--. 
 
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 GIFT OF 
 
 DANIEL C. OILMAN. 
 
f. -+ -z- J - 
 
 NOTES, 
 
 GRAMMATICAL AND RHETORICAL, 
 
 UPON THE 
 
 ORATION ON THE CRON, 
 
 WITH AW 
 
 HISTORICAL SKETCH. 
 
 NEW HAVEN: 
 
 PRINTED BY EZEKIEL HAYES. 
 
 1855. 
 
HISTORICAL SKETCH. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I. PERIOD UNDER REVIEW. 404-338, B. C. 
 
 1. GREECE never recovered from the effects of the Pelopon-4^ 1 
 nesian war. The course of events, which began soon after the 
 termination of that war and which originated in the state of 
 things produced by it, held on its destructive way till it came 
 to an end in the subjugation of Greece under Philip. The influ- 
 ence of the Peloponnesian war doubtless extended itself farther, 
 but is no longer distinguishable in the general current of events. 
 We may, therefore, consider the period extending from the end 
 of that war to the battle of Chaeronea, from 404, B. C., to 338, 
 B. C., 66 years as constituting a single historical period. This 
 period, however, is subdivided into two ; the period in which 
 Greece struggles with success to secure her freedom from the 
 domination^ Sparta, and the period in which she loses that 
 recovered freedom and falls under the power of Philip of Mace- 
 don. The first of these subordinate periods extends to the 
 362, B. c, battle of Mantinea and the accession of Philip to the 
 359, B. c. throne, embracing forty-five years, at the end of which 
 time the states of Greece are indeed free, but with the loss of the 
 ancient Hellenic sentiment of union against a foreign foe and 
 without any one state able to control the rest, at the same time 
 distracted by internal feuds and weakened and corrupted by 
 long wars. The second period extends to the battle of Chaero- 
 nea, embracing twenty-one years and terminating 
 with the utter and final ruin of Grecian freedom. 
 These two subdivisions of the general period stand to each 
 other in the relation of cause and effect ; germs were planted 
 in the former which brought forth fruit in the latter. Hence 
 
the two should be studied in connection. But, besides this 
 reason for studying them in connection, the student of Demos- 
 thenes has another ; although the final struggle in which De- 
 mosthenes contended for Grecian independence took place in 
 the latter period, yet, without a knowledge of the former, it is 
 impossible either to understand the historical statements and 
 allusions in the speeches of the orator, or to comprehend the 
 objects and principles of the policy recommended in them. 
 
 II. STATE OF GREECE AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THIS 
 
 GENERAL PERIOD. 404, B. C. 
 
 2. In treating of the state of Greece at the opening of this 
 * * period, it will be sufficient to speak of Athens and 
 
 Sparta; and first, of Athens. 
 
 The battle of JEgospotami which was fought in September 
 or October, 405, B. C., resulted in the capture of almost the 
 entire Athenian fleet, only twelve triremes escaping 
 et of the one hundred and eighty- two of which it was 
 composed. Farther resistance was impossible : Byzantium, 
 or Foreign Chalcedon, Lesbos, Thasos, Samos, indeed, all the 
 possessions, cities either in alliance with Athens or dependent 
 upon her, both on the islands of the ^Egean, in Thrace and in 
 Asia Minor, submitted to Lysander, thus was Athens stripped 
 Capture of of her foreign possessions. Six months after, about 
 the city. t h e middle or end of March, 404, B. C., the city 
 itself was taken, and the Peloponnesian war ended. 
 
 3. Athen^was compelled to submit to the following terms of 
 
 peace : that her Long Walls and the fortifications 
 
 /e< of the Piraeus should be destroyed, her vessels with 
 
 the exception of twelve surrendered, her foreign possessions 
 
 abandoned, and her citizens confined to the territory of Attica ; 
 
 moreover, that the political exiles should be restored, and Athens 
 
 become a member of the Peloponnesian confederation, under 
 
 the headship of Sparta. In exacting these terms, Sparta aimed 
 
 at two definite objects ; on the one hand, to prevent 
 
 Aims of Sparta. A . /> T. !? 
 
 Athens from again becoming a maritime power, 
 and, on the other, to place the government in the hands of 
 those who would submit to reduce their country into a state of 
 perpetual dependence on Sparta, in the system of Grecian poli- 
 
tics. Upon the former of these objects, the clause confining 
 Athenian citizens to the territory of Attica had a direct bearing. 
 Under Pericles, and to some extent earlier, Athens had planted 
 many colonies of citizens iii the islands of the ^Egean, in the 
 Thracian Chersonesus, in the northern parts of Eubcea, and 
 elsewhere within her empire. These settlers, becoming the 
 active men of business in those regions, had contributed much 
 to the commercial prosperity of Athens, while by retaining 
 their rights as Athenian citizens and thus identifying their own 
 interests with those of their native land they added equally to 
 her power. All these citizens Lysander compelled to return to 
 Athens, having first, however, stripped them of their posses- 
 sions. Now, the clause of the treaty undec consideration not 
 only deprived Athens of a large amount of property, by pre- 
 venting the return of these colonists to their homes, but de- 
 stroyed the system of colonization itself; while the loss of her 
 fleet and the destruction of the fortifications of her harbor dis- 
 abled her from affording the necessary protection to the foreign 
 commerce both of her own resident citizens and of such foreign- 
 ers as might still have traded with her. The restoration of the 
 exiles was aimed at the Athenian democracy and had for its 
 object to place the government in the hands of its bitter ene- 
 mies, who would rule in subjection to Sparta. These exiles 
 were leaders in the oligarchy, many of whom had been expelled 
 and others had rled from the city. .Some of these exiles had 
 served with the Spartans in Decelea ; others had been in the 
 fleet of Lysander, fighting against their country ; all were now 
 present, exulting in the humiliation of Athens, shouting along 
 with her enemies at the prostration of her walls, and burning 
 to wreak vengeance upon their fellow-citizens of the democracy. 
 It was through such men as these, and the greater part of 
 them belonged to the most ancient and best Attic families 
 that Sparta hoped to make Athens one of her humble tribu- 
 taries. 
 
 4. The government, which was established in Athens soon 
 The Thirty after the peace, was an oligarchy of thirty persons 
 Tyrants. t j ie we n k now n " Thirty Tyrants," aided by a police 
 force of eleven, the equally well known " Eleven Executioners." 
 At first, they were able to maintain themselves without aid 
 from Sparta ; but such was the fury with which they raged 
 
against the people, that they were soon compelled to solicit a 
 military force. Accordingly, a Lacedaemonian garrison and 
 harmost were planted in the Acropolis itself. Thus was Athens 
 reduced by her own citizens to the lowest state of humiliation. 
 The empire of Sparta embraced all Peloponnesus, Attica, 
 Sparta. Her Boeotia and the remainder of central Greece, to- 
 Empire, gether with the cities in Thrace and in the islands 
 of the ^Egean, which had been dependent on Athens. Her 
 Fleet ^ eet > mcrease d by the triremes which were taken at 
 
 ^Egospotami and those which were surrendered at 
 Athens, was larger than had been collected in Greece, since the 
 Arm battle of Salamis ; and her army was proportionally 
 
 great. Besides, the forces of the several states under 
 the headship of Sparta were commanded while in actual ser- 
 vice, by Spartan officers. The foreign policy of the Grecian 
 influence in world was controlled by her ; at the same time, she 
 Dome*Sic ancl exercised an absolute authority over the domestic 
 politics. politics of the individual states. The great political 
 struggles in nearly every Grecian city and state turned upon 
 the question of oligarchy or democracy. Athens was the head 
 of the democracy, Sparta of the oligarchy. The Peloponnesian 
 war itself was to some extent a contest between these two parties. 
 The supremacy of Sparta now placed the whole Grecian world 
 in the hands of the oligarchy. The scheme of government 
 which Lysander, acting in the name of Sparta, universally es- 
 tablished, was called a Decarchy ; a government administered 
 by ten men, selected from the most powerful of the oligarchical 
 families, and supported by a Lacedsemonian garrison and har- 
 most. With the exception of Athens, where, as we have seen, 
 an oligarchy of Thirty was established, this form of government 
 was imposed by Sparta upon all the states, both tributary and 
 allied, throughout her empire, and that, too, though she had 
 begun the war with the express purpose and promise of giving 
 freedom to Greece, and leaving each city and state to govern 
 itself. But, instead of this universal autonomy, there was estab- 
 lished and enforced the most grinding tyranny that had ever 
 been felt in Greece. 
 
 6. Such was the situation of Athens and Sparta, at the close 
 
 Summar ^ ^ ie P e lP onnes i an war - Athens, without a single 
 
 nary ' foreign possession, without tribute, without a single 
 
fortified place in Attica and with her Long Walls and the forti- 
 fications of the Piraeus destroyed, without a fleet or army, 
 almost without commerce, and above all torn and distracted 
 and oppressed by a ferocious and revengeful oligarchy. Sparta, 
 with a powerful fleet and army, with a large tribute, and with 
 an empire embracing almost the entire Grecian world, over 
 which she exercised an imperious rule. 
 
 RECOVERY OF GRECIAN FREEDOM FROM THE 
 DOMINATION OF SPARTA. 403-359, B. C. 
 
 III. GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 7. The course of events in Greece, during the half century 
 which followed the complete establishment of Spartan despot- 
 ism, tended towards the single point of the maintenance or the 
 overthrow of that despotism. Both war and peace were made 
 to turn on the question of Spartan supremacy. We proceed, 
 therefore, to speak of the most important of those events by 
 which the empire of Sparta was subverted and the freedom of 
 Greece rescued from her grasp. These events were, the over- 
 throw of the Thirty Tyrants in 403, B. C. ; the destruction of 
 the maritime power of Sparta by the battle of Cnidus, in 394, 
 B. C. ; the re* construction of the maritime empire of Athens in 
 371, B.C. ; and the battle of Leuctra in 371, B.C., which 
 weakened, and the battle of Man tinea in 362, B. C., which pros- 
 trated the power of Sparta on land, and brought to a close the 
 long series of hostilities which grew out of the Peloponnesian, 
 war. 
 
 III. OVERTHROW OF THE THIRTY TYRANTS AND RESTO- 
 RATION OF ATHENIAN DEMOCRACY. 403, B. C. 
 
 8. The first movement in the direction of freedom was the 
 Overthrow of overthrow of the Thirty Tyrants, and the restoration 
 the Thirty. o f ^ ne Athenian democracy. The duration of this 
 tyranny was only eight months, yet within that short period 
 more than twelve hundred citizens were slain, one after the 
 
8 
 
 other, as hate or fear or lust of plunder marked them out for 
 slaughter ; multitudes more were driven into exile, or fled ; vast 
 private possessions, the property of those who had been slain 
 and of those who were in exile, were confiscated ; and the city 
 filled with carnage and rapine. The Thirty began with putting 
 to death the most obnoxious of the demagogues ; next, they 
 made way with the leaders of the democracy, then with the 
 most worthy and respectable of the private citizens ; and, finally, 
 raged with indiscriminate slaughter against the wealthy of 
 every class, whether belonging to the democracy or the oli- 
 garchy, whether citizens or foreigners. They also drove large 
 numbers of individuals into exile, and at length, after the death 
 of Theramenes, by a single act expelled the whole body of citi- 
 zens at once, with the exception of the Three Thousand whom 
 they had enrolled as reliable followers. Many citizens fled of 
 their own accord, but against these, the Thirty raged with pecu- 
 liar ferocity, and even obtained from Sparta a proclamation, 
 that the Grecian states into which they fled should surrender 
 the refugees to the government of Athens. Confiscation and 
 pillage kept pace with the slaughter and banishment of the 
 citizens. 
 
 9. But extreme violence can not last ; and in the present 
 Causrs of the case, the violent measures of the Spartans, of the 
 Overthrow. Thirty, and of Lysander, interfered with each other 
 and finally wrought out deliverance for the Athenian people. 
 1. The injustice and arrogance of the Spartans had alienated 
 their allies and made them less hostile to Athens. All the 
 booty which had been taken in the latter years of the war, and 
 the large sums which Lysander had received from Cyrus for 
 carrying it on, the Spartans kept for their own use, although 
 the allies who had borne an equal share in the toil, claimed 
 their proportion. The Thebans had an additional cause of 
 complaint. For, the Spartans, in the dedication of offerings at 
 Delphi, had omitted the name of the Thebans in the inscription 
 which recorded the names of their other allies. The result was, 
 that the Grecian states disregarded the pi'oclamation, requiring 
 the surrender of the exiles, and harbored the Athenian patriots, 
 who thus in security awaited the opportunity for the recovery 
 of their freedom. The Thebans, who a few months before in 
 the council to determine on the fate of Athens, had voted to 
 
9 
 
 raze the city to the ground, to sell the citizens as slaves, and 
 convert the whole of Attica into a pasture ground for sheep, 
 now, not only harbored the exiles but protected them from in- 
 jury by a special decree and ordered that no one should take 
 notice of it, if any of the exiles should go armed from Boeotia 
 into Attica. Such were the opportunities afford ed, by the dis- 
 satisfaction of the allies with the Spartans, for concerting and 
 preparing plans for the overthrow of the Thirty. 2. The vio- 
 lence of the tyrants themselves had so disgusted and estranged 
 the greater part of the oligarchy that they fought with very 
 little heart against Thrasybulus and his band of patriots, who 
 otherwise could hardly have got possession of the Piraeus. 
 3. The pride and haughtiness of Lysander had excited the sus- 
 picions of the Spartans and the jealousy of king Pausanias to 
 such a degree that in answer to a requisition for aid, Pausanias 
 was sent along with Lysander to the relief of the Thirty. Had 
 Lysander retained his influence unimpaired, there can hardly 
 be a doubt but that Thrasybulus would have been defeated 
 and the Thirty reinstated in power. But through the influence 
 of Pausanias, a truce was granted, commissioners were sent to 
 Sparta, and freedom restored to Athens. It is not necessary, 
 however, to detail the steps by which Thrasybulus and his band 
 of exiles, starting from Boeotia under the connivance of the 
 Theban state and aided by individual Thebans, seized upon 
 Phyle, and then, through the lukewarmness of the oligarchy 
 got possession of the Piraeus, and then, through the sufferance 
 of the Spartans themselves entered the city and restored the 
 democracy. 
 
 10. Athens is now free. The Lacedaemonian garrison and 
 Restoration of harmost are withdrawn from the Acropolis, and 
 the Democracy. Lacedaemonian troops from Attica. The govern- 
 ment is restored ; the arch on s, the senate of Five Hundred, 
 the Assembly, and the dikasteries. The democracy, too, was 
 restored pure and simple as it existed before the capture of the 
 city ; and it is to the honor of the people that past enmities 
 were forgotten, and none but the infamous Thirty and the 
 Eleven who executed their commands, molested for what had 
 been done during this ancient " Reign of Terror." Thus ends, 
 in the spring of 403, B. C., the " Year of Anarchy" the Year 
 without an Archon. The archonship of Euclides, 403, B. C., 
 
10 
 
 becomes a marked epoch in Athenian history. But though 
 free, Athens is poor and powerless. She has, however, the 
 springs of life within and needs only an opportunity to rise 
 again to power. But it should be noted, that this revolution 
 in Athens had no effect upon Spartan predominance in the 
 other states of Greece. 
 
 V. DESTRUCTION OF THE MARITIME EMPIRE OF SPARTA. 
 403-394, B. C. 
 
 11. The next important step in the emancipation of Greece 
 from Spartan domination was the destruction of the maritime 
 empire of Sparta, at the battle of Cnidus. From the restora- 
 tion of the Athenian democracy to this battle was about ten 
 years, from the spring of 403, B. C. to midsummer of 394, 
 B. C. We first glance, therefore, at the intermediate period. 
 
 12. In Greece, during the whole of these ten years, there 
 Events between w as but a single war, a war between Sparta and 
 403394, B. c. jjj s> ^his war arose ou t of an artful scheme of 
 policy, now adopted by Sparta against the larger cities of 
 War between ^ reece - An independent city-government was the 
 Sparta and Eiis, paramount obiect of ambition with every Grecian 
 
 401399, B.C. r ., J n ,,. ,,! J ,. 
 
 city, great or small; nothing could be more odious 
 to them than to be subject to a ruling city. Indeed, this re- 
 luctance to be under another, " to do what was bidden," as 
 Demosthenes expresses it, had a controlling influence in many 
 periods of Grecian history. Hence the many wais of Thebes 
 with Platsea, and Thespiae and Orchornenus. But, still, not- 
 withstanding this inaptitude to enter into permanent political 
 confederations, there was a kind of headship exercised by cer- 
 tain cities over the smaller cities within particular territories. 
 Such was the control of Thebes over the cities of Bceotia, of 
 Athens over those of Attica, and Sparta over those of Laconia. 
 The sentiment of union, however, was weak, and, in many cases, 
 the confederation was maintained only by superiority of power. 
 It was this spirit of independence this ambition of autonomy 
 pervading the Greek cities, that Sparta now made use of, for 
 her own advantage ; she came forward as the champion of the 
 smaller cities and proclaimed the principle, " that no city should 
 keep smaller places in subjection." The carrying out of this 
 principle would of course weaken all the larger states of Greece, 
 
11 
 
 and enable Sparta, as she did not propose to relax her own hold 
 upon the subject townships of Laconia, easily to rule the whole. 
 The first forcible application of this principle was against Elis. 
 Sparta demanded that Elis should relinquish the authority 
 which she exercised over certain dependant townships in Tri- 
 phylia, a region lying on the south of her, between the rivers 
 Alpheus and Neda. On the refusal of Elis to comply with this 
 command. Sparta invaded her territories ; and after a war which 
 extended through portions of three years, compelled Elis to 
 submit to what had been demanded of her. This victory over 
 Elis made Sparta supreme throughout Peloponnesus, and es- 
 tablished a policy fraught with consequences most fatal to Gre- 
 cian freedom. Through it as a principal cause, after the peaca 
 of Antalcidas, Sparta ruled over subjugated Greece. 
 
 13. We turn now to the proceedings of Sparta in Asia Minor, 
 Affairs in Asia which had a close connection with affairs in Greece. 
 
 Minor between TA 1 j? i ^* 
 
 403-394, B c. Curing the ten years of almost continuous peace in 
 s^artu b a l ud cen Greece Tibroken only by the war against Elis, * 
 Persia. *" Sparta was engaged in hostilities with the King of 
 Persia. They originated as follows. During the last years of 
 Causes of the the Peloponiiesian war, Sparta, in consideration of 
 War - aid against Athens, had bargained in three formal 
 
 conventions to surrender the Greek cities of Asia Minor into 
 the hands of the King of Persia, those cities having ever been 
 an object of ambition to the kings of Persia but hitherto suc- 
 cessfully protected by Athens. After the battle of ^Egospotami, 
 the fulfilment of this bargain was exacted ; and, the cities along 
 the coast of Ionia, JEolis and the Hellespont, with the excep- 
 tion of Abydos, were delivered into the power of Tissaphernes, 
 satrap of that region. But the policy of the younger Cyrus led 
 him to seek the favor of these cities. Thus countenanced, they 
 revolt from Tissaphernes and throw themselves into the hands 
 of Cyrus, who stations Greek garrisons in them for their pro- 
 tection. Soon after this, Cyrus sets out on his famous expedi- 
 tion, accompanied by a large army of Greek mercenaries the 
 renowned "Ten Thousand" to wrest the throne of Persia 
 from his brother Artaxerxes. But the defeat and death of 
 Cyrus at the battle of Cunaxa at onco changed the course of 
 events. Tissaphernes, relinquishing the pursuit of the Ten 
 Thousand, returns to the coast and attacks the Greek cities. 
 
12 
 
 These implore Sparta to aid them. Sparta, who had connived 
 at the expedition of Cyrus and had rendered him secret assist- 
 ance, now resolves, partly from ambition and partly from shame 
 at her former betrayal of these cities, to give the desired aid. 
 
 199 387 B c ^ ie a ^ * s #i ven > an( ^ a war commences, which con- 
 tinued twelve years, to the peace of Antalcidas. 
 
 14. The war between Sparta and Persia had a decisive influ- 
 Effects on cnce on Grecian affairs. It gave an opportunity to 
 Greece. Athens, Thebes and Corinth, who had refused to co- 
 operate with Sparta, to recover themselves. Besides, the Per- 
 sians were at length driven by the success of the Spartans to 
 attempt the overthrow of the very dominion which they had 
 aided to establish. They aim a double blow ; against the mari- 
 time ascendency of Sparta, through a fleet to be manned in part 
 by Greeks, and against her dominion on land, by exciting a 
 war in Greece. 
 
 15. It was fortunate for Persia, fortunate too for Greece - 
 Preparation that she was able to bring into her service, the ablest 
 of a Fleet, admiral of his times, the Athenian Conon. Conon, 
 who escaped from ^Egospotami with the only triremes which 
 were saved, had been since living in seclusion with Evagoras 
 prince of Salamis, in Cyprus, where he awaited the opportuni- 
 ties which time might bring. The war between Sparta and 
 Persia afforded him the desired field of action. Through the 
 influence of Pharnabazus, satrap of Phrygia, the King of Persia 
 was induced to equip a fleet to be put under his command. 
 This was in 395, B. C. It at once inflicted a heavy blow on 
 Sparta. For, encouraged by the presence of Conon with his 
 fleet, the island of Rhodes revolts from Sparta, the first revolt 
 within her empire. Meanwhile, however, Sparta was not inac- 
 tive. Aided by her allies, she fits out a powerful fleet, and is 
 ready for the contest. Without entering into details, it will be 
 sufficient to say, that by the summer of 394, B. C., the fleets 
 were prepared for the struggle, which was to decide the fate of 
 the maritime empire of Sparta. 
 
 16. We have now arrived at the year 394, B. C., which was 
 The Year 394, crowded with events important to Greece. Taking* 
 
 our stand at the commencement of it, we may con- 
 template the situation of the several parties who were to be the 
 principal actors in them. Off the south-western coast of Asia 
 
13 
 
 Minor, were two large fleets, ready to contend for the mastery 
 of the sea. In Asia Minor itself, Agesilaus, who had been suc- 
 cessful in all his attacks upon the Persians, was now looking 
 forward to the accomplishment of vast schemes of conquest. 
 In Greece, every thing was quiet, excepting a quarrel between 
 the Locrians and Phocians, about a small strip of border land 
 north of the Opuntian Locrians. The power of the Spartan 
 empire was unbroken. Athens was weak, though doubtless in 
 the preceding eight years of peace, she had somewhat recovered 
 herself. Nor was she without her great men, like Thrasybulus, 
 who could take advantage of every opportunity which might 
 be presented. It was doubtless a year of hope. The proceed- 
 ings of Conon must have been known, and indications were not 
 wanting of a general disposition in Greece to attempt some- 
 thing for freedom. 
 
 17. In describing the events of this year, we shall not follow 
 Battle of Cni- a strictly chronological order. We begin with the 
 dus, 394 B. c. battle of Cnidus, which was fought about the month 
 of July. The fleet opposed to the Spartans was composed of 
 Phoenician and Grecian vessels, the former commanded by 
 Pharnabazus and the latter by Conon. The Spartan fleet was 
 commanded by Pisander. Pharnabazus and Conon bring their 
 united fleet round to the island of Rhodes, whence they sailed 
 to offer battle to the Spartan fleet, which lay in the harbor of 
 Cnidus in the peninsula of Cnidus, nearly opposite Rhodes. 
 The Spartans accept the challenge and a battle is fought. But 
 the Spartans are defeated, Peisander slain, and more than half 
 their vessels captured or destroyed. Thus did Conon, who 
 alone of the Grecian commanders performed the duty of a 
 great captain in the battle of JEgospotami, avenge the dishonor 
 of that calamitous defeat. 
 
 18. The results of this battle were most important. It struck 
 Destruction of a f ata l ^ ow at Spartan supremacy on the sea, from 
 the Spartan Mar- which Sparta never recovered. The islands in the 
 itime Empire. jg ean? an( j t h e c i t j es on t h e coast o f Asia Minor, at 
 
 once revolt and proclaim themselves independent ; Cos, Nisyra, 
 Teos, Chios, Erythrae, Ephesus, Mitylene, and Samos. Pharna- 
 bazus and Conon sailed from island to island, from city to city, 
 driving out the Lacedaemonian garrisons and harmosts, and 
 leaving the inhabitants free to enjoy their coveted autonomy. 
 
 2 
 
14 
 
 But Conon rendered another service to the Athenians, still 
 ..,,. f more gratifying. Through his influence with Phar- 
 
 KebuiKiing or * : P . ,. , i 
 
 tiie Wails of nabazus, the victorious fleet was brought over to the 
 shores of Greece, and under its protection and aid, 
 the Long Walls and the fortifications of the Piraeus are rebuilt. 
 But in connection with this attack on sea, Persia attempted, 
 as we have before said, to excite a war against Sparta in conti- 
 nental Greece. For this purpose an agent was sent into the 
 principal cities, with promises of cooperation. But before any 
 concerted action could be effected, a war broke out, independ- 
 ently of Persian interference, between Sparta and Thebes the 
 Boeotian war, which also commenced in this year. We turn, 
 therefore, from the hostilities in Asia Minor, which no longer 
 possess interest for us, to Greece, to trace the first attempts at 
 freedom there. 
 
 VI. PERIOD BETWEEN THE DESTRUCTION OF THE MARI- 
 TIME EMPIRE OF SPARTA, AND THE WAR WHICH DE- 
 STROYED HER EMPIRE ON LAND. 394-379, B. C. 
 
 We have gone through with two of the successive movements 
 by which the freedom of Greece was rescued from the dominion 
 of Sparta ; the overthrow of the Thirty Tyrants, and the destruc- 
 tion of the maritime empire of Sparta. But, before coming to 
 the next triumphant event in this matter, the battle of Leuctra, 
 there intervenes a long and gloomy period, in which Sparta 
 carried her empire on land to the highest degree of power, and, 
 also, of oppression. This intermediate period embraces the 
 Boeotian and Corinthian War, the peace of Antalcidas, and the 
 course of events which proceeded from that peace. 
 
 I. BCEOTIAN AND CORINTHIAN WAR. 394-387, B. C. 
 
 19. We have already referred to a quarrel between the 
 Origin of the Locrians and Phocians about a strip of border land 
 War. north of the Opuntian Locrians. The Locrians called 
 
 in the aid of the Thebans ; the Phocians appealed to the Spar- 
 tans. Sparta was glad of the opportunity to attack the The- 
 bans, with whom she had been dissatisfied and angry for a long 
 time. It was determined that Lysander, who was now at 
 Heraclea, should march from the north and Pausanias from 
 
15 
 
 Peloponnesus, and that they should meet at Haliar- 
 tus. Thebes thus in danger of being crushed between 
 these two powerful armies, sent to Athens for aid, and Athenian 
 troops under Thrasybulus marched to Haliartus. Lysander ar- 
 rived before Pausanias, and without waiting for him, attacked 
 the Theban forces, but was defeated and slain. Pausanias on 
 coming dared not risk a battle, but demanded a truce for the 
 burial of the slain and then withdrew with his forces into Pelo- 
 ponnesus. The Spartans suffered a heavy loss in the death of 
 Lysander. The defeat was disastrous to them in another re- 
 spect. For, it led at once to a combination of states against 
 them. An alliance was formed between Athens, Thebes, Cor- 
 inth and Argos, which was strengthened soon after by the junc- 
 tion of the Euboeans, Acarnanians, Ozolian Locrians, Ambracia, 
 Leucas, and the Chalcidians of Thrace. The allies held a synod 
 at Corinth and transferred thither their forces. The Spartans 
 send for Argesilaus from Asia, but, so great did the danger 
 appear of losing all their extra Peloponnesian possessions, that 
 without waiting for his return, they engage in battle with the 
 allied forces and are victorious, though no decisive results fol- 
 lowed the victory. The battle was called the battle of Corinth, 
 and the war henceforth the Corinthian war. The news of the 
 victory of Corinth reached Argesilaus at Amphipolis. He hur- 
 ries into Boeotia, where the allied forces had gone to resist his 
 progress, lie fights and gains the battle of Coronea, but makes 
 no use of his victory, and soon after retires to Sparta. These 
 were busy times. Within two months the months of July 
 and August of 394, B. C. had been fought three important 
 battles, the battle of Corinth, the battle of Cnidus, and the 
 battle of Coronea, to which is to be added the battle of Haliar- 
 tus, fought a few months earlier. Demosthenes, two generations 
 later, boasts of the daring of the Athenians of this time, who, 
 though the city was without ships, and without walls, marched 
 to Haliartus, and, again, not many days after to Corinth. 
 
 The Corinthian war continued from the battle of Coronea, in 
 August of 394, B. C., where we leave it, to 387, B. C. The 
 detail of the incidents possesses no interest. The taking of 
 Lechseum, and the destruction of a Lacedaemonian mora by the 
 peltasts of Iphicrates are the only events of importance. The 
 war was ended by the peace of Antalcidas, of which we now 
 speak. 
 
16 
 
 II. THE PEACE OF ANTALCIDAS AND ITS RESULTS. 387- 
 379, B. C. 
 
 20. The peace of Antalcidas was a master-stroke of Spartan 
 Spartan Art art, but equally a master specimen of Spartan base- 
 in the peace. ness> Although Sparta had been carrying on war 
 against Persia almost from the end of the Pelponnesian war, 
 and although Persia had been cooperating with the Greeks 
 against her, yet Sparta had the art to alienate the King of Per- 
 sia from the Athenians, and to obtain from him conditions of 
 peace which were most favorable to her ambitious designs ; but 
 she did it by the sacrifice of every sentiment of Grecian free- 
 dom, by the betrayal to Persia of the very cities of Asia Minor 
 for the independence of which she had professedly waged so 
 many years of war, and by submitting the interests of all Greece 
 to the mere despotic will of the King of Persia. The terms 
 Terms au( ^ language of the treaty were as follows. 
 
 u King Artaxerxes thinks it just that the cities in 
 Asia, and the island of Klazomense and Cyprus shall belong to 
 him. He thinks it just also to leave all the other Hellenic 
 cities autonomous, both small and great, except Lemnos, Im- 
 bros, and Scyros, which are to belong to Athens, as they did 
 originally. Should any parties refuse to accept this peace, I 
 will make war upon them, along with those who are of the 
 same mind." The Grecian states formally accept the terms of 
 this peace, influenced partly by the threat of the Persian King, 
 partly ensnared by the bait of independence, but principally 
 through their inability to resist the united force of Persia and 
 Sparta. The Spartans became " Presidents (guarantees or ex- 
 ecutors) of the peace," and used the power thus placed in their 
 hands in the most despotic manner. Sparta aimed at two 
 things in this peace ; by the enforcement of au- 
 
 Aims of Sparta. . -, 1 1 -,{ ,. i / -, ,. 
 
 tonomy, to break up all partial confederations in 
 which several smaller cities lying in the same territory were 
 united to a leading city, thus securing her own power beyond 
 danger, as the single states could not compete with her ; and 
 at the same time, to establish in the several cities an oligarchy 
 devoted to her interests. She accomplished both. By the year 
 879, B. C., she had broken up all the confederacies of the Gre- 
 cian states, and by tho oligarchies devoted to her made herself 
 
17 
 
 supreme. We subjoin the following summary of her proceed- 
 ings. 1. She extorted from Corinth the dismissal of 
 her Argeian allies, and separated from Athens her 
 confederates, Thebes and Corinth. 2. She broke up the con- 
 federation of cities under the headship of Thebes, in Boeotia, 
 and compelled Thebes to renounce her presidency. Besides, 
 she succeeded in establishing oligarchies in most of the cities. 
 Orchomenus and Thespise were garrisoned by Lacedaemonian 
 troops with a harmost. Plataea was restored, but governed by 
 the partizans of Sparta. 3. Man tinea was destroyed and its 
 inhabitants divided into five small villages, so as to be no longer 
 formidable to Sparta. 4. By cooperating with the oligarchical 
 party in Thebes, Phoebidas, on his march against Olynthus, 
 seized the Cadmea, and the Spartans, though they disowned 
 the act and professed to punish Phoebidas for it, still kept the 
 citadel, with a Lacedaemonian garrison, for three years, until 
 they were driven from the city by force of arms. 5. She at- 
 tacked and subdued Olynthus, the head of the confederation of 
 the Grecian cities in Chalcidice, and thus surrendered the Greeks 
 of Chalcidice into the power of Macedon as she has surrendered 
 the Asiatic Greeks to Persia. Thus, by the beginning of 379, 
 Results ^' ^*> Sparta had carried her dominion to the high- 
 est pitch of power. The whole of inland Greece 
 with the exception of Argos, Attica, and the more powerful 
 Thessalian cities were enrolled in her confederacy. In place of 
 the Lysandrian decarchies and harmosts, she had established 
 an oligarchical party of devoted partizans, through whom she 
 exercised a supreme control and a dreadful oppression over 
 each of the individual states. 
 
 VII. DECLINE AND DOWNFALL OF THE SPARTAN EMPIRE 
 ON LAND. 379-362, B. C. 
 
 21. We have thus far traced, on the one hand, the downfall 
 of the Spartan empire on the sea, but, on the other. 
 
 Introduction. ,-, . r * , r . , , t ' , 7 -. . , ., , T 
 
 the rise of her empire on land to the highest pitch 
 of power. We have now to contemplate the decline and down- 
 fall of her empire on land. But, before speaking of this, we 
 pause to describe the situation of the three principal states of 
 Greece at this time, Sparta, Athens and Thebes. The situation 
 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 of Sparta has already been set forth. She was at the height of 
 her power. She ruled supreme over Greece. We shall speak 
 of Thebes in connection with the war itself. We will, however, 
 enter into some detail of the situation of Athens. 
 
 22. The rebuilding of the Long Walls, and of the fortifica- 
 tions of the Piraeus, gave an opportunity to the 
 
 Commerce. . , . 7 P & . , * 
 
 commercial marine 01 Athens to take a new start. 
 Athens made very great progress both in the preparation of a 
 naval force, and in the extension of commerce. During the 
 Corinthian war, in 387 B. C., we find a fleet of forty triremes, 
 under Thrasybulus, in the Hellespont. Indeed, Athens was 
 master of the Hellespont, and exacted the duties which were 
 charged upon merchant vessels sailing in and out of the Eux- 
 ine. Byzantium was in alliance with her, and through the 
 aid of Thrasybulus had reestablished democracy. Besides, her 
 influence and power extended to Samothrace, Samos, and the 
 cities of Thrace. Her harbor became again the mart of com- 
 merce and her merchants were as numerous as before her 
 reverses. But it was in the interval between the peace of 
 Antalcidas and the present war against Sparta, 387-379, B.C., 
 that she made the greatest progress in maritime affairs. Dur- 
 ing this entire period she was free from war. By the peace of 
 Antalcidas itself, she became possessed, as we have already 
 seen, of Irnbros, Lemnos, and Scyros ; and afterwards she was 
 constantly acquiring tributary dependencies among the smaller 
 islands of the ^Egean. 
 
 It will be convenient in this connection, to speak of the new 
 ,New Confed- confederation which Athens about this time formed 
 with the islands of the ^Egean, and the cities on 
 the Thracian coast and on the Hellespont. So preponderating 
 had her maritime power now become, that they were quite 
 ready to join with her. This new confederation was formed 
 on just and equal terms. Each city, great or small, was to 
 send one delegate to a congress to be held periodically at 
 Athens, and to have an equal vote ; Athens was to be presi- 
 dent of the confederacy, but .each city to be autonomous ; a 
 common fund was to be raised, with a common naval force, 
 .through an assessment imposed by the congress and used as 
 the congress should direct ; and it was agreed that the general 
 object of the confederation should be to maintain the inde- 
 
19 
 
 pendence of each confederate against foreign attack, by their 
 combined forces. Moreover, as under the former empire many 
 Athenian citizens had been settled as colonists or cleruchs in 
 various dependencies, who had lost their property at the close 
 of the war, Athens passes a formal decree, barring all revival 
 of these suspended rights ; and, besides, Athenian citizens are 
 forbidden from holding property, either in houses or lands, 
 in the territories of any one of the confederates. Thebes be- 
 came a member of this confederacy ; so, also, all the cities of 
 Euboea, with one exception, Chios, Mitylene, Byzantium, and 
 Rhodes, and many others, though it is impossible to specify 
 what ones. After a certain time, there came to be no less than 
 seventy cities which sent deputies to the congress at Athens. 
 The affairs of Athens were conducted at this time by able 
 men ; Iphicrates, Chabrias, Timotheus, and Callistratus. Thra- 
 sybulus was dead. Although there was no really great man 
 among them, yet they were superior as a whole to the states- 
 men and generals of the following age. Thus, has Athens 
 arisen to a considerable degree of power and prosperity. A 
 new generation of citizens has grown up since the Peloponne- 
 sian war, who, unacquainted by experience with the calamities 
 of that war, are looking forward with hope and ambition to the 
 elevation of Athens to still higher degrees of wealth and power, 
 though we must notice some falling off from the ancient Athe- 
 nian vigor. We proceed now to speak of the war between 
 Thebes and Sparta. 
 
 23. The entire contest between Thebes and Sparta lasted 
 from the recovery of the Cadmea in 379, B. C., to the battle of 
 Man tinea in 362, B. C., 17 years. But it may be most con- 
 veniently divided into two portions. The first portion extends 
 to 371, B. C. In this period, Thebes, aided by Athens, was 
 enabled to restore the ancient federative system of Boeotia and 
 to consolidate her power and train her troops, for the final con- 
 test. The second portion embraces the remaining period after 
 the peace of 371, B.C., in which Athens withdrew from the 
 contest, and Thebes carried on the war alone to a most tri- 
 umphant result. 
 
 24. The war against Sparta arose out of that great act of 
 Thebes and injustice, the seizure of the Cadmea and its forci- 
 Athens. y e retention by a Spartan garrison and harmost. 
 
20 
 
 The citizens who fled or were driven from Thebes on that occa- 
 sion were hospitably received and sheltered at Athens. In the 
 winter of 379, B. C., these exiles starting from Attica surprize 
 the Cadmea and expel the Lacedaemonian garrison. Sparta at 
 once proclaims war against Thebes. She also demands of 
 Athens redress for the support which some of her generals had 
 given to Pelopiclas and his party. The redress is given. The 
 accused generals are tried and punished. Athens would proba- 
 bly have remained neutral in the war, had it not been for the 
 attempt of a Spartan named Sphodrias, to seize the Pirseus, in 
 the same way as Phcebidas had seized the Cadmea. The 
 Athenians now in their turn demand redress. But the Spar- 
 tans refuse it, and the Athenians at once contract an alliance 
 with Thebes and make vigorous preparations for war. 
 
 25. It was determined in the congress of the confederates to 
 Proceedings carry on the war on a large scale, and both by sea 
 of the war. anc [ j^y i an( ^ Athens waged the war on the sea, and 
 Thebes on the land. Athens added many cities and islands to 
 her confederacy, such as Abdera, Cephalenia and Corcyra. She 
 also gained a decided victory over the Lacedaemonian fleet, in 
 the battle of Naxos. which was fought in 376, B. 0., her first 
 naval victory since the Peloponnesian war. Thebes was suc- 
 cessful on land, and by 374, 13. 0,, had driven out all the Lace- 
 daemonian garrisons and harmosts from the Boeotian cities, put 
 down the local oligarchies which sustained them, and recon- 
 structed the Boeotian confederacy, to which all the cities be- 
 longed, with the exception of Orchomenus. We need not de- 
 scribe the incidents of the war. We turn now to the separate 
 peace made by Athens with Sparta. 
 
 26. It is now eight years since the war began, and Athens 
 Peace between has become desirous of peace, partly from the 
 Bparta and Athens, burden of the war, and partly from a rising jeal- 
 ousy of the Thebans, who had recently attacked the Phocians, 
 former allies and friends of Athens, and destroyed Plataea. 
 Resolutions were finally taken at Athens, and probably in the 
 congress of deputies, to propose peace to Sparta. In the spring 
 of 371, B.C., envoys from Athens, Thebes, and from various 
 members of the Athenian confederacy arrived at Sparta, and a 
 treaty of peace was negotiated, on these terms : that the 
 armaments on both sides should be disbanded ; and the har- 
 
21 
 
 mosts and garrisons every where withdrawn, so that each city 
 might enjoy full autonomy. Each city was to be left really 
 independent. All the states and cities swore to this peace, ex- 
 cept Thebes, who declined the oaths, unless she could be per- 
 mitted to take them in the name of the Boeotian confederacy. 
 This Sparta refused, and Thebes was left out of the peace. 
 
 27. The war of course continues between Thebes and Sparta. 
 Thebes and And, now we come to the final contest the contest 
 Sparta. which ended in the utter and irretrievable ruin of 
 the Spartan power. It lasts from 371, B.C., to 361, B.C. ; from 
 the battle of Leuctra to the peace which followed upon the 
 battle of Mantiriea. It was supposed, that as Thebes stood 
 alone, she must fall at once before the power of Sparta. But 
 within twenty days after Epaminohdas left the congress at 
 Sparta, the battle of Leuctra was fought, and Sparta prostrate. 
 Never was there a more complete overthrow. Her ascendancy 
 north of the Corinthian gulf ceased at once. Phocis concluded 
 an alliance with Thebes ; so, also, the cities of Eubcea, the Ma- 
 lians, the town of Heraclea, together with both branches of the 
 Locrians. In Peloponnesus, the results were not less remarka- 
 ble. The Spartan garrisons and harmosts at once withdrew 
 from all the cities, and returned home. Besides, in all these 
 cities there had been decarchies in the interest of Sparta, which 
 had been most violent and oppressive. These governments 
 were overthrown, and their partisans proscribed. Thus, even 
 in Peloponnesus, the empire and dominion of Sparta over the 
 states out of Laconia, was quite overthrown. Sparta fell at a 
 single blow. Still the war continued for several years. As 
 Sparta sought to prevent Athens ever rising again to power, so 
 Epaminondas was not satisfied with overthrowing the power of 
 Sparta ; he laid his plans, arid with far-sighted wisdom, to pre- 
 vent her from again tyrannizing over Greece. In the fall of 
 370, B. C., he entered Peloponnesus \vith a powerful army, 
 and established a permanent barrier against Sparta on her 
 western border. The Messenians were recalled, and the city of 
 Messene founded. The Arcadians were induced to enter into a 
 confederacy and built for its chief city, Megalopolis. Western 
 Laconia was enfranchised, and detached from Sparta. Between 
 these events and the year 362, B. C., no year passed without 
 acts of hostility, though without decisive results. The battle 
 
22 
 
 of Mantinea was fought in June 362, B. C., and a general peace 
 followed the next year, 361, B. C. 
 
 The peace according to the terms of it left every thing in 
 stalu quo. But how different is the status quo in 361, B. C., 
 from that in 379, B. C. ! Then Sparta was at the pinnacle of 
 her power, and it was questionable whether Thebes could 
 stand for a single campaign against her. But now the empire 
 of Sparta on land, after a duration of nearly forty-five years, is 
 overthrown and Thebes has taken her place. But in order fully 
 to understand the state of affairs in Greece at this time, it is 
 necessary to be acquainted with the course of Athenian matters, 
 during the period in which Thebes and Sparta have been strug- 
 gling for mastery. We turn, then, from Thebes and Sparta to 
 Athens. 
 
 VIII. GROWTH OF ATHENIAN POWER. 371-358, B. C. 
 
 28. The period of Athenian history, which is to pass under 
 Period of Athe- review in this section, extends from about the time 
 from 37130? ^ tne k^tle of Leuctra, down to a period three or 
 B- c - four years later than the battle of Mantinea. Al- 
 
 though this period stretches a little beyond our first general 
 division, into the second the subjugation of Greece under 
 Macedon, which commences with the accession of Philip to tho 
 throne in 359, B. C. yet, it constitutes a distinct portion of 
 Athenian history, and is better treated of in the present con- 
 nection. With its opening, commenced a change in Athenian 
 policy, which at its close had carried Athens to the highest 
 degree of power which she ever attained after the Peloponne- 
 sian war. Within the thirteen years of this period, she estab- 
 lished her power in the Thracian Chersonese, in the Chalcidian 
 peninsula, and in Euboea. 
 
 The battle of Leuctra had a powerful effect upon the policy 
 change of of Athens. While the destruction of the Spartan 
 Policy. dominion on land presented an opportunity for the 
 extension of her own power, the growing strength of Thebes 
 seemed to impose the necessity of doing it. Indications of 
 more extended schemes of policy on the part of Athens ap- 
 peared in the congress of the confederates which was held a 
 few months after the battle of Leuctra, in September or Octo- 
 
23 
 
 ber, 371, B. C. At this congress, Athens caused the peace, 
 which had already be^n sworn at Sparta, to be resworn by the 
 confederate cities, under her own presidency and guarantee ; 
 thus silently dethroning Sparta and stepping into her place. 
 At the same time, while guaranteeing to every Grecian state, 
 great or small, the enjoyment of autonomy, she reserved to 
 herself certain cities, as her own ; among them certainly Am- 
 phipolis, and probably the towns in the Thracian Chersonese, 
 and Potida3a in Chalcidice. She did not, however, take im- 
 mediate steps towards the accomplishment of her new schemes 
 of ambition. The year 371, B.C., was a critical period in 
 Greece. Great changes were everywhere in progress. During 
 the next year, 370, B. C., the condition of northern Greece was 
 altered by the assassination of Jason of Pherae, and it would 
 not have been prudent for her ablest generals and her principal 
 forces to be absent, when it was not certain but that all her 
 resources would soon be needed against the overwhelming 
 power of Tliebes. Indeed, in the winter of the next year, 369, 
 B. C., her aid was implored by Sparta, and she sent Iphicrates, 
 who after the peace, when he was recalled from Corcyra, had 
 been living at Athens as a private citizen, to her assistance. 
 But in the spring of this year, Athens begins to carry out her 
 plans of reconstructing her former empire. We shall speak of 
 her efforts for this object in the following order : first, of her 
 efforts in Chalcidice, then, in the Chersonese, and lastly, in 
 Euboea. 
 
 1. In the region of Chalcidice, the first efforts of the Atheni- 
 Amphipoiis. ans were directed to Amphipolis, the permanent pos- 
 History. session of which they had been seeking for nearly a 
 century. This city was situated on the river Strymon, near 
 the Strymonic gulf ; its site, near the silver mines of Crenides 
 and in the neighborhood of large forests of ship-timber, had 
 early attracted the attention of the Athenians. Accordingly, 
 they planted a colony there as early as 465, B. C., and again, 
 the former having been destroyed, in 437, B. C. But they had 
 possession of it only thirteen years, when it was taken from 
 them by the Spartans, under Brasidas, in 424, B. C., and they 
 were never afterwards able to recover it. Brasidas introduced 
 Lacedaemonian colonists and was considered as the second 
 founder of the city. It remained in possession of the Spartans 
 
24 
 
 only about three years, till the peace of Nicias in 421, B. C. 
 By the terms of this peace, Sparta should have surrendered 
 Amphipolis ; she however did no more than withdraw her gar- 
 rison, pretending that she was not able to force the inhabitants, 
 who were hostile to the Athenians, to surrender their city to 
 Athens. Amphipolis, therefore, became independent, and re- 
 mained so. Thirty-seven years after, her independence was 
 guaranteed by the peace of Antalcidas, in 387, B. C. and, again, 
 seventeen years later, by the treaty of peace which was made 
 between Athens and Sparta, in 371, B. C. But, notwithstand 1 
 ciaims of ig this actual independence of half a century auc 
 Athens. these successive guarantees, Athens asserts her .^claim 
 to it. This claim was advanced, as we have seen, in the synod 
 of allies held at Athens, soon after the battle of Leuctra ; and 
 was acceded to by Amyntas, the father of Philip, though he had 
 still less claim than Athens. This claim of Athens could only 
 be established by force of arms ; and we proceed to speak of 
 the war carried on against Amphipolis by Athens. 
 
 The order of events in this war is obscure ; in the following 
 War against both Grote and Thirlwall concur. First. Iphicrates 
 Amphipolis. was sen ^ ^ o fae Chalcidian coast. This, as we have 
 seen, was in the early part of 369, B. C. He spent most of 
 the year in surveying the coast and preparing for future opera- 
 tions. He next took part in the civil dissensions, which ran 
 high in Macedon. Amyntas, the friend of Athens, had died 
 in 370, B.C., a few months after his return from the synod at 
 Athens. He left three sons, Alexander, who succeeded him, 
 Perdiccas, and Philip, then thirteen years old. Alexander was 
 assassinated in 369, B. C., by Ptolemy of Alorus, instigated by 
 Eurydice, the widow of Amyntas. Ptolemy, who became re- 
 gent of the kingdom, was attacked by Pausanias a pretender 
 to the throne, and with such success that he, with Eurydice 
 and her two sons, were in danger of being driven from the 
 kingdom. Eurydice appeals for aid to Iphicrates, who had 
 been adopted by Amyntas as his son. Iphicrates interferes, 
 expels Pausanias, and secures the throne to the family of Amyn- 
 tas. From this time commenced the campaign of Iphicrates 
 against Amphipolis, which lasted three years (368-365, B. C.), 
 but was without success. Second. Iphicrates is recalled, and 
 is succeeded by Timotheus, son of Conon, who at the same 
 
25 
 
 time holds a command in the Hellespont. Ptolemy, notwith- 
 standing the aid which had been rendered him by Iphicrates, 
 had joined the Amphipolitans against Athens. But in 365, 
 B. C., Ptolemy was assassinated by Perdiccas, the second son 
 of Amyntas. Perdiccas for the first year or two of his reign 
 appears to have been friendly to the Athenians, and by his aid 
 Timotheus made himself master of Torone, Potidaea, Pydna, 
 Methone, and various other places in the Chalcidian peninsula, 
 and its neighborhood ; but the Athenians were again disap- 
 pointed in their hopes of taking Amphipolis. The campaign 
 uf Timotheus extended from " midsummer of 364, B. 0., to 
 midsummer of 363, B. C."* when he returned to the Helles- 
 pont. 3. Timotheus was succeeded by Callisthenes. But Cal- 
 listhenes had more to contend against than either of his pred- 
 ecessors. For Perdiccas had now turned against the Athenians, 
 and joined with the Amphipolitans, who had placed their 
 city in his hands. But still, Callisthenes fought with success 
 against Perdiccas, and would probably have captured the city, 
 had he not been induced to make a truce with him, by his 
 promise to abandon the Amphipolitans. The truce enabled 
 Perdiccas to recover himself; and he then refused to fulfill his 
 engagement, but continued to hold the city against the Atheni- 
 ans. Affairs remained in this situation till the death of Per- 
 diccas, who was slain in a battle against the Illy nans- in 360, 
 B. C., and the accession of Philip in 359, B. C. Thus, the 
 Athenians lost their only opportunity of getting possession of 
 this coveted prize. But the acquisitions of Timotheus in Chal- 
 cidice were of great value to them. 
 
 II. We proceed now to speak of the efforts of the Athenians 
 in the Thracian Chersonese. The Athenians took advantage of 
 the revolt of Ariobarzanes from the King of Persia, to com- 
 mence their operations in the Hellespont. Timotheus was sent 
 there, for this purpose, though he was not to do any thing which 
 should violate the peace with the king. He, therefore, besieges 
 Samos, and takes it somewhere in 366, B. C. For this success, 
 Ariobarzanes makes over to him Sestos and Crithote in the 
 Chersonese, with a large circumjacent territory. This is his 
 first successful step in the recovery of that peninsula. Timo- 
 
 * Grote. Clinton and Thirwall place it in 360, B. C. 
 3 
 
26 
 
 theus soon afterwards got possession of Elseus and other cities, 
 so that the Athenians now claimed the whole Chersonese, 
 throughout the entire length of it, including Cardia and several 
 independent cities. The Athenians, at the same time, sent 
 colonists both to the Chersonese and Samos, thus reviving her 
 ancient policy, which she had formally discarded at the forma- 
 tion of her new confederacy, and thereby alarming not a little 
 her confederates. This recovery of the Chersonese took place 
 between 366, B. C., and 364, B. C. From midsummer 364, B. 0. 
 to midsummer 363, B. C., Timotheus was in Chalcidice,' but in 
 363, B. C., returned to the Hellespont. 
 
 But the reoccupation of the Chersonese had brought the 
 Athenians into conflict with Cotys. king of Thrace, 
 
 War with Cotys. , , , . * Jr JS, , i 
 
 and as that king was now aided by a 1 he ban fleet, 
 their newly recovered possessions were in great danger. It was 
 on this account that Timotheus returned from Chalcidice to his 
 command in the Hellespont. Timotheus was successful against 
 Cotys, and during his command, the Athenian possessions con- 
 tinued in peace and safety. He returned to Athens in 362, 
 B. C. The course of the war after the recall of Timotheus is 
 little creditable to the Athenians. The events of it are so ob- 
 scure and uninteresting, that we do no more than enumerate 
 them. 1. Timotheus was succeeded by Ergophilus, probably 
 in the latter part of 362, B. C., who seems not to have carried 
 on the war with any efficiency. 2. Ergophilus was succeeded 
 by Autocles, who had not only to carry on operations against 
 Cotys, but to protect the Proconnesian allies of Athens against 
 the attack of the city of Cyzicus, and to provide a safe convoy for 
 the corn-fleet from the Euxine, which was endangered on account 
 of a prevalent scarcity. 3. Autocles was succeeded by Menon, 
 and Menon by Timomachus. But affairs in the Chersonese were 
 quite unfavorable to the Athenians. Cotys contrived, in 361 
 360, B. C., to surprize Sestus, the most important place in the 
 peninsula. The chronology is obscure, but it is probable that 
 these several commands were held between August, 362, B. C., 
 and the latter part of 361, B. C. 4. Timomachus was succeeded 
 by Cephisodotus. Cotys was now joined by Chandemus, a 
 mercenary general who had formerly been in the service of 
 Athens, and by their joint forces, the Athenian possessions were 
 in great danger. But at this juncture, Cotys is assassinated. 
 
27 
 
 His young son Cersobleptes succeeds him, who makes Chari- 
 demus his principal minister. After seven months of useless 
 warfare, Charidemus forces Cephisodotus to conclude a most 
 dishonorable convention, which is at once rejected at Athens. 
 Cephisodotus is recalled about the beginning of 359, B. 0. It 
 does not appear that Athens had any commander in Thrace 
 during the whole of this year, nor till the middle of the next 
 year, 358, B. C. But, at this time, there were two competitors 
 for the throne against Cersobleptes, Berisades and Amadocus 
 who uniting their forces under an Athenian named Athenodo- 
 rus, pressed Charidemus so hard that he was finally compelled 
 to agree that Thrace should be divided among the three com- 
 petitors, and that all three should concur in surrendering tho 
 Chersonese to Athens. The Athenians upon being informed 
 of this, send Chabrias with a single trireme to ratify the con- 
 vention and take possession of the country ; but, as they had 
 neglected to send the money which Athenodorus had asked for 
 the pay of his troops, that general was compelled to disband 
 them. This circumstance emboldened Cersobleptes and Chari- 
 demus to disown the convention ; they even compel Chabrias 
 to accept the former convention. This excites great indignation 
 at Athens, and ten commissioners are sent to demand the rati- 
 fication of the latter convention, but as they are not accompa- 
 nied by a force, they are treated with contempt by Cersobleptes 
 and Charidemus. At length, in the latter part of 358, B. C., 
 Chares is sent with a sufficient force to compel a ratification of 
 the treaty, and at once, the Chersonese is surrendered to the 
 Athenians, though Charidemus retains Cardia. We here leavo 
 the Athenians in quiet possession of the Chersonese, and turn, 
 
 III. To their expedition into Euboaa, in which the Athenians 
 manifested their old spirit. Although, at the revival of the 
 Athenian confederacy in 378, B. C., most of the cities of Euboea 
 became confederates, yet after the battle of Leuctra, the island 
 passed under Theban supremacy, and throughout the war con- 
 tingents served in the army of Epaminondas. But in the year 
 358, B. C., the cities became discontented, and Thebes sent over 
 a large number of troops to quell the disturbances. The cities 
 of Chalcis and Eretria solicited aid from Athens. It was at once 
 rendered, and with the greatest zeal. Volunteer trierarchs, of 
 whom Demosthenes was one, offer their services. A large force 
 
23 
 
 was equipped, and landed in the course of a few days in Euboea; 
 in twenty days, the Thebans were defeated, and Eubcea became 
 a portion of the Athenian confederacy. A body of mercenaries 
 under Chares served in the Athenian army, who after the con- 
 clusion of the enterprize, went to Chersonese to take possession, 
 as we have already seen, of that peninsula. 
 
 Thus, at the end of the year 358, B. C., Athens was at the 
 height of her power, having among her confederates the prin- 
 cipal islands of the ^Egean, possessing the Chersonese, and 
 several cities in Chalcidice, and now exerting a controlling influ- 
 ence over Euboea. 
 
 IX. CONCLUSION. 
 
 30. We here complete our account of the period of Grecian 
 history extending from the end of the Peloponnesian war to the 
 peace following the battle of Mantinea, 404-361, B. C. Some 
 of the events which have been brought into it, occurred three 
 years later than the point of time just mentioned, but, not to 
 speak of the impossibility of bounding the historical periods of 
 different states by precisely the same year, these events had 
 their causes within the assigned limit. We have also carried 
 forward the entire period to the year 359, B. C., when Philip 
 ascended the throne of Macedon, but this was done merely for 
 the convenience of chronological arrangement ; the period 
 properly ends with the peace of 361, B. C. 
 
 31. With the general peace of 361, B. C., one system of 
 
 tl politics may be said to have come to an end, and a 
 
 Change in the A j > 
 
 System of Gre- new one to commence. The results of the Pelo- 
 m politics. p 0imes i an war are reversed ; Sparta is prostrate, and 
 Athens exalted, though neither in external power nor in her 
 internal condition is she the Athens of the Peloponnesian pe- 
 riod. Almost the only external difference is the increased power 
 of Thebes. But the powers and combinations of policy which 
 brought about this result have spent their force. Persia in fact 
 ended the Peloponnesian war, destroyed the Athenian empire, 
 and raised Sparta to dominion. Persia, too, destroyed the 
 maritime power of Sparta at the battle of Cnidus, but by the 
 peace of Antalcidas rendered stronger than ever her despotism 
 on land. But from this peace, Persia ceases to have a control 
 
over Grecian politics ; her influence grows less and less, until at 
 length Persia is little more than a topic of oratory for Isocrates 
 and other Greek rhetoricians. We hear little more of the Gre- 
 cian cities in Asia Minor. The leading principle of Grecian 
 policy after the peace of Antalcidas, and the political combina- 
 tions of the states, were directed either to the confirmation or 
 the subversion of Spartan domination in Greece. But this prin- 
 ciple and these combinations ceased of necessity with the battle 
 of Man tinea and the general peace. A new political period 
 .commences. Grecian politics as a whole the Pan-Hellenic 
 system instead of having reference to Persia, or, as in later 
 times, to the supremacy of Athens or Sparta or Thebes, take a 
 new direction ; they turn northwards to Phocis, Thessaly, Mace- 
 donia, Thrace. A new power rises into importance Mace- 
 don and rules for a little while the Grecian world. In Greece 
 itself, however, there can hardly be said to be a system of poli- 
 tics. Events follow each other, without centering in any one 
 grand object. Indeed, it is the want of a system in which all 
 Greece should be united under the guidance of some one state, 
 that enabled Philip to conquer it, as he did, by piece-meal. It 
 was only in the few last months, or rather days, of her freedom, 
 that, by the eloquence and statesmanship of Demosthenes, the 
 Pan-Hellenic spirit was aroused, and Greeks fought together for 
 freedom against Macedon, as they had fought against Persia, 
 or Sparta. But it was too late, Greece was subjugated ; and 
 we now turn to describe the gloomy period of her subjugation. 
 
 SUBJUGATION OF GREECE UNDER MACEDON. 
 
 X. THE INTERNAL STATE OF GREECE AT THE OPENING 
 OF THIS PERIOD, 359, B. C. 
 
 32. Externally, at the opening of this period, Greece is pros- 
 perous. She has just succeeded in rescuing her freedom from 
 the oppressive tyranny of Sparta. Several of the states have 
 arrived to a high degree of power. The maritime empire of 
 Athens rivals the former empire which was overthrown by the 
 
80 
 
 Peloponnesian war. Thebes has never been so powerful. But, 
 yet, as a whole, Greece has degenerated, nor longer possesses 
 influence of the t^e ability of acting in concert against a foreign 
 former Period foe. The very struggle which she had gone through 
 ter " with for independence had prepared her for sub- 
 jection. The several states are free, but so fearful of losing 
 their freedom, that they will not unite under the lead of any 
 one state, even against a common foe. They are independent 
 of each other, and, because they are independent, will not look 
 beyond their own individual interests, to the common inter- 
 ests of the Grecian world, but hope, as Demosthenes expresses 
 it, each, in the perils of others, to escape itself. Besides, the 
 states are weakened by internal dissensions, and there prevails a 
 general deterioration of morals, growing out of long protracted 
 wars. In addition, there is, at least in Athens, a decay of the 
 military spirit, and a dearth of great military commanders. 
 The truth of these assertions will appear, if we consider the 
 internal state of Peloponnesus, Thebes, and Athens ; and it is 
 important to do this, if we would see how it was that almost in 
 the moment of emancipation, Greece became again enslaved 
 that in twenty-three years, the battle of Mantinea was followed 
 by the battle of Chseronea. 
 
 33. Although the states of Peloponnesus were now freed from 
 internal State the dominion of Sparta, they were weakened, dis- 
 of Peloponnesus, tracted, and suspicious of each other. Besides, 
 the overthrow of the oligarchies which had been upheld by 
 Sparta had given rise to bitter civil dissensions, terrible cruelties 
 and unappeasible feuds. Thus, it was impossible to form, even 
 against a foreign enemy, any new combination of states, in place 
 of that which had existed under the headship of Sparta. On 
 the contrary, so suspicious were the other states of Sparta, 
 prostrate as she was, that they were ready to ally themselves 
 with any foreign power, or even enemy of Greece against her ; 
 and some did actually join Philip. 
 
 34. Thebes had become powerful. Although she had lost 
 
 most of her Peloponnesian allies, she retained her 
 
 Of Thebes. ,,. . ~ , T ' . (1 ,, ,. 
 
 allies in Central Greece ; the Locrians, the Malians, 
 the Heracleots, the Phocians, though these last were reluctant 
 allies, and most of the Thessalians. She had also extended her 
 dominion over the whole of Boeotia, having appropriated the 
 
31 
 
 territories of Coronea and Orchomenus on her northwestern, 
 and of Thespise and Platese on her southwestern borders. Be- 
 sides, she had, on the northeastern frontiers of Attica, the im- 
 portant town of Oropus, which she had taken during the war. 
 But Thebes, in breaking up the free cities of Orchomenus, Co- 
 ronea, Plateae and Thespise, and scattering and exiling their 
 citizens, had alienated the feelings of the Greeks, and made 
 the states hostile towards her. In the death of Epaminondas 
 at the battle of Mantinea, she lost all she might otherwise 
 have gained from the victory ; she lost her only great man, the 
 statesman who could have directed her resources in a wise man- 
 ner, and united all Greece under her, against Philip. As it was, 
 however, Thebes soon after, without necessity and from motives 
 of mere revenge, gave rise to a war the Sacred war which 
 raged for ten years in the heart of Greece, and furnished Philip 
 with the occasion and the means of subduing Greece ; indeed, 
 Thebes itself cooperated with him until the last struggle, when 
 it was too late for her to do any thing against him. 
 
 35. We come now to speak of the internal situation of Ath- 
 or Athen ens ' au ^ muc ^ more at length. For, it is here we 
 
 find the real causes of the downfall of Grecian free- 
 dom. If Athens had been what she once was, Philip would 
 never have passed the straits of Thermopylae. 
 
 36. It is to be remarked, however, that this change was not 
 in the forms of her constitution and laws, but in the character 
 Nochan^m of the people. With the expulsion of the Thirty, 
 Government 11 was restored the popular institutions of Athens ; and 
 and Laws. f rom that time to the present, we find the same demo- 
 cratic form of government. We meet with the. same large 
 senatorial body of Five Hundred, convening daily, with the ex- 
 ception of festival days, in the senate house, preparing measures 
 to be acted on by the Assembly, and exercising a superintendance 
 over all financial affairs and over all public officers. With the 
 same Assembly, composed only of those whose names were en- 
 rolled in the registers of the several Demes as born of Athenian 
 parents and who had taken the citizens' oath, meeting regularly 
 four times in each prytany, or about once every ten days, and 
 exercising the Legislative powers of the state. With the same 
 Dikasteries, courts composed of a large body of jurors some 
 hundreds without judges to instruct them in the laws. With 
 
32 
 
 the same public officers, the ten Archons, the ten Strategi, the 
 Logistse and Euthuni, and others, all exposed to the trial of their 
 eligibility, and all liable to the trial of accountability. We 
 meet with the same carefully formed system of finance ; and 
 with the same kinds of expenditures ; with the same liturgies 
 and trierarchies. We also meet with the same forms of trials, 
 the Graphe Paranomon, the trial of unconstitutional laws, and 
 the Eisaugelia, the prosecution of public offenders. The city 
 NO change in the with its public buildings, the number of the citi- 
 spiendor of city. zens? me ti c s and slaves, its commerce and manu- 
 factures, were about the same as in the flourishing days of the 
 republic, before the Peloponnesian war. The public buildings 
 of the Acropolis with all their splendid works of art, and all 
 the public structures, had escaped unharmed the capture of the 
 city by Lysander, and the violences of the reign of terror. The 
 Long Walls and the fortifications of the Piraeus, though not 
 equal to the former, were sufficiently strong for protection. 
 The population w r as nearly as large as ever. It has been estima- 
 ted at 500,000, of which 90,000 were citizens, 45,000 metics, 
 or resident foreigners, and the remainder 365,000, slaves. Of 
 the whole population, 180,000 has been assigned to the city 
 and harbors. Of the 90,000 citizens, about "20,000 would be 
 Assembly-men. The large number of resident foreigners, who 
 were mainly engaged in commerce and manufactures, indicates 
 the material prosperity of the city. 
 
 37. But while there has been no change in government and 
 laws, and none, except for the better, in the material prosperity 
 of the city of Athens, there has been a change, and, in many 
 change in the res p e cts, an improvement, in the character of the 
 Character of people. There has been a gradual progress in civil- 
 ization, which commenced with the political career 
 of Pericles. Commerce had brought great wealth into the city, 
 and it had been freely expended in adorning it. The fine arts 
 had reached a point of perfection beyond which they never 
 went. If by the renown of her schools, the celebrity of her poets 
 and philosophers, by the elegance and refinement of her social 
 state, she ever deserved, it was now, to make hers the appropri- 
 ate name for the literary metropolis of succeeding nations. It 
 is true, her most distinguished poets were dead ; but Sophocles, 
 Euripides and Aristophanes were familiarly known by a near 
 
tradition ; Thucydides must have been remembered by many 
 of the citizens ; the memory of Herodotus was fresh, and Xeno- 
 phon survived though in exile. But Plato was in the vigor of 
 his life, Aristotle was just becoming distinguished, and Dioge- 
 nes vented his cynical lectures about the streets upon the man- 
 ners of the times. Isseus, Lysias, and Isocrates were in the 
 height of their fame, Demosthenes had already pleaded his first 
 cause. It was an age of philosophers and orators rather than 
 of poets and historians the age of reflection which usually 
 succeeds the age of original production. Athens was the re- 
 sort of scholars, the school of the arts for all Greece, for the 
 islands of the -^Egean, and for Asia Minor. She had never seen 
 the time, it is probable, when there was so much accumulation 
 of wealth in the hands of private individuals, so much refine- 
 ment in the style of living among the rich, such general aban- 
 donment among other classes, at the theatre, festivals and pub- 
 lic games, to the pleasures of life, in a word, so much enjoyment 
 of the comforts of peace and commercial prosperity. But an- 
 cient civilization, destitute of a religion, which ameliorates the 
 barbarities of civilized life, and while increasing the pleasures 
 of life, fortifies the heart against being corrupted by them, un- 
 protected too by the discoveries of physical science, which 
 ancient philosophers despised, but which in modern times have 
 placed civilized man far beyond the reach of the uncivilized, 
 was destined either to fall before the assaults of barbarous peo- 
 ple, or else to perish through the corrupting influence of the 
 very blessings it conferred. 
 
 It was very natural under these circumstances for the great 
 body of the citizens to be averse to service in the army and 
 fleet. They preferred the duty of jurors in some of the multi- 
 tudinous courts of Athens, or the wages of four pence half- 
 penny as legislators in the public Assembly. They were un- 
 willing to exchange the lounge in the Forum, the excitement 
 of the games and processions, the cheap pleasures of the public 
 theatres, for hard labor and poor pay. But this love of peace, 
 though arising in part from a proper appreciation of its advan- 
 tages, was also the love of idle pleasure. They did not decline 
 war because of its calamities, nor did they refuse military service 
 because they wished to employ themselves in agriculture, in the 
 useful arts and trades, or in manufactures, or in short in any of 
 
34 
 
 the various modes of industry in which men now engage, for in 
 fact their civilization had not produced them ; they were un- 
 willing to endure the hardships of war, because they could lead 
 an easier life. As a nation, they were as ready for war as ever. 
 This readiness for war as a nation and this reluctance to en- 
 gage in it as individuals, led to two fatal expedients. The first 
 was the employment of mercenary troops. If they would have 
 war, they must have soldiers and sailors, and unfortunately for 
 them, these could be easily obtained. The long protracted wars 
 had made martial service a trade or profession. In all parts of 
 Greece, there were adventurers with few or more followers, 
 ready to serve the best paymaster. They were not free-booters 
 or pirates, but men of an honorable profession the cavalier of 
 more modern times, the Dalgetties of the thirty years war. 
 During all the contests in the reign of Philip, it was rare to 
 find an Athenian citizen in the army or fleet. 
 
 The other great change was the separation of the office of 
 the statesman and the general. In former times, a public man 
 was both statesman and warrior ; he who originated the plan, 
 carried it into execution. Epaminondas was the last of this 
 race, whose wisdom and eloquence was equalled by bravery and 
 generalship. This separation, though it is of great importance 
 in modern times, produced many evils. Before, all citizens were 
 soldiers, and all public men were generals ; but now, no citizen 
 is a soldier, and their ten generals are too often mere militia 
 generals. The commanders who were engaged in actual serv- 
 ice, were adventurers, who fought for the sjjoils of war. Hence, 
 they acted as they chose abroad, plundering the allies, hiring 
 themselves out to execute any enterprize which the hundred 
 independent cities on the islands or on the coast, might have 
 planned, or else privateering on their own account. On their 
 return, they must of course make friends with the people. This 
 was done by a profuse expenditure of money, and by hiring the 
 orators to defend them under impeachment. Demosthenes 
 often complains of these evils. 
 
 38. Such was the character of the people of Athens ; refined, 
 
 pleasure-loving, proud, and ambitious of military 
 
 Summary. r , & *. , i / 
 
 conquests, but without the enterprize and vigor to 
 
 secure them. Such too, was the situation of the several states 
 composing the collective Grecian world ; with respect to each 
 
35 
 
 other, jealous and suspicious, standing aloof from common 
 enterprizes, and some more ready to join with a foreign foe 
 than with their countrymen ; and, with respect to their inter- 
 nal situation, degenerate in morals, distracted by bitter feuds 
 between the different classes of citizens, and not one, without 
 leading men of the oligarchy, who waited only for the oppor- 
 tunity to sell their country for gold. Such was the Grecian 
 world ready to be enslaved at the time its first conqueror 
 ascended the throne. 
 
 XL ACCESSION OF PHILIP TO THE THRONE. 359, B. C. 
 
 39. Philip ascended the throne at the age of twenty-three, 
 Character of which was just the age of Demosthenes. Philip had 
 Philip. k een sen as an hostage to Thebes, and was there at 
 
 the time when she was distinguished for her great men. Nor 
 can we doubt but that he profited not a little from the example 
 of great military skill he must have been familiar with in the 
 exploits of Epaminondas. Indeed, in the first great battle 
 which Philip fought, a battle against the Illyrians in the first 
 year of his reign, he employed the same tactics, strengthening 
 one wing for the attack and reserving the other for defense as 
 Epaminondas at Leuctra and Mantinea. In Thebes, also, he 
 acquired a knowledge of the Greek language, which he wrote, 
 it is said, with accuracy and elegance. Not unlikely he became 
 accomplished in all the parts of a Greek education ; philosophy, 
 poetry and oratory. He was a brave and skillful soldier, an 
 artful diplomatist, an unsafe friend, and a dangerous enemy. 
 
 Philip ascended the throne in 359, B. C. Macedon, which 
 Condition of had never been a kingdom of great power, was re- 
 Macedon. duced at the time of his accession, to a state of ex- 
 treme weakness, and was exposed to the danger of utter ruin 
 from powerful enemies. On the west, it was threatened by the 
 Illyrians, who in a recent battle had slain king Perdiccas with 
 four thousand of his troops, on the north and northwest, by the 
 great Paeonian kingdom, and on the east, by the Thracians. 
 Besides, there were several claimants to the throne ; two pre- 
 tenders, Pausanias and Arga?us, the former of w r hom was sup- 
 ported by a Thracian prince, and the latter by the Athenians ; 
 three half-brothers of Philip, Archelaus, Aridaeus and Menelaus ; 
 
30 
 
 and an infant son of Perdiccas, in whoso name Philip exercised 
 regal authority. 
 
 Such was the dangerous situation of Macedon, and such were 
 First transactions ^e difficulties which confronted the youthful 
 of "his reign. Philip at the outset of his career ; but he eu- 
 358, B. c. coun tered and overcame them all, and never in 
 any period of his life did he exhibit more art or a greater power 
 of moulding events to his own purposes. "With respect to his 
 three half-brothers, he puts one to death, the other two escap- 
 ing the same fate only by flight. With respect to the two pre- 
 tenders to the throne, he foils Pausanias by buying off his 
 Thracian supporters, and attacks and defeats Argseus, and his 
 Athenian auxiliaries with him. He next propitiates the Athe- 
 nians, who had been defeated in their efforts to aid Argseus. 
 For this purpose, he dismisses with, presents the few Athenians 
 whom he had taken prisoners, withdraws the Macedonian gar- 
 rison from Amphipolis, and sends a letter to the Athenian peo- 
 ple, soliciting peace. Peace was concluded, in which, according 
 to Grote, Philip " renounced all claim to Amphipolis and ac- 
 knowledged that city as a possession rightfully belonging to 
 the Athenians." Having thus put out of the way all claimants 
 to the throne, and made peace with the Athenians, he marches 
 against the Pseoiiians, whom he easily subdues. The Illyrians 
 remain, and are a more formidable foe. His campaign against 
 them seems to have lasted more than a year, but Philip finally 
 triumphs, and dictates terms of peace. This was in the early 
 part of 358, B. C. Thus, in the space of little more than a 
 year, has Philip defeated all his enemies, and established himself 
 firmly on the throne. 
 
 We have now before us the situation both of the Grecian 
 states and of the kingdom of Macedon under Philip, at the 
 opening of the period of history which ends in the subjugation 
 of the former by the latter. In tracing the events by which, 
 either directly or collaterally, this result was brought about, we 
 shall be obliged to follow a simple chronological order, almost 
 entirely independent of the relation of cause and effect. 
 
37 
 
 XI. CONQUESTS OF PHILIP IN CHALCIDICE AND IN 
 THRACE IN 358-354, B. C. 
 
 40. The first enterprise of Philip was naturally directed 
 
 Philip's first against the Chalcidian peninsula, and the gold mines 
 
 enterprise. o f Thrace. The peninsula of Chalcidice is separated 
 
 from the main land of Macedonia, by a range of mountains, 
 
 crossing from the Thermaic to the Strymonic gulf. 
 
 Chalcidice. m ' -, -, i ., , , . S 
 
 Towards the seaboard, it runs out into three tongues 
 of land, divided from each other by the Toronaic and Singitic 
 gulfs, and forming three small and/ narrow peninsulas, of which 
 the eastern is called Acte, the middle Sithonia, and the west- 
 ern Pallene. Chalcidice, therefore, from its very situation 
 
 would present itself to Philip as the first object of 
 
 Importance. . , . , . T , 11- i T 
 
 his ambition. Its possession would give him a line 
 of sea-coast co-extensive with the territory of Macedonia, and 
 Macedonia had now only a narrow strip of coast on the west- 
 ern shore of the Thermaic gulf and, besides, having been early 
 settled by Greek colonists from Chalcis in Eubcea, (whence its 
 name of Chalcidice), and being from its intersecting gulfs well 
 situated for commerce, it was farther advanced in wealth and 
 refinement than any portion of Macedonia, and was in itself a 
 valuable acquisition. The possession of the eastern part, more- 
 over, opened to him the valuable mining district of Thrace. 
 Political con- But tne political condition of Chalcidice rendered 
 dition of Chai- its conquest no easy matter. The two most import- 
 ant of its cities were Amphipolis and Olynthus. Of 
 Amphipolis, we have already spoken at length. It was a free 
 and independent city, and on terms of friendship with Macedon. 
 Olynthus was a powerful city, situated at the head of the Toro- 
 naic gulf. It was the ruling city of a large confederation. 
 This confederation was formed somewhere about 393, B. C., but 
 in 379, B. C., Olynthus was besieged and taken by the Spar- 
 tans, the confederation broken up, and the individual cities 
 enrolled as allies of Sparta. But by the time the Athenians 
 began to attempt the revival of their empire, Olynthus had re- 
 established her confederacy, and gained a controlling influence 
 over the peninsula. Amphipolis was in confederation with her, 
 and Timotheus, in his expedition in 364, B. C., had carried oj& 
 
 4 
 
38 
 
 war against both cities. Athens, as we have seen, had several 
 tributary cities in this region ; Torone, Potidaea, Apollonia, and 
 perhaps others. Thus, it will appear that both Olynthus and 
 Athens were interested in keeping Philip out of the peninsula; 
 and it is equally evident that Olynthus and Athens united could 
 have withstood all Philip's encroachments. This state of things 
 Art and Policy points out and illustrates the plans and art of Philip, 
 of Philip. Sound policy required Athens to unite with both 
 Amphipolis and Olynthus, but these cities had ever been hostile 
 to her, and Philip takes advantage of this hostility to prevent 
 her from cooperating with them. We proceed to the detail. 
 
 41. Philip first attacks Amphipolis. This is in the latter 
 Attack on Am- part of 358, B. C. What pretext he had for this 
 pnipoiis. attack upon a city with which he had been on 
 terms of friendship, we know not ; for the real cause, we need 
 look no farther than his ambition. Philip presses the siege 
 The \m hi o- w ^ n great vigor, and the Amphipolitans are driven 
 litans ask aid to send envoys to Athens for succor. But Philip 
 of Athens, wag on ^ watc ]^ an( j at tne same time sends a 
 
 letter to the Athenians for the purpose of counteracting their 
 which is re- movements. Much in the future history of Greece 
 fused. depends upon the answer which the Athenians shall 
 
 give to this entreaty of the Amphipolitans for aid, so much 
 that Demosthenes declares, in one of his Olynthiac orations, 
 that if the Athenians had got possession of Amphipolis against 
 Philip, they would have been saved from all their subsequent 
 calamities. But a fatal refusal is given. We may assign two 
 Causes of the causes for this refusal. First, Philip declared in his 
 refusal. letter, as Demosthenes again and again asserts, that 
 
 Amphipolis belonged of right to the Athenians, that he was 
 besieging it for them, and, when he had taken it, would deliver 
 it into their hands ; and, hitherto Philip, as his father Amyn- 
 tas, x had been a friend. But, still, the promise of Philip was 
 too good to be sincere, and the Athenians would have been 
 suspicious of it, had it not been for that fatal inactivity and 
 love of ease, the second cause above referred to which now 
 prevail and paralyze all her counsels. The party of ease, led 
 by Eubulus and other politicians, who found it easier to gain 
 popularity by indulging the people in pleasures and amuse- 
 ments than by engaging them in wars for distant possessions, 
 
39 
 
 had the control at Athens. The Amphipolitans, though aban- 
 Capture of the doned by the Athenians, still held out against the 
 Clt y- assaults of Philip, but, betrayed by some of its 
 
 leading citizens who had been bribed by Philip, it soon fell into 
 his hands. This is the first conquest of Philip, and he here 
 employs the same means which he henceforth employs for the 
 overthrow of Greece ; force, craft, and bribery. It is needless 
 Not delivered to to say that Philip did not deliver Amphipolis over 
 the Athenians. ^o $iQ Athenians. The same fetal inaction and love 
 of ease, which permitted Philip to take the city, suffered him 
 to keep it. Philip amused the Athenians for a little while with 
 apologies for temporary delays, and promises of future delivery, 
 until at length no more was said about it, and Amphipolis re- 
 mained a portion of Macedon, till Macedon itself was conquered 
 by the Romans. 
 
 42. The next important movement of Philip was to form an 
 Alliance of Philip alliance with Olynthus. The Olynthians, alarmed 
 with Olynthus. by ^ ne capture of Amphipolis, sent embassadors 
 to Athens with proposals for a peace and an alliance. Such an 
 arrangement was most important. 'These two cities united could 
 have prevented even now the further progress of Philip in the 
 peninsula. But Philip is on the alert. His partisans assure 
 the Athenians of his continued friendship and of his readiness 
 to deliver Amphipolis. They propose, however, to the Atheni- 
 ans, and the very proposal gives to his offer of surrendering 
 Amphipolis, a certain appearance of sincerity that they should 
 yield Pydna, which formerly belonged to Macedonia, to him. 
 Moreover, the negotiations about Pydna are made a state-secret, 
 as the inhabitants of Pydna were hostile to the Macedonians. 
 The craft of Philip triumphs over the interests of Athens. The 
 proposals of the Olynthians are rejected. Philip gains two 
 advantages by these proceedings. He reveals the negotiations 
 about Pydna, and thus exasperates a portion of the people of 
 Pydna against the Athenians and forms a party in it favorable 
 to himself. But much more than this, he has the art to make 
 an alliance with the Olynthians himself. As the condition of 
 alliance with Olynthus. he cedes Anthemus, and promises to 
 take Potidsea for her. Accordingly, Philip enters now into 
 open war against Athens. 
 
40 
 
 43. Notwithstanding Philip's recent professions of friendship, 
 Amphipoiitan anc ^ notwithstanding he had received no cause of 
 war, 357-346, complaint against the Athenians, Philip begins open 
 hostilities. This war is called the " War about Am- 
 phipolis," and lasts till the general peace of 346, B. C. It is 
 however, a state of hostility rather than a formal war. Philip 
 Capture of Pyd- first takes Pyclna and other places for himself, and 
 na, Pot.dte, &c. then, in conjunction with the Olynthians, besieges 
 and captures Potidsea for Olynthus. In Pydna several Athe- 
 nian citizens were taken prisoners, some of whom were after- 
 wards ransomed by Demosthenes. It does not appear that the 
 Athenians made any attempt to aid Pydna, though they might 
 have done so. The Potidaeans, however, implore assistance. A 
 force of mercenaries is sent, but, as they are without pay, they 
 go elsewhere first, and do not arrive till the city is taken. In 
 this connection, though not in chronological order, we mention 
 the capture of Methone, which took place in 354 
 
 Of Methone. ~ i\ /^ mi, c xi v i i <. i i 
 
 353, B. C. The siege of this city lasted a long 
 time ; news of its danger reached Athens in season for her to 
 send aid, but the expedition was so long in preparing, that it 
 did not reach Methone, till it was too late. Here, too, there 
 were Athenians among the prisoners, some of whom were ran- 
 somed by Demosthenes. Thus, has Philip stripped the Athe- 
 nians of all their possessions in Chalcidice and on the coast of 
 Macedon. It is true, he has not himself come into possession 
 of more than three or four cities, but he has planted himself in 
 the region, and, as soon as he becomes powerful enough, will 
 treat his allies, the Olynthians, as they have aided him to treat 
 the Athenians strip them of all their possessions. But within 
 Of the Mines tne P er i o d which we have just finished, Philip got 
 of Thrace, possession of the gold mines of Crenides, and founded 
 in their neighborhood, the city of Philippi. These 
 mines were of vast importance to Philip. They yielded annu- 
 ally more than a million of dollars, and enabled him both to 
 maintain his army and corrupt the demagogues and traitors in 
 Greece. 
 
 We have seen that Athens made but a feeble resistance 
 against the progress of Philip. This was owing in part to the 
 Social War, as it was called, which she was carrying on during 
 this period. We proceed to speak of this war, for, though Philip 
 had no hand in it, it served to further his ambitious designs. 
 
XII. THE SOCIAL WAR. 357-355, B. C. 
 
 44. The Social War commenced in the early part of 35 7 
 B. C., by the revolt of Cos, Rhodes, Chios and Byzantium, and 
 continued till 355, B. C. The causes of this revolt are not 
 
 definitely known, but they probably originated in 
 exactions imposed upon the confederates by the Athe- 
 nian commanders, who, in the absence of means from Athens, 
 had recourse to such spoliations for the support of their troops. 
 Indeed, Demosthenes says the allies were more afraid of the 
 Athenian friendly forces than of their enemies. The course of 
 the events of this war is not well known. It will be sufficient 
 to say that a peace was negotiated in 355, B. C., by 
 which the Athenians recognize the autonomy, and 
 severance from her confederation, of the revolted cities. The 
 Social war was a great calamity to the Athenians. It had been 
 costly, and her finances were now reduced to a low ebb. She was 
 deprived for the future of a large portion of the contributions 
 which she received from her allies, and, in general, her power 
 was much weakened. Indeed, Athens was in a dangerous situ- 
 ation. She had lost her most distinguished generals ; Timotheus 
 was living in Chalcis, in exile, where he died in 354, B.C. ; 
 Iphicrates serves her no longer ; Chabrias was slain during the 
 war ; and no one is left, but Chares, who, though a brave man, 
 was destitute of military talents. 
 
 XIII. THE SACRED OR PHOCIAN WAR, 357-346, B. C. ; 
 THE ESTABLISHMENT OF PHILIP'S POWER IN THESSALY, 
 353-352, B. C. ; PHILIP IN THRACE, 352-351, B. C, ; 
 HIS FLEET. 
 
 45. We have seen how opportune for Philip's purposes was 
 the occurrence of the Social War. Nearly contemporaneous 
 in its commencement, but lasting much longer, was the Sacred 
 or Phocian war. Although Philip had nothing to do with 
 originating either of these wars, yet both contributed mate- 
 rially to his success. The Social war weakened the power of 
 Athens, and for the time being, gave Philip an unobstructed 
 field of action in Chalcidice ; the Sacred war distracted and 
 
 4* 
 
42 
 
 exasperated all the states of Greece, filled the chief parties to it 
 with mi extinguish able animosities, prepared the way of Philip 
 in Thessaly, and finally opened for him a passage through the 
 straits of Thermopyla? into the heart of Greece. 
 
 46. The Amphictyonic League, one of the most remarkable 
 Ampiiictyonic institutions of Greece, dates beyond the period of 
 League. Origin, authentic history. It was formed by twelve na- 
 tions : Dorians, lonians, Boeotians, Locrians, Phocians, Thessa- 
 lians, Phthiotians, Malians, PerrhaBbians, Magnetes, 
 Dolopians, ^Enianians, or (Etaeans. The Amphic- 
 tyons were divided into two bodies, a Senate and an Assembly. 
 The senate was composed of Py Worse and Hierom- 
 
 Constitution. -n i 17 i , i 
 
 nemones. Each nation might send as many deputies 
 as it pleased, but each had only two votes. Besides this, there 
 was a popular assembly, which was composed of all the people 
 who might be present from any of the nations, though each 
 nation had an equal vote. This congress of the Amphictyons 
 met twice a year ; in the spring, at the temple of Apollo at Del- 
 phi, and in the autumn at Thermopylae, in the sacred precinct 
 of Demeter Amphictyonis. Its principal function was to watch 
 
 over the safety, interests and treasures of the Del- 
 Functions. 1 . 1 y-x !!! 
 
 phian temple. Occasionally, it aimed at exercising 
 a sort of control over the general affairs of Greece. After the 
 Crissean, or first sacred war, it took the superintendence of 
 the Pythian games, which were celebrated once in four years 
 near Delphi. But, in the time we are are now speaking of, it 
 
 had lost its power. While it gave a kind of conse- 
 
 Present State. .. . fo 
 
 quence to some small states as master ot ceremonies 
 at the games or festivals, and from the crowds it brought to- 
 A Political gether, it was a mere tool in the hands of the more 
 
 powerful states. By this means, its influence became 
 most baleful on Greece. It gave rise to three bloody and fatal 
 wars, the last of which ended in the complete destruction of 
 Grecian freedom. The first was called the Crissean or first 
 First Sacred sacred war. Crissa was situated on that part of the 
 War - Corinthian gulf, which after the name of the city is 
 
 called the Crissean gulf, and was the port at which multitudes 
 of pilgrims landed to visit Delphi. On the charge that the city 
 practiced violence and extortion against these strangers, the 
 League declared war against the Crisseans, and after taking the 
 
43 
 
 town, razed it to the ground, choked up its harbor, and turned 
 the fruitful plain of Cirrha into a desert. This event was com- 
 memorated by the institution of the Pythian games, over which 
 the Amphictyonic League presides. This was in 576, B. C. 
 
 47. The second war was called the Sacred, or the Phocian, war. 
 Phocian War. This war was instigated by Thebes. As early as 
 Origin. 370^ ft Q t> t h e vear a f ter t } ie k att ] e O f Leuctra, 
 
 Thebes had made use of the League to forward her own pur- 
 poses. It was through her influence that it imposed a fine of 
 five hundred talents on Sparta, on account of her seizure of the 
 Cadmea. So, now, notwithstanding the recent general peace of 
 361, B.C., and notwithstanding the importance of a resting 
 time from war for all states, Thebes seeks again through the 
 League to gratify her revenge. The Locrians, who are her 
 tools in the matter, bring a charge against the Phocians, that 
 they cultivated the consecrated plain of Cirrha, and the Am- 
 phictyons impose a heavy fine upon the Phocians, for the sac- 
 rilege. This was in 357, B. C. As this fine was not paid, it 
 was decreed at the next meeting of the Amphictyons, to make 
 war on the Phocians, and to consecrate all their territory to 
 Apollo, as had been done with the Cirrhean plain. 
 
 48. Of the war, thus wantonly and maliciously brought about, 
 
 we can do no more than give a summary of events. 
 
 1. The Phocians do not wait to be attacked. At 
 the instigation and under the guidance of a wealthy and lead- 
 ing citizen named Philomelus, they seize the temple of Delphi, 
 and maintain it against the Locrians, who had marched to its 
 defense. Philomelus sends envoys to the several states of 
 Greece, announcing that he had seized the temple only for the 
 recovery of the ancient privilege of presiding, which the Pho- 
 cians claimed, and with a good degree of right,, and that the 
 treasures should be kept sacred. The seizure of this venerated 
 temple was a startling event, and split the Grecian world into 
 two bitterly hostile parties. Sparta, Athens, the Peloponnesian 
 Acheans, and some other states of Peloponnesus, acknowledge 
 the claims of the Phocians and agree to sustain them ; but 
 Thebes with all the northern states of Greece declared strenu- 
 ously against them. At first, only the Locrians entered the 
 contest against Philomelus. Philomelus, who had collected a 
 force of five thousand mercenaries, levied a contribution upon 
 
44 
 
 the inhabitants of Delphi, increased his army, and gave the 
 Locrians a thorough defeat. At this point, the war passes from 
 its narrow boundaries into a general Grecian war. Thebes puts 
 herself at the head of the movement against Phocis. Philo- 
 melus now commences to make use of the treasures of the tem- 
 ple. With these he offers a much higher pay for soldiers than 
 usual he had already once increased the pay and collected a 
 large army of ten thousand mercenaries. After various vicissi- 
 tudes, Philoinelus is defeated and slain. 2. Philomelus was 
 succeeded by Onomarchus, who, as the Thebans were slack in 
 following up their recent victory, was enabled to re-organize the 
 Phocian army. He made a still more profuse use of the treas- 
 ures of the temple, and soon collected a larger force than ever. 
 With this force, he was everywhere successful. He subdued the 
 Locrians of Amphissse, the Epicnemirlian Locrians, and the ter- 
 ritory of the Dorians ; he also took Thronium, one of the towns 
 which commanded the pass of Thermopylae, and probably Ni- 
 csea and Alponus, which were important ports near it, and 
 Orchomenus in Boeotia. At this point, the scene of the war is 
 changed ; and we pass into Thessaly, and describe the state of 
 things in that region. 
 
 49. The cities of the Thessalian plain the most fertile por- 
 tion of Greece, were governed by powerful oli- 
 
 State of Thessaly. , . , '. . , b { * 
 
 garchical families, with numerous dependent serfs. 
 The Aleuadse chiefs at Larissa, and the Skopadse at Crannon, 
 were at one time the most powerful of these. But Jason of 
 Pherse had more recently taken the lead. As federal leader, or 
 tagus, the whole force of Thessaly was united under him, to- 
 gether with a large army of mercenaries, so that he was looked 
 upon as dangerous to the liberties of Greece. But Jason was 
 assassinated in 370, B. C., the year after the battle of Leuctra. 
 His brothers, Polyphron and Polydorus, succeeded him. But 
 Polydorus was slain by Polyphron, who in turn was slain by 
 his nephew, Alexander, and he in his turn, by his wife and her 
 brothers. This was in 359, B. C., the year Philip ascended the 
 throne. The civil feuds in Thessaly were one of the unfavora- 
 ble circumstances, which laid Greece open to Philip's attacks. 
 At the time of the Phocian war, the country was as usual in a 
 state of internal conflict. The Aleuadse, too weak to contend 
 against Lycophron, who was now despot of Pherse, called in 
 
45 
 
 Philip. Nothing could have been more opportune. Philip had 
 just conquered the last of the Athenian possessions in Macedo- 
 nia the city of Methone and was now prepared to extend 
 his dominion in any direction which would be for his interest. 
 He, therefore, readily marched with his forces into Thessaly. 
 This turned the scale against Lycophron, and he in turn called 
 in Onomarchus. Thus the scene of the Phocian war is trans- 
 ferred to Thessaly. 
 
 50. Onomarchus first sends his brother, Phayllus, with a force 
 
 of seven thousand men, but he is defeated by 
 f ' Philip. Onomarchus then marches himself with 
 his whole army, and, in two battles, defeats Philip with such 
 loss that he withdrew from Thessaly. But Philip after some 
 considerable time spent in preparation, returns, and now finds 
 himself supported by the Thessalians with much more hearti- 
 ness. Lycophron sends for Onomarchus, who marches into 
 Thessaly with a large force. The two armies, nearly equal in 
 numbers, engage in a desperate conflict, in which Onomarchus 
 is defeated and slain, with the loss of six thousand troops killed, 
 and three thousand taken prisoners. This defeat destroyed the 
 power of Phocis above Thermopylae, and remitted the war for 
 a time to the original belligerents. 
 
 51. But the results of the battle were still more important in 
 Estabiishtnent anot 'h er respect ; it made Philip in effect master of 
 of Philip's pow- of Thessaly. For, he at once besieged and took 
 
 '' Pherse, which he made a free city, and Pagasae, 
 which he kept for himself. The Athenians despatched a force 
 to the aid of Pagasae, but it did not arrive till the city was 
 taken. Philip thus became master of the Pagasean gulf, the 
 principal maritime outlet of Thessaly, and extended his power 
 over Magnesia. Besides, the victory gave him renown as the 
 great captain of the age, and made him distinguished as the 
 avenger of the Delphian god, while he took great pains to pro- 
 claim himself as fighting in a sacred cause. Having settled 
 matters in Thessaly, Philip attempts to march with his army 
 Attempt to pass into Phocis. But, in order to do this, it was ne- 
 Thermopyise. ce ssary to force a passage through the straits of 
 Thermopylae. Here, however, he is defeated. The Athenians 
 are at length aroused, and an armament, composed of Athenian 
 citizens, is at once fitted out, which proceeds to Thermopylae, 
 and stops the farther progress of Philip in that direction. 
 
46 
 
 52. Philip's victory in Thessaly opened before him new fields 
 
 of conquest. It is not unlikely that in his attempt 
 
 Philip in Thrace. . ,, i i A .^ 
 
 to pass the straits 01 Ihermopylse, he aimed at the 
 immediate mastery of Greece. But if so, he was disappointed. 
 His failure, however, in one plan, only turned his attention to 
 another. Withdrawing, therefore, his army from Thessaly, he 
 proceeds at once to Thrace. Philip's proceedings in Thrace are 
 not well known. It seems probable that before this, he had 
 made an expedition into Thrace, for Demosthenes speaks of him 
 as having besieged the important towns of Abdera and Maro- 
 nea, on the coast of Thrace, under circumstances, which points 
 to some time during the campaigns in Thessaly. But, however 
 this may be, it is certain, that after his repulse at Thermopylae, 
 which was in midsummer, 352, B. C., he marched into Thrace, 
 where he took part in the disputes between various native 
 princes. In November of this year, news reaches Athens that 
 he was besieging Heraeum Teichos, which was situated on the 
 Propontis, and held by an Athenian garrison, for the protection 
 of the corn-trade. The Athenians are alarmed, and, in the 
 Assembly, pass psephisms, ordering a property tax to the amount 
 of fii'ty talents to be levied and collected, a fleet of forty triremes 
 to be equipped, and that the citizens should serve in person in 
 the fleet. But news coming soon after that Philip was sick, 
 then that he was dead, they relax their efforts, and it was not 
 till September of 351, B. C., that they despatched the expedi- 
 tion under Charidemus ; and even then, it consisted of only ten 
 triremes without soldiers, and with only five talents in money. 
 Philip, however, was in reality sick, and was obliged on that 
 account, to leave Thrace, sometime in 351, B. C., without ac- 
 complishing any thing of importance. 
 
 53. But Philip's activity was not confined to the land. In 
 Attack on the ^ ne earn<er years of the war, he suffered much from 
 Athenians by the Athenian cruisers, but after the capture of Pa- 
 
 gasae, when he got possession of the fleet which 
 had been col 1 exited by Jason and Alexander of Pherse, and per- 
 haps earlier, he began to retaliate upon the Athenians, and by 
 his superior activity proved himself almost- a match for the 
 Athenians on their favorite element. His triremes levied con- 
 tributions on her allies, ravaged the islands of Lemnos and 
 Imbros, extended their incursions to the southern Cape of Eu- 
 
47 
 
 boea, and even ventured into the harbor of Marathon from which 
 they carried off as a prize one of the sacred triremes ; besides 
 making spoliation on the commerce of the ^Egean. 
 
 We here recapitulate the successive steps by which Philip 
 mounted to his present height of power, together 
 gy ' with the dates, though there is doubt as to the accu- 
 racy of some of them. In 359, B. 0., Philip ascends the throne, 
 and in 358, B. C., had firmly established himself in power. In 
 the latter paVt of 358, B. C., he took Amphipolis. Between 
 357-355, B. C., he captured Pydna and Potidsea, got possession 
 of the mines of Crenides, and founded Philippi. In 354, B. C., 
 he took Methone. His first campaign in Thessaly was in the 
 summer of 353, B. C. ; his second, embracing the defeat of 
 Onomarchus, the capture of Pherse and Pagasae, and his re- 
 pulse at Thermopylae, was ended before midsummer of 352, 
 B. C., and, perhaps, between 353-352, B. C., was an expedi- 
 tion into Thrace. Between 352-351, B. C., he was in Thrace. 
 We turn now to speak of Demosthenes, and the state of affairs 
 in Athens. 
 
 XIV. DEMOSTHENES. 
 
 54. We have now arrived at the period of time, when Demos- 
 thenes begins to take a share in public counsels. It is, however, 
 several years before his political influence becomes conspicuous. 
 He was only about twenty-seven years old, when he delivered 
 his first extant address to the Assembly; and Eubulus, Phocion, 
 and other older men were now at the head of public affairs, 
 and directing the policy of the State. Yet, it is both interest- 
 ing and useful to examine these early political harangues. 
 They give an idea of the Grecian world at the time, and shew 
 the early statesmanship of Demosthenes. The address above 
 alluded to, which is called neyl ai^wo^co*', was delivered in 354, 
 Speech on the B. C., on the following occasion. During the So- 
 Navy Boards. c j a j wa] .^ Chares, in order to obtain the means to 
 pay his troops, entered, on his own responsibility, into the ser- 
 vice of Artabazus, a satrap of Persia, then in revolt, and gained 
 a splendid victory over the Persian forces, for which Artabazus 
 most liberally rewarded him and enabled him to pay his troops. 
 This was in 356, B. C. But reports now reach Athens that 
 the Persian king is about to make war upon them, for the aid 
 
48 
 
 their general had given his revolted satrap. This rumor pro- 
 duced great excitement at Athens ; and many in the Assembly, 
 which was called in consequence, were for summoning a con- 
 gress of the Greek states and entering at once into a war 
 against Persia. Demosthenes opposes these views, on account 
 of the dissensions, and the distrust of each other, which ex- 
 isted among the Greeks. He says, the states would not come to 
 such a congress, but would seek their own safety and join the 
 king himself, so that again the Persian king would become 
 arbiter of the rights of the Greeks. Throughout the oration, 
 he laments the dissensions among the Grecian states. He 
 tells the Assembly, that " the Greeks themselves are hostile to 
 one another, and some, more ready to trust in the king of 
 Persia than in their own countrymen :" " that the fear of 
 the king has not yet become greater than the enmity of some 
 of the Greeks to you and to one another ;" and beseeches 
 them not " to reveal the degeneracy of the Greeks, by sum- 
 moning a congress, when they will not come, and going to war, 
 when you are not able." Instead of declaring war, he advises 
 to make preparation, and in case of being attacked, to apply 
 for cooperation to the other states, who, seeing the Athenian 
 ready for the war, would then join them. With respect to 
 preparation, he recommends a new classification of the citizens, 
 for the more sucessful taxation of property; thus showing in 
 his first public speech in the Assembly, the same practical 
 statemanship which appears in all his orations. But, already 
 Demosthenes has uttered the complaints which are repeated 
 again and again through all these years of degeneracy, that 
 the rich will not contribute, nor the citizens serve in the army 
 or fleet. " You are richer," he says, " than all the other states 
 together, yet, those who have wealth are so disposed, that if all 
 the orators should announce, i that the king was coining, was 
 at hand, and the danger unavoidable,' if with the orators 
 others should give prophetic warning, not only would they re- 
 fuse to contribute, but they would not discover their wealth or 
 own that they had it." And with respect to military service, 
 he says, " The first and greatest of all the preparations of war 
 is for every man to be willing to bear his part in it. When 
 you all counsel alike, and each one thinks it his duty to help 
 execute your counsels, you never fail, but when, though you all 
 
49 
 
 agree in counsel, no one does any thing, supposing that some- 
 body else will, nothing succeeds." He also speaks of Thebes in 
 language of forbearance, never heard from other orators, as if 
 he foresaw the importance of her friendship. Moreover, he is 
 animated with the ancient Athenian spirit, when he says, " it 
 would be dishonorable for you even when wronged to punish 
 the wrong doer, if in so doing you would put him under the 
 power of the barbarian." In short, in this early oration, we 
 find all that sagacity in discerning the weakness of his coun- 
 trymen, all that boldness and practical statesmanship in propos- 
 ing remedies, all that ancient Athenian passion for the freedom 
 of the Greeks in a word, that true statesmanship, which was 
 manifested in the maturity of his powers ; the only difference 
 being that he had not yet detected the real enemy of Greece. 
 For, there is no reference to Philip, though he had already taken 
 Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidsea, and perhaps Methone, and only a 
 remote allusion to the Phocian war. 
 
 The next year, 353, B. C., in the latter part of it, Demosthe- 
 nes delivered the oration for the Megalopolitans. The occasion 
 speech for the of it was an embassy from Sparta to invoke aid 
 Megalopolitans a g a i ns t the Arcadians, who had also sent envoys 
 to oppose the Spartans. The Spartans, seeing that the Thebans 
 were hard pressed by the Phocians, thought the time had ar- 
 rived to attempt the recovery of their power in Peloponnesus, 
 and they proposed for this purpose a general restoration of the 
 former state of things ; the restoration of Oropus to Athens, 
 the autonomy of Orchomenus, Thespise* and Platsea, and the 
 like, looking for herself, to the recovery of Messene and the dis- 
 solution of the Arcadian union. The contest became violent 
 in the Assembly, some of the public speakers advocating the 
 cause of Sparta, others, that of the Megalopolitans. Demos- 
 thenes in his speech takes a general view of Peloponnesian 
 affairs. He says that neither Sparta or Thebes should be per- 
 mitted to attain to supreme power. He sees that Sparta is 
 aiming to overthrow the barrier which Epaminondas erected 
 against her in the establishment of Megalopolis and Messene. 
 He, therefore, opposes the proposition of Sparta. But he is 
 equally averse to the farther aggrandizement of Thebes, and 
 would, therefore, have Athens take her place, as protector of 
 the Arcadians and Messeiiians. These are the opinions of 3 
 
 5 
 
50 
 
 real statesman of an Athenian statesman filled with the true 
 spirit of Athenian patriotism but they were not adopted. 
 
 It is no\ a little remarkable that the growing power of Philip 
 should hitherto have excited no alarm at Athens. The Athe- 
 nian statesmen were always on their guard against the king of 
 Persia. Demosthenes, in this oration, would not suffer Sparta 
 again to rise to power, and would check the aggrandizement of 
 Thebes, but he has no reference whatever to Philip. . But within 
 a year or two after this oration was delivered, Demosthenes 
 saw the real state of things. Philip's power in Thessaly, his 
 attempt to pass Thermopylae, his progress in Thrace, threatening 
 the possessions of the Athenians in the Chersonese, opened his 
 eyes to the real danger of Greece the danger of being subju- 
 gated by Macedon. This new view, which Demosthenes now 
 took of Grecian politics, appeared in his first Philippic, which 
 was delivered in the first part of 351, B. C., when Philip was 
 in Thrace. In this oration, Demosthenes puts forth the full 
 The First Phil- vigor of his style. In none of the subsequent 
 ippic. speeches, do we find sentences more pointed, or 
 
 more compacted with thoughts ; nor statesmanship wiser or 
 bolder, or more comprehensive and systematic. Those, indeed, 
 who think the great end of oratory is to attract the admiration 
 of the hearers by brilliancy of thought and language, will be 
 disappointed, as well as those, who have a still lower view of 
 oratory, as a mere instrument of confirming the people in opin- 
 ions already entertained, or of leading them against what is 
 right and good by appeals to passion and prejudice. But our 
 orator is too much in earnest to think of the fame of his ora- 
 tory, and too much of a patriot to flatter and deceive. " Never," 
 he says to the people, u have I sought your favor by saying 
 what I was not persuaded was for your good." The course of 
 thought in the oration is simple. The orator first strives to 
 remove the despondency which prevails at the present state of 
 affairs. Next, he points out the causes of failure, and dwells 
 upon the reluctance of the people either to contribute of their 
 money, or to serve in person in the fleet and army. He, then, 
 lays before the Assembly a systematic plan of action, against 
 Philip. For the purpose of showing how plain and practical 
 the speech is, we give it. He recommends the equipment of 
 fifty triremes, with transports for one thousand cavalry, for 
 
51 
 
 emergencies ; and the establishment of a standing force of two 
 thousand foot, of whom one quarter should be citizens, and two 
 hundred horse, with one quarter citizens, together with suffi- 
 cient transports. He then goes through with the particulars 
 of the expense, the whole amounting to ninety-two talents, or 
 about $100,000, a year. But the srnallness of these armaments, 
 and the manifest caution with which they are introduced, the 
 orator begging the Assembly not to condemn till they had 
 heard, is a striking comment upon the vSiipineness of the people. 
 Having shown how these forces should be employed, the orator 
 concludes with another attempt to arouse the Athenians to 
 action ; and as we read his energetic periods, we feel as if his 
 counsel must have prevailed. But it did not. His political 
 influence was as yet weak, and he was opposed by such men as 
 Eubulus and Phocion, who encouraged the citizens to persist in 
 their inactivity and let matters take their course. We meet, 
 too, in this oration, with % the first intimation of a Philippizing 
 party in Athens, or, at least, of individual traitors; u There 
 are, there are among ourselves, too many who report every thing 
 to him." The next public speech of Demosthenes related to 
 the Olynthian war, and we now turn to that. 
 
 XV. PHILIP'S CONQUEST OF OLYNTHUS AND CHALCIDICE, 
 350-347, B. C. ; WAR IN EUBOSA, 349-346, B. C. 
 
 55. We have heretofore seen how adroitly Philip averted the 
 Charge of Policy, alliance with Athens, which was proposed by the 
 by the oiynthians. Qlynthians on account of his capture of Amphip- 
 olis, and substituted himself as their ally in place of the Athe- 
 nians. This alliance, which of course involved them in the 
 " War about Amphipolis," continued unbroken till Philip's vic- 
 tory over Onoraarchus. The growth of his power consequent 
 upon that victory, and his increased activity in pushing forward 
 in every direction, alarmed the Oiynthians, and they send en- 
 voys to Athens to negotiate a peace. This peace seems to have 
 been made before November, 352, B. C., as Demosthenes speaks 
 of it as already existing, in his oration against Aristocrates, 
 which was delivered between midsummer 352, B. C., and mid- 
 summer 351, B.C. They, however, did not propose an alliance, 
 as that would have compelled them to join with the Athenians 
 
52 
 
 in the war against Philip. This partial separation from him 
 
 was not overlooked by Philip, who is said by De- 
 Attacks of Philip. , . , . ~ S<m ... L .' T 
 
 mosthenes in his first Philippic to have made in- 
 cursions against Olynthus, probably in the early part of 351, 
 B. C. or the latter part of 352, B. C. This state of distrust 
 Open War. 3oO, lasted some months, till Philip at length made 
 open war against them, probably towards the 
 middle of 350, B. C. The pretext of the war was, that the 
 Pretext of the Olynthians harbored his two half-brothers, whom 
 War - he wished to get into his own hands, to kill; the 
 
 Real cause. rea ] cause , his ambition of power and conquest. 
 "With Olynthus and Chalcidice in his possession, he would be 
 master of the whole region, both inland and seacoast, from 
 Thrace to Thermopylae. Philip prosecuted his plans, in his 
 Mode of Prose- usual modes, which he had now carried to a high 
 cuting it. degree of perfectness ; bribery, dissimulation and 
 
 force. He does not attack the Olynthian confederacy as a 
 body, but under one pretext or another assaults the individual 
 cities, all the while disclaiming any hostile purposes against 
 Olynthus. At the same time, he manages by bribery and every 
 species of corruption, to attach to himself partizans in all the 
 cities, ready to betray them into his hands. After having in 
 this way captured the thirty-two confederate cities of Chalcidice, 
 he besieges and takes Olynthus. This is the general course of 
 events, but it is perhaps impossible to determine the details. 
 There is also equal uncertainty as to the order in which the 
 Olynthiac orations were delivered. On the whole, Grote's ar- 
 rangement seems to be the best. But we dwell only upon a 
 few points. 
 
 56. Some time after Philip's attack upon her confederate 
 The First cities, Olynthus sends an embassy to form an alli- 
 oiynthiac. ance w j^ Athens. The alliance was formed, and 
 either on this occasion, or soon after, Demosthenes delivers his 
 first Olynthiac, or the second in the edited order. This speech 
 is a most earnest remonstrance against the inactivity of his 
 countrymen, and a stirring appeal to awake, and seize the 
 favorable occasion which fortune had unexpectedly presented 
 to them. "The men are here who are ready for a war with 
 Philip let us aid them at once." The orator is evidently 
 animated with the hope of now, at last, striking a heavy blow, 
 against Philip. But he is disappointed. The Athenians make 
 
53 
 
 the alliance, but send no aid. "They listen to Eubulus, a 
 man not at all corrupt, but of simple, conservative routine, 
 evading all painful necessities and extraordinary precautions ; 
 conciliating the rich by resisting a property tax, and the 
 general body of citizens by refusing to meddle with the The- 
 oric expenditure." But soon matters become more urgent, 
 and the Olynthians send another embassy, imploring aid. It 
 The second was on this occasion, that the second Olynthiac 
 oiynt hiac. was delivered, the first in the usual edited order. 
 The orator speaks with greater emphasis than ever of the 
 lukewarmness of the citizens, and urges a vote to be passed 
 to assist Olynthus ; to send two armaments, one to preserve 
 the cities of Chalcidice for the Olynthians, and the other 
 to make a diversion, by attacking Philip at home. He also 
 recommends that Athenian envoys should go to Olynthus, 
 to watch affairs. He declares that citizens must serve, that 
 money must be had, an expedition must be sent. The Athe- 
 nians about this time, whether in consequence of this oration 
 or not, we do not know, sent a body of foreign mercenaries to 
 the aid of the Olynthians and Chalcidians, but without Athe- 
 nian citizens, and without pay for the mercenaries. The ex- 
 penses of the outfit, however, were defrayed by voluntary con- 
 tributions. The expedition was dispatched towards the autumn 
 of 350, B. C., and gained at first some considerable advantage. 
 The news of this success was received with exultation. The 
 The Third demagogues laid hold on the opportunity, to flatter 
 Olynthiac. [ ie p eO pl e with the idea of having rescued Olynthus, 
 and humbled Philip. But Demosthenes knew better. He saw 
 that now was the very time to put forth renewed exertions, 
 whereas there was danger they would give up all farther efforts. 
 With the spirit of a true patriot and far-sighted statesman, he 
 stood forth in the third Olynthiac u one of the most splendid 
 harangues ever delivered" to attempt the ungrateful task of 
 moderating their triumphs and urging to increased exertions. 
 This oration was delivered in the latter part of 350, B. C., and 
 the three, in the last six months of that year. But it does not 
 appear that the speech had any immediate effect. 
 
 57. The war continued for the next eighteen months. And 
 Armaments of no doubt, during this time, the Athenians put forth 
 the Athenian*. str enuous exertions. In the third Philippic, deliv- 
 
54: 
 
 ered six years after, Demosthenes says, that they sent to the war, 
 four thousand citizens and ten thousand mercenaries, with fifty 
 triremes. But all was in vain. Philip pressed the Chalcidians 
 Fail of oiyn- more and more. At last he draws near Olynthus, 
 and sends the terrific message, that either the Olyn- 
 thians must quit Olynthus, or he leave Macedonia. They 
 make a desperate resistance, but betrayed by the traitors, Eu- 
 thycrates and Lasthenes, Olynthus fell. His mastery of the 
 Chalcidian peninsula thus became complete. The war lasted 
 from 350, B. C., to the winter of 347, B. C. 
 
 58. The fall of Olynthus was a terrible calamity. Demos^ 
 Consequences thenes asserts in his third Philippic, that Ph'ilip 
 
 raged with such brutality against Olynthus, Me- 
 thone, Apollonia, and the thirty-two cities of Chalcidice, that 
 u the traveler could scarcely tell whether they had ever been 
 inhabited." The Olynthians, men, women, and children, were 
 sold into slavery ; their wealth was confiscated, and houses and 
 lands and slaves bestowed with a lavish hand on soldiers, offi- 
 cers, and hirelings. .^Eschines, as he reported to the Athenians, 
 met with a band of these Olynthian captives, in Peloponnesus 
 thirty women and children, whom Philip had given to one 
 Atrestidas as his slaves. But, besides the ruin it brought on 
 the Chalcidian peninsula, it was a heavy calamity to the whole 
 of Greece. We shall soon see Athens, to use the language of 
 Grpte, terrified into a peace alike dishonorable and improvi- 
 dent, which even Demosthenes does not venture to oppose ; 
 JEschines passing out of a free spoken Athenian citizen into a 
 servile worshiper, if not a paid agent, of Philip ; and Isocrates, 
 once the champion of Pan-hellenic freedom and integrity, os- 
 tentatiously proclaiming Philip as the master and arbiter of 
 Greece, while persuading him at the same time to use his power 
 well for the purpose of conquering Persia. 
 
 59. We turn now to Eubcea. While the Olynthian war was 
 War in gi n g on i the Athenians were also engaged in a war 
 Bubo*. w i tn Eubcea. We have seen that, in 358, B. C., Ath- 
 ens obtained a controlling influence in the island. Since that 
 time, the three principal cities, Oreus, Chalcis and Eretria, had 
 ^ent each a member to the synod of confederates at Athens. 
 But, Philip, as soon as he got possession of Pagasse, at the head 
 of the Pagasean gulf opposite Oreus, began to intrigue in th& 
 
55 
 
 island. Demosthenes in his first Philippic, reads a letter which 
 Philip sent into the island, and by the present time, there was 
 a Philippizing party in each city. Hostilities broke out about 
 the beginning of 349, B. C., at Eretria. An Eretrian, named 
 Plutarch, professing to be friendly to Athenian interests, sent to 
 Athens for aid. Demosthenes suspecting that Plutarch was a* 
 traitor in the pay of Philip, opposed the request, but the party 
 of Eubuius and Phocion favored it, and Phocion was sent with 
 an armament into the island. But he was betrayed by Plu- 
 tarch, and the Athenian troops placed in great danger, but by 
 the skill of Phocion, they defeated the enemy and escaped. 
 The war continued for some time, though we are not acquainted 
 with its details. The hostile parties, however, in the summer 
 of 348, B. C., applied for peace. It seems not to have been 
 granted, and the Euboeans continued hostile to the Athenians 
 until the peace of 346, B. C., when they were left to themselves. 
 
 XVI. THE PEACE OF 346, B. C. 
 
 The next step in the subjugation of Greece was the fatal 
 peace of 346, B. C. We shall speak of it under the following 
 heads; the Motives on the part both of the Athenians and Philip, 
 which led to the negotiation ; the Objects aimed at by each 
 party ; the Negotiation itself; and the immediate Results of 
 the peace. 
 
 60. There were several considerations which inclined the 
 Motives of the Athenians to peace. 1. They had been en- 
 Athenians. g a ged in a desultory war with Philip, between 
 ess ' ten and eleven years since his refusal to sur- 
 render Amphipolis, and his capture of Pydna in 357, B. C. ; * 
 and without honor or success. They had failed to recover Am- 
 phipolis, Euboea was alienated, the commerce of the ^Egean 
 harrassed, and the finances of the state exhausted. Philip, on 
 the contrary, had been continually growing in power, and now 
 ruled supreme over the whole region between Thrace and Ther- 
 mopylae, and, with his well trained troops, and with his vast 
 resources, collected from the mines of Thrace, the plunder of 
 Olynthus and the ravages of his fleet, was prepared and ready 
 for farther conquest. A just peace under these circumstances 
 would have given Athens an opportunity to put herself in a 
 
56 
 
 better condition, though she was not so reduced as to be under 
 a necessity of making it. But, 2. cooperating with this cause, 
 2 Their inability to was ner ^ a ^ ure m an attempt which she made, 
 form an alliance witii after the destruction of Olynthus, to unite the 
 other states in a league against Philip. So far 
 from succumbing under that great calamity, the Athenians pre- 
 pared for still greater exertions. Even Eubulus and the party 
 of ease were aroused. Envoys were sent into several states, to 
 stir up the people to action and to unite them in a common 
 war for the defense of Greece. ^Eschines himself went into Pe- 
 loponnesus, where he addressed the Arcadian assembly of Ten 
 Thousand, but found an orator from Philip present to oppose 
 him, and he failed of success. The other envoys did not suc- 
 ceed much better. Although a few embassadors from other 
 cities were induced to visit Athens, yet no hearty cooperation 
 could be formed against Philip ; so distracted were the states 
 of Greece. This indifference of the other Greeks to the danger 
 of Greece, disheartened Eubulus, ^Eschines, and others of their 
 party, and inclined them to peace ; which inclination, under the 
 pressure of present circumstances and the prevalent love of ease, 
 became general. 
 
 61. But, 3. the situation of the Phocian war made it im- 
 3. starrer the portant to negotiate, if possible, a general peace. 
 Phocian war. After the defeat and death of Onomarchus in Thes- 
 saly, Phayllus succeeded to the command of the Phocians. 
 Aided by Sparta, Achaia, and even Athens, he was able to 
 maintain himself against the Thebans, notwithstanding that 
 disastrous defeat. Soon after, the war was transferred in part 
 to Peloponnesus, where it was carried on for about two years. 
 Phayllus died in 351, B. C., and was succeeded by Phala3cus, 
 under whom the Phocians stood their ground, and maintained 
 possession of Orchomenus, Coronea, Alponus, Thronium, Nicaeea, 
 and Thermopylae. But the Phocians finally fell into dissensions 
 among themselves. The temple funds were now exhausted, and 
 the plunder of the temple had grown to be odious, even in 
 Phocis, so that a party was formed, which deposed Phalaecus, 
 and appointed Deinocrates with two others in his place. Pha- 
 laecus, however, was soon restored to power. But, notwith- 
 standing these intestine feuds, the Phocians w r ere too strong for 
 their enemies. But, it was apparent, that the time had come 
 
57 
 
 for putting an end to the war, which had devastated Greece 
 now for nearly eleven years. This might be done in two ways ; 
 through the intervention either of the Athenians, or of Philip. 
 The cooperation of Athens and Thebes would have been the 
 best for Greece, since it is not unlikely some compromise might 
 have been effected, which would tend to soothe the irritation 
 and exasperation of feelings which had grown out of the war. 
 Such cooperation was attempted by some of the Athenians, 
 among whom was Demosthenes. But the Thebans refused to 
 join with the Athenians, and in refusing the aid of the Athe- 
 nians, appealed to Philip. The Thessalians joined with them, 
 entreating that he would put an end to the war. It was this 
 position of affairs, with regard to the Phocian war when the 
 moment, long expected by Philip, had arrived, that he should 
 be invoked to put an end to it that made peace most essential 
 to Athens, in order, if possible, to have some part, through ne- 
 gotiation, in the pacification of Greece. 
 
 62. But Philip himself was not averse to peace. In order to 
 Motives of put an end to the war, it was necessary to pass the 
 phil 'P- Straits of Thermopylae, and it was by no means cer- 
 tain, should the Athenians support the Phocians with their 
 fleet, that he could force the passage. As cautious as brave, 
 he was therefore not unwilling to make peace with the Athe- 
 nians, in order to deprive the Phocians of their support. Be- 
 sides, he hoped, under the cover of a peace, to be better able to 
 carry forward his plans of future conquest in Greece and on 
 the Hellespont. 
 
 63. We thus see that both the Athenians and Philip are dis- 
 posed to negotiate for peace. And the maintenance or the 
 Aims of the overthrow of Grecian freedom depends upon the re- 
 Atiienians and suit of this negotiation. If the Athenians shall be 
 
 llllp ' able to make peace with Philip on the basis of each 
 party retaining what it has, and if Phocis shall be included, then 
 Philip will retain his own possessions in Thessaly, Chalcidice, 
 and Thrace, but will be kept beyond the Straits of Thermopy- 
 lae ; the Athenians will be secured in their possessions in the 
 Chersonese ; Phocis will be saved, and Southern Greece pre- 
 served from attack, at least for a time. On the contrary, if 
 Philip shall be able to exclude the Phocians, and still make 
 peace with the Athenians, then, he would be able to end the 
 
58 
 
 Phocian war, and in so doing to become master of Thermopylae, 
 and leader of the Amphictyonic League. The great point with 
 him is, to be in a situation to put an end to the Phocian war, 
 and thus become arbiter of the state of affairs growing out of 
 such a settlement. Hence, it was the aim of the Athenians to 
 include the Phocians in the treaty of peace, and of Philip to 
 exclude them. Philip saw the state of affairs just as it was, 
 and entered upon the negotiation with matured plans ; but the 
 Athenians were divided in their counsels, and directed mainly 
 by the very persons whom Philip had purchased. 
 
 64. We proceed now to detail the successive steps of the 
 negotiation. There had been rumors, coming through Eubcea, 
 Early Rumor of ^ Philip's desire of a peace, even before the end of 
 Phmp's desire the Olynthian war. At the solicitation of a citizen 
 of influence by the name of Phrynon, who had 
 been captured by one of Philip's cruisers and had paid his ran- 
 som, the Athenian Assembly sent Phrynon himself, together 
 with an envoy, to Philip, in order to recover the money thus 
 paid. They were successful, and on their return extolled the 
 hospitality and generosity of Philip, and reported that he had 
 no wish to continue in hostilities with Athens. In this state of 
 Permission to things, Philocrates proposed a decree, granting 
 en voyVto treat Philip leave, if he chose, to send a herald and em- 
 of peace. bassadors to treat of peace. The decree passed 
 unanimously, yet, the mover was impeached, but, being de- 
 fended by Demosthenes, was acquitted. Philip, however, did 
 not avail himself of the opportunity. At the capture of Olyn- 
 thus, several Athenians of high standing were taken prisoners, 
 Negotiations an< ^ ^ was resolved in the Assembly to open indirect 
 about release negotiations with Philip for their release. Two dis- 
 tinguished actors, Neoptolemus and Aristodemus, 
 were employed for this purpose. Neoptolemus, on his return, 
 reported to the senate the favorable dispositions of Philip ; that 
 he was desirous not only to be at peace with Athens, but also 
 to be admitted into an alliance. This report was made some- 
 where in September or October, 347, B. C. About this time, 
 the envoys, who had been sent to invite a congress for the form- 
 ation of a confederation against Philip, returned, without hav- 
 ing accomplished any thing. Phoeian affairs had also now 
 reached the critical position, already described. It was under 
 
59 
 
 these circumstances, that about November, the Assembly de- 
 Embnssy to creed that embassadors should be sent to learn on 
 Philip. what terms Philip would make peace ; ten Athenian 
 envoys, and one from the synod of allies, sitting at Athens,- were 
 on the embassy, among whom were Philocrates, Demosthenes, 
 and ^Eschines. The envoys left Athens about December, 347, 
 B. 0., proceeded by sea to Oreus, crossed over to Pagasse and 
 went thence, through Larissa, to Pella. They returned about 
 the beginning of March, 346, B. C. The only terms on which 
 Philip would make peace were that each party 
 
 Terms of Peace. 7 j \ 1 . . 7 , f . 7 7 -Ti M- 
 
 should retain what it already possessed. Philip 
 sent by the envoys a letter addressed to the people of Athens, 
 setting forth his good will and readiness for peace and alliance, 
 and saying " he would have specified favors he was prepared to 
 give them, if he had been sure they would make the alliance." 
 Philip, just as the envoys were leaving Pella, sat out on an ex- 
 pedition against Cersobleptes in Thrace, .but pledged himself 
 Dot to attack the Chersonese, until the Athenians should have 
 had an opportunity to act on the question of peace. Demos- 
 thenes, being senator that year, moved in the senate that the 
 Honors to the envoys be crowned with a wreath of honor, and 
 Embassadors. j^ tne next ^ay j n t } ie prytaneum. The envoys 
 then report their doings to the Assembly. Demosthenes moved 
 in this body also, to greet by libation the herald who had ac- 
 companied them from Philip, and the Macedonian envoys who 
 were expected ; and, also, to assign the envoys seats of honor, 
 at the Dyonisiac festival. He also moved to appoint a meeting 
 to discuss the conditions of peace, after the arrival of the 
 envoys. 
 
 65. Antipater and Parmenio, Philip's envoys, arrived about 
 the middle of March, and the Assembly was held on the eight- 
 Assembly to eentn an d nineteenth of the same month. Philo- 
 discuss terms crates stood forth in the Assembly, as the mover of 
 the resolutions on the peace. The resolutions pro- 
 posed, first, that there should be peace and alliance between 
 Philip and Athens ; and that the treaty should include the 
 allies of Philip, and the allies of Athens, with the exception of 
 " the Phocians and Halus ;" secondly, that the conditions of 
 the peace should be, that each party should retain the posses- 
 sions actually in their hands. The proposal of Philocrates in- 
 
60 
 
 volved these two questions; whether the Assembly would agree 
 to peace and alliance, on the terras specified ? and, if so, whether 
 it would permit the Phocians Halus may he left out of the 
 account to be excluded from the treaty ? With regard to the 
 first, there does not seem to have been much dispute. Eubulus 
 told the Assembly, as Demosthenes reports it " You must either 
 march forthwith to the Piraeus, pay direct taxes, and convert the 
 Theoric fund into a military one, or vote for the peace and alli- 
 ance." Indeed, no better conditions could have been expected. 
 There is no doubt but that Demosthenes was in favor of it. 
 But it was the second question, which was the critical one, and 
 we are informed by Demostheness that the people compelled 
 Philocrates to expunge the expression, " except the Phocians 
 and Halus," and to say explicitly, "Athens and the allies of 
 the Athenians." Such was the peace and alliance, which was 
 agreed to in the Assembly between Philip and his allies on the 
 one side, and Athens and her allies, on the other. 
 
 66. On the twenty fifth of March, an Assembly was held for 
 Ratification of tne ratification of the treaty, by taking the oaths 
 the Treaty. from the envoys of Philip. This procedure at once 
 ttoe e oathe by raised the critical question, as to who are the allies 
 the Athenians. o f t j ie Athenians. Shall Cersobleptes be considered 
 among them ? Shall the Phocians ? With respect to Cerso- 
 bleptes, the envoys seem to have made no objection ; but with 
 respect to the Phocians, they are obliged at last openly to an- 
 nounce Philip's determination, not to include them in the treaty. 
 Here is the turning point of the whole transaction. Here the 
 policy of Philip and the policy of the Athenians come into 
 direct collision. Six days before, the Athenians had expressly 
 voted, that they would not exclude the Phocians ; Philip now 
 declares, that he will not admit them. And here begins to 
 appear the treachery and corruption of Philocrates and ^Eschi- 
 nes, and the craft of Philip. Both Philocrates and ./Eschines 
 must have known from the outset this determination of Philip 
 hence Philocrates in the original resolution made his excep- 
 tion of the Phocians and both came prepared to mislead and 
 betray the Athenians. They did it in this way. When the 
 envoys had announced Philip's determination, they followed 
 them with speeches in which they tell the people, to use the 
 language of Demosthenes, ** that it would not be well for Philip 
 
61 
 
 openly to receive the Phocians as allies, on account of Lis pres- 
 ent alliance with the Thebans and Thessalians, but that, should 
 he become master of events and obtain the peace, he would 
 then do every thing which we now wish him to agree in the 
 treaty to do." They assure the people that " Philip was a 
 friend of the city, that he would save the Phocians, that he 
 would humble the Thebans ; moreover, that, if he obtained the 
 peace, he would confer what was of more value than Amphipo- 
 lis, that he would restore Euboea and Oropus." Trusting to the 
 assurance of these men that Philip's exclusion of the Phocians 
 was only a matter of form, intended to hoodwink the Thebans 
 and Thessalians, and misled by these magnificent promises, the 
 Athenians take the fatal resolution, and receive the oaths from 
 Philip's envoys, " without the Phocians." 
 
 67. At the Assembly in which the oaths of ratification were 
 Reception of taken by the Athenians, an embassy, the same which 
 the oaths by had been sent to learn on what terms Philip would 
 make peace, was appointed to go and take the oaths 
 of ratification from Philip, and they were also commissioned to 
 promote in other ways the interests of Athens. Demosthenes 
 was of course a member of this embassy, but the large majority, 
 perhaps all the rest, were partizans of Philip. Philip, how- 
 importance of ever, was not yet ready to ratify the treaty. He 
 ratificauon^io desired delay for two objects; to extend his con- 
 Phiiip. quests in Thrace, aud then, after his return, to pre- 
 
 pare for passing Thermopylae. With regard to Thrace, Philip 
 With regard to had returned from there sick, in 351, B. C., without 
 Thrace. making any conquests. The Olynthian war em- 
 
 ployed him the next two or three years. But at the time the 
 embassy was on their former visit to Pella, he was about setting 
 out on an expedition into that region, where he still was. But, 
 at the time the embassy were appointed to receive from him 
 the oaths, he had been there but a few days, and, of course, 
 needed a longer interval. Hence the importance to him of 
 delaying the ratification, but to the Athenians, of hastening it. 
 It is true, indeed, he was bound to restore all the places taken 
 after his envoys had given the oaths to the Athenians, yet he 
 knew well, the Athenians would not dissolve the peace, even if 
 Delay of the he did not restore them. But, notwithstanding 
 Embassy. ^j s urgency, the embassy lingered in Athens scv- 
 
 6 
 
62 
 
 eral days, till at length Demosthenes carried a decree in the 
 senate, ordering the embassy to leave forthwith, and directing 
 Proxenus, then commanding in Oreus, to transport them 
 wheresoever they might learn that Philip was. But the em- 
 bassy, although they were compelled to leave Athens and go to 
 Oreus, made no farther haste. They never went after Philip in 
 Thrace, but after staying a while at Oreus passed over to the 
 main land, and continued in Pella, till Philip returned ; fifty 
 days after they had left Athens, although they might have 
 reached Philip, within five or six days of the conclusion of 
 the peace in Athens. During the interval, Philip had taken 
 Doriscus with other Thracian towns, some of them garrisoned 
 by Athenian soldiers, and completely subdued Cersobleptes, 
 whose son he brought back as prisoner and hostage. But 
 Philip was not yet ready to take the oaths. He had now only 
 secured the means of a future attack upon the Chersonese ; ho 
 wishes farther delay in order to make sure of Thermopylae. 
 With regard to And with respect to Thermopylae, he wished to be 
 Thermopylae so near to j t w ith his forces, before the Athenian 
 embassadors returned, that the Athenians, even if they should 
 determine in the last resort to disregard the peace and support 
 the Phocians, would not have time to carry their determination 
 into execution. Pella was now the scene of greatest interest in 
 Greece. Embassadors were there from Athens, Thebes, Eubcea, 
 Sparta, and even Phocis ; while, near by, was encamped a well- 
 trained army, ready for instant action. It was a moment of 
 anxiety, fear and hope. The Phocian war was to be ended, but 
 how, none knew. Athens, Sparta, Phocis, Thebes, were pros- 
 trate before Philip, awaiting his decision. All parties courted 
 his favor. The r J hebans and Thessalians besought him to pro- 
 claim himself openly as the champion of the Amphictyons 
 against the Phocians, while the envoys of Phocis, together with 
 those from Athens and Sparta, implored interference in their 
 behalf. Philip played off the one against the other, filling 
 them now with hopes and now with fears although no clear- 
 sighted and unbiassed statesman should have permitted himself 
 to be blinded as to his real purpose until, at length he was 
 ready, and proceeded with his army, the Grecian envoys follow- 
 ing in his train, to Phera3, within three days' march of Ther- 
 mopylae. It was here that the Athenian embassadors adminis- 
 
63 
 
 tered the oaths to Philip and his allies, among whom was even 
 Cardia, on the very borders of Athenian possessions in the Cher- 
 sonese. Thus is there peace and alliance between Athens and 
 Philip, but with the sacrifice, on the part of Athens, of her an- 
 cient allies, the Phocians. 
 
 68. The envoys arrived at Athens on the thirteenth of June, 
 Return of the and at once presented themselves before the senate. 
 Embassy. r f ne dissimulation of Philip had not imposed upon 
 Demosthenes, nor had the corruption arid treachery of ^E<chines 
 and his party escaped his observation. He saw that Philip 
 meant to destroy the Phocians, and that he had brought over 
 his colleagues to cooperate with him. But he did not despair ; 
 and, in denouncing the craft of Philip and the unfaithfulness of 
 the embassy, he urged upon the senate not to leave the Pho- 
 Resoiution of cians to perish without an effort to save them. The 
 the Senate, senate agree with Demosthenes, and draw up a de- 
 cree to be submitted to the Assembly. The Assembly was held 
 on the sixteenth of June, and it is almost certain, that, even 
 Proceedings of at this late hour, the Athenians, if they had so 
 the Assembly, chosen, might have interposed with success. But 
 they were cheated into the belief that there was no necessity of 
 such interposition that the Phocians would be saved without 
 it. ^Eschines got possession of the Assembly. Without refer- 
 ence to the resolution of the senate, he proceeded at once to 
 speak of Philip and his plans. He said "that he had left 
 Philip with opinions favorable to their interests in every thing, 
 both with regard to Amphictyonic questions and every other ; 
 that through his influence with Philip, Thebes was to be be- 
 sieged, as they would hear in two or three days, Thespise and 
 Platsea restored, and the treasures of the god demanded, not 
 from the Phocians, but the Thebans, who had been the first to 
 plot the seizure of the temple ; moreover, that there was an- 
 other matter arranged by him, but which he would not speak 
 of, as some of his colleagues were already envious of him" 
 hinting in this way at Oropus. The Athenians, who had been 
 dismayed at first by the near approach of Philip, were reassured 
 by the hopes, thus held out, of obtaining all that they wished 
 for, without an effort. At this point of the meeting, Demos- 
 thenes attempted to turn the current of feeling. He arose, and 
 said he knew nothing of any such matters, and was going on 
 
64 
 
 to repeat what he had said in the senate, when ^Eschines and 
 Philocrates interrupt him with outcries and jests, in which the 
 people join, and will listen to nothing from him. The occasion 
 is seized to read a letter which ^Eschines had brought from 
 Philip to apologize for the delay of the embassy, the blame of 
 which he affects to take upon himself. Although this letter 
 contained not a word about Thebes, or Phocis, or the other 
 matters of which ^Eschines had spoken, yet, its specious and 
 fair-spoken words encourage the Athenians still more ; and 
 Philocrates seizes the right moment and moves, that the peace 
 and alliance with Macedon shall be perpetual, and that if the 
 Phocians do not surrender the temple to the Amphictyons, the 
 Athenians will compel them ; which motion was carried. 
 Besides, two letters, which Philip addressed to the Assembly, 
 inviting Athenian troops to meet him forthwith at Thermopylae, 
 served to blind the Athenians still more, as they seemed to 
 evince the cordiality of his feelings, and his disposition to have 
 their cooperation in his present undertaking. Thus, do the 
 Athenians deliberately deliver the Phocians, " with their hands 
 bound behind their backs," as Demosthenes expresses it, into 
 the hands of Philip. 
 
 69. We come now to the sad catastrophe. After the de- 
 immediate results parture of the Athenian envoys, Philip summoned 
 of the peace. t } ie phocian leader, Phalaecus, to surrender Ther- 
 mopylae. But Phalaecus had not given up all hope of aid from 
 Athens in the last extremity. He had sent an envoy there to 
 learn the final determination of the Assembly, and therefore 
 postponed his answer to Philip, till he returned. When he 
 heard from him the proceedings of the Assembly of the six- 
 teenth of June, and the decree of Philocrates, he gave up in 
 despair, and with his army of eight or ten thousand foot and 
 one thousand cavalry, on the twenty- third June concluded a 
 convention, in which it is agreed that Phalaecus and his mer- 
 Surrenderof cenaries, with as many Phocians as chose, might 
 Phaicecus. leave the country and go where they pleased, but 
 that those who remained should be left to the mercy of Philip. 
 In accordance with this convention, all the towns in Phocis, 
 twenty-two in number, together with Thermopylae, were sur- 
 rendered into the power of Philip. Philip had no sooner put 
 an end to the war, than he sided with the Thebans, transferred 
 
65 
 
 to them a considerable portion of Phocis, restored Orchomenus 
 and Coronea, and made Thebes the head of the Boeotian con- 
 Con vocation of federacy. Philip soon after convoked anew the 
 the Amphicty- Amphictyonic Assembly, which had not met since 
 the seizure of the temple. The Assembly decree, 
 first, that the Phocians should be dispossessed of their place in 
 Decrees ^ e Assembly as one ^ tne twelve ancient Amphic- 
 ty onic races and Philip substituted instead ; secondly, 
 that all the rights which the Phocians ever had over the tem- 
 ple should be cancelled ; and, finally, that the twenty-two towns 
 of Phocis should be broken up into villages, and the Phocians 
 be compelled to pay a fine of fifty talents a year, until the 
 wealth taken from the temple should be made good. Dreadful 
 was the ruin throughout Phocis. Demosthenes describes it as 
 he saw it, two years later, in passing through the country : 
 " houses razed to the ground, walls demolished, a country stript 
 of its adult population, a few women, little children, and mise- 
 rable old men." Well might he exclaim, "results more dread- 
 ful and momentous had never occurred in Greece." 
 
 70. The news that Philip was in possession of ThermopylaB 
 Effect in and Phocis, first reached Athens from one of the en- 
 Athens, voys, whom they had sent to communicate the decree 
 of Philocrates to Philip. He had heard of it at Chalcis in 
 Euboea, and immediately returned. The people, who at the 
 time of his arrival were met in Assembly in the Piraeus, were 
 overwhelmed with astonishment and terror. It was moved to 
 fortify the Piraeus as well as the fortifications in Attica, and to 
 bring within the walls all their movable property, together with 
 the women and children. Not long after, a letter came from 
 Philip, communicating what he had done. It was written with 
 great skill, expressed much regard for his allies, and promised 
 they should reap great advantage from the alliance. This letter 
 relieved them from the fear of an immediate attack, and the 
 arrival, soon after, of the Athenian prisoners taken at Olynthus 
 somewhat reconciled them to their present inglorious situation. 
 Greece is now at peace, but enslaved ; and no one has done so 
 much towards this as the traitor and hireling, JEschines. So 
 far from being indignant with Philip for the falsification of all 
 his promises and the disappointment of all his hopes, if riQ 
 really had any, so far from repenting of what he had done, 
 
66 
 
 he rejoices in it ; he at once set off to visit Philip, and he took 
 part in the festivities which celebrated his triumphs over the 
 Phocians. 
 
 XVll PERIOD OF THE PEACE, 346-340, B. C. 
 
 71. Miserable is the situation of Greece. It is scarcely four 
 situation of years since thirty-two Grecian cities were destroyed 
 Greece. ^y phjjjp^ the inhabitants enslaved or dispersed in 
 exile, their property transferred to traitors and hirelings and a 
 rude soldiery. And now, not in a remote colony, but in the 
 very bosom of Greece itself, twenty-two cities more have been 
 destroyed by the same hand, the land laid waste, the adult pop- 
 ulation of men slain or in exile, and the few remaining women 
 and children, and old men reduced to the lowest misery ; and, 
 what is far more, an ancient Grecian state blotted out of exist- 
 ence, and its Barbarian destroyor elected to take its place in the 
 most venerable and the most purely Hellenic institution of 
 Greece. And it is a coincidence not a little remarkable, that 
 the restoration of Athenian citizens who were taken prisoners 
 at the former calamity should be the only circumstance^ which 
 mitigates the grief of the Athenians at the latter. 
 
 72. Philip has now the destiny of Greece within his grasp. 
 Plans of But he postpones the final blow, till he can give it 
 Philip. with the certainty of success. Athens, he sees, is 
 the only Grecian state which can combine the other states in 
 unity of action, and he, therefore, directs his efforts, for the next 
 five or six years, to two points ; first, to unite with himself all 
 those states which were disaffected to Athens, and to form a 
 body of partizans in those which were not ; and, secondly, to 
 make such conquests in Thrace as should lay open the Cher- 
 sonese and the Hellespont to his attacks. 
 
 73. Although the Athenians were indignant and exasperated 
 situation and a ^ ^ ne fr au d which through the cooperation of paid 
 Policy of Atn- partizans in the Athenian Assembly Philip had prac- 
 ticed upon them, yet, they had not lost any of their 
 
 actual possessions, nor were they damaged in their commercial 
 prosperity, or weakened in their military and naval resources. 
 But still their situation was rendered much w r orse by the unex- 
 pected results of the peace. Athens was relatively weaker 
 through the increased power of Philip. His conquests in 
 
67 
 
 Thrace threatened the Chersonese ; his occupation of Ther- 
 mopylae gave him command of the passage into Phocis, Boeo- 
 tia, and Attica ; his now closer alliance with the northern Am- 
 phictyonic states, and his mastery of the Amphictyonic league, 
 enabled him at will to involve the Grecian world in another sa- 
 cred war. Thus it resulted that, though Athens had not actu- 
 ally lost any of her possessions, yet she had permitted Philip 
 to raise on her very borders, the fortresses from which to assail 
 her. But, on the other hand, Athens had learned by the mise- 
 rable failure of the peace to distrust the leaders who for the 
 last thirteen years had been at the head of affairs, as well as 
 the policy which they had recommended. Demosthenes had 
 now by long probation approved himself to the people, and by 
 the power of his eloquence, and the wisdom of his statesman- 
 ship, forced his way to the directorship of affairs. Besides, he 
 had now trained up a generation of younger citizens, whom he 
 had inspired with his own generous sentiments of liberty. And 
 he went on increasing in his power over the Athenians, till at 
 length he aroused a pleasure-loving and degenerate age to feel 
 - and think and act worthily of their ancestors of the best days 
 of Greece. The policy of Athens is now reversed. It is to 
 meet Philip promptly, and at every point where he appears. 
 Philip and Demosthenes are pitted against each other, and it 
 is interesting to follow them in the contest. The details are 
 known principally from the orator himself, but even with his 
 aid we can do little more than give the probable order of events, 
 It may be remarked here, that in the Oration on the Crown, 
 which is a defense of himself as a leading statesman in Grecian 
 affairs, he disclaims all responsibility for whatever took place 
 before the peace, and in or immediately after it. He was then 
 no more than an opposition speaker in the minority. But, 
 after he took the lead of Grecian politics, after he became 
 prime minister of state, he acknowledges his accountability and 
 is ready to meet it. We turn now to trace the order of events 
 during the period of peace, which extends from March, 346, 
 B. C., to beyond midsummer, 340, B. C. 
 
 74. In August, 346, B. C., about two months after the sur- 
 
 Phiiip's presi- ren ^ er f Phocis, the Amphictyons appointed Philip 
 
 decy over the to preside over the celebration of the Pythian 
 
 ?5 - games, in conjunction with the Thebans and Thes- 
 
68 
 
 salians. The Athenians, who had been accustomed to send a 
 deputation to the festival, consisting of the senate of Five Hund- 
 red and the six Thesmothetse archons, now resolve to take no 
 notice of the celebration. It was not long after this, it is prob- 
 able, that an embassy came to Athens, composed of Thessa- 
 Ernbassy of ^ ans > Macedonians and Thebans, to demand a formal 
 Thessaiians, approval and recognition of the Amphictyonic de- 
 cree, which made Macedon a member of the League. 
 This demand was both embarrassing and irritating. It was 
 equivalent to a demand that Athenians, the proudest of the 
 Hellenic race, should recognize the Macedonians as a pure Helle- 
 nic people, whereas they ranked them among the alien races 
 whom they termed barbarous. Such a recognition, too, would 
 be a kind of endorsement of the Amphictyonic proceeding in 
 relation to Phocis. The Assembly was in a state of great ex- 
 citement. Some of the speakers were for rejecting the demand 
 as most disgraceful to Athens. JEschines was driven from the 
 Bema. Demosthenes, however, counselled moderation, and, 
 such now was his influence, was listened to. His speech re- 
 SchofDe mains, and is entitled nQl el^vr t g. Demosthenes 
 mosthenes. treats the question as one of peace or war, and with 
 mji Hjnvnt. true w i sc | orn snows that the present was no time for 
 war. They were weaker, and Philip stronger than before the 
 peace ; and, besides, an Amphictyonic war would unite all the 
 states against her. He also strives to depreciate the import- 
 ance of the League itself, and ventures to speak of the folly of 
 making war on account of the Shade at Delphi. The oration 
 was delivered 346-345, B. C. 
 
 75. The first warlike enterprize of Philip, after the destruc- 
 
 Phiiip in tion of Phocis and the celebration of the Isthmian 
 
 uiyria. games, was against the Illyrians, whom he defeats 
 
 and plunders. This was sometime in the last half of 345, B. C. 
 
 We next find him in Thessaly, which he reduces 
 
 InThcssaly. , .. . J 
 
 more completely under his power. He restores an 
 ancient political division of the country into four provinces, and 
 places partizans of his own over each tetrarchy. This was 
 accomplished by treachery, and Demosthenes mentions two of 
 the traitors, Eudicus and Simus. This seems to have been in 
 the spring of 344, B. C. Having strengthened his power in 
 the north of Greece, he turns to the south, and we meet with 
 his intrigues in Peloponnesus. 
 
69 
 
 76. The obstinacy of Sparta in refusing to acknowledge the 
 independence of Messene and Megalopolis, had a 
 
 In Peloponnesus. * / , i , /~i . , 
 
 most fatal enect on Grecian interests, ror, now 
 that Thebes was prostrate, Philip attempted, and with success, 
 to succeed to the sway which was exercised over Peloponnesus 
 by Epaminondas. Sparta, notwithstanding her weakness, cher- 
 ished the hope of recovering her power, and by so doing, kept 
 the other states in continual anxiety. And since Athens had 
 refused her aid when they applied for it in 353, B. C., they 
 now courted the favor of Philip. Philip declared himself the 
 protector of Messene, and called upon the Spartans to renounce 
 their claims, and when this was refused, supplied his allies with 
 men and money, and threatened to march into Peloponnesus in 
 person. This procedure made Philip popular with the confed- 
 eracy of which Messene, Megalopolis and Argos were the prin- 
 cipal members. Demosthenes mentions in the ns^l ncxQctTigecr- 
 Gelug, that several of the Arcadian commonwealths had decreed 
 crowns and pillars to Philip. These proceedings produced 
 anxiety at Athens, and an embassy, with Demosthenes at the 
 head of it, was sent into Peloponnesus to counteract the in- 
 Demosthenesin trigues of Philip. Demosthenes went to Messene 
 Peloponnesus. anc | Argos, an( j perhaps to other places. He 
 warned those states to beware of the treachery and bad faith 
 of Philip, and referred to his duplicity with respect to the 
 Olynthians, and his perfidy towards Athens in the matter of 
 Amphipolis. They heard him with applause, but continued in 
 their alliance with Philip. Philip, either resenting these charges 
 or thinking it a good opportunity to strengthen his interest in 
 Peloponnesus, sent an embassy to Athens to complain of these 
 charges. It was accompanied by embassies from Messene and 
 Argos to expostulate against the countenance Athens gave to 
 Sparta. It was on the occasion of this embassy, that the sec- 
 ond Philippic was delivered, in the latter half of 
 
 Second Philippic. T ^>i T i T\ i 
 
 344, B. C. In this oration, Demosthenes aims at 
 two things. In the first place, he seeks to convince the Atheni- 
 ans that Philip, notwithstanding the peace, and notwithstanding 
 all his fair spoken words and promises, which continued to be 
 repeated, was their bitter enemy, and that in his intrigues in 
 Peloponnesus, and in all his proceedings he was preparing for 
 an attack finally on them. In the next place, he urges the peoplo 
 
70 
 
 not to yield to the complaints of the embassadors, in which he 
 was successful ; thus establishing the policy of resisting Philip 
 wherever he was getting a foothold in Greece. Both in this 
 oration and in the one on the Peace, Demosthenes seems to 
 move with caution, as if he was not yet fully master of the As- 
 sembly. He, however, begins to speak with more boldness 
 against those orators in the Assembly who plead for Philip, 
 and to threaten prosecutions. Philip gained nothing by this 
 embassy, and for the present is baffled in his design on Pelo- 
 ponnesus. 
 
 This promptness and firmness of the Athenians in resisting 
 his first machinations in Greece, so soon after the disastrous 
 peace, alarmed Philip. For, about this time, in the first half 
 Attempt of Philip ^ 343, B.C., he seems to have made some at- 
 to conciliate the tempts to conciliate the Athenians. He was not 
 yet ready to go to Avar with them, and he had 
 learned, from the vigor of their opposition to him in Pelo- 
 ponnesus, that they were still able to contend against him 
 with success. He would postpone the final contest, and there- 
 fore sends an eloquent Byzantine, named Python, as an envoy 
 to Athens to express to the Athenians his friendly disposition 
 towards them, to complain of the charges of fraud and treach- 
 ery which the orators were perpetually making against him, 
 and to make an offer of revising and amending the treaty. 
 Python addressed the Assembly, and with much eloquence and 
 effect. It was voted in the same Assembly, that two amend- 
 ments should be proposed to the treaty. 1. That instead of the 
 phrase, * 4 hach party shall have what they are in possession of," 
 it should read, " Each shall have his own," by which the Athe- 
 nians hoped to revive their claim to Amphipolis. 2. That 
 "not merely the allies of Athens and Philip but also all the 
 Greeks should be included in the treaty" aiming to check in 
 this way the perpetual encroachments of Philip. It was also, 
 voted that Philip should be required to surrender the Thracian 
 towns which he had taken after the treaty was sworn to by the 
 Athenians. These points seem to have been admitted, or at 
 least not objected to, by his embassadors ; and an embassy fa-om 
 Athens, headed by Hegesippus, a bitter enemy of Philip, was 
 sent to present these points for his acceptance. Philip re- 
 fused the first outright, denying that he had made any such 
 
71 
 
 proposal ; he admitted the second, and offered to submit the 
 third to arbitration. It appears, also, that the envoys were in- 
 structed to demand possession of Halonesus, an island off the 
 north-east coast of Euboea. This island had made a part of the 
 Athenian empire, but the Athenians had been driven from it by 
 a pirate named Sostratus. Philip expelled Sostratus from the 
 island, but, instead of restoring it to the Athenians, kept it for 
 himself. In answer to the envoys, he says, that the island is 
 his, but that he will give it to the Athenians, though he would 
 not restore it. The attempt to reconstruct the treaty failed, and 
 Halonesus remained in the hands of Philip. This embassy was 
 in the first part of 343, 13. C. 
 
 But Philip can not remain quiet for any considerable length 
 of time. He begins again his intrigues in Greece. His pres- 
 ent plan is to secure a passage into Peloponnesus, through a 
 faction of his partisans in Megara. It seems 
 
 Philip m Megara. ,1 , ,1 , i , A i v i i .1 
 
 that the contest between the oligarchies and the 
 people had by this time changed into a contest between the 
 partizans of Philip and the people. The wealthiest men 
 sought the aid of Philip in establishing themselves in power. 
 This was the case in Megara. Ptgeodorus, one of the most 
 distinguished Megarians in wealth, birth and reputation, en- 
 tered into a conspiracy with Philip, in which he employed 
 the services of Perilaus. But this plot was defeated by the 
 activity of the Athenians. The Athenian troops were led by 
 Phocion. Defeated in Megara, Philip turns to Epirus. Incited 
 by Alexander, brother of Olyrnpias, Philip marches 
 into Epirus, and takes the cities of Bucheta, Pando- 
 sia and Elatea, which were half Grecian towns in the district 
 of Cassopia. But Philip had farther views. His position in 
 this district prepared the way for marching against Ambracia 
 and Leucas ; Arnbracia led to Acarnania and ^Etolia, and he 
 had already won the ^Etolians by the promise of taking Nau- 
 pactus from the Acheans for them and once getting a foot- 
 hold in Acarnania and ^Etolia, he could easily pass over into 
 Elis, where he already had partizans. But this scheme of get- 
 ting into Peloponnesus was defeated by the energy of the Athe- 
 nians. An embassy, headed by Demosthenes, was sent into 
 Acarnania and Peloponnesus, with the object ' of forming a 
 league against these perpetual encroachments of Philip. They 
 
72 
 
 brought promises of aid to Athens from some of the Pelopon- 
 nesian states, from Megara, and Acarnania. The Acarnanians 
 were hearty in their cooperation, and for their encouragement 
 a body of troops was sent to them from Athens. At the same 
 time, it is probable, an Athenian force was sent into Magnesia 
 in Thessaly under Aristodemus, who was honored on his return 
 with a crown proposed by Demosthenes. If this expedition 
 was sent at this time, it was intended to act as a diversion and 
 recall PhiHp from Ambracia and Leucas. However this may 
 be, at least, Philip was unsuccessful in his projects in the west 
 of Greece. These events took place in the latter part of 343, 
 B. C. No farther movements occurred in Peloponnesus till the 
 battle of Chaeronea. 
 
 77. But while Philip was busy in person in the west, his 
 
 partizans were at work in the east, in Euboea. Of 
 the three principal cities in this island, Oreus and 
 Eretria fell into the hands of the partizans of Philip, In Oreus, 
 the mass of the people were under the control of Philistides, 
 Philip's principal adherent, by whom they were persuaded to 
 imprison Euphrams, the opposing leader, as a disturber of the 
 peace. Then, taking advantage of this opportunity, Philistides 
 introduced a body of Macedonian troops, and thus secured to 
 himself the mastery of the city. Euphrseus slew himself in 
 prison. . In Eretria, Cleitarchus and others managed in the 
 same way ; they expelled the leaders of the opposite party, re- 
 fused to receive the Athenian envoys, and, introducing a thou- 
 sand Macedonian troops under Hipponicus, made themselves 
 masters of the city. At the same time, they destroyed the 
 fortified seaport of Porthmus, in order to cut off communica- 
 tion with Attica. Chalcis, however, seemed to be more friendly 
 to Athens, under the guidance of a leading citizen, named 
 Callias. These proceedings took place in the latter part of 343, 
 B.C. 
 
 78. In the spring of 342, B. C., Philip went into Thrace, 
 
 where he remained nearly a year. He is preparing 
 
 In Thrace. ., , , , V^ J . L , r 
 
 to strike a heavy blow : He is getting ready to at- 
 tack the Chersonese, and to obtain control of the Hellespont and 
 the Euxine. The contest is now becoming closer ; actual hos- 
 tilities, though not yet, are near. The Athenians had sent 
 out a body of colonists to settle in the Chersonese, who were 
 
73 
 
 accompanied by a military force under Diopithes, to protect 
 them in their possessions. It seems that these settlers and tho 
 inhabitants of Cardia had come into collision, and the latter 
 probably had applied to Philip as his allies, for aid. Philip, 
 perhaps on his arrival in Thrace, sent an embassy with a letter 
 Embassy from to Athens, and it was on this occasion that the ora- 
 Phiiip. tion n Qi 'AlQw-rpw attributed to Demosthenes, 
 
 but probably the speech of Hegesippus was delivered. The 
 letter of Philip, while complaining of the Athenians, was 
 Speech on friendly ; he offers again to give them the island of 
 Huionnesus. Halonnesus, but denies, with reference to the amend- 
 ment of the treaty, that he had given permission to his embas- 
 sadors to proffer an amendment, or that they had so stated it. 
 Hegesippus proves by a reference to the Athenian archives that 
 Philip's embassadors had made such an offer .in his name. 
 With respect to the gift of the island, he urges the people to 
 refuse it, though it afforded much amusement to J^schines and 
 others, that the Athenians should refuse to receive as a gift 
 what was already their own by right ; and he also dissuades 
 from submitting to arbitration. Thus nothing was effected by 
 Philip's embassay. It is not likely Philip expected any thing 
 would result from it. The letter was his oration to the Athe- 
 nian Assembly in defense of himself against the charges of 
 the Athenian orators. 
 
 In the mean time, matters are growing serious in the Cherso- 
 nese. The Macedonian troops under pretense of acting in be- 
 half of the Cardians overran the Chersonese, while Diopithes 
 made excursions out of the peninsula and attacked parts of 
 Thrace subject to Philip. Philip sends letters of remonstrance 
 Letter from to Athens, though at the very time he was making 
 Philip. conquests in Thrace against Cersobleptes, Teres, and 
 
 Sitalces, who had received the honor of Athenian citizenship. 
 These letters seem to have produced some effect at Athens, and 
 the people were disposed to recall Diopithes. It is in this state 
 of things that Demosthenes delivers his oration on the Cherso- 
 Orat.on on the nese, probably in the winter of 34 1 , B. C. This is a 
 Chersonese. no ble oration, not less dictated by far-sighted states- 
 manship than animated with the most powerful eloquence. 
 The orator tells the Athenians, that Philip in Thrace is making 
 war on Athens ; that it was not for the wretched hamlets in 
 
 7 
 
Thrace that he was striving, but for Athenian harbors, and 
 dock-yards, and triremes and mines ; it was for these he was 
 wintering amid the horrors of Thracian tempests. For the first 
 time, Demosthenes, in his counsels to act vigorously against 
 Philip, triumphs over the inactivity of his countrymen. Diopi- 
 thes is not recalled, but left to act according to his own judg- 
 ment ; and embassadors are sent to Philip to demand that he 
 shall cease to war against Cersobleptes. This vigorous proceed- 
 ing saved the Chersonese. In the spring of this year (341, B. C.), 
 i be Third Demosthenes delivered the third Philippic. This is 
 Philippic. j n t ne S ame strain as the oration on the Chersonese, 
 and aims at the same object ; only Demosthenes now speaks 
 with still stronger emphasis against Philip, and urges with still 
 greater vehemence the necessity of immediate action. He 
 looks forward to a combination of the Grecian states to save 
 Greece from the dominion of Macedon. Nor does he speak in 
 vain. Demosthenes is now the leading statesman in Athens ; 
 the people place confidence in him, and never thereafter with- 
 draw it. The period of Athenian history, extending from about 
 this time to the battle of Chseronea may be treated of, under 
 the general head of the " Administration of Demosthenes." 
 
 XVIII. ADMINISTRATION OF DEMOSTHENES ; FINAL 
 STRUGGLE. 340-338, B. C. 
 
 Demosthenes foresaw the impending war, and prepared for it. 
 His efforts were directed both to Euboea, and to the Chersonese 
 and Byzantium. 
 
 79. In the last half of 340, B. C., he proposed an embassy, 
 Embassy and ancl t ^ en an expedition into Eubcea. The forces 
 Expedition to were commanded by Phocion, and were successful. 
 Cleitarchus and Philistides, together with the Mace- 
 donian troops, were expelled from the island. At the same 
 time, through the negotiation of Demosthenes with Callias, a 
 new political arrangement was made, by which the connection 
 of the cities with the synod of the confederates at Athens was 
 renounced, and an Eubcean synod established, having its ses- 
 sions at 'Chalcis. Besides, Callias, who was a bitter enemy of 
 Philip, made incursions into the gulf of Pagasae, and captured 
 many Macedonian vessels, for which success, public thanks were 
 
75 
 
 awarded him at Athens. Demosthenes, also, was rewarded 
 with a golden crown. 
 
 80. Euboea being thus secured, Demosthenes next goes as 
 Demosthenes as envoy to the Chersonese and to Byzantium. Be- 
 chersonese and sic ^ es consulting with Diopitlies, he seeks to win 
 Byzantium. back to the friendship of Athens, the important 
 city of Byzantium, which had been disaffected towards her 
 ever since the Social war. But Byzantium was in alliance with. 
 Philip, and he was now urging her to join with him in active 
 hostilities against the Athenians. But, Demosthenes, by the 
 Success power of his eloquence, triumphed over these ad- 
 verse circumstances, and brought the Byzantines, 
 with their allies, the Perinthians, to make an alliance with 
 Athens. This success of Demosthenes so exasperated Philip 
 Exasperation that he shortly after a little before midsummer 
 of Philip. 340^ ft C. commenced the siege of Perinthus, both 
 by sea and land ; at the same time, he let loose his cruisers 
 against the Athenian merchantmen. These outrages at last 
 Athens declares provoke the Athenians to declare war. Shortly; 
 War - after midsummer, they pass a formal decree to re- 
 
 move the column on which the treaty stood recorded ; thus 
 declaring war. This was done probably during the absence 
 of Demosthenes on his embassy to Byzantium, since he asserts, 
 that none of the decrees relating to the war were his. Aboufc 
 Letter from the same time, as is probable, Philip addressed a 
 Philip. letter to the Athenian Assembly, enumerating his 
 grounds of complaint and ending with a declaration of war. 
 And Deciara- War is now openly declared by both parties, and it 
 tion of War - continues till the peace of Demades in 338, B.C. 
 We return to the siege of Perinthus. 
 
 Philip brings thirty thousand men against the city, with an 
 siege of Pe- amount and description of enginery such as had 
 rinti-ms. never been known. On the motion of Demosthe- 
 nes, the Athenians equip a fleet, which was sent to the Helles- 
 pont and to the Propontis. Philip pressed the siege with great 
 vigor. But the Perinthians were aided not only by the Athe- 
 nians and Byzantines but also by the Persian satraps on the 
 Asiatic side of the Propontis. The siege must have lasted 
 nearly three months, when Philip withdrew from before the 
 city, but appeared of a sudden against Byzantium. The attack 
 
76 
 
 on Byzantium aroused the Athenians to still greater exertions. 
 They equip a new and large fleet, and, what was of more con- 
 sequence, place it under the command of Phocion. The islands 
 also, Cos, Chios, Rhodes, and others, sent assistance, and Philip 
 was compelled to raise the siege. He was also defeated by 
 Phocion in the Chersonese. Besides, the privateering was 
 checked, and grain became uncommonly abundant and cheap 
 throughout Greece. Thus had Demosthenes, on the one hand, 
 _ rescued Euboea from the power of Philip, and made 
 
 it a bulwark of defense before Athens, and, on the 
 other, had restored Byzantium to the friendship of the Atheni- 
 ans, and prevented the Hellespont, with the grain trade, from 
 passing into the hands of Philip ; for which, crowns were given 
 by Perinthus, and Byzantium and the towns of the Chersonese 
 to the people of Athens, and by the people of Athens, a crown 
 to Demosthenes. This crown was moved by Aristonicus, and was 
 so popular that no one ventured to impeach the mover. But, 
 besides this, Demosthenes had effected a most important change 
 in the trierarchy law, a law by which the Athenian navy was 
 furnished with triremes, by which change the whole service 
 was made much more effective. This was brought about prob- 
 ably soon after the declaration of war, in the summer of 340, 
 B. C. It was under this law and by means of it, that the fleet 
 sent out under Phocion was equipped, and during the whole 
 war, every thing about the navy was done in season, and the 
 fleet did efficient duty. 
 
 81. The siege of Perinthus and Byzantium, and the other 
 enterprizes of that campaign occupied the last six months of 
 340, B. C. In the spring of 339, B. C., Philip made an expe- 
 dition against the Scythians, ravaging the country 
 
 PhilminScythia. , & .., , TT i .7 F i i 
 
 between Mount Hsemus and the Danube, and 
 bringing away a vast amount of cattle as well as 1 large numbers 
 of youthful slaves of both sexes, but on his return over Mount 
 Hsemus, he was attacked by the Thracian tribe of the Triballi, * 
 in which attack he lost all his slaves and was himself wounded 
 in the thigh. This expedition occupied the first half of this 
 year, 339, B. C. But, while he was away an event took place 
 which more than compensated Philip for all the losses and dis- 
 graces of the war, and which once more placed the destinies of 
 Greece in his hands, another Amphictyonic war. But, before 
 
77 
 
 speaking of the war which was thus thrust between Philip and 
 Athens, we refer to the uniform success which since the peace 
 had attended the efforts of the Athenians against the intrigues 
 and encroachments of Philip. He had made no important 
 progress in any direction. Under the guidance of Demosthe- 
 nes, Athens had acted with promptness and vigor, and it must 
 have been a bitter disappointment to the ardent patriotism of 
 Demosthenes, thus to have her career of success interrupted by 
 another Sacred War. 
 
 Nearly all our information concerning this war is derived 
 Amphissean from the rival orators in their orations on the Crown. 
 The following outline may be gathered from them. 
 The quarrel arouse between the Amphissean Locrians and ^Eschi- 
 nes, at the session of the Amphictyonic Council, at Delphi, in 
 339, B. C. ; and hence, the war is called the Amphissean War. 
 
 Occasi ^ e ^ ave a ^ rea( b 7 seen tnat tne fertile ptai" f Cirrha 
 was consecrated to the Delphian god, by which con- 
 secration it was forever prohibited from being cultivated. The 
 Amphisseans of Locris, however, had reoccupied and cultivated 
 that portion of the plain which lay on their borders, and this use 
 had been acquiesced in for a long period. They had thus laid 
 themselves open to any fanatic that might have occasion to use 
 this desecration against them. It so happened that after the 
 Phocian war, the Athenians burnished certain shields, which 
 had been made out of the spoils of the battle of Platsea and 
 formally dedicated to the Delphian god, and set them up afresh 
 in the temple, without the usual forms of dedication. These 
 shields contained an inscription " Dedicated by the Athenians, 
 out of the spoils of Persians and Thebans engaged in joint 
 battle against the Greeks" which was highly offensive to the 
 Thebans and Locrians. These latter, who had been zealous 
 partizans with the Thebans in the Phocian war, had prepared, 
 out of friendship for the Thebans, to bring a charge of impiety, 
 according to JBscbinee, against the Athenians for the omission, 
 of the forms of dedication, and to demand against them a fine 
 of fifty talents. This, indeed Demosthenes denies, but that the 
 Locrians were indignant at the inscription is certain. Thus 
 matters stood at the opening of the session. During the session, 
 ./Eschines, who was one of the delegates, was rudely assailed 
 by one of the Locrians, who interrupted him in a speech, and 
 
78 
 
 in a frenzied manner denounced the Athenians as joint crim- 
 inals with the Phocians and exclaimed, " turn them out of the 
 sacred grounds, like men accursed." ^Eschines, as he says, 
 was provoked to uncontrollable anger, and, on the spot and 
 without forethought, as the Cirrhean plain lay right below, 
 in full view, brought home to the Locrians, the charge of 
 cultivating the sacred fields. His eloquence aroused the whole 
 assembly, and carried them to such a pitch of enthusiasm that 
 proclamation was made, "that the whole Delphian population 
 of sixteen years old and upwards, bond and free, should assem- 
 ble on the next day at dawn, with spades and pickaxes, at the 
 Place of Sacrifice, as it was called ; that the Hieromnemones 
 and Pylagoras should come to the same place to aid the god 
 and the sacred land ; that whatever city should be absent 
 should be excluded from the temple and be accursed." At 
 day-break, the entire Delphian people, with the Amphictyons 
 at their head, marched down to the plain, and destroyed the 
 harbor and set fire to the houses. But on their return, they 
 were attacked by the Amphisseans, and escaped only by run- 
 ning. On the next day, Cottyphus, President* of the Council, 
 called an Assembly, that is, a meeting not only of the Hierom- 
 nemones and Pylagora3 but also of all persons who were at 
 Delphi, sacrificing and consulting the god. The Assembly vote, 
 that the Hieromnemones should meet at a specified time before 
 the next regular session at ThermopylaB, bringing with them 
 from their respective cities a decree to punish the Locrians for 
 their sin against the god, the sacred land, and the Amphic- 
 tyons. 
 
 Thus the train is laid for another Amphictyonic war and 
 within six or seven years after that fatal war, which had devas- 
 tated Greece for ten years, and in the end opened it to the inroad 
 of Philip. But, still, .^Esclnnes upon narrating to the Athenian 
 Assembly what he had done, was well received, though Demos- 
 thenes at once foresaw the danger, and exclaimed u You bring 
 war into Greece, J3schines, an Amphictyonic war." But JE&- 
 chines had packed the Assembly with his partizans, as Demos- 
 thenes charges, and they would not listen to him. His views, 
 however, soon prevailed, and a decree, moved by him, is passed, 
 that the delegates should not go to the extraordinary meeting 
 at Thermopylae. The meeting is held. The Theban as well as 
 
79 
 
 the Athenian delegates were absent. The Assembly, however, 
 The war de- vote to make war against the Amphisseans, and 
 chose Cottyphus, general. Cottyphus failed of suc- 
 cess, and at the next regular meeting of the Council at Ther- 
 mopyla3 in September, 339, B. C., by previous arrangements, 
 Philip was chosen general of the Amphictyonic forces. 
 
 Demosthenes charges .^Eschines with corruption and treach- 
 ery in getting up this war. Whether this is true or not, can 
 not be determined, but it is certain, that if ^Eschines had been 
 acting in his pay, he could have done nothing so favorable to 
 the ambition of Philip, and so fatal to the freedom of Greece, 
 as this new Amphictyonic war of which he was the author and 
 promoter. 
 
 Philip, who had just returned from his Scythian expedition, 
 was ready to engage in this new enterprise. Having collected 
 a force, he marched through Thermopylae, took Nicsea, one of 
 the towns most essential to the security of the pass, from the 
 Thcbans and put it into the hands of the Thessalians, passed 
 on to Phocis, which it was necessary for him to do on his way 
 seizure of to Amphissa, but stopped at Elatea, and fortified it. 
 Elatea. 1\\is town commanded the passage into Boeotia and 
 thence into Attica, and it was equivalent to a declaration of 
 carrying the war into those countries, for him to stop at that 
 post. It was so regarded at Thebes and at Athens. Indeed, 
 Philip soon threw off all disguise and openly declared that he 
 had come to carry the war into Attica. This was a sad thing 
 for Athens. It must have wrung the soul of a patriot like De- 
 mosthenes with agony, to see all the triumphs of the Athe- 
 nians over Philip in the Hellespont and Byzantium made una- 
 vailing, and the war transferred from a theater where Athens 
 had every ground to expect success, into the heart of Greece. 
 But still he did not despair. The news of the seizure of Elatea 
 Consternation filled Athens with consternation, and in the Assembly 
 in Athens. IIQ[([ at dawn, on the next morning after its arrival, 
 none of the statesmen dared to propose what should be done. 
 Demosthenes came forward. He spoke words of encourage- 
 Adviceof De- ment. He proposed to send forth troops at once to 
 mosthcnes. Eleusis, and to form an alliance with Thebes. The 
 troops were sent, and he himself went as embassador to Thebes. 
 Here everything was against him ; the presence of embassa- 
 
80 
 
 dors from Philip, and among them the eloquent Pytho, the 
 nearness of the Macedonian troops, and the long and ancient 
 hostilities of Thebes towards Athens. But Demosthenes tri- 
 umphed a triumph of eloquence only equalled by his triumph 
 at Byzantium. An alliance is formed, and Athenian troops 
 marched to Thebes. The influence of Demosthenes continues 
 to increase, and his ascendancy gives a vigor to the counsels of 
 Athens, which they had not known since the Peloponnesian 
 war. And now for the first time he succeeds in converting the 
 Theoric fund to military purposes. Philip was much disap- 
 pointed at the alliance between Thebes and Athens, and thought 
 it expedient to reassume his pretence of acting in behalf of the 
 Amphictyons against Amphissa. Accordingly he writes to his 
 allies in Peloponnesus to join him for this specific object. The 
 Events war was cai d on, i n Phocis and on the borders of 
 Boeotia, during the fall and winter of 339-338, B. 0. 
 The Athenians and Thebans not only maintain their ground 
 against Philip, but gain some advantages over him, especially 
 in two battles, called by Demosthenes the battle of the river, 
 and the battle in the winter. There were great rejoicing on ac- 
 count of these successes, and to Demosthenes was voted a 
 crown, which was proclaimed at the Dionysiac festival of 
 March, 338, B. C. Besides, the Athenians and Thebans now 
 reconstructed the Phocians as an independent state, and Am- 
 brysus on the southwestern portion of Phocis was fortified with 
 great care. Indeed, the war was carried on for some months 
 on a large scale and with considerable success, but was brought 
 to a sudden termination by the fatal battle of Chseronea, which 
 was fought in August, 338, B. C. But we are not acquainted 
 with the intermediate events. 
 
 The battle of Chasronea was a hard fought battle. The num- 
 ber of Philip's army is stated by Diodorus to 
 
 Battle of Chseronea. T , , 4 , ,, J , / , 
 
 nave been thirty thousand toot and two thousand 
 horse, besides troops from the Thessalians and his other allies. 
 The numbers opposed to him are not known. The Athenians 
 furnished the largest number under Lysicles and Chares ; next, 
 the Thebans, and then the Phocians, Acheans, and Corinthians. 
 The Lacedaemonians, Messenians, Arcadians, Eleans, and Arge- 
 ians took no part in the war ; the last four on account of their 
 
81 
 
 fear that Sparta would seek the protection of Philip, or, at least, 
 avoid his enmity. The omens were pronounced unfavorable, 
 but Demosthenes declaring the Delphian priestess had philip- 
 pized, refused, like Epaminondas before the battle of Leuctra, to 
 regard them. On the field of battle, Philip commanded a 
 chosen body of troops, on the wing opposed to the Athenians, 
 Alexander commanded on the wing opposed to the Thebans. 
 The Theban phalanx which under Epaminondas had conquered 
 at Leuctra and Mantinea, strove in vain against the phalanx of 
 the Macedonians ; so desperate was the contest that tliQ Sacred 
 Band perished to a man. The Athenians in their wing fought 
 with ardor and obstinacy, and were at first successful, but could 
 not hold out against the well-trained and hardened forces of 
 Philip. After a long struggle, the allied forces were defeated. 
 One thousand Athenian citizens perished, and two thousand 
 were taken prisoners. The loss of the Thebans was equally 
 great. 
 
 82. The news of the defeat filled Athens with consternation ; 
 Proceedings at but there was no despair. The people, without 
 Athens. waiting to be called, met at once in Assembly, and 
 
 made preparations for defense. The whole body of citizens 
 were placed under arms ; none were exempted, and it was made 
 treason to flee. Citizens, who had been disfranchised by judi- 
 cial sentence, were restored to the full rights of citizenship, and 
 the metics, or resident foreigners, received the same privilege. 
 The slaves, also, who could aid in the defense of the city, were 
 enfranchised. Families in the country were ordered to repair, 
 with their property, into the several strongholds in Attica ; the 
 fortifications of the harbor of the Piraeus were entrusted to the 
 Senate ; the citizens at large engaged in repairing the walls and 
 fortifications of the city itself. The groves near the city were 
 felled, and the stones taken from the tombs, to furnish materi- 
 als for the repairs ; while the wealthy citizens came forward 
 with large contributions to pay the expenditures. The decrees 
 authorizing these various preparations of defense, were most of 
 them proposed by Demosthenes. Indeed, he had lost none of 
 his iniiuence with the people, notwithstanding the failure of his 
 measures, but continued to exercise the same directorship of 
 affairs as before. 
 
82 
 
 83. While Athens was thus preparing to defend herself, 
 Procedure of Philip was drawing nearer and nearer to the city. 
 Philip. Philip treated the Thebans with great severity. He 
 sold all his Theban captives into slavery, and, after he got pos- 
 session of the city, put to death several leading citizens and 
 banished others, at the same time confiscating the property of 
 both the slain and the exiles. He overthrew the existing gov- 
 ernment, and established a despotism of Three Hundred se- 
 lected from his own partizans, whom he supported and con- 
 trolled by a Macedonian garrison in the Cadmea. He, also, 
 overthrew the Boeotian confederacy, and made Orchomenus, 
 Platsea and other towns, independent of Thebes. 
 
 84. Philip's treatment of the Athenians was not less charac- 
 Phiiip'g propo- teristic than his cruelty towards the Thebans. He 
 sals of peace, professed himself willing to make a treaty of peace 
 with them. His offer, however, was dictated by considerations 
 Motives ^ P^ C 7* I* 1 tne fi rst place, it was by no means 
 
 certain that he could take the city, or, at least, with- 
 out great difficulty ; for it was well fortified, its fleet commanded 
 the sea, and a protracted siege would enable the Athenians to 
 combine other states against him. And, in the second place y 
 Philip was now anxious to set out upon his long cherished ex- 
 pedition against Persia, and he wished in that expedition to be 
 acknowledged as the leader and head of the Grecian world. 
 Hence, with an appearance of great generosity, he 
 offers to restore his two thousand Athenian prisoners 
 without ransom, and to deliver Oropus, which the Athenians 
 had so long coveted, into their hands ; but he requires that 
 Athens shall acknowledge him as the head of the Grecian 
 world, and not only so, but promote a like acknowledgment 
 from all the other Greeks, in a congress speedily to be assem- 
 bled. This is asking all that he had ever aspired after, in the 
 very height of his ambition ; to make Athens his tributary, 
 and to rule over the Greeks. His policy is no less evident than 
 the generosity, which his Athenian partizans so much lauded. 
 These -terms were proposed in the Athenian Assembly by Dc- 
 Peace of De- mades, and were readily accepted. Hence, the 
 mades. peace is called the peace of Demades. Soon after, 
 
 Philip mastered Acarnania, placed a garrison in Ambracia, and 
 
83 
 
 marched as a conqueror through Peloponnesus. He, then, as- 
 Submission of sembled a congress of Grecian cities at Corinth, in 
 ail Greece. which he was appointed leader of the united Greeks 
 against Persia. Philip was soon after assassinated, and with 
 the death of the great destroyer of Grecian freedom, we termin- 
 ate our narrative of its fall. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 THIS Introduction will embrace the following subjects : the 
 circumstances under which the Decree of Ctesiphon was pro- 
 posed, and the character of that decree ; the Impeachment of 
 Ctesiphon by ^Eschines, and the character of that impeachment ; 
 the Trial, and an account of the Speeches of both ^Eschines 
 and Demosthenes. 
 
 The defeat at Chaeronea gave new life to the philippizing 
 faction at Athens, while the successful negotiation of the peace 
 Decree of had probably acquired for the leaders some consider- 
 ctesiphon. a bi e popularity. This recovered vitality manifests 
 itself especially in attacks upon Demosthenes, though at first 
 not openly by the leaders, but by underlings, set on by them. 
 Every form of action was brought against him, but he was 
 acquitted in all of them. But, although the citizens had in 
 this indirect way, through the courts, shown their confidence in 
 Demosthenes, yet it was desirable to have the deliberate and 
 formal judgment of the whole people upon his conduct, partly 
 to end the annoyance of these petty prosecutions, but princi- 
 pally, as a tribute justly due. Accordingly, Ctesiphon offered 
 in the senate a Resolution, that " the people of Athens should 
 crown Demosthenes with a golden crown." 
 
 The grounds on which Ctesiphon proposed, that the people 
 Grounds of should bestow this Crown, were two ; certain specific 
 this honor. ac ^ an( j ^he g enera ] conduct of Demosthenes, as a 
 public man. The specific acts were the gift of three talents 
 towards the repair of the walls of the city, and a considerable 
 contribution to the Theoric fund. 
 
 8 
 
86 
 
 The hasty repair of the walls, which had been made after 
 The Repair the defeat at Chasronea, in order to defend the city 
 of the walls, against an immediate attack, had disclosed the ne- 
 cessity of a general and thorough repair. It appears from 
 Athenian inscriptions somewhat recently found, that this re- 
 building was distributed through five years ; that the general 
 superintendence of the work was consigned to an architect, by 
 whom the w r all was divided into ten sections, and each section 
 given to one of the tribes ; and that each tribe chose some one 
 to have the management of the funds, which were given by 
 the state for this purpose. Demosthenes was chosen, in the 
 first year of the repairs, to this office, by the tribe of Pandionis, 
 and supplied the insufficiency of the public funds, by a contri- 
 bution of his own. It is to this thorough repair of the walls, 
 to which, the contribution of Demosthenes, mentioned in the 
 decree of Ctesiphon, refers, and not, as is generally supposed, to 
 the hasty repairs just after the battle of Chseronea. 
 
 The Theorica were public moneys distributed at stated times 
 The Theoric among all the citizens. This money w r as given, both 
 funds. t o p a y the entrance fee to the theater and the charges 
 
 made upon individual citizens at the public festivals. At all 
 the great festivals, there were not only sacrifices, but proces- 
 sions, theatrical exhibitions, and gymnastic contests, the expenses 
 of which were defrayed indeed, principally, by the largesses of 
 the rich, under the name of liturgies, but in part by fees. The 
 sum paid to each individual for the theater was two obols, and 
 two obols for each clay of a festival up to six obols, but not 
 beyond. The sum paid to each individual was called the 
 diobely, diwftekia and the sums together, expended in this 
 way, the Theoric moneys, i<i Oeoigixu these latter being so 
 called, because the distribution in its origin, as established by 
 Pericles, was limited to defraying the expenses of the theater. 
 This donation of public money may be considered perhaps as 
 nothing more than a mode of supporting the public theater and 
 maintaining the religious festivals, at the public expense, and 
 that in a way peculiarly congenial with the democratic senti- 
 ment at Athens. Says Grote, u The expenditure of the Theoric 
 fund was essentially religious in its character, incurred only for 
 various festivals, and devoted exclusively to the honor of the 
 gods. The Theoric fund was essentially the Church-Fund at 
 
87 
 
 Athens ; that upon which were charged all the expenses incur- 
 red by the state in the festivals and the worship of the gods. 
 The diobely was given in order to ensure that every citizen 
 should have the opportunity of attending. the festival, and doing 
 honor to the god. Such an attendance was essential to that 
 universal communion which formed a prominent feature of the 
 festival. There was no appropriation more thoroughly coming 
 home to the common sentiment, more conducive as a binding 
 force to the unity of the city, or more productive of satisfaction 
 to each individual citizen." At first, the Theoric funds were 
 taken from the common funds of the state, and were disbursed 
 by the common treasurers, the Hell enotam ire, but, afterwards, 
 the whole surplus of the annual revenue, after the expenses of 
 the civil administration were paid, which by the ancient law 
 was to constitute a military fund, was devoted to the Theorio 
 fund, and a board of managers appointed to superintend it. 
 By a law of Eubulus, it was made a capital offense even to 
 propose that this fund should be applied to military purposes. 
 Demosthenes struggled hard to persuade the people to devote 
 this fund to the defense of the state, but did not succeed till 
 just before the battle of Chseronea. It seems, however, that 
 the fund had been immediately restored to its former use, and, 
 what is more, that Demosthenes had been appointed one of the 
 board of managers ; an incidental proof, under the circum- 
 stances, of the still unimpaired confidence of the people. 
 
 The resolution of Ctesiphon, judging from the references in 
 Character of the pleadings, was drawn with sound judgment, 
 the Resolution. Especially, in view of the position which Demos- 
 thenes had held towards the Theoric fund, was it prudent to 
 bring forward his donation to that fund, which donation itself 
 was probably an act of political prudence, although Demosthe- 
 nes had always been liberal in his expenditures for the public. 
 So, too. the specification of the contribution towards the repairs 
 of the walls was well chosen, for that was a great work, of 
 which the Athenians might be justly proud. But, still, it was 
 his political acts upon which Demosthenes would rest his claims 
 to the praise of his countrymen ; and, Ctesiphon, in departing 
 from the custom of specifying acts, and alledging the whole 
 career of Demosthenes, as, in the spirit of patriotism which 
 controlled it, worthy of a crown, though he may have mul- 
 
88 
 
 tiplied the chances of defeat, yet, enhanced the glory of tri- 
 umph : his decree would crown the whole life of Demosthenes 
 with honor. 
 
 The senate passed the resolution of Ctesiphon, and proceeded 
 impeachment to lay the proposition the itgoSotiiavf**, as every such 
 of ctesiphon. proposition was called, before the Assembly. The 
 next thing in order would have been for the Assembly to dis- 
 cuss and pass upon the senate's proposition, but this procedure 
 was arrested by a declaration, under oath, of ^Eschines, that he 
 intended to prosecute the original mover of the resolution ; 
 which he did. Demosthenes was appointed to superintend the 
 funds for the repair of the walls, in 337, B.C. ; Ctesiphon 
 brought forward his motion sometime in the course of that year ; 
 and ^Eschines commenced the prosecution about the middle of 
 336, B. C., before the assassination of Philip. 
 
 In order to understand the nature of this impeachment, it 
 will be necessary to examine the mode of making laws at Ath- 
 ens, and the difference between a law and a psephism. Changes 
 in laws were made with great caution. The proposal of any 
 The Nature of new ^ aw was P r ^ceded by a formal abrogation of 
 the impeach- the old one. Nor could any law, whether a new 
 one or amending an existing law, be made, unless, 
 having been approved by the senate, it was first brought before 
 the first regular Assembly of the year ; after which, if voted 
 by the Assembly, it was submitted to the JSTomothetse, with 
 whom alone the final decision rested. Thus the laws were in- 
 vested with a kind of sacredness ; and to produce before the 
 judges a fictitious law was punishable with death. A law must 
 be distinguished from a psephism. Resolutions passed by the 
 Assembly were psephisms, and continued in force only one year. 
 It is obvious, however, that these psephisms might contain 
 matter in conflict with the laws; and that thus laws might be 
 indirectly abrogated, or enacted, in violation of the established 
 mode ; hence, the importance of providing means of preven- 
 , tion. This was done by the impeachment of the 
 
 irotPctvouwv 7Pa(p i n. , .. J . . . -. 
 
 mover of any resolution, containing such matter. 
 The writ of impeachment was called the nitQavfywv y<H, the 
 use of which was limited to tins specific offense. It might be 
 brought after the resolution had passed the Assembly, or, as 
 was done by ^Eschines, at its introduction. If the prosecution 
 
was successful, the resolution was annulled, and the mover 
 fined ; if unsuccessful, the prosecutor was himself fined. 
 
 There were three things in the resolution of Ctesiphon, or in 
 connection with it, which were alledged by ^Eschines to con- 
 flict with existing laws. We proceed to enumerate these in the 
 order in which -^Eschines arranged them in the writ. The first 
 Grounds ground of impeachment may be explained as follows. 
 
 1. Falsity of the Psephisms are public documents, and it is forbid- 
 
 lon ' den by law to insert that which is false in public 
 documents. But the resolution of Ctesiphon, which, if passed 
 by the Assembly, would become a psephism, is virtually a 
 public document, and it contains, in the clause which asserts 
 Demosthenes to be a good and patriotic citizen, that which is 
 false; in this respect, therefore, it conflicts with existing laws. 
 JEschines, it will be observed, denies the fact alledged, as to the 
 public character of Demosthenes, but he infers from it, not that 
 the crown should be refused Demosthenes, as being unworthy 
 of it, but that Ctesiphon should be fined for falsely saying in a 
 public document that he was worthy of it. This objection turns 
 upon a matter of fact, and involves the real question at issue, 
 the merits of Demosthenes as a statesman. It is brought for- 
 ward in the form of an issue at law, because in the trial of a 
 naQavo^Mv y^aqpij, it could be discussed on no other ground ; 
 still, it goes to the merits of the case. 
 
 ./Escbines objects, in the second place, to the legality of the 
 
 2. The Proposal of resolution of Ctesiphon, because the proposal in 
 D^mostheneaTwaa ^ to crown Demosthenes, was made while he was 
 in office. in office. For, it was a fundamental principle of 
 the Athenian polity, that, with the exception of the dicasts, 
 every citizen holding any office whether of emolument or honor, 
 should, at the expiration of the office, or within thirty days 
 after it, undergo a scrutiny, or pass an examination, as to the 
 manner in which he had performed the public duties entrusted 
 to him. The generals, the archons, embassadors, the disetetse, 
 the priests and priestesses, the secretaries of the state, the super- 
 intendents of public buildings, the trierarchs^ the senate, and 
 even the areopagus, in short, all, with the exception above men- 
 tioned, were strictly held to pass this scrutiny. Nor did it re- 
 late only to matters of money, it embraced, also, the manner in 
 which all the duties of the office had been discharged. It is 
 
 8* 
 
90 
 
 probable, however, that with the exception of money accounts, 
 the scrutiny was somewhat a matter of form. The scrutiny 
 was held before a board of ten officers, called Logistse, with 
 whom was connected, though precisely in what relation is not 
 known, another board of ten officers, called the Euthyni. With 
 regard to such officers as had anything to do with the public 
 money, the process is stated to have been as follows : the officer 
 first laid his statement before the Logistse ; if they found any 
 thing wrong, or any charge was brought against the officer 
 within thirty days, they delivered the case to the Euthyni, be- 
 fore whom the officer was obliged to appear and plead. If the 
 Euthyni were not satisfied, they referred the case to a court of 
 justice, for which the Logistse appointed the judges by lot, and 
 in which proclamation was made, for any one to come forward 
 as accuser. The court was held in the logisterion, where the 
 ex-officers handed in their statements for examination. The 
 scrutiny itself was called evOvvy the person under liability to 
 to it, tiiTetdvvog. In addition to various disabilities attached to 
 a person in this situation, there was one which pertained di- 
 rectly to the present case ; namely, that no crown, or honorary 
 reward, should be bestowed on such a person. But Demosthe- 
 nes was in two offices at the time the resolution of Ctesiphon 
 was proposed, and was of course liable to the scrutiny, and 
 continued so, till the expiration of his term of office, and thirty 
 days after. It was clear, therefore, that the resolution in this 
 respect conflicted with an existing law, and that, too, one of 
 great importance. For, besides the checks which it furnished 
 against malfeasance in office, it was an acknowledgment, which 
 the people exacted from those to whom they had delegated 
 power, of their own sovereignty ; so that to refuse to render an 
 account of the office one had held, was considered a kind of 
 despotic assumption of supremacy over the state. 
 
 The third ground of impeachment was, that the resolution 
 3 illegality of conflicted with the law of proclamations, which re- 
 the Prociama- quired the proclamation of crowns conferred by the 
 senate to be in the senate house, and of those by 
 the people, in the Assembly in the Pnyx, whereas this resolu- 
 tion of Ctesiphon ordered the crown to be proclaimed in the 
 theater at the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new 
 tragedies. The law of proclamations, however, was merely a 
 
91 
 
 matter of policy, and, therefore, this objection is less important 
 than the second, though sufficient, if well founded, of which 
 perhaps there may be some doubt, to nullify the resolution and 
 convict Ctesiphon. These last two objections, it will be no- 
 ticed, are strictly legal ones, both in form and substance. They 
 admit the facts in the case, but deny the legality of the pro- 
 posal which is founded upon them. 
 
 The writ of impeachment was drawn with skill, and was well 
 character of adapted to the object which JSschines had in view, 
 the impeach- Both the resolution of Ctesiphon and the impeach- 
 ment of it by ^Eschines were party movements ; 
 they were passages at arms between the party of freedom, and 
 the Macedonian faction, in the persons of their great leaders. 
 ^Eschines had his choice between two modes of resisting the 
 resolution of Ctesiphon. He might have done it in the Assem- 
 bly, by showing that Demosthenes did not deserve a crown. 
 But he chose to discuss this point, the merits of Demosthenes 
 as a public man, before the dicasts rather than before the As- 
 sembly ; which, we have seen, he could do, in a trial of im- 
 peachment. And he had here one great advantage. The ille- 
 gality of Ctesiphon's resolution was undeniable; with respect to 
 the law of accountableness, certainly, and probably with respect 
 to the law of proclamations. ^Eschines, therefore, by this 
 mode of procedure, could attack Demosthenes through Ctesi- 
 phon, with the certainty, as he thought, of both convicting 
 Ctesiphon and depriving Demosthenes of the proposed honor. 
 At any rate, it could be postponed, as it was, for many years. 
 The trial did not take place till sometime in the beginning of 
 autumn, 330, B. C. We are not acquainted with 
 the causes of this delay. Neither orator refers to it, 
 or complains of it. The trial had no doubt been talked of 
 throughout Greece. Demosthenes and u^Eschines were every 
 where known, and known, not only as rivals, but as the great 
 orators of the age. As the day of contest approached, we can 
 easily imagine the eager curiosity of the people, and the anx- 
 ious importunity of friends ; at length, we behold the crowds 
 from every quarter, from Peloponnesus, and Thebes, and not 
 unlikely from Macedon itself, collecting into the city to be pres- 
 ent at this grand, this last struggle in the cause of Grecian 
 liberty. For, ^Eschines complains of the solicitations which 
 
92 
 
 were made by the party of Demosthenes among the people. 
 He also remarks that all the Greeks were solicitous about the 
 trial, and that no one remembers ever to have seen so many per- 
 sons present before on such an occasion. At last the day arrives, 
 and, after the usual preliminaries, ^Eschines arises and speaks. 
 
 It is to be considered that it is now eight years since the bat- 
 Speech of tie of Chseronea, that the Athenians retained their free 
 JEschines. constitution and all the forms of civil proceedings 
 which they ever had, and that they might easily be persuaded 
 to believe they were as free as ever. It was quite natural that 
 with the loss of liberty they should grow more and more at- 
 tached to its forms, and by their admiration of what was ancient 
 make up in their own feelings for their present situation. JEs- 
 chines powerfully appeals to this conservative feeling. He tells 
 them in the opening sentence, to look on the one hand at the 
 intrigues, and arrangements and entreaties which certain indi- 
 viduals were making to defeat the due course of law; but he 
 assures them in contrast, that he came relying, first upon the 
 gods, and then upon the laws. He straightway begins a plain, 
 convincing, lawyer-like argument, to show that this decree of 
 Ctesiphon, proposing to crown Demosthenes when he had not 
 submitted himself to the people, is a violation of ancient cus- 
 toms and laws, and he claims that the neglect of their ancient 
 constitution, by giving all political power into the hands of irre- 
 sponsible men and mere demagogues, was the cause of all they 
 had suffered. In conducting the argument, after cautioning the 
 Judges against the arts of his adversary, " thinking to put clown 
 laws by words," he winds up with a sentence, which is quoted 
 by Pliny as an example of bold language. " The orator and the 
 law must say the same thing, and when the law utters one 
 voice, and the orator another, give your verdict to the justice of 
 the laws and not to the shamelessness of the orator." The argu- 
 ment upon the point is unanswerable. 
 
 -^Eschines next enters into an argument to prove the illegal- 
 ity of the time and place. In this part, too, he dwells upon the 
 reverence due to the laws. In reply to certain supposed objec- 
 tions, he says, "to these sophistries, I oppose your laws as my ad- 
 vocates, whose aid I invoke throughout the trial." He then pro- 
 ceeds to the political transactions. It is not necessary to follow 
 him through the whole. In regard to the peace of 346, B.C., 
 
93 
 
 he claims that Demosthenes was bribed to hurry the treaty, by 
 which the Athenians lost the opportunity of making a favorable 
 one. The orators contradict each other upon the facts point 
 blank. But there is a passage near the end of this part of the 
 argument, which I will translate, as it has been admired by Ci- 
 cero, and commented upon by Plutarch, and imitated by Junius. 
 -^Eschines had spoken of Demosthenes' extravagant flattery of 
 Philip at the time of the treaty, and then brings up in contrast 
 with it, his exultation at the assassination of Philip. "And yet, 
 Athenians, this enormous flatterer, having heard from the emis- 
 saries of Charidemus, of the death of Philip, but pretending to 
 have had it revealed to him in a vision from the gods, as if he 
 had learned the event, not from Charidemus, but from Jupiter 
 and Minerva, who, as he says, appeared to him in the night and 
 foretold it to him to him in the night ! they whom he per- 
 jures himself by, every day of his life this enormous flatterer, 
 I say, on the one hand came before you with a lie in his mouth, 
 and on the other, only seven days after the death of his daugh- 
 ter, before he had mourned and performed the usual rites to the 
 dead, came forth in public crowned with a garland and dressed 
 in white to sacrifice in public he, the wretch ! who had lost 
 the only one and the first one who had ever called him father : 
 I say not this to upbraid him with his affliction, but I scrutinize 
 his character. For the unnatural and bad father cannot be a 
 good citizen, nor will he, who has no affection for those who are 
 nearest and closest allied to him, value you above foreigners ; 
 nor could it be possible for him who is base in private to be- 
 come virtuous in public, nor could he who was not virtuous in 
 public at home, become honest and upright in the embassy in 
 Macedonia, for he changed not the character, but only the place ; 
 ori TUP Ty6nov cxAAu ibv i6nov /UGVOV." No translation can do jus- 
 tice to the exquisite construction of the first part of the para- 
 graph, or the concise force and antithesis of the remainder. It 
 may be best seen in the imitation of Junius. He is addressing 
 the Duke of Bedford ; . " I reverence the afflictions of a good man ; 
 his sorrows are sacred. But how can we take part in the dis- 
 tresses of a man whom we can neither love nor esteem, or feel 
 for a calamity of which he himself is insensible ? Where was 
 the father's heart when he could look for or find an immediate 
 consolation for the loss of an only son, in consultations and bar- 
 
94 
 
 gains for a place at court, and even in the misery of balloting at 
 the India-house." Cicero, in the Tusculan Questions expresses 
 the highest admiration for this passage. " Itaque et JSschines 
 in Demosthenem invehitur, quod is, septimo die post filise mor- 
 tem, hostias immolasset. At quam rhetorice ! quain copiose ! 
 quas sententias colligit ! quae verba contorquet !" That this 
 passage was familiarly known in Greece and admired as a great 
 effort, is manifest from what Plutarch says upon it. He enters 
 into an argument to justify the conduct of Demosthenes on the 
 occasion, and adds, " These reflections we thought proper to 
 make, because we have observed that this discourse of JEschi- 
 nes has weakened the minds of many persons and put them on 
 indulging all the effeminacy of sorrow." 
 
 ^schines next proceeds to the interval between the peace 
 and the war. His general statement is, that Demosthenes find- 
 ing the peace unpopular, strove to break it ; and he represents 
 the exertions of Demosthenes during these years, as influenced 
 by bribery, and terminating in the surrender of the rights of 
 Athens to the smaller states, with whom he made treaties. 
 He, however, does not dwell long upon this period, as he was 
 here weak, while Demosthenes dilates upon it at length, as 
 comprising chiefly the period of his taking the lead in public 
 affairs. 
 
 -^Eschines now comes to the fatal war, the last Sacred war. 
 He here appeals to the superstition of the people, and wishes 
 to show that in opposing the Holy League of the Amphictyons, 
 Demosthenes had forfeited the favor of the gods, and that Philip 
 in fighting in this cause had secured all his success. He even 
 seems to attribute all the sufferings of the Greeks from Philip 
 and Alexander to the anger of the gods. The narrative of the 
 circumstances leading to the war, and of the suffering of the 
 Greeks, is done with the skill of a master- artist, and, yet, one 
 cannot help feeling it was too late in the history of Athens to 
 appeal to the superstition of the people. 
 
 He then proceeds to the events which happened between the 
 battle and the present trial. The general strain of the argu- 
 ment is, that everything in which Demosthenes has had a hand, 
 has turned out badly : and it is in answer to this point, that 
 Demosthenes bestows the most labor claiming that he had 
 done well for the honor and glory of Greece, but a destiny rules 
 over all. 
 
95 
 
 This oration of ^Eschines is wrought with great care ; in the 
 earlier part, where he felt himself strong, direct and logical, in 
 other parts plausible and vigorous, and in some rising to the very 
 heights of eloquence. The narratives, to which the ancients, 
 both poets and orators, paid much attention, are finished with 
 perfect art, and the loftier appeals to the stronger feelings and 
 passions are some of them made with great power. But the 
 reader feels even now that his long detail of the laws is tire- 
 some, and that his prolixity, especially when compared with the 
 concise energy of Demosthenes, often becomes mere dullness. 
 His conclusion is most lame and impotent : u O Earth and Sun, 
 and Virtue, and Understanding and Education, by which are 
 distinguished the honorable and the base, I have uttered my 
 words, and I have declared my sentiments" a personification 
 and an address so puerile as justly to bring down the ridicule 
 of his adversary, and yet, what is the more remarkable, it imme- 
 diately follows the noblest passage in all ancient eloquence, ex- 
 cepting the still loftier one to which it undoubtedly gave rise, 
 the celebrated oath of Demosthenes. This oration was much 
 admired by the ancients. Cicero has many allusions to it, and 
 expressly imitates the graphic description of the burning of 
 Thebes, in two of his orations. On the whole, we may say, 
 that it was worthy to call forth the very greatest exertions of 
 the very greatest orator that ever lived. 
 
 Ctesiphon spoke next, and then Demosthenes. Denrosthenes 
 had many difficulties to encounter. He had urged his country 
 Speech of De- to war, and she was conquered. He had made 
 mosthenes. mighty exertions, and they had been unavailing. 
 He had to defend himself, standing amidst the ruins of the 
 State, and that State brought low under his administration. In 
 addition to this, every attempt at deliverance from the power of 
 Macedon had not only been unsuccessful, but had exposed those 
 who made them to still greater rigor, and Demosthenes was re- 
 garded as the secret instigator of the whole. A bare enumera- 
 tion of events will show this. In 335, B.C., Thebes revolts, as 
 was supposed through the agency of Demosthenes, but she is 
 utterly destroyed by Alexander. The Athenians send an em- 
 bassy to apologize for their part in the matter. Alexander de- 
 mands ten citizens to be given him, among whom is Demosthe- 
 nes. But they refuse to deliver Demosthenes. In 334, B. C., 
 
96 
 
 Alexander was in Persia and fought the battle of the Granicus, 
 In 333, B. C., there were some attempts at a revolution in Lace- 
 daemon, but they were suppressed, by the news of the b'attle of 
 Issus. In 332, B.C., Alexander is in Tyre, where ambassadors 
 meet him from Greece, and from Athens among the rest, to 
 assure him of their fidelity, as there had been further attempts 
 at freedom in Lacedaemon, and as the King of Persia had 
 sent three hundred talents of gold to Athens to instigate the 
 Athenians to revolt. In 331, B.C., the Lacedaemonians were 
 utterly defeated in their efforts at freedom, by Antipater, and 
 Alexander gained the battle of Arbela. Embassadors were sent 
 to implore his mercy, and he requires the leaders of the revolt 
 to be punished. 
 
 It was just at this time, when every thing was adverse, when 
 the last struggles for liberty had been exhausted, when Athens 
 was in supplication at the feet of her conqueror, and that con- 
 queror the greatest warrior in the world, when Demosthenes had 
 already been once marked out as a victim to appease the wrath 
 of Macedon and was now regarded as cooperating with Persia 
 against Greece ; it was at this time, when he was charged as 
 being the accursed instrument, fated of the gods, of all her ca- 
 lamities, amidst defeat and discouragement, and before a people 
 bereft of the spirit of liberty, and cowering before the conqueror 
 of Asia, that Demosthenes was to defend himself from having 
 been the cause of all this ruin. But there is one feeling so 
 deeply seated in the heart of man as to be the very last that is 
 utterly eradicated. Subjected to foreign power as Athens now 
 was, the love of glory was still strong in the hearts of the Athe- 
 nians. They were proud of the days of their power when they 
 gave law to Greece, and they cheated themselves with the be- 
 lief that they were after all, of the old Athenian race. Here 
 was the strength of Demosthenes. Nor did it require any art 
 to point out to him the course he was to follow. For he him- 
 self was borne up, in all his labors, by this pride of country. 
 He had embodied, as it were, in himself the ancient spirit of the 
 land. From the beginning of the oration, he is reanimating the 
 Athenians with the proud feelings of the past, and he carries 
 them with him and with such rapidity of thought that at last 
 he swears to them in an oath, that if they had known they were 
 to be defeated, they ought to have done as they did. 
 
97 
 
 The speech of Demosthenes is wrought in every part of it, 
 Genera! Account wifcn tne utmost care. Like a drama, it is divided 
 of the Speech of into certain larger portions, or acts, and these again 
 nes ' are subdivided, as it were, into scenes, and the 
 whole is put together with as much consummate skill as is to be 
 found in the most perfect work of art. We shall here mention 
 only the principal divisions. These are three. The first part em- 
 First Division b races tne period of the fatal peace of 346, B. C. 
 It contains an account of the circumstances under 
 which the peace was made, of the injurious delay of the em- 
 bassy which was sent to administer the oaths of ratification to 
 Philip, of the passage of Thermopylae, and the destruction of 
 Phocis, and of the general and remote consequences of the 
 peace. Demosthenes separates this portion of his speech from 
 the rest, on the ground that it embraces matter irrelevant to the 
 case. He professes to take it up, merely because ^Eschines had 
 given so false an account of it. This movement, by which he 
 is enabled to treat of a period so disgraceful to Athens and her 
 statesmen, as something not properly pertinent to the case, (but 
 which after all he could not safely have left out of it,) is most 
 masterly. For this peace, whether the freedom of Greece could 
 ultimately have been saved or not, was the immediate and most 
 powerful cause of its overthrow ; and Demosthenes, as we have 
 seen, was a good deal connected with the transactions of that 
 period. It was well judged, then, if it could be fairly done, to 
 separate this portion of his public life, from that on which he 
 relied for the proof that he was deserving of the crown which 
 Ctesiphon had proposed. But could it be fairly done ? De- 
 mosthenes makes a distinction between that portion of his pub- 
 lic life in which he acted as the leading statesman in Athens, 
 originating and directing all the important measures of tho 
 State, and that earlier portion in which he was struggling in 
 vain against the policy and measures of the dominant leaders. 
 If this be a just distinction, and it seems so, then might Demos- 
 thenes fairly leave out this early period from the account which 
 he wishes to give of himself as an Athenian statesman, though 
 it is to be observed that in going through with it, he is careful 
 to set forth his share in the transactions as patriotic, and worthy 
 of approbation. 
 
 9 
 
Having finished the irrelevant topics, which, as he said, had 
 been forced upon him by ^Eschines, Demosthenes proceeds to 
 make his defense against the impeachment itself, and to re- 
 count those things done by himself for which he was deserving 
 of the honor, which had been voted him by the senate. It is 
 in this connection, he makes the distinction mentioned above. 
 He confines himself to the instances of successful resistance, 
 which were made against the encroachments of Philip, after 
 " I," as he says, " came to take the lead in affairs." The period 
 of what we may call the administration of Demosthenes com- 
 mences about the time when Philip, after the peace, began to 
 intermeddle with the affairs of the Grecian States, and extends 
 to the battle of Chaeronea. Demosthenes divides this period 
 into two subdivisions, which correspond to the second and third 
 divisions of his speech. We have seen with what success, De- 
 mosthenes, by his embassies and his eloquence, resisted and 
 thwarted the intrigues of Philip in Peloponnesus, in Megara, in 
 Acarnania ; and how triumphantly the Athenians, under the 
 guidance of Demosthenes, after the war was declared, rescued 
 the Chersonese, saved Byzantium, and expelled Philip from 
 Eubcea ; but we also saw how suddenly this successful career 
 was stopped, by the unexpected outbreak of another Sacred 
 war in Greece. In accordance with these facts, Demosthenes 
 divides this period into two ; that, in which Athens was suc- 
 cessful against Philip, and that, in which by the great calamity 
 which befel her, she lost the fruits of her victory, and was her- 
 The Second self conquered. Demosthenes, therefore, embraces in 
 Division. { ne second division of his speech only that portion 
 of his administration in which Athens was every where success- 
 ful. It begins with the embassy into PeloponSiesus and ends 
 with the triumphs in Eubcea and Byzantium. This too, was a 
 masterly movement on the part of our orator ; he separates the 
 period of defeat from the period of victory. It is easy to see 
 with what exultation he dwells upon this brief period of tri- 
 umph, and what advantage it gave him to look at it by itself, 
 and to found upon it alone a sufficient ground for the honor 
 which had been awarded him. Nor was there anything unfair 
 in asking a judgment upon those measures which he had both 
 originated and carried to a successful issue, apart from those, 
 in which he made a vain resistance against a war brought upon 
 
his country by another party. It is true, his statesmanship was 
 as conspicuous in the latter as in the former period, but if there 
 was any disadvantage to himself arising from the unsuccessful 
 result of the war, he was right in avoiding it. 
 
 This second part of the oration contains, as we have said, hia 
 defense against the impeachment. He first discusses the mer- 
 itorious ground of the honor which Ctesiphon had proposed 
 should be bestowed upon him ; next, he examines, but very 
 slightingly, the questions of official accountability arid of the 
 proclamation ; and then concludes this portion of his speech 
 by assuming that he had made out a clear case of acquittal for 
 Ctesiphon. 
 
 But Demosthenes can no more leave out the Amphissean 
 war from his speech than he could have done the peace of 346, 
 B. C. But the pretense under which it is brought in, is some- 
 Third Division w ^ at remarkable. It is, that JEschines had gone 
 >n ' out of the proper bounds of the case to attack him, 
 and it was no more than fair that he should be attacked in 
 turn. It is under this rather thin disguise, that Demosthenes 
 brings in the period of the Amphissean war, which forms the 
 substance of his third division. He first traces out the several 
 steps by which ^Eschines brought the Amphictyonic war against 
 his country, and, then, states, at great length and with wonder- 
 ful power, the measures which he had adopted for his country 
 in warding off the perils of which ^Eschines was the cause. 
 Having gone through with these, he passes in a rapid review 
 over the principal points of his defense, and ends, as he began, 
 with a prayer, but now, with a prayer for the salvation of his 
 country. We proceed to a more particular analysis and expla- 
 nation of the oration. 
 
 ANNOTATIONS. 
 1 8. EXORDIUM. 
 
 In the speech of ^Eschines, especially in the latter portion, 
 after the orator had finished the formal divisions of his argu- 
 ment, there were several points, which produced so great an 
 impression, that Demosthenes was driven to put forth his great- 
 
100 
 
 cst efforts at the very outset of his speech, in order to do away 
 with the effect of them. In particular, ^Eschines urges that 
 Demosthenes shall not be called on to speak at all, but, if he 
 does speak, that he should be limited to the same order in the 
 defense, which he himself had followed in the prosecution. 
 There was no need of oratory, he says in substance, in the trial 
 of an impeachment of this kind ; it is only necessary to com- 
 pare the psephism with the law, as was done in ancient times 
 by the judges, who were then so scrupulous that they would 
 condemn the accused for the variation of a word. And such 
 evils have grown out of the practice of suffering orators to 
 speak on these trials, in aid of the parties, that " For my own 
 part," he says, " I would almost propose that neither prosecutor 
 nor defendant should have assistant speakers ; for, the Right in 
 this matter is not a thing indefinite, but is bounded by your 
 laws. In carpentry, when we wish to learn whether a part is 
 straight or not, we apply a measuring rule to determine ; so in 
 these trials, we have only to apply the laws, the measure of the 
 Right, to the psephism, to determine whether there is anything 
 in it contrary to the laws. Shew that the two are coincident, 
 Ctesiphon, and you need say no more. Why, then, is it need- 
 ful for you to call Demosthenes?" "But if overstepping the 
 just bounds of defense, he shall call Demosthenes, do not you, 
 judges, accept this evil-doing man, who thinks to put down the 
 laws by words; but, if you do, demand that he follow the same 
 order in the defense, as 1 followed in the prosecution. And 
 what was that ? First, I exhibited the laws forbidding to crown 
 those who were subject to the official scrutiny, and I proved 
 that Demosthenes was thus subject, when Ctesiphon proposed 
 to crown him. Next, I went through with the laws of procla- 
 mations, prohibiting the proclamation of a crown bestowed by 
 the people, anywhere, except in the Assembly ; and lastly, I 
 spoke with brevity of his private life, and at length of his pub- 
 lic crimes. So, too, demand of Demosthenes that he speak 
 first on the question of the official accountability, secondly, 
 about the proclamation, and, thirdly, show that he is worthy 
 of the crown. And if he shall entreat you to indulge him as 
 to the order of his speech, promising in the end to make his 
 defense against the charge of illegality, indulge him not, nor 
 be ignorant that this is a trick of the court-house. He does 
 
101 
 
 not intend to return to that charge, but having no defense to 
 make, hopes to lead you to forget it, by drawing your attention 
 to other matters. But watch him, and drive him to the true 
 question." The issue of the trial turned upon this point; if 
 JEschines had been successful here, it is probable he would 
 have been successful in the trial. Hence, the solemn prayer of 
 Demosthenes, in his opening sentence, that the gods would in- 
 spire his judges with the determination, to let him speak as the 
 laws permitted, according to his own choice. 
 
 ^Eschines, too, in connection with the foregoing topic, repre- 
 sents Demosthenes as having very little interest in the trial ; 
 " Why, the tears ? Why, the cry ? Why, that tone ? Is not 
 Ctesiphon defendant, arid the penalty a fine, while you contend 
 neither for property, nor life, nor citizens' rights ? But for what 
 is his zeal ? for golden crowns, for proclamations in the theater, 
 contrary to the laws ;" after this, he returns to the point, that 
 Ctesiphon should not call in Demosthenes to assist him. In 
 this connection he speaks of the shamelessness of Demosthenes, 
 in praising his own deeds. "If Ctesiphon shall presume to call 
 for Demosthenes to address you, and he shall ascend the Bema, 
 and laud himself, it will be harder to listen to the praises than 
 it was to endure the deeds." "From such a shameless proceed- 
 ing, if you are "prudent, Ctesiphon, you will forbear, and make 
 the defense yourself." It is these topics, the order of the de- 
 fense, the interest he has at stake, the self-praise, especially 
 the first, which Demosthenes takes up in the exordium. 
 
 1-2. THE PRAYER OF DEMOSTHENES, IN WHICH HE PRAYS, 
 FIRST, FOR THE GOODWILL OF THE JUDGES, AND, SECONDLY, 
 FOR PERMISSION TO FOLLOW THE COURSE OF THOUGHT, 
 WHICH HE HAD MARKED OUT FOR HIMSELF. 
 
 1. ev x o fjLct i, . English translators have avoided the sim- 
 ple word, I pray, preferring the fuller forms " I begin by pray- 
 ing" " Let me begin by imploring" " / make my prayer ;" but 
 the simple I pray seems to be the most forcible. Wolf trans- 
 lates ; " precor? navi x al n & cr a i g . Lord Brougham 
 has done well in not translating naacug ; "All the Heavenly 
 
 9* 
 
102 
 
 Powers" Perhaps, the simple First, I pray all the gods, is the 
 best way of translating these few opening words. It should be 
 observed, however, that the words naat 1 micratg have an 
 emphasis in the original, from their position, which is lost in 
 any translation, d i u i e I w. Both ^Eschinea and Demosthe- 
 nes quote this verb from the resolution of Ctesiphon, and ^Es- 
 chines lays stress on it ; for he says, he will prove that "Demos- 
 thenes never began to say what is most honorable, nor is now 
 continuing to do what is useful, to the people" 50. There was, 
 therefore, a fitness in the choice of the phrase. * I naa i, v 
 ti ft I v, to all you, the individuals before me, not the state 
 alone ; thus establishing a personal sympathy with those whom 
 he was addressing, ri n Q a i . This clause had better be 
 translated by a subordinate proposition, as in the Latin, " ut 
 tanta (benevolentid) mihi a vobis tribuatur" and in the English 
 translations ; yet, the English can give the form of the Greek 
 expression ; I pray for so much goodwill to be granted to me. 
 T oviov i, this, not the vulgar " this here" Dionysius of Ilali- 
 carnassus, in speaking of changes made in words with the view 
 to a harmonious composition of them in the members of the 
 sentence, refers to this clause, and says : " Demosthenes added 
 a letter to the pronoun, in reference to the structure" not to 
 the thought "for, fl$ JOVTOV TO* ay&vvt was enough." De 
 Comp. Verb. C. vi. oneQ, that which, or, what, not "what- 
 soever" " Sane coherent syntactice one.q et rovro. Quae sequ- 
 untur, /U7J TOJ> uvildnov ? addita sunt me^jj^afiwc zngtv." 
 SCHAEFER. v n t Q & [i to v, for your interest. Compare fa kg 
 -no*' sxfy&y, 234 ; and, also, faty TW*/ dixuwi&v, 249, " utile 
 judicibus" SCHAEFER. xl T r\g t fie T. Q tt g EtiaeCslag 
 re xJ d 6 $ 7; g . This clause contains the particulars, em- 
 braced in the general expression, fatq v/v&y, and being united in 
 one by re xul, is connected with that by the first */. This form 
 of construction occurs in English ; but in general the particu- 
 lars are simply appended without a conjunction, as if in appo- 
 sition. It may be translated thus, for your interest, for both 
 your piety and honor; or, perhaps better, for your interest, your 
 piety, and your honor. It concerned their piety not to violate 
 the judicial oath, and their honor, not merely not to do that, 
 but, also, not to be so unfair as to take the opposite party into 
 their counsels. ULPIAN. tovg 6eoi>g t introduced, because 
 
103 
 
 the infinitive is remote from the finite verb, nwg &x oie it> . 
 
 2. 
 
 We have seen how carefully ^Eschines had marked out, 
 
 how they should hear him. J <tv o o x o v , the oath 
 taken by the dicasts at the time of their appointment. It is 
 given in Demosthenes' speech against Timocrates. 746-747. 
 The portion referred to here is as follows : *<*J (ix^ouao^at xou 
 re xujijyoQov xal lov uTiokoyovjjevov 6iuo(u>g ujjcpoiv. Quoted by 
 SEAGER, in Classical Journal, vol. 53, p. 50. n Q o g an a a t, 
 i or $ a A A o i d ix a I o i g . Each requisition of the oath 
 was a just one ; hence, by referring to all the other just requisi- 
 tions, tye gives to the words of the oath which he quotes, that 
 sanctity which belongs to the whole, ovd e = ovde juovuv. See 
 93, 107. TTJ i u e i xul ir ( unoloylq, not, = TTJ 
 i<j.^ei j^g unoloy lug , but embracing both the order and the mat- 
 ter of the defense. The single word, unokoyia, might easily be 
 understood to mean both, but, with reference to the exigencies 
 of his case, the orator draws attention to " the order," by a 
 specific word. Hence, to avoid ambiguity, it should be rendered 
 something as above, the order and the matter, or, as Lord 
 Brougham, "method and, line" or as Kennedy, "order and 
 course" of defense. "Quo ordine et quod velit dicere" DISSEN. 
 6e6otkr}Tai> xal noor^r] i a. t, not, " may choose and pre- 
 fer" as would be said by modern orators, but, has chosen and 
 preferred, in accordance with the practice among ancient orators, 
 of previous preparation. Lord Brougham has overlooked this 
 distinction, and translates " may be pleased to prefer" In one 
 respect this is a very fine translation. Demosthenes has here, 
 as elsewhere, used two verbs, where either would have well ex- 
 pressed the meaning without the other. There is a distinction 
 between the words, it is true, but it does not seem important 
 that it should be brought forward in the present instance. This 
 is common with all writers, although the repetition appears in 
 different languages, in different forms ; and it is the duty of the 
 translator to transfer the forms of expression in one language 
 into the corresponding forms in another. Lord Brougham in 
 the present case has done well to transfer the finite form of one 
 of the verbs into the infinitive. T to v ^.^otvi^Q^ivMv 
 s x a or i o g . *^4noloylct requires 6 qpeuywv, but, while the ora- 
 tor would give prominence to the rights of the defendant, he 
 would claim for him only what belongs to the prosecutor as 
 
104 
 
 well, what the law gives to both parties, that they should be 
 heard alike ; hence, the anacoluthon. " Consulto locutus est 
 orator perplexius, ut veniam ordinis pervertendi tanquam suf- 
 furaretur." SCHAEFER. That the "perplexed diction" was in- 
 tentional, is doubtless true, but there was nothing unfair in the 
 demand of Demosthenes. ^Eschines assigns no legal reason 
 why Demosthenes should begin with the question of official 
 accountability or of the proclamation. 
 
 This sentence consists of three portions, or periods, of which 
 Construction of the first prepares the way for the second, and the 
 the Sentence, second for the third, while, in the importance of 
 the thought, the third is superior to the second, and the second 
 to the first. In the first, the orator implores the kindness of 
 the judges ; in the next, what kindness would prompt, that 
 they would hear both parties alike ; and in the last, what is 
 involved in the hearing both parties alike, that they would 
 allow him to follow his own order of defense ; and this is the 
 grand object of the whole. This principle of arrangement is 
 universal, and obtains even in the smaller portions of a sentence. 
 Thus, in the first portion, the solemnity of the prayer foretells 
 the importance of the petition, while the clause, ex- 
 
 Of the parts. . 1 , . , . , L , , , ' , 
 
 pressi ve of his kindness both to the state and the 
 individuals before him, contains the ground and the measure of 
 that kindness which he asks in return. If the first member 
 had been placed last, or the second and third had exchanged 
 places, these auxiliary thoughts would have lost much of their 
 power. In the second portion, the first clause, by its appeal to 
 the piety and the honor of the judges, awakens in their minds 
 a strong personal interest in the forthcoming petition, that they 
 would take for their counsellors as to the manner in which they 
 should hear him, the Laws and the Oath, which petition itself 
 is strengthened by the contrast of the cruelty of taking his 
 adversary as their counsellor ; and then, after premising the 
 justice of all the other requisitions of the oath, and hence rais- 
 ing a presumption in favor of the justice of that requisition he 
 was about to mention, then, at last he utters the important 
 clause, that they should hear both parties alike. The last por- 
 tion is constructed on the same principle as the whole sentence, 
 
105 
 
 that of the climax. Not only is the thought, most import- 
 ant to the oration, placed last, but prominence is given to it 
 by the very mode in which the three clauses are united, by 
 o# fiovov (UA. This analysis, which is taken substantially 
 from Dissen, is sufficient to authorize the law of arrangement, 
 or disposition, which he lays down, " ut pnemittatur id cujus 
 minor rhetorica vis, postponatur cujus sit major rhetorica vis 
 et quo maxime trahere velis attentionem." By the rhetorical 
 worth of a thought, he goes on to explain, he does not mean 
 its intrinsic and absolute worth, but its worth relative to the 
 case in hand. u Rhetorica autem vis ubique consilio loci defini- 
 tur." De Structura periodorum oratoria, xn-xiv. 
 
 If we examine this sentence with respect to its contents, apart 
 from the form, we shall find several things worthy of attention. 
 1. The proposition and the argument are both obvious, and 
 might have been stated in the most simple form of the sentence ; 
 thus, " I ought to be permitted to follow my own order in the 
 defense, for this is required by the laws and the judicial oath." 
 But, if the orator had so stated it, he would undoubtedly have 
 failed in his defense. Now, it is the difference between such a 
 A characteristic formal, abstract statement of an argument, and 
 of true Eloquence t j iat ft^ expanded treatment which we find in 
 the present sentence, employing various forms of expression, 
 the appeal, antithesis, climax, definition, to set forth the argu- 
 ment, that constitutes one of the most important characteristics 
 of genuine eloquence. 2. We may also notice* the combination 
 Combination ot of an appeal to the feelings with the argument. 
 frlKl 'Vith The orator appeals to mutual kindness, to piety, 
 Argument. to honor, to justice, before he uses argument. He 
 touches the heart before he addresses the understanding. The 
 union of the heart and the intellect is also characteristic of the 
 greatest orators, and no man can be a great orator without 
 such union. 3. We may notice, also, a characteristic of Demos- 
 Enforcement thenes, the enforcement of an argument by point- 
 of Argument. j n g 011 t ^s applications. When he had quoted from 
 the oath, that the judges should hear both parties alike, he 
 might have stopped there, and left it to the judges to deter- 
 mine what was implied in that clause ; but, no, he was not 
 
106 
 
 satisfied without pointing out the application himself, and 
 thereby repeating what he had already in substance demanded. 
 In general, Demosthenes, who makes the most of every consid- 
 eration, prefers to enforce a single argument by following out 
 its applications to the introduction of several distinct argu- 
 ments. 4. We add, that the last portion of this sentence ex- 
 presses the thought in a form of which the orator 
 
 The definition, f /. i i/ i i / , mi. 
 
 is very fond, the form 01 a definition. JLhus, in. 
 the present oration, he distinguishes by definition, Accusation 
 from Invective, 123, and the Statesman from the Demagogue, 
 189. Aristotle in his lihetoric includes definition among the 
 topics of proof. Book 2, Ch. 23. 
 
 34. HE STATES THE DISADVANTAGES UNDER WHICH HE LA- 
 BORS, BOTH IN HAVING MORE AT STAKE AND IN BEING UNDER 
 THE NECESSITY OF SPEAKING OF HIMSELF. 
 
 llari 6$ p *4 . Both Brougham and Kennedy give their 
 translations a different turn from the Greek, "^ffischines has 
 the advantage of me" availing themselves of our expression, 
 " to have the advantage of." But the orator gives prominence 
 to his own unfavorable position, not JEschines' favorable one. 
 In many things, Athenians, I am in a ivorse position than ^Es- 
 chines on this trial, nsgl T&V i'auv. Kennedy translates, 
 "My risk in the contest is not the same." But the Greek 
 does not so much express the risk of loss as the value of that 
 which is at stake. True, in proving the fact of inequality, the 
 orator refers to the inequality of the losses, yet, it would seem 
 that in this clause he purposely used a different expression. 
 'jfyfw/^ffa&rf TiBol is to contend about an object, without the spe- 
 cific idea of winning or losing. Hence, / do not contend about 
 equal things ; this inequality is explained in the next clause, 
 where we should have expected the mention of the things them- 
 selves, instead of which, in consistency with the topic of disad- 
 vantage which he is upon, we meet with the mention of their 
 loss. The orator dwells upon the disadvantages under which he 
 labors, hence the propriety of the words ilunovpai, dia^aorelv. 
 t v o I u. s . Really, it was the crown which he might fail to 
 attain, and in this view of it, .^Eschines asks why all this ado 
 about such a trifle ; virtually, it was the kindness which was 
 
107 
 
 signified by the crown, the loss of which was a loss that could 
 not be expressed. But, Demosthenes was not the man to fail 
 of the right word here, d i a /M Q T e r i>, not, " to forfeit your 
 esteem" as Lord Brougham and Kennedy give it, the esteem 
 already existing, but, to fail of obtaining your favor, in the 
 present case, d A A ' ft o I ft e j/. The construction of this 
 sentence is remarkable. The orator declares how great would 
 be to him the loss of their kindness, by the suppression of the 
 words which would express it, and then, instead of completing 
 the antithesis by setting forth the trifling risk of ./Eschines, in- 
 troduces against him the charge of wanton impeachment, as 
 if his risk was too insignificant to be mentioned, dvvjfeQtg, 
 literally, offensive. But, however it may be rendered, there is 
 reference, as Kennedy says, "to the fear of an evil omen." 
 I x TtEQiovvlag. The thought is obvious, but difficult to 
 express in English, neqiovola literally means that which is 
 over and above one's necessary expenses, a superfluity ; hence, 
 as a motive of conduct, it is used of whatever is done without 
 necessity, or from mere wantonness. In the present case, 
 ^Eschines volunteered, and without risking any thing jeoparded 
 the greatest interests of Demosthenes. REISKE'S Annotationes 
 and Index Grsecitatis. But this man brings against me a wan- 
 ton accusation, o qp v a e t, the other what belongs by nature to 
 all men that they hear, instead of, " the other, that all men, 
 what belongs to them by nature, hear." This clause was 
 thrown in to soften the assertion, that JEschines from his posi- 
 tion as accuser had an advantage, by representing it as natural 
 to all men to listen with pleasure to invective. But still, it 
 is worthy of notice that the Athenians took an excessive de- 
 light in the invectives which were so common in the Assembly 
 and the dicasteries. Demosthenes tells them that " they bar- 
 tered away the interest of the state for the pleasure they took 
 in invectives." 138. &g Snog E In el * is construed with 
 naaiv, almost all. This clause is also thrown in to soften the 
 absoluteness of the assertion, do ^w, "non, mi hi videbor, sed, 
 hominibus videbor, alioquin opus erat doxco." BREMI. / shall 
 be thought. 
 
108 
 
 We may notice here with what skill Demosthenes turns to 
 ModeofRefu- his own advantage the attempt of JEschines to ex* 
 cite odium against him by representing him as striv- 
 ing for nothing but a paltry crown, and then, in order to secure 
 it, proclaims his own praises. He sets forth these things as so 
 many disadvantages under which he labored ; and the topic of 
 Disadvantage the having of some peculiar difficulty to encoun- 
 ter, is one of the Common Topics of Oratory, but observe 
 the nature of these disadvantages. They were not of a kind 
 to lower him in the estimation of his judges, but contrariwise. 
 The first was, not that he had so little" but so much at stake 
 even their kindness ! the second, that he was, not to glorify 
 himself, but to speak of his own public life. 
 
 It is characteristic of Demosthenes, in taking up any topic of 
 characteristic of his adversary that he not merely answers it, but 
 Demosthenes. makes some farther use of it, either directly for 
 himself, or against his antagonist ; he not only takes possession 
 of the enemy's weapons, but he uses them, and almost always 
 turns them against him. Thus, here, he takes advantage of 
 the sneer of ^Eschines, that he was contending for the bauble of 
 a crown, to express his deep sense of the value of that for which 
 he was really contending the friendship of the Athenian peo- 
 ple. So, too, having shown the necessity he was under to speak 
 of himself, he adds, that the blame of this, if any, was justly 
 his, who created the necessity. 
 
 5. HE DECLARES THAT THE TRIAL WAS OF COMMON INTEREST 
 TO HIMSELF AND CTESIPIION. 
 
 a v 5 g 6 $ 'Adrjvctlov. Beiske, Dissen, and others have 
 instead of ' ^dijvoitoi,. But, although Demosthenes was 
 speaking before the dicasts, and although he expressly distin- 
 guishes between the dicasts and the audience (196), yet, in 
 most other instances in his speech, he uses the general address, 
 Athenians. Besides, a general address here comports better 
 with the latter part of the sentence, as he is there really speak- 
 ing of the whole Athenian people. Voemel has the same text 
 as Dindorf. e p o I T e x a I. Te xal unites Demosthenes and 
 Ctesiphon as on the same footing of interest. It is true, indeed, 
 that xowbv implies the same thing, but such repetition is not 
 
109 
 
 uncommon. Te is omitted in the best Codex, (also, in some 
 of the best editions, as Voemel's) perhaps, by an error of the 
 copyist, or by a correction of the style. The different readings 
 of passages often involve the nicest questions of style, and 
 hence, we shall occasionally refer to them. In the present case 
 either would be correct. " Utrumque dici potuit." W. DIXDORF. 
 sl&TTov og , that is, than from Ctesiphon, or, possibly, " quam 
 si pro me solo decertarem." BREMI. t p o I , the dative of ref- 
 erence. KUHXER, 284. 10. Of no less earnestness as it respects 
 myself, or simply, from me. n&viwv, any thing. " Quacum- 
 que re spoliari, non, rebus cunctis" BREMI. To be deprived 
 of any one of all things, but especially of this one thing of all, 
 your friendship. For a similar use, see 26, 246. 3 1 1 co g 
 re x a v. K&v~xal l&v. "sfMug js xal. "Ad ea spectat Mw 
 quae nunc praeterimus, xi atitem ad illud, quod ut praecipuum 
 ponimus." Hence, " Quum aliter, tum"-=."prccsertim." HER. 
 ad VIG. 778. TG) = T^-/. o a o> neg xal. This clause, be- 
 sides repeating positively what has just been implied under a 
 negative form of statement, avoids the necessity of ending the 
 period with words of ill-omen. "Ex veterum judicio sententia 
 hie non poterat in verbis mali ominis subsistere, sed ad contra- 
 rium, ad laeta reverti debebat ; aliter manca fuisset nee abso- 
 luta." DISSEX. 
 
 This paragraph refers to the proposal of ^Eschines, that he 
 and Ctesiphon should argue the case by themselves. It is refu- 
 tation by contempt. The orator takes it for granted that he 
 was of course to speak, and we might almost suspect, that he 
 notices the proposal of ^Eschines only for the opportunity it 
 gave him of reiterating his high appreciation of the friendship 
 of the people. We may observe, that, naturally, the objection 
 against Demosthenes' speaking at all should have been consid- 
 ered before the objection against its being left to his choice to 
 determine the order of his speech. But Demosthenes for his 
 own purpose took up the more important point first. Here, 
 however, he follows the strictly logical order, for the present 
 topic is followed by a recurrence to the question of the order of 
 the speech. 
 
 10 
 
110 
 
 6-7. HE REVERTS TO THE ORDER OF THE SPEECH. 
 
 d t w x a J d o fi a i , / demand (as a right), and I im- 
 plore (as a favor), xyauig a^(o)fiaiog xal ol'xrov. ULPIAN. Prob- 
 ably, however, the two words were customarily joined together 
 in such connection, and had lost somewhat of this distinction. 
 See 34. " Synonyma junguntur ad augendam notionem, ut 
 apud Latinos oro rogoque, i. q. vehementer rogo." BREMI. 
 6 fio lc g . Construed with v^v ; " a vobis cunctis pariter, ne- 
 mine excepto." REISEE. 8 i Y, a i w g . Construed with dxouaca. 
 BREMI and others. To hear me in the just way; or, in that just 
 way which the laws require. 6 T i 6 e I g . TiQkvou, vof.iov is 
 used both of the person who proposes an individual law to be 
 enacted, and of the Lawgiver, who establishes a code of laws. 
 Thus in the oration against Timocrates, Demosthenes referring 
 to Timocrates says, rtdeixe TOV v6uov, and of Solon, VO^MV 
 ovg WT}XS 2blwv. 732. He who anciently ordained them. 
 d r/ t u o T i x 6 g , a friend of the people, in distinction from a 
 friend of the oligarchy. Thus, .^Eschines in his oration con- 
 trasts the two*, ibv <Si]fjori,x6v TOP 6liyaQ%i%6v. 168. TW 
 y g h i// a i . l^Qacpeiv ro t uof 9 is to propose a law to be acted 
 upon, and hence will not apply to the laws of Solon. rQ&cpstv 
 is also used of the engraving of public documents on tablets or 
 pillars of stone or brass, as, elg crrr^r ^al^v ygtiyavreg. Phil, 
 in, 41. This is its meaning here ; which Solon, our ancient 
 lawgiver, thought should be enforced not merely by their enroll- 
 ment, but also by the fact that you who judge are under oath, 
 oil x d TT i CTJ (br i5 f.il //, that is, as individuals, but referring to 
 r> H the general principles of human nature, n a Q el 6 si v . 
 * u Citat h. 1. Harpocration v. nuoeWelv interpretans avil TOW 
 ytx7j(7t. Simile ductum a certantibus cursu seu pedestri, sen 
 equestri, sen curuli, et conteridentibus inter sese prsevertere." 
 KEISKE. This verb means, to pass along the side of; to pass along 
 the side of beyond, generically, any one, specifically, one in a 
 race ; hence, from this last meaning, as applied to persons, to pass 
 beyond, to surpass, in fraud, craft, &c., and as applied to things, 
 to overcome, as, ?ovg loyovg iu. eyya, na^Q^ejfxi, Phil, iv, 132, 
 deeds get the better of words. Thus, it is not possible for the de- 
 fendant to overcome the criminations. The three words, 6 dub- 
 
Ill 
 
 xo*>, TO) (pevyovTi', TtageWeiv, are beautifully adapted to each 
 other, but are rather suggestive of a figure than used figura- 
 tively ; since, if so used, it would be the pursuer, o <J*wxwy, 
 who would overtake and outstrip the one flying, TW (pevyovrt,. 
 xal T c* , the apodosis begins here, shall both receive and thus 
 make. 
 
 This sentence is constructed on the same principle as the 
 Construction of opening sentence of the oration. It consists of 
 the Sentence, three clauses, of which, the first implores a fair hear- 
 ing according to the laws, the second enforces this request by 
 the character of the law-giver who ordained them, and the 
 third, after supplying a new argument drawn from the reason- 
 ableness of the laws, returns to the point from which the sen- 
 tence started, and again implores of their piety a friendly and 
 impartial hearing ; thus forming a perfect period, which is 
 formed by the course of thought passing from a given point 
 round through various related thoughts to the same point. 
 
 Although the orator returns in this paragraph to the topic of 
 Repetition of the the order of the speech, yet it is not a naked repe- 
 Topic of Order, tition. What before he prayed that the gods would 
 inspire the judges to do as a matter of piety and reputation, 
 he now claims, also, as a right, while he enforces the claim by 
 a combination of new considerations with the former ones ; 
 such as, the greatness of the interests at stake, the judicial 
 oath required by the law, the character of the lawgiver, the 
 manifest fairness of the law, and that regard for the gods 
 which was involved in the observation of their oaths and all 
 these interwoven without confusion. The introduction of Solon 
 in this connection is done with consummate art. For ^Eschines 
 in the end of his oration had brought him forward as one who 
 had adorned the democracy with the most excellent laws, a wise 
 man and a good lawgiver, and represented him as imploring 
 the Athenians, by no manner of means to value the words of 
 Demosthenes beyond the oaths and the laws. Now, it is the 
 laws of this very founder of the democracy, which Demosthe- 
 nes here implores them to be guided by, in hearing him. This 
 wresting to his own advantage, of the splended eulogium of 
 
112 
 
 upon Solon, to which they had just listened, must 
 have been highly relished by the quick and sensitive minds of 
 his audience. 
 
 With respect to the demand of Demosthenes that he should 
 Justice of the ^ e Permitted to follow his own order of defense, it 
 claim of De- was a just one. The three objections which ^Eschi- 
 nes brought against the decree of Ctesiphon, were 
 each of them legal ones, and ^Eschines nowhere shows any 
 legal ground why Demosthenes should take up the question of 
 official accountability first, why he should take up that, for 
 instance, before the question of the proclamation. The most 
 that he could ask was that the judges as a matter of policy 
 should require Demosthenes to take up that point at once 
 which in their view was decisive of the case. And hence it is 
 that Demosthenes makes his appeals to right, to justice, to law 
 supported by oaths. The position of ^Eschines was masterly, 
 but still more so, the movement which defeated him. 
 
 To guard against awakening prejudice, or offending individ- 
 Caution against uals in the audience is one of the most important 
 giving offense. ca utions to be observed in popular oratory. This 
 was particularly the case in addressing the democracy of Ath- 
 ens, and Demosthenes everywhere shows himself alive to the 
 necessity of it. His caution in this respect generally appears 
 in short phrases and peculiar turns of expression, and can be 
 best pointed out in the grammatical notes ; but the present is a 
 marked instance of it, and hence we refer to it. Demosthenes 
 had thought it necessary to make a strong appeal to the oaths 
 of the judges, but lest they should think it a reflection to re- 
 mind them that they needed to be put under oath in order to 
 obey the laws, he at once subjoins not distrusting you, at least 
 as it seems to me. 
 
 8. HE REPEATS THE OPENING PRAYER. 
 
 w g Ho 1*6, expresses, as it were, the comment of the 
 speaker upon what he is now uttering ; hence, its varying 
 shades of meaning. Here it expresses the surprise and indigna- 
 tion of the orator that his private life should be brought into 
 trial. To mark this the more, he gives Travrdg an emphatic 
 position. My private life the whole as it seems, o TI, what- 
 
113 
 
 soever, not a specific request, as in the opening. JCowj, though 
 an adverb, is equivalent to a substantive, forming a parallel to 
 xaorq), reputation as respects the state, and piety as respects 
 each individual. For the dative here, see note to fyol. 5. 
 
 An intimate acquaintance with the speech of JEschines is 
 necessary, in order to perceive all the bearings of this exordium. 
 We will here refer to only one, in addition to those already 
 mentioned. ^Eschines had represented Demosthenes as a con- 
 tetnner of the gods, as hurrying on the battle of Chaeronea in 
 spite of adverse omens, and as the ill-fated cause of the evils 
 which Greece had suffered. There could be no more fitting 
 refutation of this calumny than the prayer he here offers to the 
 gods. 
 
 If we look at the matter of the topics treated of in this ex- 
 Character of ordium, we need not hesitate to say, that it answers 
 the Exordium. a }} } ie en( ^ s o f a perfect exordium, which aims, as 
 Quinctilian says, " reddere auditores benevolos, attentos, dociles." 
 If we look at the form, we must pronounce it equally perfect. 
 It opens and ends with a prayer. Nor are we to regard this 
 prayer as a mere effort of rhetoric ; it was the natural expres- 
 sion of a man in the circumstances in which Demosthenes was 
 placed, though to give utterance to his feelings in such a form 
 was the boldest effort of oratory. 
 
 ARGUMENT. 
 9 53. FIRST PART OF THE ARGUMENT. 
 
 Thus far Demosthenes has carried the day. The judges, it 
 seems, did not interfere in the matter of the order in which th,e 
 points at issue should be argued, but allowed him to follow his 
 own course. This course was very different from the one JEs- 
 chines had marked out for him, though, in one respect, it was 
 precisely the one which -^schines said he would take. He 
 postpones the questions of official accountability and of the 
 proclamation. But ^Eschines also predicted, he would promise, 
 if the judges would allow him his own order, that he would 
 10* 
 
114 
 
 take up those points in the latter part of his speech. But De- 
 mosthenes was too sagacious to do this. He nowhere alludes 
 to these points, nor betrays the least consciousness of their be- 
 ing difficult, or that it was necessary to postpone them. He 
 simply demands his rights. But, yet, although he gives no in- 
 timation of its importance to him, the movement, by which he 
 postponed the strictly legal points until he had made a favora- 
 ble impression upon the feelings of his judges, is quite unpar- 
 alleled. Lord Brougham speaks of it with enthusiastic admi- 
 ration. " The great skill of this movement, by which he at 
 once takes up his position on his own ground, and there fights 
 the battle, instead of fighting it on the very disadvantageous 
 ground chosen by his enemy, is worthy of especial observation. 
 Napoleon's movement at Wagram resembled this, and was 
 attended with equal success. The Austrians had been prepar- 
 ing for weeks to fight on one ground ; he made a sudden and 
 unexpected march which let him fight on another." 
 
 The First Part of the argument treats of matters which De- 
 Contents of niosthenes contends are foreign to the indictment. 
 First Part. j t consists of two portions, of which the first relates 
 4o the attacks of ^Eschines on his private life, and the second 
 to the peace of 346, B. C. (See p. 97 for an account of this 
 First Part.) The contents of this part of the argument are 
 arranged with the nicest care, such as implies forethought and 
 deliberation. The skilfulness of this arrangement will appear 
 from the following analysis. 
 
 9. PARAGRAPH PREPARATORY TO THE BRIEF DEFENSE OF 
 HIS PRIVATE LIFE. 
 
 *E d I a) K E refers to the indictment, u f 1? f &$ Jjf * <rv fl to 
 
 the speech, of ^Eschines. n $06 o v I ev ficno g , the Senate's 
 decree. See p. 88. orix eharjw h 6 y o v , no fewer words. 
 & v ij I a) x e , not, " employed" as Lord Brougham, but, wasted. 
 It refers to a useless employment of words. See 140, 270. 
 But since he has wasted no fewer words in going through other 
 things, i a n I e I a T a , that is, of the other things. " Das 
 meiste davon" PABST.' xaTeysvcruTo, has fabricated 
 against me. Kcncufjevdecrdai, means, 1. to lie, 2. to make up a 
 lie, to fabricate, as here, and 3. to lie about a thing, to rnisrep- 
 
115 
 
 resent or falsify, as in 17. This last meaning, though in PAS- 
 SON, (etwas unrichtiges oder unwahres von einen Sache spre- 
 chen), is not in LIDDELL and SCOTT. dyayxtfioy d lx - 
 i or . Notice the emphatic position of these words, the unem- 
 phatic being thrown between, thus enabling the voice to give 
 the emphasis with greater ease. NECESSARY, do I consider it 
 to be, and JUST. Compare 
 
 - " He seemed 
 For DIGNITY composed and high EXPLOIT." 
 
 " FIT audience find, though FEW." MILTON. 
 
 6 ga % a s In slv, to say a few things, rather than " to speak 
 briefly" as better according with orfx ilfaiw. e | w 6 e v , irrele- 
 vant. Compare 34, ea) ir\<; y^ccqprjg, out of the writ, out of 
 the record, allot gi&'ceQov, with feelings too alienated. 
 d, tt o v 77 jn o v . " Junge dxoity [iov (ex me audiat) i 
 ." BREMI. 
 
 The art with which Demosthenes finds his apology for treat- 
 ing of irrelevant matter, in the example of ^Eschines, has been 
 imitated by Cicero in his oration for Sylla. " Sed jam redeo ad 
 causam ; atque hoc vos, Indices, testor : mihi de memetipso tarn 
 multa dicendi necessitas qusedam imposita est ab illo. Nam, 
 si Torquatus Sullam solum accusasset, ego quoque hoc tempore 
 nihil aliud agerem nisi eum, qui accusatus esset, defenderem : 
 sed cum ille tota ilia oratione in me esset invectus, et cum initio, 
 ut dixi, defensionem meam auctoritate spoliare voluisset, etiam 
 si dolor meus respondere non cogeret, tamen ipsa causa hanc a 
 me orationem flagitasset." Pro Sulla, XH. 
 
 1011. DEFENSE OF PRIVATE LIFE. 
 
 r 5 v I d I w v , "vita privata" BREMI. But, better, those 
 personal scandals, referring to the specific calumnies of JEschi- 
 nes. loidogoTuiiievog 6e6laacpi f i[ir]xe. Demosthe- 
 nes, in drawing a distinction between xar^o^a and loidoQla. 
 distinguishes, also, these words. Kcnr^ogia Impeachment 
 has for its object offenses for which there are punishments or- 
 dained by the laws, but loidoyla, Invective has for its object 
 scandals tfAao-qp^ta^ such as enemies naturally utter of each 
 other. 123, also, 126. Aoidoqla, therefore, may be regarded 
 
116 
 
 as the more general term, and ^acrqp^/a, as the more specific. 
 Perhaps, in the present case, koidogotipevog is used with reference 
 to ^Eschines, as acting the part of a calumniator rather than of 
 a prosecutor. &n A xi d t x a i a instead of dnktig xl 
 dixatojg, which are used in 58, without diversity of meaning. 
 (i yd qpwyrjj/, endure not a word, that is, Jrom me. Endure 
 not a word even, not, though I have managed all public matters 
 preeminently well, but rising up, condemn NOW. The sentences 
 in this oration are constructed with such consummate art, 
 with such a perfect union of perspicuity and force that, al- 
 though the meaning is almost always obvious, the difficulty of 
 translation is next to insuperable. The student should aim at 
 a word-for-word translation, with only such variation as the 
 idiom or usage of our language requires. A translation for the 
 English reader might be made on a different principle, but the 
 scholar should seek to transfer the original sentences with all 
 their condensed expressions, as far as possible, into correspond- 
 ing English ones. In the above sentence, there are several 
 things which are noticeable. (1.) Although in itself it is equally 
 proper to say, " endure not the voice" yet the usage of our lan- 
 guage requires another expression, as, endure not a word. 
 Again, (2.) the Greek has a great advantage over the English 
 in the frequent omission of the pronoun, although in sentences 
 which are to be spoken, pronouns, even in our language, may 
 often be omitted, with advantage, as, perhaps in this case ; 
 rising up condemn now. It may, also, (3.) be remarked 
 that the English prefers the fuller form of expression the verb 
 and an object to the simple verb. Naturally, the fuller form 
 is more emphatic, and the rule is so laid down in regard to 
 Greek, but it may be doubted whether it is so, in general, in 
 English. Thus, in the present case, we might translate the 
 verb, xaTcdjjyylaaade by, "pronounce condemnation," but the 
 simple verb, " condemn" is more forcible. Once more, (4.) both 
 the Greek and English make frequent use of the participle to 
 express an action coexistent with the action expressed by the 
 verb, by which means the sentence becomes much more com- 
 pact ; but sometimes the one language will use the participle 
 and the verb, where the other will use two verbs, and contrari- 
 wise. Thus here, Lord Brougham translates, "but rise up 
 this instant and condemn me :" a most admirable translation. 
 
117 
 
 The pronoun though used, is almost an enclitic, and would 
 scarcely be heard in the utterance of the sentence. Attention 
 to these three things, the pronoun, the simple verb, and the 
 participial construction, will be of great use to the student. 
 &vacrT&vTeg, rising up, without the formality of a vote. 
 6 x GsljiovMv, that is, yo*>eW. ULPIAN. This is a common 
 form of expression. See 126, T/; &v xal flvMv. It refers not 
 to a noble but a virtuous parentage, which the Greeks highly 
 esteemed. Hence the proverb, tiyaObg t% byaOuv, aaiaw; t$ (io/cr. 
 TWV. DISSEN. Kal rovg iftotig, that is, yovel$. ULPIAN. 
 & ?r * A i}ip T , understood, from common report, y * y v & v- 
 x e T s , know, of your own knowledge. x a x or^Q TI g , " mali- 
 tiose ingcniosus" SCHAEFER. We can not express the play on 
 the words, xaxorj^c, evr^Oeg, ^Or t g, cunning as thou art, 
 ^Eschines, thou wert very simple in thinking, x UT e y svd ov 
 xctl d e t6 alls g, lied about (see Note, 9), and traduced. 
 4u*6<j.lleiv, to throw across or over, hence, figuratively, to cause 
 to pass ignominiously before men, like the Latin, " traducere per 
 ora hominum," to traduce. TTJC d e no JUTT e I a g . TZo/imj, 
 a procession, such as took place at the festival of Bacchus, in 
 which those engaged in it were wont to attack the spectators 
 with ribaldry and abuse, from the carts or waggons in which 
 the procession went. Many forms of speech, and proverbs, ex- 
 pressive of insulting invective, grew out of the practice. Hence, 
 Demosthenes says of JEschines, 6 J o/*, &anQ e dju&sqg, 122, 
 you cry out, as if from a cart. Hence, the verb Tto/uneveir, 
 124, to use opprobrious language, and, from the verb, the sub- 
 stantive, nof-inela, scurrility. TTJJ &v dd y v O$TW a I y s y e- 
 v r\ [iev y $ , so licentiously indulged in. We must depart from 
 the simplicity of the original word, ysjsvr^^vr^, and render by 
 some more forcible word, as indulged in, or, with Lord Brough- 
 am, by introducing a figure, " poured forth" Govlofttvotg*. 
 For the " special Grecism" of this participle in the dative, see 
 BUTTMANN, 136, N. 6, KUHNER, 284, 10, c. 
 
 The dignity and sincerity of this appeal impress us ; nor can 
 we help believing that the confidence which Demosthenes thus 
 reposed in the good opinion of the people was well founded. 
 But we may look at it in another point of view, and in this we 
 
118 
 
 Characteristic shall recognize an illustration of that characteristic 
 ofDemoathenes. O f our orator, by which he makes the most of every 
 refutation, and pressess every point to the utmost. It was not 
 enough that by this appeal he annihilated at a blow all the per- 
 sonal charges which his opponent had brought against him ; 
 he enforces upon the mind of his judges the sweeping inference 
 that they should, therefore, distrust everything that he advanced. 
 Nor was it enough in this way to disparage the character of 
 his opponent ; he takes advantage of the opportunity to ap- 
 peal to the past kindness of the people to himself, and to im- 
 plore their favor in the present trial. Nor does this satisfy ; 
 he even affects to believe that JEschines had indulged in these 
 invectives as a mere rhetorical artifice, to divert him from the 
 more important topics of his public life ; by which artifice, 
 however, he did not mean to be caught. 
 
 We may also notice with what a fine sense of decorum the 
 orator, in saying that after the examination of his public meas- 
 ures, he would return to these invectives, adds the precaution- 
 ary remark, if you shall be pleased to listen. Nor was this a 
 random promise. The retort upon ^Eschines was doubtless 
 already prepared and arranged. When we come to the Third 
 Part, we shall find him saying ^Eschines has chosen to inveigh 
 not to accuse, but it is not fair he should have any advantage 
 even in this ; and, therefore, without farther leave asked, he pro- 
 ceeds to the retaliation, by invectives unparalleled in keenness 
 of satire, and polish of style. 
 
 12-16. PARAGRAPH PREPARATORY TO SPEAKING OF PUBLIC 
 
 MATTERS. 
 
 Demosthenes, in this paragraph, seeks to disparage 
 nes as an accuser. This he does on the general ground that 
 ^Eschines had instituted this trial, not to do the state a service, 
 but to avenge himself on a personal enemy. 
 
 T u. ue v i ov d . The orator contrasts the severity of 
 the charges with the motives for making them, and rd uiv TOU 
 de introduce the contrasted clauses. K T r\ y o Q r { p i v a. , such 
 as treason and bribery. v I w v , not governing &*, but added 
 to it as an adjective, limiting its application. WESTERMANN. 
 But we may render, some of which. %6 QOV piv 
 
119 
 
 fit v TO i. These correspond. VV. DINDORF. They imply ac- 
 cording to Dissen, a contrast between the real object of the ac- 
 cusation the injury of a personal enemy and what would 
 have been the object of an honest accusation -the punishment 
 of the crimes. But the latter part of the contrast is only im- 
 plied by a clause proving the fact that the accusation did not 
 seek to punish the crimes, since the state could not do it. 
 " Crimina quidem rd fidv objecta magna sunt gravibusque 
 pcenis obnoxia, sed TOV de haec accusatio hostilis quidem 
 %0gov [i&v vexationis et petulantise et convicii et contumelise 
 et talium rerum plurimum habet, poenas vero [I&VTOI, istas 
 not quserit, scilicet, crimina vero insimulata etiamsi vera essent, 
 ne possunt quidem pun iri, ut pateat poenas ab eo non spectari 
 istas." DISSEN. The things charged are many and severe, and 
 there are some for which the laws assign great and most severe 
 punishments, but the design itself of the present trial has for 
 its object at once the abuse and the disgrace and the insult and the 
 dirision of an enemy, and all such things ; since indeed, of the 
 accusations and charges which have been mentioned, if they were 
 true, it is not possible for the state to take a befitting punishment : 
 implying, of course, that ^Eschines was not seeking to pun- 
 ish the crime, but to injure an enemy. For, if the state for 
 any reason can not punish a crime, the prosecution must be a 
 malicious one. ov y a g introduces the argument which proves 
 o , that the state can not take under the present circum- 
 stance a befitting punishment for the crimes alledged by 
 JEscliines. The argument is this. The state can not properly 
 punish without giving the accused person an opportunity to 
 make his defense. Now, ^Eschines had so managed that De- 
 mosthenes had been deprived of this privilege, and therefore 
 the state can not now fairly punish him. Demosthenes first 
 enforces the fact. hoy ov TV % si v, " audientiam impetrare," 
 INDEX GRJECITATIS. v in i\ Q e la g i&% e i. T&$ig, the proper 
 place or rank to which anything belongs. Hence, Iv t#$ooi 
 i&$st,, in the rank of an enemy, as an enemy. Adv. Lept, 481. 
 So here, as a matter of abuse and envy. See, also, 63, 258. 
 T o v T o, that is, to come before the people, or in other words, 
 to use the privilege granted, to speak, out of enmity and envy, 
 o Q 6 w g $ X o v , S I x a i o v , repeated below, 15. IT\S 6o6j]g 
 %ul dtxaiag odov. n oh IT i x 6 v, befitting a citizen, that is, of 
 
120 
 
 a free state, or, as we might say, in accordance with the prin* 
 ciples of our government, in the spirit of our institutions. 
 Constitutional. KENNEDY. Statesman-like. Lord BROUGHAM. 
 For, it is not proper to take away the opportunity of coming 
 before the people and yetting a hearing, this in terms is 
 general, but aimed at ^Eschines who had deprived Demos- 
 thenes of this right, nor to do this out of malice and envy as 
 ^Eschines is now doing, a clause thrown in to give the sentence 
 a more personal bearing. The orator then proceeds to impress 
 this sentiment by a solemn reiteration. No, by the gods ! it is 
 not right, nor citizen-like, nor just. But how did ^Eschines de- 
 prive Demosthenes of his right of coming before the people and 
 obtaining an opportunity of speaking in his own defense ? This 
 appears from what follows. It is in substance this. Criminal 
 charges should be brought against specific, definite acts, for 
 which there are precise punishments in the laws ; should be 
 brought at the time they are comrnmitted ; should be brought 
 against the person who is guilty of them. But .J^schines 
 never brought any indictment against Demosthenes at the time 
 the crimes charged are said to have been committed ; nor does 
 he, now that after so long a time he brings an impeachment, 
 bring it against Demosthenes, but against Ctesiphon, an inno- 
 cent third party. In these three ways, then, by bringing the 
 impeachment against Ctesiphon and not against Demosthenes 
 personally, by postponing the charges to so remote a period, by 
 bringing them all in a mass without specification, had -^Eschines 
 deprived Demosthenes of the privilege of a personal and legal 
 defense ; had, therefore, disabled the city from taking a befitting 
 punishment ; had, therefore, convicted himself of seeking not the 
 good of the state in the present trial, but the gratification of 
 envy and spite against a personal enemy. Dissen and others 
 suppose that JEschines deprived Demosthenes of this right of 
 defense solely by his impeachment of Ctesiphon, but the course 
 of thought in the paragraph seems to require that the 
 other causes mentioned above should be included. But, to 
 proceed, Demosthenes has shown what ^Eschines had done, but 
 which, if he had been an honest accuser, he would not have 
 done. He now shows what he should have done, but which, 
 since he was a dishonest accuser, he had not done. ^ t g a y co- 
 $ si x a I d i s yet,. Often, one of the two verbs which are 
 
121 
 
 joined together denotes the manner of the action expressed by 
 the other. Tragically recited. There is an allusion in er^ayw- 
 foj, to the early profession of JEschines, who was an actor. So, 
 also, in tinoxQlve-cat, below, and frequently elsewhere, n a Q ' 
 avi&. Eo tempore quo injuria patrata est." BREMI. %g r\ a- 
 6a.i, governed by Met, " supplendum e prsegresso for." SCIIAE- 
 FER. elaayys'klag. Eloayyelia, " is an information laid 
 before the senate or Assembly, and the consequent impeachment 
 and trial of state criminals under novel or extraordinary circum- 
 stances ;" for offenses for which the laws had made no provis- 
 ion or an uncertain one. It was also used in some other cases. 
 It is obvious that we have no process very closely corresponding 
 to this, and therefore no appropriate word with which to trans- 
 late, elvayyella. Yet, it seems better to select a word, having 
 some analogy to it, than merely to change the Greek into an 
 English word, t ovro v i o v i Q 6 TT o v, that is, in the pecu- 
 liar way of the elcrayyeUa. yyacporra, y gay 6 p E r ov . 
 These words illustrate the usage of these two forms of the verb. 
 r ^^ e !^LJ^2^S^'> to propose illegal resolutions, */odqpea#* 
 7iftfjwfywv~io impeach for illegal resolutions. Bremi recog- 
 nizes in ygacpot'Ta noiQtzvoua, na^avo^Mv yoacpv^svov what he 
 calls a lusus verborum. ot y a Q d rj n o v . The connection, 
 will appear, if we repeat from the preceding, me, I say -for 
 surely, ori dtvartxiis the logical predicate of both parts of 
 this sentence. Thus, for surely, that he is prosecuting CTESI- 
 PIION through me, but me myself ^we-r^io*', separated by tme- 
 sis if he had thought to convict me, would have forborne to 
 impeach ovx &v sygayjctTo is not possible. Grammatically, 
 Mgxlvt]g is the subject of dvvaiai, and in- the second member, 
 oi5 dvixxTov is supplied from the preceding. This clause serves 
 as a transition to, and a concealment of, the repetition of the 
 foregoing thought in the following sentence, d i&6 akle may 
 g be rendered by an adverb as above, calumniously went 
 ' through with, i * , w Q I a i , punishments fixed in the 
 laws themselves, van IT I ^ia^ both punishments fixed in the 
 laws and those assigned by the judges, in cases where the laws left 
 it to their discretion. Thus, T&nntyita was too general to apply 
 to yo,o, and Tifjwgta* not general enough to apply to dywyeg, 
 and v.Qto-eig. Hence the division in the sentence into laws and 
 the punishments ordained by them, into actions and trials for 
 11 
 
122 
 
 particular transgressions, with the penalties following them. 
 From DISSEN. t ol s ngug sfiE, " scilicet, *6<wot, (tycoon, xai 
 -tolg Totourot." BREMI. The legal remedies. ^ x CCT r\ y OQ I a, 
 that is, the accusation brought under these circumstances, not 
 the present one. The accusation would have been proper, and 
 his conduct in bringing it, honest, tin o x Q Lv e T a i, plays a 
 Q. P ar t > i g n t a sincere, honest accuser. The sentence, 
 o * vvv d' . . . . -bnoxQlveiai, condenses and reiterates the whole 
 of the preceding paragraph. The first clause but now Tfaving 
 departed from the straight forward and just way, and shunning 
 the proof s at the time of the events themselves repeats what he 
 had just said as to J&chines' not having done what he should 
 have done ; the next clause, in heaping up at such a late 
 hour charges and scoffs and invectives, gives an example of 
 ^Eschines' doing what as an honest accuser, he should not have 
 done, and which was stated in general terms at the opening of 
 the paragraph ; while, the single expression he plays a part, 
 repeats the original proposition, that ^Eschines had only in 
 view in the trial to harrass an enemy : thus giving a beautiful 
 unity to the whole, x r ?/ y o Q e r , see to 9, 1. Kglv e i, 
 puts this man on trial, like 8 luxe, 9, 1. n Q o i a T a i a i , lie 
 makes his hostility to me prominent throughout the whole trial. 
 But Dissen, " Causam totius accusationis facit inimicitiam in 
 me? But this clause seems to refer to the speech of ^Eschines, 
 not to the indictment, and is only a fuller explanation of xorn/- 
 yoQel. Hence, it expresses the character of the speech rather 
 than of the indictment, i -6 T i\ v, refers to e%6Qar. In it i- 
 fj I a v. If Ctesiphon should be convicted, lie would become a 
 public debtor to the amount of the penalty, and if he could not 
 pay, would be deprived of all his rights as an Athenian citizen. 
 In exposing him to this risk, ^Eschines may be said to have 
 sought to take away from him these privileges. It may be ob- 
 served that this last clause is a more full development of the 
 thought expressed by xqlvet,. This sentence then is constructed 
 in this way. The antithesis is first stated generally, by the two 
 verbs, ^aji^oQsl and X^IVEI, and then each member of the an- 
 - ti thesis is enlarged by the following contrasted clauses. 
 T o v e $ T a a t u b v TT o i si a 6 a i , spoken of the liti- 
 gants, but t&itoiaiv noielv, of the judges. 226. e T s o w , by 
 attraction, for eieQov. BUTT. 15i, 4. HER. ad VIG. p. 889. 
 
123 
 
 The preceding section furnishes a good illustration of the two 
 modes of Repetition of Thought, mentioned by Whately in 
 his Rhetoric. The first is simple Repetition, with reference to 
 illustration of the enforcement of the thought, by bringing it a 
 style. second time before the mind ; by " affording such 
 
 an expansion of the sense to be conveyed, and so detaining the 
 mind upon it, as the case may require." " Cicero among the 
 ancients," according to Whately, " and Burke among the mod- 
 ern writers, afford, perhaps, the most abundant practical exem- 
 plifications of this rule." But with respect to a rule which 
 requires the utmost caution and judgment in its application, 
 Demosthenes is a far safer guide than either. The second mode, 
 is that of condensing at the end, in a short and pointed sentence, 
 what has been fully expanded, in the preceding part, of the 
 paragraph ; we shall meet with many exemplifications of this 
 in the subsequent portions of the oration. WHATELY, Part in, 
 Chap. 1, 2, also. Chap. 2, 8. 
 
 This section furnishes, too, a good illustration of a Common 
 Depreciation of Topic of oratory, especially in the oratory of free 
 an Opponent, states, of what Whately calls, the Depreciation of 
 an Opponent. WHATELY, Part n, Chap. 3, 4. There are many 
 grounds for such depreciation, but none more common, or, 
 when well founded, more just, than the charge that the prosecu- 
 tor has personal motives in the case, or at least, some other mo- 
 tive than the good of the state. Demosthenes in several places 
 dwells upon the fact that ^Eschines did not prosecute the char- 
 ges against him, at the time the alleged criminal conduct took 
 place, and each time draws a different conclusion from the fact 
 of this postponement. Here, he infers that ^Eschines brought 
 the present suit, merely to harrass a personal enemy ; but far- 
 ther on, ( 125), when he felt more certain that Ctesiphon 
 would be acquitted, he infers that he designed to give a secret 
 stab at the state itself, by his apologies for Philip and his con- 
 demnation of the state ; and, finally, when he had triumphantly 
 justified the policy of the state, and placed it far beyond the 
 attack of JEschines, he can find no other motive for the suit 
 than as affording a field for the display of his oratory. 226, 
 280. 
 
124 
 
 17. APPLICATION or THE PRECEDING TOPICS, AND TRANSI- 
 
 TION TO THE ARGUMENT ITSELF. 
 
 I 7? & 1 1] 6 e I a g , on the ground of truth, the thing spoken 
 of being conceived as resting upon the truth. KUHNER, 296, i. 
 x a T ' i x e I v o v g T o v g % Q 6 * o v g , during those times, re- 
 ferring to a period of time ; ngbg i bv tinay xorva xa i- 
 QO v, with respect to the existing occasion or emergency. You 
 should be acquainted with the general state of things at the 
 period in which the peace was made, in order that you may 
 judge of each individual event according to the existing emerg- 
 ency which occasioned it. This sentence contains the necessity 
 and the propriety of what was proposed, the proposition itself, 
 and the end in view, and this, as most important, is placed last. 
 
 This section serves chiefly as a transition to the consideration 
 of the peace, but contains, also, an unexpected inference from 
 the preceding remarks, a farther application. We have al- 
 ready referred to this practice as one of the characteristics of 
 Demosthenes. 1-2, p. 105, 3. 10-11, p. 118. The present 
 instance is a fine example of it. Demosthenes is not satisfied 
 to leave it to his hearers to infer, that charges, preferred by a 
 man who is governed solely by personal enmity, and who was 
 so eager to reach his enemy that he did not hesitate to strike a 
 blow at an innocent third party, must be both unjust and 
 false ; he carefully draws that inference himself, and forces it 
 upon their attention. 
 
 18-52. TRANSACTIONS OF THE PEACE. 
 
 For the history of this period, see Historical Sketch, XVI. 
 Demosthenes arranges the several topics of this portion of his 
 speech with great skill, and carefully keeps each distinct from 
 the other. He divides the whole into three general divisions ; 
 the Negotiation of the Peace, 18-24 ; the Ratification of the 
 Peace, 25-41; the Consequences of the Peace, 42-49. Each 
 division is variously subdivided in the same careful way, but 
 these subdivisions will appear in the following analysis. 
 
125 
 
 18-24. NEGOTIATION OF THE PEACE. 
 
 18-20. STATE OF THINGS WHICH LED THE ATHENIANS TO 
 
 ASSENT TO THE PEACE. 
 
 To v y & o <I>co x t, x o v Tt ok /uov t For the origin of this 
 war, see Hist. Sketch, XIII, 45-47. ov ydp e'ywys ^TTO- 
 liTsvopyv n W Tore. Demosthenes' first speech before 
 the Assembly, the speech negl OVWOQI&V, was not made till 354, 
 B. C., which was after the commencement of this war. See 
 Hist. Sketch, XIV, 54. ov TTO), " Ssepius o%nw sic dirimunt. 
 Inprimis notabile quod legitur p. 230, 27, ov yty aywys, x.T.h. 
 SCHAEFER, ad p. 348, 5. x / n e g ov d Lx a i a n o i o v v- 
 TCC g . This refers to the plunder of the Delphian temple ; and 
 we may notice with what nice sense of decorum the orator 
 speaks of the Phocians, who had been ancient allies of the 
 Athenians, but whose conduct in plundering the temple at Del- 
 phi was condemned throughout the Grecian world. 6 r * o v v, 
 any thing whatever, any extremity. There had always existed 
 ill-will between the Athenians and the Thebans, which grew to 
 be very violent after the battle of Leuctra, though it was some- 
 what moderated by the alliance which was formed between the 
 two states just before the battle of Chaeronea. olg y &g sv- 
 Tvzr[xeo-av, their success, or, perhaps, better, good fortune, 
 implying of course the use of the power which that success gave 
 them. " Casterum a s$rvx$KB<rav iv Aevxtqoig, Principatum 
 Grcecice vides esse, quern isto proelio consecuti erant." DISSEN. 
 ov ( u e r Q I M g . The Thebans used their power with great arro- 
 gance and cruelty, especially in their treatment of the Boeotian 
 cities, Plataea, Thespiae, Orchomenus. ol fi t, a ov v T e g Aa- 
 xedaifiovtovg, such as the Messenians, Arcadians and 
 Argives. o I 7tg6r6Qov $ i' -e Iv <u v ayxovreg, re- 
 ferring to the decarchies which Sparta established in the several 
 cities and states, after the Peloponnesian war. Hist. Sketch, II, 
 5. & x Q n o g , " xgltrsi, carens, h. e. diremptione." REISKE. 
 Unsettled, nag' ex&o~Toig, that is, each state. & v olg , 
 " scilicet, %Q6vois." DISSEN. v olg = &v tolg zgdvoig sv olg. 
 But Westermann, " inmitten," ev olg = &v Tovioig u. x ax&s 
 (f> QO v ovv , " dissidebant" DISSEN. rtaQeo-xev&^B-io, 
 is a very fine word here, but difficult to express. Philip was 
 
 11* 
 
126 
 
 making ready, putting himself in a position, for future action. 
 Then, through the mistakes and dissensions of others, himself was 
 getting ready to act, and growing strong against all. cp v e i o . 
 This verb means to grow, as plants, and hence, figuratively, to 
 grow in poiver. " Invalescebat adversus omnes." REISKE. o i 
 f6rs ju&v refers to the time after the victory at Leuctra, 
 v v v <S', since the destruction of Thebes by Alexander, in 335, 
 B. C. 6 a g e T $ , overbearing. " Insolentes" DISSEN. x a T a- 
 cp st Y e i v y' tf ,a a c . The orator here substitutes what 
 must have been his own most ardent wishes at the time, for the 
 historical fact. n ?/ y y s 1 1 a T o, of course secretly, to the The- 
 bans. bllyov delv, construed with exovjug, almost wil- 
 lingly. n 61 8 [no v G v v e % i\, that is, the long protracted 
 Amphipolitan war. d i a. T a v i ', construe with faQ&xfaj, where- 
 fore the peace then acceded to was made under these circumstan- 
 ces, not through me, as this person charges, xd de corresponds to 
 (u&v oi)v, the contrast being between the peace which was not 
 made by him, and the crimes which were committed in it by 
 the opposite party. lv a v i y 7 that is, the peace, but embrac- 
 ing the whole transaction both of the negotiation and of the 
 ratification. 
 
 The sentence, \n e 1,0' 
 is a fine example of the most perfect form of the period. The 
 Perfect form of orator first states the general proposition that all 
 the Period. Peloponnesus ivas divided next lays down two 
 particular propositions that are contained in the general 
 that neither the enemies of the Lacedcemonians were strong enough 
 to destroy them, nor were those who had formerly been established 
 in power by them, masters of the cities and finally returns to 
 the original proposition, repeating and enlarging it but there 
 was an unsettled quarrel and confusion, both among them and 
 ALL THE OTHER GREEKS. This form of the sentence is often 
 very elegant in English, though we should probably, in accord- 
 ance with the asyndetic character of English style, omit the 
 connecting particle between the general and the two particular 
 propositions. Thus, All Peloponnesus was divided ; neither 
 those who, <fec. 
 
 We have another example in this section. In the sentence, 
 f/ ovv ffvyyyuvlffajo .... vnyxovcrcne T&J (fo^/Tr/rcp, the orator be- 
 
127 
 
 gins by saying, in the form of a question, that the Athenians 
 were almost voluntarily deceived by the proffer of peace which 
 Philip made ; he next gives the causes of this, drawn from the 
 conduct of the other Athenian states ; and then ends with the 
 inference, that under these circumstances, they were prepared to 
 listen to Philip. ' Ohlyov dslv fyag ixovTag, and holpojg ^mf\- 
 xovucne, express different shades of the same thought. 
 
 T a VT a d' 6 Q& v n rj y y e I h a T o . This is the 
 
 simplest form of the period. It is the form called by Aristotle, 
 ifc r *i> diiigrmivyv, Division, in which the contents belong to the 
 same subject-matter, and the several members of which are 
 parts of one whole. In the present case, there are three mem- 
 bers, as is indicated by the punctuation, and each relating to 
 Philip. It is the conduct of Philip, the whole of which is di- 
 rected by the same ambition to one common end, that gives 
 unity to this sentence, for in each member there is a different 
 phase of his proceedings. In the first, he is fomenting disturb- 
 ances among the Greeks ; in the second, he is availing himself 
 of these disturbances, and preparing for further action ; in the 
 last, he strikes the blow which he had been preparing for. In 
 periods of this kind two things are necessary ; the first, that 
 there should be some common principle, uniting the members 
 together, and, the second, that the last clause should contain 
 within itself some obvious and sufficient reason for the division 
 stopping where it does. In the present case, the division ter- 
 minates with the last act in the series, so far as the present sub- 
 ject is concerned the Peace. Dichotomy and Trichotomy are 
 the most perfect form of this sentence. 
 
 There are two other subordinate particulars which may be 
 noticed in this period. 1. We notice that the two participial 
 clauses, Tavra d' oowv and /o^wara bvaUaxwv are not connected by 
 a conjunction, the reason of which is that they sustain different 
 relations to the principal verb, avvixgove, the former that of the 
 occasional, and the latter, of the instrumental cause. 2. We 
 notice, also, that the proposition, expressing the end which 
 Philip had in view in the proffer of peace and alliance precedes 
 that proffer, in accordance with the rule that the position of 
 such clauses depends upon their rhetorical value in the sen- 
 tence. 
 
128 
 
 This section contains a very fine example of what was called 
 Argumentative by an ancient rhetorician, ^ tf^jy^ff dTro^etxitxrj, 
 Narrative. j ie Argumentative Narrative, or, as it might be 
 called, the Statement of the case. It consists in such a selec- 
 tion of facts and such a combination of them into one whole 
 as to make the conclusion drawn from the statement appear in 
 itself plausible, by showing a sufficient ground for it in the or- 
 dinary principles of human nature. There is a weight in the 
 statement beyond what is due to the sum total of the individ- 
 ual facts. It is distinguished from a mere narrative of events, 
 inasmuch as its object is, to establish a conclusion, not to give 
 information, or to please, or to affect the feelings. 
 
 We have seen that the Peace of 346, B. C., was most calam- 
 itous to Greece. But of all the parties who were concerned in it, 
 none were really so much to blame as the Athenians themselves. 
 It was their love of ease that enabled Philocrates and JEschines 
 and their partizans to deceive and betray them. Hence, De- 
 mosthenes, in denying the charge that he was the author of the 
 peace, was obliged to represent the case in such a way as not to 
 offend the pride of the people. In exculpating himself, he aims 
 to exculpate them. In doing this, he seeks to produce the con- 
 viction that the peace grew naturally out of the circumstances 
 in which they were placed, and of course without any fault on 
 their part. Every thing is made to contribute to this single 
 impression. 
 
 The orator first introduces the states which were the leading 
 parties in the Phocian war, and represents the Athenians, though 
 by no means indifferent, yet not sufficiently ardent to interfere 
 and end the war. He next speaks of the remaining parts of 
 Greece, and here he represents Peloponnesus distracted by con- 
 tending parties so as to afford a fine field for the arts of Philip, 
 but no hope of assistance to the Athenians in resisting him. 
 Thus far, it would seem the Athenians could have very little 
 motive for not making a peace with Philip. The orator next 
 introduces Philip himself as fomenting these dissensions, and 
 taking advantage of them to get ready himself for any emerg- 
 ency, and, then, at last, when the Thebans were about to have 
 recourse to the Athenians, interposing and offering peace to the 
 Athenians, and aid to the Thebans. But how happens it that 
 the Athenians accepted this offer ? This is the critical point in 
 
129 
 
 the statement, but the preceding remarks had prepared the way 
 for an answer. The orator puts the case thus : what coopera- 
 ted with him, and made you almost voluntarily deceived? not 
 your weariness of the war, and want of success, not the superior 
 skill and power of Philip, but the conduct of the other Grecian 
 states. No language can more precisely or more beautifully 
 express the state of mind which the Athenians are said to have 
 been in, than the phrases, <ttfyov dsTv exovTag, and erol^g fmr r 
 jf outran? ; nor could any concurrence of circumstances be better 
 adapted to make such a state of mind appear natural than those 
 which the orator has brought together. But the orator was 
 not satisfied with leaving the matter here ; he immediately adds 
 a most significant proposition that it was not the peace after 
 all, which had Ay r( >ught the mischief, but the corruption of JE&- 
 chines and his party in it. He does not attempt the proof of 
 this position here ; he throws it out merely as a relief to the 
 feelings of the audience, as exculpating the people from all 
 blame. He enters upon the proof of the proposition in 42, 
 where he states it in the very words here employed. 
 
 This section is deserving of the closest study. There is 
 scarcely anything more important in oratory, to the lawyer, to 
 the divine, to the statesman, to the argumentative writer gen- 
 erally than skill in " stating a case." The oration abounds in 
 examples. 60-62 ; 145-148. 
 
 21. THE AGENTS IN MAKING THE PEACE. 
 
 denotes the manner of the action ex- 
 pressed by die6gxo(* air i and makes it more specific, like foguyddBt 
 in XIII. I carefully go through with. " Weighing and sifting." 
 Lord BROUGHAM, who always in such instances endeavors 
 to translate the two Greek verbs by corresponding English 
 verbs, although sometimes without the conjunction. T & /tia- 
 l 1 a T a , construed with dd/x^cc. e v i OTU T o i g . Demos- 
 thenes uses the demonstrative pronoun in a very general mariner. 
 It may refer to anything which is implied in the preceding, or 
 which could be pointed out at the time of speaking, o. d i K ijii a. 
 This paragraph is not to be regarded as advancing the proof of 
 the assertion in the preceding sentence, that it was the corrup- 
 tion of ./Eschines and his party which was the cause of all their 
 present sufferings. This subject is formally taken up after- 
 
130 
 
 wards. **4dlM?ifia t therefore, does not refer to &#*xij/MTa, but is 
 to be taken generally of any wrong in these transactions. *A Q- 
 iff r6d rj fiog . " Fuit unus ex clarissimis tragoedis istius 
 temporis, per totam Grseciam cognitus." DISSEN. Hist. Sketch, 
 XVI. x d e | d ILL s v o g , took it from him, seconded. /- 
 />, moved resolutions, t u e T & T o VT o v , with ^Eschines, 
 according to KENNEDY, but that is not certain, d iccqQccy jjj s 
 yevdofievog, split with lying, or, perhaps, split lying. It 
 refers to ./Eschines' violent exertion of the voice in speaking, 
 which Demosthenes often ridicules. 7 to d 1 o d d B v . We 
 have seen that Demosthenes did have considerable to do with 
 the peace ; that he did nothing is only true, when spoken of 
 him as a leader. 
 
 Demosthenes, here, introduces a second argument to prove 
 that he was not the author of the peace ; he appeals to facts 
 and declares who the leaders in it were. The preceding argu- 
 ment was drawn from the nature of the case, or, in other words, 
 from the antecedent probability in the matter. When argu- 
 ments of each of the two classes, " antecedent probability" and 
 " sign or example" are used, the former should most usually be 
 employed first. See WHATELY, Part u. Ch. 3, 4. The stu- 
 dent, who directs his attention to this rule of arrangement, will 
 find its application to be more nearly universal than he might 
 at first suppose. It is founded in the nature of the mind, which 
 is ever more ready to receive a fact for which a reason has been 
 previously seen. 
 
 22-24. ANSWER TO THE CHARGE OF ^ESCHINES THAT DE- 
 MOSTHENES HAD PRECIPITATED THE NEGOTIATIONS, AND PRE- 
 VENTED THE STATE FROM MAKING THE PEACE IN CONJUNC- 
 TION WITH THE OTHER STATES. 
 
 in' avTr ( q T 9j &), i] 6 s I a q . See Note to 1 7. & S 
 a g a e y co , " that lindced" KUHNER, 324, 3, a. v ^ expresses 
 in this instance, not the conclusion drawn by ^Eschines, " that 
 therefore Demosthenes" but as it were the instantaneous con- 
 clusion of the speaker as to the absurdity of the charge. It 
 can be best expressed by the tone of uttering fyck " Forsooth," 
 
131 
 
 by which it is sometimes rendered, is too strong, f* e x & xo t- 
 v ov crvvsdglov. For an account of the new confedera- 
 tion of the Athenians, and for the congress of allies held at 
 Athens, see Hist. Sketch, VII. 22. e IT' &"0 quid dicens 
 quis te recte appellet?" VIGER, in. xi. ix. by what fitting 
 name ? -n Q a i v, " hoc est, TO noislvdau Tr\v elgfyqv [isTb xowov 
 
 (JVV8d()[ov 1($V f Elkr[V(j<)V t SCHAEFER. T r\ V 1 (5 V ' E A A 7J V 0) V 
 
 xobvwvlav, the common alliance of the Greeks, with reference 
 to preventing the Athenians from making the peace in conjunction 
 with the general convention of the confederate and other states. 
 823 fc? ^ 7 /^ 7 /w t' *> o * . There is doubtless something of 
 
 reproach in this word. It means not only that their 
 feelings had been revealed, but that these feelings were little sat- 
 isfactory to the orator. BUt for a long time they had been 
 shown what they were ; had shown themselves unreliable. TTJ g 
 o 04 ^ &QXn$ slQi\vii g , the former peace, in opposition 
 
 to the peace of Demades. Hist. Sketch, XVIII. 84. 
 JEschines uses the same expression, negl r^g $ fyxns e^^?, 
 60. t]y e [i&v ovd' al' T t,o g . These words are emphatic ; 
 the leader and author. With respect to the general congress 
 of the Grecian states, which JEschines makes so much of, there 
 was no probability of any thing being accomplished by it. If 
 ^Eschines referred to the embassies which were sent into the 
 several Grecian states after the destruction of Olynthus, as he 
 probably did, then, the failure of the attempt to unite the Greeks 
 in a league against Philip must have been known, by the time 
 the Athenian embassy returned from Macedonia, with the terms 
 on which Philip was willing to make a peace. Hence, Demos- 
 thenes was right in saying that there was no embassy sent at 
 that time. It is probable, however, that some of the embassies 
 may not have returned, and, hence, JSschines under cover of 
 this fact might claim that a general congress of the Greeks 
 would have taken place, if the treaty had been delayed. But, 
 however this may be, there was no probability of any such co- 
 operation, and ^Eschines in urging it, is only availing himself 
 of a common sophism, to cover up his own treachery and cor- 
 ruption, by charging his opponent with criminality in not taking 
 advantage of some supposed opportunity of action. 
 
132 
 
 This section presents a good example of the manner in which 
 Demosthenes manages refutation, and suggests some remarks 
 upon his general practice in this respect. 
 
 1. He is ALWAYS BRIEF, and that whether the refutation con- 
 
 sists of a single argument, as in 8 10-11, or, as here, 
 
 Refutation. o JL 4. ' i 
 
 of several. We may observe in the present instance, 
 how compactly the arguments are crowded together. The first 
 argument is the absurdity of the supposition that he who had 
 nothing at all to do with the peace, should have precipitated 
 the negotiations, which is an example of what Whately calls 
 Indirect Refutation. Pt. I. Chap. in. Y. The second is drawn 
 from the inconsistency of ^Eschines hiinself, if the charge were 
 true, in not exposing the misconduct of Demosthenes at the 
 time. The third asserts the impossibility of the charge, because 
 it was not a fact that there was any such general assembly to 
 be held at the time ; and all these arguments are stated w r ith 
 so much conciseness, that there are hardly more clauses in the 
 sentence than there are arguments. This is the orator's uni- 
 form practice. He prostrates his adversary by a single blow ; 
 and this, partly, as showing with what ease he can overthrow him, 
 and, partly, because refutation is not the main business of the 
 speech, and should, therefore, take up but little time. 
 
 2. Demosthenes not merely refutes, but makes the refutation 
 an occasion of ATTACK. We have already had an example in 
 10-11. Here, too, we see with what force Demosthenes re- 
 torts upon ^Eschines that the charge which he brought against 
 himself was in reality a calumny upon the city. An argument re- 
 futed goes for nothing, as Whately says, but an argument which, 
 instead of being against yourself, can be shown to be against 
 your adversary, has a double point. It places you in the posi- 
 tion of victory, and triumph over your adversary. 
 
 3. Demosthenes seems to reserve certain arguments of ^Es- 
 chines which can be turned into ridicule, for particular places, 
 as if to give relief to the more sober parts of the speech. At 
 intervals almost regular, we meet with ridicule, and sarcasm, 
 and sneer, retorted upon JEschines, for something he had said. 
 See 28 : 50-52 : 82 : 122 : 180 : 232 : 243. 
 
 4. Demosthenes introduces refutation INCIDENTALLY, not for- 
 mally. He does not take up the arguments of ^Eschines in the 
 order in which he brought them forward, nor in connection 
 
133 
 
 with the subjects to which they relate. He chooses his own 
 place and time, when he can best answer them, and when the 
 refutation will be most effective. 
 
 5. Nor does Demosthenes confine himself to the refutation of 
 IMPORTANT ARGUMENTS. He takes such as he can make good 
 use of. The object of refutation with him is not merely to over- 
 throw arguments which are decisive of the issue against him, 
 but also to make the refutation the occasion of advantage over 
 ./Eschines. He uses refutation as a mode of depreciating his 
 adversary. With this in view, Demosthenes often takes up 
 mere illustrations and examples, not because they are of any 
 importance in themselves, but because he can triumphantly 
 retort them, or make some unexpected application. Aristotle 
 has remarked upon the importance of attending to any error 
 your opponent may make. He says, " it is necessary if he has 
 erred in any thing, though it be irrelevant, for this would make 
 it probable he might err in other things." Lib. 3, 17, 4. 
 
 6. Demosthenes recognizes the fact that orators often throw 
 out things on purpose that they may be answered, in order to 
 divert attention from the more important points. 11. In 
 nothing is the accomplished disputant more apparent, than in 
 the care with which he excludes every thing of a doubtful na- 
 ture, or which is not necessary to the case ; nor, in any thing 
 is the skill of the sophist more frequently exhibited than in the 
 dexterity with which he seizes upon the opportunity afforded 
 by irrelevant topics in his adversary's argument, to turn atten- 
 tion from the real points at issue. For an instance of the latter 
 kind of skill, see a criticism upon the controversy of Junius 
 with Sir William Draper, and with Home Tooke, in the " Lec- 
 tures on Oratory and Rhetoric," by JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Lect. 22. 
 
 25-41. THE RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY. 
 25-30. THE PARTS WHICH DEMOSTHENES AND JEscHiNES 
 
 TOOK IN THE RATIFICATION. 
 
 *E n s i d 7} . Now then, after that the city made the peace, 
 again consider what each of us thenceforth iviavOa chose to 
 do. 6 o v A e tf w y, " hoc est, Govhevifig wi/." SCHAEFER. T o i) g 
 n Q& g6 e t g , who had been already appointed, ol-io t, d , 
 
 12 
 
134 
 
 but THESE cared not, saw not fit to do this, notwithstanding 
 even my decree. There is a slight degree of irony in this use of 
 rfi&yuav. 1 1 d e T o v T' ^8 v v ar o; " What was the effect 
 of this?" KENNEDY. But, rather, what ivas the force the 
 meaning of this ? that is, of my resolution. " Quod hoc sibi 
 volebat" DISSEN. Demosthenes speaks of this decree in his 
 speech IleQl UccQcxnQeaCeiocg, 154. "As no new Assembly 
 could be held, and these men had not gone, but were lingering 
 here, I proposed a decree as senator, the people having given 
 full power to the senate, that the embassadors depart at once, 
 and that the commander Proxenus transport them into what- 
 ever places they might learn Philip to be ; proposing it in the 
 very words I now use." i 6 v /a e T a 1 1) % g 6 v o v, the inter- 
 val of the oaths, that is, the interval between the taking of the 
 oaths at Athens, ago' ^g tifioaars fifttyag and the exchange of 
 the oaths with Philip, by which the ratification would be com- 
 pleted. $kvaao-0e, a significant word. You released 
 yourselves from all the preparations of the war, as if from some 
 heavy burden. 6 8 e i o VT o . TovTo onwg &v 6 xgovog 6 {J.B- 
 Tav a> nkelarog ytvowo. WESTERMANN, from REISKE. ngay- 
 ficn e v e T o , but he all the ivhile worked especially at this, that 
 is, to make the interval as long as possible. The longer Philip 
 was in Thrace, the better for him, the shorter, the better for them. 
 oaa TTJ TiokeMg. " i^g Tiokeug pendet ab 6V." BREMI. 
 Tavxa T(X /o;^/ a vvv OVT o g d i e a v g e , referring to 
 the following passage in ^Eschines. ovTog sariv, 6 *A&r]vcuoi,, o 
 evQ(iw Siyqiw rei^og xa.1 ^doQlaxov xnl 'Ewloxyv xai 
 xal r&vog xal Favlda, zwytct, (tiv ovde TU uvofjiara r^deu 
 82. o u T w takes up and embraces all that 
 precedes, under these circumstances. TOT)? it i K a tgov g , 
 the well-situated of the places. " Situm idoneum eorum laudat 
 in littore Thracio, unde classes Atheniensium rex excludere vole- 
 bat, etiam Chersonesum et Hellespontum sibi subjecturus." 
 DISSEN. TroAAco* per xgyiuaTMr, with reference to the 
 Thracian mines, n oll&v d e OIQVLTIWI&V, with refer- 
 ence to mercenaries. The contrast implied by piv and de can 
 not be preserved in translating. A e y e * , bvayiyvticrKei,. 
 These verbs are synonymous, neither reads nor mentions. 6ov- 
 l s TL> M v , as a senator, that is, officially, n QO a uy e t, p. Ern- 
 bassadors were permitted to appear before the Assembly only 
 
135 
 
 by a formal vote of the senate. ^Eschines, nsgl 
 58. 6 t ( a v , a seat, "platz im Theater" PASSOW, not in LID- 
 DELL and SCOTT. Oiav xonavtlncu, to assign a seat, Oictv xaru- 
 Ia ( u6&vew, to occupy a seat. 572. "The places for generals, 
 the archons, priests, foreign embassadors, and other distinguished 
 persons were in the lowest rows of benches, and nearest the 
 orchestra." SMITH'S Greek and Roman Antiquities. The privi- 
 lege of these front seats, which was either hereditary, or official, 
 or conferred by special appointment, as well as the seat itself, 
 was called ngoedQiaj and was bestowed upon foreign embassa- 
 dors, only by a resolution of the senate. TO v &Q% n i XTOVU, 
 called, also, deaTQtipqg, the lessee of the theater to whom the 
 entrance-fee was paid, and who was bound to keep the building 
 in repair. lie paid a small rent to the state. BOZCKH'S Public 
 JZconomy of Athens, Bk. n. Chap. 13, p. 220. Demosthenes 
 refers to the following passage in JEschines. " ' Ynohomov 8& 
 [tot, ecnl T^V xolctKeluv a$Tov dieZ-eh&elv. 4i]fjocr&vr]g ydo evi- 
 CCVTOV fiovhevaag ovde/uiav n&noie cpuveiTcu TtQevfielav elg TtQOsdgtay 
 xcehscrug, dAAoc j6ie {.idvov xal TTQ&TOV Tigfofieig elg nQoedolav ix&- 
 hecre %al rioocrxscp&kaia e&yxe xal (powwldag ne<)ien&Tct(je xal 
 afia TTJ r^ueoa r^elro rolg noevfieaiv elg TO &(XTQOV, &VTS xal av- 
 QlTTecr&ai' didc, IT\V dt.ff%i][j.oavviiv xotl xohaxelav" 76. This im- 
 mediately precedes the passage, which is translated in the In- 
 troduction to these Notes, p. 93. It will be observed that 
 JEschines does not speak of the resolution to introduce the em- 
 bassadors to the Assembly. It may also be noticed that -#Cs- 
 chines uses the term noosdgla, as he does in the ne^l nctQa-nQea- 
 6el<xg, 281, while Demosthenes, with reference, perhaps, to 
 lOe&qovvi prefers #, which was, also, a more fitting word for 
 him. The reviewer of Lord Brougham's Translation has well 
 given the meaning of this passage. " But what ought I to have 
 done ? to have proposed not to introduce to the Assembly those 
 who had come for the very purpose that they might hold a con- 
 ference with you ? or, to command the Lessee of the Theater, not 
 to assign them a seat ?" i v IQIV d v ol v 6 fi oholv. "In 
 spectaculis vulgaribus duorum obolorum." EEISKE. It means 
 the common seats as opposed to the seats of honor. BCECKH, 
 Bk. ii. Chap. 13, p. 223, in the two obol seats. TV. fiixgb 
 av (nap e go v 10. TTJ 7T 6 A s w . Although the lessee received 
 the entrance-money, yet, says Bceckh, "it might have been 
 
136 
 
 enumerated among the national profits, inasmuch as he paid a 
 rent to the state. "Apparet, quam acerbe Orator adversarium 
 subsannet de re levissima loquens satis graviter." * * * Melli 
 est Demostheni identidem insectari rovg dvo tipofotg." SCHAEFER. 
 X t' y e A (2 GJ *> . Our idiom requires two verbs, take and 
 read. W H <I> I 2 M A. There has been much discussion 
 with respect to the genuineness of the public documents in this 
 oration ; without entering into that question, it will be sufficient 
 to give the opinion of the latest editor of Demosthenes on this 
 point. " Mihi, etiamsi quis ea omnia, quse nimis incerta sunt 
 et in diversas partes disceptari possunt vel justo cupidius objecta 
 sunt, qualia plura in Droysenii com mentation e jure notaruntVce- 
 melius'et Bcehneckius, missa faciat, tot remanere videntur non 
 dubia serioris originis imperitaeque interpolationis documenta 
 ut non dubitem in eorum concedere sententiam, qui ficta ea 
 omnia esse judicarunt." W. DINDORF. # g r] a i o I . Ironical. 
 ^ o v . Accusative absolute. KUHNER, 312, 5, it being pos- 
 sible that they, iiallov d e . It is indifferent whether the 
 correction be considered in contrast with that which is corrected, 
 as in Greek, but, rather, or, as the alternative of it, as in Eng- 
 lish, or, rather, la@ 6vcas 9 construed with the accusative 
 before &g>Tx6a* and 
 
 We have seen with what care Demosthenes follows out any 
 particular fact or argument into every possible application. Not 
 Mode of stating less worthy of notice is his mode of stating facts, 
 facts. That mode is not to multiply, but to dwell on facts ; 
 
 to present the same fact in a variety of ways. The present sec- 
 tion furnishes a good illustration of this characteristic. 
 
 The orator contrasts his own conduct with the conduct of 
 JEschines and his party. It is his object to magnify 
 the importance of his efforts to hasten the ratifica- 
 tion of the peace by Philip. This he does by dwelling on the 
 injury which delay would inflict upon the Athenian interests in 
 Thrace ; and he presents this subject in four different points of 
 view. 1. Standing at the point of time, at which, on the delay 
 of the embassadors, he proposed his decree, that they should set 
 sail at once, he looks at the inaction of the Athenians relieving 
 themselves of all the burdens of the war, and at the energy of 
 
137 
 
 Philip, preparing to seize the possessions of the Athenian state. 
 It is this view of existing circumstances, which gave the occa- 
 sion of this important decree. 2. He next states the end he had 
 in view in preparing the decree ; not, in general terms, that 
 Philip might be prevented from seizing Athenian possessions, 
 but specifically, that he might not become master of Thrace. 
 3. He next states the result which followed the neglect of this 
 decree ; that Philip became master of Thrace, and, 4. the 
 results which would have followed obedience to it. Thus, we 
 have, in regard to the same transaction, the occasion, the end 
 proposed, and the results both actual and possible. Thus, by 
 presenting this fact in several points of view, and every fact 
 may be looked at, in its cause, occasion, medium, circumstances, 
 and results and dwelling on each, the orator gives a much 
 more vivid idea of the fact. See Whately, Part III. Chap. i. 
 2 ; Chap. n. 7. 
 
 It should be observed that this mode of statement does not 
 Not a mere consist in mere repetition, which is always offensive. 
 Repetition. The different parts are kept distinct. It can hardly 
 be doubted but that the sentence, a fycb nQoo^^svog * * * * 
 dt,7iolu{ifi<j.vet,v was repeated, in order to separate the occasion 
 of the decree from the end in view; nor, but that the whole 
 topic in 28, and the reading of the psephism were intended 
 to separate both from the results. 
 
 This section is a fine instance of the periodic form, not of a 
 Form of the sentence, but of an argument. He proposes in the 
 statement, beginning, to consider what each party did. HE 
 made a motion that the embassadors should administer the 
 oaths to Philip without delay ; ^ESCHINES and his party in the 
 embassy, delay the ratification. He then dwells, in the manner 
 we have seen, upon his efforts to hasten the ratification ; and 
 ends as he began, with stating what he did, but briefly, TOCVTOC 
 yO&yjavwg epov * * * ^Tovrrog and more fully what they did. 
 
 With respect to 28, see Refutation, under 22-24. 
 
 12* 
 
138 
 
 3149. CONSEQUENCES OF THE PEACE. 
 
 3141. IMMEDIATE CONSEQUENCES IN THE DESTRUCTION OF 
 PHOCIS. 
 
 The immediate consequence of the peace was the destruction 
 of Phocis. But as this was brought about not merely by the 
 delay of the embassy, but, also and principally, by the corrup- 
 tion of the majority of the embassadors, and as Demosthenes 
 dwells more upon the instruments than upon the results, it 
 might be better, perhaps, to arrange this topic under the gene- 
 ral head of the conduct of the embassy on the Eatification of 
 the Treaty ; their second crime, as Demosthenes calls it. But 
 this is merely a question as to the name to be given to a series 
 of topics, which follow in perfect order, as will appear from the 
 analysis. 
 
 31. TRANSITION. 
 
 tb ft v i o Iv vv T e QO v d ' ; xA^^a fiiv d w - 
 
 god 6x TJ fn a St. While we can not fail to notice how com- 
 pactly the clauses of this sentence are bound together, we must 
 despair of giving the same compactness to the translation. 
 Such, then, in the embassy was THE FIRST -fraud of Philip 
 indeed, 'but, also, bribery of these impious men; but A SECOND 
 CRIME immediately after, behold still greater than this, dugo- 
 d 6 x T] pa, bribery. PASSOW, not in LIDDELL and SCOTT, who 
 give, " a bribe," as the only meaning. TTO^B fislv xi d ia- 
 q> e QS a 6 ct t , to fight and quarrel, an anti-climax, which the 
 ancients, says Kennedy, were not so careful to avoid, as are 
 modern writers. We intentionally point out the sentences of 
 transition, as Demosthenes manifests great care and skill in 
 passing from subject to subject. 
 
 32. CORRUPTION OF THE EMBASSADORS AS A BODY. 
 
 n a ' a ti T & v o n w g fi ^ b.n la) fi e v . He buys from 
 them, that is, from ^Eschines and his party, that we, that is, 
 the entire embassy, should not leave. It will be remembered 
 that Demosthenes was on the embassy. This explains the 
 phraseology. ^A0o*Te. " * E&gxeadai, proprio sensu dic- 
 tum, contra hostem egredi." SCHAEFER. w crn eg nqoi egov. 
 See Hist. Sketch, XIII. 51. 
 
139 
 
 33-39. CORRUPTION AND TREACHEROUS CONDUCT OF 
 JES CHINES. 
 
 17 v e v <JDO^O) x a I TC olky d: y w *> J a , instead of the 
 simple verbs, (po6eiaO(xt> and dywjaav, as more forcible. This is 
 a general principle. Thus in Latin, in spe, in dolore, terrore, 
 metu, tumultu esse, are more forcible than the simple verbs, 
 sperare, dolere, etc., especially where a state of being is ex- 
 pressed. The same is true in English. d ^ w xctt d eopat. 
 See Note to 5. er e QOV , other than to the indictment. 
 8 34 Te 9* Inneixivpto, 87, " alius generis" SCHAEFER. 
 
 IIIXQ&I " <Ufya, pauca." SCHAEFER. d i ' ovg. See 
 above, where tf*' *> is used. The former denotes the cause, the 
 g latter the instrument. The sense is substantially the 
 
 same, but when speaking of Philip's hiring JEschines as 
 his agent, he prefers the genitive, to announce things through 
 the instrumentality of which, but when speaking of what JEs- 
 chines did, in the fulfillment of his treacherous bargain, he uses 
 the accusative, as denoting the cause by which, every thing was 
 destroyed. This, however, is a distinction which can not be 
 well given in a translation. [i&la a e p v w g 6 v o (JL&^W v , 
 as he very gravely phrases it. d i d T T\V 166' v n o v cr v 
 &Tt i % e i, a v, the then existing hatred. The idea of a con- 
 o q p cealed hatred is not implied in -bnovaav ; their feelings 
 
 towards the Thebans were no secret, x Q v ff I v gold, 
 that is, coined gold. ti\ fiev &n e %6e tav T^V ngo g 
 rj @ a I o v g , that is, felt by the Thebans, where as in 36, it 
 is, felt towards the Thebans. " Civitas nostra odium incurrit, 
 Philippus gratiam tulit? SCHAEFER. 
 
 33. OUTW d* l\v ..... dTrioleTo. What are the princi- 
 pal thoughts in this sentence ? They are three ; the anxiety of 
 Philip, the object of that anxiety, and the measure to which that 
 anxiety led, the hiring of ^Eschines. Observe how each of these 
 thoughts is magnified beyond what was necessary merely to 
 communicate the thought. The anxiety of Philip is magnified by 
 the use of a fuller form of expression than the simple verb ; the 
 object of that anxiety, lest the Athenians should vote to aid the 
 Phocians before he destroyed them, is strengthened, first, by the 
 participial clause expressing the pains he had taken to secure 
 
140 
 
 that end, and, secondly, by the added proposition, ixyvyot, 
 ia TT^^wara, which repeats in general terms what had just 
 been specifically stated ; and, finally, the hire of JEschines is 
 aggravated by the contrast in the clause, otixhi xowr ( fuej& 
 TCOJ> (Ultov 7TQ0@6uv, &IV idiq xaO'afadv and by the four solemn 
 words, 8t' &v (inavT? dTrciAeio. 
 
 36. fovg fttv </>wxs . . . flnllnnu. The orator having 
 asked what happened after these promises, this sentence con- 
 tains the particulars which made up the whole event. These 
 particulars may be divided into two classes ; the direct results 
 to the Phocians, the Athenians and ^Eschines, and the indirect 
 results arising from the different views w r hich should be taken 
 of the destruction of Phocis. Hence, the sentence is divided 
 into two larger members at kafielv. But so different are the 
 results to Phocis from those which happened to the Athenians 
 and to ^Eschines, that the first larger member is divided into 
 two parts which are put in contrast, rovg per (Pwxe'ag, fyag <5' 
 the first being appropriated to the Phocians, and the latter, 
 to the Athenians and ^Eschines. So, too, the indirect results 
 are of two kinds, hatred and favor, and hence the second mem- 
 ber is divided into two contrasted parts, ity fiev bne/Oeiav, i\v 
 de xfyiv. Most even of the better editions read rovg fnev Taka m - 
 c5 Q o v g ftuxtag, but the best Codex omits the adjective, and its 
 omission is more in harmony with the perfect simplicity of the 
 sentence. Demosthenes had himself seen the miserable condi- 
 tion of Phocis, after it had been devastated by Philip, and in 
 the negl TragunQSff^Biccg has described it in a sentence of great 
 pathos, which may be compared with the present sentence. 
 65, p. 361. 
 
 We may notice the arrangement of the topics in this para- 
 graph, <and with what care they are kept distinct. First, there 
 is the hirinor of the embassy to linger in Macedo- 
 
 Order of Topics. . , . n TV, R. , . J . .-. ,, , , , 
 
 ma, till Philip got ready to strike the fatal blow 
 against Phocis ; then follows the bargain with JEschines to 
 carry to Athens a false report and thus lull the Athenians into 
 security ; then the pause in the onward course of the thought, 
 and, as if what he was about to say was too severe, the apology 
 for saying it then the treacherous speech, arid finally, without 
 preface or warning, the destruction of Phocis, the alarm of the 
 Athenians, and amidst all this ruin and terror, -^Eschines him- 
 self taking his pay. 
 
141 
 
 40-41. CONCLUSION OF THE TOPIC OF THE IMMEDIATE CON- 
 SEQUENCES OF THE PEACE. 
 
 g rod g kttvrov av[ijLia%ovg, that is, to the Thebans 
 and Thessalians. " Has publice scriptas litteras rex hand dubie 
 etiam cum Thebanis et Thessalis com muni cavit." W. DINDORF. 
 Construe with di]lot xal diogl^eiai,. of % T' e x e Iv o v g A a _ 
 @ c6 v . This verb and participle are frequently used in conjunc- 
 tion by Demosthenes, and denote, to seize and force along by 
 some sudden and Irresistible force. He hurried them along. 
 " Animos illorum rapuit ita ut nihil eorum, quce posthac age- 
 bantur, sentirent." BREMI. elg TO wore. W. DINDORF. ol 
 T a la Lnwqo i , referring to the Thebans. Many editions in- 
 sert QqffuToi,. "Quse continue sequuntur de calamitate The- 
 banorum, arguunt, opinor, oratorem h. 1. Qi$viioi addidisse." 
 SCHAEFER. T TJ g 7i I cr i e w g , that is, in Philip, by the The- 
 bans and Thessalians. Compare above, tyoi d& niaievcreTs. Buthe 
 n . * who worked and toiled with him ocurw in getting up this 
 
 confidence, x al d * e * & ? & g oixr^d, and recites 
 how pitiable. "Quam eamiserabilia sunt, commemorate ^jjpLF. 
 x a I T o i; ru v , and that, too, of these calamities, that is, of the 
 Thebans and of the sufferings of the Phocians, and of what- 
 ever other evils the Greeks suffered, OF ALL, himself being cause ; 
 dn&vTwv afobg ibv al'Tiog. x T ij (.1 a T '. See a fuller statement 
 in TtEQl nctQanqerjftelas, 386. &y.to4fi8v 9 : that is, was de- 
 manded by Alexander, after the destruction of Thebes, to be 
 surrendered, with others, into his hands. 
 
 42-49. PROOFS THAT THE CRIMES OF ^ESCHINES AND HIS 
 PARTY IN THE PEACE WERE THE CAUSES OF ALL THE SUB- 
 SEQUENT SUFFERINGS AND THE PRESENT CALAMITOUS STATE 
 OF THINGS ; OR, THE REMOTE CONSEQUENCES OP THE PEACE. 
 
 e [in i TCI a) xa , as if unintentionally. %7t6vei[ii. See 
 20. %i]7idTrjcr6e. Notice here the repetition of an im- 
 portant word in the same sentence. For another instance, in 
 which 7i(xQ^crx TO is repeated, see 238. yw v ^v 7} % o v o v , 
 with a meaning like ywvty av&ax^ode, in 10. -byoQ&^evoi, 
 g. zdc nenQayniva, xal dvcr % e Q a I v o v T e g , look- 
 
142 
 
 ing with suspicion upon what was done, and indignant. TJ y e T 
 i^v elQi/iv i]v . Even Demosthenes advised to do so in his 
 speech negl ely^^g. See Hist. Sketch, p. 68. xaioi oUAoi- 
 d e "EMqveg. There is an opposition between the manner 
 in which the Athenians and the manner in which the other 
 Greeks kept the peace. You kept the peace reluctantly, but the 
 other Greeks, attot> dd even */ gladly, neyt, itir, " hos- 
 tili exercitu hue illuc se vertens." DISSEN. See Hist. Sketch, 
 XVII. x i&v nohewv . " Praepositio x posita est propter 
 o ^^ verbum Sadltovreg. Nam ad articulum, ad quern supplend- 
 
 um est participium &v, ponenda esset prsepositio v, or ^TT/." 
 BREMI. See, for a similar use of x, 145, 213. ^ TT i T ^ T ^ 5 
 Io7\v ri g e | ov a la, " pacis auctoritate et licentia freti." 
 REISKE Index Gr. on o i nef^cpOstr^v, with reference to 
 the numerous embassies of Demosthenes. See Hist. Sketch, 
 XVII. a I d & n 61s i g e v 6 a ov v . This figure, though 
 similar expressions have almost lost their figurative force with 
 g . us, is placed by Hermogenes, as quoted by Reiske, among 
 
 those, which rga/vvovai TO^ Ibyov, make the style harsh. 
 Demosthenes uses the same figure in the negl naQctngecrSelcxg. 
 vocrijtux yuQ, w avdoeg ' ' AQi^vaioi, dewbv e^neTnuxev ig iJ\v ' El- 
 h&da. 424. TOJV d id IWT co v x a I TT o i X 5) y , sunt sy- 
 nonyma ; sed oratoris est hujusmodi pleonasmis abuti, inpri- 
 mis quando concinnitatis studium abundantiam poscit verbo- 
 rum." SCHAEFER, who not unfrequently expresses his indigna- 
 tion at this abuse. But Dissen thinks otherwise, " Bona vero 
 est et consulto posita ha3C latitudo dictionis." Schaefer seems 
 the safer counsellor. T d ^ d v, T d d ^, " partim" " partim." 
 foiovr.ovl 11 7i a 6 o g , some such a state, which is ex- 
 plained by what follows, each thinking, &c. nl^v o -u x . The 
 full expression is found in another passage of Demosthenes ; 
 Ttliovoa Ttaviaxove, nlr\v ovx elg 'j46r\vag. p. 1290. SCHAEFER; 
 that the danger would come everywhere else, only not upon them- 
 selves. " Nun nicht" PASSOW, with reference to this passage. 
 d i a T&V & T i our xivdvvwv, " periculis quae aliis immi- 
 nent." SCHAEFER. e li\ expresses here mere sequence, olfiai, 
 Then, if I mistake not.''' u Ni fallor." REISKE. a I V t n e i - 
 
 . ,_ d av i($v TfQayiu&TOJr, but after that he who seeks 
 to rule has made himself arbiter of affairs, he is master 
 also xal of those who sold them. xl fit, or si x al an ta- 
 
143 
 
 r eT a at agony A x / e * . Observe that these verbs are 
 used without an object; they should be translated without one. 
 Compare the following sentence. " They," King, Lords and 
 Commons, " are the trustees, not the owners of the state. The 
 fee-simple is in us. They can not alienate, they can not waster 
 n a G a rj olxov[ivr], the whole Grecian world. " Terra a 
 Greeds habitata." REISKE Index Gr. bn egg i fijudv o i , " tinb 
 f&dlTTnov." SCHAEFER. T o v i o i g 15 [i I v . u Nota subi- r 
 tarn conversionem a tertia persona ad secundam." SCHAE- 
 FER. T 6 e x s i v cp' o T G> , the having of that on the occasion 
 of w^hich, secured to you traitors and hirelings an opportunity to 
 take bribes. x a I d i & T o v g n o kh ov g d::7roAc6AetTe. 
 And it is through these people that is, now present and through 
 those who have resisted your counsels, that is, the orators and 
 leaders who had opposed Philip that you are safe, and on 
 hire, since left to yourselves, did ye tpag atiovg, in which notice 
 the limiting force of ye you would have perished long ago. 
 " Per maxirnam partem civium et per nos oratores vestris mach- 
 inationibus obstantes." DISSEN. " Nam, si per vos solos staret, 
 dudum fame enecti periissetis." SCHAEFER. 
 
 50-52. CONCLUSION OF THE FIRST PART OF THE ORATION. 
 
 w (T7t s Q wAoxao-/i> xaracrxsJdcra^, having 
 spirted over me a stale mixture, as it were, of his own wickedness 
 and crimes, n QO g i o i) $ vewTegovg^inthe presence of 
 those too young to have known personally the transactions. As 
 the termination of the Phociari war, and the events connected 
 with it, were fifteen years before, and as the dicasts were not 
 required to be over thirty years of age, some of the court might 
 not have had personal knowledge of these matters, n a g ?/ v (6- 
 %hr] a 6 e d e x a I \) a el g , but you, too, were annoyed, per- 
 haps, that is, as well as myself. " Sed ipse ceperat molestiam, 
 cuin ilia juniorum causa enarrare cogeretur." SCHAEFER. He 
 of course refers here to the judges who remembered these events. 
 xai vvv elite n o u htywv, and just now remarked, using 
 these ivords. " Dixit his verbis utens." DISSEN. 
 
144 
 
 42-49. This section may be regarded as a statement of the 
 condition of Greece which grew out of the Peace, and which 
 led to its subjugation ; a statement corresponding to that in 
 18-20, which gave an account of the circumstances which led 
 to the Peace thus giving the same periodic form to the whole 
 topic of the peace, which he has given to particular paragraphs 
 and sentences. The proposition, which the orator undertakes 
 to prove is, that the bribery and treachery of ^Eschines and the 
 Macedonian faction in the transactions connected with the peace 
 were the real causes of this subjugation. The orator first in- 
 Order of the troduces the Thebans and Thessalians exulting in the 
 Thoughts. peace and hailing Philip as their friend and benefac- 
 tor, and then the Athenians, in contrast, disappointed and in- 
 dignant, yet keeping the peace, because they could do nothing 
 alone ; and, finally, the other states, the Peloponnesian states, 
 of Greece, gladly acquiescent in this state of things. And they 
 thus acquiesced, because they were in part ensnared by their 
 love of ease, and in part betrayed by their leading men, who 
 had sold themselves to Philip. And what was the result? 
 They find they had sold their freedom for ease and pleasure 
 but that which opened the way for Philip to get a foothold in 
 Greece south of Thermopylae, and thus to corrupt the states of 
 Greece, was the bribery and treachery of those who betrayed 
 the interests of Athens, and connived at the destruction of Phocis. 
 And this brings us to one of the most celebrated portions of 
 the speech the fate of the traitors. Not only had the traitors 
 sold their country, they had sold themselves also. The orator 
 explains the reason of this, in the statement of a general prin- 
 ciple of human nature. This principle he proceeds to fortify 
 by an appeal to the fate of individual traitors. But the orator 
 in the rapidity of this fierce invective suddenly pauses, and 
 turns the whole current upon the traitors in Athens. But this 
 is not enough. Carrying his hearers along with him as he 
 must have done with irresistible force, of a sudden, he comes 
 down upon ^Eschines alone, separated from the other traitors 
 and winds up the topic with sneer and contempt. 
 
 50-52. We have seen that this first Part of the speech 
 treats of matters, which the orator contends are irrelevant to 
 the case. It is interesting to notice how r carefully this impres- 
 sion is kept up through the whole of it. At the outset, he 
 
145 
 
 speaks of the necessity which. ^Eschines, in bringing in matter 
 foreign to the indictment, had imposed upon him, of entering, 
 also, upon irrelevant topics. Then, about midway, in 34, he 
 pauses, and apologises for traveling out of the record, laying the 
 blame as before on ^Eschines ; finally, at the conclusion, he 
 speaks of the reluctance with which he had gone over those 
 calumnies, and says he had done so, only because some of the 
 dicasts might not have been personally acquainted with the 
 transactions. Nor is there any, the least thing to weaken the 
 impression, that this whole topic is in reality what it professes 
 to be a topic irrelevant to the case. 
 
 In the review of this portion of the speech, the student can 
 not fail of being struck with the order of the topics and the care 
 with which each is kept distinct the negotiation of the peace ; 
 the mismanagement of its ratification, by which the Athenians 
 lost their possessions in Thrace ; the corruption of the embassy, 
 and of JEschines in particular, by which Phocis was destroyed ; 
 and the remote consequences of the peace, by which the whole 
 of Greece was subjugated under Philip. We may notice, also, 
 that it winds up with bitter contempt and ridicule. See Re- 
 marks to 22-24. 
 
 53-125. SECOND PART OP THE ARGUMENT. 
 THE ANSWER OF DEMOSTHENES TO THE IMPEACHMENT. 
 
 We prefix a general analysis. After the paragraph of transi- 
 tion follows the statement of the points at issue, and the order 
 of the discussion of these points. Next comes the defense itself, 
 divided into two parts ; the defense of his public life, and the 
 defense against the purely legal charges. The account of his 
 administration of public affairs is divided into two ; an account 
 of his foreign, and an account of his domestic, administration. 
 The defense against the legal charges is two-fold ; a defense 
 against the charge of illegality in crowning one, who is under 
 obligation to pass the public scrutiny for official conduct, and, 
 also, against the charge of the illegality of the proclamation. 
 We thus arrange the topics : 
 
 I. Transition, 53. 
 
 II. Statement of the Points at issue, and the Order of the 
 discussion, 56-59. 
 
 13 
 
146 
 
 III. Administration of Demosthenes, 60-109. 
 
 1. Foreign Administration, 60-101. 
 
 2. Domestic Administration, 102-109. 
 
 IV. Discussion of the strictly legal points, 110-122. 
 
 1. Discussion of the question of Accountability, 110-119. 
 
 2. Discussion of the question of the Proclamation, 120-122. 
 
 53. TRANSITION. 
 
 volvvv, expresses the propriety of passing to a new topic ; 
 rj d rj , at this time, n e gl Ti\g ygacpjig a tf T rj . Avir^s 
 is emphatic ; by itself, unconnected with irrelevant matter. So, 
 also, in ity ^acp^v avir t v, below. Now then, having finished 
 what is irrelevant / propose at this point to make my defense 
 against the indictment itself, ra n ercgay p v' 
 that is, by myself, as the responsible minister, * a i 
 T (5 v TtgofteSovhevfjLivwv, to be construed with 
 It refers to the Senate's decree. 
 
 56-59. THE STATEMENT OF THE POINTS AT ISSUE, AND THE 
 ORDER OF THE DISCUSSION. 
 
 d i(b x e i TOV i// ?/ <p La p CCT o g , y (b d* &n 
 
 M v . The contrast introduced by //eV and d y is 
 between these parts of Ctesiphon's decree, as indicted by JEs- 
 chines, and as made the basis of his whole defense by Demos- 
 thenes. ?t Q w T o v , at once, the first thing I will do is to prove 
 from these not implying, as ngwov ^kv would do, a sequel cor- 
 responding to it, n & v T a , is to be taken in a general sense, 
 not referring to the whole decree of Ctesiphon, which would 
 require T n&viu., nor to the three specific charges, but generally 
 to every event embraced under them, d i K a I w $ . By making 
 his defense in a just way, the orator refers to a fkir, or as Lord 
 Brougham calls it, an honest defense, which shall elude no 
 charge, but not necessarily be a complete justification ; that he 
 will make such a defense, he proves from the charges in the in- 
 dictment, because he promises to take them up one by one, in 
 order, and give an answer to each. TO>/> yeyQafjLaivwv, 
 that is, the charges in the indictment, negl nbviuv , same 
 g g,- as Tidj/Ta, above. TOU [tev olv yguyai, construed 
 with vr\v xglaw. TU d TJ (.1 o , construed with TCC 6&- 
 
147 
 
 \Ttuiv BIV, connected by x/ to Glvou and dwisleZv, and 
 forming with them the object of y^i//a*. rgayat, expresses the 
 drawing up of the resolution, the remainder of the sentence, its 
 contents ; thus, Of this, that Ctesiphon wrote in his decree that 
 I . It will be observed that the subject of the verbs is changed 
 before inaweiv, that the senate praise me for these, though it 
 may be better translated by the passive form, as is done by 
 SCHAEFER, " laudandum me esse" With respect to the decree, 
 that I have always done and said those things which were best 
 for the people, and am ready to do whatever good I can, and 
 that I be praised for these, the decision, 1 suppose, rests upon my 
 political measures. Bremi and others connect Inawelv with 
 yod^a* and govern it by ity xQlcrw. s I'T s K a I ip e v d v\. 
 Kat expresses surprise that the alternative should be made ; or 
 even false. " Etenim in altero membro nunc additur */, nunc 
 non additur. Atque abest xa/ ibi, ubi paria vi membra. Ubi 
 vero prius ex ambobus positis praefertur animo loquentis, additur 
 xa/ in secundo membro." DISSEN. See fafi xai <a?j, below. T 6 
 d fti} TtgocryQ&yjavTa corresponds to TO? /tiev ovv y^d />-, 
 and contrasts the merely legal points with what belongs to the 
 substantial merits of the case. TO d x elsv a a i, . This 
 g KO whole sentence, in which the TO is taken with xetavow, 
 
 and (JTecpuvovv and dLvsmelv are dependent upon it, is 
 the subject before xoivwvelv. SCHAEFER. Bremi construes thus, 
 TO arTGcpavovv teal xekevcrai frvsinslv. ti ^nBiddLv T & g e$ . 
 6 v * a g w," is quoted from the speech of ^Eshines, 592. 
 uev rovg r6ftov$ in&dei^a anctyoQevoviug fi^ criegMx- 
 
 ovia arecpavovv 
 4t enetdav du i^.g ev&vvag," 
 
 u(*)t> xaTtt7i8cp(X)vr]x6T(x. KQivwvslv (JLSV has 
 its corresponding clause in eu ^BVTOI. v Totirois, " inter hos 
 cives." WOLF. " In condone; ourot- Demostheni ssepe sunt pie- 
 beii, populares. Honore in horum congressu, in Pnyce, plena con- 
 done, in me conferendo. Magnum erat in oculis universae civi- 
 tatis Atheniensis honorari. Hoc tam parvi faceret Demosthenes, 
 ut prseleriret?" REISKE, this latter clause with reference to some 
 manuscripts which omit the words, d ixaLug xal dyrAco^. 
 For the same thought in the adjective form, see 10. fe'y- 
 y w x a , had determined. See 8 t dyta^Tay, construed with 
 
148 
 
 the accusative and genitive, to separate the defense from the im- 
 g 9 peachment. els 'EMyvixbg 7tQu$ei<g xal 16- 
 y ov g , not " my measures and my speeches" as Lord 
 BROUGHAM, but Grecian matters and their explanations. Abyovg 
 gives prominence to a thought contained indeed, but not ex- 
 pressed, in TiQ&Zeig ; I will not only speak of Grecian off airs but 
 explain their causes and principles ; so that it does not deserve 
 the charge of pleonasm, which Schaefer is so ready to bring 
 against our orator. ^ n e cr M , not, unintentionally, as in 42, 
 but unexpectedly, that is, to them. TOV yrj qp la [AUTOS 1 6 
 the article of the decree, that I say and do the best, similar to iov 
 yrjcplafictTog, in 56. A o y o v g o I x s Co v $ x a I &v cty x a l- 
 ovg T -JJ / 9 77, " necessario conjunctos cum accusatione, op- 
 ponuntur dbriTgn^p&e* TTJ ypaqprjg. SCHAEFER, intimately con- 
 nected with the impeachment. Ttolh&v n go a tg a e wv T rj 
 7i oh IT s la g, " many departments of public service" Lord 
 BROUGHAM ; such as, civil, financial, domestic, foreign, and the 
 like. Ttegl T &g 'Ehl7jvt,x&g, the Grecian, or, as we might 
 say, the foreign, as opposed to the domestic. See 109, where 
 the distinction is expressed in full. 
 
 In the opening of his speech, Demosthenes, as we have seen, 
 put forth his whole power in imploring and demanding permis- 
 sion to follow his own order of defense, and was successful. But 
 coming now to speak of the indictment itself having escaped 
 from the irrelevant topics which had been forced upon him 
 he is again confronted with the claim of ^Eschines, that he 
 should follow the same order with himself. Here, however, he 
 has a prompt answer. He professes he will follow the order of 
 ^Eschines but the order of his indictment, not of his speech. 
 ^Eschines, in drawing the indictment, did not think of the order 
 it would be useful for him to have Demosthenes follow ; and 
 Demosthenes takes advantage of the oversight. Indeed, the 
 contradiction between the order of the indictment, and the order 
 of the speech of ^Eschines w r as too important an advantage to 
 escape the notice of a much less skillful orator than Demosthe- 
 nes. But, what we may particularly notice, in the present in- 
 stance, is the great economy with which Demosthenes husbands 
 his resources. He might have brought in this consideration at 
 the outset, where it would have been quite effective ; but he 
 
149 
 
 makes no allusion to it, reserving it for this place, where in con- 
 nection with the indictment itself, it is still more effective. And 
 thus, generally, instead of accumulating and commingling top- 
 ics, the orator selects the best, dwells upon each separately, and 
 introduces them only where they will be most effective. Upon 
 this point, Lord Brougham well remarks ; " the extreme im- 
 portance to Demosthenes' case of the skillful movement, so to 
 speak, by which he availed himself of JEschines' error, and at 
 once entered upon the general subject of his whole administra- 
 tion, thus escaping the undeniable charge to which he had no 
 answer, and overwhelming his adversary by a triumphant de- 
 fense on ground of his own choosing, required that he should 
 again and again defend this movement, which he here does very 
 carefully." 
 
 Having thus again triumphed, the next thing is to state the 
 point at issue, and hence deduce his oivn order. And, here, he 
 urges that the whole case turns upon the point of his public 
 conduct, even the purely legal, questions of Accountability and 
 the Proclamation. But, still, though not necessary, he will 
 show the laws which authorize Ctesiphon to do what he has 
 done in this respect. It is in this slighting way that he always 
 speaks of these really difficult parts of his case ; and, it has been 
 remarked, that " whatever is slightly noticed and afterwards 
 passed by with contempt, many readers and hearers will very 
 often conclude to be really contemptible." WHATELY, Part I. 
 Chap. 3, 8. We may remark that, in stating the legal ques- 
 tion as to crowning one who was liable to the official scrutiny, 
 Demosthenes is quite unfair. JEschines, after mentioning sev- 
 eral evasions of the law of " crowning," arid among them that 
 of moving to bestow the crown only, " after the person shall 
 have passed the official scrutiny," adds that Ctesiphon had not 
 even taken the trouble to insert this proviso. His objection 
 was, not that the illegality consisted in its omission, as Demos- 
 thenes represents it, with it, the decree would have been 
 equally illegal but that the omission showed disregard and 
 contempt of the law. 
 
 It is decided that Demosthenes shall begin his defense with 
 an examination of his public conduct. But what public con- 
 duct ? not, the trifling matter of donations to the Theoric fund 
 and the repair of the walls, not, any domestic, city matter, how- 
 13* 
 
150 
 
 ever important, but his conduct in foreign, Grecian matters. 
 And, here, again he is careful to point out the relevancy of this 
 topic to the defense, xctl ps juydelg -vnoM^ (jcnaQTav ibv loyov TTJ 
 7ag%. But what Grecian matters ? Not, all that were em- 
 braced within the whole period of the contest with Philip, but 
 those only, with respect to which he had the chief management. 
 He thus, at length arrives at the precise and definite point of 
 the discussion. In nothing is the skill of an orator more seen 
 than in the determination of the question ; no where is it more 
 necessary to be perspicuous in statement and judicious in selec- 
 tion. John Quincy Adams has well treated this topic in his 
 VIII Lecture, " On the state of the controversy." 
 
 60-109. ADMINISTRATION OF DEMOSTHENES. 
 I. 60-101. FOREIGN ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 This subject is carefully divided and subdivided. The prin- 
 cipal divisions are, 
 
 I. A more precise statement of the point under discussion. 
 
 60 - 
 
 II. A statement preliminary to the account of his adminis- 
 tration. 61-72. 
 
 III. A statement proving that Philip, not Athens, broke the 
 peace, and, therefore, that in his administration Demosthenes had 
 resisted aggressions, not originated hostile measures. 73-78. 
 
 IV. Transition to the account of his foreign administration. 
 79, and, 
 
 V. That Account. 80-101. 
 
 60. A MORE PECISE STATEMENT OP THE POINT UNDER 
 DISCUSSION. 
 
 tov TtokiTetisffdai, x a I d^jn^yogslv. If we 
 consider Demosthenes' public career as commencing with his 
 first speech before the Assembly which was the speech negl 
 avjufioQitiv, delivered in 354, B. 0. and if we take the orator's 
 words strictly, then we shall see that the only Grecian transac- 
 tions which would be omitted by this limitation, are the contests 
 about Amphipolis, Pydna, and Potidaea. It is probable, how- 
 
151 
 
 ever, that with respect to the point of time he uses the words 
 somewhat indefinitely. As a matter of fact, the transactions 
 which he treats of under this head, occurred after the peace of 
 346, B. C., and were those in which he took the lead. And 
 that he does make a distinction between what he did as an op- 
 position speaker, if we may use this modem phrase, in the As- 
 sembly, and his measures when he was at the head of affairs, 
 seems indicated in the latter clause of the sentence. d ' d qp ' 
 %l<s f\ {*> & Q ot g i n I T av i a it a T 17 v . * Enwi^vou, means, 
 to preside over ; hence, ol tyecny^Te?, generals. Olyn. II. 28. 
 S$j xovs enl TTJ Tcohrelag ecpecm^xdTag OUTO* ydp fyovvTai,, where 
 the orator compares the statesman with the general, as both 
 being leaders, r^e^ioveg. neql naganQEoSelctg, 436. Also, 112. 
 See, also, tnwcb.$ ^/c6, in 233, where Demosthenes speaks of 
 himself, as presiding over and giving direction to public affairs. 
 Thus, here, from the day on which I took the lead in these mat- 
 ters of state. " Sic restant ea, in quibus Demosthenis primaries 
 partes fuerunt, quse Demosthenis opera impedita sunt, atque 
 hoc est quod dicit : & hrf ^g. x. T. A." DISSEN. *a*M^p^ 9 
 that is, 6 f&lhinnog. The verb governs ; KUHNER, 280, 4. 
 in what he was baffled. i5 n s i, n w v , premising. " Prcefatus" 
 
 SCHAEFER. 
 
 The carefully selected word, disxMlvdrj, suggests a character- 
 istic excellence of the oration. Every thing is in keeping. Not 
 merely is there nothing in one part which is inconsistent with 
 another, but there exists a perfect congruity throughout the 
 whole. In the last division of the oration, Demosthenes has to 
 meet the fact, that his country was defeated under his adminis- 
 tration of affairs. In doing this, he takes the ground that his 
 measures were defensive ones, and, therefore, were to be looked 
 at from that point of view, since it makes much difference, 
 whether a statesman originates a war and is defeated, or whether 
 he is defeated in defending his country in a war brought upon 
 it. Hence, the verb, diexwhvOrj, by which the orator implies that 
 what he did, he was compelled to do, in resisting the aggres- 
 sions of Philip ; and this, although he might easily have used a 
 stronger word. To the same purport, see EvavTiovaOai in 69 ; 
 also, 160, and 73-79. 
 
152 
 
 61-72. Toffovrov -brtetTKbv. STATEMENT PRELIMINARY 
 
 TO THE ACCOUNT OF HIS FOREIGN ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 This statement is divided into two parts. 
 
 1. The state of Greece. 61. 
 
 2. What was to be done in view of that state. 62-72. 
 
 61. THE STATE OF GREECE. 
 
 advantage, in opposition to &&TTWIUU, dis- 
 advantage. See ^omovfiaL in 3. cpogtiv, a crop. This is 
 a common figure, JEschines uses the same : cpoyu. xaO' f i( uag 
 (tijibowv novi]Q(bv cfym xal TO^^WV. 234. xaid Kjijaicp. v. a I 
 d i e 6 r\ x e . The apodosis begins with x ; whom he both ren- 
 ' dered still worse and divided. ioi} g fi hv i an a T w v . 
 Tovg [AW refers not to individual traitors but to the states. 
 " Neque enim de proditoribus hie cogitandum, sed de Gra3cise 
 civitMtibus, quas Philippus in deteriore etiam statu constituit, 
 cum, velificantibus ei proditoribus, alias deciperet, aliis emolu- 
 menta largiretur, alias omni modo corrumperet" SCHAEFER. 
 Reference is made, first, to the Athenians, who were deceived 
 by the promises of Philip in the negotiation and ratification of 
 the treaty of peace, in 346, B. C. ; next, to the Thebans, who 
 were loaded with favors for their cooperation in the destruction 
 of Phocis ; and, finally, to the Thessalians and other Greeks, 
 who in various ways were corrupted by him. - This sentence 
 is composed of two periods, separated at yeyovvlav. The first 
 expresses the mere fact, that there was at that time in Greece, a 
 large number of traitors, but observe how this fact is magnified, 
 the universality of the corruption, by the antithesis, orf zta^, 
 (UA Tiao-iv ojuolwg, as in OVK&TI xoivr^ x. T. I. in 33 ; the base- 
 ness of the traitors, by the accumulation of epithets and the 
 contemptuous use of <pog&v ; and their multitude, by the employ- 
 ment, not of a single term, as [teyluTyv, which would have been 
 natural, but of a proposition, oayv ovdeig TIM TTOOTSQOV fiifiv^at 
 yeyowiav. This period, which describes the traitors, properly 
 precedes that which represents Philip as using them in his ser- 
 vice. With regard to the second period, notice how prominently 
 each important thought stands forth the traitors, working and 
 struggling for Philip, the Grecian states, hostile to each other 
 
153 
 
 and rent in factions, and, here, notice the two principal words, 
 xaxwg and (jTaatacmxcog, thrown apart for the sake of greater 
 emphasis and then Philip using these instruments and taking 
 advantage of these circumstances. In this last clause, observe, 
 that the verb, diidyxs, is followed by a suite of participles, ex- 
 presssing the means which Philip used, and the clause, d^cnr]- 
 vev elg ntyrj nollb, by a participial clause, expressing the strong 
 interest that these states had in resisting Philip, thus giving a 
 balance to the period. 
 
 The dissensions in the Greek states, and the treachery of the 
 Macedonian factions in them are most important points in his 
 defense, and Demosthenes often dwells upon them, and always 
 with great power. The present description of Greece, rent into 
 factions and filled with traitors, is a repetition of a statement 
 already twice made. In 18-20, we have a carefully-wrought 
 account of those dissensions which led to the First Peace, and 
 in 42-49, another still more effective exposition of that dis- 
 ease which had infected the whole Grecian world, followed by 
 that terrible scourging of the traitors, which Lord Brougham 
 has called " one of Demosthenes 7 finest bursts." 
 
 62-72. WHAT WAS TO BE DONE IN VIEW OF THE STATE OF 
 GREECE. 
 
 x al e T i ay v o la. The state of Greece just described per- 
 tains especially to the period of the First Peace, when the Greeks 
 were little aware of the ambitious designs of Philip. Hence 
 the force of T*, all the Greeks being as yet ignorant of the ex- 
 isting and growing evil ; implying, however, that they after- 
 wards saw through his policy, which, indeed, was effected prin- 
 cipally through the efforts of Demosthenes. Ttg&T-i e iv x a I 
 n o i s I v . Pleonasmus est oratorius : ne putes discrimen sig- 
 nincationis inter hsec verba intercedere. SCHAEFER. Lord 
 Brougham has omitted one of them in translating ; " to choose 
 and pursue" v T otv 6 a rr\g n ok t> i e Lot g , " in ea reipub- 
 licce parte" WOLF. 4 olonwv. At this period, the district 
 g g of the Dolopians was a mere appendage of Thessaly, 
 ' and they usually followed in the train of the Thessali- 
 
154 
 
 ans. WESTERMANN. ? & T&V ngoyovwv x abb xal d i- 
 x a i a , with reference to the hegemony or dominion of the 
 Athenians. &s aky 6 & g . Although & with certain adverbs, 
 as &fp$9g, hegwg, and the like, strengthens the positive, as well 
 as the superlative, yet it rarely bears translating. Truly, other- 
 wise, is enough, i OVT o JLI e v & de introduce, in contrast, 
 the two parties who favored Philip, those who cooperated with 
 him, and those who simply stood aloof, and let him do his 
 pleasure. TC goya 6 &v e 0', a stronger word than ^a, em- 
 phatically setting forth the baseness of those, who, though they 
 had for a long time foreseen the danger, made no preparation 
 against it, but suffered it to come. &g e o i x e r , expressesjiot 
 doubt, but certainty ; doubtless. See note to 8. " Opinor, 
 hoc est, profecto : Neque enim dubitat, sed contendit." DISSEN. 
 negtridelv yvyvo^eva. DsQudsTr, is to overlook, to take 
 no notice of ; with a participle in the accusative, it has a pecu- 
 liar meaning, which may be stated in general, thus ; to see that 
 take place which is expressed by the participle, without doing 
 any thing to hinder it, although such hindrance might have 
 been expected : hence, to let a thing be done, to connive at a 
 thing being done. KUHNER, 310, 4. e. It is difficult to give the 
 true force of this sentence in English : or, not to do this, for 
 horrible in truth would such conduct be, but, what it saiv would 
 happen if none should hinder, and had discerned doubtless a 
 long time to see that take place and do nothing. Lord Brough- 
 am translates " or if she took not that, (which assuredly it 
 would have been monstrous to take,) was she to overlook those 
 things when they actually came to pass, which she had descried 
 when they were about to happen if no one interposed, ay, and 
 had foreseen to all appearance for a long time'''' and adds, "our 
 language from its want of flexion and declension, and concord, 
 is extremely deficient in powers of collocation. In the present 
 instance, the collocation should be the reverse of what we are 
 compelled, without repetition and interpolation, to adopt." It 
 is implied in the sentence and would have been indicated by 
 the tone of utterance, that that which was foreseen was some 
 calamity, and it is this which it is difficult to bring out in the 
 translation. 'AM& vvv y a* y a . This sentence, it will be 
 g . seen, repeats the former, owou-ilas corresponding to WY- 
 and neyieojgaxvlag, to TteQudelv, with which 
 
155 
 
 it coincides in meaning. It, however, differs ; the latter clause 
 designates and explains what was merely implied in the corres- 
 ponding member of the preceding sentence. *al yd^ el 
 8 P^ Vm There is a diversity in the text of this sen- 
 
 tence. With the present reading, it may be translated 
 as follows. For while, if Philip after his success that is, in 
 ending the Phocian war had withdrawn and kept quiet, harm- 
 ing no one of his allies or of the other Greeks in any thing, there 
 might have been some complaint and accusation against those 
 who opposed his enterprises, an admission which is thought to 
 be very little in the spirit of Demosthenes yet, since he has 
 stripped all alike of their dignity, their supremacy, their free- 
 dom, nay, even of the free governments of as many as he could, 
 how have not you taken the most honorable counsels of all, in 
 following me ? The argument is in the latter clause, and is this ; 
 that the other Greeks had gained nothing by their subserviency, 
 for all suffered alike, while, at the same time, they had sacrificd 
 their honor. But, Wolf, Reiske, and Dissen insert fyug before 
 3\v, and OVK before tvavciwOinuv, as affording a sense much 
 more in accordance with the character of Demosthenes. With 
 this reading the argument is as follows : If Philip did no harm 
 to any, after his success, they are no better off than we, and be- 
 sides are liable to the charge of subserviency or cowardice in 
 not resisting him ; but if he did harm, yet to all alike, we are 
 no worse o^'than they, and besides have maintained our honor, 
 so that in either case the other Greeks are in a worse situation 
 than the Athenians, d M ' x e I a B , to the point, to the main 
 8 fifi topic of discourse, interrupted by the preceding section, 
 o ?j T I TQV <jv n$ ovhov . The Reviewer of Lord 
 Brougham, has well pointed out the climax here ; " or what did 
 it become the statesman to say or propose the statesman at Ath- 
 ens mz 2" x a I Y <* T o v T o , " TO ! 'AOi'ivrfUi av^ov^ov elvai." 
 SCHAEFER. d cp ' TJ , marks the time from which he began 
 to address the Assembly. T o v 6 cp 6 al pb v xxexo[t t u&- 
 v o v , having his eye cut out, an idiomatic expression answering 
 in many cases to the Greek accusative following the passive. 
 KUHNER, 279, 7. BUTTMANN, 134, 7. Philip lost his eye, at 
 the seige of Methone. r^r nlelv xareayoTa. This hap- 
 pened, according to the Scholiast, in an expedition against the 
 Illyrians ; the other wounds, on his return from the Scythian 
 
156 
 expedition, when he was attacked by the Triballians. t <3 A o 
 
 7rq>, "reliquo corpore" DISSEN. i TOUT', "TO - 
 
 5ty '.EAArw*" REISKE. ^ ^ TI a a i x a I A 6 j' o * f x a i 
 
 6 e UQ t'l pa or t,, "in speeches and spectacles" LORD BROUGHAM ; 
 44 in speeches and in dramas" KENNEDY. It seems better, how- 
 ever, to take them in a general sense ; in every thing you hear 
 and see. Thus, SCHAEFER. o g w a i , applicable only to few^rj- 
 fiaffi,, but embracing Myoig ; perceiving. $ n & Q a v, not " to 
 be bred" as Lord BROUGHAM ; nor, " to be naturally" as KEN- 
 NEDY ; but, to happen, to come upon, that is, from without, in 
 distinction from springing up within, and thus beautifully con- 
 trasted with iyyev&adat,. It would have been little like Demos- 
 thenes to speak of his countrymen as being naturally mean- 
 spirited. a^xenayyd^Tovg i 6 ekovib g , of their own 
 accord, voluntarily. " Sit pleonasmus ; non obloquor. Sed nee 
 caret gravitate haec verborum abundantia in re turpi describ- 
 enda, et Orator pleonasticis locutionibus it a abutitur, ut qui ejus 
 rationem satis callet ad talia non facile offendat." SCHAEFER. 
 Champlin has carried the pleonasm somewhat too far ; " a vol- 
 untary willingness originating with themselves, without being 
 compelled to it." loinov toLvv v r^v teal &v ay x alov , 
 o go LEFT then was it and at the same time NECESSARY. No- 
 
 tice the emphatic position of the adjectives, and see note 
 to 9. d t x w * , has its opposite in dixalwg ; justly to oppose 
 all that he unjustly did against you. ^Anylnokiv, 77 v d - 
 v a v , IloTldaiav. See Hist. Sketch, pp. 38-40. "Al- 
 o v v TI a o v . The Athenians had negotiations with Philip 
 about this island in the spring of 343, B. 0., though Philip 
 might have taken possession of it much earlier. As the cap- 
 ture of the other places was so much earlier, in 357-356, B. C., 
 the reason why this is mentioned is not apparent. See Hist. 
 Sketch, pp. 71,73. 2isiov de xl doqlaKov, pla- 
 ces in Thrace taken by Philip before his ratification of the treaty 
 of 346, B. C. See 27, and Hist. Sketch, p. 62. i^v Ue- 
 n a oi\6 o v n 6 Q TJ a iv . The devastation of this island was 
 g HQ much later, as late probably as 341, B. C. x/rot 
 
 a -v y' e (p i] o a , although you declared that I by say- 
 ing these things that is, dwelling on the injuries inflicted by 
 Philip excited these the Athenians to enmity, that is, with 
 Philip ; not, as Lord Brougham, u and yet you, ^Sschines, charge 
 
157 
 
 tne With having raised those enemies against the country" It is 
 noticeable that Demosthenes mingles with the remote events in 
 which he took no leading part, those of Halonnesus and Pepare- 
 thus, though these occurred within the period during which his 
 part in public affairs was more prominent ; however, he might 
 not have been the leading counsellor as to these particular trans- 
 actions. It is also noticeable, and almost inexplicable, except 
 on the supposition of intentional deception, which, as Wester- 
 mann says, must have been at once detected, that, here and in 
 75, he ascribes decrees to men, such as Eubulus and Philo- 
 crates, of which we can hardly believe them to have been the 
 authors, o v d e v v v n s g I T o v T co v g & ^ nor even now 
 will I speak of them, since, as he just said, he had heretofore 
 taken no active part concerning them ; he had proposed no 
 decrees. " Quare etiam nunc non dicam de his, quern admodum 
 antea nullas rogationes de iis tuli." DISSEN. d A I ' 6 T^V 
 g ^ E v6 o i a v . For the facts in this sentence, see Hist. 
 Sketch, pp, 7 1 , 72, 73. In ire l/t^u [i a, a stronghold, 
 from whence to make attacks upon Attica, a point d'appui. 
 n 61s i g l Elli]vLdag. u Quas urbes intellexerit orator ig- 
 noramus." DISSEN. a g [is v &g d i Some others. " The 
 postpositive articles, og ^IBV and vs dt, like the prepositive, o ^v 
 and o e, often retain their original demonstrative force, espe- 
 cially in the distinction and distribution of objects." BUTTMANN, 
 126, 1, 2, 3, with reference to this place. 3\ d I Y, e * . The 
 imperfect tense is properly used of a series of events, and may 
 be exactly given in English ; ivas he doing wrong and violating 
 the treaty and breaking the peace or not ? nageanbvdei,, 
 "breaking the truce?" KENNEDY. But what truce? It differs 
 little in meaning from Hue ity etQi\vi]v. Compare naqcto'rtovd&v 
 xal Ivtov TI]V eior^vi^v. I7eot ^A^ovvr^ov, p. 85, 36. e%gv\v 
 y\ ft ^ , " Kepete (jpa^rjj/at." SCHAEFER. f*'%-izfy*'t " Subaudi 
 qxxvrittcu. Docet oppositio, v. 6." SCHAEFER. r^v Mvcr&v 
 g ^ I e i a v K a I o v // s v ?/ v , the so-called Mysian prey. 
 The Mysians were a timid, unwarlike people of Asia 
 Minor. Hence the proverb, T^V Mwuv lelav applied to any 
 one submitting tamely to injury and insult. Cicero refers to it ; 
 " Quid porro in Graeeo sermone tarn tritum atque celebratum 
 est, quam, si quis despicatui ducitur, ut Mysorum ultimus dica- 
 tur ?" Pro Flacco. 27. Z&VTUV xal OVTWV . There is 
 14 
 
158 
 
 no difference. " While the Athenians had life and being" Lord 
 BROUGHAM. Compare Tt/Ltod^/u(o TO) vvv eV OVTI, xal 6h'Tt. -bntq 
 <I>oQ[ilwvog. p. 953, 17, quoted by W. DINDORF. In ol n e v6- 
 P n v It is obvious that Demosthenes is here describing the 
 part of a leading statesman in Athens, yet he uses a word which 
 might signify much less. See note to 60. ^vaviiov^riv^ 
 see note to 60. T a > T a . " Scilicet T ^^Tsga XTr^cna xal 
 dlxaia xal xavxryuaTa, hcec nostra bona, copias, possessiones, jura, 
 decora. Ut Demosthenes vocabulo ravra cunctas opes, totam 
 rempublicam, universum imperium Atheniensium, ita Tullius 
 quoque vocabulo hcec rem omnem Eomanam complectitur." 
 KEISKE. 
 
 The preceding passage, commencing with 66, Lord Brough- 
 am considers among the finest in all Demosthenes. He says, 
 " the heavy fire of indignant invective is kept up throughout, 
 only limited by the desire to avoid any too personal offense to 
 an audience as vain as supine, and as impatient of censures as 
 it was deserving of them. The rapidity of the declamation is 
 striking in the highest degree ; the number of topics crowded 
 into a few words, in 71, especially, and the absolute perfection 
 of the choice, is not to be surpassed. We are left at a loss to 
 determine whether the substance or the diction should be pre- 
 ferred. Nothing, too, can be more natural than the introduc- 
 tion of this burst, nothing more closely bearing upon the argu- 
 ment. In modern eloquence passages of this very kind are 
 never failing in success. The picture of Philip is truly fine ; 
 and it is both striking and figurative, especially the wore TW 
 loinq tr^v. The appeal to the Athenians, and the contrast drawn 
 between them and the natives of a mean town, in respect of 
 magnanimity, can not be too much admired. In our Parlia- 
 ment, sections 70, 71 and 72, could not iiave been easily deliv- 
 ered for the bursts of cheering they would have occasioned. I 
 find Lord Wellesley prefers this to almost all the other passages 
 of Demosthenes. It is such things as this that haunt the stu- 
 dent of eloquence, and will not quit his mind by day or by 
 night, in the solitary walk, or in the senate and the forum, fill- 
 ing him at once with envy and admiration, with an irrepressible 
 desire to follow in such footsteps, and with absolute despair at 
 the distance of his own." 
 
159 
 
 The section of the oration just examined is a fine example 
 Appeal to the of that appeal to the feelings and to the principles 
 feelings. o f l iuman action, which prepares the way for a 
 
 favorable judgment of facts which* are in accordance with 
 them. The orator is about to speak of the acts of his own 
 administration. But he would first establish in the feelings of 
 his hearers the principles on which he should have acted, and 
 on which he claims to have acted. This he does by an appeal 
 to their feelings of honor, of pride, of patriotism. Thus he pre- 
 pares their minds to listen with favor to the recital of his public 
 acts. They indeed decide before they hear. For another even 
 still finer example of an Appeal to the Feelings preparatory to* 
 a statement of facts, in order to influence the judgment in itfe 
 decision upon those facts, see 188-210. 
 
 Demosthenes first describes the state of Greece. In view of 
 it, as leading statesman in Athens, he had counselled his coun- 
 try to resist the ambitious designs of Philip. He contends that 
 no other honorable course was left her ; she could not do other- 
 wise than interpose for the defense of Greece. This is the single 
 topic he dwells upon in this appeal ; he presents it under three 
 distinct aspects, thus furnishing another characteristic example 
 of his mode of treating facts and topics. 
 
 1. Looking at the state of Greece, part cooperating with 
 Philip, and the rest indifferent to what he was doing, he asks 
 what did it become the state to do ? what did its honor require ? 
 And this topic as we saw, was repeated. 
 
 2. Looking at the parties, Athens and Philip, did it become 
 Athens to yield to Philip the freedom of the Greeks ? or to re- 
 sist him ? 
 
 3. Looking, not at the situation of the several states of Greece, 
 not to the character of Athens and Philip, and the spirit which 
 animated them, but to the facts in the case, to what Philip had 
 done, ought any state to have resisted him, and if so, what state 
 but Athens ? 
 
 We have, heretofore, had an instance, in 34, 37, 39, in 
 which Demosthenes, in presenting the same topic in different 
 Separation of points of view, kept each point separate, by the inter- 
 the topics, position of matter of a different kind. So, here, be- 
 tween the first and second points, he interposes the topic of the 
 expediency of the course he counselled. Demosthenes makes 
 
160 
 
 his most powerful appeal to the feelings of honor, pride, and 
 patriotism, but at the same time he forgets not to point to the 
 fact, though as it were in an undertone, that the course of honor 
 
 .was also the course of interest. See 46, 89, 195, where he 
 carefully brings out this consideration. Again, between the 
 second and third points, he draws the inference as to what was 
 necessary to be done and affirms the state had done that, though 
 it was he who proposed the decrees and managed the business. 
 We may, also, remark that in this appeal, which must have 
 Conciliation of been highly grateful to his audience, the orator in- 
 the Audience. directly interests them in himself ; they can not but 
 
 feel that he was animated with the loftiest sentiments of patri- 
 otism. 
 
 73-78. PROOF THAT PHILIP, NOT ATHENS, BROKE THE PEACE; 
 OTHER STATESMEN, NOT DEMOSTHENES PROPOSED WAR. 
 
 x a I ^TIV IT\V elgr^vrj v y*. The connection is this ; De- 
 mosthenes had mentioned a variety of acts which were incon- 
 sistent with the spirit of the treaty. He now is about to speak 
 of one, which was a direct violation of it, and which had been 
 so regarded by the people of Athens. Hence, And in truth the 
 peace at any rate he broke by talcing the ships. i) T <i TW yij- 
 9 / a fi a T , the decrees themselves, as the highest evidence. 
 i tg ilv o$ a I' T to , who is guilty and of what. " The Greek 
 language may place tw r o or even more interrogatives without 
 xai under a common predicate." KUHNER, 344, 7. 
 
 In coincidence with his plan of representing himself as always 
 acting on the defensive, of merely resisting the aggressions of 
 Philip, Demosthenes here, before speaking of the acts of his 
 own administration, prepares the way for such a representation 
 by proving that Philip was the aggressor in breaking the peace. 
 We must not omit to notice, also, how careful the orator is to 
 state that the decrees which immediately preceded the war 
 were proposed in part by Eubulus and others of his party. As 
 these decrees, as well as the war itself, were highly honorable 
 to the Athenians, it might appear, at first sight, strange that 
 Demosthenes should thus exclude himself from having anything 
 to do with that matter. But it was not unimportant for him 
 
161 
 
 to conciliate the friends of Eubulus, and to show that the states- 
 men of all parties agreed at that juncture, in their hostility to 
 Philip. 
 
 79-101. ACCOUNT OF HIS FOREIGN ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 I. Transition. 
 
 II. A general statement, with the results. 80. 
 
 III. A particular reference to affairs in Eubcea, with various 
 applications. 81-86. 
 
 IV. A particular reference to affairs concerning Byzantium. 
 87-94. 
 
 V. The justification of his measures, by examples drawn 
 from Athenian history. 95-100. 
 
 VI. Conclusion. 101. 
 
 79. TRANSITION. 
 
 The reason alleged why Philip made no mention of Demos- 
 thenes furnishes so felicitous a transition, that we almost suspect 
 the letter was read for this purpose. ^7 eygbcpe i. The com- 
 mon text is, yeyoaye, which is clearly wrong. Bekker proposes 
 ^/^(jpe ; Vcemel ingeniously f e^a^e, but Schaefer the reading 
 in the text. 
 
 80. A GENERAL STATEMENT, WITH RESULTS. 
 
 y Q a i// . For the facts, see Hist. Sketch, pp. 69, 72, 74-76. 
 Ttagedvejo, was stealing into, with reference to the insidi- 
 ous nature of Philip's procedures. bnoaTolovg, naval ex- 
 peditions; " expeditiones maritimas" HARL. antaTeiha, i ?v ,i 
 only as proposing the decrees, but as the author of the trierarchy 
 law, in accordance with which the expeditions were sent. See 
 107. * 0* ov g=dl Cor. ULPIAN, "per quas" WOLF. " JCazd, 
 etiam pro did, propter; significationem observavi frequentius 
 apud veteres scriptores quam apud ceteros, apud Thucydidem 
 vero potissimum." STEPHEN'S Thesaurus. Compare SHTTS oti 
 XUTO. try Juiertyav xaxtav 16 fiaorpOai, " it was not through our 
 cowardice that we experienced the defeat." Thucyd. n. 87. Jtazd 
 (piktav avwv ol ykelcrToi, ix KoolvOov aTQctTi&Tctt, sOekovrod %vvcr- 
 TIOVTO, it was through their friendship for him (Aristeus), that 
 most of the Corinthians joined the expedition as volunteers. 1. 60. 
 
162 
 
 Tavrce rd IVrea aws%iovw al yv&pai, x. t. L by these words 
 their opinions were perplexed. Herod. 7, 142. See Xen. Mem. 1, 
 3, 12. This use of xajd is somewhat rare, but may be viewed, 
 perhaps, as expressing the accordance between the instrument 
 and the result, the cause and effect, like the adverb, accordingly, 
 in certain cases, n&vieg ol crv ^jua %o * , such as, Procon- 
 nesus, Tenedos, Abydos. See 302. 80. KESULTS. 'J| &v 
 tf JLI I v fi v , from which to you i){tiv [*iv there came the 
 most honorable things, eulogies, &c., from those benefitted that 
 is, by you ; while with respect to those injured iw de that 
 is, by Philip, there resulted, to such as confided in you, ioiz 
 fjtiv the safety of their affairs ^ vwTrjgta corresponding to i& 
 x&hho-Tcc, and hence the article, the honor to you, the safety to 
 them but to those who were neglectful, rolg d' the frequent 
 calling to mind, &c. Tdtg /net' vfiv IQIS neiodelviv refers to the 
 same class as nagd. T&V ev nenovdfauv. Let the student notice 
 with what facility the several classes are kept distinct, and yet, 
 how firmly the whole is bound together, by the particles. 
 <f>QO v tjLio v g &v6()(i)7fovg x a I [iav i e i g . Observe how 
 &v6Q(b7tov$ as the less important is thrown in between the two 
 predicates, as in Shakspeare's " good men and true." 
 
 81-86. AFFAIRS IN EUBCEA. 
 
 ^Eschines gives a different account of the transactions in Eu- 
 bo3a, though his own statements bear marks of misrepresenta- 
 tion. The only important thing is the assertion that Demos- 
 thenes sold the interests and opportunities of the state for money. 
 103-105. This latter charge Demosthenes here answers; 
 first, by a denial, and, secondly, by the fact that he was crown- 
 ed, without opposition, for his measures respecting Euboea. 
 
 8182. DENIAL OF THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION. 
 
 K a I pr^v, here and elsewhere, introduce a new topic, 
 closely connected with what precedes and easily suggested by it, 
 but the connection not pointed out by a sentence of transition. 
 See 73, 120. noil a JLL e v av /^TJ^aja. "The 
 repetition of this phrase, nolla x^miu" says Eord Brougham, 
 "and its simplicity is striking. In our orations, the figure 
 would be quite admissible, and is often used with effect." Lord 
 
163 
 
 Brougham's own speeches abound in sentences of this kind, in 
 which some emphatic word is repeated again and again. Speak- 
 ing of the Holy Alliance, he says, " No, it is against freedom ! 
 against freedom wherever found -freedom by whomsoever 
 enjoyed -freedom by whatever means achieved, by whatever 
 institutions secured." T >#', that is, Oreus, and Eretria. 
 d s v Q' acptxrovfievot,, coming here, that is, as often as 
 they came. " Puta, repetitis vicibus." DISSEN. n$ov$&v s ig. 
 As ^Eschines was not the proper Proxenus of Euboea, the verb 
 must be taken in a somewhat different sense ; " patronus eorum 
 eras." DISSEN. ov T o ivv v e n g& % 77 T ov TM v ov d t' v , 
 now then none of these things were done ; that is, neither Philis- 
 tides nor Cleitarchus nor Philip succeeded in accomplishing 
 their designs, since the Athenian interests in Euboea were up- 
 held with unshaken fidelity. (b a iwn w per Ia6 dr . 
 The orator refers to the following passage, in which ^Eschines 
 excuses that withdrawment from public affairs, which he has 
 learned," he says, Demosthenes will charge upon him, though 
 the actual charge is that he withdrew only in times of alarm 
 and danger : " ?T\V d* ip-ty G^nty, G> 4r]iu6o~\)eveg, r\ TOV filov 
 pSTQWTijg naoeoxevaoBv aQxel y&Q fiot JLIIXQU, xal (uei'Qdvuv ulo~- 
 %Q&g ovx Jrrti^u^oJ, &(fT6 xal crt^w xal ^t^a> fiovhevaa.fAevog, dAA-' 
 ovx tivotyxafoiiievog finb ir^g iv ITJ (pvvev dan&riyg. ov $', o^a^, 
 tivuhdaag d HexQctyag. keyeig de o$% onorav 
 
 doxr^ ovd' a ^o^et, u,W onoiav ol uG&odfaat ooi, 
 
 QIV." 218. otT/^wcra^reg, a technical word, denoting 
 the loss of the right to institute suits, on account of failing to 
 obtain one-fifth of the votes in a public prosecutfon ; by dis- 
 franchising you to-day. 83. THE FACT THAT DEMOSTHENES 
 WAS CROWNED, x a I dsvTQov xi]Qvy[iaTog r\d T\ {no i 
 T ov T ov ytyroft&vov. In this speech, and in the negi 
 TiugaTiQeo-fielag, mention is made of four psephisms, as they are 
 enumerated by W. Dindorf, to crown Demosthenes ; the first, 
 proposed by himself, to crown the whole embassy which was 
 sent in 347, B. C., to obtain terms of peace from Philip, and of 
 which he was a member, nsql nat^an. 414; the second, the 
 present one of Aristonicus ; the third, proposed by Demomeles 
 and Hyperides, on account of the first successes in the last 
 war, 223 ; and the fourth, the psephism of Ctesiphon. .The 
 proclamations of these crowns were, the first in 347, B. C. ; 
 the second, in 341, B. Q, ; the third in 339, B. C. ; and the 
 
164 
 
 fourth in 330, B. C., the last three at the greater Dionysia, 
 If now we take the words, x^y//aroj r^dy (.101 TOUTOV, as re- 
 ferring to the proclamation of the crown proposed by Aris- 
 tonicus, as Dindorf does, it will accord with what the orator 
 elsewhere says in these orations. Dissen, also, refers them to 
 the same proclamation, but disregarding the crown conferred on 
 the embassy, supposes that Demosthenes had received another 
 crown which for some reason he did not mention, perhaps be- 
 cause it related to matters of a different kind. But Reiske, 
 Schaefer, and Westermann refer the words to the proclamation 
 ordered by the decree of Ctesiphon, though without attempting 
 to harmonize the order of the several psephisms with such a 
 reference, i o v s In 6 vi a = T ov y Qhy a VTU , the one who 
 proposed the decree. 85. A FARTHER APPLICATION or THE 
 
 FACT OF HIS HAVING BEEN CROWNED. &&V IB l&V 6\ in 
 
 case that in case that, w T^OJ?, otherwise. See 63, 
 and add ; " ? prsemittitur etiam quibusdam adverbiis positivi 
 gradus, quorum tamen ad significationem nihil addit. Adverbia 
 ilia usitatiora sunt (U?/$w, t-TtQwg." VIGER, Chap. VIII. 10, ix. 
 See, also, 128,306. 86. CONCLUSION DRAWN FROM THE 
 
 STATEMENT OF HIS ADMINISTRATION THUS FAR MADE. jit / *> 
 
 /n & v i w v x go v to v i x e iv (*) v , up to these times and em- 
 bracing them. It will be observed that ft&v has no correspond- 
 ing particle, though the contrast is obvious, n o,v i a g % g 6- 
 v o v g , throughout the whole period. hy co v x a I cpg&cpwv. 
 We have already seen that actions coincident with the action of 
 the verb are expressed by participles. These participles stand 
 in different relations to the verb ; in that of mere coexistence, 
 of cause and effect, of opposition, and the like. In English this 
 relation is often elegantly indicated by the preposition. Thus, 
 here ; that I prevailed in speaking and propounding. Aris- 
 tophanes in describing the scholar of the sophists mentions 
 among other things his ambition to figure in the Assembly, and 
 uses similar words. 
 
 Kocl fi&Ticnov TOVTO vo^eig 
 
 Nwuv TIQ&TTWV vtul fiovleTuaw %al TTJ yAeoTTj TToleiiltMv. Nub. 
 418-19. 
 
 rrj TT 6he i x al [io I x a I it a a i v -6 [it v . For an- 
 other instance in which the orator identifies himself in feeling 
 and interest individually with the audience, see 1. cog dyw- 
 w v, not, "as if good," but, as good. It will be observed that 
 
165 
 
 this sentence, in giving the proof that the success of his Ad- 
 ministration was acknowledged at the time, repeats in condensed 
 form the preceding sections. 
 
 We have in this section, 80-86, another exemplification of 
 Applications of ^ e mann ^r in which the orator pursues a fact or 
 Facts or Argu- argument into its various applications. A single 
 paragraph contains the statement of the facts ; this 
 is followed by a condensed account of their results ; this, by a 
 refutation of the charge of corruption in the affairs of Euboea, 
 which refutation itself shows, on the one hand, the importance 
 of his measures, not merely in the estimation of the Athenians, 
 not merely in the view of those states who had been benefitted 
 by them, but, also, in the opinion of their enemies themselves, 
 while, on the other, it indirectly conciliates their good will to- 
 wards Demosthenes as an incorruptible patriot ; this, by men- 
 tion of the crown conferred on him, with an inference from this ; 
 and the whole concluded by himself drawing the inference that 
 he was acknowledged to have always acted for the best good of 
 the state. 
 
 We may, also, notice how skillfully the orator repeats, and 
 
 without the appearance of tautology, the summary 
 
 of the principal events of his administration. First, 
 
 Philip is introduced as making the attack, then Demosthenes 
 
 as repelling it, then both are introduced, Philip as ready to buy 
 
 off opposition to his designs and Demosthenes as spurning the 
 
 bribe, and all in relation to the same facts. 71, 80, 81. 
 
 87-94. A PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO AFFAIRS CONCERNING 
 BYZANTIUM. 
 
 For facts, see Hist. Sketch, pp. 75-76. i5 cp* v p c5 v , rf n y 
 tfiov, instead of the adjective pronouns, for the sake of 
 emphasis ; as regards weapons, by you, but as regards policy 
 and decrees should some of these burst by me. i s Q o v 
 in 11 s i x l a (*& v ffWT(jf*cr/i, " 'EVnre^a/Jo^ hoc loco 
 non proprio sensu dicitur ; BIBQOV igitur vertam alius generis" 
 SCHAEFER. fTriTs/^to^ua means a fortress, not of defense, but of 
 attack; a frontier-fortress, (Grenz-festung, PASSOW;) or, more 
 generally, a fortress so situated as to be both a point from 
 
166 
 
 whence to make attacks, and, also, a point of support, a 
 basis of operations. Demosthenes uses it in several senses ; 
 I. literally, of fortified places. He speaks of the Athenians 
 having Pydna, Potidaea, and Methone, in Chalcidice, as ni>- 
 TeixlfffiaTcc TTJ afaov ^o6oa, strongholds against Macedonia. 
 Phil. I. 5 ; II. somewhat figuratively, of a whole region. 
 Thus, he speaks of Philip preparing Eubcea to be a strong- 
 hold against the Athenians xaTuvxev&^ovTos tifuv tni-cel'/io^a 
 TT\V Ev6oiav. nsQl i&v v Xeyg. 66 ; or, against Attica, 
 inl ?ty 'ATTMYIV, 71 ; and, also, of the island of Rhodes, 
 as a stronghold, (in the hands of the king of Persia,) threaten- 
 ing Caria. tnty T% 'Podlwv elevd. 12 ; and, III. metaphor- 
 ically, as of tyrants ; thus, "Philip has established two tyrants 
 in Eubcea, making the one a fortress, en^e^taug over against 
 Attica, and the other against Sciathus. negl TO^ ev Xe${). 36 : 
 or, still farther removed from the literal meaning, of any instru- 
 ment of aggression. Thus, here, after having lost the strong- 
 hold of Euboea, Philip sought to assail the Athenians from 
 another sort of fortress referring to his .mastery of the grain 
 trade, but softening the harshness of the metaphor by leaving 
 the reference to be inferred from the following sentence. For, the 
 reference here is not to Byzantium, as Kennedy seems to sup- 
 pose, but to Philip's mastery of the grain-trade. " Interceptio 
 frumenti erat alter ille imieixioiitx;" REISKE and SCHAEFER. 
 6 Q (5 v d s. " Sententia postulat y<%." REISKE. " Sententia 
 non postulat 7^9. Ssepissime enim particula de simpliciter cop- 
 ulat enuntiationes." SCHAEFER. Notice that the participles as 
 holding different relations to the verb, are without connectives. 
 See Rem. p. 127. cr/xq) n&vTWv avdQ&nwv nksl- 
 (7TOj % Q ti [i e 0' sTteicrdxTcp. The whole consumption 
 of grain in Attica, according to Bceckh, was three million me- 
 dimni, or four and a half millions of bushels a year, of which 
 one million medimni, or one and a half million of bushels, 
 were imported, principally from Pontus. TcaQelO&v in I 
 O Q a H i] g , passing to Thrace, otid' n I i ov i o i $ t'cpoc- 
 a v , and said they had not made the alliance on these terms. 
 % 6. Q a x a , a mound or rampart set with stakes, like the Roman 
 vallum ; throwing up an entrenchment close to the city, o tf x e T' 
 o ^ oj T ij a o> , / will not again ask, having already done 
 
 it in the preliminary inquiry. 61-72. " Orixe'Tt enim 
 
167 
 
 refertur ad interrogationes, quibus supra orator adversarium 
 identidem urserat." SCHAEFER. 89. THE MATERIAL RESULTS 
 OF THE WAR. & A A d {LI i\ v , similar to xul /WTJJ>. See to 81. 
 
 6 / TOTS V (T T <i $ 71 6 I 6 ftO g , far the WCIT then CXlSt- 
 
 ing; the peace between Philip and Athens having been formally 
 annulled, and war declared before this. See Hist. Sketch, p. 7 5. 
 This Byzantine war, the orator is careful to distinguish from 
 the last Sacred war, into which it merged, and in which the 
 Athenians were conquered. &vsv, "prceter quam quod, vel, 
 prceter." VIGER, Ch. IX. 1-8, besides, d ir\y e v ti pa g . 
 di&yeiv Iv, is to live or be in a given state, and hence, causatively, 
 to cause to live or be in that state. But our idiom requires the 
 abstract instead of the concrete ; hence, put you in a condition 
 in which all the necessaries of life were more abundant and 
 cheaper than the present peace. "Fecit, (bellum,) utviveretis in 
 majore affluentia, &c." DISSEN. ij\g v v v e Ig^v ?/ g , the 
 peace made after the battle of Cheronea, the continuance of 
 which depended upon the goodwill of Alexander, ft e T & v %. 
 o i s v . In almost every other edition, the reading is, ^r] jue- 
 T&VXOI<GV firjde pejadoiev. " JV/r[ omittit et pj pro [Mfit prsebet 
 Codex S. quam sequi debebam. Majore enim cum vi orator 
 apprecatur quam vis contra machinantibus." W. DINDORF. This 
 reading accords better perhaps with the concluding prayer of 
 the oration, in which the orator implores the gods to inspire 
 even these traitors with better feelings. w*> avrol yr^orj- 
 q^viut,, " nor communicate their own principles to you? KEN- 
 NEDY. Rather, their own servility, as the Scholiast interprets it, 
 7% dovlelag, drfiovoxt,. 93, 94. HONORARY RESULTS, otdt 
 ovds [idvov. See to 3. ^ ngoalgecri'S ^ ^ P^l xa ^ ^ 
 7t o 1 1 T e I d , more emphatic than ^ t^ nohreta xal nyoulQSffig, 
 which occurs in 292, 317 ; both, in another passage, are rep- 
 resented by ^ ngoalQecris TTJ, noliielag, 192. Thus, in English, 
 " my policy and my administration," or, " the policy of my ad- 
 ministration." 6 ^ e v Y e - Some read 7^0, but ye is the proper 
 reading. " Ilarum particularum, ^v ye, is usus est ut ye ad 
 precedentia confirmationis causa referatur, ptv autem ad illud 
 ipsum, de quo sermo est, spectet." HERM. AD VIG. p. 824. HE, 
 indeed, but YOU. tv tol g s^ngonOsv % $61 o i g , that 
 is, in the Social war. Hist. Sketch, p. 41. TOT) g udixovfii- 
 v o v g , not repelling those who suffer wrong, although they had 
 
168 
 
 themselves even wronged you, as the Byzantines had done. 
 GvfiSovkov hi y (*) x a I ^rjro^a, thrown in to give 
 prominence to the fact, that though commanders had often 
 gained that honor for the state, he was the first man who had 
 done it, that was merely a statesman and speaker; a fact, 
 significant of a great change in the administration of the Athe- 
 nian government, since, heretofore, the characters of the states- 
 man and the warrior had been united in the same man. 
 
 We again call attention to the summary exposition of the 
 facts, as contrasted with the various particular applications and 
 uses of them. But, if we view the account of his entire ad- 
 ministration, we shall be still more impressed with this charac- 
 teristic of the orator. First, we have several pages of prelim- 
 inary matter, then a single paragraph containing the general 
 account of what he did 80, and here two paragraphs con- 
 taining the statement of two particular transactions. The 
 whole account, regarded as an historical narrative, embraces 
 only these few paragraphs out of fifty-one. See Rem. to 25-30. 
 
 It may, also, be noticed that the orator, in accordance with 
 his purpose of always representing Athens in her resistance to 
 Philip as better off than those states which yielded to him, is 
 careful to say that even in the midst of the war provisions were 
 more abundant and cheaper than under the present peace, be- 
 sides the glory which was gained by the war. Rem. to 65. 
 
 95-100. THE JUSTIFICATION OF HIS MEASURES, BY EXAM- 
 
 PLES DRAWN FROM ATHENIAN HISTORY. 
 
 95. TRANSITION. 
 
 ft A a cr (jpi/ jiilag . See note, 10. 
 For the calumnies against the Eubceans, see JEschines, 85. 
 Nothing of the kind, however, is found against the Byzantines 
 in the published speech. vvKoyavilag. The Athenian 
 vvxocp&vti]g, has been well described as " a happy compound of 
 the common barrator, informer, pettifogger, busybody, rogue, 
 liar and slanderer." SMITH'S Antiquities. Demosthenes charges 
 JEschines with having brought forward the calumnies against 
 the Eubceans and Byzantines, out of malice and spite, not out 
 
169 
 
 of any motive of statesmanship and patriotism, since, if they 
 had been true, that should have made no difference in the 
 measures to be adopted. It is not easy to express the meaning 
 of vvxocpavTta by a corresponding word in English. Lord 
 Brougham translates ; " Now, in order to show that all the in* 
 motives which he has levelled against the Euboeans and Byzan- 
 tines are pure calumnies ;" Kennedy ; " To prove now the ma- 
 lignity of those calumnies ;" but neither translation brings out 
 the precise point, that the invectives were prompted by the 
 malice of the sycophant, not by the necessities of a just accu- 
 sation : that the defamations which he uttered against the Eu- 
 boeans and Byzantines were purely malicious, /w^ povov TO> 
 y svd e l g elvai, uttered in a tone implying that he was 
 not about to take up that point 5 T ov T o [ibv y &Q gives the 
 reason for not taking it up. psv is without its corresponding 
 particle, which is easily supplied ; this point implying another, 
 in some respect different, tf n &Q % e i v e Id 6 T a g , is more 
 emphatic than the simple eldivat,. DISSEN. See 228. T d 
 /* <i A e, <T T ' JIG a v &1 rj 6 el g , if they were ever so true ; or, 
 to use Shakespeare's phrase, most true, x a 6' fi p a g , " ves- 
 tra cetate" WOLF. neTtQayiitvwv x al&v T^ TT d A s t , 
 the honorable deeds done by the state, not, honorable 'to the state, 
 as is implied in Lord Brougham's translation, i&v tf ?* a - 
 % 6 v T w v , facinorum jam patratorum. Opponitur Td AotTzd, 
 quce restant patranda. SCHAEFER. 
 
 This is a professed refutation. Nor were the statements of 
 ^Eschines altogether unworthy of notice. But, still, the princi- 
 pal object was, under the cover of a refutation, to bring forward 
 examples from the best days of Athenian history, to justify his 
 own course of policy, and thus indirectly to engage on his own 
 side the very feelings of pride with which the Athenians re- 
 garded those heroic deeds. 
 
 96-100. EXAMPLES. 
 
 For the situation of Athens and Sparta just after the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war, see Hist. Sketch, II. ; for the expedition to 
 Haliartus and to Corinth, VI. 19. &Q ft o en al g . "The 
 name, d^ooTrfc, is connected with an expression which occurs 
 
 15 
 
170 
 
 in Xenophon (de Republ. Laced. 14, 2 ;) namely, the nomo- 
 thetse, who constituted, arranged, and settled the affairs of the 
 towns, are said d$<u6ew, whence d^fiocrr^s is he who has to 
 settle and arrange the constitution of a city." Niebuhr's Lect. 
 on An. Hist. n. 113. The harmost was the commissioner who 
 accompanied the garrisons which the Spartans placed in her 
 dependent cities, i u. g &hk a g v 7} a o v g , such as, Lesbos, 
 Samos. T co j> TOTS "A 6 r\ v a tco v TtQaxO&vrwv, al- 
 though the Athenians of that day had many wrongs to remem- 
 ber, if they had so chosen, against both Corinthians and Thebans, 
 for what they did in the Decelean war. nollb, to be construed 
 with exbvTwv ; " av jungendum sequenti participio. Est hsec 
 etiam hypothetica enuntiatio, ad quam subaudias, el Ifiovlovio ; 
 SCHAEFER. ^Tyo^xaxrjcrca, construed with the dative of the 
 person and the genitive of the thing. Ttegi, round about within, 
 in, compare negl Ijatirjv, in Italy. Herod. 1,24. vov 4 exs- 
 l e IK 6v nblepov, the last part of the Peloponnesian war, 
 
 after the capture of Decelea in 413, B. C. The assertion in 
 
 Construction of the above sentence is that the Athenians inarched 
 the sentence. to Haliartus, and then to Corinth. But this fact in 
 itself was unimportant ; it derived its importance from the cir- 
 cumstances under which it took place. These were of two 
 kinds ; the power of the Lacedaemonians contrasted with the 
 weakness of the Athenians ; and the fact that the Athenians 
 had been formerly injured by those who now sought their aid. 
 The sentence is constructed on the principle of placing the 
 direct assertion, which is unimportant, in the midclle, and the 
 important circumstances, by means of participial clauses, the 
 one at the beginning, and the other at the end. We may also 
 notice that the participles, though they stand in the same rela- 
 tion to the verb, are not connected by conjunctions, which are 
 omitted for the sake of emphasis ; it is this which constitutes 
 
 the proper asyndeton. T av i a apydTSQa, although 
 
 these both the expeditions to Haliartus and to Corinth, they 
 neither undertook for benefactors, nor saw to be without danger; 
 or, better, although neither of these did they undertake, &c. 
 This is a fine example of a sentence, which repeats and con- 
 denses the contents of a longer one. The latter part of the 
 preceding sentence is expressed by the words oW tiney evegye- 
 TO>J>, and the former part is condensed into the single word 
 
171 
 
 It is observable that the clauses are arranged in an 
 order, the reverse of that in the preceding sentence. This kind 
 of arrangement, by which the writer passes from the topics A, 
 B, through 13 to A, serves to give unity to the sentence or 
 paragraph, and is a common and unconscious arrangement 
 of thoughts. It was called by the Greeks chiasmus, or cross- 
 arrangement, like the letter Chi, X. nigag per del 
 
 $ . The contrast is between the common lot of men, and the 
 aims of the brave. 6 & v ai o g . " Eodem modo, p. 1306, 25. 
 xatTot, naulv evxiv tivdownoig lilog io\> fitov 6avon:og." SCHAEFER. 
 v o I x I a x a iig avrov xaOslQ^ag i y gr t , should 
 keep himself shut up in a cell, as if seeking refuge in some hid- 
 den lurking-place. nqofiaHo[ivovg, suggests a figuro 
 rather than is one, although we are obliged to state the resem- 
 blance in full ; shielded with the good hope of success, <p Q e i v 
 y sv v alwg, observe the emphatic position of yswalwg, 
 the less important words being thrown in between it and (ptgeiv. 
 This gnome is one of those which have been supposed to 
 show the influence of Plato upon our orator. " Nimirum nos- 
 ter 7rAcPr<yj'ifi*, ut saepe observatum fuit a plurimis. Dixit enim 
 ille magister : <UA& xoci sm,%8iQ8lv tolg xaloTg xakov, x2 nba/st** 
 6 Tf. &v 1^77." TAYLOR. We have also the opinion of Cicero, 
 who says ; " Lectitavisse Platonem studiose, audivisse etiam 
 Demosthenes dicitur ; idque apparet ex genere et granditate 
 
 verborum." Brut. 31, 121. iavO\ that is, that sort of 
 
 things, ol K Q eoSvi egoi. For the facts, see Hist. Sketch, 
 VII. 28, although Demosthenes somewhat exaggerates the 
 importance of the Athenian interference at this juncture. Act- 
 xedattfiovlovg, cohaeret cum (tvefoiv. REISKE. o d * 
 tin &Q ol a TtBTtonjKo-cwv d i a hoy i a 6fis v 01 , nor 
 regarding what mose men had done, for whom you were about to 
 encounter dangers, the tone showing the wrongful character of 
 what they had done. KENNEDY thus ; " not reckoning up the 
 merits (?) of those whom you were about to fight for" dwloyl- 
 ecr(9(<, and ^noloyL^euOai, (below,) are used of accounts, the 
 former, of settling an account, and the latter, of making a charge 
 in an account, but this distinction is not observed here, nor is 
 there more than an allusion to these meanings ; and this it is 
 
 not necessary scrupulously to express in the translation. 
 
 This sentence is construed on the same principle as that in 96, 
 
172 
 
 Construction of already examined. The assertion 
 the Sentence. as comparatively unimportant, is placed in the mid- 
 dle, leaving the important circumstances to open and close. 
 But, yet, the sentence differs in two respects ; the participial 
 clauses are placed in the reverse order ; and the sentence ends 
 with the same topic, ovd' vneg ola, x. T. 1. with which it be- 
 gan, thus making a complete period. - cr cpej s Qit,o pi vwv 
 e r\ 6 a i w v . For the facts, see Hist. Sketch, III. p. 27. 
 v, a I ioi) to t g , even these. The Athenians were peculiarly 
 chagrined and indignant at the loss of Oropus. i w v I & e - 
 A o v i co v , the volunteer trierarchs then for the first time serv- 
 ing the state. The article shows the practice had become estab- 
 lished. fOT and TTQUTOV are separated for the sake of emphasis. 
 idelovr&v, from iOelovr^g. - d 1 1~' oil TIM, but not yet of this; 
 the subject of the trierarchy being taken up presently, xalro * 
 s lg ?5 u a g , and indeed honorably did you act in merely res- 
 cuing the island xai having a diminutive force, had you done 
 nothing but rescue the island but much more honorably still 
 than this in making, when you had become masters of the citi- 
 zens and the cities, a just restitution of these to those vqry ones 
 who had wronged you. xaiTot seems to be used here in its 
 original signification of " and indeed" of which there is an un- 
 doubted example in 215. This signification is not in Passow, 
 nor in Liddell and Scott. HAOJ> and x&lfaov are in apposition 
 with the whole sentence and express the judgment of the speaker 
 upon it ; honorable was it that, &c. KUHNER, 266, 2, R. 2. 
 " Sed cum pulchrum sit quod, turn multo etiam pulchrius est 
 quod SCHAEFER. STEPHEN'S Thesaurus, c. 7 7 14, D. enorfcrone 
 TO orcoora* tb frnodovvai, - iv&crct'iG dTrt'dore. v o I g , not, 
 " quo tempore" as REISKE, but " Us in rebus ;" SCHAEFER. 
 
 1. With regard to the above examples, we may consider the 
 Selection and selection and the arrangement. They were the 
 Arrangement of most honorable that were to be found in the his- 
 tie examples. ^^ of ^^ ; _ not inferior, in the lofty spirit of 
 devotion to Grecian interests, to the heroic deeds of their earlier 
 ancestors in the Persian wars. They are taken, it will be no- 
 ticed, from the period subsequent to the Peloponnesian war, 
 the examples of earlier struggles for the freedom of Greece bo- 
 
173 
 
 ing reserved for another portion of the discourse, where they 
 would be both more needed and more effective ; and they re- 
 count the contests which Athens carried on against the two 
 powerful states, which after the Peloponnesian war successively 
 arose* to dominion in Greece, Sparta and Thebes, and that, too, 
 though she was herself reduced in strength, and though she 
 fought for those who had been her enemies. In the arrange- 
 ment, the orator had only to follow the order of time in the first 
 two, while he brought in the aid furnished the Euboeans, last, 
 not only because it was the last in point of time, but because it 
 was most directly to his purpose, since the Euboeans were among 
 those whom Demosthenes himself had aided. 
 
 2. It is important to notice that each example is kept distinct 
 Separation of by an independent remark interposed for this pur- 
 the Topics. p 0se> ]3 e t W een the first two is interposed the celebra- 
 ted gnome concerning death. Between the last two the orator 
 inserts the principle of policy, which, he says, follows from the 
 preceding examples, namely, that the Athenians, while in ordin- 
 ary circumstances they will avenge any injury done to them- 
 selves, will still forego that revenge, whenever the liberty of any 
 Grecian state is endangered. For other instances of a similar 
 distinction of topics, see Remarks on 25-30, and 61-72. 
 
 3. We have already seen that there are certain strong points, 
 A new principle such as the corruption of the leading statesmen of 
 of the defense. Q- reecej the love of ease on the part of the people, 
 and the fact that he always acted on the defensive, doing the 
 best he could for his country under adverse circumstances, 
 which the orator makes the ground-work of his whole speech. 
 There is a certain scheme of defense which he preserves througL 
 out, and with which nothing that is inconsistent, is ever intro 
 duced. To these strong points he here adds another, or rathei 
 he here for the first time brings it out distinctly. It is this, 
 that we should judge of political measures, by the objects at 
 which they aim, not by the results of them. Thus, he says it 
 becomes the brave to attempt all brave things, but to leave the 
 event to God. He has no occasion in this part of his speech to 
 take advantage of this principle, but he is training the minds of 
 his hearers to receive it, when he hereafter shall directly appeal 
 to it as he does throughout his defense of the unfortunate issue 
 of the Amphissean war. Thus is preserved a perfect keeping of 
 
174 
 
 sentiments and principles in every part of the oration. Aris- 
 totle, in his Rhetoric, has a chapter on gnomes or pointed max- 
 ims, and gives a reason for their efficacy that they flatter the 
 hearer who is pleased to hear sentiments which he holds him- 
 self, and, moreover, that they make a favorable impression of 
 the character of the speaker. Lib. n. Ch. 21. 
 
 4. We may also remark that the introduction of these exam- 
 Periodic Fom of pies gives a periodic form to the whole statement 
 the statement, concerning his Foreign Administration. He first 
 speaks of what the honor of Athens required, 61-72 ; he next 
 sets forth his own actions as being in accordance with the de- 
 mands of that honor, 73-94 ; he concludes with what she had 
 done in past time honorable to her, 95-100. He begins with 
 what was due to her honor, and ends with what she had done 
 in obedience to that honor thus uniting the whole topic in 
 the one point of the honor of Athens. 
 
 101. CONCLUSION. 
 
 i v i o cr o tf T o i g xl joio-uroig, "in tot et tantis re- 
 bus" DISSEN. i5 7i & Q tf T TJ o% <ri] g, the deliberation be- 
 ing in a certain sense in behalf of itself of its own interests. 
 In the examples adduced, the Athenians had fought for the 
 safety and freedom of the Greeks, without having any other 
 interest in the contest ; but in the case of the Euboeans and the 
 Byzantines, their own interests were at stake. Every conquest 
 of Philip was an attack on the Athenians. This was especially 
 the case with respect to the Byzantines. The orator had just 
 said that Philip had besieged Byzantium to get possession of 
 the Athenian wheat trade ; and in the oration on the Cherso- 
 nese, he exclaims, that " it was not for the wretched hamlets in 
 Thrace Philip was striving, but for Athenian harbors, and dock- 
 yards, and triremes and mines." The argument is a fortiori. 
 Seeing the state in so many and so important cases struggling 
 solely for the safety and freedom of others, what was I to coun- 
 sel in a case where in addition, our own safety and freedom 
 were involved ? tuvTjffixaxetv. This is viewed as an in- 
 terrogation by some, but Schaefer well says : " haec non interro- 
 gatio est, sed responsio ficta adversarii, qua orator per ironiam 
 utitur, ut ilium ostendat nihil aliud quaxn crvxcxpavjelv." $ I 
 
175 
 
 $ S an v T n g or] a 6 fie 6 a , "for abandoning every thing" 
 KENNEDY, sV T* rwy tfTra^/orTwy &7i6%etgij0a, 
 
 if I had sought to tarnish the honors of the state by words only? 
 for it could be tarnished in no other way since the deed 
 itself at least, you would not have done, I well know : even if 
 I had advised. Aoyo i s in contrast with r6 p egyov, and means 
 simply, by speaking, by counseling. " Si modo verbis suasissem 
 indigna priore virtute vestra ; rem enim, satis scio, non fecisse- 
 tis vos." DISSEN. T I T\V I {tin o d c6 v . The orator is very 
 fond of ending his topics, with sharp, pointed interrogations like 
 these. See 282 ; also, 66, negl ir ( g naoang. 
 
 As usual the orator himself points out the inference which he 
 Self-commend- would have drawn from his arguments. But it is 
 ation. more important to remark, from Plutarch, with 
 
 what skill Demosthenes identifies himself with the Athenian 
 people, and thus while apparently diminishing his own merits, 
 reflects their glory upon himself; and this, without giving 
 offense, since he could not have acted otherwise, and act in 
 consistency with the honor of the Athenian people. 
 
 - 
 
 II. 102-109. DOMESTIC ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 In farther justification of the eulogium contained in the de- 
 cree of Ctesiphon, Demosthenes selects a single measure of his 
 Domestic Administration, namely, his Law of the Trierarchy ; 
 and this as closely connected with his Foreign Administration. 
 It will be convenient to give a preliminary explanation of this 
 peculiar institution. 
 
 The Trierarchy was a Liturgy : and a liturgy, in general 
 terms, was a service performed for the people, tten- 
 
 Liturgy. , ' . ... L x T , f i j 
 
 ovQjog taiTos, sgyov.) Its performance involved 
 personal service, which was its marked characteristic, and an 
 expenditure of money. With respect to the expenditure of 
 money, it differed from the extraordinary property-tax (elacpoQ&,) 
 with which it may be compared, in these two particulars ; that 
 the amount was uncertain, being left to the one performing the 
 service, and the money was expended directly by him, not paid 
 
 into the treasury and then expended by the state. 
 
 Liturgies were of two kinds ; encyclical, which were 
 
176 
 
 performed periodically, such as the Choregia, and the Gymnasi- 
 archia ; and extraordinary, which were performed only in emer- 
 gencies. Of this latter, the trierarchy was the principal. 
 
 The liturgy of the trierarchy pertained to naval affairs, but 
 Liturgy of the was performed only when the navy was in actual 
 Trierarchy. service. The state always kept on hand in the 
 docks of the Pirseus, a large number of triremes, that is, of hulls 
 and masts, ready to be delivered, as there was need, into the 
 hands of the trierarchs. In addition, the state undertook to 
 furnish pay and provisions for the crews ; how far it provided 
 the equipment of the vessel is uncertain. When the vessels 
 were to be employed in active service, the Strategi appointed 
 trierarchs to whom the triremes were assigned by lot. Their 
 duties commenced with the delivery of the vessel and were as 
 follows : 1. The trierarchs fitted the vessel for sea. The ex- 
 Duties of the pense of this, considerable in any case, would vary 
 Trierarchs. ^fa ^Q conc iition of the vessel. 2. They collected 
 the crew and provisioned the ship. It is true the state under- 
 took to pay a certain sum for these purposes, but it was fre- 
 quently insufficient, and was rarely in season. 3. They com- 
 manded the vessel. 4. At the end of the year, when the office 
 expired, they were required to return the vessel in good order 
 and repair, to the docks. These repairs would be heavy, espe- 
 cially, in cases where the vessels had been engaged in fight, or 
 overtaken by storms. The whole expense of this liturgy aver- 
 aged about one talent, which, with the year's personal service, 
 made it a heavy burden. The trierarchs, however, were ex- 
 empted from all other liturgies during the year of their service, 
 and were liable to be called on, only every other year. 
 
 It is obvious that in the working of the trierarchy, there 
 TheAntidosisin would be great liability, both from mistake and 
 connection with design, to unequal allotments. Indeed, it was 
 rc y ' found necessary from an early period to provide a 
 remedy for such inequality, through the process of the Antido- 
 sis, or Exchange of Property. Thus, any one, to whom a tri- 
 reme had been assigned, might call upon some other person, 
 (whom he supposed to be richer than himself,) to take his 
 place, and, in case of the refusal of that person, might demand 
 of him an exchange of property. If in the legal investigation 
 which followed, the person upon whom the demand was made 
 
177 
 
 was found to be the richer, he must either perform the trierar- 
 chy, or make the exchange, in which latter case, the service re- 
 verted to the original trierarch. 
 
 The trierarchy was one of the ancient institutions of Athens, 
 but, partly from inherent faults, and partly from change of cir- 
 cumstances, underwent many modifications. It appeared in 
 four forms. 
 
 In its original form, each trierarch was required to take the 
 First Form of charge of one trireme. And doubtless, in the best 
 the Tnerarchy. <j a y s o f Athens, individuals enough might be found 
 to furnish and command all the triremes the state might wish 
 to use. Throughout this early period, the office was felt to be 
 an office of honor, and was an object of ambition to the first 
 citizens. But, at a later period, probably after the disasters, in 
 Sicily in 412, B. C., when both the state and indi- 
 
 Second Form. i i i i 1,1 t i 
 
 viduals were reduced in wealth, two trierarchs were 
 permitted to undertake the charge of one trireme, though only 
 in case there were not men of wealth enough, to furnish single 
 trierarchs. This was called the Syn trierarchy, and the trierarchs, 
 syntrierarchs. The system continued without farther change 
 till 357, B. C. 
 
 But the system grew less and less efficient, although it was 
 not till the Euboean war in 358, B. C., that the ne- 
 
 Third Form. TIT i T 
 
 cessity of a radical change became apparent. In 
 that emergency, either because there were not enough legally 
 liable, or from the numerous expedients for escaping or delaying 
 the service, the system failed, and for the first time, as Demos- 
 thenes says, citizens came forward, and volunteered to serve as 
 trierarchs. As, however, the state could not depend perma- 
 nently on volunteers, the next year, 357, B.C., a law was intro- 
 duced by Peisander, giving a new form to the trierarchy. Ac- 
 cording to this law, there was constituted for the charge of the 
 navy a Board of twelve hundred citizens, taken from those who 
 stood highest on the tax-list. These co-partners, (crvvTelelg) as 
 they were called, were divided into twenty classes (crvjupoQial) 
 of sixty each ; each class was subdivided into four companies, 
 (avviAeiui) ; and each company had the charge of one trireme. 
 But, in order the better to secure the performance of their du- 
 ties, there was instituted a smaller Board, composed of three 
 hundred members, who were selected from the richest of the 
 
178 
 
 co-partners. The members of this board were distributed among 
 the twenty symmoriae, and were the leaders or overseers of 
 these bodies, (fflepoveg, or, irci^eli^al -iu*v avpptyp&v.) These 
 leaders, either as a body or distributed among the synteliae, 
 performed the actual duties of the trierarchy, reimbursing them- 
 selves by an assessment levied equally on all the partners. The 
 system, however, only increased the evils it was intended to 
 remedy. The duties of the trierarchy were more negligently 
 performed than ever, since the leaders of the symmorise farmed 
 them to contractors, who sought only their own interest ; at 
 the same time the burdens of the poor were increased, because 
 the assessments for the reimbursement of the leaders were im- 
 posed per capita, which made it a heavy tax upon them, while 
 to the rich it was comparatively little or nothing. 
 
 As early as 354, B. C., Demosthenes in his first public speech, 
 that on the Symmoriae, proposed, though without 
 
 Fourth Form. - J 
 
 success, a reform. But so great had the evils be- 
 come, that at length in connection with the expedition to By- 
 zantium, he was enabled to effect a radical change. According 
 to his system, the services of the trierarchy were assigned, not 
 according to persons, but according to property ; every man 
 whose taxable capital amounted to ten talents furnished one 
 trireme ; to twenty, two ; to thirty, three, together with a ten- 
 der ; and this was the highest exaction, whatever might be the 
 amount of taxable capital, while those who had less than ten 
 talents were to unite in companies or syntelias until they made 
 up that sum. This is the measure of which Demosthenes speaks 
 in this section. On this subject, see BOECKH, Pub. Econ. of 
 Athens, B. iv. Chs. 11-15. 
 
 in u.v B\Q slv , that is, from the preceding examples, as if 
 from a digression which had led him from his main object. 
 I rj s , next after the decree to despatch a fleet to aid Byzan- 
 tium, but immediately after, it is probable, so that the trie- 
 rarchs for the expedition were appointed in accordance with 
 his law. rt a A i v al, simply, again ; a pleonasm peculiar 
 to the Attic. BUTT. 156, 6. T VUVTLXQV, navy, or 
 naval a/airs, d T s I B I g , free, that is, from the burden of 
 the trierarchy, at a small expense. So, BOECKH, Pub. Econ. 
 B. iv. Ch. 13, Note ; but Dissen and Schaefer refer it to the 
 
179 
 
 exemption from liturgies, which was granted the trierarchs. 
 " Immunes liturgiarum" DISSEN. y g a cp e I g , that is, in a 
 TiagavOiUuv yoaqprj. i 6 v &y & v ex, T o T o y , "a trial like the 
 8 1 OS 2 }resen t" DOBREE. s I a rj A o v t " elfflQ%ecrdai> est verb- 
 urn judiciale, et dicitur turn de causa, quse in judicium 
 venit, turn de actor e, qui accusat, turn de reo, qui accusatur et 
 se defendit, denique de judice" BREMI. And being prosecuted 
 I entered upon this trial before you; or, perhaps, the trial ; it 
 being difficult to give the allusion expressed in TOUTO^, without 
 an awkward circumlocution. " Atque accusatus hanc causam 
 apud vos subii" WOLF. TO ^oog, "h. e. TO iamb* ^Qog 9 
 quod erat TO ndfimov." DISSEN. Demosthenes was not only 
 acquitted, but triumphantly. TOV g -?iy e pov a g i wv av / u- 
 ^ o o i, W v , refers to the smaller board of Three Hundred. T o i) $ 
 d 6 VT s QOV g x a I T o I T o v g refer either to those who in 
 point of property were in the second and third rank below the 
 leaders, or, to those belonging to the second and third classes 
 in the valuation of the property-tax. " The chief burden [of 
 Demosthenes' law,] fell," says Boeckh, " upon the leaders of the 
 former symmorise, and upon the second and third symmorites 
 who were next in order," p. 573. did 6 vat,, " off err e" 
 EEISKE. See BUTT. 136. 6, 10. "Agitur de re facta ; nam 
 fulmen hie validum vibratur." SCHAEFER. x T a ft ah6v i a 
 iav e v tiTtwfiocrlq. We have already seen, in the Intro- 
 duction to these Notes, that any one might stop all proceedings 
 on a psephism proposed in the Assembly, by declaring under 
 oath that he would bring a 7iagav6^o)v yoaqp?j against the mover. 
 Such an oath of postponement was called an ^Trw^oa/a, and to 
 take the oath, &7iw l u6a(xaOai>. But before the day of trial, the 
 mover of the psephism might relinquish it, and thus take away 
 the ground of action, in which case it was said of him, XT- 
 fiahovTa lav iv tina)[ioo~lq. That dropping it I should leave it 
 under postponement. See DISSEN. f[v ydo avr ol g , for it 
 8104- was P oss ^ e f or $ iem 1 perform the service by sixteens ; 
 that is, for the rich to distribute it among sixteen, both 
 rich and poor, a-biol g piv , not the sixteen, but the rich. 
 /txtxgd xai otidtv, "pauca vel potius nihil." DISSEN. " xZ 
 saepe auget, ut corrigentis, et idem fere est, quod ^llov dt, 
 immo" BREMI. TO yt,yv6[Jievov, " ratam portionem." HER. 
 ad VIG. p. 777. i *> 6 e v a i , " scilicet, edst, quod vi oppositi 
 
180 
 
 eliciendum." "tiQivui est ssepius numerare 
 DISSEN. d v o r v , " scilicet, Tg^ewy." REISKE. " Substantivum 
 liic et mox ad 1% /mag subaudiendum latet in verbo T^r^a^o?." 
 SCHAEFER. $d Id o va v " obtulerunt" SCHAEFER. e i a rj X - 
 o *> T ^ j> y a 9 ?J y . "/ appeared to the indictment" KEN- 
 OTQK NEDY; which, though a modern term, well expresses it. 
 
 " Accusatus sum" WOLF ; that is implied, but it means 
 to come before the court in answer to an accusation. 5 a y s . 
 OIQH %* usually requires a negative answer, but sometimes 
 
 an affirmative, in which case it stands for &g* otf, equiv- 
 alent to the Latin nonne. HER. ad Via. p. 821. Appears ft not 
 that I aided you poor at least a little ? T w ^ xadv cp si - 
 v a i T a v T a , ^tftf / cfoW notf drop Zfo's matter, that is, the law. 
 o tf 5 zn otfde [ibvov. 2. 93. n elgav , " documentum hujus 
 rei" REISKE. Observe the condensation of the expression, and 
 translate by the fewest possible w r ords n dvja 1 6v n 61 s * 
 fi o v , either the whole of the Byzantine war, or, of that, to- 
 gether with the Amphissean war. Grote refers it to the entire 
 war, that is, "from the renewal of the war about August 340, 
 B. C., to the battle of Cheronea in August 338, B. C." Vol. xi, 
 467. It will be remembered that Demosthenes has spoken 
 only of the Byzantine war. n a 9 ' i5 fi I v , construe with Iftyif*, 
 placed a supplication with you, supplicated you. The words 
 are chosen with reference to the usage in the case of suppliants, 
 who carried a branch, usually of olive, bound with fillets, and 
 placed it upon the altar of the god whose protection they 
 sought. Those who sought the protection of the people placed 
 it upon the altar of sacrifice which was in the Pnyx. But it is 
 not necessary to retain these allusions in translating, i v Mov- 
 v v % la, where there was an altar of refuge for trierarchs and 
 seafaring men. i&v &no a T o k6u v , Naval-commissioners ; 
 a body of ten men, whose duty it was to see that the triremes 
 were fitted out, and to expedite the sailing of the fleet, o i) 
 T Q i< VIQ "n 9 , not a trireme was either lost to the state, being cap- 
 tured abroad, from, not keeping up, perhaps, with the main 
 fleet, in consequence of being badly built or left here, unable 
 to put to sea. e'w and ufaov are contrasted. T& d<5tfyTa, 
 contrasted with T dzovra ; failures to perform the trierarchy, 
 from want of means ; of course <5rj there occurred many 
 failures. 
 
181 
 
 108-109. CONCLUSION OF THE ACCOUNT or HIS WHOLE 
 ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 Although what follows under this head is intimately con- 
 nected with what immediately precedes, it seems best to sepa- 
 rate it, in order again to point out the characteristic practice of 
 the orator, in expressly enforcing the conclusion to be drawn 
 from facts and arguments, and in giving a perfection of form to 
 each general topic. 
 
 fidcrx&vov xaxdydegt T&TtEtvop & v & i o v , 
 The separation of these predicates is worthy of notice. Each of 
 the first set, fi&axctvov, envious, nwyov) malicious, #ocx6?;#, 
 malignant, is personal, alluding to ^Eschines, while the others 
 g-iftQ are general. % v ? tolg xondc T^V nb\iv Ttokt- 
 t e ft fi a <r i> xal Iv rolg c EM,r]viKolg, expressly distin- 
 guishes between the Domestic and Foreign Administration of 
 public affairs. See 58. 
 
 This law of the Trierarchy, as we have seen> produced an 
 entire devolution in the naval affairs of the Athenians ; but 
 what modern statesman, in giving an account of an equally 
 important law, could compress it into the space of ten minutes* 
 speaking. The four causes of the law are expressed in the same 
 number of short clauses, and the results, with almost as much 
 brevity. But still, the statement is brief, not because its terms 
 are general, conveying much but impressing little, but because 
 the chief considerations only are selected, and these are put 
 together in the same sentence in the fewest words. It would 
 have been easy to expand each particular into a paragraph, but 
 the orator chose otherwise. These full but compressed state- 
 ments deserve study as much as any part of the oration. 
 
 110-122. DISCUSSION OF THE STRICTLY LEGAL POINTS. 
 
 110. TRANSITION, 
 
 T d <w e y e tr T d ye. The greatest even ; quite the greatest, 
 
 For this use of y^, see HERM. ad VIG. p. 824. The orator refers 
 
 to his measures in the Amphissean war. toi) g rt sgl atixov 
 
 rov n guv 6 [io v A-oyovg dftoJoiiva*, to render wiy de- 
 
 16 
 
182 
 
 fense concerning the Illegality itself; with reference to the terms 
 employed in rendering the accounts in a public scrutiny. Com- 
 pare W fiv kbyov tinoduffi, xrj nbkev. ^Eschines, 21. 6 [to Iw $ 
 tindgXB iv fio i, that equally, with each of you the knowl- 
 edge exists for me ; (Wo*, the dative of advantage ; 6jn6iwg, the 
 same as if I did speak of them, and therefore equivalent to nihil- 
 ominus, by which Dissen translates it. Observe how mind- 
 ful the orator is to maintain his original position, that the sub- 
 ject of the Proclamation and the Accounts should follow the 
 discussion of the meritorious grounds of Ctesiphon's decree. 
 Observe, also, that in speaking of the measures of his admin- 
 istration which he had omitted, the very omission of which, 
 however, he brings to bear in his favor, he gives no intimation 
 of being about to dwell upon them, though their consideration 
 takes up nearly the whole of the remainder of the oration. 
 
 111119. I. THE QUESTION OF ACCOUNTABILITY. 
 
 For an account of the law of Accountability, see Introduction, 
 p. 89. 111-113. AN ARGUMENT DRAWN FROM THE DISTINCTION 
 
 BETWEEN GIFTS AND SERVICES. 7t Q I T CO V Tt Q a y 6 f Q fl- 
 
 fj, i v M v v 6 /LIU V) contrasted laws. " ol na^ocyeygajuiJEPot' VQJJLQI, 
 sunt leges, quas legis alicujus vel psephismatis accusator ex ad- 
 verso legi accusatse seu psephismati in eadem tabula exarandas 
 curabat, ut, contra quas leges, lege nova vel psephismate lato, 
 commisisset reus, judicibus manifestius appareret." SEAGER, in 
 CLASS. JOURN. LIII, p. 27. See p. 640, 21 ; ^Eschines, 200. 
 T o i) noHov g , is the object of both owelvai, and [lupO&vsiv, 
 and governs rwy hbyMv; the greater part. ditfiaMe xal diM- 
 gl^eio ; the latter verb makes the former more specific ; " has 
 falsely and distinctly affirmed." Lord BROUGHAM. n a v i a 
 1 6 v @ lov , in contrast with otdeplav fyLieQav. tr */*!- 
 Q i x a , refers here specifically to the management of public 
 o - funds, although it has more frequently the general mean- 
 ing of, having in hand, undertaking. Dissen, Bremi, 
 Westermann give the specific ; Wolf, Reiske, Brougham and 
 Kennedy, the general meaning. I am accountable, both for what- 
 ever money has passed through my hands and for all my public 
 conduct. &Ttayyei,l<ji{ievo$, " sponte mea pollicitus" 
 REISKE ; or, simply, " sponte mea" BREMI. 
 
183 
 
 8112 &Q X v * M v i " qui imprimis severum examen apud 
 
 et etdvvovg subibant." DISSEN. 
 " non. appetens dona, sed, facile largiens" SCHAEFER. s I s 
 TOT)? a v K o q>& v T<X g tcpiartivai,, to bring him to trial 
 before the Informers observe the article with ffvxoy&vxag, as 
 if they constituted a board corresponding to the Logistae and 
 to place them in authority over the accounts of the moneys he 
 has given " hos tanquam Accord? et evOvrovg rationibus repe- 
 tendis praBficere." DISSEN. ayew, is used of bringing one before 
 the judges for trial. JEschines says, he understands Demosthe- 
 nes will ask, of what am I accountable, el ^ in; Imlv evvolotg 
 etidvvy ? 1 7. &IV O-$TO s 0vxo(pavT&v o *' T a , but 
 gi-io this malicious accuser says, " the Senate praised him 
 while liable to the public scrutiny" quoting the as- 
 sertion in the words of JEschines but giving JEschines' reasons 
 for the assertion in his own words because being treasurer 
 of the Theoric fund I made a present of the money which was 
 needed. With respect to the Theoric Funds, see Introduc- 
 tion. rd / ?j ,u T , is rendered by Kennedy, " some of my 
 own money ;" by Lord Brougham, " money of my own ;" but 
 the article seems to require a different expression. In r ( v e - 
 v e v . The law forbids to crown, using the verb aieyuvovv, for 
 which the orator adroitly substitutes, tnaiveiv. So, also, he 
 speaks of the Senate ; ^Eschines, of Ctesiphon ; but Westermann 
 rejects ^ ^ovirj, and Voemel marks it as doubtful. Te^oTroi- 
 o, see Introduction, p. 86. xai oi)x Hoy *o ftyv, and 
 made no charge. 6 pkv yap hoy ta p6 g , for an audit 
 requires accounts and examiners. 6 hoyicrfiog, is the act of 
 settling ; ul etiduvai,, the accounts to be settled. 6 d /, Ctesiphon. 
 The fallacy of this argument of Demosthenes is obvious ; it 
 does not follow that because he was not accountable for what 
 he gave while treasurer of the Theoric fund, and overseer of the 
 repair of the walls, he was not accountable for whatever else 
 he did in the performance of those affairs, and, therefore, under 
 a legal disability of receiving the crown. - 114117. ARGU- 
 MENT FROM PRECEDENTS, i v i ol g r 6 /no t, g . Having as- 
 serted that there was no law, making a magistrate accountable 
 for what he gave to the state, the orator proceeds to show that 
 there was no usage, e e a i v . Many manuscripts and many 
 of the best editions, Dissen's, Westermann's, Voemel's, give 
 
184 
 
 as more emphatic ; it was in their very natures not to 
 require such a thing. Reiske and Schaefer prefer the present 
 reading. " Restitui Weaw." W. DINDORF. o-T^aT?//^, 
 that is, while he was exercising the office of general. Of course, 
 Nausicles was crowned for what he gave while in office, and 
 before rendering the accounts of his office, since otherwise the 
 example would be without force ; Inun&iris &y, is taken in the 
 same way. Thus, Dissen ; " cum prsetor esset necduin deposu- 
 isset honorem et rationes reddidisset." Xetgtdrjjuog^ " scili- 
 cet, ctfwxe." W. DINDORF. o tf T o v t, as being present, a tf T d 
 I a (9 to v , " Decreta ipsa opponuntur narrationi Demosthenicse 
 8 115 ^ e ^ orum argurnento." SCHAEFER. May it not be that 
 
 usage was on the side of Demosthenes ? d $ w . It 
 seems that on the expiration of his offices, Demosthenes passed 
 the usual scrutiny, and with credit ; but this could not cure the 
 original illegality of Ctesiphon's decree, slcrriyov ol hoy tv- 
 8 1 1 7 T a * ' " cwm me scl ^ ce * ^ n j u dicium ducerent logista" 
 
 DISSEN. The logistse brought those who were liable to 
 the audit before some tribunal, in order to give the usual oppor- 
 tunity of accusation, if any one chose. 118-119. ARGUMENT 
 
 FROM A COMPARISON OF THE DECREE WITH THE INDICTMENT. 
 
 i qp ' ol g oi> % tin stf 6 v v o g T\V ffT6(f>civto)(rOai'. The 
 argument is this : ^Eschines did not charge in the indictment, 
 that the reception of the gifts was contrary to the laws ; but, if 
 not, there was no liability to render an account of them, and, 
 therefore, Demosthenes was not accountable for the gifts. Hence, 
 since he was crowned for the gifts, he was crowned, by the con- 
 fession of ^Eschines, for what he was. not accountable. But 
 does it follow, that because the gift is legal, the giver is not 
 liable to render a account of it ? JEschines shows the con- 
 trary. TOV TsyofiovkeTupctJog. 16 TtQofiQtikevpot is the 
 proper term, though TO yj^cpi&puy. as in the line above, is often 
 used as equivalent. TO %&Q iv y^d^pf*. But, JSschines 
 8119 cou ^ eas % ^ ave replied that, although there might be 
 sufficient grounds for bestowing the crown in themselves 
 considered, it would be in violation of the laws to do it, under 
 the circumstances, and in the manner proposed. Besides the 
 precedents, the assertion that no one is accountable for what he 
 gives is Demosthenes' only argument, tite invincible argument 
 6 tiyvxrog Ao^og as according to ^Eschines ( 17) he called it ; 
 yet it is of no force. &vxuv og eyjwj, not an anti-climax ; 
 
185 
 
 it has a personal application to ^Eschines. ot x & T o t o v - 
 tog. See 101, and p. 362, for this mode of ending a para- 
 graph. It is universally admitted by commentators that the 
 
 plea of Demosthenes upon the question of Accountability is 
 unsatisfactory and sophistical. ^Eschines anticipated and an- 
 swered it. We give the substance of his remarks. It was a 
 fundamental principle of the Athenian constitution, as we have 
 seen, that every one holding an office should render an account 
 of his official conduct to the people. But there had grown up 
 a practice which entirely frustrated the design of such a scru- 
 tiny. Magistrates who were guilty of any offense would obtain 
 while in office a proclamation of a crown, which, although it 
 would not exempt them from accountability, nor shield them 
 from impeachment, secured their acquittal. For, as ^Eschines 
 says, " the judges were ashamed that the same man, in the 
 same city, perhaps, in the same year, should be publicly hon- 
 ored by the people with the proclamation of a crown at the 
 games for his patriotism, and soon after convicted of fraud in 
 the administration of public affairs. Now, it was this state of 
 things, as he says, which gave rise to the enactment of the law, 
 " which expressly forbids to crown the magistrates before they 
 have rendered the account of their magistracy." Many at- 
 tempts were made to evade this law ; especially, it was con- 
 tended that it did not apply to what was given to the state. 
 ^Eschines replies to this plea, with reference to the present case, 
 in this language. " When Demosthenes," he says, " shall im- 
 pudently assert that he is not accountable for a gift, suggest 
 this to him let, then, the herald make the usual proclamation, 
 ' who wishes to accuse ? 7 Let any one of the citizens have the 
 opportunity to question whether you have given any thing, or 
 only paid the state what was its due ? Do not snatch at public 
 favor, do not seize the votes from the hands of the judges, do 
 not as a citizen go before the laws but after them, for only thus 
 will the democracy be safe." This is evidently a satisfactory 
 answer. To crown one for a gift would as really defeat the ob- 
 ject of the law as to crown for any thing else. The gift might 
 be given for no other purpose than to obtain thereby a crown, 
 which might afterwards be made use of to secure an acquittal 
 in case of an impeachment. Besides, the law forbade to crown 
 for any thing, until the scrutiny had been passed. 
 16* 
 
186 
 
 120-122. II. THE QUESTION OF THE PROCLAMATION. 
 
 The argument is drawn, first, from precedents, and then, from 
 the words of the law. pvftd ** e pv Q lov g , ten thousand 
 times ten thousand; "thousands of thousands." KENNEDY. 
 n olka x i g a$T6g . Demosthenes mentions only four crowns 
 bestowed on himself. Notes, p. 163, 83. J 3j *,o v, "i. q. i^ 
 atfrTJy -upty ;" ScHAEFER ; the same value. &vctyogevTu, 
 
 j2i "scilicet, 6 *TJOV." WESTERMANN. rt olr, & ratal. 
 7t WQ e , 0vxo(pctYTlg. This is not the language 
 of indignation, but, as Ulpian says, of commiseration. Why, 
 miserable man, do you accuse 1 as if pitying him for being so 
 beside himself as to contend against so plain a law. In the 
 same spirit he adds ; why not purge yourself with hellebore for 
 this ? Why not cure yourself of this madness ? He then pro- 
 ceeds seriously. <p 6 6 v ov $ Ix q v s lu by w ti , oti x d <J * - 
 x T\fiaj o g otid e r 6 g. These genitives sustain different rela- 
 tions to dixy?, and must be expressed in English by different 
 prepositions. "Are you not ashamed of bringing a suit out of 
 envy, and not for any crime 1 " q>66t>ov dixy est lis, qua3 non 
 causam habet in culpa ejus, qui accusatur, sed in invidia ejus, 
 qui accusat." BREMI. en c n t* TO nxvrt* xo^^t.^^evog. 
 o -, QO -^Eschines had given ( 168-170) an ideal representation 
 of a friend of the people, as he conceived the character 
 that he be free-born, that he have an hereditary kindness, or 
 at least no enmity, towards the people, that he be temperate, 
 sound in counsel and able in speech, brave with an applica- 
 tion of course to Demosthenes. Demosthenes here,, retorts. 
 Then, though thus acting, you speak of what ought to belong 
 to the friend of the people, as if you, not any one had bar- 
 gained for a statue, to be made according to a model, and 
 then refused it ov xofji'coiuevog, " non recipisses," DISSEN 
 though made according to the model ; that is, you recommend 
 one course and practice another ; or, but received it, though not 
 made ovx fyovTfx, statuam non ita perfectam, WOLF accord- 
 ing to the model : that i^, you are satisfied in practice with 
 what falls far below your ideal. xTa crvyy^cKjprjy, ac- 
 cording to a written contract ; which, however, as Lord Brough- 
 am suggests, must have contained a model or plan. ^ o y o> , 
 
187 
 
 seems used in an abstract sense ; by talk, x I fi o a g . The 
 connection is obvious. Public men, in your view, are known 
 by their speeches ; and, hence, you cry out. yrjiu. xal ^jyra, 
 "fanda infanda, h. e. quid quid in mentem venit." DISSEN. 
 bvofjia^wv, governs two accusatives. And you cry out, calling 
 me every sort of name, as if from a cart, what belongs to you 
 and your race, not to me. Compare, xai ity [irpiga y.a^k xi 
 Ti&vjtxg ^[tag ^TCC xJ ot^^ja xaxoc ^etTtov. p. 540. SCHAEFER. 
 
 &07T8Q I $ dfj,&$r] $ . See 11, p. 1 1 7. With respect to 
 
 the Proclamation, it is somewhat doubtful what the law really 
 was. -^Eschines quotes a law which seems to be decisive : "If 
 the senate shall crown any one, the proclamation shall be made 
 in the senate-house, but if the people, in the Assembly, and no 
 where else." 32. The law quoted above by Demosthenes 
 seems to contradict this. " Those whom any of the boroughs 
 shall crown shall have the proclamation made in the boroughs, 
 except the people of Athens or the senate shall crown any, in 
 which case it shall be lawful for the proclamation to be made 
 in the Theater, at the Dyonisiac festival." ^Eschines antici- 
 pates the appeal to this law, and gives the following explana- 
 tion. The performances of the theater had been interrupted by 
 the number of proclamations of various kinds, which were made 
 during the festivals. The person, who was crowned by a tribe 
 or borough, was ambitious of having it proclaimed before the 
 assembly of the theater. So, too, the one who had manumitted 
 a slave would like to have it announced before so large a mul- 
 titude. But the most common proclamation was of Foreign 
 Crowns. Athenian citizens would obtain crowns from foreign 
 states, and then seek this more public proclamation of them. 
 By this means, not only were the performances of the theater 
 interrupted, but such persons were more honored than those who 
 received crowns from the Athenian people, or the senate. It was 
 to meet these evils, according to JEschines, that the Dyonisiac 
 law, quoted by Demosthenes, was passed. JEschines, without 
 quoting the words of the law, professes to give the substance ; 
 " that there shall be no proclamation made in the theater, of 
 the manumission of a slave, of a crown conferred by a tribe, a 
 borough, or by any one else" To this law, there is this excep- 
 tion, " except the people shall vote it may be done." Now the 
 law with this exception may be interpreted in two ways. ^Es- 
 
188 
 
 chines interprets thus : there shall be made no proclamation of 
 a crown, conferred by a tribe, a borough, or by any one else, 
 that is, by foreign states, except the people permit it. This in- 
 terpretation makes the Dyonisiac law inapplicable to the decree 
 of Ctesiphon, and leaves that decree in direct violation of the 
 law quoted by JEschines. But Demosthenes interprets the 
 law thus : there shall be no proclamation of a crown in the 
 theater, whether conferred by a tribe, a borough, or by any one 
 else, that is, either by foreign states, or by the people of Athens 
 or the senate, except the people vote it. This interpretation, 
 and it is not a forced one, brings the decree of Ctesiphon within 
 the scope of the law, and makes it legal. Which is the true 
 interpretation we can not say, for neither orator has given the 
 law in full. It will be observed that the law as quoted by De- 
 mosthenes has, " except the people and the senate shall crown 
 any" whereas in his comment it is u except the people or 
 the senate shall decree,"*' that is, that it may be done. It is the 
 same thing the people and the senate may decree that those 
 whom they crown t-hall have the proclamation made in the 
 theater. It looks a little as if the former, vreyuvoi, was De- 
 mosthenes' interpretation of the law, and the latter, yijytaym, 
 its actual words, especially as ^Eschines uses the same. 
 
 As a matter of rhetorical study, this part of the speech is 
 worthy of much attention, as a good example of the mode of 
 treating contemptuously that which the orator would have the 
 audience believe to be contemptible. JEschines had laid out 
 his greatest strength upon the legal points, devoting to them 
 nearly one-third of his whole speech. But Demosthenes dis- 
 misses them, not merely with brevity but contempt. Still, he 
 could not have ventured upon this, unless he had already se- 
 cured the favor of the audience. He had shown that the crown 
 was well conferred, and had so thoroughly aroused the spirit of 
 his countrymen as to make them indifferent to the merely tech- 
 nical points. Hence, too, we see again the importance of that 
 masterly movement of the orator, by which he^was enabled to 
 postpone these points to the present time. (See p. 114.) The 
 postponement of topics, in order to treat them more successfully, 
 may be fair, or it may be sophistical. In the present case, 
 JEschines called it a mere trick ef the court-house, and warned 
 
189 
 
 the audience against it. (See pp. 100-101). Upon the sophis- 
 tical use, see Whately, Part I. Ch. 3, 7. Also, upon the mode 
 of treating what the orator would have thought contemptible, 
 Parti. Ch. 3, 8. 
 
 123-125. TRANSITION BETWEEN THE SECOND AND THIRD 
 PARTS OF THE ORATION. 
 
 x a it o i x al TOVTO. " Intelligendum ivdvprjTiov vel sim- 
 ile verbum. Eodem modo pp. 43, 442, 568." W. DINDORF. But 
 in the utterance, the tone would express the verbal conception. 
 ^ y da loidoQtav A fc ? y e i v . Compare Cicero : " Accusa- 
 tio crimen desiderat, rem ut definiat, hominem ut notet, argu- 
 mento probet, teste confirmet : maledictio autem nihil habet 
 propositi praeter contumeliam, quse, si petulantius jactatur, con- 
 vicium, si facetius, urbanitas norninatur." Pro M. Ccelia. But 
 contrast the condensed energy of Demosthenes with the more 
 flowing but beautifully constructed sentence of Cicero, x ar a 
 IT\V otvr w v cp v cr i v ; " prout cuique naturalis indoles obtigit, 
 seu lenis, mitis, sedata, aut atrox, vehemens, cita, impetuosa, 
 saeva, ita probra sunt, quae adversario ingerit" we here cut off 
 the stream of Reiske's eloquence, ov % ? v<* a v).M a vi s s 
 & A I TJ I o v g , not, that assembling you in them we should 
 upbraid one another xxo> Uyupsv dUrjXoug with scandals 
 drawn from private life. T UVT a 10 Lv v v e fiov , now 
 Q-inA then, knowing this not less than I. ov (JLJ\V otid y 
 & v i av a tineldelv, not truly, not even oM' 
 repeated for emphasis in this, ought he to get off with less 
 than he gave. 'ATTO^, "scilicet, TW^ Ao^o^twy." SCHAEFER. 
 It is necessary in English to add than he ga.ve which is ob- 
 viously implied, e n I TVT, "ad dedecora hominis domes- 
 tica." SCHAEFER. six a ov jut v dTnji'Tiyxag, why then ^ 
 where, ov genitive of the relative used as an adverb and equiv- 
 alent to " quibus in rebus" with which Schaefer translates it 
 on the one hand, it was in your power to take punishment from 
 me according to the laivs, in behalf of these VTTSQ TOUTOOV, 
 t% pro his civibus Atheniensibus hoc judicium circumstantibus," 
 KEISKE if I indeed had wronged them, did you neglect it, in 
 the official Audits, in the Indictment for Illegal Propositions, 
 in other kinds of prosecutions ; but, where on the other ovi (5* 
 
190 
 
 corresponding to ov ^eV J yw ( eV, having its correspondence 
 in TTJ 7T(Uei d\ but best expressed by the tone stand clear by 
 every consideration, by the laws, by time, by prescription, 
 TW /OO^G) being generic, and ir( nooOeafilq specific, REISKE by 
 my frequently having been tried before on all these charges, 
 by my never having been convicted of crime against you, but 
 where the STATE must of necessity share more or less in the 
 glory at least of the public measures, there you have met me ? 
 T; ov T M v IJLZV % 6 yo s . We expect nbkewg, but how much 
 greater force is given to the remark by this unexpected appeal 
 
 to the audience before him. ULPIAN. The argument is this : 
 
 You neglected to attack me when you would have done it, had 
 you been really my enemy ; you attack me now, when you can 
 not harm me but must harm the state ; you must be aiming, 
 therefore, a secret stab at the state. 
 
 This section may be regarded as the conclusion of the De- 
 fense, Demosthenes professes that he had made out a clear 
 case, and need go no farther in that line of remark. As such a 
 conclusion, it contains, it is worthy of notice, the same topic 
 Periodic Form with which the defense opened. At the outset, 
 of the Defense, g 12-16, Demosthenes charged JSschines with dis- 
 honest motives as an accuser ; we have here the same charge. 
 In both cases, the charge is founded on the same fact, that ^Es- 
 chines had not prosecuted the crimes at the time they were 
 alleged to have been committed, but so long after that they 
 could not be properly punished, even if true ; in both cases we 
 have the same inference of dishonesty in motive ; the only dif- 
 ference being that in the first instance, -^Eschines is accused of 
 being influenced by hate towards a personal enemy, in the lat- 
 ter, by hate towards the state. Is this return to the original 
 topic, an instance of regard for artistic unity so obvious in Greek 
 writers, and preeminently so in Demosthenes, or, was it acci- 
 dental ? This section serves also as a Transition to the Third 
 Part of the oration. It states the reason, or rather the pretext, 
 under which Demosthenes changes his ground, and from acting 
 on the defensive, becomes the assailant. 
 
191 
 
 126-252. THIRD PART OF 
 ATTACK ON 
 
 Library* 
 
 The division of the oration into three grand portions, together 
 with the reasons for such division, has been mentioned in the 
 Introduction, (pp. 97-99) ; and we need here do no more than 
 allude to it. The First Part treats of irrelevant matter, the 
 transactions of the fatal peace of 346, B. C., which the orator 
 would throw out of the case, though he dare not leave it out 
 of his speech; the Second Part treats of those public transac- 
 tions in which, as chief statesman, he took the lead, ending with 
 the triumph of Athens in the Byzantine war, and this consti- 
 tutes his formal defense of the decree of Ctesiphon ; the Third 
 Part, under the disguise of recrimination, treats of the trans- 
 actions of the last war, in which Athens was defeated and con- 
 quered ; tnus leaving out of the Defense the fatal beginning 
 and the still more fatal termination of the contest with Philip, 
 and bringing into it, only that portion in which Athens was for 
 a short time triumphant, while, however, it is to be remembered 
 that Demosthenes could with safety have left neither out of his 
 speech. This movement, by which Demosthenes represents him- 
 self as struggling to ward off a great evil brought upon the 
 country by ^Eschines, is not less masterly than that by which 
 he treats of the first peace as not pertaining to his case, or 
 that by which he postpones the discussion of the strictly legal 
 points. 
 
 This part of the oration, after an Introduction, 126-128, 
 takes up first the Private Life of ^Bschines, 129-131, and 
 then his Public Life. Under the latter head, the orator treats 
 of several individual transactions, 132-139, and then proceeds 
 to the Amphissean war, which is the real subject of this part of 
 the oration ; we will give the analysis, when we reach the topic. 
 
 126-128. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 y [i v e ri or e tf TJ xal d IK a la i// rj qo o , the decision, 
 which piety and justice requires ; etveCrig, with reference to 
 the oath of the judges, upon which in the exordium, and else- 
 where, Demosthenes has laid so much stress, d i d i & g 
 
192 
 
 va $, " Ordo constructions : d i& r&g 
 tou elQ^nivag pha&cpyplus. Inversio hsec ordinis est 
 ex idiomatis Graecse ; ne de vocibus transponendis cogites." 
 SCHAEFER. See293, 314. &.vil nokk&v xal ycvd&v, 
 instead of many and false things; such as ^Eschines had spo- 
 ken of him. Others, u as a set- off to his many and false char>- 
 ges ;" which, however, is implied in the preceding clause. tf ? dt 
 Tdyayxa*6TaT', barely the most necessary, its &v xal 
 Tivwv. See 10 and note, p. 117. hoyovs ilva$ di,oi* 
 & v Q s i> , cwrf Wi# Expressions he carps at ; connected with 
 fctlat; "e ^was oraiiones exagitet" VOEMEL. Seager proposed 
 T*vci^, and translated, " et dictiones quasdam calumniaturj' 
 connecting diaavyet with &Q%i. CLASS* JOUR, LIII, p. 52. Ap- 
 proved by SCHAEFER, and edited by DISSEN and WESTERMANN. 
 We subjoin an example of JEschines' criticism ; ov 
 a^TOu r fM&Q& Kocl tinl&ava ^ify/ara, a TTW^ TTO^' i5^tg, w 
 txaoTsgelTe tixgotijuerot, ; or' ^7; 7iaQek$(jw 
 ify nobiv, dvajeTfi^Koto't Jives T(i x^warrx TOU dr^iov, 
 rdc vevQa i($v TTQcty ^fawv , (fOQjLtoQoacpov^e&a inl T crTer 
 n^xinov WOTTTC^ T(ig fiek6va$ dieigovai.'" ravia ds rl iuitv, 
 do?; ^r^ara T) -ftatfjaTa. 166. See, also, 72. T* T 6) > 
 fie rqlwv , what ordinary man. qMyZwrGcu,, with this^ the 
 sentence breaks off, without an apodosis. si lax 6s Mlvw$, 
 8127 a P rovei *k> denoting an upright man. crneQjLiokoyos , 
 "a word-monger" Lord BROUGHAM. The Athenian 
 philosophers applied the same epithet to Paul. TI civ Oiloi 6 
 UTfegpolbyos oviog "k^ew ; Acts 17:18. TteQliQiu^a dyo 
 Q s j a hack of the forum ; compare, Tre^r^^a ^w/, Aris- 
 toph. Nub. 447. o A e QO s ^a^^aretfg, a pestilent 
 scribe ; otedyos taking the place of an adjective. & 7 r\ * I 
 r\b *> e . The words of ^Eschines are ; " '"70) jii&v olv, w yrj xat 
 TJ^ xai doerrj xi vtire&ig xal naidela, r^ diuyiyv&GKopev ra. xa^dc 
 xi rd cti(7/^(i, fiefiori&Tjxa xal el'orjxa." 260. d r^n o v e v > 
 
 J think, or, i/* / mistake not ; with a sneer. This section, we 
 
 easily observe, is in good keeping with the professed object of 
 recrimination. We may notice, however, that as Demosthenes 
 charged the blame of speaking his own praises, upon ^Eschi- 
 nes, who had made it necessary for him to do it, so, here, he 
 represents himself as driven to invective^ by the necessity which 
 the previous invective of JEschines had forced upon him. 
 
193 
 
 129-131. PRIVATE LIFE OF 
 
 o ri x tin o W v fivrj a 6 w , at no loss what fittingly to 
 say of you and yours. I am at a loss what to say first : I am at 
 a loss for the first thing I may mention. Sdovksvs nag* 
 *E1.ntc(., served with Elpias ; that is, was a slave of the 
 schoolmaster Elpias. agog TW 770-6/0), near the Theseum; 
 a temple of Theseus in the northwestern part of the city, d i - 
 d&crxovTt y Q& fi fiar a . " Est ygbfifuxTa did&crxew docere 
 pueros legere et scribere." DISSEN. %o lv i xa$, " fetters." 
 i) I o v , a wooden collar. T ol g fie Orj [IGQIV ol g y & ^ ~ 
 o i g , prostitutions in the day time. " Sed quotidianus dicitur 
 *a6we(>w6s, diurnus fiedwegu'ds. SCHAEFER. ydpoig. " Eu- 
 phemismus, quo meretricum vita indicatur." BREMI. t <5 x \ e * - 
 CT/O), iAe brothel. TTQOS TW xa^a^/j^ ^wi 1 . The 
 exact meaning is a matter of conjecture. Near the hero, Kala- 
 mites ; that is, near his statue or monument. " Statuo demum 
 fuisse herois cujusdam (Calamitem vocabant,) sive statuam sive 
 sacellum sive monumentum, juxta vero porticum sive fornicem 
 eoque pro lupanari usas fuisse, quse Athenis prostabant." 
 REISKE. But Schsefer makes r^'C the proper name, Heros, and 
 xaXa^/r^, an epithet. " Homo dictus fuit xw^a^/r^^, quod nig 
 xahapoig perite uteretur ant in curandis ossium fracturis aut ad 
 alios usus chirurgicos." He refers to p. 419, 22. ngbg rqi TOU 
 H(xo ?o\j IUTQOV. Heros, the surgeon. iQiTctyuvio-T^v 
 & x Q o v , a third rate actor at the top of his profession, 
 
 oxoi> . KUHNER, 245, R. 5. The terms selected in this 
 
 account of JEschines 7 parentage are expressive of the utmost 
 contempt. His father was not only a slave, but a base, fettered 
 slave, and a slave to one who exercised the humblest calling ; 
 his mother, not only a prostitute, but a most shameless one, and 
 the person who raised her from her honorable employment was 
 the son of a slave, and a galley pipe-player ; and ^Eschines 
 himself the beautiful puppet not an actor, but an actor of 
 
 third parts, though, to be sure, in these he shone. d n ' tf - 
 
 T0)3> d & &v a ti T b g fiefilwxsv=. v.ri* afawv TWJ> cei5Tq5 fie- 
 
 f? * G*/* 4 j*y . Compare xd vol xd^oi ^e^w^ueW. 125. 
 
 The relative with the finite verb can sometimes be best 
 
 translated by the participle, or the corresponding substantive. 
 
 17 
 
194: 
 
 Thus, o% y&o Gfovx^xeaav == efavxfyot(rt>. 18. So, here; I 
 will begin with the acts of his life, ovd y &Q Z>v %-cv %BV 
 3\ v , ybr Ae was not one of the ordinary sort, * IW%BV = i&v 
 ivx6vTw, as above but of those accursed by the people ; that 
 is, he was not a common, ordinary knave, but a great, public 
 malefactor. The connection seems to be this ; I will not dwell 
 upon the private vices of his ancestors ; it would be unworthy 
 of me I will begin with ^Eschines himself, and his public 
 crimes. The paragraph is, indeed, the transition to the account 
 of the public life of ^Eschines. The sentence has received sev- 
 eral interpretations. The above is substantially that of Reiske. 
 " Non enim est Mschines de genere hominum triviali, vulgari, 
 sed unus illorum inventu rarorum hominum, quos populus per 
 prceconem publice devovet, h. e. parricida et proditor patrise 
 eoque dignus cujus in mores et cursum universae vitae inquira- 
 tur." Dissen makes the orator speak of the acts of his life ; 
 " neque enim vulgaris generis erant, fiefiluxev, sed qualia 
 populus execratur." But this weakens the sense, and besides, 
 it is ^Eschines himself who is the subject of discourse. "6 r\ - 
 [iog x ax UQ aT a i pertinent ad solemnem precationis formu- 
 lam, quam prseco populi nomine pronuntiabat initio comitio- 
 rum." DISSEN. o^e y & Q TT OT e for late in life at length. 
 "6y/ refertur ad ^Eschinis setatem. Is dicitur grandis natu 
 atque sero factus civis et orator, adeoque tarn sero, ut res pau- 
 cis diebus ante accidisse videatur." SCHAEFER. 6i// A^yw; 
 late, say I? / 6 & g ^ s v oi) v x a I n Q &TJ v , yea, rather 
 fisv ovv, u immor HER. ad VIG. p. 842 yesterday or the 
 day before ; % 6 e g x al n Q(hrj v , a proverbial expression ; 
 t n o I iq or e v , he made his father instead of Tromes, Atrome- 
 tos. e n o IT] or e v , " aliquanto gravius, opinor, quam cb^o^a- 
 GBV : quippe hoc verbo sarcasticae quid acerbitatis indicari vide- 
 tur. Quod quale sit, facile senties, si memineris tir^iy-cog etiam 
 iniOeTixug dici de intrepido. Antipater in Antholog. Palat. T. 1, 
 p. 270. Zstig &To6{*r]Tog eldev." SCHAEFER. cr e p v w g n & v v , 
 compare p&ka o-epv&g. 35. rha.vxoduv\)y adding two syl- 
 lables to rkavxlg. "Ejunovaav. Empusa; the name of a spectre, 
 sent from Hecate, which transformed itself into different shapes. 
 See ARIST. Ranse, 288. BX TOV n&via noielv x a I 
 naff % e iv, " quod qucevis turpia lucri causa facer et et pate- 
 retur, quasi qusedam Empusa se in omnes formas transformans." 
 
195 
 
 DISSEN. T rj 7tw v v p la $ , the nickname. o$ % o it co g , 
 
 .. .. is to be explained by an ellipsis. "Otf/ OTTWJ est orix ^oi 
 O7rw, non dicam quomodo." HER. ad VIG. 788. Hence, 
 it may mean either not only, or, not only not, as here, accord- 
 ing to the following clause. T i g d p q> i a ft TJ T 77 or i g . tificpicr- 
 firjielv followed by 6? or cog otf, is to argue that a thing is or is 
 not. So, here ; as to things about which it may be argued 
 that possibly he has spoken in behalf of his country, I pass 
 them by, 
 
 We may notice a certain completeness at which the orator 
 aims. In the opening of the oration, he defended himself, first, 
 against the attacks upon his private life, and then proceeded to 
 measures of a public character. So, here, he begins with 
 charges against the private life of JEschines. As he afterward 
 takes up this topic, and pursues it at great length, it seems to 
 be brought in, in the present connection, with reference, at least 
 in part, to the unity of this portion of the oration. 
 
 PUBLIC LIFE OF ^ESCHINES. 
 132-137. ISOLATED TRANSACTIONS. 
 
 132-135. HlS CONDUCT IN THE CASE OF ANTIPHON. ttTtO- 
 
 y T] cp ia e VTCC, properly, ejected from the citizen- class ; per- 
 haps, outlawed. " Vox ea generaliter et quasi proprie sumta 
 absolulionis vim obtinet ; verum in causa peregrinitatis, ubi 
 quaeritur, an civis sit, necne, condemnandi vel ejiciendi ; ideo 
 vero, quoniam, cum civium recensio fieret, quee <J*i//?j(jDtCT*, qui 
 ex eo censu dejiceretur, anoyrjcpiadrivai, recte dici potuit. TAYLOR. 
 The revisal of the citizens 7 roll, at which Antiphon was ejected, 
 g-ioq was in 346, B.C. iv\v vneiiQuv&yvotGiv 
 crviufiefiTjxvTar," your ill-timed error," KENNEDY ; 
 which well represents, though it hardly translates, the words, 
 a f v o i a refers to that state of mind, so often complained of 
 by Demosthenes, and expressed by various words, such as tjadv. 
 fiiotj oc^t'tata, through which the Athenians paid little earnest 
 attention to public affairs, sacrificing from mere heedlessness 
 and ignorance of the real state of things, their own best inter- 
 ests. But it is not easy in the present case to give a word-for- 
 
196 
 
 word translation ; by neglecting the participle, which would 
 not have been used in English, and converting the abstract into 
 the concrete, Kennedy has finely represented the thought. So, 
 also, has Lord Brougham, though in a different way ; " seeing 
 you thrown off your guard at a critical moment" &nb TTJ $ 
 a tf T 7] g &y v o la g , from the same thoughtlessness, n o e t - 
 A e cr 6 G . Wolf conjectured Trgoaslkeade, which is admitted into 
 the text by Voemel. The people, it would seem, before voting 
 for a syndic, had made the Areopagus the final arbiter of the 
 election, and the Areopagus, in exercise of this authority, 
 rejected JEschines and appointed Hyperides. ' Y n e Q s I d T? . 
 Fragments of his speech, the Aoyog 2lrfiiux6g, remain, d n 6 
 TOV @ a ftov , the most solemn form of voting. With re- 
 spect to this charge against Antipho, we know nothing more 
 than what is here said by Demosthenes, though from the con- 
 demnation of him by the Areopagus, it was probably true. 
 With respect to his examination by the Areopagus, at the insti- 
 gation of Demosthenes, and his being tortured and slain by the 
 people, it is mentioned by Deinarchus in his speech against 
 Demosthenes, 46, who says that Antipho was descended from 
 Harmodius. The time of this transaction can not be certainly 
 determined. Both the affair of Antipho, and the rejection of 
 -^fechines as syndic, which were closely connected, are refer- 
 red to in the nsql -n^anQBu^elag, p. 406, so that it could not 
 have been later than 342-3, B. C. It was probably after the 
 peace of 346, B. C. There had been for a long time a contest 
 between the Athenians and the Delians, for the possession of 
 the temple of Delos. The matter was finally brought before 
 the Amphictyonic Council. It is this appeal to which reference 
 is here made. But as the Athenians were in possession, the 
 appeal was doubtless made by the Delians, and if so, probably 
 after the admission of Philip into that council, since they might 
 well hope his influence would be adverse to the Athenians in 
 the matter. Hence, too, we may see the reason why the Are- 
 opagus rejected .^Eschines, and appointed Hyperides, who was 
 strongly opposed to the Macedonian interest. See WESTERMANN. 
 136-137. CONDUCT OF JEscniNES IN THE CASE OF THE ORA- 
 TOR PYTHON, AND THE SPY ANAXINUS. v s a v I o v , refers not 
 to age, but to character. no Mia Q & o vi i, flowing deep. 
 "Qui magno flumine verborum inveheretur in vos." DISSEN. 
 
197 
 
 Compare salso multoque fluenti. Hor. Sat. 1, 7, 28. When it 
 was that Demosthenes gained this victory over the celebrated 
 Byzantine orator can not be certainly determined. *Avct$lv&. 
 Nothing further is known of Anaxinus than what is mentioned 
 by Demosthenes. With this the orator ends the list of indi- 
 vidual acts, both because he has gone far enough to give color 
 to his professed design of recrimination, and because the enu- 
 meration of particulars can never be successfully carried very 
 far ; while, at the same time, he hurries on to his real object, 
 the Amphissean war. 138-139. TRANSITION TO THE CON- 
 DUCT OF JESCHINES IN GETTING UP THE AMPHISSEAN WAR. 
 
 it o 1 1 & e 1 1 i o v i w v. "$TI verte pr&terea et junge yroUdt 
 TOUTWJ/." SCHAEFER. &r o I T o g e-bqi r}. Many of those 
 things, with which wy by attraction for a this man was 
 found, on the one hand, serving the enemy, and, on the other, 
 abusing me. -bnrjos-ceiv is to serve, that is, do acts of service, 
 tTtTjQea^eiv, to abuse, to do abusive things, both containing the 
 object within themselves, yet both may be construed with the 
 pronoun in the accusative, expressive of that object. It is pre- 
 cisely so in English, with the exception that when the object is 
 expressed, the relation is denoted by the preposition ; as, to 
 serve, to serve with, to abuse, to abuse with, ov 1 1d e T t 
 6 Q Y V v - e te (ivtyriv Oelvai, 11, is to Jay up a thing in the mem- 
 ory, as in English. But, els tyy^* Oelvai T*, has no correspond- 
 ing expression in English, and, hence, another verb must be 
 introduced. But these things are not laid up among you in 
 careful memory nor resented with that anger which is appro- 
 priate, d t,6n s Q o v nob n e v s a 6 a i, therefore is it 
 easier and safer always for one to be a hireling, serving the 
 enemy, than to be a statesman, maintaining the post of patriot- 
 ism, iiwdaqvelv, and nolnevecrOai, like other verbs formed 
 from substantives, can be best translated by the corresponding 
 
 English substantives. Several of the topics in this oration 
 
 have been treated in other orations. Hence, we often meet in 
 them with the same form of the sentence, and not unfrequently 
 with the same words. But, on comparison we find the sen- 
 tences in this oration more forcible ; the expressions are more 
 condensed, and the antitheses more pointed. Thus, we find the 
 rudiments of the present sentence, in the Third Philippic : 
 xal JUCTU nhelovos dcrgpccAeta^ TiohTevecrOai, deduxare JOVTOI$ $ 
 
 17* 
 
198 
 
 8 i QQ n vfiv yovcrw. 55. - qp aveg&g " jungendum 
 esse verbo nolspelv sequentia decent." SCHAEFEB. id 
 
 I a e oi)^r\i o . See 77. Xe QQOVTJ ao g 
 6 si TO. See 92. in I ^ r\v 'Avi t,XT]v In og st s 6' civ - 
 
 Q co n o g. In attacking the Chersonese Demosthenes regarded 
 Philip as attacking Attica. See 101, Note, p. 174. " Volebat 
 (Philippus) Ponti, Euxini, Hellespont!, maris ^Egei imperio 
 potiri, atque ita ipsi Atticse imminere dici poterat." DISSEN. 
 avOgwTtog, " cum contemptu." DISSEN. o T * p e v del- 
 
 1 w * , not one act is there which this Iambic mouther can 
 show that he did for you. Ja^etoqpdyos, " non de qpfta- 
 XO*^O^G), sed de kvfiuwojLitvto rovg i^/^ovc, h. e. de disperdente 
 bonos trimetros per vitiosam pronuntiationem, qua homo iambos 
 tanquam absorbere videretur." SCHAEFER. See 267. of>8' 
 e a T iv Ala % lv TJ , no^ a decree great or small, so far as 
 JEschines is concerned, t v TCU ^w v^ar*. The speak- 
 ers were limited to a given amount of time, which was meas- 
 ured by the clepsydra, d voT v O&T egor, in apposition with 
 the whole sentence. Reiske would supply noielv, but Schaefer 
 says, "auTo*- av&yxrj syntactice continuatur sequentibus." See 
 p. 113. - It will be observed that the orator follows a certain 
 order. The conduct of JEschines against his country during 
 the uncertain period of the peace, is referred to, but only to 
 be forgiven. The period of his inaction during the war, that 
 is, the Byzantine war, when Athens was victorious and nothing 
 could be done for the enemy, is then mentioned. He then 
 pauses, and asks as he was inactive when his country was 
 prosperous and he could not harm her, was he also inactive 
 when the time came that he could harm her ? and this brings 
 him to the Amphissean war. 
 
 THE AMPHISSEAN WAR. 
 
 The subject of the Amphissean war, though a vital portion 
 of the oration, forms a distinct whole by itself. It opens with 
 a formal and solemn introduction, and its topics are arranged 
 with that consummate art which is apparent in the construction 
 of the entire speech. It may be divided into four general 
 divisions. 
 
199 
 
 I. The Introduction, 140-144. 
 
 II. The Part of ./Eschines in getting up the war, 145-159, 
 
 III. The Part of Demosthenes in defending his country 
 against it, by the Theban Alliance, 160-247. 
 
 IV. The Judgment of the People after the war upon the 
 conduct of Demosthenes, 248-290. 
 
 140-144. INTRODUCTION. 
 
 ^Ag' olv o rf J ' x a x 6v ; Did he then say nothing as 
 he then proposed nothing when he could work you harm ? 
 that is, as he proposed no decree, small or great for you, so, did 
 he say nothing against you, when he had a chance to do you 
 hurt ? The contrast was brought out by the mode of utterance. 
 " <S<77reo oi>d' fc'y^aqpey, ut inserta nayevdeTwg, quod vocis inflexio, 
 cum Demosthenes oraret, satis docuit, sola per se intelligenda, 
 nee referenda sunt ad ea quae continuo sequuntur. Ad cy^aqpev 
 subaudias TOTS. SCHAEFER. o i> ^tv o I v , nay, it was not 
 possible for another to speak. 130, Note. In eOrjxs itlog, 
 which gave the finishing stroke to all his former deeds, i&v 
 ^{Kpiffaeuv, genitive of the object : concerning the Am- 
 phisseans. i 6 , referring to the preceding sentence ; the mat- 
 ter is not of such a nature ; it can not be perverted. * v /- 
 y> s i , wash out. 
 
 " Will all great Neptune's ocean wash this blood 
 Clean from my hand ?" 
 
 Lord Brougham unnecessarily changes the figure ; " never 
 ivill you be able to expiate that passage of your life." 01) % 
 ov ret) n oMa Q el g , not so many things ivill you speak ; 
 that is, as to accomplish it : not, however much you may 
 
 , ... say. tivorrjTov, insensible to any good. OTI 
 * x a I y Q&ptiai' I % w y, although both having ; the 
 8149 participle standing in an adversative relation to the 
 finite verb, tv TW d y jtio cr 1&, in the Record-office^ 
 " in TabulariO) non, in JErario." SCHAEFER. ^ A & T T w v . 
 We find a similar thought in the ne^l nuQatTiQeofielctg. " Let 
 none of you, Judges, looking upon the magnitude of the trans- 
 actions, suppose that the charges and the crimes are greater 
 than his reputation" ^e(^ov$ r^g TOUTOV dofyg ; that is, be- 
 
200 
 
 yond his reputed power. 32. rov y iv ' A p y L a a 5 
 7t6he JLIO v , d i,' ov e I g *E A 4 T e i a v , is an hexameter, 
 8 143 anc ^ was not unnot i ce d by tne ancients. LONGINI Fragm. 
 * III, 4. CICERO'S Orator. Ch. 56. o g refers to Ttdkepov. 
 SCHAEFER. x a I n &v T a> v x x co j> , and the one man 
 
 guilty of all our calamities. 73. x naga^l 
 TcaQaxcdetcrOat, is to summons one's friends and followers to give 
 aid and countenance in a trial, or in the Assembly. Hence, 
 some sitting together on summons, or from preconcert ; that is, 
 the Macedonian faction, d e i v 6 1 17 , " calliditas" SCHAEFER ; 
 " craftiness" KENNEDY. 
 
 The topic of Exaggeration of setting forth an act or event 
 as greatly above or below the ordinary standard of such acts 
 The topic of and events is a common topic in oratory. The 
 Exaggeration. p re sent example is worthy of study. The object of 
 the orator is, to show the enormity of the crime which JEschi- 
 nes had committed, and hence, incidentally to conciliate the 
 favor of the audience to himself as a wise statesman and a true 
 patriot. This is done by a series of topics judiciously selected 
 and arranged. The first contrasts this act with other acts of 
 ^Eschines. As to his other acts, the state was able, as it seems, 
 to bear them, they were not fatal and he himself to escape 
 detection as their author, but this act consummates all his 
 former perfidies and reveals his treachery so manifestly that it 
 can no longer be concealed. Here, the orator pauses, and, as 
 if impelled by the magnitude of the charge, invokes the inter- 
 position of the gods. Then follows an explanation of the reason 
 of this earnest prayer that the crime was so enormous he 
 feared lest JEschines might be thought too insignificant a per- 
 son to have wrought it. And, finally, he paints the scene in 
 the assembly, when he cries out u You bring a war into Attica, 
 JEschines, an Amphictyonic war" and then by a most appro- 
 priate transition passes to the next subject. It may be re- 
 marked, also, that the orator with dramatic art keeps back the 
 specific charge to the end, merely shadowing it forth at the 
 outset, as something relating to the Amphisseans. 
 
201 
 
 145-159. CONDUCT OF ^ESCHINES IN GETTING UP THE 
 AMPHISSEAN WAR. 
 
 The topics, without any formal distinction, are as follows : 
 Interest of Philip in an Amphictyonic war ; Employment of 
 ^Eschines ; Proceedings of ^Eschines ; Proceedings of the Am- 
 phictyons, and the events of the war to the seizure of Elatea ; 
 Documentary evidence ; Conclusion of the subject. 
 
 145-147. INTEREST OF PHILIP IN AN AMPHICTYONIC WAR. 
 For an account of the Amphissean war, see Hist. Sketch, XVIII. 
 For an account of the Amphictyonic League, XIII, 46. t o v 
 n g o g vjna $ TT ok & po v , the Byzantine war, of which the 
 orator has already spoken, 87-94. &n nil ay r], escape ; 
 that is, from the war, not, " from the contracted theater of his 
 country," as Champlin supposes. r w *> A 77 a T w *> , neither 
 "pirates" nor u rollers" but, irregular troops, who annoyed 
 the enemy by sudden incursions here and there by the aid of 
 the fleet, plundering and spoiling the country. Demosthenes 
 in the First Philippic recommends the Athenians to carry on 
 the war in this manner kr}(jjeveiv &pdyxr] xal TOUTW TO} TQOTXJ) 
 iov noMpov xQrivOai. 23. A fine illustration of lnr*iw is 
 found in a passage of Livy, quoted by Sauppe ; (Veientes) in 
 fines Romanorum excucurrerunt, populandi magis quam justi 
 more belli. Itaque non castris positis, non expectato hostium 
 exercitu, raptam ex agris prsedam portantes Veios rediere. Lib. 
 1, 15. Here, too, Demosthenes distinguishes between the evils 
 inflicted by this kind of warfare, and the war itself, that is, 
 the war carried on in the usual way in the Chersonese and at 
 Byzantium. They were the Guerilla troops of modern times. 
 x TTJ / c6 9 a , " cohseret syntactice cum yiyvofjttvwv, lo- 
 gice cum ^rjyero. Plena eniin locutio hsec est ; ovre yag 
 e?jyTO rwy iv ir^ %wQCt yiyvopivwv x Trj? %(boag ovSev.'* 
 SCHAEFER. a TU TW, " cohseret cum t^ero et eicrrjyeTo." REISKE. 
 jUTJTs 0eTTccAc5y d u& VTWV, declares a fact, not makes 
 a supposition ; since neither the Thessalians followed him, nor 
 the Thebans gave him a passage." BUTTMANN, Gr. 148, 2, h. 
 Note 1. atfjTj T7j cp v a e i exar^^oig, the nature of 
 the country and of the forces belonging to each. Notwith- 
 standing the superiority of his army, Philip could not reach 
 
202 
 
 Attica by land on account of the Thessalians and Thebans, nor 
 by sea on account of the Athenian fleet, from which at the 
 same time he suffered much harm and annoyance. ^ <* v d e 
 I a c6 v , but if taking advantage of the occasions [of war] 
 common to them, he should be chosen leader, he hoped easily to 
 cheat the one, and persuade the other [into it] ; that is, it he 
 could get up a war in which they should have a common inter- 
 est, he thought he could bring them into it. n q 6 cp a a ^ g , 
 " modo, causa vera ; modo, pretextus vanus ; moio, occasio ; 
 ssepe tarn dubie usurpa'us, ut vim ejus definire difficile sit." 
 REISKE. T & fie v TC ay a x Q o tf a e a 6 a i, rci d s n e I - 
 e t,v, " hoc Thessalos spectat, illud Thebanos." DISSEN. . n 6 1 e . 
 {tor 7i o tr\a a i folg 'AfKpixjtoai,, to make a war, 
 not against, but, for the Amphictyons^ that is, for them to carry 
 on. " BeUum excitare Ampkictyonibus gerendum." DISSEN. 
 x ccl n Ql i T\V n vl a. L u v i aqa % r\v, and a disturbance 
 in the synod, neglin. 96, Note. f\ nvlala is the synod 
 itself, as well as the place of holding it. elg TVT\ for 
 these, or with reference to these ; that is, to settle the difficulty. 
 148. EMPLOYMENT OF ^ESCHINES. xi n&vTag qpvAcil- 
 s v 6 a i , and all be on guard. e tin dgw g A TJ or e i v , he 
 thought easily to escape notice ; or, that the scheme, T& TT^fjia 
 would escape notice. 149-150. PROCEEDINGS OF JEscm- 
 NES. nGQieldeiv, to survey the country ; " circuire ad 
 fines determinandos." DISSEN. a cp&v avrwr ov v a v, as 
 being their own. iuv Aox q&v n ay 6viwv. See ^Eschi- 
 nes, 116. STt&yeiv dlxyv, to bring a suit. otid' a, u ex 
 antecedentibus simpliciter enayovrwv supple." DISSEN. TCQOV- 
 x a k i a a a 6 a i , to summon, which was to be done in the 
 presence of witnesses (X^TJTO^), ^xATJjevcrey, who served 
 the summons ? xkyTetisiv is to perform the legal summons, that 
 is, in the presence of x^TJro^eg. inl no Lug ti-QXnSi "quo 
 archonte, hoc est, quo anno ?" REISKE. x a T e % Q w, simply, 
 you make use of . 151-153. PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMPHIC- 
 
 TYONS, AND EVENTS OF THE WAR TO THE SEIZURE OF ELATEA. 
 
 xaxd TTJV i5 yi\y ij t v . byjiyeioOvu, to lead the way ; 
 hence, here, in accordance with the lead which this man gave, 
 or, as we may say, under the lead. n go erne o 6 v i e g 
 a n a v T a g , the Locrians falling upon them slew ahnost the 
 whole with their javelins but took some of the Hieromnemones 
 
203 
 
 prisoners. They routed the promiscuous crowd with great 
 slaughter with their javelins at a distance, and took a few pris- 
 oners in the retreat. 7r = at once. \>ia.$&xQr] , was 
 tumultuously excited. "Bellum cum turba commotum est." 
 BREMI. atfT&v T &v ^AyiyiKvvbvwv, of Amphictyons 
 only, rj Y y , became leader; that is, commander-in-chief 
 of the war. The army was not yet raised, o I n e v o v x 
 % A 6 o v, that is, the Thebans and Athenians, e I g i^v ^ TT *. 
 ov or v TT 6 A e cr i , 2Ae trained and veteran traitors among 
 the Thessalians and in the other states, at the following con- 
 
 fress transferred the business at once to Philip as leader. 
 YOV, "subaudias TO Tr^a^a. Supra p. 125, 20, ol i*ev icp' 
 vfiag fflov zd TT^cc^aTa, ol <5' inl tylhnnor." ScHAEFER. T a v T a, 
 that is, contributing and supporting mercenaries. IQQ&V 6 a t, 
 <pQ&<rag n o II & , bidding a "long farewell." vvv de 
 ^xetyot, but as it was vvv d, corresponding to el niv 
 they restrained him at least from the sudden onset the one 
 just supposed ; ye limiting the assertion, because they were not 
 able finally to restrain him. elja ptvroi d I e^e, then^ 
 however, and as far as was possible for one man even by me. 
 T0dtacrce ed MX e , " has stirred up with impunity." KEN- 
 NEDY. 154-157. DOCUMENTS, xoivb Ttyocr eno letro, 
 but pretended to do what was of common interest, and had 
 been decided by the Amphictyons. 158-159. CONCLUSION. 
 i5qp' k vb$ dyflpcoTrov, Philip. 6 n agacr xtiv, not gen- 
 eral, but personal ; ^Eschines. Ttokv T* CTX^TO?, in the 
 language of Scripture, u a thick darkness." 
 
 With regard to this section, we need make no remarks, ex- 
 cept on the statement, 143-148, in which the orator sets forth 
 the motives Philip had in getting up an Amphictyonic war, 
 and in employing an Athenian to do it. This is the second 
 time the orator has made use of the di^rjaig anode IXTIY.^ or 
 Argumentative Narrative. The object of the first was to state 
 the circumstances which led the Athenians to make the first 
 Peace, of 346, B. C., 18-20. The present is, also, a statement 
 of facts and motives, but they are so connected together in the 
 strictest logical sequence, without a superfluous sentence, and 
 expressed with such precision and force, without a superfluous 
 
204 
 
 word, that an analysis would be longer than the statement itself. 
 It will be sufficient to recommend this as well as the former 
 one, as oratorical studies. 
 
 160-247. CONDUCT OF DEMOSTHENES IN DEFENDING HIS 
 COUNTRY AGAINST THE AMPHISSEAN WAR, THROUGH THE 
 THEBAN ALLIANCE. 
 
 As the Amphissean war was the great crime of ^Eschines 
 against his country, so the Theban Alliance was the great 
 achievement of Demosthenes for it. The topics in this portion 
 of the oration have sole reference to it, and to the combined 
 efforts of Athens and Thebes under it. They are as follows : 
 
 I. The Relation of Athens and Thebes to each other at the 
 time of the Seizure of Elatea. 160-167. 
 
 II. The Tumult at Athens on the seizure of Elatea. 168- 
 173. 
 
 III. Speech of Demosthenes on the occasion, and his Decree. 
 174-187. 
 
 IV. Remarks preliminary to a consideration of the Results of 
 the Measures proposed at that time by Demosthenes. 189- 
 210. 
 
 V. Narrative of Events, ending with the battle of Cheronea, 
 211-247. 
 
 160-167. THE RELATION OF ATHENS AND THEBES TO EACH 
 OTHER AT THE TIME OF THE SEIZURE OF ELATEA. 
 
 160. TRANSITION. cr v fi ft ifi rj x e , as if in the natural 
 course of things. TOC e Qy a T w v tin e Q & fiw v n 6 v ODV , 
 " the toil of exertions in your behalf" KENNEDY. u Poterat 
 brevius scribere votig tinty -b^v novovg : sed maluit illo modo ob 
 solennem oppositionem r&v %wi/ et TW* loyuv." SCHAEFER. 
 ai'Twy, genitive of the object, concerning them. See 140, 
 Note. 161-167. STATEMENT. tf no T&V T d ftiklnnov 
 jp0 y o 4 * T6> , ly those favoring the interests of Philip. 16. 
 iwog (pQovetv is to think the thoughts of another, to be like- 
 minded, of his party. See 177. nay exTe^o^g, a apud 
 utrosque seorsim, ut mox tiftcpoTtyoig utrisque simul" DISSEN. 
 i\v (p i,h lav, between the Athenians and Thebans. 
 
205 
 
 = (UXijAot. SCHAEFER. o v g , the pronouns are con- 
 strued with the participles, not with the verbs, as bringing out 
 the contrast better between ffivTag ptv xolaxevwv and vedvefawv 
 dh xaTrjyoQ&v. alad&v e v , " recte ex codice S. pro ala/tvy 
 restitutum. Non impudentiam notat ^Eschinis sed absurdita- 
 tem, ut ex sequentibus verbis apparet." W. DINDORF. T 6 v & v 
 ^A ficp la ay it 6k e [to v s %&$<* v . The equipoise of the 
 clauses of this sentence is perfect ; iov iv ^[icplvvri ntilepov 
 being balanced by ity ngbg Qrfialovg e%6aar, TV^TOV by i&v 
 ctMwy, and no^uuviog by (Jv^tneQava^BVMv^ while, at the same 
 time they are arranged on the principle of the chiasmus, to do 
 which ptv is thrown out of its proper position after noirivavrog. 
 97, Note. TTJV TtQog Q y f? a I o v g $x6gav, referring 
 to the national hatred towards the Thebans. OVTW fi e % g <, 
 yi 6 Q Q w . " oCrw referendum ad nogoat. Passim OVTW a sua voce 
 dirimitur, alia interserta. oviwg ineneloprjv [dyuv. g 220." 
 SCHAEFER. The separation is for emphasis, the unimportant 
 word being interposed. 
 
 168-173. THE TUMULT AT ATHENS ON THE SEIZURE OF 
 ELATEA. 
 
 168. INTRODUCTION. d i i o t T w r, ^Eschines and his 
 partisans. T ^v d v v , i ^, that is, the force before men- 
 tioned as having been assembled. 152. r 1(V 'E I&T s va,v 
 H&t&lafi e v. Demosthenes has already mentioned the seiz- 
 ure of Elatea, 152, but leaving Philip, as it were, in posses- 
 sion, although with genuine art he anticipates, by way of relief, 
 the results of the alliance he brought about between Athens 
 and Thebes, by which the immediate clanger was averted, he 
 proceeded to speak of the relations existing between Thebes and 
 Athens, and of the necessity of cooperating against Philip. He 
 now returns to the seizure of that city, and first speaks of the 
 consternation it produced in Athens. & g oti d' a v TCOJ> 
 Orjfialuv, as if, come what might, you and the Thebans 
 could never agree; " could never again unite;" KENNEDY, but 
 fc points out the continuance of their estrangement : they would 
 still continue in not uniting. [Jixya. = "pauca." SCHAEFER, 
 34, Note, a TUT ex. -i&vayxaioTma. See 126, Note. 
 169-173. STATEMENT. 'Effntga [itv y&Q ^*, Ijxe <T. 
 
 18 
 
206 
 
 There is a slight contrast. The time is not mentioned merely 
 to denote that fact, but also to show the urgency of the case. 
 Notwithstanding it was evening, a person came announcing. 
 But the shade of the thought can not be well given in English, 
 we may adopt Lord Brougham's translation as the best. It 
 was evening. &yy illwv i ig, there came one announcing ; 
 not a formal messenger, tots T' ^ x egslQyov. " Re- 
 solve ! totig T' iv Tcclg vxi]voiig vcng xard tiyoydiv i^elgyov tfT(oj>." 
 SCHAEFER. See 145, Note, axr/yco^, booths in the market, 
 with wicker work coverings, (yeo^a.) v en IfiTtga aav. " Sus- 
 picor incendium fuisse loco cpyvxjMQlag, ut in tan to tumultu 
 omnes e demis in urbem confluerent." SCHAEFER. T TJ tf a T c- 
 9 / a , supply, r^iga. a fi a T ?j rifitgq, as soon as it was 
 day ; at dawn, a v w , in Pnyce. SCHAEFER. n& v i e s &v 
 $ [* e I s , all then present, of T*x6or*oi<, " trecenti ditis- 
 simi secundum symmorias Nausinici." DISSEN. See Bceckh Pub. 
 Econ. of Athens, p. 527, 523. roi)g d^cjp^re^a TVT, 
 those being both of these. Compare Xenophon : rig otix &v 
 vHohoyrpeiev avibv fiovksodai, /ur^x' fyldiov JUT^T' dAa^o^ot cpalveadcti 
 wig avvovoiv, tdoxst, d' av ^ucpdiSQa -tavia el B. I. C. 1, 5. 
 See, also, wo-neQ raHa nkviu.. 318. fi e i d Tavra. After 
 the battle of Chaeronea, according to Westermann, who refers to 
 248, 312 ; but according to Schaefer, after the seizure of Ela- 
 tea. n OQQU 6 s v , " longo ex tempore" DISSEN. o i) T o g , 
 " scilicet quern 6 xaigbg l%<ilei. SCHAEFER. eyco, notice the po- 
 sition of this word : there appeared now such a man on that 
 day / . TroAAw 7i QO g rd Ao^Trd i [in e ^ore^ot, 
 you may become much better experienced for the future in every 
 kind of policy. 
 
 The description of the consternation at Athens, on the news 
 of the seizure of Elatea, excels any thing of the kind to be 
 found in oratory. It presents the scene to the eye like a paint- 
 ing, and calls forth all the feelings which must have been exci- 
 ted by the reality itself. 
 
 We may specify three excellencies. 1. The selection of in- 
 dividual circumstances. Few as these are, they are such as set 
 forth the whole scene : the evening, the chance individual, not 
 a formal messenger, who brought the news, the Prytanes start- 
 ing up and leaving their meal half eaten, the earlv rlnwn of the 
 
207 
 
 next day, and more than all, the significant fact, that the whole 
 people were seated in the Pnyx, before the Senate had delibera- 
 ted and resolved ; then, finally, the formal entrance of the Sen- 
 ate, and the silence of the assembly, when the herald cries, 
 "who will speak?" till at length Demosthenes breaks that 
 silence. Every thing in the description, it is noticeable, is indi- 
 vidual, nothing general ; and each individual circumstance, 
 significant of consternation and dismay. 
 
 2. The Arrangement of the circumstances. Demosthenes 
 had shown himself as the only statesman in Athens adequate 
 to that emergency. To set forth, therefore, that individual act 
 of statesmanship was most important to his case. What gave 
 peculiarity to it was the greatness and immediateness of the 
 danger, on the one hand, and, on the other, the fact, that he 
 alone, in the despair and silence of all others, gave the counsel 
 which caused the danger to pass away, as he says, like a cloud. 
 Hence, first, the picture of tumultuous alarm ; then, next, of 
 silent despair. And as the first was drawn in detail, so, also, 
 the latter. The fact, that all were present who might have been 
 expected to speak ; the fact that of those present, there was 
 none but would have spoken, if they had known what counsel 
 to give ; the fact that the occasion demanded not the rich and 
 the patriotic citizen, but the experienced and wise counsellor 
 these facts are dwelt upon in as many consecutive sentences 
 and repeated with all the skill of consummate art till at length 
 such is the feeling of despair we welcome the words, " Now 
 then, there appeared such a man on that day I ." 
 
 3. The negative merit, that the description no where passes 
 beyond the bounds of oratory into the province of poetry. 
 Although the whole is as beautiful as any poetry can be, still 
 there is not a sentence, not a word, which appears to have been 
 introduced merely for the sake of making a beautiful picture ; 
 nothing to divert the mind from the scene itself ; thus, nothing 
 to interfere with the feelings which would naturally arise oa 
 such an occasion. The words of the orator produce their effect 
 without drawing any attention to themselves. And it is a sure 
 test of the highest oratory that it is never consciously known 
 to be such at the moment of its greatest triumphs. 
 
 This kind of description was treated of by the ancient Rheto- 
 ricians. Celsus calls it -bnoTvn(n(ji,$, i. e. proposita quaedam 
 
208 
 
 forma rerum ita expressa verbis, ut cerni potius videatur quam 
 audiri. The Auctor ad Herenn. calls it Demonstratio, which 
 is, "cum ita res verbis exprimitur ut geri negotium, et res 
 ante oculos esse videatur. Lib. iv. Ch. 55. Cicero, in the De 
 Oratore Lib. in. 53, calls it Sub oculos subjectio. Cicero's ora- 
 tions abound in examples. But perhaps no better example can- 
 be alleged for comparison than Webster's description, in the 
 trial of the Knapps, of the murder of their victim. 
 
 1 74-187. SPEECH OF DEMOSTHENES, AND HIS DECREE. 
 
 i to v ?j ft a i M p ff> t"k in n cp . -bnhto%Ew iivt^ 
 is to be favorable to any one, PASSOW, a meaning not in 
 Liddell and Scott. See p. 358. It is worthy of notice how in 
 the gradual improvement of the text the process has been to 
 throw out words, which, though proper enough, may still be 
 omitted, and the thought left equally clear and more forci- 
 ble : a process which every one may apply to his own style. 
 The text formerly contained cpttwv after <lnl(mu$. yvrytniv. 
 i a *, " sibi conciliavit." DISSEN. o ti d a /n to g it e I a a * d tf- 
 v a i oc *, he no longer hopes to persuade, ertaoui noirpui *a- 
 vunl/rfeui, " pendent a remotiori pothera*" SCHAEFER. CC^TW. 
 The Greek is not only sparing in the use of pronouns, but can 
 accommodate the pronoun to either of two constructions. Thus, 
 here, it was at the option of the orator to employ afadv with 
 nqoads^a^ivMv, as Reiske prefers, or avrti with &v6e(nyx6Tajr. 
 See 162, Note. Thus, we may translate ; lest those yielding 
 to him who had opposed, or, those yielding who had opposed him. 
 it g o g TW o x o n el v j e v y o 6 e, be ready to consider, not 
 to cavil at, what I say. " ylyifttrfati nyog iivi est, mente versari 
 in aliqua re" DISSEN. {leTotdivdat, ij @ a / w t>, to turn 
 about, and fear all for the Thebans. fisTctdeGrdai', " dictum 
 absolute." SCHAEFER. 'E A s v a I v &d s. The route for an 
 army was first on the sacred road to Eleusis, and thence north- 
 west to Thebes, rots e v r r\li*lq, that is, of the military 
 age, which was from the nineteenth to the sixtieth year. 
 cpQOv overt T & ti/udTega. See 161, Note. X a I rov 
 it 6 T 8 TTJ e 6 d o v, and give them authority, with the 
 strategi, to determine both as to the time when the embassy should 
 set out, and as to the march of the troops. REISKE and SCHAEFER. 
 
209 
 
 T o tf T <p T 6 v v ov *>, to this pay me strict attention. Notice 
 the diverse relations of the two datives, ala xgh g y &Q 6 
 x a i Q 6 g, the opportunity is dishonorable, that is, to avail our- 
 selves of the opportunity. " For at this time it would be shame- 
 ful" Lord BROUGHAM. & @ovk6 i u6da ngd^coinev^we 
 shall both accomplish what WE wish we shall protect ourselves 
 against Philip and shall do it with an appearance worthy of 
 the state; that is, while aiding the Thebans. xaTaxv/sry, 
 but should it not happen to us to be successful ; that is, if the 
 
 Thebans should not receive our proposals and trust to us. 
 
 The student can not fail to notice that this reported speech is 
 in a much lower tone than the other parts of this oration. It 
 was natural it should be so. For, neither was the orator in the 
 same state of feeling as when it was delivered, nor was the 
 audience listening to it as a speech addressed to them, but as a 
 mere matter of information. In accommodating himself to 
 these circumstances, the orator evinces his usual and almost 
 
 infallible judgment. o vx elnov [i& v i a u ra. The first 
 
 rudiment of this sentence. we may perhaps find in the third 
 Philippic; xJ ori yq&cpsi, ILISV xociira, rolg $' Sgyoig oti noiel 27. 
 We quote from Lord Brougham : " The exquisite diction of 
 this justly-celebrated passage is altogether inimitable in our 
 language. The p&v and the e, the orix and oi>d, are wholly 
 Greek, and wholly untranslatable. We might come nearer the 
 original indeed, than is done with 'not only' and 4 but,' by 
 using a double negative : thus, ' I did not make a speech, and 
 not make a motion ; nor make a motion, and not go embassa- 
 dor ; nor go embassador, and not persuade the Thebans ;' but 
 the double negative is always more or less repugnant to our 
 idiom. Possibly this turn may reconcile it : ' 1 was not the 
 man to make a speech, and not carry a decree ; nor to carry a 
 decree, and not go embassador ; nor to go embassador, and not 
 convince the Theban people.' If the sense be rendered by 
 * without,' we are no nearer the original than by the course 
 taken in the text;" which is as follows : "All assenting, no 
 one saying one word to the contrary, not only did I make this 
 speech, but I propoundeecl a decree ; not only did I propound 
 a decree, but I went embassador ; not only went I embassador, 
 but I persuaded the Thebans." This is perhaps the best trans- 
 lation possible, and was not unlikely suggested by the imitation, 
 
210 
 
 which Cicero attempted in his oration for Milo : " STeque vero 
 se populo solum sed etiam senatui commisit ; neque senatui 
 modo, sed etiam publicis prsesidiis et armis ; neque iis tantum 
 verum etiam ejus potestati cui senatus totam rempublicarn, om- 
 nem Italiae pacern, cuncta populi Romani arma commiserat." 
 This sentence was the model for the climax with the ancient 
 Rhetoricians. It will be sufficient to quote from Quinctilian. 
 " Gradatio quse dicitur xA///|, apertiorem habet artem et magis 
 affectatam ideoque rarior esse debet. Ejus exemplum ex Grseco 
 notissimum transferatur : * non enim dixi quidem, sed non scripsi ; 
 nee scripsi quidem, sed non obii legationem ; nee obii quidem, 
 sed non persuasi Thebanis." (ix. 3, 55,) a very jejune trans- 
 lation, it must be admitted, not to be compared with Lord 
 Brougham's. While the clerk was preparing to read the de- 
 cree, the orator as usual takes the opportunity to relieve the 
 discussion, by sarcasm and retort on JEschines. * u Ivo * 
 ini-tgiyag, although whom would you fiovkei / should 
 consider you, and ivhom myself on that day to have been? slvat 
 0w would you in speaking it is not necessary to repeat the 
 elvat, 05) MYSELF, as you sneeringly and opprobiously say, a 
 Batalus, but YOURSELF no common hero, but one of those on the 
 stage, a Cresphontes, or Creon, or him whom once in Colyttus, 
 CEnomaus you murdered by your vile acting. XT* Zxslvov ibv 
 xctigdv, " ilia rerum conditioned SCHAEFEB. 
 
 188-210. REMARKS PRELIMINARY TO A CONSIDERATION OF 
 THE RESULTS OF THE MEASURES PROPOSED BY DEMOSTHENES. 
 
 The orator had already spoken of the political relations be- 
 tween Athens and Thebes, and of the efforts of the Macedonian 
 faction to cherish their national animosities ; of the consternation 
 at Athens on the seizure of Elatea, and his counsel at the time 
 to form an alliance with Thebes. The next step would have 
 been to give an account of the negotiation. But, although the 
 alliance was concluded, and the first efforts of the confederates 
 were successful, the fatal battle of Cheronea disappointed all 
 their hopes and destroyed the freedom of Greece. Before com- 
 ing to speak of this, therefore, the orator wishes to secure the 
 feelings of the audience on his side, so that they may contem- 
 plate the transactions in the lofty spirit of their forefathers. It 
 
211 
 
 is the object of these preliminary remarks to arouse this spirit 
 to its highest pitch. They proceed in the form of a climax, and 
 may be thus arranged. 
 
 I. No other course of policy was possible. 
 
 (a) Because even now no one can point out any other course, 
 with an appeal to JEschines to do it. 188-191. 
 
 (b) But we must judge of the aim of measures, not of their 
 results ; hence, as no other course can be pointed out, his must 
 be approved, though not successful. 192-194. 
 
 (c) But, though unsuccessful, the results were better than if 
 the measures had not been adopted. 195. 
 
 II. A personal appeal to ^Eschines, by which he is placed in 
 the dilemma, that either he knew these measures would fail, in 
 which case he should have proposed others, or he did not know 
 it, in which case he has the same responsibility for his igno- 
 rance as others. 196-198. 
 
 III. But even if all had foreknown the future, if it had been 
 known that we should be defeated, we ought to have acted just 
 as we did. 199-210. 
 
 188-195. No OTHER COURSE POSSIBLE.- K 1 6. <J 1 Cf (7 I , 
 
 " constitutio rerum antea turbatarum" DISSEN ; settlement. 
 ticpyy^efWi misled. . " Inest notio doli mali." BREMI. iS n o 
 i o v i w v ; by JEschines and his party, oi cr n s Q v e q) o g. 
 No two words, perhaps, in classic literature have been more 
 celebrated. We may notice several things with respect to this 
 figure. First, it was unexpected. Although the first part of 
 the sentence prepares the way, so that it does not appear like 
 an after-thought, but is felt to be a living member, yet the sen- 
 tence might have ended with noti}aev, without a feeling of 
 disappointment on the part of the hearer. Secondly, though 
 beautiful, it was strictly appropriate ; presented naturally, not 
 sought. Every hearer must have felt that it was used, not for 
 its beauty though beautiful, but because it expressed the thought 
 with more truthfulness than any literal language. If we call 
 to mind the consternation at Athens which the orator had just 
 described how bereft of counsel the entire Assembly we shall 
 see that the choice of the figure was absolutely perfect. Thirdly, 
 we may notice the simplicity of the words. Lord Brougham's 
 criticisms on the manner in which these words have been trans- 
 lated will best illustrate this point. " This passage, or rather 
 
212 
 
 phrase, is celebrated, but not therefore the better rendered by 
 translators. Dawson, ' scattered and driven away like a cloud 
 before the wind.' Francis makes the phrase passive, passed 
 * away like a cloud, and was dissipated.' Leland adds figures 
 as well as words, and makes it passive also * the danger which 
 hung lowering over our state was in an instant dissipated like 
 a cloud.' Nothing can be worse. In rendering a passage, in 
 composing which every syllable was weighed, the more literal 
 we are, the better, surely." Fourthly, there is a peculiar 
 rhythm, obvious to the ancient critic, and which, perhaps, 
 may still be detected. To the ears of Longinus, the effect 
 would have been much marred, as he informs us, by the substi- 
 tution of either &g or &uneqel for &ornQ. ^ v piv. per is 
 
 repeated below, %v {itv olv, and has its correspondent particle 
 in zy&> de. T 6 T e d e I % a i. It should be remembered that 
 none had ventured to give counsel in the time of peril but De- 
 mosthenes, c Y &Q crvjufiovkog xai 6 (rvxofpavTrjg. 
 We have before seen that definition is one of the common topics 
 of oratory. It is obvious that Demosthenes does not define 
 these two characters, for the sake of communicating knowledge, 
 but to enliven and enforce the thoughts. See 2, Note, and 
 123, also. p. 600. ovdk T&V ftlluv otidev ioi%6i;eg, 
 alike in nothing else, d Id M a i v TW ^ovAo^eyo), makes 
 himself responsible to those who trust him whether he gives 
 good counsel to fortune whether he uses her rightly to 
 emergencies whether he takes them in season to any one 
 who might demand an account for anything whatever. From 
 DISSEN. 6 d & <jiyri<jug, not taken absolutely, which would 
 require aiy&v r^vlxa del Uyew, but personally, with reference to 
 ^Eschines. See 159, and Note. % v p& v ovv. Demosthe- 
 nes first states the duty of the patriotic citizen ; next, illustrates 
 this position by the distinction between the statesman and the 
 demagogue, and here returns to his original statement, on s g 
 slno v, just above. x si v o $ A 6 y w >>, that, then, as I 
 said, was the time for the man having at least a regard for the 
 state and for just counsels, ^ y w ds n o LOV pa i>. But I 
 go so far. okwg, altogether, in every case, ivr^v, "subaudi- 
 tur ngoixiosloOoL^ quod latet in sequente nQoeittftrjv." SCHAEFER. 
 ad t, x si v, I confess myself guilty. " adixelv ssepe ponitur da 
 rebus jam perfectis, ita tamen ut culpa etiam maneat." BREMI. 
 
213 
 
 I c5 a x s *>, ^oi(r knows of. " In the perfect tense we often think 
 less of the past action than of the state or condition which has 
 resulted from that action." BUTTMANN. 8 el v e ^ e (.it\ k - 
 6 s I v, ought not to have escaped me. en e i,d r\ d' ov TOTS, 
 "subaudi ede^cxg." REISKE. Aoyo?, plan or counsel; "ra- 
 tio," "via," "modus agendi." REISKE. ngaZig, "practical 
 measure" Reviewer of Lord BROUGHAM. 
 
 192-194. & 1 1 a . The orator had been asking if a better 
 course of policy could be pointed out even now ; but here he 
 pauses such a request is to no purpose and passes to an- 
 other topic. (/ qp r T t , " given up." KENNEDY, n Q rj *>, 
 " subaudi na^elvoa." SCHAEFER. o d a t a w v, " i. q. 6 6e6g." 
 SCHAEFER. See below, ^ TW 6eti. ^ ds TC Q o / s a i g 
 t T ri , " ipsa per se spectata." DISSEN. * T TJ o- a *. " Vide 
 ut nunc demum, postquam per totum antecedentem locum in- 
 directe locutus est, triste verbum ipsum eloquatur, multis verbis 
 ante prseparatum, et nunc ipsum verissima y^w,"]? praemissa." 
 DISSEN. XCCT' & v 6 Q tin t> v o r hoy i o po v, " within" to 
 use Mr. Canning's words on a similar subject, the failure of the 
 Walcheren expedition, " within mortal foresight" vn e Q d tf- 
 v a (ji i, y, beyond my strength, x a I r 6r y ^d t] x a tiff 6$9* 
 /MOV, then at length accuse me; " et turn demum me accusa." 
 REISKE. 6 cr v fi ft d $ % r] n i 6 g, the hurricane which hap- 
 pened ; used with reference to TTJ; vavayia<;. The orator has 
 before compared what happened to a torrent, xsip&Qoovg, 153, 
 as he does afterwards to a deluge, xaTwxkvafitig, 214. T I xQn 
 n o i e I v ; what is it necessary to do ? that is, what view now 
 to take of it ? " Omissa autem est oratoris sibi ipsi responsio, 
 quam facile suppleas fere hoc modo : viyqv /^ xal ^ wcayo- 
 gelv. SCHAEFER. Perhaps, better in the form of a question ; 
 is it to find fault ? w cr n e Q a v el' Tig aZztwTo, as if 
 a ship-owner, having done everything for safety, and provided 
 the vessel with all those things by which he supposed it would be 
 preserved, but having afterwards encountered a tempest, and his 
 rigging laboring or being utterly destroyed, some one should 
 accuse of the shipwreck. The tavxhyoog is the ship-owner who 
 transports freight for pay ; T^J, the person who sends the freight, 
 and who in case of loss or damage, might in some circumstan- 
 ces, have a legal claim upon the ship-owner, x Q i] & (.1 e v o v, 
 construed with vatxfaftov. a ISTon absimile est hinc sigoificatui, 
 
214 
 
 cum v. g. nauta dicitur %yi\(T6<xi, ^e^ow." Vig. p. 325, with a 
 reference to the present passage. " Dein cum tempestate conflic- 
 tatus." Lord Brougham and his Reviewer refer xgrivbuevov to 
 Tilolov ; Pabst to ravtdijQov, but i5Tw to nlolov ; Kennedy, both 
 to vairtdyoov, which is to be preferred, eli a . In English, we 
 should perhaps use an adversative particle in addition to elia, 
 although there is no real opposition between being prepared for 
 a tempest, and merely encountering it. OVTS rr\g T tf #77 $ 
 xv Q tog %v, connected with exvpegvuv, although Lord Brough- 
 am connects it with toTQajfyow. 
 
 195. Ixel vog, Philip. DOBREE. 7t&<rotg & cp T\ x e cp w- 
 v & , " nihil sibi reliquit indicium" REISKE ; with reference to 
 the efforts which, through his embassadors and orators, Philip 
 made at that time to unite the Thebans with himself. "He used 
 every effort of persuasion" KENNEDY, n 6 v r^g x <*>g a s , 
 somewhere in the country; that is, of Attica. ' olad' 
 x ar ij y o gel g , Dost thou know as things now are vvv JUEV 
 having its opposite in TOTC d\ the contrast being between the 
 course which was followed and that which might have been one 
 and two and three days have given us the opportunity to stand 
 up, to come together, to take breath many things pertaining to 
 the safety of the state. - nolla takes up and embraces the whole, 
 shutting up the particulars with a general remark ; and it would 
 be best perhaps to repeat the verb with it, " have given," but 
 in the other case r6rs <T, the result being suppressed, with an 
 apology for its suppression but it is not proper to speak of those 
 things which did not make themselves felt nelQotv MUJXS, gave a 
 trial, that is, of themselves through the favor of some one of 
 the gods, and the protection of the city with this alliance you are 
 attacking. The respite of a few days after the battle of Chero- 
 nea was of the utmost importance, and this could not have been 
 secured without the Theban alliance, through which the battle 
 was fought three days march from Attica. 
 
 196-198. PERSONAL APPEAL. T a, noil a, many as they 
 are. " Hcec tota, quamvis tarn copiosa, oratio ad vos directa est" 
 REISKE. n e Q is crx^ x OT a g. Trials were often attended by 
 large audiences. The dtxaaTfounf was surrounded by a bar or 
 railing (^uqwixrw) which was entered by a latticed gate (x*y- 
 y.lldi.) -lavTa, this ignorance of the future of which I just 
 spoke. T rj n 6 1 s , " pendet a dvo-pBVEO-Tajog." " Libri non- 
 
215 
 
 nulli noiriveiB ir ( nblet. Optativus glossatori debetur apte explenti 
 ticam." SCHAEFER. snl iol g w^fta- 
 
 constructionem ellipti 
 
 v iv, on the occurrence of the events, ol x a6&na% 
 thorough-going enemies ; that is, enemies in every thing. Com- 
 pare p. 377 : ovTw xad&na^ ntngaxev havTQv, he sold himself SO 
 entirely, x a LTO t, or 9 dtn& x e IT o 9 although to whomso- 
 ever the misfortunes of the Greeks are reserved to gain glory 
 from them i vevdoxi/uelr. " Subaudi u-uwlg, utfamam ex 
 illis aucuparetur." SCHAEFER, n Q d i T e T eft. This is a form of 
 the sentence, technically called by the ancient critics, foTtajQo- 
 qpij. For other examples in this oration, see 117, 274. Dissen 
 quotes a fine example from Cicero : " Doletis tres exercitus 
 populi Romani interfectos, interfecit Antonius. Desideratis cla- 
 rissimos cives, eos quoque eripuit vobis Antonius. Auctoritas 
 hujus ordinis afflicta est, afflixit Antonius." Phil. II. T <>. ?j y- 
 paT a x a t T d o-Tcdafiaia^ "fractures and sprains" KEN- 
 NEDY. See Olyn. II, 21, for another application of this com- 
 parison. TO or w jn a, the subject of Ad^; DISSEN, but Pabst 
 in his German translation makes T* xaxo^ the subject. 
 
 199-210. THE POLIC^ NECESSARY. v vv p&v y e T w v 
 Ttgaiy {1&-IWV. As things now are vvv [*iv, having its corres- 
 pondence in Tore d' the state appears to be merely ye unsuc- 
 cessful in its affairs. TOTS <5' I T i a v, but in the other ease, 
 being worthy to rule over the others, then renouncing this, it 
 would have had the blame of betraying all to Philip, vis otixl 
 xaremvasv &v aov . We naturally expect TTJ nolewg, 
 which had been the subject of discourse, but the orator with great 
 skill substitutes ^Eschines, as if he alone were capable of such 
 meanness of conduct. ^ y TTJ.C nokedg ye fiyd' [.iov, 
 for not upon the state at least, nor upon me. The supposition 
 was not to be made of the state or of himself and therefore 
 there was no danger of such a disgrace being cast upon them. 
 " Subaudienduin autem xaTamvo-eie" SCHAEFER. si ra [is v 
 n Q a Y ^ a T' ^ a av neTcoirj^ivoi. This sentence is divi- 
 ded into two parts by rd [ABV and TO* de, and then the first part 
 subdivided, according to Westermann, with a suppressed piv, 
 to which d after r^efubv corresponds, though the opposition is 
 very slight and would be expressed by the tone, it being merely 
 between the things and the person, as in 25, noll&v ^v XQTJ- 
 H&TWV nollwv dk o-ToccTtwTw*'. But Schaefer rejects the <%, 
 
216 
 
 though without manuscript authority, and connects the clause 
 to the preceding as a mere continuation of the thought. So, 
 also, Dissen, Kennedy, Brougham, and in general the transla- 
 tions. T OVT' &v d cr ft v co g nQoevi&vat,. Reiske 
 finds much fault with this sentence, and says the hunting after 
 participial constructions unconsciously involves the Greeks in 
 ridiculous absurdities. But Schaefer thinks Demosthenes did 
 not need to be taught by Reiske how to write Greek. He says 
 the construction of the words does not differ from this : " TO 
 xehevofjiEVQv noiovarj xal e(b<j^ tjegov Tcoy 'Ekkfywv 7iQoe<Ji<Jt.vai 
 o TT fiovheTat, lafielv xal id having fc/ery. Hoc schema metathesin 
 Technici appellant. SCHAEFER. Kivdvvetiovcrtt, construed 
 with dianerlleKe. It ahvays continued encountering danger in 
 contending. T 6 v , supply Ohvaiov, his destined lot. Both ex- 
 pressions refer to the same thought, and are only an example 
 of oratorical amplification; " appointed or natural end" KEN- 
 NEDY ; " awaits his destined end in the course of nature" Lord 
 BROUGHAM. 
 
 206-210. el piv -vvv d' ; ^w fi e v o^iog 
 
 Observe the contrasts, between whaLhe had not done, and what 
 he did do, and then between whatTe did and what ^Eschines 
 did. T rj fi d v f o i d i a xov lag, the administration, which 
 is contrasted with T Ttooaigeaeig, and (pgovi^/ua. The con- 
 trast is indicated by the piviQi, and would be expressed by 
 the tone, the corresponding piv being, according to Wester- 
 mann, suppressed. See 201, Note. T w v 6 A w v, the whole ; 
 both the policy and the administration. Demosthenes gives all 
 the credit to the state. It was its spirit which led to the adop- 
 tion of the measures against Philip ; he claimed for himself 
 merely a share in the execution of them. But ^Eschines, by 
 attacking the whole, both the measures and the execution of 
 them, in his eagerness to strip me of a temporary honor, is in 
 reality taking away your praises for all coming time. The 
 glory of Demosthenes as merely executing what they willed 
 was temporary ; theirs, eternal. Lord Brougham has overlooked 
 this distinction, which is one of the finest strokes in this fine 
 passage : " But Machines impeaching my whole conduct" He 
 has made a still greater mistake in the opening sentence : 
 " there lives not a man who could justly blame me" the mean- 
 ing being directly the opposite ; there is none who might not 
 justly blame me. T o v d I , Ctesiphon. I n e * T ' e d e i . 
 
217 
 
 Jfischines in several parts of his oration had brought forward 
 the distinguished heroes of Greece, to disparage Demosthenes 
 by the contrast. Thus, he asks, " which seems to you the bet- 
 ter man, Themistocles, who commanded when you conquered 
 the Persians at Salamis, or Demosthenes, who fled the ranks ? 
 Miltiades, who conquered the Barbarians at Marathon, or this 
 man ?" Demosthenes takes advantage of the impression just 
 produced, to make a short and contemptuous reference to these 
 contrasts. And you then Inert thou wretched scribbler, with 
 a design to strip me of honor and favor with these, TALKED ABOUT 
 trophies and battles and ancient deeds of which what one does 
 this present trial call for ? but me, thou third-rate actor the 
 counsellor to the state, concerning its highest honors, we must 
 not overlook the juxtaposition of T^tTaj'wvtora and TQV avfjifiov- 
 lov inspired with the spirit of what one did it become me to 
 ascend the Bema ? No translation has equalled, or can equal, 
 the force of the original sentence. Both Brougham and Ken- 
 nedy are tame in the comparison. But the sentence, even in a 
 translation, must be declaimed, not read. The orator seems to 
 have commenced it with a^design to draw a direct contrast be- 
 tween JEschines and himself ; cru (iiv fyw d -" you talked 
 about trophies and fights and ancient deeds, but I spoke from 
 the Bema in the very spirit of those heroes who performed 
 them ;" but, to avoid the appearance of arrogance, he changes 
 the structure, and asks with whose spirit, as counsellor of the 
 state, he should have been animated ? The contrasts are many 
 and sharp. ^Eschines is a miserable scribbler, Demosthenes, a 
 counsellor of state ; ^Eschines mounted the Bema merely to 
 injure a personal enemy, Demosthenes, to give counsel to his 
 country ; JEschines spoke about honorable deeds, Demosthenes 
 did them. If we conceive of these points as uttered. by the ora- 
 tor, we shall see that this sentence was not unworthy of the 
 place which it occupies. & v 1 1 v o g o tf T o <r / , " quibus 
 rebus profecto opus non in hac causa, cum nihil actum sit quod 
 indignum majoribus" DISSEN. i n e I , introduces the reason 
 why he would have been jutly slain, if he had not acted up to 
 the spirit of their ancestors, i & cr v /i |? 6 i a * a, the trans- 
 actions of daily life. Sn I TJ> vxoTtovvTag, examin- 
 ing according to particular laws and facts, ngo a iq v e t g , 
 counsels. " Consilia, non, res gestas" DISSEN. The orator pur- 
 
 19 
 
218 
 
 posely keeps up the distinction with which he started ; tty TT^O- 
 ctlQeuiv (Liov crxoTiet ir\g Trotare/ag, ^urj id av/ufi&i/Ta wxocp&vTei. 
 192. (i|^c5 / aTce, " prceclara facia? DISSEN. ir ( ft a x - 
 T 17 / a x a 1 TO* orv^^o^o. "To discharge the judicial 
 business of Athens, there were annually chosen by lot, in equal 
 portions out of the ten tribes, six thousand citizens. This num- 
 ber was divided into ten equal sections of five hundred each, 
 leaving one thousand to supply vacancies. Now, besides the 
 Helisea, there were nine other courts in Athens. Over the 
 court rooms of the ten courts were the ten first letters of the 
 alphabet. (From the Reviewer of Lord Brougham. The remain- 
 der from Mitchell's note to the Wasps of Aristophanes, v. 918.) 
 Ten tablets bearing the same ten letters were thrown into a 
 vessel ; section A, or its representative, dipped into the vessel, 
 and drew up, it might be, the letter K. That letter determined 
 the court to which the judicial labors of section A, were for that 
 day to be directed. And so of the others. The courts having 
 been allotted, each member of a section received a staff, (jj&pdog) 
 and a counter, (ufytfiohn*). The staff by the letter and color 
 impressed upon it directed him to t^e court, the exhibition of 
 the counter to the proper functionary, entitled him to his fee." 
 
 "We have here a second example of an Appeal to the Feel- 
 ings, as preparatory to a statement of facts, and intended to 
 influence the judgment, as to those facts. The first instance 
 preceded the statement, which the orator gave of his successful 
 administration of public affairs in the war against Philip, 61 
 72 ; the present prepares the way for the account which he is 
 to render for his failure to protect his country from the war 
 which ^schines had brought into it. This repetition of the 
 modes of treating similar subjects is important to be noticed, 
 because it reveals not only the care with which the oration was 
 composed, but, also, the judgment of the orator, as to the value 
 of these modes. 
 
 In this Appeal, the orator would arouse the sentiments of 
 patriotism and glory, and carry them to the highest pitch of 
 enthusiasm. He would make his countrymen feel that it was 
 to their highest honor to fight for freedom, at whatever cost ; 
 that defeat was merely a misfortune, but submission, a dishonor ; 
 a dishonor to their own name, and to the fame of their ances- 
 
219 
 
 tors. The whole Appeal converges to this one point, and term- 
 inates in the Oath. If he can lodge this sentiment in their 
 breasts, he has won a favorable judgment upon the facts he has 
 to state, even before mentioning them. 
 
 But before speaking of the Oath, we notice the Transition, 
 by which the orator passes from his lofty eulogiums on the an- 
 cient heroes of Athens to the present case. Having set forth 
 the noble principles, on which the state had always acted in 
 the defense of Grecian freedom, he says not, that he himself, 
 in his Theban policy, had acted in this spirit but the state; he 
 had been only the agent who had executed her counsels. By 
 this unexpected substitution of the state in place of himself 
 besides speaking with becoming modesty of his own services, 
 Demosthenes is enabled to charge ^Eschines as attacking, not 
 himself, but the state. It may be noticed, also, that the orator 
 claims much less than he might have done. In other places, 
 he has put himself forward. "/ proposed the embassies, / sent 
 out the armaments," 73; "/then appeared such a man on 
 that occasion, 1 ' 173. But, here, while speaking of the glory 
 of the state and of her greatest men, with his usual judgment 
 he keeps himself in the back-ground. 
 
 It is hardly necessary to say that this Oath was carefully an- 
 alyzed by the ancient Rhetoricians. We give the substance of 
 what Longinus says upon it as a mode of influencing the mind. 
 " Demosthenes is arguing concerning his political measures. 
 How would he naturally have done this, if he had not made 
 use of the figure of the oath ? ' Ye did not err, Athenians, in 
 contending for the freedom of Greece ; on the contrary, ye have 
 many examples of such struggles ; for neither did your ances- 
 tors err at Marathon, nor at Salamis, nor at Platea.' But when 
 as if inspired by the Divinity, he swears by the Heroes of 
 Greece 4 It is not possible ye erred ; no, I swear by those at 
 Marathon, who rushed to the front ranks of danger' he ap- 
 pears, in the very oath itself, to deify their ancestors by whom 
 he swore, and, at the same time, he both animates the judges 
 with the very spirit of those who fought at Marathon, and so 
 infuses a kind of healing balm into the minds of his hearers, 
 that, cheered by these praises, they become not less proud of 
 the battle against Philip, than of the victories at Marathon and 
 Salamis." 
 
220 
 
 We may notice two things more. 1. The oath was an act 
 of religious appeal, for which there was a sufficient ground in 
 the belief and feelings of the audience. They believed in deified 
 heroes by whom it was proper to swear ; and the orator in the 
 very act of swearing by them deified their own ancestors. 
 With them, therefore, the oath had the reality and solemnity 
 of a religious act, in which the speaker was in deep earnest. 
 But now, this belief having vanished, the whole tribe of oaths. 
 " by the blood of our ancestors," " by the spirit of our coun- 
 try," and the like, must be regarded as a rhetorical flourish 
 an idle mockery. Indeed, the figure of the oath has become 
 one of those empty traditions which have lost their vitality ; it 
 can no longer influence the feelings, nor produce any other effect 
 than that of admiration, it may be, at the skill of the orator. 
 
 Longinus has a remark to the same effect. In criticising the 
 line of the poet Eupolis 4 No, I swear by my fight at Mara- 
 thon ' which was supposed to have suggested the oath to De- 
 mosthenes, he says : " The mere form of an oath is nothing ; it 
 is necessary to inquire where it was made, how, on what occa- 
 sion, and for what end. And, moreover, the poet does not deify 
 the men who fought, that he may inspire the hearers with 
 thoughts worthy of their bravery, but passes from the heroes to 
 the inanimate thing the battle." 
 
 2. We must also notice, that in the appeal to the feelings, 
 Demosthenes did not forget his argument ; in the very height 
 of his passion he remembered the distinction upon which he 
 rested his defense of the Theban Alliance, that statesmen should 
 be judged by their aims, and not by the result of their meas- 
 ures, " all of whom alike, ^Eschines, the state buried, thinking 
 them worthy of the same honor, not those alone of them who 
 were successful, nor those only who conquered." Demosthenes 
 did not utter this oath to strike the hearers with admiration of 
 himself as a great orator ; he did not look beyond the audience 
 before him to future fame ; he spoke for a present effect upon 
 his cause, and expressed his argument in the impassioned lan- 
 guage of an oath, because he could thereby give greater weight 
 to that argument. False rhetoric, speaking to please, not to 
 convince, to gain admiration, not to win the cause, which is 
 the prominent fault of modern oratory, is no where to be found 
 in Demosthenes. 
 
221 
 
 This care of Demosthenes to subordinate every thing to the 
 success of his cause, is noticed by Longinus. u He teaches 
 us," says he, " that in the height of passion we should retain 
 our judgment. He says, l by those of your ancestors who fought 
 at Marathon, by those who engaged in the naval battle at Salamis 
 and Artemisium, by those who stood side by side at Platsea.' 
 He no where says, 4 by those who conquered ,' but shuns the word 
 which would indicate the issue of the battles, till at length he 
 has prepared the way with the hearers, for the conclusion, all 
 of whom alike the state buried, and not those alone who were 
 successful." He, indeed, specifies no instances of defeat, but 
 merely implies them under the general expression "many 
 others." 
 
 The Oath is the climax of the oration. The orator does, in- 
 deed, continue from this point onwards in a very high strain of 
 oratory, but no where attains to the sublimity of this passage. 
 And in this, we notice $, distinction between Grecian and mod- 
 ern oratory. The modern orator aims to end with a climax, 
 reserving for the conclusion the most powerful of his arguments, 
 or appeals ; the Greek orator rises to the climax during the 
 course of his speech, and then descends from it, ending with 
 composure and decorum. 
 
 The orator follows the same principle, in the present instance. 
 He passes, at once, without effort, from the impassioned and 
 sublime utterance of the oath, to bitter vituperation, and thence 
 to a calm statement of the principles upon which public and 
 private measures should be examined and decided. With both 
 of these topics, however, critics have found fault ; with the 
 former, as failing in decorum, and with the latter, as being too 
 tame. But both topics are as they should be ; they are natu- 
 rally and effectively introduced. 
 
 In regard to the first, ^Eschines, in two very powerful pas- 
 sages of his oration, had 'brought Demosthenes into disparaging 
 contrast with the ancient heroes of Greece. Now, Demosthenes 
 had just uttered an oath by these same heroes, and carried his 
 audience, we may suppose, to the highest pitch of excitement. 
 What more natural, then, or effective, than to turn this current 
 of patriotic feeling against his opponent as wanting in the spirit 
 which animated their ancestors, while the orator takes the op- 
 portunity to intimate his own sympathy with them, under the 
 
 * 
 
222 
 
 modest form of the question "with whose spirit inspired 
 should I have mounted the Bema ?" 
 
 Demosthenes did not speak to please the fastidious critics of 
 later ages, but to win his cause ; and one way of doing this, he 
 knew, was to depreciate his accuser in the minds of the judges, 
 and modestly to commend himself to their favor. Here, while the 
 minds of the judges were animated with the glow of patriotic 
 feelings, was an opportunity to do it, and he accordingly made 
 the attempt. This is another lesson upon the importance of an 
 earnest and all-engrossing effort to produce a present effect upon 
 the minds of those who are to make the decision upon the case 
 before them. 
 
 Again, the second topic enforces upon the judges the duty 
 of being governed by the same principle in deciding, which is 
 assumed in the oath as obligatory upon statesmen in acting. 
 Indeed, this duty follows with logical precision from the Oath. 
 For, if statesmen should be guided by the spirit of their ances- 
 tors in their public measures, so should judges in their decision 
 upon those measures. " If I had proposed counsels unworthy 
 of your ancestors, I should have been justly condemned to 
 death. For public trials should be decided with reference to 
 their worthy deeds, and the judge should feel that along with 
 the rod of office he takes the spirit of his country, when he 
 enters upon public causes." Now, the orator did not pronounce 
 the Oath merely to excite the patriotic feelings of the judges, 
 but to produce in their minds such conviction and such feelings, 
 as should lead to his acquittal. Hence, as is usual with him, 
 he carefully points out the inference, and enforces it upon their 
 attention. 
 
 211-247. NARRATIVE. 
 
 Having prepared his hearers by these appeals, to judge favor- 
 ably of the treaty with Thebes, and to overlook its fatal results, 
 the orator proceeds to describe the events in the order of their 
 occurrence. And here, he carries to an unusual degree his 
 favorite mode of a brief statement of the fact, followed by vari- 
 ous applications of the fact. As attention has already been 
 repeatedly drawn to this method, it will not be necessary farther 
 to point out the particular instances. The following are the 
 topics in their order. 
 
223 
 
 I. Arrival of the embassadors at Thebes. 211-212. 
 
 II. The Assembly in Thebes. 213-214. 
 
 III. March of the Troops ; Reception in Thebes ; the first two 
 Skirmishes. 215-216. 
 
 IV. Rejoicings of the Athenians at their success ; Fear of 
 Philip ; Honors to Demosthenes. 217-226. 
 
 V. The Advantages of the Theban Alliance, notwithstanding 
 the defeat at Chaeronea. 227-233. 
 
 VI. The Disadvantages of the Allies in the contest. 234-243. 
 
 VII. The Battle of Cheeronea. 244-247. 
 
 211-212. THE ARRIVAL OF THE EMBASSADORS AT THEBES. 
 
 Under this head, we have the formal transition, the state- 
 ment of the fact, and, while the clerk is preparing to read the 
 letter of the embassadors, the application. 
 
 TWJ> $ A A w y orv [i[i& %wv, such as, the ^Enianians, the JEto- 
 lians, Dolopians, and Phthiotians. T o o- a ri T 77 y', compare rd 
 ptytaf& ye. 110, and Note, T d > x a IQO v. See ^Eschines, 
 137, 141, 239. &s ST^WS. See 85, and Note, t^v 
 Ifi^v itx^r. See JEschines, 157. cr v v at 1 i o g, contras- 
 ted with {i6vo$ al'Ttog. 
 
 213-214. THE ASSEMBLY IN THEBES. 
 
 TO d' oi) v x s q> d A a 10 v , but, for substance, then ; the 
 sum of what they demanded ; not, "in a word ;" BROUGHAM, 
 nor, " in fine" KENNEDY, ovv implies that the detail is omit- 
 ted, and resumes the discourse. So, also, o it d' olv, below. 
 TO xeqxttaiov, "est absolute dictum nee syntactice cohaeret 
 cum sequentibus, in summa; ad summan; summatim. SCHAE- 
 FER. But Matthias makes it in apposition with the whole clause. 
 432, 5. d i> e v T a g, letting them pass through. See 146. 
 SK TTJ V/4TTtxTJ. ex conforms to rfcoviu. See 145. T 
 fikv x a 6' e Y, a a i a, each particular ; T (iv having its cor- 
 respondence in o Jt> d\ the contrast being between the details and 
 the result. 7 cb fit v, contrasted with fyiag de. &VTI not v- 
 TO? &v Ti^T]fjaLfn]v T ov p lov, " majoris faciam, quam 
 vivere ;" or, " vitce ipsi cequiparem." INDEX GRJECITATIS, under 
 filos and T^av, " the reply we made, f would give my life to reca- 
 
224 
 
 pitulate" KENNEDY. SxTTtsg &v e i, ^ yotjuevot,, thinking 
 there had been as it were &GTISQ &v si. BUTT. 149, m. 151, 3, 
 a deluge overwhelming the affairs. [*&T cc 1,0 v o/hov, a 
 useless vexation. - The greater the obstacles, the greater the 
 merit of overcoming them. Hence, the orator enlarges upon 
 the obstacles, but contents himself with simply declaring the 
 fact of his triumph. He declines to repeat the speech, partly, 
 for the reason alleged, and partly, perhaps, because he had just 
 repeated one, and it could serve here no good purpose. Plu- 
 tarch says of this speech : " The advantage of the alliance did 
 not escape the Thebans, but each one had before his eyes the 
 horrors of the war, the Phocian wounds being still fresh ; yet, 
 says Theopompus, the power of the orator so set on fire their 
 souls and so influenced their ambition, that it threw every thing 
 else into the shade, and, inspired by the appeals to their honor, 
 they forgot both fear and prudence and gratitude." Dem. 18. 
 
 215-216. MARCH OF THE TROOPS; RECEPTION IN THEBES; 
 FIRST TWO SKIRMISHES. 
 
 onl n&v x a I T&V inn iwv, that is, of the Athe- 
 nians. BCECKH, Pub. Econ. of Athens, p. 284, and DISSEN. 
 Reiske refers them to the Thebans. or i Q a T t d j>, the body of 
 citizen troops. The heavy-armed troops and cavalry were mer- 
 cenaries. BCECKH, p. 271. T ct 1 i III&IOLI . A general term, 
 embracing the two preceding. " Additum abundantia oratoria ; 
 nam nihil quidquam differt ab antecedentibus, naldag xal ywal- 
 xag. n SCHAEFER. x a / r o *, in its primitive sense ; and indeed. 
 See 100. x a 6 ' tf ,a w v. " xara in bonam partem, de vobis." 
 See Phil. II. 9, and SCHAEFER'S note, x a i n CIQ&. n acr t, d\ 
 Dissen, though without manuscript authority, excludes d from 
 the text, on the ground that there is nothing emphatic in this 
 clause. But Reiske explains the emphasis, thus : " imo potius, 
 ut rectius dicam, apud omnes ;" or, rather, among all. T d I v 
 nh e I Ty yvla xr ( . "Ad (pvlaxrj subauditur O*>T." REISKE. 
 But compare xd iv aihoTg = res vestrae civiles ; ol lv lalg alrlaig 
 = rei ; ol e* yivs i = cognati. HERM. ad VIG. p. 856. Although 
 the ellipsis of a participle may explain the origin of the use, it 
 is an expression fixed in the language, not made on the occasion 
 by the speaker, and needs nothing to be supplied, o w y $ o- 
 
225 
 
 <r v v TI , the genitive of the object ; confidence in your virtue ; 
 a confidence in virtue, with respect to you. xard y ' $ pag. 
 ye has a peculiar emphasis. So far as you at least are con- 
 cerned ; with a remote allusion to the fatal issue of the alliance, 
 Although the allied forces were defeated, it was fortune that 
 did it, not any fault on the part of the Athenians. So far as 
 the Athenians themselves were concerned, therefore, the The- 
 bans did not misplace their confidence. There is a similar 
 thought expressed in full in 247. ai\TTr]Tog 17 nokig TO y.ax" e/tis. 
 o if T s tvex&heffer, for never did any one bring any accu- 
 sation not even unjustly against you. dig re avpnaqa- 
 T a% & us v o i T (\g n gtir g p & % a g, and being drawn up 
 together twice in the first skirmishes ; vug TiguTag t u&xug, being 
 an object of kindred meaning with the verb. BUTT. Gr. 131, 4. 
 7i I T ov n o T fiov, probably, the Cephissus, which would 
 have to be passed by Philip on his march from Elatea to Bceo- 
 tia. DISSEN. t^\v x e i (i e Q i, v J{v, according to some, the 
 winter-battle; according to others, the battle in the storm. 
 There can be no objection to the former explanation, which the 
 obvious meaning of the word requires, if we follow Grote in 
 prolonging the duration of the* campaign. Nothing is known 
 of these two battles, except what we learn from Demosthenes, 
 jqi x 6 a fi 0) T?J nQodv JLI / a , " admirable in discipline, in 
 equipment, in courage" Lord BROUGHAM ; the articles being 
 happily disregarded. 
 
 217-226. REJOICING or THE ATHENIANS ; FEARS OF PHILIP; 
 HONORS TO DEMOSTHENES. 
 
 The specific facts to which Demosthenes refers, are the De- 
 crees of Sacrifice, the Letters of Philip, and the Decrees be- 
 stowing crowns upon himself. These public documents are 
 read, but are preceded and followed by remarks. 
 
 217. THE DILEMMA IN WHICH JESCHINES is PLACED, BY 
 
 THE DECREES OF SACRIFICE. ce l5 T g 1 i) g 6 6 i) g 71 O I, 7J- 
 
 OTTO [i&QT; v Q a g, since in sacrificing with his fellow-citizens 
 he called on the gods as witnesses of their successes, o i) x 
 a g i a T a T o i) g e o t g, if he now demands of you to con- 
 demn these as not best which they would do, by condemning 
 the decree of Ctesiphon which declared they were so you y who 
 
226 
 
 have sworn "by the gods said with reference to the judicial oath, 
 bnolwlzv a i n ollbv. i g. Compare Shakespeare's " a thou- 
 sand deaths would die." See, also, Philippic III, 65, ledv&vat, 
 
 de (tv(*4xi$. " The beauty of this passage is very striking. 
 
 Not merely the exquisite diction the majesty of the rhythm 
 the skillful collocation the picturesque description of ^Eschines' 
 dismay, and skulking from the public rejoicings ; but the argu- 
 ment is to be observed and admired. It is a dilemma, and one 
 which would be quite sufficient for the momentary victory at 
 which alone the orator often aims. It is not closely reasoned ; 
 it is not a complete dilemma ; a retort is obvious, (to use the 
 language of the logicians,) and this is always fatal, being the 
 test before which no bad dilemma can stand. ^Eschines had 
 only to embrace the second alternative the second horn and 
 it never could have transfixed him. i I did remain at home, not 
 mourning over the success of your measures, but their wicked- 
 ness ; not grudging the people their short-lived joy, but grieved 
 to see them deluded by your arts to their ruin.' This answer 
 was complete. Nevertheless, there are but few complete dilem- 
 mas in the whole course of any argument upon any subject ; 
 and the one under consideration is quite good enough to pass 
 with an audience in a speech. Many much less complete are 
 every day used with us both in the senate, in popular assem- 
 blies, and even at the bar, and with sufficient success. This 
 whole passage would be of certain success in our Parliament." 
 Lord BROUGHAM. 
 
 218. THE DECREES OF SACRIFICE FOLLOWED BY AN IN- 
 FERENCE FROM THEM, AND A TRANSITION TO THE LETTERS OF 
 
 PHILIP. x a I n e QI s i OTTTJX e i I fi o i. Observe how finely 
 this member repeats and enlarges the corresponding clauses of 
 the first member. Trf^ietorrjxe*, had happened, at the time of 
 which the orator speaks, crvy^/e*a, perseverance. Compare 
 IOVTMV </ do elxdpyv, 79, for these I clung to, followed up. 
 nlbv o i, journeyings, with reference to his many embassies 
 and journeys to other states. a vvv ov T o $ d i v v g e. 
 Dissen remarks that he knows of no passage in ^Eschines to 
 which this may refer. ^Eschines, however, speaks of decrees 
 " longer than the Iliad, but emptier than the words which he 
 is accustomed to speak, and the life he leads, and full of hopes 
 never to be realized, and armies never to be collected." 100. 
 
227 
 
 219-221. REMARKS WITH REFERENCE TO HIMSELF. These 
 remarks are made while the clerk is preparing to read the Lej> 
 ters. d A A ' opus T j} 7i 6le i, but yet no one of these ever 
 in any transaction ovdelg slg otdiv gave himself to the state 
 throughout the whole of it dia navibg, " sic ut totum nego- 
 tium administraret." SCHAEFER. & v a cp o Q d v, means of escape; 
 that is, of turning the blame from himself a maneuver not 
 yet obsolete in political life. OVTM g, "referendum ad fityav" 
 SCHAEFER. See 163, and Note. won;' otx tdoxet 
 ng&% e i e v, that it seemed to me to allow no opportunity or 
 forethought for personal safety, but that one should be satisfied if 
 neglecting nothing he should do his duty, & del . & d 6 Y. s *, 
 that is, 6 xLvdvvog. WESTERMANN. TTJC ticryakelag, grammat- 
 ically belongs to 7io6voiav, %&gav requiring the dative : to give 
 no place to, nor forethought of, personal safety. WESTERMANN. 
 TV x o v ( u v di> a i cr 6 r\i w j/, it may be, indeed, stupidly. 
 $ iliiov, " pertinet etiam rcpalat." SCHAEFER. 
 
 222. LETTERS OF PHILIP, WITH A TRANSITION TO THE DE- 
 CREES TO CROWN DEMOSTHENES. T & n go T OVT at v. See 
 188. TT oklov g k 6y o v g, " multa et audacia verba jac- 
 tare solitus" DISSEN. TO fttgos. See 103, and Note. T ci 
 T 6 T e [lev y get y s v T a, at that time successfully defended, 
 but by this man JEschines not even indicted. 
 
 223-226. DECREES TO CROWN DEMOSTHENES, WITH AN 
 
 APPLICATION TO THE PRESENT CASE. i'nSQ &l.l]Q rj X a T r\~ 
 
 y oQsl. The argument is this : if the charges which he now 
 brings against me as his ground for impeaching Ctesiphon, 
 were true, he would more naturally have brought them forward 
 at that time as grounds for impeaching Demomeles and Hype- 
 rides, eljforwg, with greater propriety. Tovd'. Ctesiphon. 
 vii TO> (.iev-^-7iQolafielv, because now it is in his power 
 Ctesiphon's to refer to them Demomeles and Hyperides 
 and to the decisions of the courts, that is, in the impeachments 
 brought by Diondas and to the fact that this very person ^Es- 
 chines did not prosecute them though proposing the same things 
 ivhich this person Ctesiphon has just done, and to the fact 
 that the laws do not permit prosecutions concerning things thus 
 settled, OVTM TtQaxdeviwv, with reference to the adjudication in 
 a trial of the 7iaQav6fuuv 7^9*7, and to the proclamation of the 
 crown by the people, and to many other things ; but in the 
 
228 
 
 case supposed TOTS d' corresponding to TW piv -the cause would 
 have been decided by itself that is, on its own merits ; " tune 
 an tern ipsa causa judicata esset sola per se," SCHAEFER, before 
 it had taken to itself any of these things that is, of the pleas 
 just mentioned : or, the case on the part of his prosecutor would 
 not have been cumbered with the objections, which can now 
 be made, nqlv T i, TOTL>TWV nQohafielv. See p. 366. 
 The law prohibiting a second prosecution for a matter once 
 tried is to be found in Andocides against Alcibiades, p. 30, 9, 
 Bekk. and is quoted by Dissen, as follows : iwv v6pwv bnayo- 
 gevovrujv dig Tiegi rov afaov ngog TOP atiTor jur^ e^elvai dw&.t.eoOai. 
 It is obvious, however, that the plea of exceptio judicati, strictly 
 speaking, could not be made here, both because the parties 
 were different, and because the subject-matter was not in all 
 respects the same. Still the spirit of the law would apply, and 
 the argument, as Westermann says, is rather moral than legal. 
 For, it was the same person who was in reality attacked in both 
 cases, Demosthenes and the crown was proposed by Ctesi- 
 phon about substantially the same transactions the transac- 
 tions in the last war. nl T r\g al ij 6 e I a g. See 17. 
 d ion e $ T\K e i. See, for the same expression, 15, and 
 
 Notes. The inference from the fact that JEschines did not 
 
 prosecute these decrees, viewed in connection with the disad- 
 vantages under which he labored in the present trial is this 
 that he had no proper motive as a prosecutor, but got up the 
 trial merely as a Qrpbquv (tyw^a. This is the third time Demos- 
 thenes has charged ^Eschines, founding the charge upon the fact 
 that he did not prosecute him at the time the crimes were alleged 
 to have taken plaice with having other motives in the impeach- 
 ment than such as belong to an honest prosecutor ; first, with 
 aiming, out of personal enmity, at himself, 12-16 ; but, sec- 
 ondly, under the disguise of attacking himself, with aiming at 
 the state, 125 ; and, here, with an ambition of making an ora- 
 torical display. See 12-16 and 125, with Notes. 
 
 22Y-231. THE ADVANTAGES OF THE THEBAN ALLIANCE, 
 
 NOTWITHSTANDING THE DEFEAT AT Cn^ERONEA. 
 
 The orator having narrated the arrival of the embassy in 
 Thebes, the proceedings of the assembly, the march of the 
 troops, their reception and victories, together with the rejoicing 
 
229 
 
 m Athens, the anxiety of Philip, and the honors to himself, 
 would naturally proceed next in order to speak of the battle of 
 Cheeronea. But, before coming to this, he interposes two top- 
 ics ; the first, the benefits of the Alliance, notwithstanding the 
 defeat, and the second, the disadvantages under which the allies 
 labored, both as regards money and troops, compared with 
 Philip. The topics were most happily brought in just at this 
 time ; the former shows that, though frustrated, his policy was 
 a good one, while the latter accounts for its being frustrated ; 
 and both are well adapted to mitigate the pain of the defeat. 
 We may also notice how skillfully they are introduced. De- 
 mosthenes had just charged ^Eschines with having got up this 
 trial in order to have a contest in oratory. He here examines 
 a specimen of his oratory. 
 
 E I TO, KjocpL^eiav. ciia introduces the example with a 
 sneer ; he plays the sophist, then, x I y r\ <r t . See ^Eschines, 
 59. nsQielvai / ?j // a T , that money remains ; that 
 there is a balance in your favor. TO? loy l'c,i] ati e, you settle 
 with some one, TO* = xivi. See 5. &v x a 6 a ga I & or n> 
 a I y/ rj <p o t, should the accounts be square. The pebbles, al 
 ijjriyoi,, are used for reckoning. The process seems to have been, 
 first, to lay down the pebbles opposite each other, ^(povg TI~ 
 Otvai ; next, to take up those that were of the same value, 
 from each side, yfaovg diviuvctiqsiv ; then, if all on each 
 side were removed, the debtor and creditor side would be equal, 
 or the accounts squared, when it was said, xuOugal eiuiv al I//TJ- 
 <JDO*. From SCHAEFER and DISSEN. t' * T ov Iby ov, from 
 the discussion ; the arguments of both parties, or o cp o C, iron- 
 ical ; u sapient :" Lord BROUGHAM, v v v y ' ^pag $TC&Q- 
 X i> v e^vwcr^^vof?, that now at least we are understood, 
 x al fi T\V OT i> ye d^t-wy, and in truth, that at least he 
 says what is unjust in demanding this opinion to be changed 
 OT) y &Q luviv Ao}'KT<6, for there is no such way of 
 reckoning ; or, actions are not to be reckoned in this way 
 oviog. 7i g o g & % el v o v. The selection of various readings, 
 and the proposal of emendations, often involve the nicest ques- 
 tions of style. Thus, here, both Reiske and Taylor have pro- 
 posed to add tnotyrje after txeTvov, Reiske, however, remarking, 
 4 ' not as necessary, but for the sake of perspicuity." But Schaefer 
 replies with indignation ; " tarn languet enim, tarn inscite addi- 
 
 20 
 
230 
 
 turn est, ut qui additum malit parum intellexisse videatur, quid 
 leges concinmtatis in struendis periodis poscant." d g & cr o t, 
 <p a i v e T a i. The orator here turns upon ^Eschines, and asks 
 him sneeringl y how he likes this kind of reckoning. Does, 
 then, the reckoning of actions not, this reckoning, but the 
 kind of reckoning of which he had just given him an example 
 seem to you like the reckoning of accounts ? ^ 8 el v 
 axeyaaOai,, or does it seem necessary to expunge these, and 
 not rather, to consider how they may be remembered through all 
 time. Demosthenes had stated the results of his Theban policy 
 and what would have been the results, if the measures of ^Eschi- 
 nes had been followed in the form of an account, the one being 
 set against the other. Now, after asking ^Eschines how he 
 likes this sort of reckoning, he inquires whether he thinks both 
 of these results should be blotted out, as in an account which is 
 balanced, or whether we should consider how both should be 
 remembered for ever. This is the view of Schaefer. " Quid est 
 TttOra ? Et ea, quae Demosthenis administratio reipublicae salu- 
 taria civitati gloriosaque effecit, et ea quae JEschinis administra- 
 tio damnosa turpiaque effectura erat, si cives ejus consilia pro- 
 bassent. Utraque in antegressis commemorantur. Quid est 
 bvcavelelv? Utraque ad instar numerorum parium sed inter 
 se oppositorum tollere, hoc est, oblivion e perimere, ut numeri 
 illi computatione perimuntur. Hoc vero Demosthenes vetat : 
 nam jubet curari ut et sua preclara facinora et ^Eschinis foeda 
 ausa sernpiternse memoriae tradantur." x al o ri x ii i TTQO a- 
 T I r] p i, and I no farther add; that is, to the list of advan- 
 tages gained and losses avoided, already made ; or, I do not 
 now add, " non jam," SCHAEFER, but without implying any 
 subsequent nptice. $v i v olg id el v, which it is com- 
 mon to see where v oig = " ubi" REISKE and DISSEN, but 
 Schaefer, quibus in rebus, Philip has become master of any. 
 Td Ao^yrd ?i e Q 16 allo [iev o s, compassing his remain- 
 ing purposes. " Opponuntur inter se xaOuTiut- xfyiov xadlo-iav- 
 6ai et neQifihlleo-Octi,. Illud vim armorum, hoc dolum consilio- 
 rum significat." SCHAEFER. ti {ti si g x a I w g n o vov v T e c, 
 you happily received the fruits, xulut; noiovvreg is a peculiar 
 phrase, and is exactly represented here by the word, happily, 
 which means, not, you being happy received, or, were happy in 
 receiving, but, you received the fruits and I am happy you did. 
 
231 
 
 Thus, Hermann ; " Verum indicate his verbis facere aliquem 
 id, quod aut sibi ipsi commodum est, aut, quod is, qui loquitur, 
 fieri optat et gaudet." Ad Via. 777. In the latter case, xul&s 
 Ttoi&v refers logically to the person speaking, and expresses his 
 feelings, though grammatically it is connected with the subject 
 of the verb ; as, here, notovvreg with fyelg, though it expresses 
 the feelings of Demosthenes. 
 
 In defending the Theban alliance, Demosthenes appeals chiefly 
 to the sentiment of honor, subordinately, however, to the prin- 
 ciple of utility. At the outset, 195, he threw in a clause, 
 setting forth the effect of the alliance in keeping the war from 
 the territory of Attica and giving opportunity, after the disaster 
 at Chaeronea, for deliberation. He here takes up the topic 
 formally and handles it with greater vigor. By comparing 
 195, 230, 240-241, the student will see with what skill 
 the orator has three several times repeated and enforced the 
 same statement. We may, also, call to mind that the orator 
 has heretofore, made the same appeal to the principle of utility, 
 and in the same subordinate way. See 65, 89. 
 
 232-243. COMPARISON OF THE EESOURCES OF THE CON- 
 TENDING PARTIES, WITH AN APPLICATION. 
 
 This topic, like the last one, is introduced by a criticism on 
 JEschines as an orator, thus carrying still farther his allusion 
 to the oratorical contest, which he had charged JEschines as 
 aiming at. 232-233. INTRODUCTION. a * y y 6 Q e i , in- 
 cludes the notion of saying. Hence, lie would not say in ac- 
 cusing such things as you just now said. nuQadeiyiiaTct^ 
 " quale illud voybv scilicet nag&deiyfia T&V yriyuv, quod orator 
 modo explosit." SCHAEFER. Qri/narcx, phrases. See JEschi- 
 nes, 72, 166. v % ?j p a ? , gestures. See JEschines, 209. 
 n a 9 i OVTO y dyov e, " depended upon this." TAYLOR. 
 in 1 a-uTuv T&V egywy, on the ground of the facts them- 
 selves. See 117, and Note, a cp o Q ju, & $, resources; it in- 
 cludes every thing pertaining to war ; men, money, ships, and 
 the like, els r & eio-TJety, when I entered upon public 
 affairs. * a I i lv a g i/c6, and ivhat, when I was at the 
 head of public affairs inwt&g, see 60, for the full expres- 
 
232 
 
 sion, and the Note I afterwards added to it. % g ?j a o p a t 
 TG> Mywjss^fw. See252. 234-239. THE COMPARISON. 
 4t v apiv [itv, the second accusative, completing the notion 
 of the predicate ; as a force, the state had the islanders. 
 KUHNER Gr. 280, 4, 240,2. 79 ??<a d T w *> d, lut as to 
 money. otviuZiv. At the formation of the new Confedera- 
 tion, (see Hist. Sketch, p. 18) the assessment paid by the con- 
 federate states was called a>Toe|tg, a contribution, not (p6$og, 
 a tribute. After the Social War, when most of the states 
 became independent, it amounted, it seems, only to forty-five 
 talents, though probably this was the lowest point, to which 
 it sank. ngoGSeileyptva, collected in advance, onht- 
 ir\v 5' Ij In n i a n^\v i w v o 1% e Iwv otid v a, troops 
 of the allies, since Demosthenes is here speaking of the aid he 
 obtained from the other Grecian states. bnUTrjv <$' )) Innia, are 
 mercenaries, hired by the allies, as is obvious from the use of 
 %ivot, below, 237 ; iuv olxetwv, the same as TWJ> nohnijt&v, 
 below, 237, are the citizen soldiery of the allies. See SCHAE- 
 FER. x a 1 enquJTev x t g i o g n&v TWV. With this 
 description, compare Canning's, of Bonaparte. " He asks no 
 counsel, he renders no account, he wields at will the population 
 and resources of a mighty empire, and its dependent states." 
 
 iThe entire passage, however, both in point of condensation, and 
 in the logical sequence of thought, is far inferior. (Speech on 
 the Expedition to the Scheldt.) tf T 6 y d TO d rj [*T] y o- 
 QBlv TT G> T o v, for at the outset, to come to the main point 
 at once the very speaking before the people. This was the 
 only thing in which it could be pretended he had supreme 
 power. 7T0)To/>, not, in the first place, not, to address the 
 people first, but, in a somewhat peculiar sense, difficult to ex- 
 press except by a circumlocution, at once, at the first view. See 
 Ttgbg Arimlvr]v, 54, 106. " For, first," Lord BROUGHAM ; 
 but there is no second. " For instance," KENNEDY ; but most 
 translations omit it. x a I o a a @e@ovk6V{ii>oi>, and 
 whatever measures they carried against me, and many were 
 these, from whatever cause each might happen these you went 
 away that is, " e concione," REISKE having adopted in fa- 
 vor of the enemy, d *' TJJ> exa<7TOJ> Tvxoi TT QO (p a cr iv. 
 i\)%ot, as denoting a chance result gives an indefiniteness to the 
 proposition, from one cause or another, d A A' 6' p w $ cr v - 
 
233 
 
 ?j X rj a a v. Boeckh thus states the account of the troops other 
 than Athenians employed against Philip. " The greatest num- 
 ber of mercenaries which Athens collected at this time was 
 fifteen thousand, together with two thousand cavalry, which 
 were furnished by the Euboeans, &c., in addition to the other 
 force composed of the citizens of these nations." Pub. Econ. B. 
 II, Ch. xvi, p. 271. T & TtQOg Oyfialovg d t x a i, a, our 
 rights with respect to the Thebans ; not what they could claim 
 of us, but we of them, n s Q t i&v I' cr CD y, of equal appor- 
 tionments. " T(i I'o-a h. 1. sunt sequae portiones sumtuum in 
 bellum faciendorum." SCHAEFER. See JEschines, 143 and 91. 
 TtaQeo-^eio^ for another instance of the repetition of the 
 same verb, see e&jn&Tyo-de, 42. e IT , corresponds to TTQ&TOV 
 . /MfcV. The reply of Demosthenes is two-fold ; that the treaties 
 j were in accordance with the generous spirit, with which Athens 
 
 (had always acted, and that it was useless to bring forward the 
 accusation at this late hour ; topics which have already been 
 urged more than once, nctg&v, " prsesens in concionibus, ubi 
 de illis rebus agebatur." SCHAEFER. This is clear from its con- 
 nection with syQucpes. el'n e Q x a * o tf g, if indeed these 
 were practicable by reason of these times ; " na^b = did." 
 SCHAEFER. 240-243. CONCLUSION. "All } el vvr. Hav- 
 ing just charged ^Eschines with being a malicious accuser, 
 vvxoyavT&v he very naturally introduces the present topic; 
 if he had done as they now propose, they would have accused 
 him still the more, their object being nothing but to accuse. 
 This is a common topic in constant use. E $ @ o La $ x a I 
 Qrifi&v x at B v 'r a v T lov, but below in the reverse order, 
 by t]p e chiasmus. TTJ anono/uning. See 87. A^crrwy. 
 See 145. novrjQov, 6 civd^eg 'AQr]vvLlQi, TTOVTJQOV 
 6 o-v x ocp&r TTJ g. Compare a similar form of expression in 
 
 ' 
 
 puAaxr]. 75. T OVT o d e ^ a T i v, but this little 
 creature is by nature a fox. avroTQayixbg n t 6 ?/ x o g, 
 a genuine tragic ape. worn eg av el' A e y e i g, as if a 
 physician going to the sick while they were in a feeble state 
 daOevovcrt fuev the predicate of ?ovg KU^VOVOIV and having its 
 correspondence in Ineidr^ d should neither mention nor point 
 out by what means they could escape the disease, but when one 
 of them has died and the funeral rites are performing, fol- 
 
 20* 
 
234: 
 
 lowing to the tomb, should explain, if this man had done so 
 and so, he would not have died. Fool ! is it now you speak? 
 
 The present section and the last one taken together form a 
 certain whole, though following the general course of remarks. 
 The unity will be obvious from recalling the course of thought. 
 -^Eschines had brought the impeachment in order to institute a 
 trial of oratory. Demosthenes then sneeringly alludes to a 
 specimen of his oratory, or rather of his sophistry, and turns it 
 against him with great force. He next speaks, in contrast with 
 the course of ^Eschines, of what the true orator would do in 
 examining the conduct of the statesman, and gives an example 
 of such an examination, in speaking of the disadvantages under 
 which the Athenians labored. He concludes with setting forth 
 the character of the party orator, and of the malicious accuser. 
 Thus, the single idea with which he started gives tone to the 
 whole. 
 
 The last three sentences are a fitting conclusion of this topic. 
 The first attacks JEschines and his party as determined to find 
 fault with whatever course might be taken ; the second general- 
 izes, as if from these instances, the character of the whole class 
 of demagogues and sycophants ; while the third turns upon 
 ^Eschines individually, and ends with one of these pointed re- 
 marks, with which, at intervals, the orator is fond of winding 
 up any important topic. 
 
 244-247. BATTLE OF CH^ERONEA. 
 
 The orator having thus carefully prepared the way, proceeds to 
 speak of the fatal battle, though without formality, and without 
 any display of effort which might show that he was conscious 
 of having a difficult point to meet, oti ioivvv oitde i^v 
 ^ 1 1 a v, not then, not even the defeat, e v o-ud e v I T uv 
 nag' e ju o I, " nulla in re qua in potentate mea sita fuit" 
 W. DINDORF. tv olg x on B arge (pexo , but in what 
 places his embassador were overcome by arguments, these he 
 attacked by arms and brought under himself ; " But where 
 his embassadors were vanquished in argument, he came with 
 arms and carried the day." KENNEDY, etg is pa I a x I a v 
 with reference to the frequent charge of cowardice 
 
235 
 
 brought against him by ^Eschines. 148, 152, 155, 175. if 
 ov T a, not, that I, but, that he the same man* being one ; 
 for though it refers to himself, he forbears, as long as he can, to 
 mention himself directly, n a cr v 1 1 ^ T a a iv, any scrutiny, 
 however severe. See 5. Id el v, to see, simply. ngoctt,oda- 
 6 a i, to see and feel the importance of what is seen, yroAmxd 
 otee/a, home-bred ; natural. See 234, 237. T t a i Siu*^- 
 a arc, by what means Philip managed the greater part of 
 those things which he achieved. T <5 d id ova i xai d i&- 
 cp 6 e I Q s i v, by promises and bribes to those in power, i <5 
 d i a (pd a gr\v a i tklnnov, in the matter of being bribed 
 by money or not, I have conquered Philip. &un e Q y &Q 
 TO v tivotiusvov. This is not an example drawn from the 
 buyer and seller of merchandize, but the terms so used are ap- 
 glied to bribery and corruption. For as he who offers to buy 
 6 &vov[i)>og, " emens, hie i. q. largitionibus corrumpens," 
 SCHAEFER has conquered him who listens to the offer, iov 
 "kctfiovta, corresponding to 6 hvovnevos, the one to whom the 
 offer is made and who entertains it in case he buys him, 
 TTQlrjiat,, " si perpulit ut acciperet," SCHAEFER, 50 he who nei- 
 ther listens nor is bought has conquered him who makes the 
 offer. 
 
 In explaining the arrangement of the topics, we have been 
 compelled to refer frequently to the battle of Chseronea, and to 
 the present passage. The orator himself, however, it hardly 
 need be said, makes no such explanation, nor gives to it any 
 such prominence. He has done no more than mention once or 
 twice the fact of the battle ; and the present passage formally 
 relating to it is introduced without parade, in its natural, chro- 
 nological order, and is in no respect preeminent over the ad- 
 joining passages. 
 
 The duty of the Athenian statesman in the choice of his meas- 
 ures is what the orator had hitherto dwelt upon, and in respect 
 to which he had shown that he acted in the spirit of his coun- 
 try. The present topic relates to the execution of these meas- 
 ures, and here, too, he shows that he had failed in no duty 
 which could be exacted of the statesman. This completes his 
 defense ; both in the choice of measures, and in the execution of 
 measures, he stands acquitted of all blame. 
 
236 
 
 248-290. APPROVAL OF THE MEASURES OF DEMOSTHENES 
 BY THE PEOPLE, AFTER THE BATTLE OF CH^ERONEA. 
 
 In treating of the Amphissean war, the orator spoke first of 
 the treachery of JEschines, by which that war was brought into 
 Attica. With the battle of Chseronea terminates the course of 
 measures by which Demosthenes strove in vain to deliver his 
 country from that great calamity. One topic remains ; the 
 approval of these measures, notwithstanding the fatal issue of 
 them, by the people of Athens. Under this head, there are 
 three important facts which the orator brings forward ; his elec- 
 tion to several important posts connected with the defense of 
 the city, and his acquittal in various impeachments brought 
 against him, immediately after the battle ; his appointment to 
 pronounce the funeral oration over the slain ; and the inscrip- 
 tion placed upon their monument. These facts, however, take 
 up but a small portion of this part of the oration ; between the 
 first and the last two, the orator interposes two other topics of a 
 different kind ; a comparison of the Fortune of himself and 
 ^Eschines, and a reply to the charge of deceiving and mislead- 
 ing, by the power of eloquence. We have, then, the following 
 topics : 
 
 I. Proceedings at Athens immediately after the battle. 248- 
 .251. 
 
 II. Reply to the charge that he was an ill-fated man, and a 
 comparison of his fortune with that of JEschines. 252-275. 
 
 III. Reply to the charge of deceiving and misleading, by the 
 power of eloquence. 276-284. 
 
 IV. Appointment to pronounce the funeral oration over the 
 slain. 285-288. 
 
 V. The Inscription on the Monument erected over the slain. 
 289-290. 
 
 248-251. PROCEEDINGS AT ATHENS IMMEDIATELY AFTER 
 THE BATTLE. 
 
 I g TO d i x a lu g T o i ex v T a y gd <p e i v jovrovt. De- 
 mosthenes seems to have forgotten, or, more probably, supposes 
 his audience to have forgotten, that he professed, at the outset 
 of this part of his speech, to have finished his defense, and de- 
 
237 
 
 clared the aim of his subsequent remarks to be, to retaliate on 
 ^Eschines, not to justify Ctesiphon. See 126, and Note. 
 eld&g x a I o ^ x c6 , "probe sciens." DISSEN. ifi^e- 
 fl TJ x (5 , " versans in ipsis terroribus." SCHAEFER. Not con- 
 nected with the preceding participles, because standing in a 
 different relation to the finite verb. Although living in the 
 very midst of the horrors and dangers. f\ v ( x' n $ 6 $ & fi 6, 
 when it would not have been strange *> is omitted with ty, 
 as is usual in such phrases as, ala/obf ?)*>, elxbg iji>, and the like, 
 SCHAEFER, if the people had been somewhat disaffected 07- 
 v<HovT)val 11 towards me. v ii&v r\v, a commissary for 
 procuring grain ; an office of the greatest trust and importance. 
 See 87, 241. ygacp&g, etiOvvag, slaayyeMag, for 
 the distinctions, see Introduction, p. 88, 89, 90, and 13. x T a 
 vr\v ^fiBQctv ix&crTTjv, day after day. See 68. TOVTO 
 y d <J * x a T w >>, for this is both according to truth (U?/- 
 0&s, what facts, the reality require and is useful to, or, (as 
 we should rather say), worthy of judges, who are under oath 
 and who decide according to their oaths, vn Q T far <5 * - 
 xacnuv, " ulile judicibus, qui, si aliter judicarent, sibi ipsi 
 nocerent, quippe peierantes." SCHAEFER. See 1, 234. Here, 
 as elsewhere, Demosthenes regards the decision of the judges as 
 a matter of religious duty. See the Exordium, and 126. T /, 
 construed with ovoficc. T 6v 8^\^ov, i oi) s dixaar&g, 
 i^v d A ?J t a ?, correspond to the different kinds of trial, 
 since the eioayyella was tried before the people, the nuQavoiLiMv 
 y^aqpij before the judges, and the evOuvy, before the logistse, 
 where the question was a matter of fact ; hence, ^ <UrJ(9em must 
 mean, not truth in the abstract, but the reality, or as we should 
 Sa 7? facts. Was it not that ivhich he saw the people giving 
 not that, the Judges on oath not that, Facts confirming before 
 all. We naturally expect the sentence to end with <Uij#5*aj*, 
 tiOepsviiv being supplied, instead of which we have the fuller 
 ending, Jta^d Ttacrt, jtefiotiovaav. 7V~ i, qp 77 cr 1 v x a A 6 i , true, 
 8 250 ^ e sa y s ^ ^ ^ ne ^ f Cephalus was honorable, xA6v 
 being the predicate of TO rov Ks cp&hov ; u quod Cephalo 
 contigit pulchrum est." SCHAEFER. See JEschines, 194. x i 
 vri J * ' etid a i pov ye, and, by Jupiter, a happy one, at 
 least, if no more; xcd expresses the rapidity of the retort, 
 while ye, as if an afterthought, limits the assertion to the single 
 
238 
 
 thing, that it was a happy lot. TO rod Ksy&hov x uk6v, 
 the honorable lot of Cephalus, xakov being the predicate attri- 
 bute of TO iov Keffxttov, as it was the adjective predicate before. 
 !j'tti//To, J I Gi $ 8, refer, according to Reiske, the former 
 to bringing, the latter to trying, the suit. But Schaefer makes 
 no distinction, considering them as only another instance of the 
 orator's love of pleonasm, p y d v, " Significantissimum h. 1. 
 (.ufit-v : ne putes valere idem quod ovdev. Hoc vult orator : 
 etiamsi forte sim deterior Cephalo civis, tamen tu quidem tali 
 usus argumento confiteris me nihilo deteriorem illo civem esse. 
 Tot verbis opus est ad explicandum quod Grsecorum mirabile 
 idioma solo negativarum discrimine significat." SCHAEFER. 
 
 The present passage is a fine example of a Condensed State- 
 ment of Facts. It differs from the Argumentative Narrative, 
 in which the conviction produced depends upon combination, 
 whereas, in the present case, it depends upon accumulation. In 
 the former, the individual facts may be unimportant, but yet 
 contribute to an important result ; in the latter, the individual 
 facts are all weighty, but by being closely compacted acquire 
 a greater momentum. 
 
 252-275. A COMPARISON or THE FORTUNES OF HIMSELF AND 
 
 -^Eschines had represented Demosthenes as the Evil Genius of 
 Greece " TOJ> r^g ^Ellkdos tifaTfywr " involving every body in 
 destruction with whom he had any connection ; one of those 
 ill-fated men, according to the notion of the Greeks destined 
 of the gods to destroy themselves, and involve others in the 
 same destruction. The connection of this topic with what im- 
 mediately precedes is obvious. Having shown that the defeat 
 ' did not happen from any thing within his sphere of action, the 
 orator proceeds to show farther that it was not brought about 
 by his evil Fate. 
 
 o A o> g piv has its opposite in Inti^ d\ the contrast being 
 between Demosthenes and JEschines. Tigocpeoei, " i. q. dvei- 
 Si^ei." SCHAEFER. %Qv\Tat, TO> Ao'y&j. See 233. 7) vvv 
 i n t y B i, which now prevails ; with reference to the victories 
 of Alexander. TO per TO I vv v TTO^TT e iv . Observe 
 
239 
 
 g . how the orator condenses in this sentence the great prin- 
 * ciples of his defense ; the choice of what is honorable, 
 resulting, however, in what is useful. & i w, "arbitror." 
 SCHAEFER. -u ^ I v, that is, doKelv. * t;? t c* T ipa ?, has got' 
 ten the mastery over, n&v TW g, at any rate, 256, like nauuv 
 in 246. yvzQOTyTa, "folly," Lord BROUGHAM ; but 
 " bad taste ;" KENNEDY, nev lav Ttgonrjlcnti^e^ sneers 
 at poverty, ex i&v iv OVTMV, under the circumstances. 
 82^7 tpolfitv, repeated below, tyw pdv, and having its 
 ' correspondence in av d\ n a i d I ft y, having its cor- 
 respondence in i^elOovii <5e, and ZneiSri dL e I a q> Q s t v, 
 " notum est dici, de tributo extraordinario ad belli necessi- 
 tates." DISSEN. x a I (k y', honorable at least, however dis- 
 astrous the result. Demosthenes never forgets his leading dis- 
 tinctions, olx^jou T d iv I KM*, holding the post of a 
 servant, not of a gentleman's son. TTJ [tyr gl avveo-- 
 x s v o) Q o 5, you recited to your mother while she was per- 
 forming the rites of initiation lelovvy the formularies 
 TOI)? filfikovg, " carmina initiationum" SCHAEFER, and got 
 ready the other impostures, o-wso-xevwgov, " ceteras impos- 
 turas." DrssEN. Compare neQl naQan. 221, 279. vefiql- 
 5 w y, putting on the fawn skins ; that is, on the initiated, the 
 reason for which Reiske thus explains ; " nam deponendse ipsis 
 erant suse vestes, quo nudi baptizarentur." x gar s Q l^uv, 
 " bibendum dabat iis vinum e cratere sacro." DISSEN. x a 6 a l- 
 g w >/, a general term, including the several rites of the lustra- 
 tion, some of which the orator specifies ; purifying. & n o ft d T- 
 iwv n (,ii> go i> s 9 rubbing them down with clay and bran. 
 One part of the lustration was to besmear the body with clay, 
 nsQinhneiv and then to wipe it clean with bran aTto^&T- 
 rsiv. Reiske thus explains : " Loti fricabantur creta, ochra, 
 argilla, et furfuribus, quso sunt res abstergendis sordibus oleosis, 
 sudori, squalori, seu squamis cutis perquam accommodatse. 
 Saponem illi veteres ignorabant aut rarius eo utebantur." 
 d v i G i & , causing them to rise. " Sedebant humi, qui se 
 expiandos prsebebant sicut pcenitentes et lugentes. JSTun-c 
 finita tota re surgere jubentur." .DISSEN. scpvyov xax6v, 
 ei)Qov ajieivov, a form of words expressive of gratitude, 
 pronounced by the initiated, after their leader. yOiyyeadat, 
 o v T w fi e Y Demosthenes frequently refers to the loud voice 
 
240 
 
 of .JBschines, as something on which he prided himself. Thus, 
 in the nsyl nctgaTiQecrfielag, he asks, " who of all in the city can 
 speak the loudest and utter what he likes in the clearest tone ? 
 ^Eschines." 228. See, also, below, 285, 313. dt&vovg. 
 See neyl nagan. 322. xovg nage la g, a noun in the accus* 
 ative plural from nagelag, used as an adjective ; copper-colored 
 snakes ; " est genus serpentinum ingentibus maxillis." DISSEN. 
 tf tj &TT7] g. Dissen supposes these words to be the refrain or 
 chorus of a mystic hymn, and to be put for the whole hymn. 
 " Hoc carmen saltabat ^Eschines, motu et gestibus liberioribus, 
 orgiasticis imitans verba et sententias dum canerentur," DISSEN, 
 dancing Hyes Attes, Attes Hyes. ^(>/og, leader of the 
 singers, the Coryphaeus, ngoiiyeptiv, leader of the danc* 
 ers ; " utpote qui thiasos ducerent." DISSEN. KtaTo^o^o^, 
 the chest-bearer ; " qui cistam sacram portaret qua reconditae 
 res mysticae." DISSEN. A i x v o <p 6go g . "fan- bearer." KEN- 
 NEDY, hlxvov, '" a fan-shaped basket, carried on the head at the 
 feast of Bacchus, containing the sacrificial utensils and the first 
 fruits ; Virgil's " Mystica vannus lacchi," LIDDELL and SCOTT. 
 & $ &hrj 6 oj g. See 85 and Note. y g {* ^ T e -6 e * v 9 to be 
 an Assembly-clerk ; an office held in contempt. See negl naoan. 
 222, where the word is faeyQafipaTGfovja, with the same 
 meaning, rol g agx id lo i g, " petiy magistrates" KEN- 
 NEDY ; a meaning not in Passow, or Liddell and Scott. - 
 qvfnbvoig, deep-groaning ; " sic dicti, opinor, quod in partibus 
 suis agendis inepte et contra naturam -vneynadovvces spectatori- 
 bus risum moverunt." SCHAEFER. ortwQdvrjg. Dissen and 
 Schaefer subjoin txelvog, making the reference to a particular 
 individual, but, besides the want of sufficient manuscript au- 
 thority, 'such a reference itself would hardly be expected from 
 our orator, ^a^^dyw^, in most editions is followed by 
 T^a^wceza, which is rejected by Dindorf on the authority of Co- 
 dex S. The present text has been translated thus : u plus inde 
 lucri faciens quam ex certaminibus^ sen potius pro vita veris 
 pugnis" DOBREE. That is, the players made more out of the 
 figs an 1 grapes and olives with which they were pelted than from 
 their playing, in which they carried on a constant contest with 
 the audience. %v y ay n 6 I e fi o g . This fine and forcible 
 sentence, nothing more forcible could be said of the most im- 
 portant war adds much to the picture, making it almost 
 
241 
 
 nuttiorous: a war without a truce, and which admitted of no 
 herald. 3 e i 1 o v g, with reference to the charge of cowardice 
 so frequently brought against him by ^Eschines. /^Eschines, 
 148, 152, 155, 175. TOV tytnov) the objective genitive. 
 k n rj A 6 vov, it came into your head. <e r5 # e <5 , recklessly. 
 265 '# <N * of. We recall the course of thought. De- 
 mosthenes first spoke of himself, though briefly, passing 
 from boyhood to manhood, and then of JSschines, but at length, 
 tracing the successive steps of his life till he became a public 
 man. In both cases, he excuses himself from saying more of 
 himself, lest he might offend by seeming to boast, but of ^Eschi- 
 neS) because there were things which it would be disgraceful 
 for him even to mention. He now sums up the whole topic in 
 a- parallel between ^Eschines and. himself, in which the con- 
 trast is brought down to the present trial. The parallel, there- 
 fore, must be interpreted with this in view, jl ft * o> ^ t' v . 
 See 130. ^d^ara, the A, B, C's, 120. ^o/Twy, 
 that is, to respectable schools, 257. iiile^g, that is, into 
 the mysteries just described, 259. ZvelovpT] v, that is, into 
 the Eleusinian mysteries* i X^QGVG g, with reference to exog- 
 gotfievog urj arr^s, above* i f *f f r<v *i I famished a cho- 
 rus ; an honorable one. See 257* But, notwithstanding the 
 peculiarly emphatic contrast in the above words, it seems better 
 to render them without the circumlocution which would be 
 necessary to express it. You taught letters, but I went to 
 school ; you initiated, but I was initiated ; you danced in a 
 chorus, but I furnished a chorus ; you was a clerk in the As- 
 sembly, but I, a speaker ; you acted third parts, but I was a 
 spectator ; you was hissed off, but I hissed ; you managed 
 every thing for the enemy, but I^for the country, s % 6 n * n - 
 *$. This is more fully expressed in the ncgl 7ia(wt7tQea@Elag. 
 You drove him off and hissed him from the stage, and onlujlid 
 not stone him to death, so that at last he gave up acting third 
 
 parts. 389. Milton has professedly imitated this parallel* 
 
 In reply to the charge of frequenting play-houses, founded 
 on certain play-house expressions in his writings, he says : 
 " But since there is such necessity to the hearing of a tire, a 
 periwig, or a vizard, that plays must have been seen, what dif- 
 ficulty was there in that ? when, in the colleges, so many of 
 the young divines, and those in next aptitude to divinity^ " 
 
 21 
 
242 
 
 been so often upon the stage, writhing and unboning their 
 clergy limbs to all the antic and dishonest gestures of trincu- 
 loes, buffoons and bawds, prostituting the shame of that minis- 
 try which either they had or were nigh having to the eyes of 
 courtiers, and court-ladies with their grooms and madamoiselles. 
 There while they acted and overacted, among other young 
 scholars I was a spectator ; they thought themselves gallant 
 men, and I thought them fools ; they made sport, and I 
 laughed ; they mispronounced, and I misliked ; and to make 
 up the atticism, they were out, and I hissed." Apology for 
 Smectyrnnus. dAAd wvl TWJ> y^cpwv, but now to-day 
 I ^/cb /nev contrasted with ool d? am on trial as to whether 
 I deserve to be crowned, and am admitted to have done no 
 ivrong whatever, while you of necessity on the one hand ov- 
 xoy&vjy per having its correspondence in xwdvveteig de must 
 be regarded as a malicious accuser, and on the other, run the 
 risk, whether it must needs be that you should still carry on 
 this business, or be now stopped by not getting the fifth part 
 of the votes. With respect to this contrast of their respective 
 situations on the trial, the point is this : Demosthenes is ac- 
 knowledged to have done no wrong, the only question being 
 whether what he has done deserves a crown ; ^Eschines is 
 known as a malicious accuser, the only question, or rather the 
 risk which he runs being whether he shall continue in that 
 business, or be stopped in it. 
 
 8 9fi7 &v ay vw, let me read, the first person being used to 
 correspond to xJ 0v, although the orator reads it only 
 as causing it to be read, as is manifest from fays below. A u- 
 fi a I v o v, which you murdered. T\*W nvlag. I came, 
 "the mansions of the dead, and the gates of darkness," leav- 
 ing Amc6j>, from a verse not quoted. Eurip. Hecuba. 1. * a- 
 xay y elslv fi 8 , u hic quoque Euripidis Sophoclisve ex 
 tragoedia perdita versus est." W. DINDORF. x o * v 6 , kind, 
 o TU d i *>, u scilicet, sinoifu." KEISKE. Tr^oa^^^cro^a^ " sci- 
 licet, 7T(Mi>." DlSSEN. 
 
 Demosthenes having spoken of the fortune of ^Eschines and 
 of himself, both as private and as public men, proceeds to speak 
 of the prevalent fortune of all men and nations, in order to 
 show, on the one hand, the true cause of the common calami- 
 d, on the other, the unfairness of ^Eschines in charging 
 r \vith being the cause. 
 
243 
 
 8 2*70 &7t a kla y s t g, having escaped ; as if from some- 
 thing unpleasant. Compare analla^ 145. tf?r6 
 T o V T o y troy T] A to y , under this sun, the world of the 
 Greeks ; like the English, " under the sun" cpoy&v T iv 
 n Q a Y ^ T w y, "a certain force of circumstances." Lord 
 BROUGHAM. Toy na^b -lovroicrt n enoli^j ev yiiv o y, 
 charge me with being the cause, who conducted public affairs 
 among these ; that is, only among these, whereas the suffering 
 had been extended to persons, who had never seen or heard him. 
 x a I i CCVT' eld co g. The orator introduces here another topic, 
 that in making such a charge, ^Eschines really brought an ac- 
 cusation against all the Athenians, and not least against himself. 
 Demosthenes returns now to a favorite topic, already several 
 times used, that JEschines should have given better counsels, if 
 he had any, at the time measures were to be decided upon, not 
 now find fault. 188, 189, 196. otf j'cxo T i p w y, for not 
 out of good-will at least did you relinquish to me hopes, glory 
 and honors. 1 n I d w y, " spes laudis et praemiorum." DISSEN. 
 jraod fiev T o i v v v T ol g &M o i g. The comparison is 
 between all other men and JEschines ^Icr^tv^g rolvw though 
 not formally carried out ; hence, the corresponding particle dt 
 is not used. dJ^KEt rig x<y. See, for this form of the 
 sentence, 117, 198. v T ol g v o p I {to i g, "in scriptis 
 legibus." DISSEN. T o? g ay Q&<po i g. Lord Brougham re- 
 fers to Cicero's well-known " non enim scripta sed nata lex ;" 
 WCTTS xceT^oper, 50 that even what he enumerates as 
 MISFORTUNES, even these he imputes to me AS CRIMES "as 
 crimes," implied in xT?^o^r, and necessary, to make out the 
 antithesis. Lord BROUGHAM. 
 
 Lord Brougham remarks that " the whole passage upon For- 
 tune seems inferior to the general style of Demosthenes." But, 
 certainly in respect to style, no part of the oration is more care- 
 fully elaborated ; few passages, indeed, are equal to the descrip- 
 tion of the rites of initiation, or to the parallel between the 
 lives of the two orators. With respect to the topic itself, doubt- 
 less it would never be formally introduced into a modern speech, 
 yet Demosthenes had sufficient reasons for entering upon it. 
 The sentiments were in accordance with the popular opinions of 
 the age, and it is not unlikely that it was necessary to remove 
 
244 
 
 the effect of the charge of being an ill-fated man. Besides 
 there were several incidental advantages in the topic. 
 
 1. It enabled the orator to set forth the common fortunes of 
 all men in that age as hard and severe, and thus to fortify his 
 position, that the battle had been lost by the decree of Fortune. 
 
 2. In drawing the comparison between himself and ^Eschines, 
 he was enabled to repeat several of the more important points 
 of his defense, without the appearance of repetition ; such as, 
 that, " his enemies even could not say that the policy which 
 he had adopted was not at least honorable ;" or, that "^Eschi- 
 nes grew bold and cheerful, just in proportion as the country 
 suffered adversity." 
 
 3. It also enabled him, without offense, to conciliate the 
 
 food-will of the audience, and at the same time to depreciate 
 is opponent. 
 
 276-284. REPLY TO THE CHARGE OF DECEIVING BY THE 
 POWER OF ELOQUENCE. 
 
 Demosthenes has shown that the ill-success of his Theban 
 policy was not attributable to any thing within his sphere of 
 action, nor to his evil fate ; to all appearance has shown it. But 
 yet, the judges, if they trust to JEschines, may think it an ap- 
 pearance only, produced by the magic of oratory. That im- 
 pression, the orator would remove ; hence, the present topic, 
 which, like the preceding, is opened abruptly, without a transi- 
 tion sentence. $ e * v 6 v, an adjective, used as a substantive, 
 to which the abstract deivoi^n below corresponds ; calling me 
 an artful speaker, and juggler, and sophist, and the like. ^Es- 
 chines, 16, 207. cb g t&v $ % o v * a, as though, if one 
 should be the first to say of another what belongs to himself, that 
 even now, or, at once becomes so; xat d$, "protinus" SCHAE- 
 FER. " Nam xl <J?j apud Atticos prope idem est, quod fyfy." 
 HERM. ad VIG. p. 827. For the construction of & with the 
 participle, see KUHNER Gr. 3 1 2, 6, d. Also, 122. X/TO 
 | Y w f CPQOVGIV, although I perceive that those who hear 
 are for the most part masters of the power of those who speak ; 
 the audience controls the speaker, not the speaker, the audi- 
 ence -for according as you receive and favor each speaker, is he 
 thought to be skillful. In the negl nuQciTtgeapelctg the orator 
 
245 
 
 states the same truth negatively : other powers are tolerably in- 
 dependent, but that of speaking is reduced to nothing when you 
 who hear are unfavorable. 393. According to modern no- 
 tions, it is paradoxical to say that the audience is master of the 
 power, natural or acquired, of the speaker ; but with the Greek, 
 power in oratory is only power so far as it is successful, and 
 success depends mainly upon the character which the orator 
 bears among those whom he addresses. Aristotle, in his Rhet- 
 .oric, dwells upon the reputation of the speaker for good sense, 
 good will, and integrity, as affecting his power over his hearers. 
 So, also, Whately. But this short parenthesis gives the sub- 
 stance of all that has been since said by Rhetorical writers. 
 nag' efioL. See 110, 233. t % s i a^o UB vrjv. l&Td^ov. 
 Oat,, to be tested ; hence, as a result of such trial, to be shown to 
 be so and so ; and, hence, to appear to be, or simply, to be, so 
 and so. Manifested, si' rig e A ti n y a e i i. See below, 
 307. G I 8' # Q' e x i v, but if perchance there is a neces- 
 sity, to have them mildly and moderately disposed, e v ol g . 
 T (3 d rj fi G>, in those things in which some all-important matter 
 of the commonwealth is at stake, and in which the people are con- 
 tending against their enemies, n Q b g T o v g ivavvlovg 
 luil To> ^TJ^G). Some manuscripts and editions have 0Tl -it,, 
 but TI is also omitted by Dissen, and Vcemel ; " et ubi adversus 
 adversarios res est populo." DISSEN. But Kennedy, " and he, 
 (the orator) is opposed to the adversaries of the people." T a v T a 
 y no 1 1 1 ov, for these things call for the noble and good 
 citizen; it is theirs to direct them. Compare 190. /uyd e vbg 
 d e 6 * c vj /i err v g e % G i x a x la v. This section contains 
 the same topics as are dwelt upon, more at length in 12-16. 
 See especially 15, 16. n a a a v % a x lav, all possible wick- 
 edness. Compare nacrav e^eicccrir, 246. xal pot, doxelg 
 T i pwQ la v. For same topic, see 226. A 6 y w v ; qpw^ 
 v a a x I g.- These are distinct things ; eloquence and elocution. 
 " Duas res ^Eschiries dicitur ostentare voluisse, orandi faculta- 
 tem et vocis sonorem. Docent quse sequuntur." SCHAEFER. 
 inl TTJ atir TI$, " scilicet tiyxvoag." DISSEN. A proverbial 
 expression, sometimes found without the ellipsis. Herod. 7, 188. 
 " Does not anchor in the same roadstead :" Lord BROUGHAM ; 
 " rides not on the same anchorage :" KENNEDY. These transla* 
 tions give the thought, but with a slight change of the figure ; 
 
 21* 
 
246 
 
 he is not held moored by the same anchor, fyco, " scilicet, 
 eadem nitor anchora." REISKE. eZalyeTov o i) <5 ' Vd *o v, 
 nothing separate from the public, nor personal. " / have no 
 interests separate and distinct" KENNEDY. 
 
 The triumph of oratorical art would be for the orator, at the 
 time of speaking, to be himself unconscious of being an orator r 
 and to be unthought of as such by his audience. Whatever is 
 attributed to art is so much detracted from the impression 
 which should be made, not only as putting the hearer in a crit- 
 ical state of mind, so that he listens as a judge of what the 
 orator is, not of what he says, but, also, as leading him to fear 
 being misled by false reasoning and artful appeal. Hence, the 
 frequent charge, on the one hand, and disclaimer, on the other, 
 of being an orator. Never was there a more felicitous reply to 
 such a charge ; never a more dextrous use of the opportunity 
 afforded by such a charge. The parallel between himself and 
 JSschines as to the ends for which they had respectively em- 
 ployed their power, besides being most admirable in itself, en- 
 ables him in an easy and natural way, to repeat his leading 
 topics. Upon the frequent repetition of topics in this part of 
 his speech, Lord Brougham remarks : " Here is the same lead- 
 ing topic once more introduced ; but introduced after new top- 
 ics and fresh illustrations. The repetitions, the enforcement 
 again and again of the same points, are a distinguishing feature 
 of Demosthenes, and formed also one of the characteristics of 
 Mr. Fox's great eloquence. The ancient, however, was incom- 
 parably more felicitous in this than the modern ; for in the lat- 
 ter it often arose from carelessness, from ill-arranged discourse, 
 from want of giving due attention, and from having once or 
 twice attempted the topic and forgotten it, or perhaps from 
 having failed to produce the desired effect. Now in Demosthe- 
 nes this is never the case : The early allusions to the subject of 
 the repetition are always perfect in themselves, and would suf- 
 ficiently have enforced the topic, had they stood alone. But 
 new matter afterwards handled gave the topic new force and 
 fresh illustration, by presenting the point in a new light." 
 
247 
 
 285-288. APPOINTMENT OF DEMOSTHENES TO PRONOUNCE 
 THE FUNERAL ORATION OVER THE SLAIN. 
 
 I'x' of p s iv ov, still the more. v olg, when. 
 security in speaking what they thought. " Vacuitas raetus ab iis 
 
 3 use cogitat, etiamsi libere eloquatur." SCHAEFER. v n o h a fi- 
 & v o v f B g with this text, the sentence is unfinished. Dissen 
 has the finite verb -bnM.u$vivov . nag p o 1. See above, 277. 
 inl ?&g -tacp&g = inl ity x&v j&ywv Ttctgaaxevriv : WESTERMANN ; 
 over the burial, w s , " referendum ad superlativum." SCHAE- 
 FER. exacrTo g IxcicrTq), each survivor to each of the dead. 
 
 The present topic furnished the orator with an opportunity 
 to draw another parallel between himself and ^Eschines, but 
 on another point ; having reference to the feelings with 
 which each regarded his country and its citizens ; Demos- 
 thenes, rejoicing in her prosperity and sympathizing with the 
 people in their adversity, ^Eschines, sad in her prosperity and 
 exulting in her adversity. This point, the orator enforces again 
 and again henceforth to the end. 
 
 289-290. THE INSCRIPTION. 
 
 d r] ft o or I a , at the public expense, ^nt^gdifoct. " In- 
 Bcribebantur talia ai^ly in sepulchro positae." DISSEN. The 
 ashes of those who fell in battle were burned in the Ceramicus, 
 and Pausamias mentions having seen in the suburbs of the city 
 the monument which was placed over those who fell at Chaero- 
 nea. 1,19,11. By whom the inscription was written is not known. 
 I tj fi a i o g. The reading of the manuscripts, delfiaiog, fear, is 
 corrupt, for which the conjecture of Valckenser, adopted in 
 the text, seems to be the best substitute, ^fiaros as well as 
 &QSTYI$ is construed with P^affi. And fighting they spared not 
 life, but made death the common rewarder of bravery and valor 
 common, says Dissen, because all were worthy of rewards 
 for the sake of the Greeks. %\d e X $1 cr t, g, which follows. v 
 PLOT r ( enogev, but in life that is, of men, in contrast with 
 0<aj>, or expressing the abstract in the concrete form, among 
 men to flee from fate the Deity permits not o {I T* n o p e ?, 
 that is, 6 6e6g. &v 6 r] x e, that is, 16 
 
248 
 
 291-324. CONCLUSION. 
 
 The honors paid to the slain fitly conclude the fatal drama of 
 the last sacred war. The orator has gone through it with all 
 the skill of consummate art, and has made out for himself a 
 perfect defense. With this terminates, also, the course of his 
 entire defense ; and from this point he begins to draw towards 
 the end of his speech. What remains is, for the most part, a 
 repetition, under the form of refutation, of the principal topics 
 of his defense. There is a definite course of thought, the topics 
 of which may be arranged as follows : 
 
 I. The feelings exhibited by ^Eschines at the calamities of 
 his country. 291-293. 
 
 II. The betrayal of the freedom of Greece. 294-296. 
 
 III. The course of Demosthenes against the traitors. 297- 
 305. 
 
 IV. Cooperation of JEschines with them. 306-313. 
 
 V. A comparison of himself and ^Eschines, with reference to 
 the great men of former times. 314-320. 
 
 VI. The feelings exhibited by -^schines and Demosthenes 
 towards their country. 321-323. 
 
 VII. Peroration. 
 
 291293. THE FEELINGS EXHIBITED BY -^ESCHINES AT THE 
 
 CALAMITIES OF HIS COUNTRY. n O I 1 1 rj g , " Subaudi #Ot." 
 
 SCHAEFER. s <r x s T^y y v o& fi rj v , he expressed no senti- 
 ments. n & $a $ IT\V qp w y rj y. How subtle the discrimina- 
 tion, which detects the false patriot in the tones of his voice, 
 and how fine the turn which is thus given to the charges which 
 JEschines had brought against him. TO? $ yeysvyfiivoig 
 rots SAAotg. For a similar topic, see 217. T&V rwy 
 v6[i(*)v q)Qovrteiv. JEschines, from the conservative 
 point of view which he assumed, had dwelt much upon the 
 ancient laws and constitution of the government. T tf T d 
 hvneladai rolg nollolg. For a similar topic, see 280. 
 -iwv x o i v G> j>, public measures. n Q& y ft a T a, difficulties, 
 Demosthenes using the milder word, but ^Eschines the stronger 
 (xTu/r^aaia. See JEschines, 57. ^iQaTTOfj,rr i . For this 
 position of the participle, see 98, 1 20, 314. d i ' [* d e- 
 d (6 x a i e. Compare 206. e v e x oc TTJJ n Q 6 g e p e % %- 
 fiqag. See 279, and compare 125. 
 
249 
 
 294-296. THE TRAITORS WHO BETRAYED GREECE. The 
 orator passes from ^Eschines to the whole body of traitors who 
 cooperated in betraying Greece. This topic is introduced under 
 the guise of a reply to the charge of philippizing which JGschi- 
 nes had brought against him. 
 
 (pilinnKj pbv. In speaking of the First peace, ^Eschines 
 charges Demosthenes with being a flatterer of Philip, 61. &$ 
 & A 7] 6 o) c, really. See 85. iovg tinay/ovr a g, "civessuce 
 factionis, scilicet, clientele," SCHAEFER, each their own parti- 
 zans. For this meaning of belonging to or being friendly to 
 in -bn&QxovToig, see 1 74. ^ x Q w T r\ ^ i, a a p e v o *, " mutilating" 
 Lord BROUGHAM. TJ^OTT STTWXOJ e g, " toasting away? Lord 
 BROUGHAM. We have had several descriptions of the traitors 
 before -see especially 46-49 but this is the finest of all. 
 Nothing can be added, nothing taken away ; the whole intense 
 indignation of his soul is poured out in these few terrible epithets. 
 
 291-306. CONDUCT OF DEMOSTHENES AGAINST THESE TRAI- 
 TORS. d v a I T i o $ , guiltless ; " carens culpa." SCHAEFER. 
 *l*& yC tQMTqg. See ^Eschines, 236. y w ?j. <5rj ex- 
 presses the assurance with which the orator speaks ; to be sure 
 I say to thee ; I do not hesitate to say. o <r a av^e^ov- 
 X s v x a, nor in whatever counsel I at any time gave to these, 
 did I give the counsel like you, as if in a scale, inclining to the 
 side of interest. Q&TIWV enl TO ^^a ( wa f "inclinans ad lucrum" 
 DISSEN. For the same figure, see negl Bl^vys, 60. dtiav- 
 Qeg. See ^Eschines, 236. otf lldo^g. See ^Cschines, 84. 
 otfcP in I -IOVTOI $ <jp>oyc5, nor, of my measures TW* 
 iiiaviov am I the most proud pfyunox qp^o^w of these. BUTT- 
 MANN Gr. 147, p. 417. TOO*' tpavjov construed with fifyivTov. 
 joi>$ & pv vov p & v ov g, " nempe prsesens participii cum ar- 
 ticulo est pro substantivo," DISSEN ; and many troops for the 
 defense of these the Athenians. 
 
 301-305. The orator having spoken of the general aim of 
 his measures, now proceeds to particulars. We find a similar 
 topic in 240-241, and 230-231. trig opogovg T^TT^. " Puta 
 Megarenses, Corinthios, Achaeos." DISSEN. q> t, 1 1 ^, supply 
 /co^uy, along a friendly region to the Piraeus. *& d' onwg 
 or f $ *, to manage the others, that they may become friendly 
 and allied, n a Q e 6 i w a , "per negligentiam." SCHAEFER. 
 "per proditionem" SCHAKFER. 
 
250 
 
 without the article, and hence spoken of only a portion of the 
 commanders. *) n&v T a &v ei gs y ct v, or all these weak- 
 ened the chief interests of the republic id ota = summa reipub- 
 licce, SCHAEFER till they worked destruction. 
 
 306-313. COOPERATION OF^ESCHINES WITH THE TRAITORS. 
 
 tinriQxer. civ omitted, as also with nqoar^v. See 248, 
 Note. (^g T i QU g. See 85. fii v e vv depends upon ifoocr- 
 T&VTCC. r}crv%la. See jEschines, 216. v&vOQ&niva, 
 includes, besides the idea of belonging to man, the idea of 
 frailty ; and many are human casualties, a a q> & g x a i &n- 
 v e v or i /, in a clear tone, and without pauses : a picturesque 
 description of one who speaks without feeling, as if from mem- 
 ory, something in which he has no earnest interest, e v Tolg 
 avto '/gbvoig, in the earlier period of the republic, con- 
 trasted with 6 TtageWuv /oo*oc, the times just preceding, e I e- 
 T a v i g, a trial : these things were the tests of public men. 
 &n o d e I $ e i g, opportunities ; that is, of showing what he was. 
 i v o I g , " scilicet, ^.vdq^at, xakoTg xayadolg, id quod e proximo 
 Mql xaAoi js xaya^w tacite excipiendum." REISKE. o v x o v v 
 
 ^i)ciy6Tw, not) at least in any of those things by which 
 the country was benefitted. ** Inest his verbis sarcasm us satis 
 amarus. Hoc enim orator vult : certe virtus tua civica nihil quid- 
 quam contulit ad eas res, quibus civitas augeretur." SCHAEFER. 
 rig y &Q a v ft fia % I a. For a similar sentence, see the negl 
 nagan. 323. fig /^^^drwy, what pecuniary aid of a 
 political and public character from you to the rich or the poor? 
 such as was furnished by Demosthenes' Trierarchy law. " nolir- 
 ixtl xtxl xowri junguntur ut affinis voces sensus ; nam qua? xo*y(i 
 sunt, sunt eadem nohnixti" SCHAEFER. in s d id oa y, after 
 the battle of Chseronea. lg T i\v in n i [tlav, for his civil 
 rights ; that is, for their recovery, n a g^ld s g. " Magna vis 
 est in verbo na^Wsg. ^Eschines 6 TTQOJSQOV noWdxtg q)0ey!;&[ue- 
 rog inl tov fifyttfitg, quo tempore pecunia largienda esset ad 
 necessitates civitatis sublevandas, cavit nctQeWelv xal <f6iy%otcr- 
 ^t." SCHAEFER. o g ye n e VT s i a k& v T w y, who at least 
 inherited from the estate of your kinsman Philo more than five 
 talents. SCHAEFER. e g v o v . " The support which private 
 individuals procured by means of a particular agreement which 
 they made by entering into a society (eyavog) differed from pub- 
 lic maintenance. The society itself and the money subscribed 
 
251 
 
 was called egavog, the members IQ&V terra/, their whole number, 
 the community of SgavurTat, (TO xoivov TWJ/ eQaviaitiv), and 
 their president, tytrptyjp^c. Their objects were of the most vari- 
 ous description ; if some friends wanted to provide a dinner, or 
 a corporation to celebrate a solemnity, to give a banquet, or to 
 forward any particular purpose by bribery, the expense was de- 
 frayed by an ^a^og." Bceckh, Pub. Econ. of Athens, Bk. II, 
 Ch. xvii, p. 245. eQuvov dwQE&v, a club-gift. ilv^r^vM. 
 It would seem from this that JEschines was bribed to procure 
 the abrogation of Demosthenes' law of the Trierarchy. i v a. p^ 
 exx^ovcrw, that speaking word after word passing from 
 topic to topic / may not carry myself aivay from the present 
 topic, v eav lag, an adjective ; active. 
 
 314-320. A COMPARISON OF HIMSELF AND JSscmNES WITH 
 
 REFERENCE TO THE GREAT MEN OF FORMER TIMES. 
 
 The most powerful passages in the speech of ^Eschines were 
 those in which he brought forward the ancient heroes of Greece, 
 Solon, Aristides, Themistocles, Miltiades, and placed them in 
 contrast with Demosthenes. Demosthenes, however, turns this 
 very topic greatly to his own advantage. Under cover of it he 
 refers to these heroes, and thus is enabled to say, without of- 
 fense, that at least in spirit and purpose, he had aimed at the 
 same things with them. It was in appealing to these ancient 
 heroes on this point, that he reached the climax of his speech, 
 in the Oath ; but it was too important a topic not to be intro- 
 duced into his concluding address ; and here it comes in very 
 appropriately. The orator had stated his own policy with re- 
 gard to the conspiracy against the freedom of Greece, and con- 
 trasted it with the policy of ^Eschines. He now refers naturally 
 to the great men of ancient times, and shows that his policy 
 aimed at the same things with theirs, while that of JEschines 
 accorded with the policy of those who opposed those ancient 
 heroes. 
 
 TtgohafiovTa, taking advantage of; or, turning to his 
 own account, x g I v w jtia i xai 6 e w ow fia i ; dm I to be 
 judged and scrutinized ? nl i o v n a g 6 v T a @ I o r, " in 
 prcesentem cetatem." DISSEN. x a T' e x e t v o v g , in those 
 times, d iia VQOV ^y, toijg d e. " Adverte sedem harum 
 
252 
 
 particularum. Hse enim particulae duo period! membra hand 
 J-aro ita jungunt, ut qui notionum ordo in priori membro fuit 
 in posteriori convertatur. Sic ordine notionum converse hie ad 
 se referuntur ditcrvgov et inr^vovv, rods ovrag TtSie et TOV$ ngdre- 
 gov yeyevrmivovgC' 1 SCHAEFER. See, also, 163. ^ ?? d e v & I K } 
 nothing else, that is, than & xgyvrt. TOV s x a 6* a tf T 6 y, 
 those of the same age ; the orator and his contemporaries. & cr- 
 M e g TotAAa TT cfc i> T a, " Scilicet t&r&^ew as del. 11 SCHAEFER. 
 See 171, Note, for the neuter, otd iv Iglvrafiat,, / 
 shrink from none; " comparationem cum nemine defugio" 
 SCHAEFER. & v e <pa iv 6 fiy v, of whom, when it was in the 
 power of the state to choose the best course, love of country being 
 proposed to all in common as the object of rivalry, I ap- 
 peared proposing that which prevailed, x q&t i at a, " scilicet, 
 quae preeferebantur caeteris et victoriam reportabant, aliorum 
 sententiis et rogationibus postpositis." DISSEN. i% ia <r i> $, 
 see 310. iv T&^et, Inn or go q> o $ , in a position of 
 distinction trf|i, a position, but here used emphatically of a 
 distinguished position : " cine ansehnliche Stelle" PABST. and 
 a great and splendid keeper of race-horses, Innorgtifpo $> 
 Men of ambition and high rank were accustomed to train horses 
 for the games and races, and among the young men there arose 
 an excessive passion for horses, which is spoken of by many 
 ancient writers. Boeckh. Pub. Econ. of Athens, Bk. I. Ch. xiv, 
 p. 74. " Became flourishing, and wealthy ', and attended with 
 equipages" Lord BROUGHAM. 
 
 321-323. THE FEELINGS MANIFESTED BY ^ESCHIKES AND 
 DEMOSTHENES TOWARD THEIR COUNTRY. 
 
 Having thus completed the general subject of the conspiracy 
 against the Freedom of Greece, together with his own opposi- 
 tion, and JEschines' support of it, and having compared their 
 conduct respectively with that of the great men of former times, 
 he returns to the topic with which in 291293, he commenced 
 this part of the oration ; the feelings exhibited by himself and 
 ^Eschines towards their country. 
 
 d v o d' e tivotav, these two things, Athenians, it becomes 
 the citizen of naturally ordinary worth, to have -for to speak 
 thus ovrw, " quod dico me no^lrrjv yvaet, itiiqiovf SCHAEFER 
 
253 
 
 will be the least invidious for me in referring to myself, see 
 10, on the one hand, in emergencies, "Sunt i^ovulon oppor- 
 tuna momenta, ubi liceat T<* Tr^wreia persequi, quemadmodum 
 supra dicit ore [IBV TTJ nbket, ia ^r terra hleaOat Tramp," DiSSEN, 
 to maintain the CHOICE of that which gives honor and the 
 first rank to the state, but on every occasion and in every action, 
 goodwill ; for of this latter maintaining goodwill nature is 
 mistress, but of power and superiority, other things ; that is, 
 fortune, or faults of generals, or corruption of traitors, as De^ 
 mosthenes enumerates in 303. Lord Brougham remarks that 
 " it does not very distinctly appear that Demosthenes enumer- 
 ates two qualities." The first quality is that hereditary spirit 
 of independence, that regard for " glory, ancestry, and poster- 
 ity," which, as the orator had before said, 199, would lead to 
 the choice of what is honorable, even in the certainty of defeat. 
 The second is, that natural kindness, which manifests itself in 
 love to the citizens as individuals. The orator contrasts emer- 
 gencies tv [ih rals tZovaiaig with the routine of ordinary 
 life ev navtl de xca^a), and lays down the principle of duty 
 in each, ivith the reason of it. In all cases, the citizen should 
 maintain goodwill, for nature is mistress of this ; in emergencies, 
 the choice of what is honorable the choice, for of the success- 
 ful results of his choice, other things are arbiters. The clause 
 TOU dvvaadav eiega gives the reason for the use of the expres* 
 sion, TT\V TtQoalgscriv diaqjvk&Tisiv instead of duvavOat, xctl icr%ti- 
 evv. i a TO T ?; v, that is, evvoiav. t > f a i T o {> {u E v o g, " ab Al-r 
 exandro post eversas Thebas." DISSEN. n ay 6v TMV, spoken 
 oi JEschines and his party. T e g w v, the Macedonians. i*Bl- 
 cre, Macedonia, cp aa I d si v T T] g si v. See 89. 
 
 324. PERORATION. 
 
 The orator ends as he began, with a prayer, e I co ^ e t, s 
 x al ngo&ists, " est solennis formula imprecantiurq. diras, 
 v. p. 395." SCHAEFER ; utterly destroyed, 
 
254 
 
 TOPICS FOR EXAMINATION SELECTED 
 FROM THE ANNOTATIONS. 
 
 1. Give the structure of the sentence, 1-2 ; also of its 
 clauses. 
 
 2. Kepeat the remarks made upon the mailer of the sen- 
 tence apart from its form. 
 
 * 3. Character of the exordium. 
 
 4. Give the contents of the First Part of the oration, and 
 point out the skill of the orator in making this division. 
 
 5. In divayxcuov dtxouov in 9, point out the emphatic po- 
 sition of the words. 
 
 6. In the defense of his private Life, 10-11, mention 
 the characteristic of the orator which is pointed out. 
 
 7. What is said of the Depreciation of an Opponent, in 
 remarks to 12-16. 
 
 8. Into what three divisions does the orator divide the topic 
 of the Peace ? 
 
 9. In 18-20, point out the structure of the sentences 
 analyzed in the notes ; also, what is said of that kind of nar- 
 rative. 
 
 10. Why does the orator speak of the Agents of the peace, 
 after the causes of the peace, 21. 
 
 11. Give the remarks on Refutation, founded on 22-24. 
 
 12. Mention the practice of the orator in the statement of 
 facts, as founded on 25-30. 
 
 13. Mention what is said on the section, treating of the re- 
 mote consequences of the Peace, 42-49. 
 
 14. Demosthenes coming to speak of the Indictment itself, 
 has to answer the claim of ^Eschines, that he should follow 
 the same order with himself; how does he answer it? how 
 does this answer differ from that at the opening of the speech ? 
 Why are these answers kept distinct ? What is said of the 
 skillfulness of this movement ? pp. 148-150. 
 
255 
 
 15. Mention, in their order, the principal topics of the 
 Defense, pp. 145-146. 
 
 16. What are the principal topics in the account of his 
 Foreign Administration ? p. 150. 
 
 17. What new topic is suggested by diexw^vdi] in 
 60 ? and what is said of the consistency of the several 
 parts of the oration ? p. 151. 
 
 18. Into what two parts is the statement preliminary to the 
 account of his Foreign Administration divided ? What is 
 said of the topic in the first part ? p. 153. 
 
 19. Analyze the structure of the compound sentence 
 * JL* > 4 x T??i*a ylyveadui,, in 61, pp. 152-153. 
 
 20. In the second part, Demosthenes contends that there 
 was no other honorable course left than to interpose for the 
 defense of Greece ; Under what three aspects does he pre- 
 sent the proposition ? 
 
 21. In 73-78, Demosthenes proves that Philip, not Ath- 
 ens, broke the peace ; that other statesmen, not himself, pro- 
 posed war ; why was he anxious to show this ? 
 
 22. What is said of Demosthenes' mode of treating facts, 
 as appears from the account of his Foreign Administration ? 
 pp. 165, 168. 
 
 23. Give the remarks upon the examples alleged by De- 
 mosthenes in justification of his measures, pp. 172-174. 
 
 24. Give the structure of the sentence, ti (* e I g tolwv 
 7t^a^(9^yTwy. Also, show how the sentence, * 1 T o i 
 T 6 T e c5 Q M *, repeats and condenses the former. 
 
 25. Give the account of the Trierarchy prefixed to the an- 
 notations upon Demosthenes' account of his Trierarchy law. 
 pp. 175-178. 
 
 26. What is said of that account ? p. 181. 
 
 27. What is said of Demosthenes' treatment of the merely 
 Legal Points of the case ? p. 188. 
 
 28. What is said, in the passage of transition from the Sec- 
 ond to the Third part of the speech, 123-125, upon the 
 topic with which it ends ? and what as to the periodic form 
 of the Defense ? On what pretense does he take a new posi- 
 tion in the Third Part of the speech ? 
 
256 
 
 29. Give the summary of the three parts of the speech, in 
 p. 191. 
 
 30. Mention the general topics of this part of the speech. 
 
 31. What is said of the portion of the speech relating to 
 the Amphissean war? and what are the principal topics ? 
 
 32. What is said on the topic of exaggeration, in Remarks 
 to 140-144 ? p. 200. 
 
 33. What, of the 81^01$ cbrotfet;mx7|, in 143-148 ? p. 
 203. 
 
 34. Give the topics in the account of Demosthenes' course 
 in the Amphissean war. p. 204. 
 
 35. Give the remarks on the description of the consterna- 
 tion at Athens, on the news of the seizure of Elatea. pp. 
 206-208. 
 
 36. Why is the reported speech of Demosthenes in a lower 
 style of oratory ? p. 209. 
 
 37. What is said on the Remarks preliminary to a consid- 
 eration of the results of the proposed measures ? pp. 210, 
 218. Give the order of the remarks, p. 211. What is said 
 upon the WCTTTEO viyogt p. 211. What on the Oath ? 
 pp. 219-221. What upon the topics which immediately fol- 
 low ? p. 221. 
 
 38. What is said upon the orator's treatment of facts, in 
 the Narrative? p. 222. 
 
 39. Upon what facts does the orator depend to show that 
 the people approved his measures, after the defeat at Chse- 
 ronea ? 
 
 40. What reason is given for the introduction of the topic 
 of Fortune where it is ? and what is said of the topic itself? 
 pp. 243-244. 
 
 41. What, for the introduction of the reply to the charge 
 of misleading by his oratory, where it is ? and what is said 
 of the topic itself? What, of the frequent repetition of top- 
 ics ? p. 246. 
 
 42. What is the course of thought in the concluding por- 
 tion of the speech and the order of the topics ? What is the 
 character of the topics ? 
 
OVERDUE. 
 
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