and 3,906,494 bushels of corn. Of the wheat, 
 about half was exported, and about three-fourths of the corn. 
 Of the grain brought to this port, a considerable portion is 
 received from the state of Virginia, and even some from 
 North Carolina. 
 
 In the same year, the* arrivals of Cumberland coal were 
 406,000 tons, against 16,000 tons in 1845 ; and of anthracite, 
 183,000 tons, against 90,000. From this port large quantities 
 of lumber are shipped. In 1853 the receipts were 83,000,000 
 feet, against 38,000,000 in 1848. 
 
 The shipping of the port is considerable. In 1853, the 
 clearances were 
 
 358 American Ships of 87,218 tons 
 220 Foreign 56,378 
 
 578 143,596 
 
 In the same year the arrivals were 1,963 vessels of all sorts, 
 foreign and coastwise, but exclusive of bay craft. 
 
 In 1853, the tonnage belonging to the port was 158,479, 
 and in that year 71 vessels were built of 18,391 tons. Nor 
 has the wealth of the inhabitants failed to increase even more 
 rapidly than their commerce. In 1841, the value of real 
 
IN AMERICA. 35 
 
 and personal estate was $53,790,170, while in 1852 it bad 
 increased to $94,801,437. 
 
 Before the introduction of railways and canals, Baltimore 
 was the nearest point to the navigable waters of the West, and 
 at that time enjoyed much of the trade then in existence 
 between the east coast and the western valleys. The opening 
 of the Erie Canal, and subsequently of the railways connecting 
 New York with Lake Erie, seriously affected the trade of 
 Baltimore. To retain as much as possible of this traffic, 
 the Baltimore and Ohio Railway was undertaken, and was 
 completed in about twenty-five years. The difficulties in 
 the way of its construction were most formidable, and it 
 was only by the utmost resolution and perseverance that 
 they were overcome. The length of the line is 380 miles, 
 and its cost was .$19,542,307. It crosses the Alleghany 
 mountains, at an elevation of 2,620 feet above tide water. 
 In ascending from the east side, grades of 1 1 6 feet to the 
 mile, are encountered in one plane for about fifteen miles, 
 and for about nine miles in an opposite direction. The- 
 success which has attended this undertaking, reflects the 
 highest credit on the enterprise and sagacity of the inhabi 
 tants of Baltimore, and proves that their favourable position 
 gave them no trade at a former time, for which they are 
 not now prepared to compete by the most legitimate means, 
 and against the natural advantages enjoyed by other and 
 more highly favoured cities. Nor will the effort have been, 
 made in vain ; for though it would now be impossible to 
 compete with New York, even in a very remote degree, yet, 
 out of the immense products of the West, seeking an outlet 
 to the sea, enough will be attracted by this line, to afford 
 ample reward to its promoters, and to contribute largely to 
 the commerce of the city. 
 
 By this line, and by the waters of the Ohio, cotton has 
 frequently been brought to the east coast, and, as is said, at a 
 less cost, than if sent from Memphis, by New Orleans, and 
 the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
36 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 On the evening of the 17th I reached Washington a 
 distance of two hours ride from Baltimore. 
 
 Washington, from its spacious streets, and the extent of 
 ground it covers, compared with the number of its inhabitants, 
 is called " the city of magnificent distances." 
 
 At first sight, its streets seem to be laid out without that 
 regard to order, which characterises all the more recently built 
 American cities ; and yet, on examination, this irregularity 
 is only in appearance. Its streets run at right angles to 
 each other, but at intervals they are intersected diagonally, 
 by broad avenues. 
 
 Those avenues not unfrequently mislead a stranger, and 
 sometimes even perplex the citizens. Of this I heard two 
 amusing anecdotes, one of which related to Kossuth, and 
 the other, to a recent secretary to the treasury. 
 
 The houses are at present scattered over the city, often at 
 some little intervals, giving the streets a straggling appearance. 
 As the population becomes more dense, that will disappear. 
 
 In 1850, the population of the city was 40,001, but it 
 is now considerably more. During the Sessions of Congress, 
 the usual population is much increased, by the accession of 
 the members, and their families ; and of visitors who frequent 
 the capital for amusement, or to have access to information. 
 As its literary and scientific collections accumulate, it will 
 become more and more the resort of the most learned and 
 accomplished men of the country, and of persons of wealth 
 and leisure, who will be attracted by the numerous advan 
 tages it will offer for the employment of their time. 
 
 The part of most interest to a visitor is the Capitol, 
 the seat of the National Legislature. This building is 
 on an eminence, about sixty feet higher than the surrounding 
 country, and commands a very fine view of the city. Its 
 cost was $1,800,000, but with an extensive addition now 
 in process of erection, that sum will be very much increased. 
 On its eastern front is a colossal statue of Washington 
 
IN AMERICA. 87 
 
 of him who was " first in peace, first in war, and first in 
 the hearts of his country." 
 
 To the west, at a distance of about a mile, stands the 
 President s house. This is a very handsome building of 
 two stories, standing in an open space. On the vacant 
 plot of ground in front of the house, stands a statue of 
 Jefferson, and at a little further distance, an equestrian 
 one of General Jackson. In other parts of the city are 
 the Treasury Offices, the General Post-office, the Patent Office, 
 and the Smithsonian Institute all very imposing structures. 
 
 The latter was founded by an Englishman, who left 
 $515,169 to the United States, to found at Washington, 
 under the name of the Smithsonian Institution, an establish 
 ment for the increase and diffusion of knowledge among 
 men." The building cost nearly half that sum, but was 
 erected out of the interest which had accumulated till 
 3846. The annual income is upwards of $30,000, and 
 this is applied in conformity with the will of the founder. 
 
 Of this income, one part is to be devoted to the formation 
 of a library, and collection of objects of nature and of art. 
 The other is to be appropriated to the publication of reports 
 on different branches of knowledge, and on subjects of general 
 interest. Some works on ethnology, and antiquities, have 
 already been published, under the learned superintendence 
 of Professor Henry. 
 
 Near to this institution, it is proposed to erect a colossal 
 national monument, to the memory of Washington. It is 
 to consist of an immense shaft, seventy feet square, and 600 
 feet high. Already some progress has been made in its 
 construction. 
 
 The third day I was in Washington happened to be recep 
 tion day at the White House, and one of my friends kindly 
 offered to present me to the President. This offer was too 
 acceptable to be neglected, for it was very gratifying to have ail 
 opportunity of conversing with the first magistrate of the Union. 
 
38 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 On entering the outer hall, we met one of the foreign 
 ministers retiring, after having been introduced hy the 
 Secretary of State. In a few minutes we were shown into an 
 inner room, where we found the President in conversation 
 with other visitors, who had preceded us. On our approach, 
 he came forward and shook hands. After a few general re 
 marks, he asked leave to present us to the Lady President, 
 who was standing a little behind, on his right hand, talking 
 to a bevy of ladies. This over, and a few more general 
 observations having been made, he again shook hands, and we 
 made our salaam, and retreated, to give place to others. 
 
 A considerable number of people followed, evidently from 
 every rank of society in the country. Some came in their 
 carriages, and were dressed in the height of fashion. Others 
 looked like respectable country people, and wore the most 
 homely and uncourtly garb indeed a very few were literally 
 attired in " hocldin grey." And yet all were received with the 
 same frankness and civility. The simplicity of this inter 
 course between the people and their first magistrate, is some 
 what startling to a European, who has been accustomed to 
 the distinctions which prevail in the old world, between class 
 and class, to the deference which the rich exact from the 
 poor, and to the wide gulf which separates royalty from the 
 mass of the people. 
 
 The President seems to be about fifty years of age. His 
 features are fine, his expression pleasant, and he looks and 
 speaks like a gentleman. His countenance, however, does 
 not indicate much character or capacity, and the most casual 
 observer would at once admit, that in his own cabinet he is 
 far from being likely to play the part of General Jackson. 
 
 From the White House, we proceeded to some of the public 
 offices, where I had the pleasure of being introduced to some 
 of the ministers. All of them were frank and communicative, 
 presenting a striking contrast to the hauteur and assumption, 
 too often found among those who hold official situations high 
 or low in England. 
 
IN AMERICA. 39 
 
 Few things in America struck me with more surprise than 
 the entire contrast between the position occupied by men 
 in public office in the States, and in Great Britain. In the 
 latter country, those who exercise " a little brief authority," 
 seem to be elevated above the rest of the people, and the 
 public are permitted to approach them only on sufferance, and 
 in high places with deference, and sometimes -servility. In 
 America, men in office are the servants of "the sovereign 
 people/ and access can be obtained to any of the ministers at 
 all times, and without ceremony. Such freedom of access has, 
 however, a tendency to become irksome to those in office, for 
 much of their time is wasted upon troublesome visitors, 
 whose visits must be accepted as a favour, rather than as an 
 inconvenience. 
 
 In the early part of 1853, General Pierce became President, 
 under the most favourable auspices, and enjoying more of the 
 public confidence than had been awarded to almost any of his 
 predecessors. The people expected much from his adminis 
 tration, but in a few months all their hopes were disappointed. 
 When I was at Washington, he had sunk much in public esti 
 mation, and since that time, almost every day has added to 
 his unpopularity. His ministers are even more distrusted, 
 because they are abler men, and capable of doing more 
 mischief ; and I do not exaggerate when I say, that now, they 
 are suspected and despised by the great majority of the people. 
 Tile power tbey exercise is greater than has been enjoyed by 
 any government in England, and they have almost the entire 
 control of the destinies of their country ; but yet they can set 
 public opinion at defiance , and retain office till the expiry of 
 the four years for which they have been appointed. Such is the 
 liberty enjoyed in America, and such is the force of the national 
 will upon the conduct of the government ! 
 
40 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 RICHMOND STATE OF VIRGINIA TOBACCO TRADE OF THE STATES TO* 
 WILMINGTON AND CHARLESTON. 
 
 ON the morning of the 21st, I left Washington for the south. 
 For the first sixty miles, we proceeded by a steam-boat, on 
 the Potomac river. The morning was clear and frosty, and 
 for the first mile the steamer had to make her way through a 
 field of ice, which had been formed during the previous night. 
 We had not gone far when we passed Mount Vernon, once 
 the home, and now the resting-place of Washington. In a 
 few hours we reached Acquia-Creek, and proceeding thence 
 by railway, through a not very inviting country, we arrived 
 towards evening in Richmond, the capital of the state of 
 Virginia. 
 
 Richmond is situated on the north bank of the James river, 
 about 150 miles from the Chesapeake, and 165 miles from 
 the ocean. It is built upon several hills, which gives it an 
 irregular but a very romantic appearance. The Capitol the 
 most conspicuous object in the city is built on the highest 
 hill, and stands in the centre of a public square. From the 
 top of the Capitol I had an extensive view, not merely of the 
 city which lay at my feet, but over the surrounding country, 
 though unfortunately this was not a time of the year to see it 
 to advantage. 
 
 I went to one of the largest tobacco manufactories, in 
 expectation of seeing the leaf pass through its various stages 
 of manufacture, to prepare it for the consumer, but in this I 
 
IN AMERICA. 4> 
 
 was disappointed. At this time of the year the coloured 
 population have their holidays, extending over two weeks, and 
 during that period all the factories are at a stand. The owner r 
 however, shewed me over his establishment, and explained 
 the different processes by which the article is prepared for 
 market. 
 
 Richmond is the largest city in Virginia, but still is of very 
 moderate size compared with some of the northern cities. 
 Recently, great efforts have been made to give an impulse to 
 its prosperity, and to that of some other cities near it on the 
 bay, but with what success remains to be seen. 
 
 Its population 
 
 In 1800 was 5,737 
 
 1830 16,060 
 
 1850 27,570 
 
 At no time has it been a city of much commercial im 
 portance ; and even the position it at one time occupied, it 
 seems to be gradually losing. The value of its trade 
 
 IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 
 
 Dollars. Dollars. 
 
 In 1821 was . . 1,078,490 .... 3,070,209 
 
 1841 .... 377,237 .... 5,630,280 
 
 1850 .... 426,549 .... 3,415,646 
 
 and even that trade, as its own friends admit, and lament, is 
 carried on exclusively, on Northern capital, and by Northern 
 enterprise, 
 
 With a rich backlying country, and with easy access to the- 
 ocean, this ought to have been the seat of a large and pros 
 perous trade ; whereas, the trade it had when its population 
 was not half what it is now. has shown no symptoms of increase, 
 but rather of decline. 
 
 For this decline various causes have been assigned. By- 
 some it is imputed to the difficult navigation of the James- 
 River, by others, to the want of means of internal communi 
 cation ; but it is probably as much owing to the want of 
 enterprise among its people the lethargy which more or less 
 
42 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 exists in every slave state ; to the dislike entertained by the 
 " F. F.s" the first families in the "Old Dominion " to engage 
 in the pursuits of commerce, and, as a consequence, to the slow 
 progress of the state, in comparison with those of the North. 
 
 Within the last few years, considerable progress has been 
 made towards the recovery of some of the lost ground, and 
 railways and canals have been constructed, to open up commu 
 nications from the city to the interior. The good effects of 
 this movement are already perceptible, in the increased 
 arrival of produce at the city. In 1852, the produce received 
 weighed 256,987 tons, and was valued at $10,060,422. 
 
 Petersburg, a city on the Appomattox, about twenty-two 
 miles from Richmond, has recently contended for a share of 
 the trade of the state, and with growing success. That has been 
 greatly aided by its being the point at which several rail 
 ways meet. 
 
 Towards the north of the bay, stands Norfolk, which, from 
 its large, safe harbour, and its proximity to the sea, is 
 likely to become one of the most flourishing cities in the 
 state. Its population in 1850^ was 14,326, and now it is 
 about 16,000. The tonnage belonging to the port in 1853, 
 was 27,130. It is connected with the interior and west by 
 railways, and its position otherwise, offers many advantages 
 for foreign commerce. 
 
 From this point, many Southern men desire to run a line 
 of steamers, direct to Europe, and also along the south and 
 north coasts, in other words, to make this city, in some 
 measure, a - rival to New York ! Those lines of steamers, if 
 established, would undoubtedly give an impulse to the com 
 merce of the state, ; but if introduced, they could be maintained 
 successfully, only by the previous existence of an extensive 
 and prosperous commerce. At present, the project is quite 
 visionary. 
 
 Virginia is the oldest settlement in the States, and for 
 many years it was one of the most influential in the Union. 
 
IN AMERICA. 43 
 
 Since the Republic was established, it has also produced 
 more eminent public men, than any other state. In recent 
 years, however, it has been outstripped by other and younger 
 states, and it now occupies a comparatively subordinate 
 position. Its population increases very slowly, and every 
 ten years its influence diminishes in the country, and in the 
 National Legislature. 
 
 In travelling through this state, a painful sense of depres 
 sion was created by observing the apathy of the people, their 
 want of public spirit, or of enterprise, and by seeing large 
 tracts of country, once cultivated, now permitted to go to 
 .waste, and to relapse into forest. It seemed like premature 
 decay, and old age coming upon a young country, whose 
 birth was but of yesterday. This decay is as observable to the 
 Virginians as to strangers, and 119 one laments it more. I 
 travelled through part of the state with one of the planters, 
 and for some little way with its Governor. Both admitted the 
 the lowered position of the state, but with regret. The former 
 attributed it entirely to slavery, which, to employ his own 
 words, uttered voluntarily, " is the curse of the state, and 
 hangs like a loadstone, about the necks of its inhabitants." 
 
 Virginia is one of the richest agricultural states in the 
 Union, and possesses a soil capable of producing the most 
 abundant crops ; but a proper system of cultivation has been 
 entirely neglected, and thousands of acres of land have been 
 cropped till exhausted, and have then been permitted to go to 
 waste. Within the last few years, much of the land has 
 been sold at very low prices, and has come into the possession 
 of immigrants from the north, who are cultivating it with 
 free labour, and I was told, with much success. 
 
 Virginia has hitherto been a larger producer of tobacco, 
 than any other state in the Union. The growth of the United 
 States 
 
 In 1840 was . . / . . 219,163,319 Ibs. 
 1850 ...... 199,952,655 
 
44 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In the former year there was 
 
 Exported. Retained at home. 
 
 184,965,797 Ibs 3-1,197,522 Ibs. 
 
 In 1850 J 22,406,780 77,345,875 
 
 This would shew a very large increase in the home con 
 sumption, a statement which is open to be questioned, as 
 it is generally believed tbat the use of tobacco is not nearly 
 so general nor so excessive as it was some years ago. 
 The quantity and value of the leaf tobacco exported was, 
 
 Hogsheads. Dollars. 
 
 In 1840 . . . 119,484 .... worth 9,883,957 
 
 1853 .... 159,853 11,319,319 
 
 and the value of that shipped in the manufactured state and 
 in snuff, was, 
 
 Dollars 
 
 In 1840 . 813,672 
 
 1852 1,317,622 
 
 Of the whole production, about a fourth part was grown in 
 Virginia. (See Appendix.) 
 
 On the afternoon of the 22nd, I took the railway for 
 Wilmington, intending to go through to Charleston without 
 stopping. This was expected to be done in a couple of days, 
 of course without any stoppage during the night. 
 
 At an early hour next morning I was awakened from such 
 sleep as is to be obtained in a railway car, by the violent 
 shaking of the carriage. This disturbance proceeded from 
 our engine coming into collision with another which was 
 stationed on the line, but which, in the darkness, our engineer 
 had not perceived till too late to prevent the accident. For 
 tunately, no harm was done, except to the engine, and to 
 some of the carriages, and even that was but trifling. To 
 repair that damage, however, we had to remain there three or 
 four hours, on a dull disagreeable morning, and in a light 
 drizzling rain. To this add, that we were in the middle of a 
 North Carolina pine forest, at a considerable distance from 
 
IN AMERICA. 45 
 
 any town, and with no houses near except two or three un 
 comfortable-looking wooden cottages. One of these a small 
 shanty was a small country store, where some of the passen 
 gers endeavoured to get something for breakfast, but all that 
 could be obtained was a few dry biscuits with cheese, and a 
 glass of water the latter qualified by those who preferred it, 
 with a few drops of brandy. 
 
 During the detention, one of the passengers proposed to 
 hold "an indignation meeting." This I heartily seconded, 
 expecting to hear some specimens of stump oratory. In this 
 movement we were unsuccessful. The accident had not 
 wakened all the passengers, and as the hour was early, and 
 the morning cold and raw, we failed to get an attendance 
 large enough to give importance to the proceedings. 
 
 At this part of the country the railway runs in a line, level 
 and straight as an arrow flies, for about 40 miles. Being 
 also through land of very little value, the owners of the line 
 have had little to do except to lay the rails, and they have con 
 structed it at a very small cost. 
 
 On arriving at Wilmington, I was somewhat disappointed 
 to find that the through- ticket which I had taken at New 
 York, would carry me on to Charleston, only by sea. The 
 distance was nothing, but the weather was what was called 
 dirty ; and the wind, then blowing pretty stiffly, threatened 
 to increase into a gale. Besides, pretty distinct recollections 
 of a rough sea in the Atlantic, in a good ship, were not so 
 very agreeable as to make me desire to run along the unin 
 viting coast of South Carolina, in a steamer which, not long 
 before, had been condemned as unseaworthy ; and whose 
 sailing qualities, if she ever had any, were well nigh worn 
 out by many years service. 
 
 As the steamer proceeded out of the river, the wind 
 increased into a gale, the rain fell in torrents, and even in 
 the firth the waves gave a severe shaking to the old hulk 
 a, slight foretaste of what we might expect at sea. But we 
 
46 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 were committed ; and although in an old ship, in which not 
 one of the passengers had any confidence, it was highly 
 amusing to hear how valiantly every one spoke certainly 
 much more than any one felt. 
 
 After two or three hours sail, we reached the bar at the 
 mouth of the river ; but as the gale continued to increase, 
 the captain, fearing for the safety of his ship and passengers, 
 decided upon putting back, and remaining at Wilmington 
 till next morning. The passengers were relieved, and had 
 no objections to find themselves again on land ; but most 
 were unwilling to repeat the experiment next day, perhaps 
 to be attended with no better result. They preferred to take 
 a longer and more expensive route by railway to reach their 
 destination, though by that route they could not proceed till 
 the following morning. 
 
 Wilmington is the largest and most commercial city in 
 North Carolina, and is likely to become a place of some 
 importance. It is the natural outlet for the productions of 
 a large part of the state, and of a considerable portion of the 
 northern part of South Carolina. The railways also, which 
 now converge here, have added to its importance. As a port 
 of refuge on the stormy coast of North and South Carolina, 
 it has attracted the attention of the Federal Government, by 
 whom it is proposed to remove the bar at the mouth of the 
 river, and to improve the harbour. 
 
 The city is situated on Cape Fear River, about thirty- 
 four miles from the sea, and has a population of about 10,000. 
 Its exports consist of timber, naval stores, and cotton, 
 the value of which, in 1852, was $4,540,668, and nearly all 
 of which were shipped coastwise. The shipping belonging 
 to the port in 1853, was 20,298 tons, and the arrivals of 1852, 
 were 101,353 tons. 
 
 On the east coast of North Carolina, for about 60 miles 
 from the sea, the country is level and marshy, and covered 
 with pine forests. Towards the interior the land rises, and 
 
IN AMERICA. 47 
 
 is better adapted for agriculture. From the pine forests, 
 large quantities of lumber and turpentine are exported to 
 the Northern states. 
 
 From Wilmington, I went by railway to Manchester, South 
 Carolina. During great part of the way, the line ran through 
 swamps, and formed a very dreary, and as it seemed, rather 
 an unsafe ride. In some places, and for considerable dis 
 tances at a time, the rails were laid on piles raised several 
 feet above the morass. Had any accident occurred in those 
 never-ending forests, it would have been no easy matter to 
 procure assistance, or to repair any damage which might have 
 been sustained. 
 
 The line of railway was not quite completed, and for nine 
 miles we had to travel by stage-coach. This was the most 
 disagreeable mode of travelling I had seen in the States. The 
 passengers were stowed into the carriages, and the baggage was 
 strapped aloft. The road w r as as bad as can be conceived, 
 being full of holes and ruts. In some places it was made of 
 planks laid across the swamps, and supported by piles, but 
 scarcely of more width than that of the carriage. What with 
 the close wedging of the passengers, the jolting and shaking 
 of the top-heavy coach, and the danger of being capsized into 
 the swamp no unusual event the few hours occupied in 
 travelling over this road formed an interval in my life by no 
 means comfortable. Part of this journey was made in darkness, 
 and the sensations then experienced were even less agreeable. 
 
 At the end of this ride we found ourselves on the banks of 
 the great Pee Dee River, across which we were drawn by ropes, 
 on an open raft a somewhat primitive mode of conveying 
 travellers. 
 
 At the next station we had to remain five or six hours till 
 after midnight to form our connection with another line of 
 railway. The accommodation provided was far from being 
 comfortable in a cold winter s night ; but that was somewhat 
 excusable on a new line of railway. Seated around a large 
 
48 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 log fire, with a number of Americans, some of whom enter 
 tained us with stories, anecdotes, and jests, the time passed 
 rapidly, and without weariness. 
 
 Starting at an early hour next morning, we pursued our 
 route, and were fortunate in having no other detention, even 
 though the line was covered with snow. In the afternoon 
 we were whirled into Charleston, in time to eat our Christmas 
 dinner, for which a long ride in a bracing atmosphere had 
 given us a right good appetite. 
 
IX AMERICA. 49 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 CHARLESTON ITS COMMERCE SAVANNAH COMMUNICATIONS WITH THE 
 WEST CONVENTION OP SOUTHERN STATES TO MONTGOMERY AND 
 MOBILE GULP OF MEXICO. 
 
 CHARLESTON is situated on a point of land between the Ashley 
 and Cooper Rivers, which unite immediately below the city, 
 forming a spacious harbour. In some respects its site and 
 its harbour resemble those of New York. The streets of the 
 city run mostly at right angles to each other, and are wide 
 and open. Many of the houses are built of wood, with open 
 verandahs, the benefits of which can be appreciated only in 
 a warm climate. In the suburbs, many of the houses are 
 covered with creeping plants, some of which in this mild 
 winter climate, scarcely lose any of their freshness, or drop 
 their blossoms. Gardens are generally attached, containing 
 evergreens and other shrubs, and plants of various kinds, not a 
 few of which at the time I was there, were studded with flowers. 
 Towards the end of last century, this city was one of the 
 most populous and most influential in the States. During 
 the first forty years of this century, it made little advance ; 
 and indeed from 1810 to 1830, it seems to have been almost 
 stationary. Recently it has made considerable progress, and 
 is now striving to recover the ground which was lost twenty 
 years ago. 
 
 E 
 
50 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The population of the city 
 
 In 1800 was 18,711 
 
 1830 30,289 
 
 1850 42,958 
 
 Of these about a third is coloured. 
 
 The people are frank and hospitable, and the general tone* 
 of society is more refined and intelligent, than is to be found 
 in almost any other part of America. A considerable portion- 
 of the inhabitants are of French origin, the descendants of 
 those who took refuge here at the time of the revocation 
 of the edict of Nantes. But intercourse with England, the- 
 education of their children in that country, intermarriage^ 
 with English families, and the more conservative tendency 
 of Southern institutions, have created and maintained a warm 
 attachment to the old country among all the citizens ; and 
 the same causes have served to counteract the influence which 
 the democratical form of government of the country naturally 
 exercises over the character of the people. 
 
 At this season of the year, the coloured population had 
 their holidays, extending over two or three weeks, and during 
 that time all labour was suspended. The streets were thronged 
 with both sexes, in a state of much enjoyment. No people 
 seem to have a greater love of dress than the negroes, and 
 none indulge it more freely when an opportunity offers. Their 
 showy dresses hats and boots especially and their jewellery,. 
 watch chains, rings, and shirt buttons are all displayed to 
 full advantage ; and the excessive politeness with which they 
 take off their hats and salute each other in the street, is highly 
 amusing, and sometimes very ludicrous. Nor is this extra 
 vagant mode of life confined to the cities, for, on the steamers 
 on the rivers, and in other places where there is any 
 opportunity for display, the same ostentation is shewn. The 
 women are, if possible, still fonder of gaudy finery, and they 
 indulge their tastes with the same profuse extravagance. 
 
 The trade of Charleston consists almost entirely of the raw 
 
IN AMERICA. .51 
 
 produce of the state of cotton, rice, and lumber. Her 
 exports in 1854 were 
 
 Of Cotton, (uplands) 408,278 Bales 
 
 Cotton, (Sea Island) 24,766 v 
 
 Eiee 125,772 Tiercel v 
 
 Lumber 19,709,798 Feet 
 
 In 1853 the value of her exports was $14,031,402, .arid from 
 this amount the value of those of 1854 would differ very 
 little. Of these exports about two thirds in value were sent 
 to Great Britain. Her imports were valued in 1852 at 
 $1,767,343. The tonnage belonging to the port in 1853 
 was 42,654. 
 
 Of the Sea Island cotton, that which is shipped from 
 this port is of the very best quality, and some of it is 
 worth from seventy-five cents to a dollar per pound. To give 
 some idea of the extreme fineness of the most superior 
 quality, I may mention, that in the London Exhibition of 
 1851, Thomas Houldsworth and Co., of Manchester, exhibited 
 a sample of yarn of No. 2 15 s spun from this cotton. That 
 No. means, that in a pound of yarn of that fineness, there is 
 2150 hanks each 840 yards long. In other words, a pound 
 of this yarn would extend about a thousand miles ! This is 
 the 1 finest yarn ever spun, and of this a very small portion 
 was made, and that at much trouble and cost. 
 
 Charleston was for many years the cotton market of the 
 States, but in recent years it has been far outstripped by its 
 more favoured rivals on the Gulf of Mexico. Still, it struggles 
 to maintain its position, and latterly has made, and is still 
 making, efforts which will have an important influence on its 
 future career. Those efforts have been directed to the 
 improvement of its harbour, and to an extension of its internal 
 communications. 
 
 Though possessed of a fine harbour, it has been placed at 
 some disadvantage by the shallowness of the water on its 
 bar, and that obstacle . has been gradually becoming more 
 
52 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 obstructive, from the continued deposits of the rivers. This 
 has prevented the approach of the larger class of vessels, and to 
 that extent hindered the commercial prosperity of the district. 
 The rivers which here unite are of no magnitude, and favour 
 no internal intercourse of any value. Measures have now 
 been adopted to remove these drawbacks to the trade of the 
 city ; and it is confidently expected, that with better outward 
 shipping facilities, and with enlarged and cheap inland com 
 munication, a new era will dawn upon the career of the 
 comparatively ancient city of Charleston. 
 
 The only city which competes with Charleston for the 
 trade of this part of the country, is*Savannah. It is situated 
 on the river of the same name, and is about ninety miles 
 south-west from Charleston. In recent years it has made 
 very rapid progress in population and in commerce, and is 
 now the largest city in the state of Georgia. Its population 
 
 In 1840 was 11,214 
 
 1853 23,458 
 
 being an increase of 109 per cent in 13 years. It owes its 
 sudden prosperity entirely to the public spirit of its own 
 population, who have shewn the greatest enterprise and 
 energy, in extending their communications with the interior 
 by railways, and by this means drawing to their port for 
 shipment, large quantities of produce, which a few years ago 
 it would have been impossible to bring to the sea coast. 
 
 In 1858 there were shipped from this port 39,929 casks of 
 rice, and 30,000,000 feet of lumber ; and in 1854, 300,200 
 bales of cotton were exported, of which 1-1,138 were of 
 Sea Island. 
 
 These cities Charleston and Savannah for though sepa 
 rated and rivals, I shall class them together are the natural 
 outlets for the produce of the states of South Carolina and 
 Georgia, and for considerable portions of North Carolina 
 Alabama, and Florida. With such an extensive back-lying 
 
IN AMERICA. 53 
 
 country, and with consequent advantages, one is surprised at 
 their slow progress, and the smallness of their commerce, and 
 very naturally is led to enquire into the causes of the contrast 
 they present to the cities of the north. With capital of which 
 they have no scarcity and with intelligence among their 
 merchants quite equal to what is possessed by those in any 
 other mercantile community in the States, how came the 
 natural advantages of those cities to have been so entirely 
 neglected ? A prominent cause, if not the one, till recently 
 has been the lack of enterprise among their own people. 
 Planters have produced crops, which they have almost been 
 too proud to sell. The position of a gentleman farmer has 
 been one of respectability ; that of a merchant has, till recently, 
 been questionable. The trading spirit has been at a discount, and 
 almost nothing has been done to foster that commercial enter 
 prise, which has produced such wonderful results in the north. 
 
 Meanwhile the northern cities have opened up new channels 
 of trade, not merely in their own states, but with the whole of 
 the West, and have diverted to their ports the produce of 
 those immense regions. During the same period, the natural 
 facilities for reaching the interior of the south-west, by the 
 rivers which run into the Gulf, have raised up new states, 
 which produce in larger quantity, of better quality, and at a 
 cheaper cost, the very article of which the South Atlantic 
 States were supposed to enjoy a monoply. 
 
 The merchants and planters, therefore, of Georgia and the 
 Carolinas, who not many years ago took so little interest in 
 developing the resources of their respective states, now find all 
 their energy required to maintain the position they have here 
 tofore occupied ; and to this is owing the efforts they have 
 recently been making to improve their harbours, and to provide 
 easy and cheap access by railway to the interior of their own 
 states, and to the West. 
 
 In no part of the States could railways be of greater service, 
 than on the South Atlantic coast. There there are no rivers 
 
64 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 of any magnitude, by which the interior can be approached. 
 Hence, in those states, there are boundless tracts of country 
 still in the hands of Government, because useless and unpro 
 ductive, from their being inaccessible from the sea. Those 
 regions being now intersected by railways, are opened up to 
 the markets of the world, and, instead of being permitted to 
 lie waste, they can be cultivated profitably, from the facilities 
 now afforded for sending- their produce to the sea coast. 
 
 All of this trade will be concentrated at the cities under 
 review ; and when they come, in the course of a few years, to 
 have direct steam communication with Europe, they will have 
 made some progress towards becoming the most influential 
 cities of the South. 
 
 But those lines of railway are not to be limited, in their 
 operation, to the states named. They are carried westward 
 to touch the Mississippi Valley, and are intended to attract to 
 the south-east coast, a portion of the produce of the West of 
 the states of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Missouri. Charleston 
 offers a nearer outlet to the ocean from the great cities of the 
 West, than any of the Northern cities ; and brings them into 
 nearer communication with Europe by 1,000 miles, than they 
 are brought by the Mississippi river and by the Gulf of 
 Mexico. Again, in the winter months, the severity of the 
 climate in the north, offers partial obstacles- to the transmis 
 sion of goods to the coast by railway, while for months the 
 canals are entirely obstructed by ice. And yet, this occurs 
 at the very time that it is most desirable for consumers, and 
 most convenient to producers, to forward the Western products 
 to market. In the summer months, New Orleans provides no 
 market, because the heat of the climate is injurious to much 
 of the Northern products, and because of the unhealthiness 
 of the city, and the consequent absence of its mercantile men. 
 None of those obstacles exist at Charleston or Savannah. 
 Their markets are open all the year round, and their com 
 munications are at all times safe and reliable. With these 
 
IN AMERICA. 55 
 
 advantages, with cheap and extensive internal communi 
 cations, with good harbours, and with ready means of ship 
 ment, nothing but lack of public spirit among their merchants, 
 can prevent those cities from becoming places of much com 
 mercial importance. 
 
 Within the last few years, the Southern and Western states, 
 liave organized an association which meets annually at some 
 one of the large Southern cities, to take into consideration 
 matters which affect the welfare of the states represented. 
 Delegates are sent from each state to attend the convention, 
 -and there the affairs of the South are reviewed by the various 
 speakers ; measures are devised to promote the interests of 
 the South, and resolutions are passed in accordance with 
 those measures, and with the opinions of those present. 
 
 These annual meetings are a means of disseminating much 
 information throughout the South : they enlighten the South 
 .-as to its own interests, and its strength, and they favour its 
 union, and any combined movement which may be deemed 
 advisable for the general welfare. In all these respects they 
 have been in a high degree successful, and hence much of 
 the pertinacity with which southern objects have been urged 
 in the National Legislature, and much of the success with 
 which they have been attended. 
 
 The most important subjects which have been brought under 
 /consideration at the annual meetings are : the development 
 of the resources of the Southern states ; an extension of their 
 railway, canal, and river communications ; steam communication 
 with Europe, from Charleston, Norfolk, or some other Southern 
 port; a direct import trade with Europe ; a railway to the Pacific ; 
 an extension of their manufactures, particularly in cotton; 
 and the removal, or at all events the diminution of the 
 custom duties levied on imports, particularly on iron and 
 other articles of large consumption in the South. 
 
 That proposition recommending an extension of internal 
 
56 A FEW MOKTHS 
 
 communication is the most practicable, and that which, if 
 followed up, will most benefit the South. With an extensive 
 system of railways, running over those states, their agricul 
 ture and commerce would rapidly increase, and the extension 
 of their foreign trade to Europe, and to the Pacific, direct 
 and through secondary channels, would inevitably follow. In. 
 view of such improvements, an important end would be gained, 
 by the abolition of the duties on iron, for by this means the 
 cost of all their public works would be very much cheapened. 
 The principal products of the states of North and South 
 Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, are cotton, rice, and Indian 
 corn. South Carolina is the principal rice-growing state 
 in the Union. In 1850 the entire quantity grown was 
 215, 3 13,497 pounds, of which South Carolina produced 
 159,930,613 pounds. The total quantity exported from the 
 States in 1854 was 105,121 tierces, valued at $2,634,127. 
 
 After a few day s rest in Charleston, I proceeded westward 
 through Georgia and Alabama. We left Charleston on the 
 morning of January 1st, 1854, and as we passed through 
 the outskirts of the city, we were charmed with the beauty of 
 the weather a contrast to that at home at the same time of 
 the year and the profusion of the suburban vegetation. 
 The brilliant sunshine, the clear atmosphere, the mild tem 
 perature of the air, with just tone enough to render it exhila 
 rating, and the foliage of the forest gardens, still half in leaf, 
 through which we were hurried along, reminded me of one of 
 our finest autumnal mornings, rather than as the first day of 
 a New Year. 
 
 About the middle of the second day, we had a detention of 
 some hours in one of the Western districts. An engine which 
 preceded us, had met with an accident, and was lying across 
 the line obstructing our progress. To remove this was no- 
 easy matter, but it required to be accomplished before we could 
 pass. Meanwhile, our train had to return with the mail, and so- 
 
TN AMERICA. 57 
 
 after the baggage of the passengers had been turned out on the 
 bank, we were left, with some assistance, to make the best 
 we could of the broken-down engine. After some hours delay, 
 we managed to move forward, and, after a few hours staging 
 over a most villainous country road, we had the good fortune 
 to rea.ch West Point towards evening. Here, shortly after 
 our arrival, there appeared another crowd of passengers, who 
 had been detained on another line, and were like ourselves, 
 unexpectedly thrown at this place for the night. With such 
 a large arrival, and without any preparations, the accommo 
 dations were not of the best. Beds, of course, could not be 
 obtained at an instant s notice, for nearly 100 people ; and 
 therefore, most of us had to lie on the floor, and make the best 
 of our hard couches. At an early hour next morning we pro 
 ceeded forward, and towards evening arrived at Montgomery. 
 This is one of the largest cotton depots in the interior, and 
 from this point large quantities are shipped to Mobile, and 
 New Orleans. 
 
 From this point we had the choice of two routes to Mobile, 
 one by stage for about 200 miles, and the other by steam-boat 
 on the Alabama River, for about twice the distance. By one 
 way, we had the certainty of being thoroughly shaken ; by the 
 other, we ran the risk of being blown up. The latter route 
 was generally preferred by the passengers who had come by 
 railway, and who were going forward. On the same evening, 
 therefore, between thirty and forty of us, pretty well known 
 to each other by this time, found ourselves on board one of 
 the river steamers, bound for Mobile. 
 
 The distance from Montgomery to Mobile by river, is about 
 400 miles, and that distance in one of the boats, with a high 
 pressure engine, can be accomplished in a day and a half. 
 But in going downwards, the owners take in cargoes of cotton 
 here, the staple article of trade at the numerous landings 
 on the river ; and hence, as in the present instance, the trip is 
 not accomplished in less than three days or more. 
 
58 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Though our trip was of more than an average length, no 
 one complained of the delay. The weather was deliciously 
 mild, enabling the passengers to spend most of their time on 
 the upper deck. The windings of the river are very varied, and 
 with occasional bluffs covered with timber and thick underwood, 
 here and there dipping their branches into the unruffled surface 
 of the water, the green foliage of summer was alone wanting 
 to render them perfectly beautiful. The accommodations on 
 the steamer were as good as at an hotel, and the passengers 
 -strove to render themselves agreeable, and readily contributed 
 to every amusement which helped to pass the hours pleasantly. 
 
 The passengers were from many parts. Half-a-dozen were 
 from the Old Country, some were from the Northern states, 
 others from the South, and a few were from Texas and California. 
 Nor less varied were their professions. We had military men 
 and civilians ; merchants and manufacturers ; planters, 
 lawyers, and others. Nor did we lack variety among the fair sex, 
 though that variety related to their age and personal appearance. 
 Among them were no less than three brides, who had just 
 left the paternal roof, to enter upon the duties and cares, and 
 it may be the happiness of the matrimonial state. 
 
 For amusements we had to resort to books, conversation, 
 oiusic, and dancing. In the latter pastime, the negroes gave 
 us specimens of their performance, and shewed how heartily 
 they enjoyed the excitement. 
 
 But one of our most valuable sources of entertainment 
 we owed to one of the lady passengers, who favoured us with 
 two lectures one on "Phrenology," and the other on the 
 " Rights of Women." Both were very discursive. Indeed 
 it would be difficult to say to what subjects she did not advert, 
 and therefore, it would seem that she had less desire to expound 
 the ostensible subjects of her discourses, than to employ them 
 as starting points, from which she might shew the extent 
 and variety of her acquirements. In one point I never 
 heard the lectures surpassed. That was in the rapidity with 
 
IN AMERICA. 59 
 
 which they were delivered. All ladies are said to be fluent 
 in speech, but this one spoke with unwonted volubility. 
 
 At nearly all the landings below Montgomery we had an acces 
 sion made to our numbers. The new arrivals were mostly of 
 planters, who were attended by negroes, and who, I learned w r ere 
 proceeding westward to the Mississippi States, and to Texas. In 
 those states^ land is much more fertile and productive, than on 
 the Atlantic coast. The quality of the cotton grown there is 
 finer, and therefore more valuable. The Gulf markets are 
 accessible by river, and for produce, at small cost. These 
 are irresistible temptations, to men who have no special attach 
 ment to any particular locality, and hence there is a constant 
 stream of emigration running from the Atlantic States west 
 ward ; and to an extent that, if continued, will, if it do not 
 diminish the actual population on the east coast, at all events 
 prevent its natural increase. This movement is not confined 
 to the cotton regions on the east coast, but extends north, to 
 Virginia, if not also to Maryland. It was therefore high 
 time for the capitalists and merchants of those states to 
 bestir themselves in the march of improvement, and by open 
 ing up cheaper and more direct communications with the 
 interior, offer facilities for commercial operations, sufficient to 
 counteract the influence of the temptations held out in the 
 West. 
 
 In due time we arrived at Mobile, and our agreeable party 
 broke up, not, how r ever, without some regret. Many kind 
 invitations and other courtesies were exchanged, and my 
 countrymen several of whom were present were not over 
 looked. Civilities were shewn them by people to whom they 
 had been entire strangers not more than three days before, 
 and with such frankness and sincerity, as were a satisfactory 
 proof of the readiness with which the Americans shew attention 
 to every one from the Old Country. 
 
 Mobile is situated at the mouth of the river of the same 
 
60 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 name, and is about thirty miles from the Gulf of Mexico. 
 Its population 
 
 In 1840 was 12,672. 
 
 1850 20,515. 
 
 After New Orleans, it is the largest cotton market in the 
 States. In 1852, it exported 545,920 bales of cotton, of 
 which 345,930 bales were to foreign ports. The value of 
 the exports in 1852, was $ 1 7,388,535, and that of the imports, 
 only $ 702,91 8. In that year the tonnage entered and cleared 
 at the port, was 250,424. 
 
 Mobile is the outlet for a large portion of the produce of 
 the state of Alabama, and also for a part of that of East 
 Mississippi, which is sent down the Alabama Paver. One 
 drawback to her progress has arisen from a bar at the mouth of 
 the river, which frequently obstructs the entrance of large ships. 
 That however is in course of removal. To increase her internal 
 operations, she is throwing out various lines of railways to 
 different parts of the state, and to the north. One of these, 
 joining her with the mouth of the Ohio, is the most important, 
 and when completed, will be attended with beneficial results 
 to the commerce of the city. The distance is about 600 
 miles, through a very level country, and in which therefore 
 no great expenditure will be required. This will bring the 
 Gulf into near communication with Kentucky in about thirty 
 hours and will attract to this port a fair share of the pro 
 duce of that and the neighbouring states. 
 
 On the 7th, I left Mobile for New Orleans. The steamer 
 low pressure was crowded with passengers, of whom upwards 
 of 300 were in the cabin alone. Most of them were emigrants 
 proceeding to the West. As those steamers run dai]y along 
 the Gulf, each time with numerous passengers, besides those 
 proceeding by other channels, one can have some idea of 
 the large number of emigrants striving to find out a home 
 in the unexplored valleys of the West. 
 
IN AMERICA. 61 
 
 During the day the wind changed to the north, and the 
 temperature fell to about the freezing point. This, with the 
 moistness of the atmosphere, rendered the air bitterly cold 
 much more than could be expected in that southern latitude. 
 
 We ran rapidly along the Gulf, to the landing place on 
 Lake Pontchar train, and thence by rail for six or eight miles, 
 and thus in a few hours we arrived in the " Crescent City." 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 NEW ORLEANS CITY SUBURBS CEMETERIES CLIMATE POPULATION 
 AMUSEMENTS COMMERCE YELLOW FEVER. 
 
 WHO has not heard of the attractions of New Orleans ? its 
 fine winter climate its numberless amusements its un 
 ceasing round of parties, public and private, its concerts, 
 balls, and lectures -and above all, its gigantic commerce? 
 
 The opinions current on those subjects are in some respects 
 correct, and in others much exaggerated. 
 
 But first, let me say a few words about the city. It stands 
 on the le"ft bank of the Mississippi, and is about 100 miles 
 from its mouth. The ground on which it is built has been 
 formed by the deposits of the river ; and even now, during 
 the winter and spring months, the river when flooded, rises 
 five to six feet above the level of the streets. The city, and 
 the country above and below, are protected from annual inun 
 dations, by embankments extending along the river on both 
 sides from two to three hundred miles. 
 
 The main streets run parallel to the river, and are crossed 
 by others at right angles. Most of them are open and 
 spacious, and many of them contain large solid buildings. 
 The soil is, however, so soft, that no building of any weight 
 can be erected except upon piles, which are driven deep into 
 the ground, to form a secure foundation. Even then, the 
 security is only comparative ; for, though with proper pre 
 cautions, there is no such sinking of the buildings as to 
 endanger their safety, yet, with the utmost care, no foun- 
 
IN AMERICA. 63 
 
 dation can be formed, which with a heavy structure, does 
 not yield ; and hence, many of the most substantial buildings- 
 have rents in their walls, which, in any other place than this, 
 would be deemed very unsafe. 
 
 The streets are the dirtiest I had ever seen. The sewers- 
 are all open, and though drained into Lake Pontchartrain, 
 yet, as there is but little fall, they are generally half full of 
 stagnant water, and mud, and the refuse of the streets. 
 From the river, a current of water is directed nightly along 
 the sewers (ditches ?) of the streets running towards the lake, 
 and this serves to carry off much of the loose refuse ; but in 
 those which run along the streets parallel to the river and 
 lake, no arrangements have been made to keep them clean ; 
 and it is only when there happens to be a fall of rain, that 
 they receive a thorough purification. In consequence of this 
 neglect, the water in those sewers, in less than four-and- 
 twenty hours after rain, becomes covered with a dirty green 
 crust, and even at this season of the year in winter gives 
 off a most offensive smell. In the evenings, when the air is 
 moist, this is peculiarly disagreeable and unhealthy. 
 
 The streets are now and again raked, for the accumulation 
 of rubbish is too great to be removed by sweeping, but the 
 refuse thus collected is often permitted to remain in the 
 middle of the streets for one or two days; and if, in the 
 interval, there happen to be a heavy fall of rain, those heaps 
 are washed down, and their contents again carried into the 
 sewers. 
 
 In a large city with such defective sanitary regulations, is 
 it wonderful that epidemics shonld be frequent, and that 
 New Orleans should be proverbial for its unhealthiness ? Is 
 it not rather surprising, as was remarked to me by one of the 
 medical men of the city, that in one form or other disease 
 should ever be absent ? 
 
 The country around the city is nearly one large swamp, 
 but in the immediate suburbs, there are some districts which 
 
64 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 have been drained, and are suitable for gardens and for 
 country houses. Some parts are laid out with much 
 care, and compared with the city, have considerable attrac 
 tions, from their smart houses and ornamental gardens. 
 Many of the houses are imbosomed amid roses and creeping 
 plants, which scarcely ever lose their greenness, and the 
 flowers on which are renewed nearly as fast as they decay. 
 The gardens contain evergreens, among which as special 
 favourites, prominence is given to the orange trees. At this 
 time of the year, they were in full leaf, and had also clusters 
 of ripe rich golden fruit peeping out most temptingly from 
 amid the thick green foliage. The same trees bore fruit 
 only half advanced to maturity. Two months later in. 
 March they were covered with blossom, the perfume of 
 which, almost too rich, scented the air with its fragrance. 
 
 In this latitude, nature only partially unrobes herself in 
 the winter months, and many trees and plants always 
 retain their summer hue. Others again resume their verdure 
 early in the spring, at a time when in a more northerly 
 latitude, winter retains dominion over the earth. 
 
 The cemeteries of New Orleans are peculiar to the city, 
 and are visited by all strangers. The soil in and around the 
 city is very wet, so much so, that if a pit be dug three or four 
 feet deep, in a short time it is half filled with water. This arises 
 from the soil being below the level of the river. Under 
 ground burial is therefore very rarely attempted, and the tombs 
 are all erected above the ground, from one to three stories 
 high. The citizens seem to take a melancholy pleasure 111 
 decorating the resting places of the dead. A great many of 
 the tombs are of white marble, with brief, but expressive 
 inscriptions, indicative of the affection borne towards their 
 tenants. Round many of them are planted rose bushes, and 
 other flowering shrubs, some of which at this time were in 
 full bearing, and here and there were cedar and orange trees, 
 which always retain their greenness. 
 
IN AMERICA. 65 
 
 During my visit, on a Sunday afternoon, I saw groups of 
 people, evidently family circles, collected here and there, and 
 I imagined that their conversation related to dear ones now 
 no more. Some of the previous visitors had brought garlands 
 -of flowers, which were placed upon the tombs touching 
 memorials of love towards the dead. Some of the flowers had 
 .decayed, but no rude hand had dared to remove them. 
 Others were fresh and beautiful, as if newly plucked. In 
 some instances a handful was placed in small basins of water, 
 that they might retain their freshness emblematical of the 
 undying affection of the mourners. 
 
 Those tokens of friendship and of love, were more nu 
 merous at this time than at any former period in the history of 
 the city. This was in consequence of the terrific ravages of 
 the fever I might almost say the plague which during the 
 previous summer had carried off thousands of the inhabitants. 
 Of those thus suddenly cut off, a large proportion were in the 
 prime of life the young, the gay, and the thoughtless 
 around whom the hopes and the affections of their families 
 were intertwined, and whose untimely fate was the more 
 deeply deplored. 
 
 It may be supposed, that, from the frequent recurrence of 
 fever in this city, the people are familiarised with death, and 
 able to look upon it with comparative composure, even when 
 it enters into their own dwellings. This, however, can scarcely 
 be the case, for it is peculiar to the character of no people to 
 love their relatives with greater tenderness than others, 
 although the manifestation of that love may in one case be 
 more demonstrative, and in the other more suppressed, as the 
 habits and character of the people may happen to differ. It 
 is said and perhaps with some truth, that the people here are 
 fickle and readily influenced by external circumstances, which 
 render ilu-ir emotions variable and transitory; and it is there 
 fore ar<ni> j d that their sorrows are of no duration ; but that 
 very susceptibility to outward impressions, even when the 
 
 F 
 
66 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 results are most evanescent, cannot fail to add at the moment 
 to the intensity and bitterness of their grief. 
 
 The climate of New Orleans is frequently all that can be 
 desired ; but, as in all parts of America, it is liable to very 
 sudden and extreme alternations of heat and cold. On my 
 arrival, the wind was northerly and keen, and the temperature 
 was very little above the freezing point. In a few days the 
 wind veered to the south, and in less than twelve hours the 
 temperature rose fully 40. The air was loaded with moisture 
 from the Gulf, and was warm and oppressive. This continued 
 for about ten days, the thermometer ranging from 70 to 75 
 during the night, and from 80 to 85 in the shade at noon. 
 At the end of that period, the change to cold weather was as 
 sudden and extreme. These variations continued at intervals 
 during my stay, and a constant warmth did not set in till 
 the end of April. But all the weather we had was not such. 
 Sometimes after a torrent of rain such rain as is unknown 
 in our latitude we had weather the most delicious imagi 
 nable weather which makes mere existence a source of 
 enj oy ment. With the thermometer at 70 in the shade, and with 
 the atmosphere clear, dry, and lofty, the animal spirits were 
 exhilarated almost to intoxication. During the day the 
 streets were thronged with ladies enjoying the fresh air, and 
 in the evenings, the open verandahs on the houses were full 
 of occupants the ladies cooling themselves in the evening 
 breeze, and the gentlemen in addition, enjoying the soothing 
 properties of their cigars, and enveloped in clouds of smoke 
 of their own creation. 
 
 *0f the inhabitants of the city, from November to May, a 
 large number- I should think fully a fourth part is migratory. 
 Some are from Europe, particularly from Great Britain; a 
 considerable number from the Northern states, and a still 
 larger number from the states in the South. Those from 
 Europe and the North, are merchants, who come hither 
 
IN AMERICA. 67 
 
 during the winter months, to purchase the produce of the 
 South and West. Those from the neighbouring states, are 
 planters, who frequent this market to sell the cotton, sugar, 
 corn, and other products of their plantations. The stay of 
 the merchants in the city, generally continues for about six 
 or seven months, but that of the planters may not last longer 
 than two or three weeks. 
 
 Of the ladies, a very few are from Europe, because of the 
 distance, and the inconvenience of travelling so far. A good 
 many are from the North, most of them accompanying their 
 husbands and other relatives, and a few attracted by the mild 
 ness of a Southern winter, and the gaiety of the city. But 
 the greatest number are from the South and West, the wives 
 and daughters of the planters, who come hither to enjoy, for 
 a short time, the amusements and excitement of a city life. 
 
 Of this unsettled population, a very large proportion live 
 in hotels, or in boarding houses residences agreeable 
 enough for a short time, but forming rather indifferent homes. 
 With a mixed assemblage of people thus situated, and 
 among a large French population, proverbially excitable and 
 fond of pleasure, how can the city be otherwise than gay ? 
 and who can resist its temptations ? Even the most staid 
 are hurried along with the others. Living among a crowd, 
 without the repose of home, and unable from the excitement 
 of business, which from its very nature is irregular and 
 speculative, to follow with steadiness any domestic pursuit,, 
 they have scarcely any alternative, but to enter into the- 
 amusements and dissipation of the public. 
 
 Gentlemen, while here, may be as sedate as they please 
 during business hours, and during the day they may give close 
 application to their commercial pursuits, if so inclined ; but 
 in the evenings they are compelled to relax, and are soon 
 hurried into the grand vortex of pleasure and excitement. 
 Ladies corne hither to enjoy themselves, and therefore all 
 kinds of amusement come to them as a matter of course. 
 
68 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Preparations are carefully made for the parties to which they 
 are invited ; and while their husbands, fathers, or brothers, are 
 engaged in the pursuit of wealth, they are not less actively 
 employed in its expenditure, by making investments in dresses 
 and jewellery, to be shewn off to advantage at the next evening 
 assemblage. 
 
 With this fertile field, open to the ingenuity and industry of 
 those who cater for the public enjoyment, and with a public 
 able, as well as willing, to pay for their gratification, it would 
 be surprising if there were lack of effort to meet public 
 expectation. Hence lectures, theatricals, concerts, and other 
 amusements, abound to satiety. 
 
 The lectures are of very moderate ability, and so are the per 
 formances at the theatres and concerts. The balls, again, are 
 most brilliant; and when given in public, are frequently un 
 rivalled in their attendance, and in the richness of the dresses 
 and decorations. At the principal hotels, there is dancing 
 one night each, week ; and during the season, there are always 
 two or three unusually splendid balls, and at least one in 
 mask or fancy dress. At one of those mask balls, I have 
 seen from five to six hundred people, with every variety 
 of costume ; and at a public one, which was given by a few 
 bachelors, upwards of a thousand were in attendance. The 
 extravagance of such entertainments may be imagined, when 
 it is stated that the latter cost $10,000. Of this sum 
 $3,000 was for wine alone, and $2,500 for music, (for 
 Jullien s Band). 
 
 Private balls are of nightly occurrence, particularly among 
 the Creoles, or the inhabitants of French descent. To these, 
 strangers are readily admitted; and once introduced at one 
 of them, they will have no lack of invitations to others. 
 The evening parties given by the French inhabitants are the 
 most elegant and agreeable in the city. The abundance of 
 flowers here, even in winter, leads to their being used on 
 such occasions, profusely and with taste ; and at these parties, 
 
IN AMERICA. 09 
 
 and indeed wherever opportunity offers, gentlemen shew their 
 gallantry by presenting them in bouquets to the ladies. 
 
 The lectures and concerts are well attended, and receive a 
 full share of public applause. Indeed, not only do the 
 public applaud, but the press is forward to shew its approval, 
 and frequently descends to a minuteness and particularity of 
 criticism, that pleases only those who love to indulge in 
 gossip, and gratifies the vanity of those who desire notoriety. 
 
 When I say criticism, I do not mean what is understood by 
 that term in England. In New Orleans, to criticise, always 
 means to commend; but in England, it frequently means 
 to censure, if not to condemn. 
 
 Let me give a specimen of the criticisms on some of the 
 lectures : 
 
 " The lecture (by Dr. ) as a whole, must have been an extremely 
 
 interesting and beautiful intellectual effort. The peroration was a 
 chaste and eloquent piece of composition, and its delivery marked by 
 a manly and vigorous elocution. The audience was a highly refined 
 and intelligent one. Popular lectures seem to be all the rage." 
 
 " Professor will resume his magnificent theme this evening, and 
 
 will treat it magnificently. The history of Greece, so attractive to the 
 student, so interesting to the general reader, so glorious in many of its 
 aspects, will sparkle and glow in his magic hands, with unwonted 
 brilliancy. The opening lecture, last Thursday evening, was sur 
 passingly beautiful and instructive full of splendid periods, noble 
 thoughts nobly expressed, and valuable information." 
 
 Again 
 
 " The lecture was replete Avith gorgeous imagery, glorious classical 
 gems, and profound, yet instructive erudition. 
 
 Again 
 
 " It was replete with classical knowledge, glowing periods, and eloquent 
 thoughts eloquently expressed. 1 
 
 Now for an example of what can be said on music : 
 
 That Jullien was a great musician, we knew. That he was a still 
 greater organiser of musicians we saw no reason to doubt. That he 
 was the most accomplished conductor of his day we believed. And yet, 
 
70 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 perfectly aware of the magnificent reunion of talent which he has 
 effected aware too of his great reputation in Europe, and of the 
 celebrity of his principal supporters, we confess that we were not pre 
 pared for the grand Festival of the Soul, which we enjoyed last night 
 at his second concert in this city. It was the true sublime of music. 
 
 "We do not pretend to the professional coldness of critics. We 
 prefer to give our involuntary enthusiasm its full sweep and swing, and 
 honestly to declare the impressions made by the Grand Maestro. He 
 has triumphed here as everywhere else. He has aroused patriotic 
 feelings which seemed to slumber amongst us. He has done more by 
 fifteen minutes of his weird enchantment, to awaken the American idea 
 somewhat too latent in modern days to place us face to face with 
 the grandeur of our country, to recall our military glory, and at 
 the same time define our military genius, than all the orators, or writers, 
 or artists of the world could effect, even if different ages lent their 
 united strength if Demosthenes joined with Raphael, and Shakspeare 
 with Henry Clay after years of ceaseless labour and combined effort ! 
 
 " This may appear sad rant. But the enthusiasm created by M. 
 Jullien, is too deep-felt and genuine not to he expressed. When his 
 grand American piece was played, the passion of the audience broke 
 forth into a wild cheer, and during the battle scene, the crashing of the 
 cannon, the roll of the drums, the thunder of the conflict, and the 
 clear notes of Koenig s cornet ringing above all like an angel s voice 
 proclaiming victory to the Americans, all, finally, settling down into the 
 triumphant National Air men and women leaped to their feet, every 
 face glowed with passionate delight tears of pride and pleasure ran 
 down many an aged cheek; an electric pulse beat through the whole 
 assemblage and as the upraised finger of Jullien pointed to the final 
 swell of the anthem, there was not a heart which did not throb with 
 ecstasy, as each remembered at last that these victorious sounds were 
 heard in the city of the great battle, where the foreign foe went down 
 before the headlong charge of America ! It is a noble custom that of 
 rising to salute our country s fighting tune and to Jullien is due the 
 honour of establishing it amongst us. The oldest lady in the room 
 rose to her feet, from the same impulse that inspired the boys, and in 
 the entire audience there was but one idea the martial glory of our 
 nation." 
 
 The population of New Orleans 
 
 In 1820 was 27,176 
 
 .1840 . 102,103 
 
 1850 , . . . 116,375 
 
IX AMERICA. 71 
 
 and a recent local census is said to shew a still larger increase. 
 Of these, the larger portion are of French descent, and of 
 the others many are Irish and German immigrants. Here, 
 as in other parts of the Union, the immigrants perform the 
 lowest kinds of labour. 
 
 New Orleans owes its commercial importance to its situation 
 at the mouth of the Mississippi river, and to its unrivalled 
 adrantages for inland trade. This river, navigable for thou 
 sands of miles, conveys to this point the produce of the 
 interior, and from this again it is shipped to foreign markets. 
 The quantity of produce brought here is quite prodigious, and 
 cannot be imagined by any one who has not seen it. The 
 quay is piled up every morning with heaps of cotton, corn, 
 flour, provisions, and all sorts of agricultural produce, and 
 before night all is cleared off, on shipboard or elsewhere to 
 give place to other supplies on the following day. This pro 
 duce arrives from the interior by steamers, several of which 
 arrive daily, and when inspected and sold, it is at once 
 removed for shipment. 
 
 The amount of business transacted in this city, is, in pro 
 portion to its population, larger than in any other city in the 
 world. It amounts to nearly $150,000,000 per annum; 
 but as nearly all of it is done in from six to eight months of 
 the year, the activity of. the .merchants, the extent of their 
 operations, and the bulk and weight of produce passed through 
 the port in that time are quite wonderful. 
 
 The total value of the exports from the port was, in 1853, 
 $98,983,3^6, and in 1854, $83,65,1,383. _ In 1853, a few of 
 the articles were : 
 
 Cotton . . . . 1,644,981 bales 
 
 Tobacco 04,075 hhds 
 
 Sugar 93,732 
 
 4,212 barrels 
 
 Flour 520,415 
 
 Indian Corn 868,117 sacks 
 
 Pork ,..;.. 200,220 barrels 
 
 Lard 720,996 kegs 
 
Y2 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The value of the receipts from the interior 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1842-3 was 45,716,045 
 
 1852-3 134,233,735 
 
 1853-4 - . . 155,330,798 
 
 The receipts in 1852-3, compared with 1842-3, were 
 
 1852-3. Dollars. 1842-3 
 
 Cotton . 1,664,864 bales, value 68,259,424 1,089,042 bales 
 
 Sugar . 321,934 hhds. 15,452,688 140,000 hhds. 
 
 Molasses25,700,000 galls. 5,140,000 galls. 
 
 Flour . 808,672 barls. value 3,639,024 
 
 Corn . 1,225,031 sacks 1,592,540 
 
 Pork . 316,592 barls.) 
 
 . 12,985,810 lus. } value 5 276 365 
 Lard . . 118,243 trcs. & bis. ) 
 
 . .159,672 kegs j value 3 ^52,514 
 
 All the cotton is exported ; but of the other articles much 
 is retained in the country; and of sugar and molasses the 
 largest part is sent to the interior by the river. Of the exports 
 of those two articles from this port, scarcely any is sent out of 
 the States. 
 
 In the year 1853, the numher of arrivals and clearances 
 at the port was 
 
 Ships Tons. 
 
 Arrivals 1093 511,878 
 
 Clearances 1216 630,820 
 
 and the entire arrivals coastwise (including the river) and 
 
 foreign, were 
 
 Ships 782 
 
 Barques 447 
 
 Brigs 295 
 
 Schooners 596 
 
 Steam Ships 244 
 
 Steam Boats 3253 
 
 5,617 
 4 The arrivals of breadstuffs and provisions have not in- 
 
IN AMERICA. 7$ 
 
 creased of late years. This has arisen from the facilities 
 now offered to producers for shipping them to New York and to 
 the east coast, instead of sending them to the Gulf. These 
 new channels are likely to extend, and to be more largely 
 used by Western merchants ; and though they may not 
 absolutely diminish the quantities of articles sent down the 
 river, they will prevent their natural increase with the increase 
 of the population.* Of the products of the country below the 
 junction of the Ohio and the Mississippi, nearly all will 
 continue to be exported by the Gulf, unless from cheap carriages 
 by railway, and ready and moderate freights to Europe, the 
 cities of Charleston, Savannah, and Mobile, draw a portion 
 to their ports. That, however, will be small compared with 
 the natural growth of the adjoining states, in population, 
 wealth, and agricultural productions ; and if therefore New 
 Orleans in addition t< the natural advantages she now has, 
 offers others, by opening up lines of railway, she will continue 
 to retain the largest share of that traffic which she now 
 enjoys. 
 
 \ One obstacle, almost fatal to the prosperity of the city, has- 
 been the periodical recurrence of that scourge, the yellow 
 fever. This has at intervals decimated the population of the 
 city, and prevented thousands from settling there who would 
 otherwise have done so. It has also contributed largely to 
 diminish the trade of the city. Merchants who have an interest 
 in the trade of the interior, and who are dealers in the articles 
 imported or exported, but who are unwilling to run the risk 
 of suffering from any of the diseases peculiar to the locality,, 
 contrive measures to draw the trade into new channels, and 
 to new ports on the east coast, and in the Gulf. Hence the 
 innumerable lines of railways now joining the Ohio valley to 
 the east coast, and hence the success which has attended 
 those undertakings. 
 
 With constant evidence of the truth of these remarks 
 
74 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 brought before tlie authorities in the city of New Orleans, it 
 is surprising that they adopt no measures to try to improve its 
 healthiness. For such improvements there is ample room, 
 and much necessity. With a system of complete drainage, 
 with the sewers well scoured out at regular and frequent 
 intervals, and with the streets well swept, there is much 
 reason to believe that if fever were not entirely got rid of, it 
 would at all events be much less frequent in its visitations, 
 and much less virulent in its attacks. 
 
 That it may not be considered that I over-estimate the value 
 of cleanliness to the city, let me mention, that, on the recom 
 mendation of the medical faculty, there has been proposed as 
 preventatives of fever. 
 
 1st. A system of underground drainage. 
 
 2nd. A plentiful supply of water. 
 
 3rd. Good pavements to provide good streets. 
 
 4th. Cheap bathing establishments. 
 
 5th. Drainage of the swamp round the city. 
 
 Of the necessity for those reforms no one can have any 
 conception, who has not seen the present condition of the city. 
 Bad as the streets are in winter, in summer they are very 
 much worse. In support of this statement, extracts from 
 medical reports could be given almost without end ; but it will 
 he enough to quote the words of a physician which were 
 addressed to myself. 
 
 " During the summer months of 1853, we had an unusual 
 quantity of rain, and the streets were scarcely ever dry. The 
 open sewers were full of water, and being seldom cleaned, 
 they were obstructed with vegetables and other rubbish. 
 These vegetables decaying, tainted the atmosphere. As if 
 this were not enough, the authorities gave orders for the dis 
 tribution of poison in the streets, to destroy the numerous dogs 
 which frequented them, and their carcases were often allowed 
 to remain till quite putrid. To this add, that sometimes 
 dead horses were found lying in the streets where they had 
 
IN AMERICA. T5 
 
 fallen, overcome with heat, and oppressed with work. The 
 stench from this disgusting accumulation became so offensive, 
 that even the acclimated inhabitants were unable to pass 
 through some of the leading streets, without holding their 
 handkerchiefs to their nose." 
 
 To remove those accumulations of impurity, various at 
 tempts were made by the respectable inhabitants who remained 
 in the city during the pestilence, but their efforts met with but 
 little success. The government of the city was in the hands of 
 a class of people who cared more for the sweets of office, than 
 for the health of the city, or for the welfare of the citizens. In 
 
 1853, they expended about $ 1,750,000; but in the spring of 
 
 1854, no improvement had been effected on the condition of 
 the city, and no precaution whatever had been taken to 
 prevent a recurrence of the scourge by which the city had 
 been afflicted in the previous year. A very large out-of-door 
 meeting was held to urge measures of improvement, but the 
 result of that agitation has yet to be seen. 
 
 The affairs of the city are administered by men selected 
 from among the most ignorant and unscrupulous of the in 
 habitants. The leading newspapers ascribe the influence 
 enjoyed by these men to the laxity allowed at the general 
 elections, and to corruption among the voters. One of them 
 says, "No honest man can vote more than once. The persons 
 we have soiled our columns by even referring to, can vote ten, 
 fifteen, or twenty times ; and have, and will, if they be paid 
 for so doing." 
 
 The number of those who fell victims to the fever in 1853, 
 were estimated at about 10,000. Most of them were people who 
 had not been acclimated, though it is stated that some of the 
 Creoles were carried off, who had been born in the city, and 
 lived there all their lives. Many negroes also died, who had 
 been brought hither from the slave states. 
 
 Of those most subject to the attacks of fever, it is remarked 
 in a report drawn up by one of the city physicians. 
 
76 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 " The first in all cities, and in all ages, to acknowledge the presence 
 of epidemics, and who suffer most from all other diseases, are the 
 exposed, the improvident, and the intemperate. 
 
 " Rain and sunshine, heat and cold, unwholesome food and drink,, 
 adulterated and impoisoned liquors, irregularity in eating, drinking, 
 and sleeping, as well as the most insalubrious style of clothing and 
 dwelling, all these, &c." 
 
 This is quite in accordance with the experience acquired in 
 in our own country during the prevalence of epidemics. 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE COTTON TRADE ITS PROGRESS EXPORTS VARIATIONS IN PRICE 
 FUTURE SUPPLY PRODUCTION PER ACRE SURFACE UNDER CROP 
 EXTENT OF SUITABLE LANDS COST OF PRODUCTION GROWING 
 SCARCITY OF LABOUR CHINESE LABOUR SUGAR TRADE EXTENT 
 AND VALUE OF CROP LOSS TO THE UNION BY PROTECTION OF SUGAR. 
 
 THE staple interest of the South is that of cotton, and New 
 Orleans is its greatest market. The annual value of that 
 exported from the States is equal to that of all other articles 
 taken together. 
 
 The rapid rise of this branch of industry, and its progress 
 to the present time, are quite unprecedented in the annals of 
 commerce. About seventy years ago the first bale was 
 produced in the States. Its growth continued to increase 
 steadily, and the crops 
 
 In 18223 were 495,000 bales 
 
 18323 1070,438 
 
 18423 2,378,875 
 
 18523* 3,262.882 
 
 *The crop of 1853-4 amounted to 2,927,608 bales. This deficiency, compared with, 
 the previous year, was owing to a partial failure in the crop, and to the lowness of 
 the rivers throughout the season, whereby it is believed a good deal of cotton could 
 not be brought to market. 
 
 The following observations on the cotton trade were written before the extent of the 
 crop of 1853-4 was known, and hence reference is always made in the text to the 
 -crop of 1852-3, instead of to that of the latter year. The figures relating to 1852-3 
 I have retained, because the crop of that year was the largest ever grown. 
 
78 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In the latter year, the receipts at different ports were 
 
 At New Orleans 1,580,875 bales 
 
 Mobile 545,029 
 
 Georgia 349,490 ,. 
 
 South Carolina 463,203 
 
 Texas 85,790 
 
 Florida 179,470 
 
 North Carolina 23,496 
 
 Virginia 25,783 
 
 Northern Ports 9,740 
 
 3,262,882 
 
 in addition to which, it is estimated that there were consumed 
 in the growing states, and of course not included in the 
 amount said to represent the crop. 
 
 In North Carolina 20,000 bales 
 
 South Carolina ....... 10,000 ,. 
 
 Georgia . 20,000 
 
 Alabama 5,000 
 
 Tennessee 5,000 
 
 On the Ohio 30,000 
 
 90,000 
 In the same year the exports were 
 
 To Great Britain *...,.. 1,737,860 bales 
 
 France 426,728 
 
 North of Europe 171,176 
 
 Other Parts ] 93,636 
 
 United States 671,009 
 
 3,200,409 
 The total exports were 
 
 Ibs. Dollars. 
 
 In 1823 . . 173,723,270 valued at . . 20,445,520 
 
 1833 . . 324,698,004 36,191,105 
 
 1843 . . 792,297,106 49,119,806 
 
 1853 . .1,111,570,370 109,456,404 
 
 * The consumption of cotton in Great Britain and Ireland is estimated at near 
 40,000 bales per week, of which upwards of eighty per cent, is of American growth. 
 
- IN AMERICA. 79 
 
 With a large increase of production, there was a con 
 stant decline in price, until the year ]84o, when it attained a 
 lower average than in any preceding or subsequent year. 
 The average price of that year was 5.92 cents per Ib. 
 
 The average for five years ending 
 
 1825 was 10.2 cents per Ib. 
 
 1833 10.0 
 
 1S43 9.0 
 
 1848 8.0 
 
 1853 9.5 
 
 The average price for the year ending June 30th, 1849, was 
 6.4 cents. This low price was in consequence, partly, of the 
 large crop of that year, and partly of the commercial disasters 
 of 1847> and the political events in Europe in 1848. In the 
 five years ending 1853, the average price was 10 cents 
 per pound. 
 
 It will therefore be seen that the lowest point to which the 
 price of cotton has come, was in the year 1845, and that since 
 that time, it has had a steady tendency to advance. Nor 
 has that advance been trifling; but coupled with the high 
 rates of freight which have been current during the last few 
 years, it has entered largely into the calculation of consumers, 
 and must have exercised a considerable influence on the 
 progress of the cotton trade. 
 
 The cause of this enhanced price seems to have been the 
 general prosperity of the cotton trade undoubtedly the fruits 
 of the liberal commercial policy of Great Britain and the 
 consequent largely extended consumption of the raw material. 
 In other words, the demand has been greater than the supply, 
 and higher prices have been the consequence. If no other 
 element has entered into the circumstances which have 
 determined the average value during the last few years, then 
 the benefits of this advance^ in price will have been entirely 
 on the side of the producers, and will have gone to increase 
 their profits. I believe ^that the effect of any new element 
 
80 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 affecting its value has been moderate, and that therefore cotton- 
 growing has in recent years been a highly profitable pursuit. 
 The element to which I allude, as likely to diminish the 
 profits of the planter, is that of increased cost of production, 
 arising from the greater scarcity, and consequent dearness 
 of labour. 
 
 The scarcity of labour has been much felt in the South, a 
 result of the large demand for the productions of that region ; 
 and in consequence, the value of slave labour has ad-vanced 
 nearly 100 per cent, within the last few years. Still, with 
 that increase of the cost of production, cotton growing at the 
 present prices, is a very profitable occupation. 
 
 No people have so much interest in any question touching 
 the supply of cotton, as the people of Great Britain ; and the 
 prosperity of no other nation would be so much affected by 
 whatever would cut off, or largely diminish our supply, or 
 enhance its value in the market. Nor do we look merely to 
 a continuation of our present supply. The cotton trade is 
 annually extending, and our consumers require an annually 
 increasing quantity, to meet their increasing consumption. 
 Three-fourths of our consumption is now drawn from America; 
 and therefore, depending so largely upon that country, it may 
 not be uninteresting to enquire into the prospects of our future 
 supply. 
 
 With respect to an increasing future supply, there has 
 frequently been some uncertainty, and some little anxiety ; 
 and it has not unfrequently been asserted that at no distant 
 day, America would reach a point beyond which her cultiva 
 tion of cotton could not be increased at all events, not in 
 proportion to the present rate. The correctness of this 
 assertion is partly confirmed by the fact, that now, the 
 demand is annually outrunning the supply, as evidenced by the 
 higher average price we are now paying for what we consume. 
 
 The causes assigned for the future limitation of our supply 
 are : 
 
IN AMERICA. 81 
 
 The absorption into use of all the lands capable of growing 
 cotton. 
 
 And the growing scarcity of labour. 
 
 To these, I do not add a third element, frequently adverted 
 to here and in America namely, that arising from the 
 modification or change of the institution of slavery. On 
 that point I am not prepared to offer an opinion. The other 
 two arguments may be worth a little consideration. 
 
 The crop of 1852-3, as already stated, was 3,262,882 bales, 
 and was grown in the states of North and South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, 
 Arkansas, Texas, Kentucky, and Indiana. The proportion 
 grown in those states cannot be given for that year ; but in 
 the appendix they are given for 1849 ; and it is probable that 
 the proportion did not much vary in 1853. 
 
 An approximation to the quantity of land on which this 
 crop was grown, can be arrived at only by estimate. In the 
 Atlantic states the production per acre is less than in the West, 
 and varies from 150 to 300 Ibs. clean cotton. In the West 
 and on the Gulf, it ranges from 250 to 400 Ibs. If the 
 average be taken at 250 Ibs., which is about half a bale, and 
 is quite within limits, then the whole land which was under 
 crop in 1852-3, could not have exceeded 6,500,000 acres, 
 or considerably less than double the area of the county of 
 York. 
 
 Leaving out of consideration the states of Kentucky, 
 Indiana, and Virginia, the production in which is too little to 
 affect our argument, it will be found (see appendix) that in 
 the other states named, 32,324,830 acres of land were in 
 farms and improved in 1849. But the cotton crop of that 
 year, in those states, was 2,469,093 bales of 4001bs. each, 
 which is equal to 1,975,274 bales of 5001bs. each. If, there 
 fore, the whole of the improved lands were under crop, then 
 would it follow that only about one-eighth of their extent had 
 been under cotton. Or to place the question in another 
 
82 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 light, the growth of the states named, was under 2,000,000 
 bales of 5 00 Ibs. each, but as it requires two acres to produce 
 one bale of that weight, the quantity of land under cotton 
 could not have been more than 4,000,000 acres, or an 
 eighth of the extent of the improved lands. 
 
 But two of those states are less adapted for growing cotton 
 than the others. These are Tennessee and North Carolina. 
 In these, upwards of 10,000,000 acres of land were improved, 
 in 1849, yet only 268,377 bales of 4001bs. each, were produced ; 
 whereas, in the other states, with only 21,695,082 acres of 
 improved land, the cotton production was 2,195,997 bales 
 of 400 Ibs. each, or 1,756,798 bales of 500 Ibs. This latter 
 quantity, at the average of 250 Ibs. to an acre, would represent 
 3,500,000 acres, or about a sixth of the improved lauds in- 
 the states named. 
 
 But in the cotton states properly so called the states 
 referred to at the end of the foregoing paragraph the extent 
 of their improved lands in farms, is only about six per cent 
 of their entire area, and not much more than a third of the 
 extent of the unimproved lands already enclosed in farms. 
 Were these unimproved lands alone brought into cultivation,, 
 and were they growing cotton in the same proportion as the 
 lands already improved, they would produce three times the 
 quantity grown in 1849, or upwards of 5,000,000 bales. 
 
 But the improved and unimproved lands in those states 
 say in South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, 
 Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas, do not amount to more 
 than an eighth of their entire area ; and therefore it may be 
 said with safety, that the extent of cotton-growing land in 
 those states, is practically without limits. I am aware that 
 very large portions of those states are unproductive, from the 
 poorness of the soil in some places, and from large tracts being- 
 constantly underwater. Still, the quantity of land suitable for 
 cultivation presents a surface much greater than is likely to 
 be brought under crop for many years to come, and offers a 
 
IN AMERICA. 83 
 
 field for the employment of labour, that without any stretch 
 of the imagination, may be denominated almost boundless. 
 
 At the present moment, the lands under crop in the 
 Western states, are merely those which touch upon the water 
 courses, the Mississippi audits tributaries by which access 
 can be had to the Gulf, and by which the crops can be easily 
 and cheaply conveyed to market. But when those immense 
 regions are opened up by railways particularly in Texas, and 
 the states west of the Mississippi the land brought under 
 cultivation will be augmented as rapidly as labour can be 
 procured for that purpose. 
 
 I have stated above, that only about a sixth part of the entire 
 extent of improved lands in the cotton states, properly so 
 called, was under cotton crop in 1849. Since that time, I 
 believe that proportion has been diminished; and of the im 
 proved lands, a much larger share is now prepared for the 
 growth of cotton. For some years previous to 1849, the 
 prices of cotton were very low, indeed in some years unre- 
 munerative, and at the best far from being encouraging to 
 planters. This drew their attention to other crops, which, 
 if not more profitable, required at least less labour and less 
 expense. Since that year, the average price of cotton has 
 steadily increased, rendering that crop not merely profitable, 
 but the most profitable produced in the South ; and hence 
 lands which in former years were growing corn and other 
 crops, are now turned to cotton ; and hence also, of the 
 lands which were improved in 1849 even had no new lands 
 been improved a larger proportion has been devoted to 
 the culture of cotton. 
 
 After considerable personal enquiry among planters in 
 various parts of the cotton regions, I venture to estimate 
 that the cost of producing cotton and bringing it to market 
 is on the eastern coast, 6 cents per pound, and on the 
 Gulf and in the West 6 cents. But as the average price 
 paid for the crop of 1853 was 9.85 cents per pound, and that 
 
84 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 of the four years ending ]853 was 10 cents, it follows that 
 planters must recently have been making large profits upon 
 their cotton crops, and receiving the best inducements to 
 extend its culture, to the neglect of other crops which are less 
 profitable. This, therefore, must have encouraged planters to 
 give more attention to their cotton crop than to any other, 
 and must have led to an increase of its growth all over the 
 South, even were no new lands taken into cultivation. 
 
 If, therefore, the cultivation of cotton continues to be as 
 profitable to the planters as it has been in recent years, they 
 will cease to grow other crops, which are less profitable, 
 except as much of them as is required for consumption on 
 their own estates. It is understood, however, that on a planta 
 tion, a third of the land under cultivation will produce corn and 
 other crops in sufficient quantity for the consumption of its own 
 population. The remaining two-thirds, therefore, of the estate, 
 can be turned to the cultivation of cotton. 
 
 In the second argument there seems to be more validity, 
 namely, that the growing scarcity of labour will, at some dis 
 tant day, limit the supply of cotton, or rather check its in- 
 crease. The increasing demand for cotton, creates an increased 
 -demand for labour, and enhances its value ; adds to the 
 cost of producing it, and will, perhaps, at no very distant 
 day, check its rate of increase. 
 
 It is generally estimated, that a negro can pick in a season, 
 from August 1st to December 31st, from six to ten bales, and 
 in some cases considerably more. If the average quantity per 
 labourer be taken at seven bales, then it would appear that the 
 crop of 1852-3, the largest ever grown, must have been picked by 
 about 460,000 negroes. That would be the number actually 
 engaged in work. But, as out of the labourers on a plantation, 
 about a third are unfit for work, from infancy, old age, and 
 sickness, it follows, that to pick the crop named, no less than 
 700,000 labourers must have been required. 
 
 The coloured population is now estimated to amount to 
 
IN AMERICA. 85 
 
 about 3,500,000 ; or five times the number now employed 
 on the cotton plantations. From this source, therefore, 
 scarcity of labour it would seem that there is no 
 probability of an early restriction to the growth of cotton. 
 If, however, it be borne in mind, that a considerable number 
 of the negroes are employed in the cities, and on the planta 
 tions as personal servants, and that in several slave states 
 which do not grow cotton, they are required for the cultivation 
 of other crops which are profitable say rice, tobacco, corn, and 
 sugar it will be seen that the number employed on the 
 cotton fields, is a large per centage of the entire population, 
 and that to increase that per centage to meet the growing 
 demand for cotton an increased inducement must be offered 
 to abstract their labour from other branches of industry. 
 That inducement can be nothing less than an increased price 
 for labour, and that increased price can be given by the 
 planter only, if he receive larger prices for his cotton. Indeed 
 this has already been experienced in the Southern states, and 
 the value of labour is now about double what it was not many 
 years ago. In consequence of this demand for labour, great 
 numbers of negroes are annually brought from the Northern 
 slave states, where the planters find it less profitable to employ 
 them. 
 
 To meet this enhanced cost of production, the average price 
 of cotton will inevitably rise, although it may be very gradually, 
 unless the supply from some other field be of a quantity 
 and at a price sufficient to regulate or modify the general 
 state of the market. That advanced price, is equivalent to 
 a limitation of our supply. 
 
 Before, however, we reach that point in production, that 
 labour will actually become scarce, it is not improbable 
 that it may be augmented in the States by the introduction 
 into the country of Chinese labour. The numbers of Chinese 
 at California are already considerable ; and it is not unlikely that 
 many of them will, by and by, find their way into the cotton- 
 
8G 
 
 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 growing regions. Indeed, I learned while at New Orleans, 
 that already some of them had been employed at an iron 
 work, in Tennessee, and with much success. 
 
 From "Andrew s Report," published by the American 
 Government in 1853, I copy the following table : 
 
 Estimate of the Crop of 1852, and of the Crop the Cotton zone may 
 produce. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Bales of 
 400 Ibs. 
 
 Hands 
 Employed. 
 
 Acres in 
 Cotton in 
 1852. 
 
 Area sus- 
 ceptibleof 
 Cultivtn. 
 inCotton. 
 
 Number 
 of hands 
 necessary 
 therefor. 
 
 Probable 
 productn. 
 inBalesof 
 4001bs 
 
 Florida . . . 
 
 80 000 
 
 000 
 
 160 OoO 
 
 6 000 000 
 
 750 000 
 
 3000000 
 
 Texas 
 
 100 000 
 
 2*5 ooO 
 
 200 000 
 
 10000 000 
 
 1 250 000 
 
 5 000 000 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 100,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 200,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 375,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 Louisiana .... 
 
 200,000 
 
 50,000 
 
 400,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 375,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 220,000 
 
 55,000 
 
 440,000 
 
 2,000000 
 
 250,000 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 310,000 
 
 77,500 
 
 620,000 
 
 200,000 
 
 25,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 650,000 
 
 162,500 
 
 1 ,300,000 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 750,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 Georgia 
 
 740,000 
 
 185,000 
 
 1,480,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 375,000 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 Alabama 
 
 750,000 
 
 187,500 
 
 1,500,000 
 
 6,000,000 
 
 750,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 TOTAL 
 
 3,150,000 
 
 787,500 
 
 6,300,000 
 
 39,200,000 
 
 4,900,000 
 
 19,600,000 
 
 Of this statement it may be remarked, that, though the 
 quantity of land suitable for growing cotton is as great as 
 here given, yet, no one can imagine that the amount of labour 
 necessary for its cultivation can be procured for generations 
 to come, if that labour be confined to the coloured population. 
 
 New Orleans is not only the sugar market of the States, 
 but Louisiana is the only state in which it is grown to any 
 extent indeed, almost at all although attempts are being 
 made to extend its culture in Texas and Florida. The crops 
 produced in Louisiana are the best in quality, and the most 
 profitable, though there, also, from occasional frosts, they 
 
IN AMERICA. 87 
 
 *are .sometimes very critical. The cane is grown on the 
 oriver bank, for about two hundred miles above the city, and 
 .-sixty &elow it. By improved methods of culture, it has, in 
 -recent years, been a profitable crop to the planter ; and, in 
 consequence, its growth has been considerably extended. 
 The crops produced 
 
 In 1822-3 were 30,000 hhds. 
 
 1842-3 140,316 
 
 1852-3 321,934 
 
 1853-4 449,324 
 
 each hogshead weighing 1,000 Ibs. 
 
 The crop of 1853-4 was grown on 1,437 estates. On 956 
 of these, steam power was used for working the sugar mills, 
 and on 481 they were driven by horse power. On 1,384 
 estates, there is in use the old process, by open kettles, for 
 .granulation ; and by vacuo, with its expensive apparatus, on 
 53. The latter system is by far the most profitable, but the 
 apparatus is costly ; and as the trade entirely depends for its 
 success on being protected against foreigu competition, by a 
 considerable duty, and as the continuation of that protection 
 is uncertain, planters hesitate to go to an expense in pro 
 viding machinery, which unexpectedly, and at an early day, 
 may be rendered useless. 
 
 To the crop of the South, there may be added that of th 
 North, made of the juice of the maple tree. In 1850, it was 
 upwards of 34,000,000 pounds. 
 
 The number of slaves employed on the sugar plantations 
 in 1850, was 125,970. The average value of each is con 
 sidered to be about $ 1 ,000. 
 
 In 1853, the estates were valued at $126,929,000, which 
 must be considered a very low estimate, as it is not much 
 more than the value of the slaves alone. The value of the 
 sugar estates have nearly doubled within the last four years. 
 
 But the home growth of sugar does not nearly supply the 
 
88 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 consumption of the Union. The imports from other countries 
 were : 
 
 Dollars. 
 In 1841 . . 184,190,662 Ibs. 
 
 1851 . . 309,324,298 value 13,478,709 
 1853 . . 449,360,400 14,987,776 
 
 Of these imports, three-fourths were from Cuba. By adding 
 the quantities imported, to those grown at home, it will he 
 observed that the consumption has more than doubled since 
 1841.* 
 
 The home production of molasses in 1853, was 26,960,000 
 gallons, and the quantity imported was 28,576,821 gallons, 
 valued at $3,684,888: giving 55,536,821 gallons as the 
 quantity consumed. The home production in 1854 was 
 32,056,000 gallons. 
 
 I have stated that but for a protective duty, sugar could, 
 not be grown in the States with a profit to the planter, and 
 therefore without that duty, nearly all the plantations 
 would go out of cultivation. That duty is thirty per cent. 
 ad vol. 
 
 As a matter of curiosity, I have endeavoured to estimate 
 the amount paid annually by the whole consumers in the 
 Union to protect the interests of the 1,437 planters in 
 Louisiana. 
 
 Cuba, and other sugar-growing countries, more favourably 
 situated for the culture of the cane, now send into the 
 American markets, about half the quantity required for con 
 sumption. And yet, that is done at a profit otherwise the 
 trade would not be continued after the payment of a duty of 
 30 per cent. Were that duty repealed, those sugars could 
 and would be sold at a proportionate reduction in price. But 
 that reduction in price would apply to the home grown 
 
 * The quantity of sugar entered for home consumption in Great Britain and Ire 
 land in 1854, was 8,696,481 cwts., about seventy per cent of which was the growth of 
 the British possessions. Parliamentary Paper. 
 
IN AMEEICA. 89 
 
 sugar, as well as to that imported, because the price of every 
 article is regulated by the cost of producing with a profit, 
 that which is last brought to market. Therefore, the price at 
 which Cuba sugars could be profitably sold in the American 
 markets, would govern the price of that produced at home. 
 
 Taking, therefore, the whole quantities of sugar and molasses, 
 of home growth, brought to market in 1854, and estimating 
 them at a low average price, in New York, their value would be 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Sugar. . . 525,154,560 Ibs. at 4 cents . . . 21,006,182 
 Molasses . 32,056,000 gals, at 20 cents . . 6,411,200 
 
 Total 27,417,382 
 
 But the prices I have quoted, include the duty of 30 per cent. 
 Now if that duty were abolished, the value of the above articles 
 would fail in that proportion, otherwise they would be replaced 
 by those of foreign growth. But 30 per cent, on their natural 
 value, or the price at which they would be sold without that 
 duty, is equivalent to about 23.08 per cent, on that price, duty 
 included. This per centage, then, of 23.08 on the above value 
 of the sugar and molasses, leaves $0,328,000 as the amount 
 paid by the consumers of the States, for the benefit of the 
 sugar planters. 
 
 This is a very handsome sum to pay annually to a few 
 planters, and says much for the liberality of the American 
 people. If the 1,437 estates are owned by as many proprietors, 
 each may be considered to be a pensioner on the industry of 
 the American people, to the amount of $4,370 per annum. 
 I am afraid the taxpayers of England would not like to have as 
 many pensioners dip their hands so deeply into the public purse. 
 
 It is rather surprising that any protection should be 
 afforded to the sugar growers of the States, for the plea which 
 is urged in the North, for the protection of the manufacturing 
 interests of the country, does not hold good with respect 
 
90 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 to sugar. It is urged that the protection to manufactures 
 is to be continued only till they be well established, and in a 
 position to compete with those of Europe. That applies not 
 to sugar: for it is admitted by all who are conversant with 
 the South, that no encouragement will ever bring the culture 
 of the sugar cane to that degree of perfection, that will enable 
 the planters of Louisiana to compete successfully with those 
 of Cuba. The soil, but above all, the climate of the South, 
 oppose insurmountable obstacles to the successful prosecution 
 of this branch of industry in any part of the United States ; and 
 it is only by the introduction of improved methods of culture, 
 t>y the use of excellent machinery, and above all, by that 
 enterprise and, energy which the Americans infuse into all 
 their undertakings, that they are now, with a protection of 
 80 per cent., enabled to compete with the sugars of Cuba 
 and Brazil. Withdraw that protection, and nearly all the 
 sugar plantations would go out of cultivation, or be converted 
 io the growth of cotton ; or induce the planters of Cuba to 
 improve their machinery, and adopt the general system which 
 is now in use in Louisiana, and in spite of the present duty 
 in favour of the home grower, they would be able to undersell 
 the Americans in their own markets. 
 
 I learned that not a few Americans had purchased estates 
 in Cuba, on which they were introducing the improved 
 system now in use in the States. These, when extended and 
 fully developed, will effect a considerable change in the 
 sugar trade of the world. 
 
IX AMERICA. 91 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 CUBA ITS ANNEXATION, A GAIN OR LOSS TO THE UNITED STATES? 
 ITS PRODUCTIONS AND COMMERCE SOUTHERN LOGIC. 
 
 From what lias been stated in the previous pages it may 
 be imagined that all southern men are not in favour of the 
 annexation of Cuba, and are not members of the "Lone 
 Star" Association. The sugar planters, and all connected 
 with that interest, know well, that if Cuba were annexed to 
 the Union, and its sugar brought into competition with their 
 own, on equal terms, their prosperity would be at an end, 
 and much of the capital invested in their properties would 
 be lost. They will, therefore, oppose that undertaking with 
 all the influence of which they are possessed. 
 
 While at New Orleans, I made some enquiry as to the 
 popular opinion on the subject of the annexation of Cuba, 
 and as to the attempts which have been made to secure its 
 possession. In reference to the attempt which was made 
 under Lopez, I was told that few of the inhabitants were 
 aware that such an expedition was in contemplation, till it 
 had actually sailed. It was composed mostly of young men 
 from eighteen to twenty- four years of age, thirsting for 
 adventure, and covetous of fame, rather than of spoil. Of 
 such, there is always an abundance in an unsettled state of 
 society, such as still prevails in this part of the Union. Among 
 them were also a few who had been unsuccessful in their 
 
92 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 career in life, and who were eager to embark in any enterprise 
 which might afford them some chance of improving their 
 condition. The inhabitants of New Orleans had little sym 
 pathy with the adventure, and took little interest in its pro 
 gress. But when they heard of its failure, and were informed 
 of the punishments inflicted on their countrymen by the 
 Spanish authorities, many of them, without considering the 
 provocation under which the Spaniards acted, were anxious to 
 promote measures of retaliation ; and not a few, under the 
 first impulse, would have volunteered to join a second 
 expedition, had such been proposed from any respectable 
 quarter 
 
 As the expedition against Cuba was an act of piracy, it is 
 unquestionable that those who engaged in it, exposed them 
 selves, knowingly, to the punishment due to that crime, in 
 the event of a failure in their undertaking. It is no less 
 certain that the Spanish authorities were justified in treating 
 with severity the authors of such an unjust aggression, and 
 that very severity may have prevented other attempts of a 
 like kind ; for adventurers it may be few in numbers and 
 without organization or influence would only have been 
 incited to renewed attempts, by a moderation on the part of 
 the Cuban government, which would have been attributed to 
 fear. It may however be doubted, if, while by those measures 
 of severity, they prevented small attacks from being made on the 
 island, they did not the more certainly by that very severity 
 I may say cruelty insure its final absorption into the 
 American Union, by rousing a spirit of revenge throughout the 
 country which will scarcely be allayed till that end has been ac 
 complished. This spirit is not now confined to a few ad venturers, 
 but prevails among many people who till recently were quite 
 opposed to any such movement. 
 
 I therefore venture to believe that the question of the 
 annexation of Cuba will maintain its popularity, and that some 
 efforts will yet be made to give it effect. The people of 
 
IN AMERICA. 93 
 
 the States are irritated at the cruelty of the Spaniards ; they 
 are disgusted at the incompetency of the Cuban Government ; 
 they know the value of the soil, which, in the hands of its present 
 owners is almost entirely neglected ; and lastly, the slave 
 holding states desire to increase their power, to balance the 
 increasing power of the North, and to counteract the effects 
 which would result from any defalcation among the northern, 
 slave states, where the employment of slave labour is now 
 found to be scarcely profitable. For all these reasons, a large 
 portion of the southern population desire the possession of Cuba, 
 and they only await the proper moment when they think they 
 can act with union and vigour, and accomplish their object by 
 treaty, or if necessary, by force. 
 
 If Cuba, then, were added to the Union, it could be only as 
 a slave state, although of the Northern population, the large 
 portion desire its admission as a free one. This would be a 
 victory gained by the South, and would make an addition to 
 its strength. But I think that addition would only be apparent. 
 In Cuba, slave labour, though cheap in comparison with 
 that of the States, is insufficient from the indolence of the 
 planters for the cultivation of the soil ; but if the island 
 were once occupied by the Americans, more land would be 
 brought under tillage, and labour would be imported from the 
 Southern states, because it could be more profitably employed 
 in Cuba, than on the mainland. Cuba has a richer soil, and 
 a climate more favourable to the cultivation of the sugar cane, 
 and other tropical fruits, than any part of the States ; and 
 after the removal of the thirty per cent ad vol. duty now levied 
 on all foreign grown sugar imported into the Union, that 
 produced in Cuba would supply the entire consumption of 
 America. 
 
 This demand for labour in Cuba, would soon affect the 
 labour markets of the States, and enhance the value of slave 
 property. Already, in recent years, the increasing demand 
 for cotton and sugar has caused great demand for labour, 
 
94 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 and increased its value. That increase has made it almost 
 unprofitable to employ slave trade in some of the Northern slave 
 states, and has rendered it too costly to compete with white 
 labour. Hence some of those Northern states are called 
 " breeding states," because they retain the institution of 
 slavery, not so much for the profit derived from the labour of 
 the negroes, as for the profit made from " raising" them to be 
 sold to the South. If, therefore, any circumstance should 
 arise to increase the demand for labour in the South, and 
 that would assuredly follow the annexation of Cuba 
 that labour would become still more costly, its employment 
 would become less profitable in the Northern slave states, 
 and it would therefore be attracted to the South and to Cuba. 
 The result of this would be, that the states of Maryland, 
 Virginia, Kentucky, and perhaps those of North Carolina, 
 Tennessee, and Missouri, having diminished their slave popu 
 lation, would have a tendency to become free, and would 
 gradually identify their interests with those of the North. 
 
 The South, therefore, instead of strengthening their cause 
 by the annexation of Cuba, would weaken it by the defection 
 of the states I have named, and they would soon find that 
 the moral force of their cause had lost more by the withdrawal 
 from their ranks of Virginia and Maryland alone, than it 
 could gain by the addition of double the number of states in 
 the South. What might be the effects of this change on the 
 political relations between the North and the South, it would 
 be impossible to predict. 
 
 If Cuba were added to the Union, there would be a con 
 siderable emigration to the island of sugar planters, and 
 others who might be dissatisfied with their present position in 
 life. It would, however, be early found out that the field for 
 the industrial employment of the Americans in Cuba is 
 much more limited than is generally believed, and in a few 
 years it would be seen that a veiy few would continue to 
 reside in the much- coveted possession. In California, with 
 
IN AMERICA. 95 
 
 much greater attractions, the population in several years has not 
 grown to more than 300,000 ; and in the state of Louisiana, 
 one of the richest in the South, and forming a part of the 
 Union for fifty years, the white population is now only 
 about 250,000. It would be found, therefore, that in Cuba, 
 with a climate unsuitable for white labour, and with its most 
 valuable plantations already in the possession of the Spaniards, 
 and other Europeans, the progress of the Americans would be 
 comparatively trifling. Of those who would become planters, 
 undoubtedly many from their great energy of character, com 
 pared with that of the Spaniards, would accumulate wealth, 
 but scarcely, I fear, in sufficient quantity, to make their riches 
 an object of national importance. 
 
 But in what relation to the other nations of the world 
 would the States be placed by even the peaceable acquisition of 
 Cuba? 
 
 In the event of a war with any European power possessed 
 of a military and naval force, the Americans would soon find 
 that Cuba was their most vulnerable point, and that its pre 
 servation could be secured only by the expenditure of much 
 blood and treasure. The American portion of the inhabitants 
 would not be more than sufficient to protect themselves 
 against the attacks of the Spanish Creoles, or the yet more 
 formidable danger of a senile war. The nation would find 
 itself burdened with the defence of an additional coast line of 
 nearly fifteen hundred miles, which would require to be 
 secured, that its honour might be maintained, by troops and 
 ships provided from the mainland, and at the expense of the 
 other states. That the other states would long submit to such 
 an imposition, is very questionable the more so if those 
 troops and ships were required for the defence of their own 
 cities and sea coast. 
 
 Every one who is aware of the abundance of employment 
 in the States, and of the liberal remuneration which labour in 
 general commands, will readily believe that it would be a 
 
96 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 difficult matter to enlist soldiers, unless for the defence 
 of their own homes and country. In that case, every man 
 would volunteer to serve, and as readily as in England ; 
 but whether many of them would do so for the defence of 
 Cuba is quite another question. For a brief war, such as 
 that recently carried on against Mexico, there are always 
 plenty of unsettled spirits glad to become soldiers, from the 
 mere novelty of the pursuit of a marauding war, but it may 
 be very safely doubted whether the same adventurers, or any 
 other class in the States, would continue a military life in a 
 prolonged contest with the disciplined and steady troops of 
 Europe. 
 
 I therefore think that the Americans will commit a great 
 mistake, and act in entire opposition to their own interests, 
 if, under the influence of demagogues, they be led to take 
 measures which may, in the end, lead them into even the 
 peaceable possession of Cuba. Instead of purchasing it with 
 millions of dollars, as is proposed by moderate men, they 
 would consult their interest by actually giving the purchase 
 money to transfer the island past themselves to some other 
 power. 
 
 If my arguments then on this subject possess any weight, 
 it would appear that by the annexation of Cuba, the Northern 
 states would commit themselves to responsibilities which, in 
 the event of a war with any European power, would involve 
 them in a large expenditure of money to maintain naval and 
 military forces for the defence of the island, and would insure 
 an immense sacrifice of human life. In the case of a pro 
 tracted war, it would also necessitate the existence of a large 
 standing army, and a powerful fleet, which would scarcely 
 harmonise with the democratic institutions of the country. 
 With either of those forces, under the command of a man of 
 energy and will, with disunion among the different states, and 
 the people without leaders, much danger to the liberties of the 
 country could scarcely be avoided. On the other hand, the 
 
IN AMERICA. 97 
 
 Southern states, by the same event, would find their numbers 
 diminished, and their influence weakened. How far honest 
 and patriotic statesmen in the Union will encourage an 
 agitation, and a consequent possible course of action, which 
 may have such an unfavourable influence on its stability, 
 remains yet to be seen. 
 
 Many of the people in the States think, and perhaps with 
 some reason, that France and Great Britain would, at least, 
 protest against the conquest of Cuba, from a fear of the increase 
 of power thus acquired by America. If my views are correct, 
 the possession of Cuba, far from being a source of strength to 
 the States, would actually be a cause of weakness, and therefore, 
 if the European governments desire to weaken the power of 
 America, they would not only not oppose, but they would 
 actually encourage the annexation of the island. The 
 Americans, when they hold such a possession, will have 
 given a "hostage to fortune" for the preservation of peace with 
 the other nations of the earth. 
 
 The effects of annexation upon the island itself, would be 
 favourable. The accursed slave trade would be abolished, 
 the slaves would be under milder treatment than they are 
 now for it does not admit of a doubt, that the Americans are 
 far more humane than the Spaniards and the resources of 
 the island would be speedily and largely developed. 
 
 The population of the island of Cuba in 1853, was 
 
 Of Whites ...,.*, 542,928 
 
 Free coloured 176,647 
 
 Slaves 330,425 
 
 1,050,000 
 
 The value of its productions in 1849, was $59,791,462, of 
 which about a third was of sugar, and in that year the amount 
 of its revenue was $13,821,456. 
 
 H 
 
98 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In 1851, the value of its foreign commerce was 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Imports 32,811,430 
 
 Exports 31,341,083 
 
 63,653,113 
 The sugar crop was estimated 
 
 in 1840 at 321,636,000 Ibs. 
 
 and in 1852 743,713,569 
 
 and in the same year there was produced 
 
 Of Coffee 29,756,000 Ibs. 
 
 Tobacco 45,292,080 
 
 The negro population is much smaller than is generally 
 supposed. It is now upwards of 300 years since slavery was- 
 first introduced into the island, and since that time millions 
 of slaves have been imported from Africa. And yet now, they 
 are very little more than half a million. In the States, without 
 any foreign importation, the increase from 1840 to 1850, was 
 twenty-nine per cent., whereas in Cuba, with an annual 
 addition from Africa, there seems to be a steady decrease. 
 Can there be a more painful commentary on the system of 
 Cuban slavery, and on the cruelty of the Spaniards ? 
 
 As a specimen of some of the opinions which prevail in the 
 States on the subject of Cuba, I venture to quote some extracts 
 from an article which appeared in a Southern newspaper, and 
 was afterwards transferred to the pages of other publications. 
 
 The writer, arguing that the productions of the valleys of 
 the Mississippi, and the Amazon, would centre at Cuba, if in 
 the hands of the Americans, remarks : 
 
 " It is not saying too much, to say that if we held Cuba, in the next 
 fifty years, we will hold the destiny of the richest and most increased 
 commerce that ever dazzled the cupidity of man, and with that com 
 merce we can control the power of the world. Give us this, and we 
 can make the opinion of the world." 
 
IN AMERICA. 99 
 
 Again, referring to the emancipation of the negroes in the 
 West Indies, he says, 
 
 Witness the miserable experiments made by the English and 
 French in the West Indies. Twenty -five years ago, where we saw 
 cultivation bringing forth wealth and refinement, with all the elegance 
 of polished life, we see vagrant labour stalking through a desolate land 
 with hungry and brutal ferocity." " England feels in its consequences 
 her folly." 
 
 Again, 
 
 " A general rupture in Europe, would force upon us the undisputed 
 sway of the Gulf of Mexico, and the West Indies, with all their rich and 
 mighty productions. Guided by our genius and enterprise, a new 
 world would rise there, as it did before under the genius of Columbus. 
 With Cuba and St. Domingo, we could control the productions of the 
 tropics, and with them the commerce of the world, and with that the 
 power of the world." 
 
 Again on slavery. 
 
 " But England complains of the humanity of such a system ! and 
 this is that England, the iron heel of whose power has but recently 
 crushed the Irishman into the dust of the earth, upon his native soil, 
 and whose gigantic and bloody footsteps upon the plains of India, have 
 made whole empires groan and travail under the most heartless and 
 grinding slavery, that the indignation of man has ever painted. Such 
 complaints, from such a quarter, is the most arrant hypocrisy, and 
 sanctimonious impudence, the world has ever witnessed." 
 
 There are several pages of this trash, but the above is 
 quite enough for my purpose. 
 
 That the commerce of the Amazon and the Mississippi would 
 centre at Cuba, is a statement due entirely to the imagination 
 of the writer. * Already most of the produce of the valley of 
 the latter above St. Louis, on the main stream, and above 
 Louisville on the Ohio, is sent by railway and canal to the 
 east coast, and every year the trade by that channel is in 
 creasing. Further, much of the produce of the country on 
 the east side of the river, and to within 100 miles of its 
 banks, and 500 miles of its mouth, will be sent to Charleston 
 and other ports on the south-east coast. Only from the west 
 
100 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 bank, and on the immediate east bank below Memphis, will 
 the whole of the productions be sent to the Gulf. 
 
 Of the commerce of the Amazon a commerce not in ex 
 istence it is impossible to predict anything, but how it 
 should centre at Cuba it is impossible to conceive. 
 
 With respect to the British West Indies, the writer speaks 
 without information and without regard to truth. A little 
 enquiry would have shown him, that, notwithstanding the 
 abolition of slavery in the West Indies, and the subsequent 
 abolition of the differential duties on sugar, the exports of 
 that article the staple of the colonies are nearly, if not quite 
 as much, as they were previous to the first event. 
 
 The remarks on England are not worth noticing. 
 
 These quotations are given as specimens of the manner in 
 which some writers in the South support their peculiar 
 institution, and of the arguments by which their cause is 
 defended. Let Southern men judge of their value. 
 
 The institution of slavery is not in good repute in any 
 part of Europe, and not even in the Northern states. One 
 would therefore suppose that the possession of the smallest 
 degree of common sense would teach Southern writers to 
 maintain their cause with moderation, and when practicable, 
 pass it over in silence, instead of obtruding it before the 
 public, supported by violence and falsehood. 
 
 New Orleans is not merely the leading city in the state of 
 Louisiana, but may be said to be the city of the West the 
 metropolis of Mississippi, Arkansas, Tennessee, and Texas. 
 To the New Orleans market the produce of all those states 
 is sent, and through the same channel do their inhabitants 
 receive their supplies of foreign commodities. 
 
 In those states, cotton is the staple article produced. In 
 Tennessee, the quality is not of the finest, but the others 
 produce the best that is grown in the Union. 
 
 All of them have great facilities afforded for forwarding 
 
IN AMERICA. 101 
 
 their produce to market, not merely by the main stream of 
 the Mississippi, but by its tributaries, the Red River, 
 the Ouachita, the Yazoo, the Tennessee, the Arkansas, and 
 the White River. Texas is less favourably situated than the 
 others ; for, with agricultural resources second to none, she 
 has not the same open water courses to give ready access to 
 the interior. She has several rivers, some of them of con 
 siderable length, but smaller in size than those already named, 
 and navigable to a shorter distance, and for a shorter period 
 of the year. This will prove a hindrance to her prosperity, 
 and will be remedied only by the introduction of numerous 
 railways. 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 STEAMERS ON THE MISSISSIPPI ACCIDENTS NEW ORLEANS TO LOUISVILLE, 
 BY RIVER PACIFIC RAILWAY. 
 
 AFTER some stay in New Orleans, I arranged to return 
 to the North by one of the river steam-boats. Of such, 
 there are several hundreds plying between New Orleans 
 and the cities on the banks of the river and its tributaries. 
 They convey to New Orleans the produce of the countr} r , and 
 carry back the various articles required for consumption in 
 the interior. The number of arrivals at New Orleans in 
 1852-3, was 3,253. These, when at the wharf, lie opposite 
 the centre of the city, where a large open space is reserved 
 for their loading and unloading, In the busy season of 
 the year there are never fewer than from twenty to thirty 
 lying at this landing place at one time. Five o clock in the 
 afternoon is the hour at which they start to go up the river, 
 and as frequently a dozen of them leave in close succession, 
 the levee is at that time a scene of much animation. 
 
 All of them have high pressure engines, and their con 
 struction is alike, but they differ much in size. The largest 
 are about 350 feet in length, by about 80 feet across the 
 paddle boxes, and half that width on the beam end. Others 
 are not more than half that size. All of them are flat 
 bottomed, and when unloaded, may draw four to four and-a- 
 half feet of water, and with cargo, six to seven feet. 
 
IN AMERICA. 103 
 
 They have two, and sometimes three decks. The lower, 
 when the boat is loaded, is about a foot above the water, and 
 the second is about fifteen feet higher. The boilers are 
 placed upon the lower decks, pretty well forward, and are 
 open on all sides. The fires, open to the front, and fanned 
 by the current of air which is created by the rapid progress 
 of the vessel, are kept at an intense heat. Behind the 
 boilers, and about the middle of the lower deck, is placed tne 
 machinery by which the paddle wheels are driven ; and towards 
 the stern there are berths for the deck passengers, most 
 of whom, when going up the river, are Irish and German, 
 immigrants, and negroes when descending. Those berths are 
 very confined and unhealthy, and in consequence, there is 
 frequently great mortality among the immigrants on board. 
 
 On the other parts of the lower deck is stored the cargo. 
 The lower deck projects a little beyond the upper, and hence 
 the cargo, when of cotton, is frequently piled up to some 
 height, till the light is half excluded from the cabin berths. 
 The largest of these boats carry in this way from 3 to 4,000 
 bales. 
 
 The second deck is occupied by the cabin, which runs from 
 end to end of the boat. At about 70 feet from the stern, it 
 is divided at will by a folding door the smaller compartment 
 forming the ladies saloon. In the best boats the cabin is 
 beautifully furnished. In the ladies cabin, the furniture is 
 as elegant as in a private drawing room. Most of the boats have 
 a piano, sofas, easy chairs, books, and other articles for use or 
 for amusement. State rooms run along both sides of the 
 cabin, each room containing two berths, and all together 
 accommodating from 100 to 150 passengers. 
 
 Above the cabin, and at some elevation, is the pilot house. 
 This position enables the pilot to have a clear view all round, 
 and to notice the banks oi the river, and any obstruction 
 which may be in the stream, even in the darkest night. Be 
 side the pilot, there are six or eight small ropes, or wires, 
 
104 A FEW MOKTHS 
 
 which communicate with bells in the engine room, and by 
 the use of which, the engineer is directed how to regulate the 
 speed of the vessel. By pulling one, the boat is stopped in 
 an instant : by another, its speed is only slackened, and so on,, 
 as the pilot may think necessary. I was surprised at the 
 perfect control which the pilot exercised over the movements 
 of our vessel, and at the ease with which he turned it about 
 in the bends of the river, to use the expression of a fellow 
 traveller "just like a teetotum." 
 
 The speed of these boats is from ten to twelve miles an 
 hour, even against the current of the river. It is no unusual 
 thing for them to race against each other, and then this 
 rate is considerably increased. Last year there was a 
 trial of speed between two new boats, from New Orleans 
 to Louisville, a distance of 1,500 miles; and the time 
 occupied, including stoppages for fuel, was four days and nine 
 hours. Both claimed the victory. This created intense ex 
 citement all along the river, and at all the stations, information 
 was telegraphed up and down the river, of the progress made 
 by each boat. 
 
 A great many accidents occur on these boats every year, and 
 they are frequently attended with much loss of life. These 
 accidents arise from fire, from boiler explosions, and from 
 snags in the river. 
 
 The boats are so light in their construction, and built of 
 such inflammable material, that it is found almost impossible 
 to overpower a fire when once kindled among the cargo, or 
 when it has seized hold of any part of the vessel. On such 
 occasions, after the fire has broken out, in less than ten 
 minutes the whole boat is in flames, and unless the passengers 
 be unusually fortunate in escaping by the life- boat, or by 
 life-preservers, or unless the crew manage to secure the boat 
 to the sbore a most difficult undertaking, from the rapidity 
 with which the flames spread, many of them meet an im 
 mediate death. About a month before this time, a fire broke 
 
IN AMERICA. 105 
 
 out on one of them, whilst lying at the landing place, at 
 New Orleans. The flames spread rapidly to the others 
 alongside, and before any of them could be towed out 
 of the way, not less than nine were on fire, seven of which 
 were burnt to the water s edge, and property lost to the value 
 of $750,000. A good many lives were lost, all of them of 
 passengers who had arrived by the boats during the night, 
 and who were unable to effect their escape, from the rapidity 
 with which the fire spread, and from the clouds of smoke 
 which darkened the atmosphere. On the following week,, 
 a similar fire occurred at the wharf at Mobile, but only two 
 boats were destroyed, and the loss of life was small in propor 
 tion. In one of them the captain was lying asleep, and escaped, 
 only by leaping into the river. Other cases occurred during 
 my stay in New Orleans, to which it is unnecessary to allude. 
 When such accidents occur on the open river, particularly oa 
 boats loaded with cotton, the scene is heart-rending, and the 
 escape of any of those on board is almost miraculous. 
 
 Accidents from boiler explosions are less frequent than in 
 former years, and are generally less fatal. This greater security 
 has arisen from the enacting of a law r , whereby certain qualifi 
 cations are required on the part of every engineer taking 
 charge of a steam-boat, and whereby they are prohibited under 
 a penalty, from having more than a certain pressure of steam 
 to the square inch. Several accidents occurred from explo 
 sions this winter, but principally on old boats which had been 
 built previous to the introduction of the new regulations, and 
 which did not therefore come under their operation. Explo 
 sions, though always attended with loss of life, are less fatal 
 than fires. The boilers, as already stated, are always in the 
 forepart of the vessel, and being open around, when exploded, 
 they are most destructive to the ship s crew, and to the deck 
 passengers. Sometimes part of the cabin is destroyed, but 
 almost always the passengers in that part of the boat, parti 
 cularly if towards the stern or in the ladies saloon, escape, 
 with little injury. 
 
106 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Snags are the stumps of trees, which, thrown into the 
 stream by the falling in of the banks, have their roots 
 fastened at the bottom, and projecting to within two or three 
 feet of the surface, are very dangerous to boats running up 
 the river. " Snagboats" are constantly employed on the rivers 
 to remove them, but as soon as the river is again flooded, 
 they are replaced by others. In summer when the rivers are 
 low, the snags are most dangerous, and it is then that most 
 accidents occur. When a boat running at the rate of twelve 
 miles an hour, comes in contact with one of them, its bottom 
 is at once torn open, and if it happen to be heavily loaded, it 
 soon sinks in the river. These snags are always in water of 
 moderate depth, and hence when a boat goes down, it is very 
 seldom entirely submerged, and the danger to the passengers is 
 thus diminished. The cabin is very slightly fixed to the 
 lower part of the boat, and it has happened several times, 
 that when boats have gone down, the upper decks or cabins 
 have been detached, as soon as they came in contact with the 
 river, and the passengers have in this way been floated six or 
 eight miles down the river till rescued by other steamers. 
 
 The fear of these accidents deters many people from tra 
 velling on the Mississippi. That danger, however, diminishes 
 every year. Most of the accidents, which now occur, are on 
 old boats, with worn-out machinery, careless crews, and un 
 skilful pilots ; and some of them are the result of downright 
 recklessness. On first-class boats, an accident is scarcely 
 known to happen, and travellers by them have no reason to 
 apprehend any danger, while they have every accommodation, 
 comfort, and even luxury that can be obtained at a first class 
 hotel. 
 
 In one of these first-class boats the "Belle Sheridan" I 
 took my passage from New Orleans to Louisville, on the 22nd 
 of March. She was a new boat, and this was her third trip on 
 the river, iler machinery was new, and was made by the 
 engineer who had her in charge. Her captain had been 
 
IN AMERICA. 107 
 
 nearly all his life on the river, and her pilots were men of 
 much experience ; all these circumstances were guarantees for 
 a safe passage. 
 
 The incidents by the way were neither numerous nor very- 
 interesting. The banks of the river had a sameness, which 
 hecame tiresome, and as we had no stoppages, except at 
 intervals, for a few minutes, to land or to receive passengers, and 
 to take in fuel, we were confined to the vessel during the 
 whole journey, which lasted nearly a week. The passengers 
 were thrown upon their own resources, and were compelled 
 to resort to such amusements and pastimes, as suited their 
 inclinations. With about a hundred passengers, many of them 
 frank, agreeable people, there was no difficulty in making the 
 time pass pleasantly. 
 
 Indeed I don t know how a week could be passed more 
 agreeably, than with a nice lively party on board one of those 
 steamers. With books, music, dancing, conversation, and other 
 occupations, varied with the few incidents which occur by 
 the way, the time passes rapidly, and a sort of subdued excite 
 ment is maintained, which is not unlike what I have seen at 
 an out-of-door party in England. Indeed a week thus passed 
 on the Western waters, can be compared only to a pic-nic party 
 of greater length than usual, extending over six or seven 
 days instead of as many hours. Some occasional fear of an 
 accident, and the absence of the soft green sward, alone pre 
 vent the passengers from being now and again as boisterous, as 
 they would be on the hill-side, or in the open fields. 
 
 Among the passengers there was one general, three doctors, 
 three captains, one judge and his lady, an author, two actors, 
 several cotton planters, and numbers belonging to other trades 
 and professions. This reminds me, that in the South and West, 
 nearly all tall men are called generals, stout men judges, and 
 men of middling proportions, captains or colonels ! 
 
 The ladies were all agreeable as usual, talkative, and some 
 of them were very intelligent. One of them, a young lady, 
 
108 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 had several volumes of English writers, and on looking 
 through them, I found a copy of Alexander Smith s poems, 
 and of the "Lady of the Lake," with many passages carefully 
 marked with pencil. When extracts from these were read 
 aloud, another of the young ladies, a true Mississippian as 
 she called herself hastened to tell us of her admiration of 
 Byron, and, in opposition to the quietly expressed opinions 
 of the owner of the books, entered into an animated 
 argument upon his merits. After some little time I was 
 called in to give judgment on the points under discussion. 
 Remembering, however, the fate of Paris, I did not ven 
 ture to give any opinion, but was content with complimenting 
 both ladies on their erudition and good taste. One of the 
 other young ladies was much admired for her beauty, and ia 
 that she had no compeer. Indeed in no part of America 
 where beautiful women are so numerous, did I meet one more 
 fair, 
 
 " And she was fair 
 
 * * * * # 
 
 * * and her sunny locks 
 
 Hung on her temples like a golden fleece." 
 
 As we proceeded up the river, we found it rapidly rising, 
 till at last we had it in full flood. Except where restrained 
 by artificial embankments, it overflowed its boundaries, giving 
 the country a most desolate appearance. It was covered 
 with drift wood, much of it being immense forest trees. 
 During the day these were easily avoided, but not so during 
 the night, when, to keep clear of snags and other obstructions, 
 in the more shallow waters, we were compelled to keep in the 
 middle of the stream. As these large logs came suddenly in 
 contact with the paddle wheels in the dark nights, they made 
 the boat quiver from stem to stern, and staggered the courage 
 of the most timid passengers, but after the first night, finding 
 they did no damage, all anxiety was dismissed. 
 
 The variations in the size of the river at different periods of 
 
IN AMERICA. 109 
 
 the year are very great. In the summer and autumn 
 months, the banks rise high above the stream, and passengers 
 at those times can see little of the country. Again in winter 
 and spring, when in full tide, the river rises twenty and thirty 
 feet, and sometimes, where no precautions are taken, overflows 
 the surrounding country. 
 
 Much is said in England, as well as in America, of the size 
 of the Mississippi, the length of its navigation, and the extent 
 and richness of the valleys through which it flows. At first 
 sight a spectator is disappointed at its apparent disproportion 
 to its reputation. At New Orleans it is not more than from 
 a quarter to half a mile broad, and in no part of its course is 
 it more than a mile in width. The current, except when 
 flooded, is slow and sullen-looking, but when in full flood it 
 flows at the rate of six to eight miles an hour. This rate of 
 speed, with a depth of water averaging from one to two 
 hundred feet, will give some idea of the immense volume of 
 water which it conveys to the ocean. 
 
 To a passenger on a river boat, particularly in the winter 
 months, there are no indications of the unbounded fertility of 
 the great western valley, nor of those great natural agricul 
 tural resources, which it is said will enable it to supply the 
 wants of the whole population of Europe. He sees few 
 symptoms of the inroads of civilisation, and still fewer traces 
 of tillage on the banks of the river Here and there a plan 
 tation is to be seen extending along the banks of the stream, 
 and at still wider intervals he approaches a city, or rather a 
 large collection of houses, the foundation it may be of a 
 future city. The far greater part of the coast, however, 
 presents nothing but one never-ending forest. One day 
 succeeds another, and still there are seen the same endless 
 windings of the river, and the same succession of thick timber 
 and underwood growing close down to the shore. Those 
 scenes, if not so constantly repeated repeated to satiety 
 would in many places be called beautiful, though at this 
 
110 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 time of the year, when the country was bare, and the trees 
 were without leaf, they were not seen to advantage. 
 
 As we moved up the river, we stopped frequently for fuel, 
 though only for a very few minutes. At one or two of those 
 places cities in embryo it was amusing to see the rush of 
 the passengers to the newspaper offices, and the avidity with 
 which the latest telegraphic news was received. At one place 
 we had a curious instance of the progress of the usages of 
 settled society among the scarcely formed villages of the West. 
 There was pointed out to us on the river, a boat employed by 
 travelling artists, who were sailing from place to place, taking 
 daguerreotypes of the people of those villages, which are yet 
 too small to be able to maintain fixed establishments of their 
 own. The inhabitants having had their likenesses taken, the 
 artists remove to the next village on the river. 
 
 At Memphis, a young lady came on board, who had eloped 
 from home, and was now flying to be married to the youth of 
 her choice. They had agreed to meet on a steamer which 
 sailed the previous day, and to be married on board. Some 
 accident detained the lady, and the boat had to sail with the 
 husband-elect and the clergyman. Our boat was the first 
 which came up afterwards, and by it the young lady took her 
 passage in pursuit of her lover. As our boat was the fastest 
 on the river, we were in hopes that in a voyage of six hundred 
 miles, we should come up to the other steamer before it could 
 reach its destination, and thus have the ceremony performed 
 in our presence. The other steamer, however, reached her 
 destination a few hours before us, and we were deprived of 
 the promised spectacle. When the lady went ashore, all the 
 cabin passengers hastened to the front of the vessel, to see 
 the lovers meet. But to their disappointment, and to the 
 distress of the lady, no bridegroom was there, and after some 
 search, none could be found. The cheerful excitement on 
 board was soon changed into a painful feeling, when the pas 
 sengers witnessed the blank forlorn look of the bride, shewing 
 
IN AMERICA. Ill 
 
 the sinking of the heart, on finding herself alone and unpro 
 tected six hundred miles from home, and among a crowd of 
 strange faces. As the boat was again moving off, sadness 
 seemed depicted on every countenance. In a twinkling all 
 was changed. One of the passengers the last to return on 
 board had found the lover, and seen the joyful meeting, and 
 when he told his tidings in the cabin, there was a general 
 exclamation of delight. It was difficult to say, whether one 
 was more gratified to learn that the poor girl had been raised 
 from the depths of despair to happiness, or to observe the 
 kindly overflow of human nature, in the sympathy felt for her 
 by her fellow passengers. 
 
 At the junction of the Ohio with the Mississippi, we 
 passed the city of Cairo, in the state of Illinois. Some 
 European capitalists expected that this city would become a 
 great entrepot for the trade of the West, and were in conse 
 quence led to make large investments in lands and buildings, 
 By this time they are undeceived. The land here forms a 
 triangle, having one side towards the Ohio, another towards 
 the Mississippi, and the third towards the mainland. It is 
 low and swampy, and has to be protected from inundation on 
 the two sides next to the rivers, by embankments of sixteen 
 to eighteen feet high, and of proportionate width. Even 
 these are very incomplete defences, for from the nature of the 
 soil, the water rises up beyond the barriers by transpiration. 
 When we passed, the streets, such as they are, were flooded. 
 The city is rarely free from some of those diseases, such 
 as cholera, which are incidental to all cities lying in low 
 and damp situations. 
 
 Curious names are given by the sailors to the different 
 points along the river, generally indicating the nature of the 
 navigation. A point below Cairo is called the " Devil s 
 Hackling Machine," from the number of snags which are 
 at that spot. Another place on the Ohio is called " The 
 Hole in the Wall," from there being an under-current at 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 both sides of the river, creating a sort of whirlpool, which 
 renders the passage somewhat dangerous for steamers. At 
 this point, one of our paddle wheels came pretty smartly in 
 contact with a snag smart enough to give us a good shake, 
 but not to do any damage. 
 
 When we left New Orleans, the weather was oppressively 
 warm. Flowers were in great profusion, peas, potatoes, and 
 other vegetables were plentiful, and even strawberries were 
 no great rarity. As we went northward, vegetation diminished, 
 and the foliage on the trees became thinner, till, when we 
 reached the Ohio, the country had all the bareness and sterility 
 of winter. During the last two nights we had snow-storms. 
 Thus, in about four days, we passed from the genial warmth 
 of summer into the freezing temperature of winter. 
 
 On the evening of Sunday, a panic arose among the ladies, 
 who seemed to think we were in the midst of imminent danger. 
 One lad} discovered that the boat was going at an unusual 
 speed, and her alarm was immediately communicated to the 
 others. A deputation of gentlemen was at once despatched to 
 the captain to request him to reduce the steam power, and 
 to remove the danger which was apprehended from an 
 explosion. The alarm was found to be quite groundless, and 
 his assurances soon served to allay all fear. It is somewhat 
 singular, though I think not less true, that if there be any 
 night in the week more than another, on which travellers by 
 land or water have fear for their safety, that nigbt is Sunday. 
 This I have observed on two recent occasions, and I am in 
 clined to believe that others in similar circumstances, will 
 observe the same thing. This alarm on that evening of the 
 week, above any other, I should attribute to two causes to 
 the absence of the usual amusements, to divert and occupy 
 the mind ; and to the proneness of most people to be thought 
 ful, and perhaps desponding, on the Sabbath day, and there 
 fore more liable to be affected by any alarm which may 
 indicate danger. 
 
IN AMERICA. 113 
 
 In those steamers, there are frequently two or more professed 
 gamblers, whose object is to plunder the country people the 
 planters, and others at cards and other games of chance. 
 These practices the owners of the boats cannot always prevent. 
 I heard of a recent instance in which $80,000 changed hands 
 in one trip, of course all going into the pockets of the gamblers. 
 
 As we came within sight of Louisville, the negroes assembled 
 on the prow of the boat to sing. One of the number recited the 
 line, and the others joined the chorus. Their voices seemed to 
 be well attuned, and as they sang with considerable precision, 
 the effect of from twelve to twenty male voices singing in 
 unison was very agreeable. 
 
 The question of a Pacific Railway, has been in agitation in 
 the States for some time, and is now very popular, but its 
 promoters, have not yet decided upon that point on the 
 Mississippi from which it would be most desirable to start ; 
 many southern men desire it to be at or near Memphis. 
 
 It is probable that for some years to come, this undertaking 
 will excite nothing but talk. There are too many obstacles 
 to be overcome before practical and monied men will engage 
 in it, whatever may be said by politicians and newspaper 
 writers. 
 
 The length of the line would be nearly 2,000 miles, and 
 its cost, as already estimated, would be $100,000,000. In 
 carrying the line over the Rocky Mountains, considerable 
 height would, of necessity, be attained; and in those regions, 
 obstacles would require to be overcome, greater than have 
 jet been experienced in any part of the States, and the cost 
 and labour which those difficulties would entail, would be 
 enormous. As the construction of the line proceeded west 
 ward, everything necessary for the progress of the work 
 even the food and other articles for the workmen would 
 require to be carried over the completed part. The work 
 once completed, it is highly probable that for many years to 
 
114 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 come, the traffic on the line would be by far too small to enable 
 the shareholders to receive any reasonable return as interest 
 on their capital. 
 
 During the present year, the American people have acquired 
 that experience on railway affairs which, I believe, will, for the 
 present, and for some years to come, put an end to all serious 
 proposals for this undertaking ; for, by this time they must 
 have discovered, that however desirable it may be to have 
 extensive, convenient, and cheap channels for carriages to 
 and from the interior, it is possible that more of those works 
 may be constructed at one time, than it is quite convenient, 
 or even possible to pay for out of the surplus capital of th& 
 country. 
 
IN AMERICA. 115 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 LOUISVILLE ST. LOUIS CINCINNATI RIVER TRAFFIC PROVISION TRADE 
 VINE CULTURE PITTSBURG IRON TRADE OF THE STATES. 
 
 WE reached Louisville on the 29th. This city is the 
 largest in Kentucky, and is situated on an elevation of about 
 sixty to seventy feet above the bed of the Ohio. Its pro 
 gress, like that of many other western cities, has been rapid. 
 Its population 
 
 In 1800 was 359 
 
 1820 4,012 
 
 1840 21,210 
 
 1853 51,726 
 
 Situated on a sand-bank, with an inclination to the river, 
 it is naturally healthy. Its prosperity is in a large measure 
 owing to its position at the falls on the Ohio. The river here 
 descends twenty-four feet, in a series of rapids, extending 
 over two-and-a-half miles. * When the river is in flood, they 
 can be passed by steamers, but not so when it is low. To 
 insure constant communication, a canal has been carried round 
 the falls, at a cost of $ 750,000. This has been of inestimable 
 advantage to the navigation of the river, but as the canal 
 is not capable of admitting the largest class of boats, a large 
 portion of the goods, conveyed up and down the river, is here 
 re-shipped. This, with the traffic created by the shipment of 
 the productions of the state of Kentucky, for which Louisville 
 
116 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 is the principal outlet, has raised the city to its present 
 important position. 
 
 Of the value of the import and export trade of the port, 
 no exact record has been kept, but I learned that it was 
 estimated in 1850, at $50,000,000. That amount I think 
 an exaggeration, unless it includes the value of the goods 
 which merely pass through the canal, without re-shipment at 
 the city. Upwards of half a million tons of goods, mostly 
 raw produce pass through the canal annually. 
 
 #The imports at the city consist of tea, coffee, sugar, dry 
 goods, and other articles for domestic consumption. The 
 exports consist of the agricultural produce of the country. 
 
 The opening up of the railways and canals between the 
 valley of the Ohio and the east coast, has stimulated the 
 enterprise of the merchants of Louisville, and they are now 
 striving to divert through their port, as much as they can of 
 the produce of the Ohio below the falls, and even of the 
 Mississippi as far south as Memphis. They contend that the 
 cotton of Tennessee can be conveyed by Louisville to Balti 
 more, and thence shipped to Liverpool, at a less cost than it 
 can be carried to the same market, through the Gulf. The 
 cost of its transmission from Louisville to Baltimore about 
 850 miles is cent per Ib. 
 
 The Kentuckians have long enjoyed the reputation of differ 
 ing in many respects from the inhabitants of other states. 
 They themselves contend that their ladies are the most 
 beautiful in the Union, and that their gentlemen are the 
 most gallant. Like most Southern men, they are naturally 
 arrogant and irritable, but they are bold, frank, and generous. 
 They excel in rifle shooting, and are unsurpassed as horsemen. 
 Their state is one of the most fertile in the Union. It grows 
 the best tobacco, produces the best bacon, and "raises" the 
 most valuable mules and the swiftest horses in the country. 
 In other matters it claims pre-eminence, but if the qualities 
 1 have enumerated do not give it a superiority to the other 
 
IN AMERICA. 117 
 
 states, then am I at a loss to know what constitutes a claim 
 to distinction. 
 
 At one time it was my intention to visit St. Louis, on the 
 Mississippi, but that purpose I was unable to accomplish. 
 St. Louis is very favourably situated on the Mississippi, a little 
 distance below its junction with the Missouri and the Illinois 
 rivers. It was founded by the French in 1764, as a fur trading 
 establishment. For many subsequent years its progress was 
 slow and its population scanty. A new era was opened up in 
 1803, when it was transferred to the United States, and since 
 that time its progress has been very marked. In 1804, there 
 were only two American families in the city the pioneers 
 of future immigrants, and carrying with them the enter 
 prise, habits, and tastes of the Anglo-American people. The 
 population 
 
 In 1810 was only 1,600 
 
 1830 was 5,852 
 
 18-10 16,469 
 
 1850 77,860 
 
 It may be here stated as a curious fact, that in 1849, 
 there died in the city, the last of those who had been present 
 at its foundation in 1764 no less than eighty-five years 
 before. He was one of those who had explored the country 
 to select a site for the future city. What a strange contrast 
 must have been presented to him, between the open prairie 
 of 1764, till then untrodden by civilised man, and the city of 
 1849, the home of a busy population of nearly 80,000 souls ! 
 
 But the city has advanced in wealth as rapidly as in 
 population. * The taxable property was valued 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1833 at 2,000,000 
 
 and in 1853 .... 39,397,186 * 
 
 The whole tax of 1833 was 2,745 
 
 and of 1853 .... 420,000 
 
118 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In 1817, there arrived at the port, the first steam-boat 
 ever seen on those waters, and in 1819, the first from New 
 Orleans, after a passage of twenty-seven days. Now, the 
 same distance is steamed in a week. The tonnage belonging 
 to the port was, 
 
 In 1833, under 2,000 tons 
 
 and in 1853, was 30,714 
 
 and in the latter year, 3,307 steam-boats arrived at the city. 
 Her fees for wharfage, in 1853, were $60,000, against $600 
 in 1833, and the total value of the trade of the city was 
 estimated 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1833, at 5,000,000 
 
 and in 1853, 100,000,000 
 
 Within the last few years, the city has been provided with 
 an abundant supply of water, and considerable sums of money 
 have been expended on the sewerage, and on the general 
 improvement of the streets. 
 
 From Louisville, T proceeded to Cincinnati, by the river, 
 in company with some English friends, whom I met at the 
 former place. Our boat was a low pressure one, of a very large 
 size, and provided with excellent accommodation. * Boats run 
 daily between the two cities, and carry numerous passengers. 
 In this boat there were not less than 300 in the cabin alone. 
 The fare was less than I had known in any part of America. 
 For a dollar and a half, we were carried 133 miles, and had 
 dinner as good as at any hotel tea, bed, and breakfast. 
 There is only one route in Great Britain, on which I have 
 been able to learn that the expense of travelling was at one 
 period less. That was between Glasgow and Londonderry. 
 At one time, though only for a few weeks, passengers were 
 carried between those places without any charge whatever. 
 I imagine that, at that time, the directors or shareholders must 
 have been Irishmen. 
 
IN AMERICA. 119 
 
 Cincinnati, the principal city in the state of Ohio, is the 
 largest, wealthiest, and most prosperous city of the West. It 
 is situated on the right bank of the Ohio, at some elevation 
 above the river, and is most substantially built. In that re 
 spect it surpasses any city in the South. From lying on a 
 declivity, its streets are washed by the rain, and they are, 
 therefore, kept clean and healthy. 
 
 Its population in 1800 was 750 
 
 1820 9,642 
 
 1840 46,338 
 
 1850 115,436 
 
 And in 1853, was estimated at 150,000 
 
 The largest portion of the trade of the port, is carried on 
 by the river, but that by railways and canals to the east coast, 
 increases rapidly. Its canals and railways now connect it 
 with all the most important parts of the Union. 
 
 Its commerce consists almost entirely of the raw produce of 
 the country of breadstuffs and provisions. Its value 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1854, was, ef Imports . . . 65,730,029 
 Exports . . 45,432,780 
 
 Toeing an increase of fifty per cent, on that of the year 1852, 
 and twenty-seven per cent, on 1853. 
 
 Of the chief articles of its trade, the value was : 
 
 IMPORTED. EXPORTED. 
 
 Dollars. Dollars. 
 
 Of Provisions . . . 9,829,816 . . . 9,414,375 
 Breadstuffs . . . 3,801,542 . . 2,136,984 
 
 Groceries .... 4,411,159 . . . 3,270,547 
 Lumber .... 2,531,270 
 
 Of the raw produce received, a large portion, as will be seen, 
 is again exported to the east coast, after undergoing some 
 slight process of manufacture, or after being merely packed. 
 The groceries exported are to other cities in the Valley, and 
 in the West. * 
 
120 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In 1853, there arrived at the port 4,055 boats, \vitli a 
 tonnage of 1,390,541, and in the same year, the number of 
 boats owned in the city was 298, with a tonnage of 76,647. 
 
 To give some idea of the extent of the passenger traffic on 
 the western rivers, it may not be out of place to give the 
 following summary for the year 1851 the latest I have been 
 able to obtain 
 
 No. of Tonnage. No. of Passengers 
 
 Steamers. Officers & Crew. Conveyed. 
 
 On the Mississippi 253 67,957 6,414 882,593 
 
 Ohio 348 67,601 8,338 3,464,967 
 
 601 135,558 14,752 4,347,560 
 
 Of the passengers, the number by steam-boats was . .1,731,564 
 ferry-boats . . . 2,615,996 
 
 4,347,560 
 
 In the same year, the value of property destroyed on the 
 rivers was $1,144,858, and 628 passengers lost their lives. 
 The accidents by which those losses were occasioned, occurred 
 upon seventy-two boats. 
 
 In 1852, seventy-eight steamers were lost, by which 454 
 lives were sacrificed. Those disasters were, 
 
 By Snags 48 
 
 Explosions 16 
 
 Fire 4 
 
 Other mishaps 10 
 
 78 
 
 In 1853, 138 accidents occurred, but most of them were 
 of trifling importance. 
 
 From the time at which the first boats were introduced on 
 the river, to the year 1848, there had been lost by fires,, 
 collisions, and snags, 618 boats of 109,088 tons. The 
 original cost of those boats had been nearly $10,000.000, but 
 from depreciation of value, previous to their destruction, the 
 
IN AMERICA. 121 
 
 final loss was not half that amount. This statement does 
 not include the losses sustained by explosions, collapsing of 
 flues, and bursting of steam pipes. 
 
 In 1817, there were on the river only twelve steam-boats, 
 with a tonnage of 2,235. 
 
 In 1842, 475 boats 76,035 tons 
 
 1851, 601 135,558 
 
 Cincinnati has, for many years, been the principal pro 
 vision market of the States, and that pre-eminence it still 
 retains, although recently, Louisville has been making rapid 
 approaches to that position. To give some idea of the extent 
 of this trade in the West, I annex a statement of the number of 
 hogs packed in the years 1852 and 1853 : 
 
 1852-3. 1853-4. 
 
 Ohio 017,342 . . . 734,300 
 
 Kentucky .... 369,600 . . . 505,225 
 
 Tennessee .... 26,500 . . . 59,880 
 
 Indiana .... 611,018 . . . 619,176 
 
 Illinois 361,132 . . . 365,784 
 
 Iowa 57,500 . . . 45,060 
 
 Missouri .... 112,500 . . . 149,845 
 
 Wisconsin 35,518 . . . 49,000 
 
 Detroit 10,000 . . . 7,500 
 
 2,201,110 . . . 2,534,770 
 These, when reduced into pounds, give 
 
 1852-3. 1853-4. 
 
 In Ohio, Indiana and Kentucky 316,415,880 Ibs. 386,609,808 Ibs 
 
 other States . . . . . 119,423,700 147,383,042 
 
 435,839,580 533,992,850 
 
 being an increase, in 1853-4, of fifteen per cent, in number, 
 and twenty-two per cent, in weight. 
 
 The value of the entire export of provisions from the States, 
 in LS53, was $6,203,324, and, including beef and tallow, was 
 $8,417,878. 
 
122 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Many of the inhabitants of Cincinnati and its neighbour- 
 flood, are German immigrants, and by some of them the 
 culture of the grape has been introduced. The result has been 
 encouraging, and the manufacture of wine has been carried on 
 for some years, and with growing success. In 1840, the 
 entire produce of the States was 140,000 gallons; in 1850, it 
 had increased to 221,249 gallons; and in 1853, it was esti 
 mated at nearly double that quantity. 
 
 In the country around Cincinnati, about 1 ,200 acres were 
 planted with the vine in 1853, and about 1,000 acres in other 
 parts of the Ohio and Mississippi valleys. The produce per 
 .acre is from 200 to 250 gallons. 
 
 In the immediate vicinity of the city, there was bottled 
 
 Sparkling Wines. Still Wines. 
 
 In 1853 . . . 234,000 bottles . . . 205,000 bottles. 
 1854 . . . 280,000 . . . 100,000 
 
 The information respecting the still wines bottled in 1854, 
 is incomplete, only two houses having made a return. These 
 wines sell on an average at about $1 per gallon. They have 
 acquired some reputation and are readily sold. 
 
 Cincinnati is also a large manufacturing city. The value 
 of the articles produced, in 1851, was estimated at$55,000,000. 
 The manufactures are mostly of iron, oil, furniture, and flour. 
 
 In the South and West, 1 observed that the feeling generally 
 entertained towards England, was more cordial than in the 
 North. This may be supposed to proceed from selfish motives, 
 because we offer to the inhabitants the largest and best 
 market for their productions of cotton, grain, and provisions; 
 but I rather think it proceeds from natural attachment to the 
 Old Country, undisturbed by the conflicting interests which are 
 assumed to exist between Great Britain and the New England 
 States. 
 
 Of the existence of this cordial feeling, I had a most gratify 
 ing instance in Cincinnati. Among the gentlemen whom I 
 had the pleasure of meeting, was the president of the Chamber 
 
IN AMERICA. 123 
 
 of Commerce of the city. After lie had made a variety of 
 general remarks about the two countries, the numerous 
 ties which bind them together, and their growing commercial 
 relations, he continued, not without emotion, "English history 
 is our history. Her traditions are ours. They are a gallant 
 people the English, and I am proud of my fatherland." 
 
 Ohio is said to be the largest wheat producing State in the 
 Union. In 1850, she produced less than Pennsylvania, but, 
 in 1851, she is estimated to have grown considerably more. 
 In that year her exports of wheat were 18,000,000 
 bushels, much of which was sent to foreign markets. This 
 quantity is, however, more than the entire average exports of 
 the Union, and, therefore, it is believed some portion was 
 consumed in the New England and adjoining states, where 
 the growth is insufficient for the wants of the inhabitants. 
 The value of the entire exports of Ohio is said to be 
 440,000,000 a year. 
 
 The value of taxable property in the state, in 1852, was 
 upwards of $ 500, 000,000, and the amount of taxes levied was: 
 
 1852. 1853. 
 
 Dollars. Dollars. 
 
 Taxes for State purposes . . 1,776,536 . . . 3,022,587 
 County, Township, and School 2,140,847 . . . 2,001,263 
 
 Roads 233,504 . . . 269,789 
 
 Corporations, Special, &c. . 1,310,800 . . . 2,507,627 
 
 5,461,747 7,801,166 
 
 Ohio, with Indiana and Illinois, are the states towards 
 which most immigrants have flocked in recent years. The 
 great inducement has been the fertility of the soil large 
 tracts of which are prairie lands, ready for the plough. Those 
 states have the additional advantages of possessing inexhaus 
 tible mines of coal and iron, and of being accessible by rivers 
 on every side : on the east, by the Ohio ; on the south, by 
 the Ohio and Wabash ; on the west, by the Illinois and 
 Mississippi ; and on the north, by the Lakes. By these 
 channels, by canals, and by railways, the productions of 
 
124 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 those states are conveyed to market expeditiously and at a 
 cheap cost. 
 
 From Cincinnati to Pittsburg is only 365 miles, and that 
 distance is accomplished in less than a day by railway. 
 
 Pittsburg is situated in a valley, at the junction of two 
 rivers, which form the Ohio. It is surrounded by hills from 
 4 to 500 feet high. I was told that the scenery " presents 
 one panorama of abundance and beauty, "but that description 
 I was unable to verify by personal observation. At one time 
 it may have held true, but now, I fear much of its beauty 
 must have faded. Manufactories are numerous in the valley, 
 giving forth volumes of smoke. The air is quite thick, and 
 objects at no great distance are rendered quite indistinct. The 
 smoke discolours everything in the city, even to the faces of 
 the passengers on the streets. 
 
 In other respects, Pittsburg is a fine city, and is believed to 
 be unusually healthy. The population in 1850 was 46,601, and, 
 with its suburbs, it is now estimated at upwards of 1 00,000. 
 
 The surrounding hills are composed of coal, iron, and lime 
 stone. Coal underlies all the hills, and being above the 
 ordinary level of the country, it is reached by horizontal 
 drifts. This makes the labour of bringing it to market very 
 trifling, and it is therefore sold at the port at a price varying 
 from 50 cents to $ 1.25 per ton. 
 The consumption of coal in the city 
 
 In 1853, was 2 2,805,000 bushels 
 
 And the Exports were. . . 14,403,921 
 Altogether, 30,708,921 bushels, or, 1,311,033 tons. 
 
 No reliable statistical returns of the trade of Pittsburg 
 have ever been collected, and therefore, the information to 
 be obtained is merely an approximation to the truth. The 
 manufactories are principally of iron, cotton, and glass, in 
 which about $10,000,000 of capital are invested. The 
 
IN AMERICA. 125 
 
 value of their productions, with that of the coal, brought to 
 market in 1853, was estimated at upwards of $25,000,000. * 
 As a manufacturing city, Pittsburg is very favourably 
 situated much more so than any city in the States. By 
 river, she has ready access to the South, and by railways 
 and canals, to the West and East. By river, the supply of 
 raw material for her cotton works is brought at a small cost ; 
 and iron and coal she has at command, and in unlimited 
 quantity. With these natural advantages, it can scarcely be 
 doubted, that as a manufacturing city, she is only yet in 
 her infancy, and that at no distant day she will be the greatest 
 manufacturing city in the States. 
 
 Iron ore is found all over the Union in some states in 
 deposits of great magnitude, and in others of rich quality. 
 
 Thus far, but small progress has been made in working the 
 mines, and the quantity produced is insufficient to meet the 
 requirements of the country. Pennsylvania is the state in 
 which most progress has been made in this branch of indus 
 try, and, for a long time to come, she is likely to retain that 
 position. 
 
 The production of pig iron 
 
 Tons. 
 
 In 1840 was 286,903 
 
 1850 564,755 
 
 1853 (estimated in Prof. Wilson s report) . 805,000 
 
 In 1850, the quantities produced in the different states, were 
 
 Tons. 
 
 In Pennsylvania 285.702 
 
 Ohio 52,658 
 
 Maryland 43,641 
 
 Tennessee 30,420 
 
 Kentucky 24,245 
 
 New Jersey 24,031 
 
 New York 23,022 
 
 Virginia 22,163 
 
 Other States 58,873 
 
 564,755 
 
126 
 
 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In 1853, the production, according to Prof. Wilson, was : 
 
 Tons. 
 In the Houseatonic River district .... 10,000 
 
 Hudson River 80,000 
 
 Lehigh and Delaware district .... 120,000 
 
 Schuylkill 100,000 
 
 Susquehanna 120,000 
 
 Potomac 125,000 
 
 Ohio and Tennessee 150,000 
 
 Other districts 100,000 
 
 805,000 
 
 In 1853, the import of iron and its manufactures, was 
 upwards of 600,000 tons, and its value was $27,015,364. 
 
 The total production of the iron mines of Great Britain in 
 1853, was estimated at upwards of 3,100,000 tons, of which 
 .1,261,272 tons were exported in pig and manufactures. 
 
 The Census returns for 1850, give the following result of 
 the iron manufactures in the States for that year. 
 
 
 PIG IRON. 
 
 CAST IRON. WROUGHT IRON, 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Value of raw material . 
 
 7,005,289 . 
 
 10,340,355 . 
 
 9,698,109 
 
 Value produced . . . 
 
 12,748,777 . 
 
 25,108,155 . 
 
 16,747,074 
 
 Net product .... 
 
 5,743,488 . 
 
 14,761,800 . 
 
 7,048,965 
 
 
 No. 
 
 No. 
 
 No. 
 
 Hands employed . . 
 
 20,448 . 
 
 23,589 . 
 
 13,257 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Capital invested . . 
 
 17,348,000 . 
 
 .17,456,000 . 
 
 33,994,220 
 
 The iron interests of the States, have been in a flourishing 
 condition of late.-- This has been a consequence of the high 
 prices current in Great Britain, of a heavy protective duty 
 on foreign iron, and of the expensive charges for freightage- 
 of the latter from Europe. That duty, and those expenses, 
 which are in favour of the home producers, are scarcely, on 
 
 * This refers to 1853-4. Recently the iron interests have suffered a reverse, in 
 common with most interests in the Union. 
 
IN AMERICA. 127 
 
 an average of years, sufficient for their prosperity ; for at a very 
 recent date, when prices were low in Great Britain, the rates- 
 at which importers could afford to sell foreign iron, occasioned 
 the ruin of many of the owners of works in the Union. 
 
 The duty on foreign iron is thirty per cent, ad val. ; but 
 with freightage, commissions, insurance and other charges, 
 the difference in price between Liverpool and New York, is. 
 about eighty per cent. 
 
 The expenses incurred in importing iron into the States 
 say about fifty per cent. are equivalent to a protection to the 
 native producer, but it is one which is fair, and with which no 
 legislative enactment has a right to interfere. The duty,, 
 however, of thirty per cent., is an additional charge levied on 
 the consumer, entirely for the benefit of the producer, for 
 foreign iron being sold at a profit, even at this enhanced price, 
 native iron of course is sold at a proportionate advance. This 
 duty on 800,000 tons the quantity produced in the States 
 at $ 15 per ton a low estimate of the Liverpool average price 
 for 1853 would amount to $3,600,000. Say 800,000 tons 
 at $15 is $12,000,000, on which thirty per cent, duty is- 
 $3,600,000. 
 
 This duty benefits the producer of pig iron alone, and is of 
 no advantage to the manufacturers of castings and wrought 
 iron, because they have to pay for their raw material a price 
 enhanced by this duty, and they are therefore in the same 
 position as those who pay duty on imported manufactured 
 articles. Indeed they are in a worse position, because they do 
 not pay duty merely upon their own manufactured articles, 
 but upon the raw material consumed in their works, and of 
 course on that part which goes to waste in the process of 
 manufacture. To this add, that with a more costly raw 
 material, they require a larger capital to carry on their business, 
 and that is equivalent to a further tax on their industry, and 
 places them in a less favourable position than their foreign 
 competitors. 
 
128 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The effects of this protection of the iron interest, are, that 
 all articles made of iron are very much dearer in America 
 than in England, and that, that difference in price increases 
 in proportion to the number of processes of manufacture 
 through which each article has to pass. 
 
 Only a few days ago, I was assured by a Manchester 
 machinist the managing partner of a large establishment 
 who had travelled through the manufacturing districts of the 
 States, in 1853, that all kinds of machinery used in cotton 
 spinning, are fully 75 per cent, dearer there than in Lan 
 cashire. He shewed me lists of prices paid for separate parts 
 of machines in America, and compared them with those 
 current in England, and they quite confirmed his statement. 
 
IN AMERICA. 129 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 WASHINGTON HOUSES OF CONGRESS PUBLIC MEN FREQUENT OFFICIAL 
 CHANGES NEWSPAPERS POST OFFICE NATIONAL EXPENDITURE. 
 
 FEOM Pittsburg to Washington, by railway, is 379 miles, 
 and that is accomplished in less than a day. 
 
 On my second visit to the capital, T took an early oppor 
 tunity of being present at the debates m the Houses of 
 Congress. In the House of Representatives, the subject 
 under discussion was the "Nebraska Bill." During my 
 stay in the House, I heard only one speaker. He spoke 
 for about three hours, but I heard him for about fifteen 
 minutes only. In that short time he touched upon a con 
 siderable variety of topics, but only one part of his discourse 
 remains impressed upon my memory. Speaking of the great 
 ness of the Republic, he said, " I am no supporter of the 
 principles advocated by Young America ; but still, I am 
 persuaded, that in a few years, the flag of the Union will 
 wave over the whole continent, from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific, and from Cape Horn to the coast of Labrador." 
 
 The House was well filled with strangers as well as with 
 members, and the subject was one which excited much 
 interest. This speaker did not, however, seem to be suc 
 cessful in producing any effect upon his hearers. He stood 
 in one of the open aisles, along which he continued to move 
 a few paces, now advancing, and now retreating. He threw 
 his arms around, passed his fingers through his hair, and 
 
130 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 spoke with rapidity, almost with vehemence, but the audi 
 ence showed no sympathy with his excitement. All listened 
 quietly and attentively, because the subject was then in 
 agitation throughout the "length and breadth of the land,"" 
 but, with much apparent passion, the speaker moved no one. 
 He spoke for effect, and not from the earnestness of convic 
 tion. He acted a part, but no one was deceived. He might 
 easily, and with more effect, have compressed his speech into- 
 fifteen minutes. But that would not have suited his purpose, 
 nor that of his constituents. He was a man of some mark 
 in Congress; and therefore, on this important subject, it was 
 necessary that he should make a long speech, and have it 
 printed for distribution among his friends. He spoke for 
 "Buncombe," and of course had to introduce into his speech 
 a great variety of extraneous matter, and touch upon most of 
 the questions that had come before the house during the session. 
 
 From the House of Representatives I passed into the 
 Senate. Here there seemed to be less talk and more work. 
 The members were all men of mature years, and experience^ 
 and who, sensible of the responsibility of their position, 
 seemed to speak less for popularity, than from a sense of 
 duty, and a desire to serve their country. Perhaps in no 
 other assembly in the world, are there, in proportion to the 
 number of its members, so many men of more than average 
 capacity. All of them are men who have gained some repu 
 tation in their own states, and through that they have been 
 elevated to the National Senate. But, for the due discharge 
 of the duties of their new sphere, they are partly disqualified 
 by those very efforts by which they have gained a local 
 position, and by their close application to local politics to the 
 partial exclusion of those which are national and foreign. I 
 shall better explain my meaning, by quoting some remarks 
 addressed by one of the senators to myself. 
 
 He said " Our senators are all self made men Lawyers 
 or of other professions. In early life we have to make a 
 
IN AMERICA. 131 
 
 living. We have then to establish ourselves, to make an 
 independent position, and to gain a local reputation. These 
 duties, and the study of our local affairs, of those of the State, 
 and of the Union, occupy all our time, and when at the age 
 of from fifty to sixty we enter the Senate, at Washington, 
 though well informed upon the affairs of our own country, 
 we frequently know 7 very little of those beyond." 
 
 Other circumstances are however in their favour. On all 
 questions which come under their consideration, they are 
 supplied with voluminous information. Their previous habits 
 of application and study have sharpened their perceptions, 
 and strengthened their understandings, and having no 
 interests apart from those of the people, their convictions on 
 public affairs are generally formed with honesty, and with 
 impartiality, and are expressed with fairness and moderation. 
 
 Undoubtedly there are exceptions to these remarks, for, 
 among the Senators are men who are not merely well 
 informed on their own political affairs but who are also con 
 versant with those of other countries ; and so are there among 
 them, some, who, when occasion offers, speak to the popular 
 ear, that their own schemes may be promoted. The latter 
 are however soon known, and from that day forward public 
 confidence in their integrity declines. 
 
 I was frequently told in the States, that undue influence 
 was sometimes brought to bear upon the Senators, particu 
 larly when private Bills came under their consideration. 
 Such statements I think exaggerated, and they generally 
 proceed from disappointed suitors. Of such men there is 
 no scarcity anywhere, but in the expression of their disap 
 pointment, greater license is permitted in America than in 
 any other country, and therefore, it is not surprising that 
 both in speech and writing, unworthy motives should fre 
 quently be imputed to the members of their highest deliber 
 ative assembly. The best test of the confidence which the 
 people have in the fairness of the Senators, is shewn by the 
 
132 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 ready acceptance of their decisions on all important public 
 questions. 
 
 Of this license in speech a few of the senators do not fail 
 to avail themselves when it suits their purpose ; and they do 
 not hesitate to indulge in violent harangues when they can 
 thereby obtain popularity and make political capital. With 
 such men, abuse of Great Britain is a fertile subject, and is 
 always sure to conciliate and gratify a large portion of the 
 Irish population, who possess mueh more influence than they 
 are entitled to by their numbers. 
 
 The native Americans have generally been very equally 
 divided into Whigs and Democrats, and therefore, when 
 an election occurs, whichever candidate can secure the largest 
 number of foreign votes, is the most likely to be returned. 
 Hence the frequent appeals to the passions of the Irish popu 
 lation, by the lowest of all politicians, and hence their frequent 
 success. The Democrats have done most to secure this 
 influence, and therefore they have been more successful than 
 the Whigs at the general elections. 
 
 As the Irish, as a party, diminish in influence by their 
 amalgamation with the natives, and by the number of immi 
 grants, having a smaller proportion to the entire population, 
 the cause of this fast and loose policy will disappear, and the 
 Americans, with that strong love of country, for which they 
 are justly distinguished, will despise partisan clamour, and 
 agitation, and study to promote the general welfare of the 
 nation. 
 
 That this feeling is already gaining strength, is evident, 
 from the frequent attempts which have been made to weaken 
 if not to crush foreign influence, by the organisation of 
 native parties, of which the most notable recent example is that 
 party called the " Know Nothings." Onlookers, instead of 
 fearing the success of this association, should give it encourage 
 ment, and see in it an effort to give strength to some of the 
 best elements in the national character, and to put an end to 
 
IN AMERICA. 133 
 
 that system of political domination, which has of late years 
 been exercised by politicians of the lowest class. 
 
 Northern senators generally retire from office at the 
 expiry of the first term for which they have been elected, 
 while those from the Southern states frequently retain their 
 seats for long periods in some cases almost for the whole of 
 their political career. This gives them much experience of 
 public affairs, and of course much influence in the Senate; and 
 hence, a complaint is frequently heard in the North, that undue 
 importance is attached in the Senate to Southern interests. 
 
 On the accession to office of a new President, there is an 
 entire change of the public servants of the country, down even 
 to the lowest appointments. This system holds good also in 
 the state and municipal governments, unless those who are 
 elected to office be of the same party as their predecessors. 
 In that case, there may be less change. At New Orleans, I 
 learned, that after the previous election, every one in office 
 was dismissed, even to the lamplighters and street-sweepers, 
 not for neglect of duty, but because they had been appointed 
 by the party who had lost power. 
 
 This system of change, to be so general, must have its 
 advocates. The only argument I heard in its favour, was, 
 that by the introduction of new men into office, the old 
 systems of conducting business are exploded, and improve 
 ments are introduced. On the other hand, as each one in 
 office knows that his tenure will last but for a limited time, 
 tiU the end of which he is secure, regardless of his com 
 petency or good behaviour, he begins to care less for the 
 faithful discharge of his duty, than for the rewards of office, 
 and is not always scrupulous as to the means he employs to 
 make the most out of his present situation. I would not say 
 that this is the actual result of the system, but I think it is 
 its tendency, if public virtue be not strong enough to check 
 any attempt at peculation, or the acceptance of presents. 
 
 The duties of no office can be discharged with efficiency, 
 
134 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 except by some one having experience ; but as changes in 
 office in the States are very frequent, it follows that many of 
 the duties of the public service are performed by men who 
 are mere apprentices to their business, 
 
 In the higher departments of the service, this frequent 
 change must be yet more injurious, for no man of first-rate 
 ability and experience will give up his own occupation or 
 pursuit, to accept an appointment for a limited period, what 
 ever may be the renumeration attached to the office. A man 
 having an annual income of 3,000 dollars will not readily 
 give it up for a situation with a salary of 6,000 dollars, which 
 is to be held with certainty for only four years, for he knows 
 that at the expiry of that period, he may, and almost with 
 certainty, will be thrown out of office, and require to begin a 
 new career. Hence, in too many instances, men to whom a 
 certain income for a few years is a consideration, men, who 
 in this country, would almost come under the name of adven 
 turers, are appointed to offices for which, by character and 
 experience, they are quite unqualified, and hence, as is 
 frequently observed by English and other travellers in the 
 States, many of the public men, even sometimes in the 
 national government, are far from representing the highest 
 intelligence or respectability of the American people. 
 
 By the census, we learn that in 1850 there were 426,31 1 ,778 
 newspapers and periodicals published in the States. Of these, 
 there were published 
 
 No. Copies. 
 
 Daily 254 .... 235,119,906 
 
 Tri- Weekly ... 115 ... 11,811,140 
 
 Semi-Weekly ... 31 .... 5,565,176 
 
 Weekly .... 1,902 . . . 153,120,708 
 
 Semi-Monthly . . 95 .... 11,703,480 
 
 Monthly .... 100 ... 8,887,808 
 
 Quarterly .... 19 .... 103,500 
 
 2,516 420,311,778 
 
IN AMERICA. 135 
 
 Their character was 
 
 No. Copies. 
 
 Literary& Miscellaneous 568 .... 77,877,276 
 
 Neutral & Independent 83 88,023,953 
 
 Political 1,621 .... 221,871,133 
 
 Keligious .... 191 33,645,484 
 
 Scientific . 53 .... 4,893,932 
 
 2,516 426,311,778 
 
 This is a circulation of literature of which there is no 
 example in any part of the world, and is an indication of the 
 general desire for information, and of the intelligence and 
 education of the people. This large circulation is much 
 owing to the cheapness at which the newspapers are sold to 
 the public, but yet more I think to the very large degree in 
 which the political and commercial affairs of the country 
 enter into the every-day life of the people. 
 
 For a considerable period, and till a recent date, the news 
 paper press at Washington took the lead in the country, on all 
 political subjects, and at that time the " National Intelligencer * 
 exercised a wide, and in general, a very beneficial influence. 
 More recently, however, the press of New York has aspired 
 to take the lead, and its efforts have heen entirely successful. 
 On all matters, political and commercial, it informs the people, 
 and leads public opinion, and its tone is re-echoed throughout 
 the Union. 
 
 Of the New York papers, there is none so well written as 
 the "Herald," and none contains more general, or fuller infor 
 mation, or has such influence on public opinion. Of the 
 same class is the " Tribune " and the " Times," but they have 
 not such a large circulation, nor so wide an influence The 
 " Tribune " has the largest circulation in the New England 
 States, where its anti-slavery, protectionist, and temperance 
 views are in high favour, but in all other parts of the country 
 I was told that the " Herald " was more generally read. I am 
 well aware that the influence I have attributed to the latter 
 
136 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 is denied even by those who read it daily, but so also is the- 
 influence of the London "Times" denied, and yet I believe it 
 does more to lead the public opinion of England than all the 
 other papers put together. 
 
 The daily circulation of the "Herald " is upwards of 50,000, 
 and with its semi-weekly publication is nearly half a million 
 per week. As in England, so in America, nine-tenths of the 
 people have no opinions of their own. In the mornings they 
 look out for one almost as regularly as they expect their 
 breakfast, and generally adopt that one which most nearly 
 coincides with their own wishes or prejudices. The " Herald "" 
 is at hand and read, and thus its editors create the daily 
 opinions of thousands of people, most of whom however 
 claim those opinions as their own, and have the ingratitude 
 to withhold from the editor that credit which is his due. As 
 the New York press leads that of the country, so, throughout 
 the Union, hundreds of other papers take their tone of 
 politics from the "Herald," and become mere channels to con 
 vey its opinions to their own readers. On all public questions 
 its influence is paramount. It was mainly instrumental in 
 turning out Fillmore. It defeated Scott. It brought in 
 Pierce and it will turn him out, because, as its opponents- 
 say, its proprietor was refused the French embassy. It is 
 the organ for the annexation of Cuba, and, on other important 
 questions its influence is equally potent. 
 
 On all these points it may not have formed public opinion, 
 but, destitute of any principles of its own, it has shrewdly 
 watched the turn of public sentiment, and taken that side 
 which was most likely to be popular. By the ability with 
 which it has been written, it has given expression to that 
 opinion, and force and point to that energy on the part of 
 the public, which without such an organ for their utterance,, 
 would have been dissipated and lost. 
 
 Its circulation has been largely aided by the virulence of 
 its tone, and by the personality of its attacks on private as. 
 
IN AMERICA. 13T 
 
 well as public life, for, in all parts of the world, nothing is- 
 more general than an itching after a little private scandal, 
 and a prying into the affairs of our neighbours. To that low 
 taste the " Herald " has pandered fully frequently farther 
 than has been prudent or safe, and hence its editor has had to 
 pay handsomely for defamation of character, and has had the 
 additional mortification of being castigated more than onc& 
 on the public streets. Still on the whole his career has been 
 highly profitable, and I was told satisfactory, for some men 
 value money more than honour, and are more anxious to- 
 gratify their avarice, than careful as to the uprightness of the 
 means employed to gain success. 
 
 On public affairs he is not scrupulous as to the correctness 
 of his statements, and if he finds a falsehood suit his pur 
 pose, he lies with such audacity, as to paralyze all opposition.. 
 In nothing is this more conspicuous than in his comments on 
 European affairs. Information on such subjects is limited in 
 the States, and of that he takes full advantage, and in his 
 leading columns, conveys the most erroneous impressions to- 
 his readers. 
 
 If, unhappily, there should ever arise any misunderstanding 
 between the United States and Great Britain, or any appear 
 ance of a rupture in their present friendly relations, for any 
 feelings in America which may favour such an untoward 
 event, there is no man can take more credit for having 
 fostered them, than the Editor of the "Herald." 
 
 His antagonism to everything European, and especially 
 English, may arise from the fact, that, he is from the Old 
 Country. As a man therefore likely to be suspected as in 
 sincere in his professions of attachment to his adopted 
 country, he must shew his zeal by his violence, and like all 
 renegades, endeavour to make the bitterness and scurrility 
 of his language a mask to cover his dishonesty. 
 
 The " Tribune " is generally written with fairness and 
 moderation, but with less terseness. It contains partial 
 
138 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 statements, and specious arguments, which are more observ 
 able by a foreigner, than by one who has similar sympathies, 
 but that is not less true of our own press. 
 
 The " Times " started with moderate views, but has recently 
 to some extent, followed the violent example of the " Herald." 
 This is less remarkable, as its editor was at one time a 
 subordinate in the " Herald " office. These papers are sold at 
 two cents. I was told by the owner of one of them, that at 
 this price they leave no profit. That is made on the immense 
 number of advertisements which they contain. 
 
 There are other newspapers in the city of New York, of 
 much more limited circulation, but of equal influence, and 
 that chiefly among the better informed classes. They are 
 written with temper, fairness, and ability, and are very like 
 the best English papers. They are sold at five cents. 
 
 With a country extending over such an immense area as 
 the United States, it may be supposed that the Post Office 
 arrangements have to be conducted on a gigantic and annually 
 increasing scale. There are great irregularities in tbe mails, 
 but such only as are inseparable from the extent of country 
 traversed, and the surprise is rather that those failures are 
 not more frequent. 
 
 To give an idea of the progress made in this branch of the 
 public service, I annex a statement compiled from the 
 Treasury Reports. 
 
 1780. 1840. 1854. 
 
 Post offices . . No. 75 13,468 23,548 
 
 Post roads . . .Miles 1,875 155,739 219,935 
 
 Dols. Dols. Dols. 
 
 Cost of transportation 22,081 3,213,042 4,630,676 
 
 Receipts 37,935 4,543,522 6,955,586 
 
 Expenditure .... 32,140 4,718,236 8,577,424 
 
 In 1854, there were 6697 mail routes, and the number of 
 contractors employed was 5167. 
 
IN AMERICA. 139 
 
 The annual transportation cf the mails in 1854, was 63, 
 387,005 miles, the. cost of which would be a little above 7 
 cents per mile. 
 
 Of these 63,387,005 miles, there were by 
 
 Miles. Dollars. 
 
 Railway . . . 15,433,389 at 1,758,610 or 11^ cts. ^ mile. 
 Steam Boat . . . 5,795,483 489,138 8 
 
 Coach .... 20,890,530 1,290,095 6 " 
 
 Modes notspecified, 21,267,603 1,092,833 5 
 
 Of the receipts, about three-fourths were derived from 
 letters, and the remainder from newspapers and sundry other 
 sources. 
 
 It is very difficult, if not altogether impossible, to ascertain 
 the national expenditure of the Americans, or the amount 
 of their taxation per head In Great Britain, nearly all ex 
 penses are defrayed by the central power, but in America the 
 Federal Government has cognizance of those affairs only 
 which concern the confederation, or the relations of the 
 States to each other, and to other nations. No money is 
 therefore entrusted to it, but \vhat is required for national 
 purposes ; and all local expenditures are defrayed by the 
 states, counties, and townships, as the cases may be. The 
 expenditure of the National Government, I regard, therefore, 
 as a small portion of that of the country, and forming no fair 
 grounds of comparison with that of any Government in 
 Europe. The expenditure of the states, counties, and town 
 ships not including municipalities can be learned only 
 after considerable enquiry. 
 
 The Federal Revenue in 1854, was 
 
 Dollars 
 
 From Customs 04,224, 1 W 
 
 Lands 8,470,798 
 
 Miscellaneous 854,717 
 
 73,549,705 
 
140 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 And the expenditure was 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Civil 4,649,385 
 
 Foreign 7,726,677 
 
 Miscellaneous 13,531,310 
 
 Interior 2,609,055 
 
 War 11,733,621) 
 
 Navy 10,768,193 
 
 Public debt redeemed 20,129,163 
 
 interest 4,207,21 
 
 75,354,630 
 
 With a population of about 22,000,000 whites (for the 
 slaves contribute no more to the prosperity of the country 
 than is done by animal power in England), the revenue is 
 about $3^ per head and the civil expenditure (under which 
 head I include the first four and the last item of the preceding 
 list) is about $ 1-g- per head. 
 
 Of the expenditure of the other departments, as already 
 stated, it is difficult to obtain information, of some of them 
 impossible. When at Washington, I was told in one of the 
 government offices, that on these points no reliable information 
 could be obtained, and at New York the same remark was 
 made by the editor of the leading statistical paper in the 
 Union. In some of the state accounts, which I procured, 
 their mode of arrangement differ. Some of them contain 
 the expenditure of all the different departments, the state, 
 counties, and townships, and others contain the expenditure 
 of the state only. Some of them include railways and public 
 schools, and others do not. 
 
 I have endeavoured to arrange the statistics of the four 
 most populous and influential states, which I now present. 
 From these, an estimate may be formed, of the expenditure in 
 those states whence reliable information is less easily obtained. 
 In presenting these figures which I do with considerable 
 deference, I must claim indulgence for any mistakes they 
 may contain. I have taken pains to avoid errors ; but they 
 
IN AMERICA. 141 
 
 cannot be always prevented in accounts which are somewhat 
 involved, and especially complicated to a foreigner. Any 
 mistakes, if there be such, can be only trifling, and cannot 
 materially affect the general result. 
 
 On this point, I may add, that the results, such as I am 
 about to give, were approved in New York, by some statis 
 ticians competent to form an opinion as to their correctness, 
 and who were not likely to give evidence unfavourable to their 
 own country. 
 
 In 1853, the revenue and the population of the States 
 
 Dollars. Estimated Population 
 
 Of Massachusets . . . 2,118,205 . . 1.050,000 
 
 New York . . . .6,124,678. . .3,250,000 
 
 Pennsylvania . . 5,232,470 . . 2,500,000 
 
 Ohio 7,801,167 . . . 2,100,000 
 
 21,276,520 8,900,000 
 
 Of this amount, nearly $4,000,000 were paid for education. 
 The revenues of Massachusets and Pennsylvania refer merely 
 to the states. Those of New York and Ohio include the 
 incomes of the counties and townships. 
 
 Deducting the amount applied towards education, we 
 should have for the taxation of those states as near as may be, 
 $ 2 per head. Making some little allowance for the counties 
 and townships of the two states, not included in the above, 
 I estimate the taxation per head at $2-. This amount added 
 to the taxation levied by the Federal Government, will make 
 the annual tax per head throughout the Union, $ 5.8, (pre 
 suming that the other states are taxed in the same proportion 
 as the four given above.) To repeat 
 
 Dols. 
 State, county, and township tax ) 
 
 estimated per head as above j * 
 
 Federal revenue per head , 3 
 
 5.8 
 Or Federal civil expenditure If 
 
142 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In Great Britain, the national revenue, including expense 
 of collection and county tax, is as near as may be 40s. per 
 head. Without the cost of the army and navy, the expendi 
 ture per head is less than 30s. ; and the civil expenditure 
 alone, including county taxes, but without the cost of col- 
 collection, is not more than 6s. per head. 
 
 The civil expenditure of Great Britain, including county 
 tax, and (what Americans think amount to an enormous sum 
 in England) pensions, is not more than the civil expenditure 
 alone of the Federal Government of the States. When to the 
 expenditure of the American Government, is added that of 
 the states, counties, and townships, the result is strikingly in 
 favour of Great Britain, and proves incontestably, that our 
 government is the more economical of the two. 
 
 If to the direct taxation levied on the American people, be 
 added the amount paid for protection to native industry, I 
 venture to believe that it will be found, that the taxation of 
 our country for all purposes, is the lighter of the two. To 
 the cost of protection to native industry I have yet to allude. 
 
 In making the foregoing statements, somewhat opposed as 
 I think they are to impressions generally entertained here 
 and in America, I am able to fortify my position by the 
 authority of M. de Tocqueville, who states in his " Demo 
 cracy in America," that the American Government is an 
 expensive one. He adds that the information he was able 
 to obtain on the subject was very imperfect. 
 
 In the amount of municipal expenditure, as shewn in New 
 York and New Orleans, and as will be shewn in Boston, the 
 Americans far surpass us. 
 
 On the subject of Church expenditure in America, I am 
 able to speak only on the authority of others. While in New 
 York I was informed by a writer of statistics, and an authority 
 in the country, that, after enquiring, for a period extending 
 over two years, into the incomes of the separate congregations 
 in the States, he estimated them to be as large as those 
 
IN AMERICA. 143 
 
 of the churches and chapels in England. At first sight this 
 statement is rather startling, but it is less surprising to any one 
 who is aware of the very liberal provision made in America for 
 the support of the clergy. The only difference between the 
 two countries, on this point and it is an important one is, 
 that in one the tax is voluntary, in the other it is, to a con 
 siderable extent, compulsory. 
 
 In crossing the Atlantic, homewards, one of the passengers 
 was the hearer of despatches from his own government to one 
 of the continental courts. He had never been in Europe, and 
 desired to learn something about England, where he was 
 likely to remain a few days, on his return. He made some 
 enquiry on sundry subjects, and. among others, on the amount 
 of our national expenditure, which, in comparison with that of 
 the United States, he considered to be quite monstrous. 
 After some conversation, several times renewed, he at last 
 admitted that the state, county, and township expenditure of 
 the Union, ought to be added to that of the Federal Govern 
 ment, and then a comparison made with our general expendi 
 ture, and that of our counties. He was then asked to give an 
 estimate of what he considered to be the expenditure of his 
 own country, embracing the departments named; and, when 
 that was put on paper, he was amazed to find that it amounted 
 to a sum so very little less than that of Great Britain. He, 
 however, closed the conversation by assuring us that his 
 estimate was all wrong, for he knew, for a fact, that the 
 American expenditure was not a fourth that of Great Britain. 
 Still further to shew the strength of his convictions on the 
 subject, and his reliance on the economical management of 
 aff irs in the States, he offered to maintain, even with gage, 
 that the annual expenditure of the city of New York, was not 
 a tenth part of that of the city of London ! I give this 
 example to shew that, on this subject, considerable misappre 
 hend n prevails in America, even among very intelligent 
 men. 
 
144 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 While at Washington, I met Elihu Burritt in the Capitol. 
 He was busy canvassing the members of both Houses in 
 favour of his scheme of ocean penny postage. Success will 
 not dawn upon his efforts in a day ; but it will come at no 
 distant period, and another will reap the reward of his labours. 
 Cheap postage will increase the intercourse between the two 
 nations, unite them yet more intimately, and strengthen 
 those friendly relations which are already in existence. 
 
IX AMERICA. 145 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BALTIMORE AMERICAN WOMEN MODE OF LITE PERSONAL ATTRACTIONS 
 EDUCATION MARRIAGE WIVES. 
 
 FBOM Washington I proceeded to Baltimore. There, I had 
 little to do but to accept the kind offices of my friends, and 
 to admire the ladies. Baltimore has long been celebrated for 
 the hospitality of its inhabitants* for their pleasant social 
 parties, and for the beauty of its women. To all these dis 
 tinctions it certainly has a good claim. Of the hospitality of 
 its people, I shall say but little, because Englishmen are 
 received in every part of the Union with kindness and con 
 sideration. Instances of this I could multiply, but here I 
 shall give only one, and it refers to Baltimore. 
 
 Corning along from the West, I was fortunate enough in 
 making the acquaintance, in the railway car, of a merchant of 
 that city. When we parted, he gave me his card, and invited 
 me to call at his office when passing through to the North. 
 This I did on the following week, when he sent home for his 
 carriage, and left his business for two hours, that he might 
 drive me round the city and shew me what was most interest 
 ing to a visitor. 
 
 The subject of the ladies I approach with deference, and 
 not without I admit it secret admiration. For beautiful 
 women, the reputation of Baltimore has long been pre-eminent, 
 but recently, her claim has been disputed, and rival cities 
 have sprung up in the West, to contest her established 
 L 
 
146 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 honours. In Kentucky there are now several cities vieing 
 with her, and with each other, and neither is disposed to 
 make any concession. On the respective merits of the 
 ladies of those cities I could not venture to offer an opinion, 
 even had my opportunities of forming one been much more 
 favourable than they were. On matters of taste, it is always 
 difficult to come to any general decision, for rarely does it 
 occur that two can arrive at the same result. How much 
 greater is that difficulty, when the subject under consideration 
 happens to be one which interests the heart ! 
 
 It is generally believed in England that the American 
 women are delicate looking, that they are thin in person, 
 and that the freshness of youth fades while they are still 
 young in years. 
 
 This holds good, to some extent, in the New England States,. 
 but is not of general application to the country. From 
 Philadelphia southwards, and in the West, the women retain 
 their youthful bloom to a much later period of life than they 
 do in the North. 
 
 The early decay of the women in New England, is attributed 
 to the severity of the climate, and to the violent alternations 
 of the temperature from heat to cold. Those causes may not 
 be without influence on the health, but I think not at all to 
 the extent assumed, for in Canada, with a climate quite as 
 variable, I did not observe or learn, that the health of the 
 inhabitants was similarly affected. I think the delicate 
 health of the American women might, in a large measure, b& 
 attributed to other causes, over which they themselves have- 
 entire control. These are 
 
 Improper food. 
 
 Want of exercise. 
 
 Close, ill ventilated rooms. 
 
 Thin clothing especially thin boots. 
 
 Late hours, and excitement at public and private parties. 
 
 All over America, the people live more luxuriously ancfc 
 
JN AMERICA. 147 
 
 richly than in England. That of itself cannot he favourable 
 to their health. Still less so, if their food be indigestible, 
 either from its nature, or from being imperfectly cooked. At 
 breakfast, hot rolls, often half baked, half dough, and at 
 dinner, pies, pumpkin and other kinds, are quite indis 
 pensable. The rolls are used throughout the country, but 
 the pies are in most favour in New England. When travelling, 
 I observed that wherever the trains stopped for refreshments, 
 and at whatever hour, most of the passengers made a purchase 
 of pumpkin pies. To me they looked as indigestible as a piece 
 of leather half boiled. 
 
 I was told that the ladies in most cities do not take much 
 out-of-door exercise. When they have occasion to go out, 
 they prefer to ride, and therefore receive little benefit from 
 the change. 
 
 In winter they are accustomed to keep closely within doors, 
 and to sit in warm rooms, heated by stoves, and without 
 ventilation. This I have seen frequently in private houses, 
 and in public places of business, and at a time of the year 
 before the winter had set in with much severity. In 
 New York, in winter, it is common to find rooms heated to 70 
 and upwards. That heat, generated by a stove, without any 
 proper ventilation, is close and offensive, and to one not used 
 to it, is almost suffocating. To live in such an atmosphere 
 must be far from healthful. 
 
 The ladies in the States almost all wear very thin boots and 
 shoes, in their cold climate, with its violent and sudden 
 change^, this exposes them to severe colds, which frequently 
 end in delicate health and in consumption. 
 
 With more attention to their habits of life to food, clothing, 
 and exercise, there would be less delicate health, and we 
 should hear less of the early period in life at which their 
 beauty disappears. 
 
 In the South and West, the climate is less severe in winter, 
 and therefore they have more exercise, and suffer less from 
 
148 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 the closeness of their heated rooms. Pumpkin and other 
 pies are also in less favour, though hot rolls to breakfast and 
 rich food generally maintain their popularity. 
 
 The ladies of those parts have less brilliant complexions, 
 and scarcely such delicately beautiful features as are to be 
 seen in New England; but with dark laughing eyes, luxuriant 
 hair, handsome figures, and much vivacity of manner, they 
 are certainly very fascinating. I observed that, throughout 
 the Union, they have, in general, very small hands and feet 
 in this country, characteristics of gentle blood. 
 
 The education of ladies in the South and West is not of such 
 a high order as of those in the New England States. Even in 
 the latter, there are fewer accomplishments, and less cultiva 
 tion of the tastes, than are desired in England, but much 
 attention is paid to the improvement of the understanding, 
 and. to the acquisition of solid and useful information. 
 
 Throughout the country the ladies dress extravagantly, and 
 the colours they wear are more brilliant and showy than we are 
 wont to see in England. This is, however, a consequence of 
 the clear brilliant atmosphere of the States, which favours a 
 more gaudy style of dress, than would be deemed suitable in 
 our sombre climate. 
 
 In America, young ladies are " brought out," or rather 
 * come out," very early in life, and thus acquire a degree of 
 confidence before strangers, which would surprise English 
 women. In England, young ladies are generally very quiet 
 before strangers, and it is only after marriage, and when 
 compelled from their new position, to have confidence in 
 themselves, that in the sensible, conversational, well-informed 
 lady, do we recognise the former bashful, stiff, and I might 
 almost say, awkward girl. There, a young lady of sixteen or 
 seventeen has " come out," and has acquired as much 
 assurance in public, as she will have at any future period of 
 her. life. 
 
 Marriages take place in America at an earlier period in 
 
IN AMERICA. 149 
 
 life, than is customary in England. This, I mean, on the 
 average, for some marriages take place here, at a period in 
 life as early as is seen in the States. Early marriage in 
 America is a consequence of the greater ease with which a 
 position in life is obtained, and the certainty with which the 
 means of a comfortable subsistence are secured. In England, 
 a position is obtained with difficulty, and few ever recover 
 from a reverse. In America, a reverse is momentary in its 
 effects, and a change of occupation may secure success. This 
 secures confidence in the future, and hence, young men under 
 take responsibilities, from which, in similar circumstances in 
 this country, they would shrink. 
 
 In England, many young men, knowing the difficulty of 
 establishing themselves in life, are fearful of incurring future 
 obligations which they may not see their way clearly to discharge. 
 This proceeds from no selfish motives, but most frequently 
 from consideration towards those with whom, under kindlier 
 auspices, they would rejoice to unite their lot, and almost 
 solely from a regard to their future welfare and happiness. 
 From this cause, not a few deny themselves that security and 
 repose which we associate with the term " home," and struggle 
 to suppress the tenderest sensibilities of their nature, that 
 they may not involve others in anything even approaching to 
 anxiety or pain. Others, again, with more confidence and 
 less thought, rush into engagements, the importance of which 
 they do not even attempt to understand, and have the good 
 fortune to obtain credit for being unselfish and manly, by 
 conduct, which, in any other affair in life, would be charac 
 terised as rash and imprudent. 
 
 But, however forward, or even frivolous, the American 
 women may be in early life, I have reason to believe, that as 
 wives, they become thoughtful and self-denying, and that they 
 are then careful only to deserve and retain the affection of 
 their husbands. Of this I had several examples. 
 The great distances which the Americans are accustomed 
 
150 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 to go by railway, frequently render it necessary for them to 
 travel all night, and sometimes two or more nights in succes 
 sion. On such occasions, and more than once, I have seen 
 ladies, however much fatigued, deny themselves sleep, that 
 their husbands might have rest, and that, by supporting their 
 heads, their slumbers might be more light. 
 
 When at the Niagara Falls Station, a young woman came 
 into the carnage with a child in her arms, and as there was no 
 vacant seat, I gave her mine. In a few minutes, her husband 
 came in, leading two elder children. As soon as he approached, 
 she desired him to thank me for the seat, though she had done 
 so herself. This led to some conversation, and I learned that 
 he had been a joiner in Connecticut, but was now on his way to 
 Illinois, intending to settle there with his family. As she 
 looked somewhat sad, I enquired if she was not sorry to leave 
 her home, her native village, and her friends, to go into a new 
 country, and encounter all the hardships of life in the back 
 woods. She smiled faintly, and motioning towards her 
 husband, she replied, " Wherever he goes, that is my home." 
 
 This only proves, that in America, as elsewhere, women 
 are unselfish, and prepared to make every sacrifice for those 
 they love. To this I shall add only one other instance. 
 
 When at New Orleans, I met a young lady from the 
 North, who had been married only about two months, to the 
 captain of an American merchantman. I may here premise 
 that, as the pay of American captains is considerable, they 
 are mostly men of education and high respectability. Their 
 wives, who are often ladies of education, and accomplished, 
 generally accompany them to sea. This young lady was now 
 on her first voyage, and had scarcely become familiar with her 
 new mode of life. I expressed some surprise, that so many 
 American ladies should have the self-denial to leave their 
 homes and their relatives to live at sea, and jocularly alluded 
 to the audacity of sailors, who ventured to ask them to make 
 such a sacrifice. On this she told me that at the time of her 
 
IX AMERICA. 151 
 
 marriage, it was arranged that she should reside on shore, but 
 as the time drew near for the sailing of her husband s ship, 
 her resolution failed. She thought of the storms at sea, and 
 she knew that during every gale, she would have fears, in his 
 absence, for his safety. At the last moment, therefore, she 
 determined to leave her home, and encounter with him the 
 perils of the deep. 
 
 I then, referring to my own experience in crossing the 
 Atlantic, complimented her on her courage and devotion, and 
 added that no inducement would tempt me to live at sea. 
 To this she laughingly replied, glancing at her husband, 
 * Ah ! you would do it for love." 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 NEW YORK HOTELS SERVANTS RAILWAYS PLANK ROADS TELEGRAPHS, 
 
 FKOM Baltimore I proceeded by railway to Philadelphia, and 
 thence by railway and steam-boat to New York, where I 
 arrived on April 6th. 
 
 The St. Nicholas Hotel, to which I drove, is perhaps the- 
 largest in the world. It is the most comfortable, and the most 
 elegantly furnished in the States. Its frontage on Broad 
 way is 302 feet, its depth 200 feet, and it is six stories high. 
 It has somewhere about 600 rooms, and accommodation for 
 upwards of 1,000 guests. When I was there, 322 servants 
 were in the establishment. The front of the building is of 
 white marble, and its cost was about $1,300,000. The 
 annual rent of the whole building is $110,000; but as the 
 ground floor to the street is sublet for shops, the rent of the 
 hotel is only $55,000. On the first floor are, breakfast,, 
 dinner, tea, and reception rooms, and all above are bed and 
 private sitting-rooms. The rooms are all very handsomely 
 furnished, the cost of which was upwards of $300,000. 
 
 The hours for meals are, breakfast, from five o clock till 
 noon ; lunch, from noon till two o clock ; dinner, from two to 
 four, and again from five to seven ; tea, from six to eight; and 
 supper, from nine o clock to one, A.M. 
 
 The meals are all provided in the utmost profusion, and of 
 the best quality. Indeed, if there be any delicacy in any part 
 
IN AMERICA. 153 
 
 of the country, a supply is sent to the New York leading 
 hotels, even though the distance be great, and the expense 
 heavy. The charge in the New York hotels is $&J- per day. 
 In some other cities it is only $2, while in New Orleans it 
 is $3. 
 
 In all these hotels, ladies sit in the public drawing-rooms, 
 and take their meals at the common table. Of course, there 
 fore, the charge to them is the same as to gentlemen, and 
 hence they are able to travel in the States at a much cheaper 
 cost than in England. 
 
 I have frequently heard comparisons made between the cost 
 of living at a hotel in America, and at one in England. In the 
 latter, a guest is charged only for what he orders. In America 
 the charge is made per day, and so long as a bed-room is 
 engaged, the full boarding charge must be paid, even if the 
 guest be absent from every meal. If he bring a friend to 
 dine for even one day, he must pay that charge in addition. 
 A gentleman living at a hotel in Boston, shewed me his bill 
 for a month. In that time he had dined at the hotel only 
 twice, and yet he had to pay the full charge for a month. 
 On one of those two days, a friend dined with him, and for 
 that he had to pay in addition. 
 
 At the best American hotels, from the numerous guests 
 who attend the meals, everything is provided in large quan 
 tity, of prime quality, and of great variety. In England, 
 as the attendance at a public table in a hotel is small, there 
 is less variety brought to table, although the quality is of 
 the best. 
 
 In America, large dishes are not brought to table, but the 
 servants bring to each guest whatever he orders. In Eng 
 land, every thing is brought to table, and guests can have 
 a choice. 
 
 The charge of $2 per day in America, is little, if anything 
 less, than is made at a first-class commercial hotel in England 
 for three meals, and the use of a bed-room. In America, 
 
154 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 four, or even five meals, can be had for the daily charge ; 
 but gentlemen rarely eat more than three times each day, 
 and often not more than twice. In England, the charge for 
 servants is more than in the States, but even in the latter, 
 servants expect some gratuity. 
 
 In American hotels, the wines are inferior in quality, and 
 more costly in price, than in England. The wines mostly in 
 use are claret and champagne, and they are never charged 
 less than $2 or $2, and frequently $3. In some places I 
 have seen them sold at $4 and even $5 per bottle. Even 
 at those extravagant prices, the quality is not equal to what 
 is to be had at a first-class English Hotel. I have heard 
 it frequently averred in the States, that much of the champagne 
 sold in the country is of home manufacture a statement I 
 ,am the more inclined to believe, from knowing something of 
 the extent to which the manufacture and the adulteration of 
 wine is carried on in England-! . I was informed, in one of the 
 large American cities, that the quantity of wine consumed at 
 one of its leading hotels, was quite as large as the whole 
 importation into the city. 
 
 As the duty on the importation of foreign wines into the 
 States, is only thirty to forty per cent, ad vol., it will be seen 
 
 * I think it was stated in evidence before a recent committee of the House of 
 Commons, that the quantity of port wine consumed in the United Kingdom was 
 double that imported. 
 
 A merchant told me not a week ago, that for some years he had been accustomed 
 to sell a sherry wine, which, from its " peculiarly delicate flavour," had obtained a 
 liigh reputation. This wine was manufactured in London, and two of its principal 
 ingredients, he told me, were burnt sugar and brandy. The peculiarly delicate 
 flavour was obtained by putting a piece of leather into the mixture before it was 
 "bottled. 
 
 And yet, what Englishman is not skilled in the knowledge of good port and 
 sherry? and who, as soon as he has got his head above water, has not some 
 old port wine in his cellar, or some sherry with a flavour peculiarly delicate ? 
 
 The same merchant told me, that he had recently offered some claret to the 
 ieading club house in a city in the British Empire, and wishing to secure a share of 
 its custom, he offered to take a low price. The wine was returned as inferior, and he 
 was desired to send some of a better quality. He offered the same wine at double the 
 price, when it was immediately accepted, and his whole stock was bought. 
 
IN AMERICA. 155 
 
 that, at the prices quoted above, large profits are made on 
 their sale at the hotels. So well is this understood by the 
 owners of hotels, that it is quite a common practice among 
 some of them, to give frequent balls during the winter months, 
 permitting the guests to invite their friends. Music, supper, 
 and the use of the rooms, are provided gratuitously, because 
 the profit on the wines consumed more than defrays all 
 expenses. 
 
 To manage some of the largest American hotels requires 
 much skill and judgment, and the adoption of very systematic 
 arrangements. Large capitals are also required, and hence 
 they are generally carried on by co-partneries. In many 
 of them very handsome profits are made, and I was told that, 
 in the Metropolitan Hotel, which is the second in size in 
 New York, the nett profits in 1853, were upwards of $ 100,000. 
 
 The custom of living at hotels and boarding houses prevails 
 more or less, all over the States, and no practice is more 
 common than for young people, on getting married, to 
 begin the world by taking up of their residence at one of those 
 public places. Such a practice would not be tolerated in 
 England for a single day, because it is one that would be 
 supposed likely to encourage idleness and frivolity, and to 
 destroy that quietness and privacy which all Englishmen 
 desire in their homes. An Englishman could not live in 
 public, occupy a public room, arid sit at a public table for a 
 permanency, because it would deprive him of that retirement 
 at will, which suits what may be called his taciturnity. To a 
 lady, such a life would be still less agreeable, and would expose 
 her to influences which would have a tendency to deaden her 
 sensitiveness to the improprieties of life ; for in large assemblies 
 of people, in any part of the world, and where there are many 
 varieties of character, it is impossible to prevent occurrences 
 which are disagreeable, and more or less offensive to females. 
 
 To introduce ladies into those large hotels in America, and 
 the same would hold good if it were practised in England 
 
156 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 is to do them an act of injustice. They are introduced 
 into the public room, into promiscuous society, and of neces 
 sity make acquaintance with people, gentlemen as well as 
 ladies of whom they know nothing. At many of those 
 large hotels there are idlers, who frequently have not the best 
 private reputation. On this point I speak advisedly. With 
 such people strangers cannot frequently avoid making ac 
 quaintance, for they meet with them in the public room, 
 and sit with them at the same table. I believe, therefore, 
 that ladies who are encouraged to live at such places, are 
 frequently led to form acquaintances, not to say intimacies, 
 which, with better information, they would gladly avoid, and 
 they are not freed from exposure to solicitations and imperti- 
 nencies, which are both insulting and painful. 
 
 At nearly all the hotels in the States, the waiters and 
 servants employed are Irish or German mostly the former. 
 Even in the South, they have replaced the coloured population 
 in all those establishments. Indeed, throughout the States, 
 the immigrants from Ireland and Germany are " hewers of 
 wood and drawers of water," to the native population. 
 
 The wages they receive are very liberal, and I doubt not, 
 that at first sight, they appear to them munificent, after the 
 miserably poor living most of them have had in their native 
 countries. 
 
 All of them live in the hotels in which they are employed. 
 In addition to their board, the wages which they receive, 
 are 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Porters 18 to 20 per month. 
 
 Waiters 12 to 15 
 
 Boys . . < ~. 8 to 12 
 
 Females 7 to 12 
 
 As these sums are considerably more than most of them 
 have occasion to spend, having to provide for themselves 
 almost nothing but clothes, I frequently enquired of the 
 
IN AMERICA. 15 T 
 
 Irish servants how the surplus was employed. A few of the 
 girls spent it on dress, but in most cases indeed very 
 generally I was told that it was remitted to their poor 
 relatives in Ireland, sometimes to assist to carry them over to 
 this new land of promise, and at other times for the main 
 tenance of those who are too aged to emigrate. 
 
 This is a noble trait in the character of the Irish people, 
 and " covers a multitude of sins." They may be riotous in 
 their adopted country, and troublesome to those who exercise 
 authority, though this strong natural affection, under wise 
 counsels, ought to make them valuable, where they are now 
 deemed mischievous citizens. The tenacity of their attach 
 ment to their native land, and their warm affection to their 
 relatives, cannot fail to command our highest admiration. 
 
 I have frequently been told in America, and also in England, 
 of the rudeness of servants at the American hotels. Of that 
 rudeness I saw nothing during the time I was in the country, 
 and not once in that time had I the slightest cause to com 
 plain of incivility or negligence. On the contrary, I was 
 much pleased with the prompt attention which I generally 
 saw paid to the guests. That was the more remarkable, as 
 the gratuities paid them are generally small. 
 
 But in America, servants will not submit to be bullied by 
 gentlemen, or snubbed by ladies, as they have sometimes to 
 do in England. The greater equality among all classes 
 prevents arrogance on the one hand, and servility on the other ; 
 and where servants in America are treated with civility and 
 consideration, I have reason to believe that they are respectful 
 and obedient. 
 
 As a curious fact, it may here be mentioned, that, of the 
 Irish who are in America, a great many cease to be Roman 
 Catholics after they have been a few years in the country; 
 and of the second generation scarcely any adhere to the reli 
 gion of their fathers. This statement is borne out by the 
 Census. In 1850, there was church accommodation in the 
 
158 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 States for 14,234,825 people, out of a population of 19,987,571 
 whites, being a proportion of 71 percent; but though the 
 Irish and French population, and others from Catholic coun 
 tries amounted to upwards of 1,020,000, (making no account 
 of the native born Catholics), there was accommodation in 
 the Catholic Church for only 667,823 people, or 65 per cent. 
 The children of immigrants born in the States, are put down 
 as native Americans, and, therefore, are not included in the 
 number given above. But until they arrive at years of 
 discretion, they are under parental control, and imbibe the 
 religious opinions of their parents, or at all events, in early 
 life, attend on the same religious ordinances. If, therefore, 
 church accommodation were provided in the States for the 
 proper proportion of Irish, French, and other immigrants from 
 Catholic countries, for their children born in the country, but 
 still under parental authorit} r , and for native born Catholics, 
 not the children of immigrants, that accommodation, instead 
 of being for 65 per cent, of the immigrants alone, would be 
 sufficient for much more than their entire number. I am 
 persuaded, therefore, that in America, the Catholic religion 
 does not flourish ; and that the freedom of the other institu 
 tions of the country, and the openness of discussion, are 
 adverse to the influence of the priesthood. I believe that the 
 same result is favoured by the equality which is enjoyed by 
 the Catholics, in common with all other religious bodies. 
 Perhaps, at some not distant day, this truth will be recognised 
 and acted upon in Ireland. 
 
 I do not know anything in which the Americans so much 
 surpass us, as the cheapness with which they can travel from 
 place to place, and the small cost at which they can convey 
 their produce and other commodities from the interior to the 
 sea-board, or from the sea-board to the interior. This cheap 
 ness is of great advantage in America indeed it is almost a 
 necessity. It has been produced partly by natural advantages, 
 and partly by the enterprise of the people. 
 
IN AMERICA. 159" 
 
 The American people love to move about, and they think 
 nothing of travelling a few hundred miles, night and day, if 
 necessary. The long distances which intervene between 
 different parts of the country, render it desirable that they 
 should be able to accomplish this at a moderate, if possible, 
 at a cheap rate. Still more do the immense quantities of bulky 
 and heavy produce which they have in the interior, require a 
 cheap means of transport to the sea coast. The numerous- 
 large rivers in the country formed the first cheap highways- 
 These were supplanted by canals, and now both are in course- 
 of being superseded by railways. 
 
 The love of travelling in the States forms almost a part of 
 the national character, and cheap conveyance is universal. 
 Whether the restlessness of the people, and their love of 
 change produced cheap travelling, or were induced by that 
 cheapness, it would be difficult to say. Probably the one 
 favoured the other. 
 
 The average charge per mile on railways in America, is* 
 from two to three cents, or not much more than half that in 
 Great Britain. On the rivers, it is very much less, and more 
 variable. The following are the charges for some of the dis 
 tances in the States. Where through-tickets are taken, th& 
 charge is less than if tickets be taken at the beginning of each 
 line. 
 
 Miles. Dollars. 
 
 Boston to New York 236 ... 5 
 
 New York to Buffalo 448 ... 7 
 
 New York to Philadelphia 87 ... 3 
 
 Philadelphia to Washington 137 . . . 4.35- 
 
 Baltimore to Cincinnati 689 . . . 14 
 
 New York to Wilmington COO ... 17 
 
 Charleston to Montgomery 483 ... 18 
 
 Montgomery to Mobile (steam-boat) . . . 400 ... 10 
 New Orleans to Louisville (steam-b oat) . .1,500 . . . 30- 
 
 The fares on steam boats include meals. * 
 
160 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The rates of transportation on some of the railways and 
 water lines for a ton of 2,000 Ibs., are 
 
 Mills per Mile. 
 
 New York and Erie Railway . 24 
 
 Hudson River Railway 31 
 
 New York Central Railway 34 
 
 Boston and Albany Railway 23 
 
 Philadelphia Railway 35 
 
 Baltimore and Ohio Railway 30 
 
 Hudson River 7 
 
 Ohio River 8 
 
 Mississippi River (Lower) G 
 
 (Upper) 9 
 
 St. Lawrence River and Canals . . . , . 6 
 
 Erie Canal 11 
 
 Ohio Canal 10 
 
 Western Lakes (short voyage) 10 
 
 (long voyage) 5 
 
 The expense of travelling in the States, as will be seen, is 
 very much less than in England, but the rate at which goods 
 are conveyed is still more surprising. 
 
 This cheapness is owing to the immense traffic on all those 
 lines or routes, both of passengers and goods, and to the 
 cheapness with which the canals and railways have been 
 constructed. 
 
 In Great Britain, there are nearly 800 miles of railway, the 
 average cost of which has been between 30,000 and 40,000 
 per mile. In the United States, in 1854, there were 21,5*28 
 miles completed, the average cost of which was under $ 30,000 
 per mile. In the South and West the average cost per mile 
 was under -$20,000. 
 
 While, therefore, from the extent of the country, and in 
 many districts from the sparseness of the population, the 
 American lines are of great length, and carried through wide 
 and almost uninhabited regions ; yet, from the cheapness with 
 which they have been constructed, their fares are low com 
 pared with those in England. 
 
IN AMERICA. 161 
 
 And yet, with respect to the cheapness of their construction, 
 in some points the Americans have been less favourably situa 
 ted than we. Labour with them has been scarce and dear. 
 Iron has also been much more costly than in England. In other 
 respects they have had an advantage. At an early period, the 
 American people, as well as their government, saw the bene 
 fits their country would derive from numerous lines of railways, 
 and therefore all parties conspired to favour their extension, 
 and contrived means to carry out their views. The govern 
 ment has frequently given land gratuitously, or at a nominal 
 price for the construction of some of the lines more 
 especially in the "West. On the East coast, proprietors of 
 land have offered at a low price what the Railway Companies 
 required, and have striven to obtain a preference, well aware 
 that, even if they gave their land for nothing, the transaction 
 would be profitable in the end, because of the benefit the 
 other portions of their property would derive, from being 
 brought near to the line of railway, and from having easy access 
 .to market. 
 
 With, therefore, abundance of cheap land, with no expense 
 attending preliminary arrangements, with cheap timber for 
 sleepers, and with economical methods of construction, the 
 American lines have been completed at a cost of not much 
 more than a sixth of those of this country. 
 
 In Great Britain, matters have been quite reversed. The 
 first lines were contrived and constructed amid opposition. 
 Landowners, selfish and short-sighted, were unrelenting in 
 their hostility, and thought only of their parks and pleasure 
 grounds, and the injury they would sustain by the innovation 
 on the old roads, and on the old methods of travelling, Huck 
 sters in fact, though gentlemen by profession, they could not 
 extort too much money from the Railway Companies for the 
 sacrifices they fancied they were compelled to make by the sale 
 of their land. Many of them, of dull apprehension, never 
 could understand that their property would be improved, and its 
 
162 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 value increased by the facilities which the railways afforded for 
 carrying their country produce to market. 
 
 Again, the legal and parliamentary expenses have been 
 very large ; and, in many cases, before the necessary acts of 
 parliament have been obtained, the expenses have been quite 
 monstrous. 
 
 These obstacles have seriously hindered the progress of 
 railways in England, and have added a large per centage to- 
 their cost. This is of course a tax upon the public, who must 
 pay in their fares and for the carriage of their goods, a 
 charge sufficient to meet the usual rate of interest on the total 
 outlay of capital. 
 
 At the beginning of 1855, the number of lines in the 
 States were 
 
 271 lines completed. 
 
 174 in course of construction. 
 
 445 lines. 
 
 Full particulars of these lines are given in the appendix. 
 
 We frequently hear of the number of accidents on the 
 American railways, and of the consequent sacrifice of life. 
 Those accidents are attributed to reckless management, 
 defective machinery, and imperfectly constructed lines. I 
 think these reports are somewhat exaggerated, as the follow 
 ing details will shew. 
 
 On twenty of the lines in the state of New York, the 
 total number of passengers conveyed during the year 1853, 
 
 Was 8,174,363 
 
 The number of miles travelled was 397,272,298* 
 The number of passengers & servants] 
 
 of the Company who were injured j- 209 
 
 by Accidents, was j 
 
 Of whom there were killed .... 137 
 
 * The total number of passengers on all the railways in Great Britain and 
 Ireland during the first six months of 1854, was 50,307,404, and the mileage which 
 they travelled, was 704,918,958. Parliamentary Paper. 
 
JX AMEEICA. 1(53 
 
 Of the 209 who were injured, 74 were from being 
 exposed on the line, and 19 from jumping off the train. 
 This statement, I think, will compare not unfavourably with 
 the results on some of the lines in Great Britain. 
 
 It is probable that in New York and in the New England 
 States, there may be fewer accidents than in those states 
 which are less settled, and where the lines may not be so well 
 constructed and managed. In the latter, however, I invariably 
 found that the rate of travelling was much slower than in the 
 North. 
 
 Many of the lines have only single tracks. This is generally 
 the case where the intervals from place to place are wide, 
 where the population is scanty, and where the quantity of 
 goods to be carried is small. Some of those lines, where 
 running through uncultivated regions, and over a level surface, 
 have been constructed at a very small cost. This applies to 
 many of the lines in the South and West. On other lines, 
 the works are of great magnitude, and have been constructed 
 at much cost. Some of those works may be seen in the lines 
 connecting the East coast with the West, and with the Ohio 
 ralley. 
 
 The reference I have already made to the railways in the 
 state of New York and others on the East coast, will shew 
 the advantages which have been derived from their introduction 
 into the Union, and the necessity there is for their yet further 
 extension. In other parts of the Union they are of pro 
 portionate utility. 
 
 There are about 4,000 miles of canals in the States, some 
 of which have been constructed at considerable cost. Most 
 of them particularly those in the states of New York, 
 Indiana, and Illinois have been eminently successful, and 
 have almost revolutionized the industrial pursuits of the 
 districts through which they pass. 
 
 Subsidiary to railways and canals, plank roads are in use 
 
164 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 more or less throughout the States. In the Northern states, 
 the frosts of winter cut up the roads, as we sometimes see done 
 in England, but in a greater degree, from the greater severity 
 of an American winter; and from the length of those roads, 
 and in many places, from the thinness of the population, 
 there is great expense to individuals in making them, and in 
 keeping them in repair. Plank roads, once constructed, 
 require little attention for several years ; and from their 
 firmness, and the evenness of their surface, they are a great 
 saving of animal labour, for beasts of burden can draw twice 
 the weight upon them, that they can do on a macadamised 
 road. They are not less adapted to the South, where they 
 are often carried for long distances, and over swampy grounds, 
 where ordinary roads could not be formed except at great 
 expense. 
 
 The advantages claimed for them are, that they are cheaply 
 constructed, that they are easily kept in repair, and that cost 
 of carriage on them is small. 
 
 The cost of their construction varies from $1,000 to $2,400 
 per mile, but $1,500 may be considered as an average. This 
 cheapness renders their introduction into the country very 
 general; and the advantages they thus offer farmers and 
 planters in the interior, for sending their produce to market, 
 cannot be over-estimated. 
 
 When completed, they require almost no repair for ten or 
 twelve years. The width of the road is sometimes eight feet, 
 and in other cases, with double track, sixteen feet. 
 
 Though the introduction of the telegraph into use is of a 
 very recent date, yet it has been already extended over the 
 Union. Its usefulness in a country of such extent, with a 
 widely scattered population, is very evident, and the Americans 
 seem to have discovered its advantages on its first introduction. 
 The commercial and political character of the American 
 people, has brought it into use in connection with the press 
 
IN AMERICA. 165 
 
 to an extent that can scarcely be conceived in Europe. As 
 soon as an English steamer arrives at Halifax, or at New York 
 the intelligence she brings from Europe is telegraphed all 
 over the States. New editions of the newspapers are at once 
 issued, and prices of grain at Buffalo and Chicago, of pro 
 visions and corn at Cincinnati and St. Louis, and of cotton 
 at New Orleans, are immediately regulated by the European 
 advices, t If in any part of the country there be a political or 
 other meeting of importance, an account of its proceedings is 
 conveyed to all the other cities as soon as the meeting is over. 
 When those meetings are on the East coast, the Western 
 citizens frequently have the information, according to their 
 time, before the meeting has been held. 
 
 In some of the cities, wires connect one part with another, 
 and are very serviceable in cases of fire. 
 
 In 1853, the entire extent of lines in operation was 23,275 
 miles. Of these, there were on the 
 
 Morse System 18,863 miles. 
 
 House 2,400 
 
 Bain 2,012 
 
 In no case are there more than three wires to a line. The 
 cost of construction averages $150 per mile. 
 
 The first line was established in 1837, between Baltimore 
 and Washington, at the expense of the government, and at a 
 cost of $30,000. At first it transmitted only seven words 
 per minute, and now, messages are sent at the rate of 200 
 words in that time. 
 
 The greatest distance traversed by a single wire is from 
 New York to New Orleans, being a distance of 1,966 miles. 
 
 The newspaper press gives most employment to the tele 
 graph and it is estimated that it pays it $150,000 per 
 annum. 
 
166 
 
 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 COMMERCE OF THE STATES SHIPPING LIMITED LIABILITY IN PARTNER 
 SHIP IMMIGRATION. 
 
 In the preceding pages, I have taken notice of the com 
 merce of some of the leading ports of the Union, but it may 
 not be out of place to give here a few particulars of the entire 
 foreign trade of the Republic, and to show the progress it has 
 made in recent years. This is shown briefly in the following 
 statement : 
 
 I 
 
 1821 
 
 Popu 
 lation. 
 
 Tonnage 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Consumed 
 and 
 on hand. 
 
 Consumption 
 per head. 
 
 Exports 
 including 
 Specie. 
 
 Exports 
 of 
 domestic 
 produce. 
 
 *1 
 
 1! 
 
 
 
 9,900,974 
 
 1,298,958 
 
 62,585,724 
 
 41,283,236 
 
 4.14 
 
 64,974,382 
 
 43,671,894 
 
 4.38 
 
 1831 
 
 13,286,364 
 
 1,267,847 
 
 103,191,124 
 
 83,157,598 
 
 6.25 
 
 81,310,583 
 
 59,218,583 
 
 4.46 
 
 1841 
 
 17,612,507 
 
 2,130,744 
 
 127,946,177 
 
 112,477,096 
 
 6.38 
 
 121,851,803 
 
 103,636,23f) 
 
 5.88 
 
 1851 24,250,000 3,772,439 
 185325,000,0004,407,010 
 
 216,224,932 
 267,978,647 
 
 194,526,639 
 250,944,094 
 
 8.02 
 10.00 
 
 218,388,011 
 230,452,250 
 
 178,620,138 
 189,869,162 
 
 7.36 
 
 7.59 
 
 1854 
 
 4,802,902 
 
 305,780,253 
 
 
 
 278,241,064 
 
 215,157,504 
 
 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 167 
 
 The value of some of the imports was as follows : 
 
 
 1844. 
 
 1848. 
 
 1853. 
 
 1854. 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Of Woollens . . . 
 
 9,408,279 
 
 15,061,102 
 
 27,439,904 
 
 35,204,779 
 
 Cottons . . . 
 
 13,236,830 
 
 17,205,417 
 
 26,661,830 
 
 34,834,033 
 
 Silks .... 
 
 .... 
 
 17,355,259 
 
 33,038,735 
 
 37,400,205 
 
 Linens. . . . 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 10,623,891 
 
 11,482,236 
 
 Hempen Goods 
 
 865,427 
 
 606,900 
 
 479,171 
 
 .... 
 
 Iron & its manu 
 
 
 
 
 
 factures . . 
 
 2,395,760 
 
 7,060,470 
 
 27,015,364 
 
 28,288,241 
 
 Sugar .... 
 
 6,897,245 
 
 8,775,223 
 
 14,987,776 
 
 11,604,656 
 
 Hemp unmanu 
 
 
 
 
 
 factured . . 
 
 261,913 
 
 180,335 
 
 329,122 
 
 335,632 
 
 Salt .... 
 
 892,112 
 
 1,027,656 
 
 1,059,432 
 
 1,290,975 
 
 oal .... 
 
 203,681 
 
 426,997 
 
 490,010 
 
 585,926 
 
 Wares .... 
 
 .... 
 
 2,599,546 
 
 3,590,175 
 
 .... 
 
 Haw hides and 
 
 
 
 
 
 skins . . . 
 
 .... 
 
 4,262,069 
 
 5,919,39J 
 
 .... 
 
 Spirits .... 
 
 .... 
 
 1,686,977 
 
 4,913,290 
 
 .... 
 
 Tobacco . . . 
 
 .... 
 
 1,778,236 
 
 4,175,238 
 
 .... 
 
 Of the imports of 1853, the value of those from 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Great Britain was ....... 130,265,310 
 
 France 33,455,942 
 
 Cuba 18,585,755 
 
 Brazil 14,817,961 
 
 Hanse Towns 13,843,455 
 
 China^. 10,573,710 
 
 Canada & British American Colonies . 7,550,718 
 
 Other countries 38,885,796 
 
 267,978,647 
 
168 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The value of some of the articles exported from this country 
 to America, in 1848 and 1853, was, of 
 
 Duty paid ad vol. 1848. 1853. 
 
 Iron, wrought at " 
 including unwrought 
 
 20 \ 
 
 Cotton manufactures & yarn . 25 I 1,713,024 4,273,464 
 
 30 J 
 
 Linen manufactures .... 20 919,957 2,213,818 
 
 Woollen ... "1 3,731,310 3,756,873 
 
 dO j 
 
 20 1 
 
 Apparel &c. ...... 71 " [ 328,705 1,319,197 
 
 d(J / 
 
 Tin plates 15 364,059 932,420 
 
 Silk manufactures .... " } 218,033 559,391 
 
 dO J 
 
 Sundries 1,632,514 3,889,375 
 
 9,564,909 23,658,427 
 
 The exports from the States, of articles of domestic growth 
 and manufacture were 
 
 Dollars. Dollars. Dollars 
 
 1849. 1853. 1854. 
 
 Of produce of the sea . 2,547,650. 3,279,413 . 3,044,301 
 
 forest . 5,917,994 . 7,915,259 . 11,646,571 
 agriculture 13,153,302 . 9,570,327 \ 6Q 5Q2 5g . 
 
 Vegetable food . . . 25,64^,362 . 23,793,388) 
 
 Cotton 66,396,967 . 109,456,404 . 93,596,220 
 
 Tobacco 5,804,207 . 11,319,319 . 10,016,04$ 
 
 Cotton goods . . . ; 4,933,129 . 8,768,894 } ^Q i 9 503 
 
 Sundry manufactures . 7,309,968. 1 5,754,285 J ? 
 
 Specie ...... 961,376 . 23,560,408 . 38,062,570 
 
 132,666,955 213,417,697 252,047,806 
 
 From January 1st to December 31st, the exports of 
 Breadstuff s 
 
 Dollars. 
 In 1847, were 26,312,431 bushels, . value, 32,183,161 
 
 1852, 18,680,686 . 14,424,352 
 
 1853, 22,379,126 . 22,687,200 
 
IN AMERICA. 169f 
 
 In 1853, the exports of grain of all kinds from America, 
 were larger than in any previous year, except in 1847,, 
 Nearly all this large quantity, was brought to Europe, to 
 supply the deficiency caused by the inferior harvest of that 
 year, and of that quantity by far the larger portion was 
 brought to Great Britain. 
 
 In the three years 1847, 1850, and 1853, we received from, 
 the United States 
 
 1847. 1850. 1853. 
 
 Of Wheat, . . in qrs. 42:3,819 . 100,699 . 713,182 
 
 Grain of other kinds 2,039,853 . 538,941 . 231,228 
 
 Meal & Flour-Wheat cwts. 4,396,131 .1,527,158 .3,043,107 
 
 Ditto other kinds 1,419,532 . 17,319 . 15,634 
 
 Total Grain & Meal, in qrs. 4,288,239 . 1,082,755 . 1,821,484 
 
 In those years, the total imports into Great Britain, of all 
 kinds of grain, from all quarters, were, 
 
 Imperial Qrs. 
 
 In 1847. . 11,912,864 or 36 per cent from the United States 
 
 1850.. 9,019,590 12 
 
 1853.. 10,173,135 18 
 
 thus shewing that the supply of grain from America, is in 
 reality a very moderate portion of our entire imports. 
 
 Of the entire exports from the States in 1853, the value of 
 those sent to different countries, was 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 To Great Britain 121,302,271 
 
 France 26,571,784 
 
 Hanse Towns 8,020,053 
 
 Canada & North American Colonies . . 13,140,642 
 
 Cuha 6,287,959 
 
 Spain 4,604,998 
 
 Australia 4,287,002 
 
 British West Indies 4,162,608 
 
 Brazil 3,994,444 
 
 China 3,736,992 
 
 Other countries 34,343,497 
 
 230,452,250 
 
170 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The value of the total exports from Great Britain in 1852 
 and 1853, and the value of those to the United States in 
 the same years, were, 
 
 Total Exports. Exports to the United States. 
 
 In 1853 . 78,076,854 . . . 16,567,737 . 21 per cent 
 1853 . 98,933,781 . . . 23,658,427 . 24 per cent 
 
 Of the entire American foreign commerce, about one half 
 is carried 011 direct to Great Britain ; and including our 
 colonies, we receive sixty-three per cent, of the American 
 exports, and supply fifty-three per cent, of her imports. 
 
 In 1853, the value of the trade carried on between the 
 two countries, including the colonies of Great Britain, was 
 $288,695,714. I may venture to say, that no other 
 two countries in the world, ever carried on such a gigantic 
 commerce. 
 
 While in America, I frequently heard in conversation, and 
 sometimes saw in print, comments upon the " grasping com 
 mercial spirit of England." Let us enquire in which of 
 the two countries commercial legislation is the more liberal 
 and enlightened. 
 
 On all the imports into the United States from Great 
 Britain, a duty is charged of from twenty to thirty per cent., 
 ad. vol., while all the imports into Great Britain from the 
 States may be said to be admitted free, except tobacco, on 
 which a large duty is levied, not for protective purposes, 
 but for revenue. But the cultivation of tobacco is prohibited 
 in Great Britain, and, therefore, the American producer 
 meets no unfair competition in our market. 
 
 Often have I been amused at the self-complacent tone used 
 by some American writers, when referring to the commerce 
 existing between the two countries. They inform their 
 readers that Great Britain cannot do without their raw 
 material, their cotton, grain, provisions, and other articles 
 
IN AMERICA. 171 
 
 and that, on the other hand, they afford us the best market 
 we have for the sale of our manufactures. We are debtors 
 to them for the supply they send us of raw material, and 
 debtors, also, to them, for buying our manufactures. It 
 would be too much condescension to admit that the obligation 
 is mutual, that in trade there is no favour, and that it is 
 carried on by both nations for the advantage of their respective 
 interests. Happily, the people reason and act with more 
 impartiality and with more common sense. 
 
 Be that as it may, it may be asserted that this immense 
 traffic, and the intercourse it promotes, are of the utmost ad 
 vantage to both countries, and by their extension, the friendly 
 relations existing between them will be strengthened and 
 secured. That this commerce is capable of much extension 
 scarcely admits of a doubt. Our demand for cotton, and other 
 fibrous substances, increases more rapidly than the supply. 
 Our import of breadstuffs and provisions is also increasing 
 on the average of years, while towards our supplies of 
 grain, America contributes but a moderate per centage. On 
 the other hand, as more liberal commercial views prevail 
 among the Americans and they are spreading widely every 
 year it will be found that this country can supply them 
 with manufactured goods, at a cheaper rate, and of a better 
 quality than, in the present condition of their country, they 
 can manufacture for themselves. Even those manfacturers 
 who now profit by protection, will find that by the adoption 
 of a liberal policy, capital will be released from branches 
 of industry, profitable now, only because protected, and 
 will be invested in other pursuits, more natural, more 
 profitable to those interested, and more beneficial to the nation 
 at large. 
 
 The shipping interests of the States have been very flour 
 ishing of late years, and their tonnage has increased more 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 largely than that of any other country. Compared with that 
 of Great Britain, it was 
 
 United States. Great Britain exclusive 
 
 of the colonies. 
 
 In 1821 . . 1,298,959 tons 
 1841. . .2,130,744 
 
 1849 . . 3,334,015 3,096,342 tons 
 
 1853. . .4,407,010 3,730,087 
 
 In the latter year, the tonnage of the States was 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Of Registered vessels employed in foreign trade 2,103,675 
 
 Enrolled, employed in coasting trade . . . 2,134,258 
 
 cod and mackerel fisheries .... 169,077 
 
 4,407,010 
 
 In the same year, the entrances and clearances at all the 
 ports of the United States were 
 
 ENTRANCES. CLEARANCES. 
 
 Tons. Tons. 
 
 United States . . . 3,235,522 .... 3,230,590 
 Foreign 2,057,358 .... 2,047,575 
 
 Total .... 5,292,880 .... 5,278,165 
 and at all the ports of the United Kingdom* 
 
 ENTRANCES. CLEARANCES. 
 
 Tons. Tons. 
 
 British 4,513,207 .... 4,551,498 
 
 Foreign 3,284,343 .... 3,032,113 
 
 Total .... 7,797,550 7,583,611 
 
 The American exports, being almost entirely of raw produce, 
 are heavy and bulky in proportion to their value, and require 
 a large marine to convey them to foreign and distant markets. 
 
 * In 1854 the entrances were 7,899,742 tons, and the clearances 7,870,536- 
 tons. Parliamentary Paper. 
 
IN AMERICA. 173 
 
 The tonnage belonging to each state in 1853, was, to 
 
 Tons. 
 
 New York 1,294,462 
 
 Massachusets 850,281 
 
 Maine 622,426 
 
 Pennsylvania 338,734 
 
 Maryland 206,086 
 
 Louisiana 156,275 
 
 Connecticut 132,141 
 
 California 104,209 
 
 Other States . 702,396 
 
 4,407,010 
 And the number of vessels built in the States in 1853, was 
 
 No. Tonnage, 
 
 In Maine 350 .... 118,916 
 
 New York .... 289 83,224 
 
 Massachusets . . 205 .... 83,015 
 
 Pennsylvania ... 191 31,539 
 
 Maryland .... 122 .... 1(5,901 
 
 Other States ... 554 91,977 
 
 ] ,711 425,572 
 
 From the latter statement it will be observed, that Maine 
 is the principal ship-building state in the Union, although 
 many of her ships are afterwards sold to merchants residing 
 in the other states. 
 
 While at New Orleans, I found that American ships were 
 in greater favour with merchants, and commanded higher 
 freights than British and Colonial vessels. This information 
 was afterwards confirmed in other parts of the Union. 
 
 After some enquiry, I learned that this lower classification 
 arose, in the case of the Colonial ships, from their not being 
 so well built as the American, and because, generally, 
 Colonial and British ships are considered to be indifferently 
 commanded. 
 
174 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Ships sent from England are as well built, and of as good 
 models as those built in the States, and those belonging to the 
 Colonies, are of as good models as American ships, but built 
 of inferior timber, the timber of Virginia being of better 
 quality for some parts of a vessel, than that grown in Canada. 
 But the great drawback to the British and Colonial ships 
 arises from their being in general commanded by men who are 
 without proper qualifications, and in whose management of 
 the ships, when at sea, shippers have not entire confidence. 
 
 American shipowners, out of regard to their own interest, 
 know, that to secure the confidence of merchants, it is 
 necessary that their ships should make as quick passages as is 
 consistent with a due regard to their safety, and that they 
 should deliver their cargoes in good condition. To attain those 
 ends, they must not only provide good ships, but those ships 
 must be under good management, and that again can be 
 obtained only by the employment and liberal payment of men 
 of education and intelligence. Liberal remuneration secures 
 men with proper qualifications, and, therefore, masters of 
 American ships receive incomes varying from 1,500 dollars to 
 5,000 dollars per annum. These sums are paid either by 
 fixed salary, or part in that manner, and the other part by the 
 primage on the freights. In addition to this, many ship 
 owners in America desire that the masters of their ships should 
 have a share in the ownership of the vessel under their com 
 mand, and to encourage this arrangement, they frequently 
 advance the money necessary to enable them to make the 
 purchase. So far is this carried that, if I am not misinformed, 
 the captains of the Collins steamers received their appoint 
 ments on condition that each of them should own a share 
 in the steamer under his command. 
 
 This liberal income, which is frequently more than is 
 enjoyed by the captains of our men-of-war, attracts men of 
 education to the American merchant marine service. These 
 men are as much merchants as their employers, and under- 
 
IN AMERICA. 175 
 
 stand their business as well. They engage their own freights, 
 superintend the loading and unloading of their own ships, 
 take care to keep their cargoes in good condition at sea, lose 
 no time in port, and from their skill in navigation, contrive 
 to make quick passages. While, therefore, the owners go to 
 great expense at the outset, the expenditure is economical 
 in the end. 
 
 The wages paid to masters of British ships trading between 
 Liverpool and America, vary from 8 to 10 per month ! To 
 those sailing to other parts of the world I am not very well 
 informed what is paid, but I believe that the sums mentioned 
 are about what is paid to those trading to European ports, while 
 with those sailing to India, China, and Australia, more liberal 
 engagements may be made. This paltry income is no attrac 
 tion to men of education and skill. In consequence, many of 
 the best men in the English merchant service find their way 
 into the American, where they receive good encouragement ; 
 while the ignorant and the dissipated are alone content with 
 their position. Many of the latter, when they have to take 
 an observation at sea, are entirely ignorant of the nature of 
 the operation, and they seem to find their way from port to 
 port by accident, rather than by skilful sailing. Some of them 
 are drunken and disorderly, and I have known several instances 
 in which they have been taken on board their ships as they were 
 about to go out of port, in a condition very unfit for the discharge 
 of their duties. What can be expected under such manage 
 ment? The ships make long passages, a loss to their 
 owners they meet with accidents, cargoes are damaged, 
 and insurance is effected at high rates. The consequence 
 is, that merchants refuse to ship their goods by such vessels, 
 when they can ship them in American bottoms, even at a 
 slightly higher rate of freight. 
 
 Of the qualifications of the masters of British ships, no 
 one is better informed than the owners, and therefore they 
 give them no authority except to command the ship when at 
 
176 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 sea. At a foreign port the ship is generally consigned to a 
 correspondent, and on her arrival, the authority of the master 
 is at an end. The ship is discharged and again loaded by 
 the orders of the consignee, and not unfrequently, even the 
 articles required for the use of the ship and the crew are 
 purchased under the same direction. The master may give 
 an opinion, but only as it were on sufferance, and it is only 
 when the ship goes out of port that his authority revives. 
 
 A few years ago, clipper ships were in high favour in the 
 States, but of late years they have declined in the estimation 
 of owners and merchants, and fewer of them, particularly of 
 a sharp build, are now constructed. This arises from their 
 being more liable to receive injury than other vessels, from 
 their carrying less freight, and from their cargoes being 
 more liable to receive damage. 
 
 In severe weather at sea, when under press of sail, their 
 timbers are more liable to be strained, and as this makes them 
 leaky, the cargoes are often much damaged. It is estimated 
 that, on an average, cargoes are thus damaged forty per cent, 
 more than when on a vessel of the ordinary build. On this 
 account, insurance on ship and cargo is generally somewhat 
 higher. 
 
 The amount of freight they carry is much less than ordi 
 nary ships, and, where of very sharp build, I was informed 
 they could not carry more freight than half that of another 
 ship of ordinary build, of the same tonnage. 
 
 These disadvantages, on an ordinary voyage, can scarcely 
 be counterbalanced by any gain in speed. A clipper ship 
 may cross the Atlantic in from three to six days shorter time 
 than a ship of the usual build, but that is not sufficient 
 compensation for the drawbacks just named. The voyages 
 on which they can be employed most advantageously are, 
 those to India, China, California, and Australia ; but even to 
 those countries, it is now found to be more generally profi 
 table to send ships of a medium build. 
 
IN AMERICA. 177 
 
 In the States, a law is in operation whereby three-fourths 
 of the crews of all American ships leaving port, must be 
 citizens native born, or naturalised foreigners. This law 
 is evaded daily, and by almost every shipowner, and it 
 is estimated that not more than a fourth of the crews are 
 citizens. To become naturalised, a foreigner must intimate 
 his intention of becoming a citizen, and afterwards reside five 
 years in the country. Sailors do not however trouble them 
 selves to comply with this regulation, which, probably, they 
 do not understand. At the Custom Houses, therefore, it is 
 customary to grant " protection papers " to any of the 
 sailors, on the representation of the owners of the ships, that 
 they have been five years in the country. Those papers may 
 not be obtained under false pretences though that is some 
 times somewhat doubtful as merchants are frequently 
 deceived by those who make application for them; but once 
 issued, they are freely transferred from hand to hand, and are 
 often held by men who may not have been two weeks in the 
 country. They are to be bought at the docks of most of the 
 seaports, at the small charge of twenty-five cents and upwards. 
 
 The wages of seamen are about $17 or $18 per month. 
 
 A very large number I believe the larger number of 
 sailors in the American marine service are from Great Britain, 
 but they are ranked as foreigners, and no exceptions are made 
 in their favour. In the British merchant service, American 
 sailors are put on the same footing as Englishmen. 
 
 I have already adverted to a term of frequent use among 
 American writers, when referring to English commerce. That 
 term is not used merely by papers like the " Herald," but by 
 others of respectability, and the advocates of liberal views. An 
 editor of one of the New York papers, who used it frequently, 
 admitted to me, after some little bantering, that he knew it 
 was misapplied, but still it was useful for " Buncombe." 
 
 To test the fairness of the application of the term, I shall 
 refer to the commercial spirit of the two countries, as seen in. 
 
 N 
 
178 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 their legislation on commercial subjects, and it will then be 
 seen which is the more " grasping." 
 
 In a preceding page, I have contrasted the terms on which 
 England admits into her ports the raw material of the States, 
 with those on which the latter admit our manufactures. ID 
 our mercantile marine service, we admit American sailors as 
 natives, but in the American service, Englishmen are received 
 as foreigners. On a little examination it will also bo 
 found, that our navigation laws are more liberal than the 
 American. 
 
 American ships can trade to England, and to our colonies, 
 on the same footing as our own ships. They can also carry 
 between the colonies and the mother country, or from colony 
 to colony ; and now even our coasting trade is thrown open to 
 the enterprise of the owners, and they are at liberty to trade 
 between Liverpool and London, or between any other ports. 
 
 In America, there is much more exclusiveness, and not 
 only are our ships prevented from trading between port and 
 port, between New York and Boston, or New Orleans, but 
 also between any of those ports and California, a distance ot 1 
 several thousand miles. 
 
 As is very generally known, the law of limited liability in 
 partnership, prevails throughout America. There may be 
 some difference in the details of the law in each state, but in 
 all of them the general principles are the same. 
 
 From Mr. Dilke s report, it will be seen that, in the city of 
 New York, there has been an annual increase of the number 
 of partnerships formed on this principle. It may, therefore, 
 be inferred, that the principle is popular, and that it has been 
 found suitable to the exigencies of the country. That it 
 encourages fraud or speculation, there is no reason to believe. 
 Recently, as with ourselves, at intervals, there has been much 
 speculation in railways and land, and much general over-trading, 
 in the Union, but I have not heard it stated that injudicious 
 
IX AMERICA. 179 
 
 operations have been encouraged by the state of the law of 
 partnership. 
 
 The proposed introduction into this country of a law some 
 what similar to what prevails in America, has recently created 
 discussion among commercial men ; and, at the present moment, 
 there is every reason to believe, that this consideration of the 
 subject will lead, at an early day, to a modification of the law 
 of partnership, in favour of the principle of limited liability. 
 
 The opponents of any change in the law argue that any 
 relaxation or change would encourage fraud, and injure credit; 
 and they also add, that capital is now abundant for all the 
 legitimate purposes of commerce. As the working of the law 
 is quite unknown in this country, it can scarcely be deemed 
 presumptuous, to characterise the first two arguments as mere 
 conjectures. 
 
 To argue that the proposed change would favour fraud, is 
 to assume in two words, that mercantile men are all rogues or 
 fools, that one half of them desire to cheat, and that the other 
 half are simple enough to allow themselves to be cheated, 
 that they cannot manage their own affairs on the one hand 
 without the control, and on the other without the protection 
 of government. 
 
 It would be a sorry, though a true reply to this argument, 
 to say, that mercantile men are as honourable in their dealings 
 as any other class. This would be called mere assertion. 
 But it may, perhaps, be admitted, that all honour has not left 
 the trading community, when I state as a fact, that nearly the 
 whole of the trade of Manchester is conducted without writ 
 ten agreement, and that on the Manchester Exchange, pur 
 chases are made, to the amount of considerably more than a 
 million sterling per week, without written contract ; and yet, 
 the repudiation of any of those transactions is an act quite 
 unknown. Nor is this fair dealing confined to Manchester ; 
 for I am not aware that business is conducted there with more 
 honesty than in any other town in the kingdom. Be it 
 
180 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 observed, that this fair dealing is not a consequence of any 
 particular law, and let it be granted, for argument s sake, that 
 it proceeds, not from honesty or honour, but from motives of 
 self-interest, those same motives, in any state of the law, would 
 preserve the same integrity among the merchants of the 
 country. 
 
 Nor is there a simple class of mercantile men who are 
 always exposing themselves to be cheated, and who, to prevent 
 that, require the protection of the law. Apart altogether 
 from the consideration, I may say the principle, that it is not 
 the duty of government to interfere in mercantile transactions, 
 nor to stipulate the terms on which any two men shall trade 
 with each other, that interference cannot fail to be injurious 
 to all concerned, for every man understands, or ought to 
 understand his own affairs best, and can regulate them as he 
 may think to his own advantage, without the aid of govern 
 ment. Each man may be safely left to the management of 
 his own affairs, for at the worst, if he be incapable, no 
 protection which he can receive from the enactment of stringent 
 commercial laws, will protect him from ruin. 
 
 At present, no prudent merchant opens an account with a 
 new customer, without making some previous enquiry as to 
 his character and means. The information he receives is 
 frequently contradictory, and is generally founded on mere 
 surmise, for no one can do more than form an estimate of his 
 neighbour s position, and that estimate is very often erroneous. 
 But in a co-partnery with limited liability, the terms on which 
 the partnership would be formed being publicly registered, 
 the capital of that co-partnery would be known, and credit 
 would be granted upon full information. 
 
 Nor can it be argued that such co-partnery would enjoy less 
 credit than another having the same capital, but with unlimited 
 liability. The capital of the one is limited, as advertised, 
 and beyond that amount the monied partner, however rich, 
 is not liable. The capital of the other is limited also by 
 
IN AMERICA. 181 
 
 the extent of the monied partner s means. In the event of 
 insolvency, the creditors of the one are in no better position 
 than those of the other, for what matters it to any of them, 
 in a pecuniary point of view, that in one case the partners 
 are beggared, and that in the other, one, two, or more partners 
 are in that condition, while the monied partner still retains 
 a large capital, which his creditors well knew was never 
 invested in the insolvent co-partnery. t 
 
 That money is abundant in the country for all legitimate 
 purposes, may be granted. That it is almost too abundant, 
 is evidenced from the large amounts annually remitted to other 
 countries for investment ; but, with labour unemployed, and 
 profitable branches of industry neglected, does it not seem 
 probable that there is some obstacle opposed to the employ 
 ment of that capital at home ? Surely it would be better to 
 employ that labour, which, from the lowness of its wages, I 
 believe is plentiful in the rural districts, in improving our 
 system of agriculture, to mention this branch of industry 
 alone which it would not be inappropriate to characterise in 
 too many districts, by the term wretched than to send our 
 hard-earned capital abroad, to be invested in securities which 
 are no securities at all, w r here probably the interest, and for 
 certain the stock, is never redeemed, to support rotten 
 thrones, and strengthen hateful despotisms, and to maintain 
 people without public spirit, who are often indolent by nature, 
 and sometimes dishonest upon principle. Surely it is our 
 duty to leave no means untried, to give full employment at 
 home to the national capital, and through that to the labour 
 and enterprise of our people. Let us water well our own fields, 
 ere we strive to irrigate those of other and thankless nations. 
 The relaxation desired in our commercial laws would, in 
 the first place, benefit capitalists, and through them men of 
 ingenuity and skill, and afterwards the working classes. It 
 would enable monied men to distribute their capital among 
 various undertakings, of all of which they would be unable to 
 
182 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 take the oversight, but which would be under the manage 
 ment of men in whose discretion and integrity they would 
 have confidence to a reasonable amount, though not as they 
 would be by the present state of the law, to the full extent 
 of their fortunes. 
 
 At present, the value of much of the capital of monied men 
 is lost to the country. Its owners cannot employ it in 
 business, and hence it is allowed to accumulate in the hands 
 of bankers, or other capitalists. True enough, the largest 
 portion of those deposits are again loaned out to the indus 
 trious and enterprising among our own population, but large 
 sums are annually permitted to go abroad, in search of 
 those investments which, by the laws of the country, the 
 owners are unable to obtain at home. 
 
 The tide of immigration continues to flow very steadily 
 into the States. The number of immigrants who arrived 
 at all the ports 
 
 In 1851 were 379,828 
 
 1852 308,470 
 
 (The return for 1852, includes citizens who were returning 
 from Europe and elsewhere.) 
 
 In 1853 400,777 
 
 Of those who arrived in 1853, there were from 
 
 
 Males. 
 
 Females. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Ireland . . . 
 
 86,232 
 
 . . . 76,249 . . . 
 
 162,481 
 
 Germany .... 
 
 83,510 
 
 . . . 57,125 . . . 
 
 140,635 
 
 England . . . 
 
 16,908 
 
 . . . 13,445 . . . 
 
 30,353 
 
 Other Countries . 
 
 49,646 
 
 . . 17,602 . . . 
 
 67,308 
 
 236,296 164,481 400,777 
 
 In 1850, the number of inhabitants in the States who had 
 
IX AMERICA. 183 
 
 Veen born in foreign countries was 2,210,839, and of these 
 i here were from 
 
 Ireland 961,719 
 
 Germany 573,225 
 
 England 278,675 
 
 British America M7,711 
 
 Scotland 70,550 
 
 France 54,069 
 
 Wales 29,868 
 
 Sundries 95,022 
 
 2,210,839 
 
 From this large number of immigrants, America derives 
 much advantage, and at the same time, considerable incon 
 venience. Those from Ireland and Germany perform nearly 
 ill the manual and unskilled labour of the country, and in 
 the large cities their services are now almost indispensable. 
 They perform all the drudgery and disagreeable work, which 
 no native American would undertake. On the other hand, 
 they are quite a nuisance in all political affairs. They have 
 almost no interest in their adopted country, and the little 
 they do take is generally of the most selfish kind. The 
 law entitles them to vote at all public elections after a 
 short residence in the country, and their votes they never 
 hesitate to sell to the highest bidder. Where the native 
 parties are pretty equally balanced, their votes frequently 
 carry the day, and hence they have an influence in controlling 
 elections, quite disproportionate to their numbers, and still 
 more so to their intelligence and honesty. In conduct, they 
 are the most disorderly of citizens, and when united, they 
 frequently set the law at defiance. If in any of the large 
 cities there be any public disturbance, they are almost inva 
 riably its promoters. 
 
 The influence the Irish now exercise is probably at its 
 height, and will gradually decline. The emigration from 
 Ireland has nearly expended itself, unless it receives a new 
 
184 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 impulse from some cause or other unforeseen, and therefore 
 the number of Irish in the States is not likely to be much 
 augmented. Besides, the natural increase of the native 
 population will make this element comparatively smaller every 
 year. 
 
 The immigration from Germany is more likely to increase, 
 for its present current seems to have arisen from no sudden 
 or momentary stimulus, but is rather the outgoing of a 
 miserably poor people, who are finding their way to a new 
 country, where their labour and ingenuity are in demand, and 
 at a rate of remuneration which, in their native lands, would 
 be deemed quite fabulous. 
 
IN AMERICA. 185 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 TO BUFFALO ITS COMMERCE WHEAT TRADE OF THE STATES PRODUC 
 TIVENESS AND VALUE OF AGRICULTURAL LABOUR PROFITS OF AGRI 
 CULTURESEVERITY OF AMERICAN WINTERS TRADE OF THE LAKES. 
 
 ON the evening of the 10th of April, I left New York, by 
 railway, for Buffalo, expecting to reach that city early next 
 morning. We were, however, detained by the way, and reached 
 Albany at too late an hour to be able to get forward that 
 night. In an ordinary sized town in England, some commo 
 tion would be excited at a hotel by the unexpected arrival in an 
 evening of about 100 guests, but in the large hotels of the 
 States, such an event does not seem to create any incon 
 venience. 
 
 Passing from Albany onward, I was very much amused at 
 the names of many of the towns at which we touched. Shortly 
 after starting, we came to Troy, Thence to Amsterdam. In 
 an hour after, we reached Utica. Thence to Piome, and in 
 close succession, to Syracuse, Canton, Jordan, Lyons, 
 Palmyra, and other towns with names of world-wide repu 
 tation. In a few hours we seemed to have had a glance at 
 many of the most celebrated cities in the world. 
 
 At this time of the year, there was no indication of the 
 joyful approach of spring. Here and there were thick forests, 
 but the trees were leafless and lifeless. The fields were bare 
 and uninviting, ftnd I sighed for the sight of one green tree, 
 
186 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 to remind me of the sweet hedgerows at home. We dashed 
 onwards through the sterility of winter. Patches of snow still 
 lingered in the valleys, and whitened the shady side of the 
 hills, and the rivers we crossed were covered with floating ice. 
 
 At Rochester, we stopped for a very few minutes, and could 
 merely get a passing glance at the Falls on the Tennessee 
 River. In any other part of the world, these Falls would be 
 celebrated, and have their pilgrims, but here their reputation 
 is quite secondary, because of their proximity to the Falls of 
 ^Niagara. 
 
 The water-power on this river is unlimited, and that has 
 favoured the growth of the city, and the establishment of 
 extensive flour mills. The population of the city is upwards 
 of 40,000. In this district is grown the finest wheat in the 
 States. 
 
 Buffalo is one of those great lake cities which has sprung 
 into existence as it were but yesterday. Its population 
 
 In 1820, was 2,095 
 
 1830 8,053 
 
 1840 18,313 
 
 1850 . 42,261 
 
 and now it is estimated to be upwards of 60,000. It is situated 
 at the east end of Lake Erie, on a site rising gradually from 
 the Lake. The streets are straight and open, and intersect 
 each other at right angles. The buildings are generally 
 very substantial looking. 
 
 It owes its prosperity to its favourable situation at the east 
 end of Lake Erie, from which it is in easy communication 
 with all the West on both sides of the lakes ; but, above all, 
 its prosperity has arisen from its being the inlet to the Erie 
 canal, which unites the lakes with the sea-board at New 
 York. 
 
 All the produce of the country on the Lakes, and much of 
 that which is brought to the lakes by canals and railways 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 187 
 
 from the interior, seek the East coast by this route, and are 
 fonvarded by the canal, or by the railways which have their 
 termini at and near this point. The manufactures of the 
 East coast, and the articles imported into the country, are 
 distributed through this channel to the West. 
 
 The value of the produce of various kinds received from 
 the West 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1851, was 31,889,951 
 
 1852 34,943,855 
 
 1853 39,115,503 
 
 Of those imports, there were in 1853, 
 
 Dollars. 
 Of Wheat . . . 5,424,043 bushels, value, 6,671,672 
 
 Flour . . . 
 
 . 983,837 barrels 
 
 35 
 
 6,394,940 
 
 Corn . . . . 
 
 3,665,793 bushels 
 
 JJ 
 
 2,199,475 
 
 Pork .... 
 
 102,548 Ibs. 
 
 5> 
 
 1,031,573 
 
 Bacon . . . . 
 
 23,075,645 Ibs. 
 
 } 
 
 1,846,051 
 
 Cattle . . . 
 
 20,466 head 
 
 J 
 
 1,227,960 
 
 Live Hogs . . 
 
 114,952 head 
 
 5) 
 
 1,149,620 
 
 Wool . . . 
 
 45,830 bales 
 
 JJ 
 
 3,668,800 
 
 In the same year, the entrances and clearances at the port, 
 were 
 
 ARRIVED. 
 
 No. 
 
 Tonnage. 
 
 Men. 
 
 Boys. 
 
 American vessels from ) 
 foreign ports . . J 
 
 132 
 
 24,235 
 
 1,047 
 
 45 
 
 
 735 
 
 116,236 
 
 5,714 
 
 360 
 
 
 867 
 
 140,471 
 
 6,761 
 
 405 
 
 CLEARED. 
 
 
 
 
 
 American vessels to ) 
 foreign ports . . j 
 
 152 
 
 29,630 
 
 1,278 
 
 53 
 
 Foreign 
 
 735 
 
 116,266 
 
 6 722 
 
 n-t- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 887 
 
 145,896 
 
 8,000 
 
 411 
 
 COASTING TRADE. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Inwards 
 
 3,239 
 
 1,491,605 
 
 50 917 
 
 1 170 
 
 Outwards .... 
 
 3,305 
 
 1,475,006 
 
 52,434 
 
 j-,J. / 1/ 
 1,158 
 
 6,544 2,966,611 103,351 2,337 
 Total . . 8,298 3,252,978 118,112 3,153 
 
188 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 In 1825, the whole tonnage on the lakes was only 2,449, 
 and in 1853, at this port alone, there were owned 230 vessels 
 of all kinds steam and sailing with a tonnage of 72,968. 
 In that year, thirty vessels were built with a tonnage of 
 16,159. 
 
 In 1853, the exports from Buffalo, by canal alone, were : 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Productions of the Forest . 145,017 tons . . . 2,078,389 
 Agriculture .- 375,930 . . . 18,810,403 
 
 Manufactures 8,417 . . . 742,878 
 
 Merchandise 1,393 . . . 100,332 
 
 Other Articles 18,001 . . . 854,440 
 
 548,818 22,052,442 
 
 and the value of the imports by the same channel, was, 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Of the Forest 125,830 tons . . . 334,280 
 
 Agriculture 8,844 .... 087,014 
 
 Manufactures 54,424 ... 3,230,499 
 
 Merchandise 170,383 . . . 58,930,078 
 
 Other Articles 73,305 . . . 1,417,025 
 
 438,780 04,012,102 
 
 Buffalo, and the cities in that district, touching upon the 
 Erie Lake, may all be considered as tributaries to New York, 
 and as having the same interests. By canal or railway, those 
 cities are united to the East coast, and through them all 
 intercourse and traffic are carried on between the East and 
 West. Through these channels also will now flow much of the 
 produce of Upper Canada; for, though this is not the most 
 direct route to Europe, it is the most convenient, and perhaps 
 the cheapest. As the West, then, increases in population and 
 in wealth, and, as the commerce in agricultural productions, 
 between the New and Old World increases, so also will be the 
 progress of the city of Buffalo. 
 
 An impression prevails in Great Britain, that America is 
 a large wheat-producing country, and it is believed that, when 
 
IN AMERICA. 389 
 
 at any time there is a deficiency in our own supply of grain, 
 it can readily be supplemented from across the Atlantic. 
 
 In 1849, the entire quantity of wheat produced in America 
 was only 300,485,944 bushels, or about three-fourths of that 
 grown in England, and not much more than half of our annual 
 consumption. It is said that the crop of 1849 was defective, 
 and that the one which followed was fully 120,000,000 bushels. 
 This will not, however, much affect our argument, for, with a 
 white population in the States more numerous than that of 
 England and Wales, even the larger quantity would not seem 
 to be too much for their own consumption. 
 
 That in America there is very little wheat to spare for 
 foreign consumption may be still further shewn, from the 
 annual imports from the States into England not merely in 
 ordinary years, but in years of scarcity compared with our 
 receipts from other countries. These were 
 
 41 per cent. 
 
 
 All countries. 
 
 United States. 
 
 
 In 1847 
 
 . . 4,464,757 qrs. 
 
 1,834,142 qrs. 
 
 41 
 
 1848 
 
 . . 3,082,230 
 
 296,102 
 
 10 
 
 1849 
 
 . . 4,802,475 
 
 613,601 
 
 13 
 
 1850 
 
 . . 4,830,263 
 
 537,030 
 
 11 
 
 1851 
 
 . . 5,330,412 
 
 911,855 
 
 17 
 
 1852 
 
 . . 4,164,003 
 
 1,231,893 
 
 30 
 
 1853 
 
 . . 6,235,860 
 
 1,582,641 
 
 25 
 
 or, during seven years, an average of twenty-one per cent of 
 the entire imports was received from the States. 
 
 Nor have the exports from the States been largely diverted 
 to other and more profitable markets. Their foreign wheat 
 trade 
 
 EXPOETS. IMPORTS. 
 
 In 1847 was 26,312,431 bushels. 20,364 bushels. 
 
 1848 12,764,669 369,929 
 
 1849 12,309,972 104,110 
 
 1850 8,658,982 2,693,803 
 
 1851 13,948,499 2,357,492 
 
 1852 18,680,686 2,416,088 
 
 1853 22,379,126 2,892,750 
 
190 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 Of the exports, besides those to Great Britain, almost the 
 entire quantity was sent to Brazil, British America, the West 
 Indies, and Australia. 
 
 In the year 1853, the exports from the States were so large 
 as to clear the markets of all stocks, not merely on the sea 
 board, but in all parts of the interior to which access could be 
 obtained by railway, canal, or river. In consequence of this 
 bareness of supply for home consumption, prices in the New 
 York and other markets were at a higher point during some 
 part of the summer and autumn of 1854, than they were at 
 the same time in Liverpool, and some shipments were actually 
 made from the latter port, to meet the demand in America. 
 
 Indeed, there is some reason to question how far America 
 is a wheat-producing country. By reference to the tables in 
 the appendix, it will be seen in what States wheat is most 
 largely grown. The South and the New England Stales, do 
 not grow enough for their own consumption in the South 
 because of the extreme heat, and in the North-East because 
 of the poorness of the soil. Those states, therefore, draw their 
 supplies from some of the others. With the exception of 
 Virginia, it will be seen that by far the largest portion of the 
 wheat produced in the Union, is grown in the States which 
 border on the lakes, and they supplement the production of 
 the other districts. 
 
 Since 1850, the greatest increase of cultivation has taken 
 place in Ohio, and that state is now the largest producer of 
 wheat. But there, according to an estimate recently pub 
 lished in Cincinnati, the production per acre is not more than 
 sixteen bushels, and by the Patent Office Eeports, it seems to 
 be about fourteen bushels. In other estimates, I have seen 
 the production per acre put down at something less. This is not 
 more than half the average production per acre in England. 
 Whether the smallness of this return on the American fields 
 is due to some peculiarity in the soil, or climate, or to unskil 
 ful culture, I cannot say. On the rich virgin soil of the 
 
IN AMERICA. 191 
 
 West, even with the most indifferent tillage, the produce per 
 acre ought to be as large as on the hest farms and under the 
 most skilful culture in England. 
 
 The production of Indian corn in the States is almost 
 unlimited, and that of oats is also large. The latter may 
 never become an article of large import into this country; 
 but if the former should ever suit the taste of the English 
 people, it could be obtained in the States in any quantity, and 
 from the largeness of its production, at a price which could 
 scarcely ever be affected by any external demand. 
 
 I am not aware whether it has been contended that the 
 productiveness of labour in agricultural pursuits in the States, 
 is greater than in this country. From what has j ust been stated, 
 it will be seen that the produce per acre of wheat, is less 
 in America than with us. It may be argued that, it is owing 
 to unskilful farming that the soil is less fruitful in America 
 than here, and that more land is under tillage, by the same 
 quantity of labour, than would be the case in England. 
 That, however, is more than doubtful ; for, with an abundance 
 of animal labour in England, with a much longer season for 
 field occupations, from the mild and uniform temperature 
 of our climate, and without any idleness among our work 
 people a feature which forms no part of the English char 
 acter it is almost impossible that the quantity of work done 
 per individual, should be less than in America. 
 
 If, then, the American soil is less fruitful in the production 
 of wheat, and if labour employed in farming is less pro 
 ductive, it will follow, that agriculture is a less profitable 
 occupation in America than in England. 
 
 It may be said that if wheat is not grown in such abun 
 dance per acre as in England, other crops, such as corn, yield 
 larger returns. That I admit, for corn yields twice as much 
 per acre as wheat, It is also highly nutritive, and can be 
 largely substituted for the latter, but at all times it commands 
 a much lower price in the market, and at that price it is not 
 
192 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 so much more profitable to grow it instead of wheat, that the 
 latter is neglected or permitted to go out of cultivation. The 
 prices of neither are at a ruinously low point in the interior 
 of the country, as many imagine ; for I venture to affirm, that 
 on an average, they are not sold at any port on the Ohio, at 
 more than fifteen per cent below the rates current in Liverpool. 
 
 Still, though labour in the West, with the less fruitful soil, 
 and the severe winter seasons, may be less productive during 
 the year, it is much more profitable to its owner than in 
 England. In the West there is no rent, and the profits 
 of agricultural pursuits are divided between capital and 
 labour. But, as in the Wst, there is little capital to 
 employ labour, and as there is still less labour seeking em 
 ployment, every farmer cultivates his own fields, and therefore, 
 the profits of this branch of industry remain almost entirely 
 as the profits of labour. 
 
 Rent in England is a heavy tax on the consumer, but it is 
 not arbitrary so long as our markets are open to the com 
 petition of the world. It is merely the difference between 
 that price at which home-grown grain can be brought to market 
 in England, and that at which it can be supplied from a foreign 
 port. It does not, therefore, in any direct manner, press upon 
 the consumer, for its abolition would not reduce the price of 
 grain, so long as the production of the country is insufficient 
 for its consumption. That deficiency must be supplied from 
 abroad, and the price at which that can be done, with a 
 profit to the importer, must determine the price of grain in 
 this country. The abolition, therefore, of rent, would have no 
 effect upon the price to consumers, but would merely transfer 
 into the pockets of the farmers and capitalists the amount 
 that is now received by the landowners. Nor would this 
 change affect the wages of labour, because the relation 
 between capital and labour depends upon other causes. 
 
 Indirectly, the abstraction of rent from the land is a 
 burden on the community, for it retains in idleness and 
 
IN AMERICA. 193 
 
 extravagant living, a large number of people who contribute 
 -nothing to the general wealth. Landowners themselves, their 
 servants, arid the animal labour which they employ, are all 
 -consumers of the annual produce of the country, not merely 
 of what is grown in the kingdom, but of what is bought with 
 the fruits of the general industry, and their labour contributes 
 nothing in return. 
 
 This burden presses with yet greater with painful 
 severity in Germany, and the other continental countries, 
 where, in addition to the idleness, extravagance, and dissipa 
 tion of the upper classes, of which we have some idea in Eng 
 land, thousands of the youth of the country are forced from 
 their pursuits and industrial callings, to serve in the army. 
 This loss is very great ; first, by the abstraction of their labour 
 from the national fund ; and secondly by the expense of 
 -their maintenance, which the nation at large has to defray. 
 
 A great hindrance to out-of-door occupation in the Northern 
 .states of America, arises from the intense coldness of the 
 winters, and the length of their duration. 
 
 To shew the length of an American winter, I may state that 
 the Erie Canal is open for only seven or eight months in the 
 jear from April or May, to November. During the other 
 months, it is obstructed with ice ; and yet, Buffalo, the most 
 northerly point on the canal, is in lat. 42 53 as far south 
 .as the northern part of Spain. At Rochester, in lat. 43 8 
 the minimum temperature in 1850-1 in December, January, 
 and February, was 5, 1, 2, and in the same months the 
 maximum was 56, 48, 58. At Chicago, in lat. 41 52 , 
 or nearly the same as Oporto, the cold is as severe as at 
 Eochester. At Fort Wilkins, in Michigan, in lat. 47|, the 
 average temperature in December, 1845, at 9 a.m., was 19 
 C ; in January, 1846, 25 3 ; and in February, 18 53 . The 
 lowest point in December was 4 below zero ; in January, 2 ; 
 and in February, 9 below. 
 
 o 
 
194 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 On the East coast, in the same latitude, the temperature is 
 quite as low. In New England, in the middle of April, I saw 
 patches of snow all over the country; and at Montreal, in lat. 
 45, the country on April 17th, was covered with snow 
 some depth, which had fallen during the winter, and on that 
 day I crossed the St. Lawrence river at that city on ice. At 
 Boston, at the end of April, there was no appearance of spring. 
 
 This severity of the winter arises froni the physical con 
 ditions of the country. In those low latitudes, the heat of 
 summer is intense, but from the thickness of the forests in 
 some parts, and the closeness of the herbage in others, the 
 earth receives but little of the sun s rays, and does not acquire 
 warmth sufficient to temper the cold air of winter. Large 
 tracts also of the country are swampy, and therefore retain no- 
 heat, and the immense surface of fresh water lakes, constantly 
 giving off currents of cold air, keeps the temperature cool even 
 in the summer months. In winter these chilling influences are 
 very severe. To all these causes add that one arising from the 
 immense tracts of land, uninterrupted by seas, extending 
 under the frigid zone, over which the cold northerly winds 
 of winter sweep to the South, carrying snow and ice in their 
 train, sometimes even to the Gulf of Mexico, a latitude 
 which in any other part of the world would be well nigh tropical. 
 
 The culture of the land, the removal of the forests, and the 
 drainage of the soil, will do much to temper the atmosphere,. 
 but still, a great drawback, which no efforts of man will be 
 able even to modify, will proceed from the coldness of the lakes,. 
 and that of the sterile regions beyond. This will prevent the 
 colonisation of nearly all the country above 50 G a latitude 
 as low as the most southerly point of England. 
 
 A short time ago, a very elaborate and valuable Keport on 
 the Trade of the Lakes was published under the authority of 
 the American government, from which I venture to make 
 a few extracts. 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 195 
 
 In the year 1851, the trade of the lakes was as follows 
 
 
 Exports. 
 
 1 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Enrolled 
 Tons. 
 
 Entrncs. 
 Tons. 
 
 Clearncs. 
 Tons. 
 
 Vermont Yt. ^ 
 Champlain N. Y. j 
 
 1 
 20,858,426 3,455,194 
 
 j 3,932 ) 
 ( 4,208 j 
 
 197,500 
 
 197,500 
 
 Oswegatchie . . . . 
 
 918,587 
 
 2,42-1,145 
 
 2,561 
 
 351,427 
 
 359,287 
 
 Cape Vincent .. 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 2,496 
 
 439,930 
 
 439,930 
 
 Sackett sHarbour,, 
 Oswego . . 
 
 303,258 
 11,471,071 
 
 433,634 
 50,074,975 
 1,601,857 
 
 497,809 
 6,083,036 
 
 236,684 
 37,472,108 
 2,207,582 
 
 7,106 
 26,323 
 686 
 606 
 46,058 
 8,210 
 
 348.43G 
 721,383 
 212,794 
 425,660 
 1,536,089 
 316,121 
 
 317,393 
 685,793 
 212,794 
 425,660 
 1,551,441 
 314,640 
 
 Genessee ,, 
 
 Niagara , 
 Buffalo 
 
 Presque Isle .... Pa. 
 
 Cuyahoga .... Ohio 
 
 12,026,497 
 
 22,804,159 
 
 36,071 
 
 775,720 
 
 755,690 
 
 Sandusky 
 
 6,459,659 
 
 15,985,357 
 
 4,858 
 
 509,782 
 
 504,633 
 
 Miami yt 
 
 7,847,808 
 
 22,987,772 
 
 3,236 
 
 418,892 
 
 419,942 
 
 Detroit Mich. 
 
 6,961,430 
 
 20,416,377 
 
 40,419 
 
 905,640 
 
 920,690 
 
 Mackinac 
 
 2,000,000 
 
 3,000,000 
 
 3.156 
 
 253,600 
 
 253,600 
 
 Milwaukie "Wis. 
 Chicago 11 
 
 4,564,797 
 5,895,471 
 
 32,017,470 
 
 8,207,750 
 
 19,560,713 
 25,325,052 
 
 2,946 
 23,103 
 
 1,250,000 
 806,432 
 
 1,250,000 
 807,353 
 
 Canadian or Foreign ") 
 Trade. . . j 
 
 182,455,988 
 3,912,147 
 
 215,975 
 
 9,409,586 
 
 9,456,346 
 
 
 
 
 
 140,225,220 
 
 186,368,135 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The measurements of the Lakes are as follows : 
 
 
 Greatest 
 length. 
 
 Greatest 
 breadth. 
 
 Mean depth. 
 
 Elevation. 
 
 Area. 
 
 
 Milet. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Feet. 
 
 Feet. 
 
 Square Mi let. 
 
 Superior . 
 
 . 355 . 
 
 . 1GO 
 
 . . 900 . 
 
 . 627 . 
 
 . 32,000 
 
 Michigan . 
 
 . 320 . 
 
 . .100. 
 
 . .900. 
 
 . . 578 . . 
 
 . 22,000 
 
 Huron . . 
 
 . 260 . 
 
 . 160 
 
 . . 900 . 
 
 . 574 . 
 
 . 20,400 
 
 Erie . , . 
 
 . 240 . 
 
 . . 80. 
 
 . . 84. 
 
 . . 565 . . 
 
 . 9,600 
 
 Ontario . 
 
 . ISO . 
 
 . 35 
 
 . . 500 . 
 
 . 232 . 
 
 . 6,300 
 
 Champlain . 
 
 . 110. 
 
 . . 14 
 
 
 
 
 It is estimated that the first five drain an area of 335,515 square miles, the waters of 
 which are all discharged into the ocean by the St. Lawrence. 
 
190 A FKW MONTHS 
 
 This shews that the entire value of the lake commerce in 
 1851, was $326,593,335. But this statement must be taken 
 with considerable qualification, otherwise it will give a very 
 exaggerated idea of its importance. 
 
 f The imports into any of the cities named, are generally 
 the same articles which are exported, diminished to a small 
 extent by the quantities consumed. For example, the imports 
 into Chicago consist of the agricultural productions of the sur 
 rounding country, and of the merchandise brought from the 
 East coast. The exports consist of the same articles the 
 produce being sent Eastward, and the merchandise distri 
 buted to the interior. 
 
 Nor is this all. Nearly all the exports from the lake cities 
 west of Buffalo, consisting of country produce for that is the 
 staple product of those regions find an outlet to the East 
 coast by Buffalo, and the cities near. The exports therefore 
 from the Western cities form the imports at Buffalo, for the 
 exports from each city being of the same character, they are 
 scarcely ever shipped to each other, but all towards the 
 Atlantic. 
 
 As, therefore, the imports of each city are valued a second 
 time as exports, and the exports of the Western cities, when 
 entered at Buffalo, again valued as imports, and yet again 
 valued as exports when forwarded to the East coast by canal 
 or railway, it follows that most of the articles which form the 
 trade of the lakes, are enumerated four times, and therefore, 
 that the total value of the lake trade cannot be at all near to 
 the amount stated above. 
 
 To estimate its true value by the trade of Buffalo alone, 
 the port through which the great portion of the Western trade 
 passes on its route to the East and West, would also lead to 
 error, because from each city there is exported, not the 
 entire amount of the imports, but only what is not consumed 
 by its own population. This is shewn by the value of the 
 imports generally exceeding that of the exports. 
 
IN AMERICA. 197 
 
 Perhaps no unfair estimate would be formed by taking 
 the whole amount of the imports at the different ports, less 
 the imports at Buffalo. The latter is merely a port of entry 
 for the other cities, and therefore its imports ought to be 
 deducted from the general amount. This would leave 
 upwards of $140,000,000, a sum which I think is still 
 above the true value of the lake trade, in the year under 
 review.* 
 
 The details which are given above of the trade of those 
 Western cities, refer to the year 1851, but since that time, 
 the great progress made in opening up the West has had a 
 marked influence on their commerce; and their exports and 
 imports have shewn a large annual increase. 
 
 Of those cities, none have made so much progress as Chicago. 
 Indeed, great as has been the progress of many cities in the 
 States, none have grown with such astonishing rapidity as 
 this. In 1832, it was a mere trading village, with a few log 
 houses, and a population of about 100 people, Its popula 
 tion, and the value of the real and personal estate. 
 
 POPULATION. REAL AND PERSONAL ESTATE. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1840 were . . . 4,853 1,864,205 
 
 1845 .... 12,088 3,669,124 
 
 1850 .... 29,963 7,220,249 
 
 1853 .... 60,662 16,841,831 
 
 With this rate of increase, the inhabitants are scarcely satis 
 fied, and they aspire to make their city one of the first in 
 the Union. Its success is owing to its favourable situation 
 and to the enterprise of its first inhabitants, who, discovering 
 its natural advantages, turned them to good account. 
 
 By the lakes, it has access to the East, and to the Canadas, 
 and b) canals and railways it touches most of the important 
 points in the interior, and draws agricultural produce to its 
 
198 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 port to be re -shipped to the East coast. The value of its 
 commerce 
 
 IMPORTS. EXPORTS. 
 
 Dollars. Dollars. 
 
 In 1836 was ... 235,204 . . . 1,001 
 
 1840 .... 562,100 . . . 228,636 
 
 1850 6,500,000 . . . 5,500,000 
 
 1853 .... 17,000,000 . . . 15,000,000 
 
 1854 30,000,000 . . . 24,703,191 
 
 As this is merely a point for distribution, imports and exports 
 represent nearly the same articles. The imports are mostly 
 the agricultural produce of the interior, and the exports are 
 the same articles forwarded to the East coast. In 1854, the 
 shipments among other articles were 
 
 Of Wheat 2,946,924 bushels. 
 
 Corn 6,745,588 
 
 Oats \ 
 
 Bye [ 4,024,216 
 
 Barley J 
 
 Lumber 252,508,530 feet 
 
 Shingle 120,000,000 No. 
 
 Lath 36,827.323 pieces. 
 
 And in 1853, upwards of 24,000,0001bs. of provisions were 
 packed in the city. In the year 1852, 1,996 vessels arrived 
 at the port, with a tonnage of 545,491. 
 
 From Buffalo to Niagara is only an hour s ride by railway. 
 All visitors to the States flock to the Falls, and whatever may 
 be their first impressions, none leave with disappointment. 
 The scene is beyond all description, and no account can give 
 even the most distant conception of its terrific and over 
 powering grandeur. 
 
IX AMERICA. 199 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 BUFFALO TO MONTREAL BOSTON ITS COMMERCE EDUCATION. 
 
 Buffalo, or Niagara, it was impossible at this time of 
 the year to reach Montreal, by the lake, on account of the ice. 
 I had therefore to return to Schenectady, and thence proceed 
 north by railway. By this route there was very little detention, 
 and in less than a day we reached Rouse s Point. Here we 
 remained all night, at a large hotel, which, projecting into 
 Lake Champlain, is surrounded on three sides by water. The 
 lake is deep enough at this point to permit steamers to 
 approach the platform of the hotel. Xext morning, we reached 
 the banks of the St. Lawrence before noon . 
 
 The river opposite Montreal is about two miles broad, but 
 at this time was quite frozen over, and had to be crossed in. 
 sleighs. About a mile above the point at which we had to 
 cross, the ice had begun to give way, and as there is at all 
 times a stong current opposite the city, there arose some little 
 speculation among the passengers, whether the pressure of 
 the broken ice, added to the natural current of the river, 
 did not render our crossing somewhat dangerous. The guides 
 assured us of perfect safety, and as there was no other way 
 of crossing, we had no alternative but to make the ven 
 ture. Should any one go down, there was a chance of the 
 
200 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 rest of us following, and there was some consolation in know 
 ing that we should be drowned in company. The sleigh 
 drivers, who are all French Canadians, had ropes tied round 
 the necks of their horses, to secure them in the event of 
 their going through the ice. These ropes serve a two-fold 
 purpose. When an accident occurs, they are used to choke 
 the animals to prevent them from struggling in the water, 
 and then they are employed to pull them from under the 
 ice. Fortunately there was no need at this time to shew the 
 usefulness of the precaution. The sleighs were soon filled 
 with the passengers and their baggage, and amid cracking of 
 whips, tinkling of hells, and exclamations in French, we were 
 carried rapidly over the ice, exposed to a bitterly cold north 
 east wind, and in half-an-hour we found ourselves safe in the 
 city of Montreal. 
 
 The farther north we had come from Schenectady, the 
 more numerous were the indications of winter. At first,, 
 patches of snow lay in the more sheltered valleys. These 
 gradually became more general, till, when we neared the river, 
 the whole country was enveloped in white. The streets of 
 Montreal were half blocked up with ice and snow, and the 
 inhabitants still wore their furs, double coats, and other warm 
 winter dresses. 
 
 On the 1 7th April, I left Montreal for the South, and 
 again crossed the river in a sleigh, but this time nearly a 
 mile below the city, for the ice |had now begun to give way. 
 I afterwards learned] that it broke up towards the end of 
 the month, although r the navigation of the river, out to the- 
 ocean, was not very safe till towards the beginning of June. 
 
 In going southwards, we had a severe storm, and at 
 Rutland the snow was three or four inches deep. From 
 Rutland we went forward early next morning, and in a few 
 hours arrived in the city of Boston. 
 
 Boston is built on a very irregular surface, and having 
 
IX AMERICA. 20 1 
 
 been at first laid out without any regard to order, most of its- 
 streets are crooked and very narrow. From this, perhaps, it 
 has obtained the reputation of being like an English city. 
 The Bostonians have often been said by English travellers 
 to have much resemblance to Englishmen. That resemblance- 
 I confess I did not perceive, neither in personal appearance, 
 in manners, nor in coversation. They may lead a quieter 
 and more domestic life than the inhabitants of New York r 
 but in that respect alone do they seem to have a greater 
 resemblance to Englishmen. 
 The population of the city 
 
 In 1800 was 24,037 
 
 1830 61,302 
 
 1840 03,383 
 
 1850 136,881 
 
 and its commerce was, in the years 
 
 IMPORTS. AMERICAN. FOREIGN. 
 
 Dollars. Dollars. Dollars. 
 
 1840 . . 14,122,258 . 13,517,031 . 005,227 
 
 1853 . . 43,317,379 . 26,177,320 . 17,140,050 
 
 1854 . . 40,480,444 
 
 * A considerable part of the imports is of dry goods fro me 
 Europe, but the larger portion is of raw material for the con 
 sumption of the manufactories in the state, f The total value? 
 of the exports in 1854, was $20,256,917. 
 . The shipping belonging to the city in 1853, was 450,495 
 tons, and in that year, the arrivals and clearances at the? 
 port, were, 
 
 ENTERED. CLEARED. 
 
 Iso. Tons. No. Tons. 
 
 Of foreign vessels . . 2,000 204,521 . 2,112 314,700 
 
 American ... 006 287,060 . 050 275,755 
 
 2,006 582,400 3,062 500,455 
 
 Against in 1844 . . . 1,807 288,088 1,814 257,163 
 The situation of Boston is not nearly so favourable to a 
 large foreign trade as New York. t The one is merely the 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 port of the New England States, and more immediately of 
 Massachusets. The other is the port of the first state in 
 the Union, and, from its river, canal, and railway communi 
 cations, it is the port of the West. Boston has now also joined 
 herself hy railways to the West and North, but her distance 
 from them being greater, her rates of carriage more expensive, 
 and her harbour less suitable, she is unable to compete suc 
 cessfully with her great rival. 
 
 *If, however, she makes less progress as a commercial 
 emporium than New York, she maintains a prominent posi 
 tion as a mercantile city. Her merchants carry on large 
 foreign operations, on their own capital, and that of the city, 
 through New York and other cities of the Union, while only 
 the profits on the transactions are received in Boston. Thus, 
 a large portion of the trade to Europe, to India, California, 
 and Australia, is conducted by Boston merchants, though the 
 returns of produce and manufactures of various kinds may 
 be entered at the port of New York, and sold there on account 
 of the owners. This indicates the enterprise of the Boston 
 merchants, and at the same time shows that New York is the 
 best distributing city in the Union. - 
 
 The merchants of Boston have not a field wide enough for 
 the development of their enterprise and skill, in the legitimate 
 trade of their own city, and in that which belongs to the 
 backlying country, of which their port is the outlet. They 
 are therefore driven into other commercial undertakings, in 
 which their capital, skill, and foresight, can be made available ; 
 and hence, they conduct more than their share of the foreign, 
 and what might be called the speculative or venturesome 
 commerce of the country. This is the branch of commerce 
 which requires the highest qualifications of a merchant. In 
 the same manner, and for the same reasons, one of our own 
 cities conducts a much larger portion of the foreign commerce 
 of the United Kingdom, than is her share. That city is 
 Glasgow, by the enterprise, skill, and capital of whose mer- 
 
IX AMERICA. 203 
 
 chants it is well known that much of the foreign commerce 
 at the ports of Liverpool and London is carried on. 
 The assessed value of property in Boston, 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 In 1843, was 110,046,000 
 
 1853, 206,514,200 
 
 The income of the city in the latter year, was $2,053,058, 
 and its expenditure, $1,808,851, Of the expenditure, some 
 of the items were 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 For Schools 329,800 
 
 City debt and interest .... 389,132 
 Police 126,116 
 
 Streets (paving and lighting) . . 336,983 
 Fire department 74,760 
 
 Iii proportion to the population of the city, I think it will 
 be admitted that these amounts are considerable. * 
 
 In making liberal provision for the education of the people, 
 Boston stands pre-eminent. In no other part of the Union has 
 the Public School System received more careful attention, and 
 in no other place have its fruits been so satisfactory. In 
 Boston that system has received its greatest development, 
 in the conception of wise regulations, and in their efficient 
 administration ; and hence it has been popular, not only in 
 the district and in the New England States, but it has been 
 imitated, more or less, all over the country. 
 
 Compliance with its rules is, however, not voluntary, for 
 all children in the city must attend some school public or 
 private whatever be the circumstances of their parents. To 
 enforce this regulation there are four officers in the city, wliose 
 duty is to see that no children of proper age neglect their 
 attendance at school. Any boys seen idling on the streets, 
 during school-hours, are taken home, and if it is found that 
 they do not attend some school or other, from the indifference 
 of their parents, from the want of means, or from any other 
 
204 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 cause, compulsory measures are employed to secure their 
 attendance. I was informed that at the present time, per 
 haps 100 idle children may be taken off the streets in the 
 course of a year. 
 
 Under such active and skilful management, it is only 
 natural to expect that the system should be successful, and 
 that the whole native population should be more or less in 
 structed in the various branches of education taught in the 
 schools. 
 
 Whether this system, however, favours the formation or 
 development of the character of the individual, is a different 
 question, and one on which there is much diversity of opinion. 
 On the principle, which daily becomes more and more re 
 cognised, that the duty of the government of a country is to 
 protect the citizens, and not to aid them, that the subject 
 cannot do too much for himself, and the State too little, a 
 national system of education can scarcely be advocated. 
 
 The American system has been discussed in this country 
 during the last few years with considerable minuteness, and 
 at some length. To make any remarks on it, therefore, 
 would be a superfluous task ; for every one desiring information 
 respecting the American schools, can acquire it without diffi 
 culty, in the numerous writings which have been published 
 on the subject. 
 
 The system has been viewed with much favour in this 
 country, and many of its warmest admirers desire to make it 
 the model of a national system for ourselves. To accomplish 
 that, however, or indeed to introduce any national scheme into 
 this country, will be a matter of much difficulty; for, with 
 the contending claims of Churchmen, Dissenters, Voluntaries, 
 and Secularists, it is doubtful whether any scheme can be de 
 vised to which a majority of the people will give their assent. 
 Each party urges the adoption of its own plan, and as it 
 would seem, cares less for the success of popular education, 
 than for the success of its own hobby, and opposes all kinds 
 
IX AMEU1CA. 205 
 
 of obstructions to every proposal, which does not quite agree 
 with the views of its own members. 
 
 The adoption of any general scheme, so far as the instruc 
 tion of the people in the mere elements of education is con 
 cerned, would be very successful in all cities, because there 
 public opinion and the press would correct all abuses, and 
 compel modifications of the plans and arrangements to suit 
 the public wants. In the country, again, the results 
 would be less satisfactory ; for there, the management of the 
 schools would inevitably fall into the hands of the squire 
 and the parson ; and they, as they would consider themselves 
 in duty bound, would be more inclined to inculcate the church 
 creed, than Christianity, and to teach churchism and deference 
 to the claims of hereditary, if not apostolic authority, rather 
 than to enlighten the understandings of the multitude, or to 
 raise them in general intelligence. 
 
 Those who desire the introduction of the Massaclmsets 
 system into England, claim for its working in America more 
 credit than I think is its due. That the people of that state 
 are instructed in the elements of education is one thing. That 
 this is entirely owing to the National School System is another. 
 Most of them may have received their education at those 
 schools, but other causes may have favoured the influence of 
 the schools, if indeed those causes have not produced their 
 popularity and prosperity. Have the schools created a desire 
 for education throughout the country, or has that desire been 
 created by other causes, and has the establishment, or at all 
 events the success of the schools followed, as the means of 
 meeting a natural want? That other causes have been, and 
 are in existence, producing a desire for instruction, I shall 
 here endeavour to show. 
 
 Those causes are, the material well being of the people, and 
 the almost entire absence of pauperism ; the unlimited field 
 for the employment of industry, calling out all the energies 
 and talents of the people ; the education of the early settlers 
 
206 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 in the country, continued downwards through their families ; 
 the cheapness, and consequent abundance of newspaper lite 
 rature, and the political privileges, or rather rights, enjoyed 
 by all. 
 
 In America, the working classes have been much better off 
 than they have been in England, till within the last few years. 
 In every branch of industry, employment has been plentiful, 
 and remuneration liberal. That, with abundant and cheap 
 food, has at all times placed them in easy circumstances, and 
 has enabled them to dispense with the assistance derived 
 from the labour of their children. This abundance of 
 employment has prevented poverty, and no one has lived 
 on the charity of the public, except the sickly and the aged. 
 
 I am aware that an annual immigration goes on into the 
 States, of people who are poor and wretchedly ignorant. But 
 these, entering among an intelligent people, gradually, though 
 slowly, make some progress towards the intelligence they see 
 around them. The mere fact of their having emigrated, pre 
 sumes that they had some desire to improve their condition. 
 Besides, a very small portion of the lowest emigrants remain 
 north of New York. Those, who remain, are mostly artisans 
 and skilled labourers. 
 
 Above the easy circumstances of the people, however, I 
 would place the political privileges they enjoy, as the greatest 
 stimulus to intelligence, and to the acquisition of general 
 information. This influence is again developed and strength 
 ened by the cheapness of the newspaper literature of the 
 country. 
 
 In all political affairs national or local every man has a 
 voice directly or indirectly. He is one of the " sovereign 
 people," from whom all power emanates. The consciousness 
 of this position, encourages a degree of self-respect, highly 
 favourable to intelligence, and to the aspiration after an im 
 proved position in the country, or it may be to public office. 
 Such a position is quite open to the well-directed efforts 
 
IN AMERICA. 207 
 
 of any man, who lias education to qualify him for the 
 discharge of its duties, and who has income sufficient to give 
 him leisure to prosecute his plans. 
 
 But, even if such high inducements are not of general 
 application for it is well known that high office is attained 
 by but few out of the multitude still, with public affairs daily 
 discussed by his associates, it is impossible that any man can 
 avoid acquiring much information, and having a strong desire 
 to remove any defect that may exist in his own education 
 or that of his family. 
 
 To meet this constant craving after information on national 
 affairs, newspapers are abundant and cheap. Not a village 
 of any size is without one, and in all large towns they are 
 numerous, with every facility given for their circulation. 
 With numerous readers, and an abundance of advertisements, 
 their price is very low. For two cents, and in some cases- 
 for even less, every man can have his daily paper, containing 
 the latest and fullest information on all political and com 
 mercial subjects in which he is interested. 
 
 In England, the circumstances of the mass of the people 
 have been very different, and, till within recent years, they 
 laboured under many disadvantages. By the operation 
 of the iniquitous corn laws, the price of food was unduly 
 raised. The same cause limited the extent of our foreign 
 markets, and restricted in other countries the consumption of 
 our manufactures. Labour, therefore, was frequently unem 
 ployed, and at all times ill paid. With small wages and 
 dear food, there was not the means, and often scarcely the 
 desire, for mental culture. The children of the poor were 
 neglected, or as soon as their labour could be of any value, 
 they were pressed into work, that the wages of their industry 
 might augment the common fund of the family. 
 
 I)ut privation and poverty were not the end of the warfare 
 of the poor. Many of them were reduced to actual want, 
 and pauperism overspread the country to an extent that was 
 
08 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 quite appalling. Much of this pauperism was the growth of 
 recent years, though in some families it had hecome here 
 ditary.* This demoralised the minds of all under its 
 influence, and familiarised them with a degree of misery from 
 which they had neither the means nor the will to extricate 
 themselves. That pauperism is now happily diminished, but 
 it is only by the prosperity of the last few years that this 
 improvement has taken place. 
 
 But this is the very class of people for whom a national system 
 of education would be desirable. The better class of artizans, 
 who are generally well paid, do not lack the means, if they 
 have the desire, of informing themselves or of educating their 
 children. If they have no desire for either, they would 
 scarcely accept gratuitous instruction, even if within their 
 reach, unless upon compulsion. 
 
 In England, though literature is published at lower prices 
 than in America, it is not so with newspapers. Our journals are 
 burdened with a duty upon paper, and with a stamp upon 
 news; and with a consequent limitation of their circulation, 
 their price is two or three times more than in America. The 
 abolition of those restrictions would cheapen all daily publica 
 tions, increase their circulation, and be highly promotive of 
 public intelligence. 
 
 An extension of the political privileges of the people will 
 -come in due time, and will do more good by the self-respect it 
 will create among the people, and by the intelligence it will 
 encourage, than by any improvement it can or will effect on 
 ^National Legislation. 
 
 With these differences in the circumstances of the people 
 of the two countries, it is very questionable whether the sys 
 tem that is suitable for America, would be applicable to Eng 
 land. Here, the people are daily becoming more and more 
 able to provide for their own instruction, and that of their 
 
 * I am informed that there are some inmates in the Manchester Poor House 
 whose families have been traced back as paupers to the time of Charles the First. 
 
IN AMERICA. 209 
 
 children; and to secure progress, if not success, nothing 
 almost is now wanting but the will. Even that is gaining 
 strength, and with the present agitation on the subject, and 
 the little aid now given by government (which even its own 
 friends in some instances do not desire to see continued 
 longer than is absolutely necessary to make a beginning), 
 education, when once fairly introduced among the people, will 
 prosper of its own accord ; and, though at first less perfect 
 systems will be followed, than if under government inspec 
 tion, yet they will do more than any government plan to 
 create self-reliance among the people, and to develope national 
 individuality of character. 
 
210 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 LOWELL COTTON AND WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES OF THE STATES COST 
 OF PROTECTION AMERICAN COTTON MANUFACTURES COMPARED WITH 
 ENGLISH WAGES MACHINERY JOINT STOCK ASSOCIATIONS PRIVATE 
 ENTERPRISE IN ENGLAND ENGLISH AND AMERICAN COMPETITION IN 
 NEUTRAL MARKETS INDUCEMENTS TO EMIGRANTS STRIKES AMONG 
 WORKMEN. 
 
 WHEN at Boston, through the kindness of a friend, I re 
 ceived permission to go over some of the factories at Xio well- 
 It is well known that this is the first manufacturing town in 
 the States. Others, having the same industrial pursuits, have- 
 recently sprung into existence, but none of them has made so^ 
 much progress. Its population 
 
 In 1828, was 3,532 
 
 1850, 33,383 
 
 1853, 38,000 
 
 In 1853, there were fifty-one establishments in the town, 
 which were thus distributed 
 
 35 Cotton works consuming 706,000 Ibs. cotton per week, 
 5 Woollen 99,000 wool 
 
 4 Dye Works 
 
 1 Bleach Work 
 
 2 Trint Works 
 
 4 Machine Shops 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 The capital invested in these works was $13,900,000, 
 349,998 spindles, and 10,915 looms were at work, and 
 the number of people employed was 4,507 males, and 8,473 
 females. 
 
 There was nothing in the machinery or the general appear 
 ance of the works, beyond \vhat is seen in a factory in any 
 part of Great Britain, to attract the special notice of a casual 
 observer, or of one not practically acquainted with manu 
 factures. In one point they were well worth attention. That 
 was in their extreme cleanliness. 
 
 In the early stages of these manufactures, the females 
 employed were all from the country the daughters of farmers 
 and others, who came hither, for a year or two, that they might 
 earn a little money to assist them in setting up house in their 
 own rural districts. Their education and respectability 
 diffused a high tone of intelligence and morality among the 
 working population. Xow, the half of the workers are Irish, 
 and by their introduction, I learned that the former high tone 
 has been somewhat lowered, and that the reputation of the 
 employment has suffered considerably in the estimation of 
 those whose daughters, under more favourable circumstances, 
 would have become workers in the place. 
 
 The time for work is eleven hours per day, Saturdays 
 included. The average wages are for females, $2 per week, 
 clear of board; and for males, clear of board, eighty cents 
 per day. 
 
 The workers, whose families live in the town, of course 
 reside at home ; but for those who are strangers, and require 
 to live in lodgings, large boarding houses are provided, where 
 each female is charged $1 per week. For this sum they 
 are provided with meals, the use of a large common sitting- 
 room, and bed-rooms between every two. Similar accommo 
 dation is provided for males, who are charged from $2 to $ % 2| 
 per week. 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 The following were the particulars of the cotton manufac 
 tures of the States in 1850 
 
 Capital invested 74, 50 1,031 Dollars 
 
 Cotton consumed 041,240 Bales 
 
 Value of raw material 34,835,056 Dollars 
 
 Value of entire products .... 01,809,184 Dollars 
 
 Males employed 33,150 
 
 Females employed 59,136 
 
 Since that time there has been a gradual increase in the 
 consumption of cotton, and in 1853, it amounted in the North 
 .to 609,899 bales ; and it was estimated in the South to 
 amount to 105,000 bales. 
 
 It will be observed from the foregoing statement, that the 
 value of the raw material consumed in 1850, was upwards of 
 $50 per bale, and that the value of the products w r as nearly 
 double that of the raw material. Since that time the market 
 price of cotton has advanced by at least twenty to thirty per 
 cent.; but if we adhere to the prices current in 1850, it will 
 follow that the value of the cotton consumed in 1853, must 
 have been about $ 37,500,000, and the value of the products 
 about $70,000,000. 
 
 The duty levied on cotton goods imported into the States is 
 from twenty-five to thirty per cent, ad veil. say twenty-five 
 per cent, for the sake of argument and therefore it follows that 
 home-made goods are that per centage dearer ; for, as already 
 argued, the price of all articles is determined by that at which 
 those last brought to market can be sold with a profit. In the 
 absence, then, of that duty, the price of home-made manu 
 factures would fall in proportion ; because, if now, British 
 cotton goods paying that duty, besides additional heavy ex 
 penses, can be sold in America with a profit to the importer, 
 without that duty, they could be sold that much lower, and 
 the native manufacturer would be compelled to reduce his 
 prices to the same point. But twenty-five per cent on the 
 
IN AMERICA. 213 
 
 original cost of foreign goods, is equivalent to twenty per cent, 
 on that cost with duty added. That per centage, therefore, 
 on the value of the manufactured products of cotton, say on 
 $70,000,000, would amount to $14,000,000. This sum, 
 therefore, is the amount which I estimate the States paid, 
 in 1853, for protection to native industry in this branch of 
 manufacture. 
 
 The following particulars of the woollen manufactures of 
 the States, in 1850, I have taken from the census : 
 
 Capital invested ...... 28,118,650 dollars 
 
 Wool consumed 70,862,829 Ibs. 
 
 Value of raw products .... 25,755,988 dollars 
 entire products .... 43,207,555 dollars 
 
 Males employed 22,678 
 
 Females , . 16,574 
 
 Since that time the woollen trade has much increased, but 
 of that increase I am not aware whether any reliable estimate 
 has been formed. 
 
 The duty on woollen goods is from twenty-five to thirty per 
 cent, ad val., and on raw wool it is thirty per cent, ad vol. But 
 the quantity of wool imported is small compared with that con 
 sumed, and being of a quality different from that produced in the 
 States, the duty may not have much effect on the general price. 
 But if it has any effect, then the existence of that duty is a 
 great injustice to the home manufacturer, and it places him 
 at a disadvantage in competing with foreigners, who have no 
 such duty to pay on their raw material, but only twenty-five 
 per cent, on the finished goods on their importation into the 
 States. Nor is that injustice limited to the difference between 
 twenty-five and thirty per cent. ; but, as the home manufac 
 turer pays on his raw material, he pays on what goes to waste, 
 as well as on what is made into goods, and the enhanced price 
 of his raw material requires the employment of a larger capi 
 tal in his business than would be otherwise necessary. 
 
 In either case the duty tells against the consumers, and 
 
214 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 enhances to them the cost of the manufactured goods. Apply 
 ing to this branch of industry the argument already applied 
 to the cotton trade, it will be found that twenty per cent, on 
 $43,000,000, the value of the products of the woollen manu 
 factures in 1 850, is equal to $ 8,600,000. This, then, was the 
 amount paid in 1850, for protection to this branch of native 
 industry, and since that period, as already stated, it has con 
 siderably increased. 
 
 I think it will scarcely be denied that the prosperity of the 
 manufacturing interests of America is well cared for, and this 
 protection says much for the liberality, or for the simplicity 
 of the consumers. That this ignorance of the true interests 
 of the nation should continue to prevail in America, among 
 the people who claim to be the " cutest" in the world, certainly 
 affords matter for much surprise ; for I imagine, that in Old 
 England, with all its abuses, fancied and real, such partial 
 legislation would not be permitted to exist for a single year. 
 
 On four branches of industry to which I have now referred, 
 the amounts paid annually for protection were 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 On Sugar in 1854 6,328,000 Seepage 80 
 
 Iron 1850 3,600,000 127 
 
 Cotton 1853 14,000,000 213 
 
 Wool .1850 8,600,000 See above. 
 
 32,523,000 
 
 To this list I might add coals, on which, for protective 
 purposes, the country pays an annual sum, not less than four 
 million of dollars. Other industrial pursuits are also pro 
 tected ; and in consequence, their products are sold at enhanced 
 prices, for the sole benefit of a few, at the expense of the 
 many, and at a loss to the nation. A considerable number 
 of influential men in the country are interested in some one 
 or other of those branches of manufacture, and of course 
 profit by the protective system now in operation. Hence they 
 readily assent to the same system when applied in favour of 
 
IN AMEFJCA. 215 
 
 other industrial undertakings. This extension of the protec 
 tive principle adds to the national burdens, of which of course 
 they bear a share ; but it gives security at the same time to 
 their own favoured interest. A case in point came under my own 
 observation. While at New York, I met a Pennsylvania iron 
 manufacturer who was a strenuous advocate for the abolition 
 *of slavery. On shewing him the encouragement it received 
 from the protection granted to the sugar growers of the South, 
 lie said he could not urge the withdrawal of that protection, as 
 he feared that it might afterwards be proposed to abolish the 
 protective duty under which his own interest prospered. 
 
 I apprehend that a clearer view of their own interests will 
 .shortly determine the American people to adopt a more liberal 
 policy, and to abolish the present restrictions upon the com 
 merce of the country. They cannot fail to discover, before 
 long, that to them as well as to other nations applies the 
 maxim, that it is best to " buy in the cheapest, and sell 
 in the dearest market." By the abolition of all restrictions, 
 the capital of the country would find ample fields for invest 
 ment, in which it would be profitable to its owners, without 
 being so at the expense of other branches of industry in the 
 country. 
 
 It may be presumed, from the amount of protection afforded 
 to manufacturers of cotton in the States, that that branch 
 .of industry is highly profitable. What it may be in private 
 undertakings I cannot say; but at Lowell, in 1853, the 
 .dividends on the Joint Stock Associations varied from six to 
 twelve per cent. This is not more than the average rate of 
 interest current in the country ; and is not so much, I venture 
 to believe, as was made in factories in England in the same 
 year. That those dividends are not larger, is the more sur 
 prising ; because, though the amount of protection is nominally 
 twenty-five per cent., in reality it is nearer fifty. 
 
 This difference arises from the cost of freight to and 
 from England, commissions for purchasing for the States, 
 
216 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 expenses of packing, charges for loading and unloading at the 
 different points in course of transit, and insurance and other 
 charges incidental to transactions passing through a number 
 of hands. 
 
 How, then, do manufacturers in the States, with these advan 
 tages, make such small profits ? In America I was frequently 
 told, that it was a consequence of the cheapness of our 
 "pauper labour." 
 
 This is a matter easily ascertained, and therefore I annex 
 the rates of wages paid in America, and those current in 
 England, not for cotton manufacturers only, but for other 
 branches of industry. 
 
 The average paid in Lowell for females is $ 2 per week, or 
 $3^- without board. For males, $4.80 with board, or $7 
 without. This is for eleven hours per day, or sixty-six hours 
 per week. In England, for ten hours per day, or sixty per 
 week, females receive from 9s. to 12s. The wages of males 
 are very variable, and therefore I shall give them in some 
 detail, for both countries ; premising that, of the American 
 lists, one was drawn up by a manufacturer at Holyoke, and 
 the other by a merchant in Philadelphia, who, at the time 
 the list w r as written, was employing that class of workmen 
 whose wages he quotes. I believe that the rates given in the 
 latter list are higher than those current in New England. 
 The other lists I received from two of the leading manu 
 facturing houses in Blackburn and Stockport. The wages 
 paid in Manchester I do not quote, fearing that they might 
 be above the average of the district. 
 
 Holyoke. Philadelphia. Blackburn. Stockport. 
 
 Dollars Dollars. s. d. s. d. 
 
 Card Koom Overseer . . 9 28 32 6 
 
 Spinners 7| 21 23 
 
 Dressers Of 35 30 
 
 Weavers females 3 looms .4 14 14 6 
 
 Mechanics 10$ 27 26 
 
 Joiners 9 27 26 
 
 Blacksmiths 9 28 26 
 
 Stone Masons 10$ 28 
 
 Bricklayers 12 30 U 
 
IN AMERICA. 217 
 
 Tt will be seen from this, that the wages of female labour 
 are not much higher in the States, than in England. Those 
 for males are considerably higher, probably in consequence of 
 the great outlet for their labour in the agricultural pursuits 
 of the West. 
 
 But even were labour in America as cheap as in England, 
 indeed were it given without remuneration, manufacturers 
 in the States would still be unable to produce goods at a cost 
 which would enable them to compete on terms of equality 
 with goods sent from this country. 
 
 The greater cost of producing cotton goods in America arises 
 from other causes. These are : the higher cost of machinery, 
 its general inferiority, the comparatively imperfect adapta 
 tion of one department of manufactures to another, the 
 scarcity and dearness of capital, and the expensive and 
 inefficient management of Joint Stock Associations. 
 
 In another place I have stated, that machinery in America 
 is fully seventy-five per cent, clearer than in England. This I 
 have stated upon the authority of a Manchester machinist ; 
 and, from the protective duty levied on iron imported into the 
 States, and the higher price at which it is sold there, this 
 would seem to be a very reasonable conclusion. 
 
 That the American-made machinery is not so good as 1 
 English, and therefore less fitted for doing much work, is also* 
 a statement made principally upon the testimony of others. 
 But in its confirmation, I may state, that it was often 
 admitted to myself in America, that the machinery in the 
 American ocean steamers is not all equal to that in English 
 vessels, and yet I apprehend that neither labour nor skill was- 
 spared to make it as near perfect as possible. Again. I learned 
 at Lowell, that the speed at which the looms are driven, is 
 very much less than in England. The reason assigned was, 
 that the English looms are stronger and work more smoothly, 
 in other words, they are superior. And again, I observe, 
 from the Lowell Annual Statement, that, with the good raw 
 material used in the factories of that place, with the strong 
 
18 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 fabrics which are there woven, the production per loom in a 
 day of eleven hours, is considerably less than in Stockport in 
 a day of ten hours. I believe it will be denied that American 
 machinery is inferior to that used in this country, and by men 
 competent to offer an opinion ; but the best test by which we 
 can judge of the comparative value of any two machines 
 better than the opinion of any one is the amount of work 
 each can turn off in a given time, without being damaged 
 in the operation. 
 
 In America, from the youth as it were of the cotton manu 
 facture, there is not yet that harmony between the different 
 industrial departments, which is found to exist in this country. 
 With us, it has been a consequence of the gradual growth of 
 cur manufactures, of the long period they have been in exist 
 ence, and of their being nearly confined to one district. In 
 England, when a new cotton mill is about to be erected, it is 
 probable that the owner will find every article of machinery 
 he intends to purchase, if not in his own town, at all events in 
 his own locality, and one part is easily fitted up or adapted 
 .to suit another. In the States, there are no districts in which 
 a manufacturer can be so easily or so well supplied. Some 
 articles have to be brought from a distance, it may be from 
 several districts and when brought to the place where wanted, 
 they may occasionally be unsuitable for the purpose for which 
 they are intended. While, therefore, the Americans have made 
 most wonderful progress in manufactures, it will require a few 
 more years of enterprise and experience to enable them to 
 -establish, in the various departments, that mutual dependance 
 .and adaptation, which we see in Lancashire. 
 
 That capital is very much more scarce and dearer in 
 America than in England, requires no proof. Nor does it 
 require to be shewn, that when capital is dear, cost is enhanced, 
 :and enterprise is restricted. By this scarcity of capital, the 
 Americans have been compelled to resort to Joint Stock 
 Associations, to cariy on many of their manufacturing under- 
 
TN AMEIHCA. 219 
 
 takings, as the only means whereby sufficient funds could be 
 raised for that purpose. 
 
 It is very generally admitted that Joint Stock Associations 
 cannot carry on undertakings of any kind so successfully as 
 private individuals. Their transactions are in general con 
 ducted with less promptitude and skill, and their management 
 is invariably more expensive. To these remarks the American 
 Associations form no exception, and more especially do they 
 apply to that point which relates to the expensiveness of their 
 management. 
 
 Some of the shares in the Lowell manufactories are owned 
 among the workers a very gratifying feature in the working 
 of the Associations, and also in the character of the workers. 
 A larger number are held by those who occupy the higher 
 appointments at the works, and others belong to merchants 
 in Boston and New York, who receive commissions from the 
 Associations for their services in purchasing raw material, 
 or in selling the manufactured goods. Thus, the influence 
 obtained by those parties as shareholders, enables them to 
 command a considerable share of the business of the Associa 
 tions, with liberal commissions for tlieii services. 
 
 While therefore it is the desire of the shareholders generally, 
 to receive a large dividend on the amount of their capitals, it is 
 the interest of a considerable number of them the managing 
 partners as it were to obtain as much by way of salary 
 or commission as in their power; and their position as share 
 holders enables them to some extent to carry out their plans, 
 and thus add much to the general expenses of the Association. 
 At the same time, no salary or commission will ever induce a 
 merchant or manufacturer to apply himself to the manage 
 ment of his business with that heartiness, energy, and skill, 
 which would be done by the interest of ownership ; and there 
 fore, the management of these Associations is to that extent 
 defective. 
 
 Contrast this expensive management with that of a factory 
 
220 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 in Lancashire. The spinner or manufacturer buys his own 
 cotton in Liverpool, paying a brokerage of only one-half per 
 cent. He superintends its spinning and manufacture, and 
 then disposes of the production on the Manchester Exchange. 
 In this process none of his time is lost, and no expense is 
 incurred. In half a day he will buy as much cotton as will 
 last him for one, two, or four weeks, and in as short a time, 
 he will sell his production for as long a period. The rest of 
 his time can be employed in the management of his mill. 
 
 With those advantages in favour of England advantages 
 which it will require years to supersede whatever may be the 
 restrictions on the importation of cotton goods into the Ameri 
 can markets, manufacturers of this country have no reason 
 to fear successful competition in the neutral and independent 
 markets of the world. 
 
 Frequently have I heard here, and in America, that in the 
 Mediterranean, in India and in China, American cotton 
 manufactures are now competing with those of Great Britain, 
 and even the Indian authorities have taken the unnecessary 
 trouble of drawing the attention of the Manchester merchants 
 to the competition with which they are thus threatened. 
 After what has been already said, it would be almost a super 
 fluous task to reply to this observation. When at Boston, 
 I enquired at some China merchants as to the nature of their 
 operations to that market, and the same enquiries were made 
 subsequently in England, at merchants trading to the countries 
 named. Their replies agreed. The statement of the Boston 
 merchants was to this effect. 
 
 "When we order tea from China, it is a consideration how 
 we can at least expense, and with most convenience, place 
 funds there for its payment. Two plans present themselves. 
 To send out silver or to send out goods. If we buy silver, 
 we require to pay for it at once, but goods we buy at nine 
 months credit, and by the expiry of that time we have our 
 return cargo, to meet our engagements. In any case, we 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 lose by our remittance of silver or goods, but we charge the 
 consumers of the tea an extra price, to enable us to realise a 
 profit on the entire transaction." 
 
 The shipments to the Mediterranean are for the purchase 
 of dry fruits, wines, silks, and other articles. Those to India, 
 are for the purchase of bills on China, and these again are 
 exchanged for tea and silk goods. 
 
 The shipments are composed of manufactured goods, 
 tobacco, ice, "Yankee notions," and other articles. The 
 value of the entire exports of manufactured goods, to those 
 countries in 1853, was 
 
 Dollars. 
 Spain, Portugal, Italy, Austria, Turkev, Malta,) , 00 onn 
 
 and Gibraltar f " l ^^ w 
 
 India, and the Cape of Good Hope 295,380 
 
 China 2,831,359 
 
 Total . . 3,249,939 
 
 If the Americans could undersell our manufacturers in 
 China, which the comparative largeness of their exports 
 thither may lead some to suppose, it may be inferred they 
 could also compete with us in other markets. The smallness 
 of their exports to the other countries just mentioned would 
 indicate that this branch of their commerce is not very 
 profitable. 
 
 As an exchange for the productions of the Mediterranean 
 which they require, they send tobacco, cotton, and other 
 articles. From India they import little, and hence their 
 exports to that quarter are small, but from China they require 
 tea an article of necessity in America, as here and for its 
 purchase, silver or manufactured cotton goods must be sent, 
 as no other articles of their production or manufacture can 
 be sold in that market. 
 
 With the difference which has been shewn to exist between 
 the wages of labour in England and America, it may be sup 
 posed that there is considerable inducement for the working 
 
222 
 
 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 classes in. this country to emigrate. That inducement is 
 not however so great as it appears at first sight; for, though 
 the wages paid are more liberal, yet with longer hours of 
 employment, with all kinds of clothing fifty per cent, higher 
 than in England, with groceries quite as dear, and with grain 
 and animal food not ten per cent, cheaper, it may not unfairly 
 be questioned whether there is the inducement to emigrate 
 which is frequently assumed. 
 
 In the West, I believe that liberal wages are paid to joiners, 
 blacksmiths, and other artizans, who can manufacture articles 
 for home use. I am not aware, however, whether the rate of 
 agricultural wages is large indeed I doubt if the profits on 
 agriculture permit a farmer to employ other labour than his 
 own. This, I was told by a farmer, is the case in Lower 
 Canada, in the immediate neighbourhood of the Montreal 
 market. 
 
 I learned at Lowell, that when any misunderstanding occurs 
 between the owners of factories and the operatives, it is 
 generally arranged in favour of the latter. This arises from 
 two causes. From the scarcity of capital in the country, the 
 employers are unable to hold out against their workers ; and 
 they therefore yield, if any sort of reasonable compromise can 
 be made. Again, from the scarcity of labour, workmen can 
 almost always command their own terms. If one employer 
 cannot agree to their demands, another is prepared to make 
 them an offer, and if that is not suitable, there are numerous 
 outlets for the employment of their labour in other pursuits. 
 
 Strikes, therefore, are not unknown in the States. Indeed 
 they are by no means of unfrequent occurrence, though they 
 may be of short duration, and terminated in the manner 
 stated. During my stay in New Orleans, the workmen on 
 the levee demanded an advance of wages at two different times 
 in about four weeks, and each time their demand was complied 
 with. Raw produce was arriving in quantity, labour was 
 
IN AMERICA. 
 
 consequently in demand, and of course^commanded its own 
 terms. 
 
 When in New York in spring, there was a strike among the- 
 tailors of the city, and all of them suspended labour. The- 
 number said to be idle was about 4,000. At the time I left 
 the country, they had not resumed work. To other strikes I 
 might refer, but they did not come under my own observation. 
 These were, at the collieries, among the servants in the hotels,, 
 and in other places where numbers of people were employed. 
 
 Indeed, the numerous Associations which are organized in 
 the Northern states, and the influence of demagogues and 
 mob orators among the mass of the people, particularly on alL 
 political subjects, would lead me to infer that there are more 
 combinations among the working classes, and more general 
 agitation on questions which may seem to affect their interests,, 
 than are ever known in this country. 
 
A FEW MONTHS 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 LABOUR IN AMERICA LESS PRODUCTIVE THAN IN ENGLAND AMERICAN 
 MANUFACTURES PRODUCTIVENESS OF AGRICULTURE IN ENGLAND AND 
 IN AMERICA INCREASE OF CAPITAL IN THE UNITED STATES INTER 
 NATIONAL RELATIONS BOSTON TO LIVERPOOL. 
 
 ON a review of the immediate foregoing pages, and of the 
 remarks which have been made on some of the other indus 
 trial pursuits of the country, I arrive at the conviction that 
 labour is less productive in America than in England, and 
 therefore that in proportion to the labour employed in each 
 country, the gross annual income of America is compara 
 tively less than that of Great Britain. 
 
 This conviction rests upon the following grounds. It has 
 been shewn that the cotton, woollen, and iron manufactures 
 of the States are now profitable to those interested in them, 
 solely by a protective duty levied upon the foreign imports of 
 the same articles. The same remark may be made about 
 other manufacturing branches to which I have not drawn 
 attention, because the rate of profit on one branch of 
 industry generally measures or determines the profit on 
 other branches ; for capital flows from one to the other, 
 always seeking that which is most profitable, and forsaking 
 that which is least. In the same class I include sugar, 
 which is also grown with a profit to the cultivator, only 
 
IX AMK1IICA. 
 
 because protected by a custom duty. Those branches of 
 industry, therefore, maintained only by protection only by 
 the consumers paying for their productions more than their 
 value, are a loss to the nation, and the labour employed 
 in them contributes nothing to the general wealth of the 
 country. 
 
 I have also shown from American documents, that the pro 
 duction per acre of wheat is less than in England. Corn and 
 other produce are grown in larger quantities per acre, but at 
 lower prices, and this larger quantity per acre at the lower 
 price, is not a more profitable crop than wheat, otherwise the 
 latter would go out of cultivation, or be reduced in quantity, 
 till its price would rise to a point that would make it as pro 
 fitable as other crops. Besides, as already stated in reference 
 to manufactures, the rate of profit on one branch of industry 
 determines that upon all others, and therefore it may be 
 assumed, that the profits on the cultivation of wheat are a fair 
 test of the profits on the other agricultural pursuits in 
 the regions where wheat is grown. For reasons already 
 assigned, I do not think that a labourer in America, does 
 or can cultivate a larger surface than in England. 
 
 From these premises, I venture to argue that labour in the 
 North, employed in manufactures and agriculture, produces 
 a smaller result per annum, than the same quantity of labour 
 in England. In the South, the value of the productions of 
 cotton, rice, and tobacco, cannot be directly compared with 
 the value of English crops, because they are totally different 
 in kind. But as I have shown that in the North, corn is 
 grown at a less profit than wheat is with us, and as it is also 
 grown in the South in large quantities, I infer that it is not 
 much, if any less profitable as a crop, than any of the Southern 
 products, and therefore the conclusions arrived at with respect 
 to the value of the Northern crops will also hold good with 
 respect to those of the South. 
 
 I shall put this in another point of view. The cotton crop 
 
 Q 
 
226 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 is confessedly the most profitable one in the South. On an 
 average the growth per acre is 250 Ibs. clean cotton, and this 
 at 10 cents is equal to $25. In England, the average pro 
 duction per acre of wheat is upwards of thirty bushels say 
 four quarters and this at 50s. per quarter, is equal to 10. 
 or about $50. This is quite a confirmation of the soundness 
 of the argument stated above. 
 
 To this smaller annual productiveness of America, let there 
 be added, that the people live much more extravagantly than 
 in England, that they live more expensively, and consume a 
 larger portion of their income, and it will follow that the 
 annual savings of the country the annual addition to the 
 national capital is much less than in England. 
 
 On the other hand, out of the entire American population, 
 a greater number may be employed in industrial pursuits 
 than in England. In the Northern states labour is held in 
 honour, and every one is engaged in some occupation or 
 calling. There, character and mind command that position, 
 which in England is too often assumed by birth and gentility. 
 In the slave states labour is held in less repute, and many 
 of the white population contribute little even by the 
 direction of labour to the common fund of the nation. 
 
 In England, there is a large class of idlers who live on 
 their rents and fixed incomes, mere consumers of the fruits 
 of the industry of others and they retain a still larger num 
 ber of people as dependents and servants, whose labour is 
 wholly unproductive. 
 
 While, therefore, the annual income per head of those 
 engaged in labours and the annual national savings are less 
 in America than in England, it would be very much more 
 difficult to say with any degree of confidence, in which of the 
 two countries there is the greater ratio of increase of the 
 national capital. 
 
 I cannot close these remarks, without adverting to the 
 
IN AMERICA. 227 
 
 existence, in some parts of the States, of a feeling somewhat 
 adverse to this country, and of a jealousy of the influence of 
 our government. This feeling is but partial, and is most 
 observable among a certain class of newspaper writers and 
 politicians. Not a few of the American people believe that 
 a similar feeling prevails on our side, and that alone may 
 help to keep up a degree of antagonism between the two 
 nations. 
 
 Several causes serve to maintain this feeling among the 
 Americans. Among others may be noted, the belief that we 
 undervalue their position and power, and that we contest 
 their claim to equality with ourselves. An impression that 
 we desire to interfere with the Southern slave institutions, by 
 the encouragement of agitation here and elsewhere; and a 
 fear that our Government will oppose the forcible annexation 
 of Cuba. Some mortification is also created among them by 
 the occasionally severe strictures of our public writers on 
 American affairs. Those strictures are the more keenly felt, 
 that, throughout the States, there is much anxiety to obtain 
 the notice and favourable criticism of the people of this 
 country. Indeed, moderate commendation from our writers, 
 is much more valued than the fulsome applause of their own. 
 The Irish immigrants are generally hostile to this country, 
 and they have influence among certain writers and politicians, 
 who, to obtain a little popularity, or rather notoriety, will 
 readily join in any cry against Great Britain. 
 
 This feeling of irritation, a result principally of ignorance 
 and misapprehension, but yet founded on the respect enter 
 tained towards this country, I was gratified to learn, is rapidly 
 ctying out, and the sentiments now 7 entertained towards 
 England, are very much more friendly than they were a few- 
 years ago. This satisfactory change has arisen from the large 
 and growing intercourse between the two countries during the 
 last few years, the increase of our commercial relations, and 
 the better knowledge each nation has of the other. 
 
2^8 A F-tW MONTHS 
 
 At the present moment, no two nations in the world have 
 stronger reasons to maintain the most intimate relations, 
 than the United States and Great Britain. Their commer 
 cial transactions with each other are on a scale of unprece 
 dented magnitude, and the benefits which result are mutual. 
 Indeed, this commerce is of the utmost importance to the 
 internal peace, progress, and prosperity of both. 
 
 Nor is this all. The American people are practical. So 
 ciety with them is yet unsettled, and full of excitement. 
 Their minds are yet occupied with the material interests of 
 their country, and with the development of its immense 
 resources. This attention to practical affairs quickens their 
 perceptive faculties, and enables them to effect improvements 
 in matters with which, with our more conservative habits, 
 we should be almost inclined to be content. Some of these 
 improvements w r e see in mechanics, ship-building, and other 
 industrial pursuits. 
 
 On the other hand, the almost exclusive attention which 
 is paid in America to the material interests of the country, 
 the eager pursuit of wealth, and the excitement and agi 
 tation arising from politics, deprive the people of all leisure 
 for thought. Their perceptions are quickened, but their 
 reflective faculties are neglected and weakened ; and if I 
 mistake not, the habits of one generation have a tendency 
 to become constitutional, or a part of the character of the 
 next. With these acquired habits, then, with this gradual 
 change of character, and without a class with hereditary 
 wealth, enabling it to devote its leisure to self-culture and 
 refinement, or to encourage those studies in others, the 
 American people will have to rely to a large extent on the 
 older nations of the world for instruction in many of the 
 higher departments of knowledge. They will teach us many 
 practical truths, and it may be, solve many of the problems 
 of every-day life, but in most of the higher branches of 
 human learning, in science, art, literature, philosophy, and 
 
IX AMERICA. 229 
 
 general mental culture, they will look to Europe, for gene 
 rations to come, for their purest models, and for their best 
 instructors. 
 
 With these numerous ties to bind the two nations together, 
 and with the yet additional ones arising from blood, language, 
 and laws, and the interest which both feel in the cause of 
 humanity and civilization, we have every reason to expect 
 an enlargement of intercourse, an increase of respect and 
 confidence, and a growing intimacy between the two peoples. 
 
 On the 26th of April I left Boston for England in the 
 Cunard steamer the " America." 
 
 The pleasurable emotions natural to one setting his face 
 homewards were in this instance largely tempered with 
 regret, at separating from many kind friends. All of them 
 were known to me as it were but yesterday, and yet their 
 kindness was incessant and full of cordiality. To all of my 
 countrymen who desire to know the American people, I 
 would say, go and see them at home, in their own country ; 
 and I venture to believe, that no one who is unprejudiced, 
 will return without being gratified with the consideration he 
 will receive, simply because an inhabitant of the Old Country. 
 
 In about thirty-six hours after leaving Boston we were off 
 Halifax, where we had to remain for more than a day in a 
 dense fog. This was no agreeable detention for those of us 
 who were impatient to reach home. Once again at sea, our 
 ship made rapid progress, although still through a thick fog. 
 The passengers however had no apprehensions, except from 
 icebergs on the eastern banks of Newfoundland. On the 
 morning of the 3rd of May when we came on deck, the 
 captain told us that during the night he had passed within 
 a few yards of a large berg. The fog was then very thick, 
 and the berg could not be seen until close alongside the 
 paddle-box. On the same day w r e saw several others, but no 
 fields of ice. On the following day we were out in the 
 ocean, and free from danger. 
 
230 A FEW MONTHS 
 
 There was very little sea-sickness among the passengers, and 
 that disappeared on the first or second day. Afterwards, it 
 was gratifying to observe the desire manifested by every one 
 to be agreeable, and to contribute to the general amusement. 
 The cordial morning salutation, the pleasure with which 
 favourable intelligence of the ship s progress was given and 
 received, the ready anecdote at table, and the glee with 
 which it was enjoyed, were all indications of the general 
 good humour. 
 
 The ship s first officer told me that when the officers of the 
 Cunard Company s ships travel in the States, or in the 
 Canadas, the railway companies generally frank them, no 
 matter to what distance ; and when they live at any hotel, 
 where they are known, no charge is made. When in har 
 bour at New York, or Boston, if there be any public exhibition, 
 or any unusual performance at the theatres, concert halls, or 
 any other public place, they are generally presented with 
 tickets. 
 
 From the 4th to the 8th of May, the wind blew a gale from 
 the north-west. Our canvass was unfurled, and we were 
 carried forward under full sail. The sea was rough, and was 
 running at the rate of 30 miles an hour, but being in our 
 favour, it aided the speed of our vessel, and helped us 
 towards home. 
 
 On the evening of the 8th, we had the first glimpse of the 
 light 011 Cape Clear, now and again dipping in the waves, and 
 shortly afterwards we saw the coast of Ireland. Only those 
 who have been at sea can understand the joy with which the 
 first sight of land is greeted by the homeward-bound. Next 
 morning, we were running along the south-east coast of 
 Ireland. At noon, the coast of South Wales came in sight, 
 and in the afternoon, we were off Holyhead. The channel 
 was studded with ships, freighted with merchandise to and 
 from all parts of the world. In the evening, we came within 
 sight of Liverpool, and, before midnight, we rejoiced to touch, 
 once more, the shores of " merrie England." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
RESULTS OF TH: 
 
 STATES. 
 
 AHEA. 
 
 POPULATION. 
 
 Square Miles 
 
 White. _ F ree . 
 Coloured. 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 35,000 
 
 581,813 
 317,456 
 313,402 
 985,450 
 143,875 
 363,000 
 3,048,325 
 465,500 
 2,258,160 
 71,169 
 417,043 
 37,941 
 894,800 
 553,028 
 274,563 
 521,572 
 47,203 
 426,514 
 295,718 
 255,401 
 154,034 
 162,189 
 756,836 
 761,413 
 502,004 
 846,034 
 , 077,154 
 1,955,050 
 305,071 
 304,756 
 101,881 
 91,635 
 6.038 
 61,525 
 13,087 
 11,330 
 
 1,356 
 5-20 
 718 
 0,064 
 3,670 
 7,093 
 40,069 
 23,810 
 53,626 
 18,073 
 74,723 
 10,050 
 54,333 
 27,463 
 8,960 
 2,031 
 932 
 2,2i15 
 930 
 17,402 
 307 
 608 
 6,422 
 10,011 
 2,618 
 5,436 
 11,262 
 25,270 
 2,583 
 635 
 333 
 962 
 39 
 22 
 207 
 24 
 
 
 583.16 
 317,97 
 314,12 
 004,51 
 147,54 
 370,79 
 3,097,38 
 489,55 
 2,311,76 
 91,53 
 583,0? 
 51,66 
 1,421, 0( 
 809,0? 
 668,5( 
 906,U 
 87,4^ 
 771,6 . 
 606,55 
 517,7( 
 212,5J 
 209,81 
 1,002,7 
 982,4( 
 682,0-i 
 851,tf 
 988,41 
 1,080,3( 
 397,6J 
 305,3* 
 102,2] 
 92,5f 
 6.0) 
 6ll 
 13,2f 
 1 1,35 
 
 New Hampshire . . 
 Vermont 
 
 8,030 
 
 8,000 
 7,250 
 1,200 
 4,750 
 46,000 
 6,851 
 47,000 
 2,120 
 11,000 
 50 
 61,352 
 45,500 
 28,000 
 58,000 
 59,208 
 50,722 
 47,151 
 41,346 
 325,520 
 52,1!)8 
 
 "236 
 
 2,290 
 90,368 
 3,687 
 472,528 
 288,548 
 384,984 
 381,682 
 39,310 
 342,844 
 300,878 
 244,800 
 58,161 
 47,100 
 230,459 
 210,081 
 87,422 
 
 *26 
 
 Massachusets . . . 
 Rhode Island . . . 
 Connecticut. . . . 
 New York . 
 
 New Jersey .... 
 Pennsylvania. . . . 
 Delaware .... 
 Maryland 
 District of Columbia 
 Vir"inia . . 
 
 North Carolina . . 
 South Carolina . . . 
 Georgia 
 
 Florida . . 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi . . . . 
 Louisiana .... 
 Texas . 
 
 
 Tennessee . . . . 
 Kentucky .... 
 Missouri .... 
 Illinois 
 
 44,000 
 37,080 
 65,037 
 55,400 
 33,809 
 39,064 
 56,243 
 53,024 
 50,014 
 188,982 
 141,839 
 210,774 
 341.463 
 187,023 
 
 Indiana 
 Ohio 
 Michigan .... 
 Wisconsin . . . . 
 Iowa 
 California 
 
 Minnesota Territory . 
 New Mexico Territory. 
 Oregon Territory . . 
 Utah Territory . . . 
 
 
 2,454,260 
 
 19,553,068 
 
 434,495 
 
 3,204,313 
 
 23,191,87 
 
IENSUS OF 1850. 
 
 
 ACRES OF LAND IX 
 FARMS. 
 
 VALUE. 
 
 VALUE. 
 
 ncrease; 
 in Improved. 
 years. 
 
 Unimproved. 
 
 Cash Value of 
 Farms. 
 
 Value of 
 Live Stock. 
 
 Real & Personal 
 Estate. 
 
 l| 
 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 16.22 2,030,590 
 
 2,515,797 
 
 54,861,748 
 
 9,705,726 
 
 122,777,571 
 
 11.73 2,351,488 
 
 1,140,926 
 
 55,245,997 
 
 8,871,901 
 
 103,652,835 
 
 i 7.59 2,601,409 
 
 1,524,413 
 
 63,367,227 
 
 12,043,228 
 
 92,205,049 
 
 34.81 2,133,430 
 
 1,222,576 
 
 109,076,347 
 
 9,047,710 
 
 573,342,286 
 
 i 35.57 | 350,487 
 
 197.451 
 
 17,070,802 
 
 1,532,637 
 
 80,508,794 
 
 (19.02 1,768,178 
 
 615^701 
 
 72,726,422 
 
 7,407,490 
 
 155,707,980 
 
 27.52 i 12,408,904 
 
 0,710,120 
 
 554,546,042 
 
 73,570,499 
 
 1,080,309,216 
 
 31.14 :! 1,707,991 
 
 984,955 
 
 120,237,511 
 
 10,079,291 
 
 200,000,000 
 
 34.09 . 8,028,619 
 
 0,294,728 
 
 407,876,099 
 
 41,500,053 
 
 722,486,120 
 
 1 17.22 I, 580,802 
 
 375,282 
 
 18,880,031 
 
 1,849,281 
 
 21,062,550 
 
 24.04 1 2,797,905 
 
 1,830,445 
 
 87,178,545 
 
 7,997,034 
 
 219,217,304 
 
 18.24 ! 16,267 
 
 11,187 
 
 1,730,460 
 
 71,043 
 
 14,018,874 
 
 14.07 ! 10,360,135 
 
 15,792.170 
 
 210,401,543 
 
 33,050,659 
 
 430,701,082 
 
 i 15.35 5,453,975 
 
 15,543,008 
 
 67,891,706 
 
 17,717,647 
 
 220,800,472 
 
 ; 12.47 
 
 4,072,651 
 
 12,145,049 
 
 82,431,084 
 
 15,060,015 
 
 288,257,094 
 
 : 31.07 
 
 6,378,479 
 
 16,442,900 
 
 95,753,445 
 
 25,728.416 
 
 335,425,714 
 
 60.52 
 
 349,049 
 
 1,240,240 
 
 0,323,109 
 
 2,880,058 
 
 22,802,270 
 
 30.62 
 
 4,435,614 
 
 7,702,007 
 
 64,323,224 
 
 21,690,112 
 
 228,204,332 
 
 01.46 
 
 3,444,358 
 
 7,046,001 
 
 54,738,034 
 
 19,403,062 
 
 228,951,130 
 
 46.92 
 
 1,590.025 
 
 3,399,018 
 
 75,814,398 
 
 11,152,275 
 
 233,998,704 
 
 
 643,976 
 
 10,852,303 
 
 16,550,008 
 
 10,412,927 
 
 52,740,473 
 
 115.12 
 
 781,530 
 
 1,816,684 
 
 15/205,245 
 
 6,647,909 
 
 39,841,025 
 
 20.92 
 
 5,175,173 
 
 13,808,849 
 
 97,851,212 
 
 29,978,010 
 
 201,240,686 
 
 25.98 5,968,270 
 
 10,981,478 
 
 155,021,202 
 
 29,001,430 
 
 301,628,450 
 
 77.75 2,938,425 
 
 6,794,245 
 
 03,225,543 
 
 19,887,580 
 
 137,247,707 
 
 ; 78.81 i| 5,039,545 
 
 6,997,867 
 
 96,133,290 
 
 24,209,258 
 
 150,205,006 
 
 44.11 1 5,040,543 
 
 7,746,*79 
 
 120,385,173 
 
 22,478,555 
 
 202,650,204 
 
 30.33 I 9,851,493 
 
 8,140,000 
 
 358,758,003 
 
 44,121,741 
 
 504,726,120 
 
 87.34 
 
 1,929,110 
 
 2,454,780 
 
 51,872,446 
 
 8,008,734 
 
 59,787,255 
 
 ^86.88 
 
 1,045,499 
 
 1,931,159 
 
 28,528,563 
 
 4,897,385 
 
 42.056,595 
 
 345.85 824,(i82 
 
 1,911,382 
 
 16,657,507 
 
 3,683,275 
 
 23,714,638 
 
 32,454 
 
 3,801,531 
 
 3,874,041 
 
 3,351,058 
 
 22,161,872 
 
 ... i 5,035 
 
 23,840 
 
 101,948 
 
 92,859 
 
 
 
 100,201 
 
 124,370 
 
 1,653,922 
 
 1,494,629 
 
 5,174.471 
 
 132,857 
 
 299,951 
 
 2,849,170 
 
 1,876,189 
 
 5,063,474 
 
 ... 
 
 16,333 
 
 30,516 
 
 311,799 
 
 546,968 
 
 986,083 
 
 35.87 1113,032.614 
 
 180,529,000 
 
 3,271,575,426J544,180,51G 
 
 7,135,780,228 
 
RESULTS OP THI 
 
 STATES. 
 
 PRODUCTIONS OF AGE 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 Indian Corn. 
 
 Oats. 
 
 Rice. 
 
 
 Bushels. 
 296,259 
 
 185,658 
 535,955 
 31,211 
 49 
 41,762 
 13 121 498 
 
 Bushels. 
 1,750,056 
 1,573,670 
 2,032,396 
 2,345,490 
 539,201 
 1,935,043 
 17,858,400 
 8,759,704 
 19,835,214 
 3,145,542 
 10,749,858 
 65,230 
 35,254,319 
 27,941,051 
 16,271,454 
 30,080,099 
 1,996,809 
 28,754,048 
 22,446,552 
 10,266,373 
 6,028,876 
 8,893,939 
 52,276,223 
 58,672,591 
 36,214,537 
 57,646,984 
 52,964,363 
 59,078,695 
 5,611,420 
 1,988,979 
 8,656,799 
 12,236 
 16,725 
 365,411 
 2,918 
 9,899 
 
 Bushels. 
 2,181,037 
 973,381 
 2,307,734 
 1,165,146 
 215,232 
 1,258,738 
 26,552,814 
 3,378,063 
 21,538,156 
 604,518 
 2,242,151 
 8,134 
 10,179,144 
 4,052,078 
 2,322,155 
 3,820,044 
 66,586 
 2,965,696 
 1,503,288 
 89,637 
 199,017 
 656,183 
 7,703,086 
 8,201,311 
 5,278,079 
 10,087,241 
 5,655,014 
 13,472,742 
 2,866,056 
 3,414,672 
 1,524,345 
 
 30,582 
 5 
 61,214 
 10,900 
 
 Lbs. 
 
 "ll ,154 
 
 5,465,866 
 159,930,61C 
 38,950,691 
 1,075,09C 
 2,312,255 
 2,719,85( 
 4,425,34 
 88,20? 
 63,171 
 258,85* 
 5,68! 
 7()< 
 
 215,313,49 
 
 New Hampshire .... 
 Vermont . . 
 
 
 Rhode Island . . 
 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 1,601,190 
 15,367,691 
 482,511 
 4,494,680 
 17,370 
 11,212,616 
 2,130,102 
 1,066,277 
 1,088,534 
 1,027 
 294,044 
 137,990 
 417 
 41,729 
 199,639 
 1,619,386 
 2,142,822 
 2,981,652 
 9,414,575 
 6,214,458 
 14,487,351 
 4,925,889 
 4,286,131 
 1,530,581 
 17,328 
 1,401 
 196,516 
 211,943 
 107,702 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Dislrict of Columbia . . . 
 
 North Carolina .... 
 South Carolina 
 
 Georgia . 
 
 Florida 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Texas . . . . 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Illinois . .... 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Michigan 
 Wisconsin ...... 
 Iowa 
 
 Minnesota Territory . . . 
 New Mexico Territory . . 
 Oregon Territory . . . . 
 
 
 
 100,485,944 
 
 592,071,104 
 
 146,584,179 
 
ENSUS OF 1850. 
 
 ! ULTURE. 
 
 COTTON MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Tobacco. 
 
 ci g - * . 
 
 "Wool. 
 
 Capital 
 
 Bales of 
 
 Value of 
 
 Value of 
 entire 
 
 
 li|2 
 
 
 Invested. 
 
 Cotton. 
 
 Raw Materl 
 
 products. 
 
 Lbs. 
 
 
 Lbs. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 
 Dollars. | Dollars. 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 1.364,034 
 
 3,329,700 
 
 31,531 
 
 1,573,110 
 
 2,596,356 
 
 50 
 
 
 1,108,470 
 
 10,950,500 
 
 83,020 
 
 4.839,429 
 
 8,830,619 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 3,400,717 
 
 202,500 
 
 2,243 
 
 114,415 
 
 190,100 
 
 138,240 
 
 .... 
 
 585,130 
 
 28,455,030 
 
 223,607 
 
 11,289,309 
 
 19,712,401 
 
 .... 
 
 
 129.092 
 
 0,075,000 
 
 50,713 
 
 3,484,579 
 
 6,447,120 
 
 1,267,624 
 
 .... 
 
 497,454 
 
 4,219,100 
 
 39,483 
 
 2,500,062 
 
 4,257,522 
 
 83,189 
 
 .... 
 
 10,071.301 
 
 4,170,920 
 
 37,778 
 
 1,985,973 
 
 3,591,989 
 
 310 
 
 .... 
 
 375,390 
 
 1,483.500 
 
 14,437 
 
 666,645 
 
 1,109,524 
 
 912,651 
 
 .... 
 
 4,481,570 
 
 4,528,925 
 
 44,102 
 
 3,152,530 
 
 5,322,262 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 57,708 
 
 400,100 
 
 4,730 
 
 312,068 
 
 538,439 
 
 21,407,497 
 
 .... 
 
 477,438 
 
 2,230,000 
 
 23,325 
 
 1,165,579 
 
 2,120,504 
 
 7,800 
 
 .... 
 
 525 
 
 85,000 
 
 900 
 
 67,000 
 
 100,000 
 
 56,803,227 
 
 3,947 
 
 2,800,705 
 
 1,908,900 
 
 17,785 
 
 828,375 
 
 1,486,384 
 
 11,984,786 
 
 73,845 
 
 970,738 
 
 1,058,800 
 
 13,017 
 
 531,903 
 
 831,342 
 
 74,285 
 
 300,901 
 
 487,233 
 
 857,200 
 
 9,929 
 
 295,971 
 
 748,338 
 
 423,924 
 
 499,091 
 
 990,019 
 
 1,730,150 
 
 20,230 
 
 900,419 
 
 2,135,044 
 
 998,614 
 
 45,131 
 
 23,247 
 
 80,000 
 
 600 
 
 30,000 
 
 49,920 
 
 164,990 
 
 504,429 
 
 657,118 
 
 651,900 
 
 5,208 
 
 237,081 
 
 382,260 
 
 49,960 
 
 484,292 
 
 559,619 
 
 38,000 
 
 430 
 
 21,500 
 
 30,500 
 
 20,878 
 
 178,737 
 
 109,897 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 00,897 
 
 58,072 
 
 131,917 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 218.936 
 
 05,344 
 
 182,595 
 
 10,500 
 
 170 
 
 8,975 
 
 16,637 
 
 20,148,932 
 
 194,532 
 
 1,364,378 
 
 669,000 
 
 6,41 1 
 
 297,500 
 
 510,624 
 
 55,501,196 
 
 758 
 
 2,297,433 
 
 289,000 
 
 3,760 
 
 180,907 
 
 273,439 
 
 17,113,784 
 
 .... 
 
 1,627,164 
 
 102,000 
 
 2,160 
 
 86,446 
 
 142,900 
 
 841,394 
 
 .... 
 
 2,150,113 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 1 .044,020 
 
 14 
 
 2,010,287 
 
 43,000 
 
 675 
 
 28,220 
 
 44,200 
 
 10,454,449 
 
 .... 
 
 J 0,196,371 
 
 297.000 
 
 4,270 
 
 237,060 
 
 394,700 
 
 1,245 
 
 .... 
 
 2,043,283 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 1 ,268 
 
 .... 
 
 253,963 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 
 0,041 
 
 .... 
 
 373,898 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 1,000 
 
 
 5,520 
 
 
 
 .... .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 85 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 8,467 
 
 .... 
 
 32,901 
 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 325 
 
 .... 
 
 29,086 
 
 .... 
 
 .... .... 
 
 .... 
 
 70 
 
 
 
 9,222 
 
 .... 
 
 
 
 
 
 99,752,655 
 
 2,469,093 
 
 52,510,959 
 
 74,501,031 
 
 641,240 
 
 34,835,056 
 
 61,869,184 
 
RESULTS OF THE CENSU 
 
 . I 
 STATES. 
 
 WOOLLEN MANUFACTURES. 
 
 Capital 
 invested- 
 
 Wool Used. 
 
 Value of 
 Raw 
 Material. 
 
 Value of 
 entire 
 Products 
 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 467,600 
 2,437,700 
 886,300 
 9,089,342 
 1,013,000 
 3,773,953 
 4,459,370 
 494,274 
 3,005,064 
 148.500 
 244,000 
 700 
 392,640 
 18,000 
 
 08,000 
 
 8,000 
 
 .10,900 
 249,820 
 20,000 
 154,500 
 171,545 
 870,220 
 94,000 
 31,225 
 10,000 
 
 LBS. 
 
 1,438,434 
 3,604,103 
 2,328,100 
 22,229,952 
 4,103,370 
 9,414,100 
 12,538,780 
 1,510,289 
 7,560,379 
 393,000 
 430,300 
 5,000 
 1,554,110 
 30,000 
 
 153,816 
 
 30,000 
 
 6,200 
 673,900 
 80,000 
 396,964 
 413,350 
 1,657,726 
 162,250 
 134,200 
 14,500 
 
 DOLLABS. 
 
 495,940 
 1,267,329 
 830,684 
 8,671,671 
 1,463,900 
 3,325,709 
 3,838,292 
 548,367 
 3,282,718 
 201,172 
 105,568 
 1 ,630 
 488,899 
 13,950 
 
 30,392 
 
 10,000 
 
 Y,675 
 205,287 
 16,000 
 115,367 
 120,486 
 578,423 
 43,402 
 32,630 
 3,500 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 753,30 
 2,127,74 
 1,579,16 
 12,770,56 
 2,381,82 
 6,465,21 
 7,030,60 
 1,164,44 
 5,321,86 
 251,01 
 205,141 
 2,40 
 841,01 
 23,75 
 
 87,75< 
 
 15,00 
 
 6,31 
 
 318,81 
 56,0(X 
 206,57! 
 205,80: 
 1,111,02 
 90,24i 
 87,99: 
 33,0(X 
 
 New Hampshire .... 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Massachusets ... 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York ..*..... 
 
 New Jersey 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 
 Mar\ T land 
 
 District of Columbia . . . 
 Virginia . 
 
 \orth Carolina 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Georgia . .... 
 
 Florida 
 
 Alabama 
 
 
 Louisiana . . . 
 
 Texas 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Kentucky 
 Missouri 
 
 Illinois 
 Indiana 
 
 Ohio . . 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin ....... 
 Iowa 
 
 California . 
 
 Minnesota Territory . . . . 
 New Mexico Territory . . . 
 Oregon Territory 
 
 Utah Territory .... 
 
 
 
 28,118,650 
 
 70,862,829 
 
 25,755,988 
 
 43,207,55. 
 
>F 1850. 
 
 
 IKON MANUFACTURES. 
 
 RAILWAYS IN 1854. 
 
 Capital 
 invested. 
 
 Value of 
 Haw 
 Material. 
 
 Value of 
 entire 
 Products. 
 
 No. of 
 Rail 
 ways. 
 
 No. of 
 Miles in 
 operation 
 
 No.ofMiles 
 in course o! 
 constructs. 
 
 Cost, 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 
 
 
 DOLLARS. 
 
 304,100 
 
 127,509 
 
 301,010 
 
 12 
 
 450 
 
 50 
 
 15,325,050 
 
 238,700 
 
 187,500 
 
 388,110 
 
 10 
 
 512 
 
 34 
 
 15,800,940 
 
 357,920 
 
 200,972 
 
 692,817 
 
 7 
 
 410 
 
 59 
 
 17,098,835 
 
 2,578,350 
 
 1,404,839 
 
 2,959,078 
 
 39 
 
 .1,293 
 
 30 
 
 59,107,781 
 
 630,800 
 
 370,017 
 
 951,105 
 
 1 
 
 50 
 
 
 
 2,614,484 
 
 1,335,900 
 
 999,374 
 
 2,004,500 
 
 12 
 
 638 
 
 51 
 
 25,224,191 
 
 0,358,782 
 
 3,553,109 
 
 7,943,808 
 
 32 
 
 2,604 
 
 801 
 
 110,908,469 
 
 2,577,093 
 
 954,705 
 
 1,870,247 
 
 11 
 
 437 
 
 .... 
 
 13,840,030 
 
 19,013,415 
 
 11,593,285 20,329,301 
 
 09 
 
 1,992 
 
 MOO 
 
 85,935,675 
 
 388,500 
 
 173,352 322,462 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 43 
 
 600.000 
 
 2,550,750 
 
 1,259,420 2,512,831 
 
 o 
 
 512 
 
 30 ! 2,054,338 
 
 14,000 
 
 18,100 41,090 
 
 ... 
 
 .... 
 
 
 .... 
 
 1,770,171 
 
 1,046,709 2,451,335 
 
 24 
 
 845 
 
 i ,ioi 
 
 16,660*,250 
 
 139,500 
 
 04,355 
 
 92,347 
 
 5 
 
 381 
 
 248 
 
 6,847,213 
 
 185,700 
 
 29,128 
 
 87,083 
 
 10 
 
 692 
 
 382 
 
 13,447,093 
 
 70,200 
 
 
 
 118,884 
 
 10 
 
 930 
 
 452 
 
 16,884,872 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 .... 
 
 2 
 
 54 
 
 . 4 
 
 250,000 
 
 230,125 
 
 111,855 
 
 301,120 
 
 
 
 221 
 
 059 
 
 3,986,208 
 
 100,000 
 
 50,370 
 
 117,400 
 
 7 
 
 239 
 
 755 
 
 4 540,000 
 
 255,000 
 
 75,300 
 
 312,500 
 
 8 
 
 169 
 
 293 
 
 1,731,000 
 
 10,000 
 
 8,400 
 
 55,000 
 
 1 
 
 ... 
 
 72 
 
 .... 
 
 1,915,950 
 
 730,551 
 
 1,611,043 
 
 12 
 
 517 
 
 946 
 
 10,4*36,610 
 
 1,002,900 
 
 730,485 
 
 1,048,053 
 
 10 
 
 228 
 
 572 
 
 6,179,072 
 
 848,100 
 
 254,990 
 
 719,795 
 
 
 
 50 
 
 963 
 
 1,000,000 
 
 325,400 
 
 187,830 
 
 511,385 
 
 3L 
 
 2,707 
 
 1,156 
 
 57,603,056 
 
 171,900 
 
 95,743 
 
 219,190 
 
 39 
 
 1,453 
 
 2,008 
 
 30,255,302 
 
 4,187,450 
 
 2,434,320 
 
 5,401,392 
 
 47 
 
 2,997 
 
 1,031 
 
 67,798,201 
 
 210,450 
 
 105,865 
 
 300,097 
 
 3 
 
 508 
 
 150 
 
 20,070,397 
 
 131,350 
 
 95.180 
 
 243,195 
 
 11 
 
 322 
 
 707 
 
 6,500,000 
 
 5,500 
 
 2,524 
 
 8,500 
 
 4 
 
 155 
 
 1,235 
 
 2,700,000 
 
 5,000 
 
 8,530 
 
 20,740 
 
 
 
 
 
 49,258,006 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ...; 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 27,049,753 
 
 54,604,000 
 
 445 
 
 21,528 
 
 10,738 
 
 616,766,333 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 8, line 5. For is favourable read are favourable. 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 has been 
 
 have been. 
 
 25 
 
 3 
 
 is to be 
 
 are to be. 
 
 28 
 
 28 
 
 is much 
 
 are much. 
 
 42 
 
 17 
 
 the north 
 
 the mouth. 
 
 45 
 
 5 
 
 teas a few 
 
 were a few 
 
 45 
 
 26 
 
 in the Atlantic 
 
 on the Atlantic. 
 
 51 
 
 20 
 
 there is 
 
 there are 
 
 74 
 
 12 
 
 there has been 
 
 there #ve been 
 
 79 
 
 15 
 
 Jive years 
 
 four years 
 
 81 
 
 31 
 
 2,469,093 
 
 2,464,374 
 
 81 
 
 32 
 
 1,975,274 
 
 1,971,499 
 
 94 
 
 2 
 
 slave trade 
 
 slave labour 
 
 140 
 
 10 
 
 4,207,21 
 
 4,207,217 
 
 155 
 
 19 
 
 taking up of their 
 
 taking up thoir 
 
 160 
 
 26 
 
 800 miles 
 
 8000 miles. 
 
 193 
 
 32 
 
 25 3 
 
 25 3 . 
 
 217 
 
 28 
 
 not all 
 
 not at all. 
 
CALT, KERBUISfl, & GENT, FB1NTEBS, 28, NEW CANNON STREET, MANCHESTER. 
 

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 BERKELEY 
 
 Return to desk from which borrowed. 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
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 SEP 2 4 1954 LU 
 
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 LOAN DEPT* 
 
 G 1 1 1977 6 1 
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 M219736 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY