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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA 
 AT LOS ANGELES "
 
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 en 
 
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 T O 
 
 CHARLES YORK, 
 
 LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND ; 
 
 MEMOIRS of a Country fo 
 dear to him. while he lived, and 
 of a Period when that Liberty was 
 eftablifhed, which it was the chief 
 Object of his Conduct to fupport, are 
 dedicated by one, whofe Senfe of his 
 Friendfhip and Virtues will ceafe only 
 
 with 
 
 
 oo 
 
 -
 
 with Life ; and who, alas ! once little 
 thought, that this Teftimony of Ve- 
 neration would be all the Tribute of 
 Gratitude left in his Power to render 
 to the moft exalted of Minds and the 
 kindeft of Hearts.
 
 T O 
 
 That Part of the MEMOIRS which ends 
 with the BATTLE off LA HOGUE. 
 
 THE following Memoirs were undertaken 
 by the advice of the Perfon to whofe 
 memory they are infcribed. He ufed to call 
 himfelf a fugitive from the mufes : And indeed, 
 amidft his vaft variety of bufinefs, he ftill facri- 
 ficed to them in fecret. He advifed me alfo not 
 to truft to printed books for materials, but to 
 get accefs to original papers. I followed advices 
 which to me had the authority of commands, 
 becaufe they were always kind, and always juft; 
 and I procured materials in England, Scotland, 
 and France, far fuperior to what any fingle per- 
 fon has hitherto been able to obtain. 
 
 I am neverthelefs confcious that they are not 
 equal to the dignity of the fubject. There are 
 fome family-memoirs in London of great autho- 
 rity, which I wilhed much to have feen -, but it 
 
 VOL. I. b required
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 required a train of felicitation to get accefs to 
 them, to which no man of common pride could 
 fubmit. 
 
 Notwithftanding the advantages I have had, 
 I found myfelf under great difficulties in giv- 
 ing a Review of the reign of Charles II. becaufe 
 that Prince made mere tools of his minifters, and 
 even of his brother. The bed key to the fecrets 
 of his reign lies in the difpatches of Barillon the 
 French ambafiador, which are in the Depot des 
 Affaires Etrangeres at Verfailles. Mr. Stanley 
 gave me a letter of introduction to the Duo de 
 Choifleul, in exprefiions which did honour to 
 him who wrote it. Lord Harcourt and Mr. 
 Walpole, confidering the caufe of letters to be 
 the caufe of England, feconded my requeft. 
 The Due de Choiffeul, with that liberality of 
 fentiment which diftinguiflies almoft every 
 Frenchman of high rank, gave directions that I 
 Ihould have copies of the papers I wanted. But 
 Monf. Durand, in whofe cuftody they were, 
 having been, laft fummer, fent minifter to 
 Vienna, I have not yet received the papers ; and 
 in the mean time, as I have been very carelefs in 
 giving away copies of the Memoirs to which that 
 Review is now prefixed, fome of thefe have been 
 loft. It is ufual for men to urge the fear of their 
 works being pirated, as an affected excufe for 
 their publifhing at all : But, in my cafe, it is 
 really a juft one for publiihing before this 
 
 Review
 
 ORIGINAL PREFACE 
 
 T O T H E 
 
 VOLUME of STATE PAPERS annexed 
 to the MEMOIRS, and which are 
 contained in the PRESENT EDITION. 
 
 THE papers contained in this collection are 
 fo very interefting, that the Public has a 
 right to know from what fources they are 
 drawn. 
 
 His Majefty gave orders that I fliould have 
 accefs to the cabinet of King William's private 
 papers ; juftly confidering hiftory to be the 
 fcience of kings, and willing that the actions of 
 other princes fliould be tried by that tribunal of 
 public inquiry, which, he has reafon to truft, 
 
 will do honour to his own. 
 
 * 
 
 Among many other papers in that cabinet, 
 which throw a blaze of light upon the hiftory of 
 the laft age, there are about two hundred letters 
 from King James to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 There
 
 P R E F A C E. 
 
 There is one confiderable chafm in the corre- 
 fpondence, but this is luckily filled up by about 
 fifty letters from the king to the prince, in the 
 poflcffion of doctor Morton of the Mufeum, 
 who, with his ufual politenefs, permitted me to 
 take copies. I believe that in thefe two collec- 
 tions there is not one letter wanting that King 
 James ever wrote to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 The earl of Hardwicke, from a partiality to 
 me which I cannot be fo affectedly modeft as to 
 conceal, gave me copies of feveral curious manu- 
 fcripts from the treafurcs of hiftorical knowledge 
 in his pofieflion. 
 
 The earl of Dartmouth communicated to me, 
 with other papers, a collection of letters between 
 his gallant anceftor and King James, which, 
 with memoirs of Bing, lord Torrington, in 
 manufcript, that I received from lord Hard- 
 wicke, will, I believe, throw a new light upon 
 the fliare which the officers of the fleet had in 
 the revolution, and of the wife and honourable 
 part which the commander of it acted. 
 
 Mr Graham of Netherby was fo obliging as 
 to permit me to keep in my hands, for many 
 months, five volumes of his anceftor lord 
 Prcfton's difpatches." 
 
 The reverend doctor North gave me the ufe of 
 a variety of manufcript memorandums, written 
 
 by
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Review was as complete as I wifhed to have 
 made it. 
 
 I have generally quoted the papers, of which 
 I have either the originals or the copies in my 
 poffeffion; others, I mean thofe of king James, 
 although of the higheft authority of all, I have 
 not quoted, becaufe I have no extracts. Since 
 the firft edition of the Memoirs was publifhed in 
 Scotland, I have fortunately fallen upon a col- 
 lection of papers in London, which vouch almoft 
 all the new facts that are to be found in them. 
 The papers I mean are thofe of the late Mr. 
 Carte, now in the poffeflion of Mr. Jernegan, 
 who married his widow. They confift of very 
 full notes, extracted from the memoirs of James 
 the Second, now in the Scots College at Paris, 
 written by that Prince's own hand, and of many 
 original ftate-papers, and copies of others of 
 the court of St. Germains. The extracts from 
 the memoirs are in Mr. Carte's hand- writing, 
 and he had an order for all theie different papers 
 from the Stuart family. I could have eafily 
 made a fecond volume of the papers in my 
 hands j but am not fond of taxing the public for 
 what only the curious in the hiftory of their 
 country care to read. However, if the public 
 exprefs any defire to fee them, they fhall ftill be 
 publilhed ; and, if I receive Barillon's dif- 
 patches foon enough, they fhall be printed with 
 the reft. 
 
 b 2 Every
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 F.very man who keeps good company, and 
 does not combat every one he meets about his 
 political principles, muft hear many circum- 
 ftances from men of different parties, which are 
 not to be found in printed books, relative to a 
 period fo late and fo interefting as that of which 
 I have endeavoured to give an account ; and 
 thefe anecdotes are often better founded than 
 facls which have been publifhed. For a lie may 
 live for a day, or a year j but it will hardly pafs 
 from father to fon for near a century. In the 
 courfc of my inquiries, I have often found a 
 current report, of which no one can tell the 
 origin, authenticated by a number of original 
 papers. Some circumftances, therefore, which 
 are in the mouths of all, although in no one's 
 library, I have introduced into thefe Memoirs ; 
 where I did fo, I have often exprefied it > where 
 I have not, it has arifen from an inattention 
 which, perhaps, may be excufed in one who 
 writes only when he cannot better employ or 
 tmufc himfclf. 
 
 In order to give variety to the narration, and 
 to avoid making reflections myfelf, I have often 
 thrown what people thought, into what they faid. 
 This, though warranted by the example of 
 aimed all the ancient hiftorians, and the greateft 
 of the moderns, may, in this age, give an ap- 
 pearance of infidelity, to the narrative. But I 
 flatter myfelf a reader of taUe will eafily perceive 
 
 a dif-
 
 PREFACE. : 
 
 a diftinction. When the words are contained in 
 a fentence or two, they are thofe which were 
 a<5tually fpoken : When they run into length, 
 the writer is in part anfwerable for them. 
 
 I have been told, that I (hall draw enmities 
 upon myfelf from the defcendants of fome great 
 families, whofe actions I have reprcfented in 
 colours belied by the principles and actions of 
 their pofterity ; and that it was not to be ex- 
 pected, that a man of a whig family fhould have 
 been the firft to expofe to the public the intrigues 
 of the whig-party at St. Germains. 
 
 I am fenfible, that here I tread upon tender 
 ground. Every man who treats of party-matters 
 in Britain, muft expect to make enemies on the 
 one fide or the other. And I truly believe I * 
 ihall make enemies on both fides. But this is a 
 price which we mud all pay for our liberty ; and 
 God grant that it may long continue fo. Yet a 
 perhaps, I may find quarter from thofe who con- 
 fider that I treat of my own anceftors, furely not 
 
 the moft inconfiderable in the united kingdom, 
 
 \ 
 as well as of theirs whom I may be fuppofed to. 
 
 offend ; that I have an equal reverence for mine, 
 as they can have for theirs j but that I have a 
 much greater reverence for truth than for either. 
 The firft perfon who told me that there was evi- 
 dence cxifting at Paris of the whig-intrigues with 
 St. Germains immediately after the revolution, 
 was Mr. Hume, After I had fatisfied myfelf that 
 
 his
 
 P R E F A C K. 
 
 his information was juft, I told the great perfon by 
 whofe advice I undertook thefe Memoirs, that I 
 bad fecn too much, and that I was afraid I muft 
 quit the fubjeft. But his ideas of the regard 
 which an hiftorian owes to what he believes to be 
 truth, (hewed me the mcannefs of my own fears. 
 
 Some perfons have complained to me, that, 
 in the fecond part of this work, I fpeak too 
 favourably of King James ; I gave them this 
 anfwer, That, though I would draw my fword 
 againft his family, I would not do injuftice to 
 any of their characters ; and that I lived under a 
 Prince who will not think the worfe of his fub- 
 je&s for avowing fuch fentiments. 
 
 I was obliged for fome new views of my fub- 
 jet to that ftore of original genius which- ani- 
 mates the convcrfation of Lord Elibank. Mr. 
 Hume corrected fome erroneous views I had 
 taken ; appearing more anxious about my literary 
 reputation than I am myfdf. I would return 
 my thanks to feveral other of my friends for their 
 corrections of the ftyle, were I not afraid to 
 make them anfwerable for the faults that have 
 cfcaped them. Yet Lord Littelton, Dr. Smith, 
 and Dr. Blair of Edinburgh, will pardon my 
 mentioning their names, bccaufe they called my 
 attention to that picturefque fimplicity and choice 
 of circumftances, which diftinguifh the hiftorical 
 compofitions of the ancients ; beauties, which, if 
 I have not been able to imitate, I am fure I feeU
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 by his anceftor, lord keeper Guildford ; one of 
 the very few virtuous characters in public life, I 
 am forry to fay it, that are to be found in the 
 hiftory of the reign of Charles the fecond. 
 
 Lord Rochford accommodated me with orders 
 for copies of whatever public papers I wanted. 
 For, attached to his prince, and a friend to that 
 liberty, the love of which is inherent in the 
 family of Nafiau, he wifhed to fee juftice done 
 to a revolution, in the conduit of which his 
 anceftor a<5ted fo able a part j and which, by 
 making the people fafe, gave room for loy- 
 alty to the prince to become a virtue in the 
 fubjeft. 
 
 I have been obliged for papers to feveral other 
 perfons, whofe names will be feen when the 
 papers are recited. 
 
 But, perhaps, the perfon to whom I owe the 
 greateft obligations of all, is dodor Do.uglas *, 
 canon ofWindibr; becaufe he made me mafter 
 of the ufe of thofe materials, which others only 
 furnifhed. I know that he, who fees all men's 
 merits but his own, will impute this avowal to 
 the partiality of a friend ; and when he does, he 
 will flatter me greatly. 
 
 Notwithftanding thefe advantages, I ftill felt 
 an uneafmefs, which only thole who are intent 
 
 * Now~Bifhop o 
 
 VOL. I. c upon
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 upon a literary purfuit, can form any idea of; 
 at not being able to difcover the caufes of many 
 of the irregular movements of Charles the fecond 
 and his parliaments: for which reafon I ful- 
 filled, laft fummer, the promife I had made two 
 years ago to the Public, and went to France, as 
 foon as I heard monficur Durand was returned 
 from his miniftry at Vienna, to try if I could 
 find thofe caufes in the difpatches of the French 
 ambafladors who had been in England during 
 that reign. The due d'Aiguillon, with that 
 liberality of fentiment which becomes the mini- 
 itcr of an illuftrious nation, and from refpeft to 
 lord Rochford, who had recommended me to 
 him, renewed the order which the due de Choif- 
 feul had formerly honoured me with, for copies 
 of whatever papers I wanted. Perhaps, for the 
 lake of that philanthropy which is the firft of 
 human pleafures, I have reafon to repent of my 
 curiofity. But I will not anticipate the reader's 
 pain ; he will fee too foon, in reading the fol- 
 lowing papers, the mean motives which aduated 
 the prince, his minifters, and, at different 
 ods, the whig, and the tory alike. 
 
 Monfieur Durand will permit me to thank him 
 in public, for treating me in all my refearches 
 at Verfailles, rather with the kindnefs of a friend, 
 than with the civility which afibciates in the 
 caufc of letters are accuftomed to expeft from 
 each other. 
 
 From
 
 PREFACE. xjx 
 
 From comparing the notes which I took in 
 France, with the copies of the papers fent me 
 from thence, I find, in fome inflances, a differ- 
 ence in the dates between us, owing, probably, 
 to my overfight ; but in all other refpects, the 
 copies agree with the notes. 
 
 In the notes to the firft volume, there are 
 many papers referred to, which are in public 
 libraries or public offices. I have not printed 
 thefe, becaufe the curious may have accefs to 
 them in thofe places. 
 
 I am happy to hear that there is a probability 
 of Mr. Jernegan's foon printing the late Mr. 
 Carte's notes, from King James's papers in the 
 Scotch college at Paris f, and that the originals 
 of thefe notes are to be fecurecl, at his death, to 
 the univerfity of Oxford j becaufe they will , 
 vouch fuch facts in the firft volume, as there are 
 no vouchers for in this. The public cannot get 
 a more important accefiion to the hiftorical 
 knowlege of the period to which they relate. 
 
 Some of the following papers contradict facts 
 contained in the firft volume ; the truth of which 
 I believed on the credit of other publications. 
 This would be a mortification, if truth, accord- 
 ing to the beft of my abilities to find it our, was 
 not my firft object, Whoever corrects the rela- 
 tions of hiftory, by the private letters of thole 
 
 -J- They have fince been publiflied. 
 
 c 2 who
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 who we re the aftors of the times, will learn, at 
 every ftep as he advances, to diftruft the opinions 
 of others and his own. 
 
 wever difagreeable this publication may be 
 u> thr defendants of many of thofe mentigned in 
 ir, il.e extent of which I fully feel, becaufe I 
 have the honour to live in friendfhip with Icveral 
 of them ; I flart r myfelf it will be ufcfui to this 
 country now, and to poftcrity afterwards, in the 
 following refpects : 
 
 lit, The difcoveries made in thefe papers will 
 lead men in public life to reflect, that however 
 they may hop? to hide their want of public vir- 
 tue, in a pretended attachment to the interefts 
 either of loyalty or of liberty, the day of reckon- 
 ing will fooncr or later come, when, in the 
 hifloric page, their true characters, and motives 
 of action, will appear. But men, acting in free 
 dates, cannot have too many terrors hung out to 
 control them ; becaufe, in fuch ftates as the 
 virtues of men are greater than in others, fo 
 likewife are their vices. 
 
 2dly, The papers will fliow that when a king 
 igland does not give a generous credit to 
 the affections of his fubjccts, and the people of 
 uul do not put an honourable confidence in 
 prince, both king and people muft be un- 
 y and inglorious. Perhaps too, this reflec- 
 tion may arifc from the perufal of them, that 
 
 the
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 the defences which the friends of liberty do not 
 fcruple fometimes to throw around her, are more 
 dangerous to her interefts than all the affaults of 
 her enemies. 
 
 3dly, Although the prefent exaltation of Eng- 
 land, above all other nations, juftifies a con- 
 tempt of the fuppofition of other nations med- 
 dling at prelent in her domeftic concerns j yet 
 fhould this fituation ever alter, pofterity may 
 learn, from thefe papers, that the prince who 
 intrigues with foreigners againft his people, does 
 it at the peril of his crown 3 and that when the 
 fubjects intrigue with foreigners againft their 
 prince, they ftake their liberties on the caft. 
 
 4thly, Which I mention with pain, this pub- 
 lication will fhow that there is no political party 
 in this country which has a right to affume over 
 another from the merit of their anceftors, it 
 being too plain, from the following papers, that 
 whigs and tories, in their- turns, have been 
 equally the enemies of their country, when their 
 pafllons and their interefts mifled them. 
 
 And laftly, which I mention with pleafure, 
 thefe papers will prove, far better than has ever 
 hitherto been done, that the revolution was a 
 work of the moil abfolute neceflity ; and that all 
 parties, whig, tory, churchman, and difTenter, 
 alike united in the great and generous effort to 
 
 fave 
 
 XXI
 
 xxtr PREFACE. 
 
 difpatchcs lord Ruflcl intriguing with the 
 court of Versailles, and Algernon Sidney taking 
 money from it, I fclc very near the fame mock 
 as if I had iVen a fon turn his back in the 
 day of battle. 
 
 THE
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 FIRST VOLUME. 
 
 |>EVIEW of the POLITICAL STATE of 
 
 jj^S ENGLAND, from the Commencement of the 
 
 Monarchy, until the Reftoratlon Page i 
 
 CHAP. I, 
 
 From the Reftoration, until the Fall of Lord 
 Clarendon's Miniftry in the end of the year 
 1667. 
 
 Popularity of Charles II. Revival of Parties. ijt 
 
 cauje, The popular party unite. id cauje, The Roy - 
 
 alijh not united ^dcaufe, The jealoufles in government. 
 
 - 4*A caufey Carete/nefs of the King's perfonal character. 
 
 < Lafl caufe, Sufpidom of the popery of the royal 
 
 family. Effefts of thcje caufa at the end of the fir ft 
 
 Dutch uar _ 25 
 
 VOL. I. d
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 From the Downfal of Lord Clarendon's Miniftry, 
 until the Prince of Orange's Marriage in the 
 year 1677. 
 
 Ruling public pajjions of Charles. His wavering condufi 
 
 about triple alliance. Secret intrigue of the Duke of 
 
 Buckingham and Duchefs of Orleans for the dejirutfion of 
 
 Holland. Separate intrigue of Charles and the Duchefs 
 
 fzr the fame end. Intrigue of the Duke of Tor k with 
 
 Popijh Lords for the fame end y adopted by Charles. 
 Secret money -treaty in the year 1670, with Louis y for the 
 dfjlruflion of Holland^ and the King's becoming catholic^ 
 
 concluded by popi/h ccunfellors. Charles dupes his 
 
 protejlant caunfellors in the year 1671, and makes them 
 parties to the treaty^ without their knowing the article for 
 
 bis fptry- The King's Jhifts to avoid declaring bim- 
 
 felf catholic. Firjt vifn of the Prince of Orange to 
 
 England. High tone of the King and his proteJJant 
 
 cnunfellors after be had duped them. Bold courfes of 
 
 : councilors. They defert the King. Lord 
 
 Danby's minijlry. Several money treaties with France. 
 
 Double dealing and meannefs of Charles in foreign 
 
 politics. His differences with parliament for fever al 
 
 Page 35 
 
 APPENDIX to CHAP. II. 
 
 K I Lrttm from Charles II. to the DucheA of Orleans ; from Mon- 
 fiftir Rouigny and Monfieur Colbert to the French court; and 
 betwrea Louis XIV. and Chnfe. II. concerning the firft fecret 
 ujoi-c/.titaty with Fraace, concluded in the jear 1670, by the
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 popifh minifters of King Charles, for his declaring himfelf a 
 Roman catholic, and the deftrudtion of Holland ; together with 
 a draught of the treaty Page 66 1 12 
 
 N II. Letters from Monfieur Colbert and the Duke of Buckingham, to 
 the French court, concerning the fecond fecret money-treaty with 
 France, concluded in the year 1671, by the proteftant minifters 
 of Charles II. for the deftruftion of Holland 5 with the fecret 
 article of that treaty, unknown to his proteftant minifters, for 
 the King's popery 11212! 
 
 III. Letters from Monfieur Colbert to his court ; and other papers, 
 which mark the characters and conduct of the Prince of Orange, 
 the Duke of York, Lord Sunderland, the Cabal, and King 
 Charles ; with fecret hiftory during the fecond Dutch war, and 
 the conclufion of the peace between England and Holland 
 
 121139 
 
 IV. Letters of Rouvigny and Courtin concerning four fecret money, 
 treaties with France 
 
 V. The Prince of Orange's knowledge of thefe treaties 155159 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 From the Prince of Orange's Marriage in the 
 year 1677, till the Fall of Lord Danby's 
 Miniftry in the year 1679 160 
 
 APPENDIX to CHAP. III. 
 
 N* I. Letters from Barillon to the French court, concerning the differ- 
 ences which the marriage of the Princefs of Orange created 
 between Louis and Charles, and the intrigues of Barillon with 
 the popular party in parliament 178193 
 
 d 2 N*
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 K* II. Le*n from Bullion to hi court, and from the Duke of York an* 
 
 ! Danby, concerning the dearudion in parliament which 
 
 fefewtd thefc intii*uei Page 193 an 
 
 III. Letters from Monficur Barillon, to the French court, and Charles II. 
 to Loui* XIV. concerning an intended fecret money-treaty with, 
 France in the year 1678 ; and ftewing the intrigues by which 
 Charla, who meant to dupe France, was duped by her in the 
 peace of Nimeguen ; together' with Letters from the Duke of 
 York to the Prince of Orange it that period 2 1 1 148 
 
 IV* Letters from Barillon to the French court, concerning his intrigues 
 with Mr. Montagu and the popular party to accufe Lord Danby 
 in parliament ; and from ths Duke of York to the Prince of 
 Orange in the mean time 148 z86 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 From the Fall of Lord Danby's Miniftry until 
 the Diflblution of the laft Parliament of 
 Charles II. 263 
 
 APPENDIX to CHAP. IV. 
 
 letter* from Monfieur BaiUlon to his own court j Charles II. to his 
 tocher } and the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange, during 
 the fcnnena of the popiflt plot and the excluuon 1883 1 6 
 
 Lettea from Monfieur Barillon and the Duke of York to the French 
 court, concerning an attempt to reconcile Charles and Louis by a 
 fed* money -treaty in the year 1679 i d frm ^e D ukc of Y rk 
 to the Prince of Orange in that year 3 1 6333 
 
 from Mr. Montagu and Monfieur Barillon to the French 
 rt, concerning the intrigue* of Barillon with the popular 
 334346 
 
 Letter*
 
 CONTENTS. xxlx 
 
 Letters from Monfieur Barillon and the Duke of York to the French 
 court, and from the Prince of Orange to Sir Leoline Jenkins, con- 
 cerning the intrigues of France, the court of Charles, the Dukes 
 of York and Monmouth, and the Prince of Orange, during the 
 two lad parliaments of Charles II. ; together with Charles's laft 
 fecret money-treaty with France in the year 1681, which enabled 
 him to aft without parliaments during the reft of his reign 
 
 Page 346 392 
 
 PART I. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Difpojitions of the people upon the dijfilution of the par- 
 liament. Profecutions. The Duke's adminiftration 
 
 in Scotland. Vifit of the Prince of Orange. King's 
 
 dijlrefs In foreign politics. Intrigue of the Duke's 
 
 return from Scotland. The Duke's Jituation. 
 
 Monmouth' s progrefs through the Weftern counties. 
 
 The King's invajion of the charters. Conspiracy. 
 
 Characters of the confpirators y and their objeffs. 
 
 Meafures concerted^ Inferior confpiracy for aj/affina- 
 
 tion. Disappointed by an accident. Shaftejbury' s 
 
 retreat and flight. Confpiracy delayed renewed 
 
 difcovered. Death of Lord EJfix. Lord 
 
 RuffeVs trial. His parting with his family and Lord 
 
 Cavendijh. Other anecdotes of his laft hours. 
 
 Sidney' s trial. Anecdotes of his lajl hours. Other 
 
 trials and puniJhments.~The King's fluctuation about 
 2 Monmouth.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Aftnmtutb. Great power of the King and Duke. 
 
 Mtan dependence of both on France. Projefl for a 
 
 popijb army in Ireland. Scotland modelled. In- 
 
 tri s *ei of Sunderland again]} the Duke. The King's 
 
 death Pa S e x 
 
 APPENDIX to BOOK I. 
 
 Letters from Sir William Temple, Lord Godolphin, Mr. Sidney, the 
 Duke of York, and Monfieur Bariilon, concerning the differences 
 between the court of England and the Prince of Orange, after the 
 ciflblution of King Charles's laft parliament 6780 
 
 Letter* from Bariilon, Lord Rochefter, Lord Prefton, and the Prince 
 of Orange, concerning the bribe given by Louis to Charles, that 
 France might be permitted to feize Luxemburg ; and from Barillun, 
 concerning the attempt of Montagu to form a new intrigue between 
 France and the popular party, for fecuring the fame object to 
 France 81 iiz 
 
 Letters, and other documents, from the difiblution of Charles's laft 
 parliament till the defeat of the Rye -houfe plot, fhcwing the attach- 
 ment of Charles and James to France, the coldnefs between them 
 and the Prince of Orange, and the Duke of York's own cha- 
 rafier _ _ uj 131 
 
 Letter* from Lord Prefton, which fliew that Charles, at the end of 
 kit reign, came to know of the intrigues which France had carried on 
 with the popular party againft him 1 31144 
 
 Account, by lord keeper North, of the frauds committed in the 
 nt of Charles's finances 145151 
 
 A very particular detail of Charles's laft hours, by Monfieur 
 Bmilon _ _ z-i3
 
 CONTENTS. xxxi 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 Temper of the nation. The King's declaration. His 
 
 fttuation with regard to bis former opponents. Firjl 
 
 J?eps of bis reign. New mini/try. Coronation. 
 
 Situation of the King with regard to the Prince of Orange. 
 
 Argyle's and Monmouth's preparations in Holland. 
 
 Argyle's expedition. Monmoutb's manifejlo. 
 
 His firft movements. Declared king. His delays, 
 
 and retreat. His defeat. Account of bis letters to 
 
 the King. His interview with the King. His 
 
 execution. Proceedings of parliament. Proceedings 
 
 in Scottijh parliament. *-T$mper cf Scotland. Cruel- 
 ties of Kirk and Jeffreys Page 1 59 
 
 REVIEW
 
 OF THE 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF THE MONARCHY, 
 UNTIL THE RESTORATION. 
 
 f""^ H E hiftory of England is the hiftory of liberty, 
 and of the influence which the fpirit of it, kept 
 alive during a long revolution of ages, has had 
 upon the confthution, the religion, the wealth, the power, 
 and, above all, upon the dignity of the national charac- 
 ter of the Engliih. 
 
 The Saxons imported into England an independence Freedom 
 derived to them from tfeeir anceftors beyond, all hiftory or Oi axons * 
 tradition; and, although they feated themfeives amidit the 
 effeminacy of a Roman province, tranfmitted the manly 
 virtues they had imbibed in their forefts, to a porter ity 
 who valued the gift more than the inheritance wKh which 
 it was accompanied. The beft ciaufes of the great charter, 
 for which fo many of the Normans ftruggled in parlia- 
 ment, and died in the field *, were no more than tran- 
 VOL. I. A fcripts 
 
 f Lord Littleton, y*l. i, with the aHthorit'es he refers to..
 
 * REVIEW OF THE 
 
 fcripts of the laws of a Saxon Prince, and a Saxon great 
 council. 
 
 Power of Upon the Norman invafion the fubjefts of William loft 
 not their freedom even in conqueft ; an event which, in 
 -^ moft nations, has been as fatal to the liberties of the con- 
 querors, as of the conquered. That Prince and his im- 
 mediate fucceflbr governed indeed by the fword, becaufe 
 had a conqueft to maintain ; and they often trampled. 
 upon both the Saxons and the Normans ; becaufe thefe na- 
 tions, (landing on terms of mutual fufpicion and hatred, 
 were more afraid of each other than of the fovereign, 
 the Saxons and Normans endeavoured to 
 pull down the power of thofe princes by infurreclions, 
 the unprofperous events of which only fhewed the weak- 
 ill" thole v.-ho oppofed, not their reiignation to the 
 will of a mafter : And united, they procured declarations 
 of their joint liberties in parliament, from that monarch 
 who liad conquered the kingdom *. 
 
 But, after the reigns of the two firft Norman Princes, 
 
 the Saxons and Normans, refpe#ing their common ori- 
 
 id common rights, united their interefts, and made 
 
 ic great charter f an original condition of the fettlement 
 
 c crown upon Henry I. an inrtrument of liberty 
 
 y means of parliaments, eftablifhed the political, 
 
 es, the civil rights of the citizens; and which, 
 
 ting to the laws, and to the laws only, their pro- 
 
 ir perfons, and their honour, conferred badges 
 
 n upon Englifiimen, unknown to the citizens 
 
 ionic .md of Sparta. 
 
 pec!- The ftruggles of their poftcrity to get this charter re 
 
 "4 v uch, although ceased aLe ^^ 
 
 by 
 
 Lltdcton> ToK ' w:il) Ulc smlhoriti " he ref s *
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. 
 
 i 
 
 fey different Princes, was feldom renewed without com- power of 
 
 ' ' the crowti 
 pulfion, and their attempts to extend it, kept the flame foon a f ler> 
 
 of liberty alive. But the fubjecb jealous and bold, laid 
 hold of almoft every advantage which accident prefented) 
 to deprefs that fovereign power which the great charter- 
 was only meant to controul. 
 
 In the breaches of royal fuccefilons, ramparts were How ef- 
 fonried for the defence of the people : The conceifions e u 
 which had been gained from the crown, during the reign 
 of Henry the Firft, who had a difputed fucceflion to main- 
 tain, were extended in thofe of Stephen, of John, of 
 Henry IV. and of Richard HI. who were hi limilar litu- 
 ations. 
 
 Advantages were in the fame way taken of domeftic 
 diffentions in royal families, particularly of thofe which 
 took place between Henry I. and his brother the Duke 
 of Normandy, and between Ed ward II. and his family. 
 But the clefigns of Prince John againft Richard I. were 
 not abetted ; becaufe the nation pitied and refpected the 
 misfortunes of a hero, who had carried the glories of the 
 Englifh name over moft of the known globe. 
 
 Only four minorities of Princes have happened in the 
 Engliih government, in the courfe of feven centuries ; 
 for that of Edward V. was fo ihort, as not to deferve 
 being brought into the account. Yet the opportunities 
 were feized upon the acceflions of Henry III. Richard II. 
 Henry VI. and Edward VI. with all the readinefs of 
 faclions, which had been accuftomed to a minority upon 
 the change of every fucceflbr; 
 
 The ambitio:' of great Princes is generally exerted at 
 the expence of the freedom of thofe whom they govern/ 
 But the Englifh, by indulging the ambition of Plenry L 
 imd II. of Edwai-d I. and III. and of Henry V. againft 
 the liberties of other nations, derived fecurity to their' 
 Parliaments feldom fpared the treafures ofthepeo-* 
 A a
 
 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 ur blood, when they 
 ;>r both, by the neceflities of the So-* 
 lie continuation of the privileges of their 
 i. :cn. 
 
 Tht -vis fatisflcd to find occalions, whether in 
 
 die wcaknefles or in the crimes of human nature, to re- 
 ftruin the power of the crown, even by degrading the 
 :i of him who wore it. Edward II. and Richard II. 
 were formally depbled by parliament. The fame ailenibly 
 -d to permit Richard Duke of York to fit down up- 
 on the throne, although he ccme with the hit jition to d 
 f i n uale, but appointed him regent over his and 
 
 Sovereign. Parliamentary commiflioners were im- 
 I upon John, Henry III. Edward II. and Richard II. 
 :\ the houfes of York and Lancaf- 
 .iients acknowledged the titles of the rival princes- 
 alternately, according as victory declared for the one or 
 ulicr; pleafed in the lucctilive changes cf royal fa- 
 milies to gain fucceflive advantages for the people. Mo- 
 narchy itielfwas trod down in the perfon of Charles I. 
 
 But, when the fceptre was fwayed by able, daring, 
 and fortunate hands, parliaments had recourfe to regular 
 and conftitutional defences, adhering to the laws, and 
 tempering liberty with loyalty. By fuch conduct, the 
 haug' ty Edward I. v/as obliged, after every art of fub- 
 ge, to confirm the great charter. In the reign of 
 his martial grandfon, the law of high treafon, the moft 
 important of all laws in a conftitution which admits, that, 
 , the fubjc& has a right of refinance, was 
 ircumfcribed with a precision unknown a- 
 mong other nations; and laws were repeatedly made * 
 for ihc calling of annual parliaments; a fecurity for the 
 v rbtuined, cither when monarchy 
 
 was 
 4 Ed. j. cap. 14. 36 EJ. 3. c. ic.
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. 
 
 was deftroyed under Charles I. nor when liberty was er> 
 throaed at the revolution. 
 
 The zeal for independence was not confined to the Spirit* of 
 laity. Langton ArcLbiiLop of Canterbury was at the civil fiee-.. 
 h.:ai' cf the nobles ' f v ho maintained the firit great ftrug- church- 
 gl; for MagnaCkartazgzinil King John. After the fame men> 
 ac; of fccurity had by the aid of die bifhcps and abbots 
 been extorted from his fen -f, they ficod around it, with 
 burning tapers in their' hands, whilft it was read in par- 
 liament, and denounced curfes againft thofe who Ihould 
 infringe it. They concurred with the laity in moft of 
 their attempts to humble their princes. And Stratford, 
 ArchbiJhop of Canterbury :{:, in defence of thofe parts of 
 the great charter which protected his own order, placed 
 himfelf at the head of his clergy, in regular oppcikicii to 
 Edward III. a Prince who could ill brook oppoiition to 
 his will. 
 
 The united fpirit of laymen and churchmen rofe equal- corrimo* 
 ly againft eccleiiaftical tyranny. The prelates, as well fpirit o* 
 as the nobles, flood by William Rufus and Henry I. j| Ke iai- 
 againft the ufurpations of Anfelm. Both difclaimed their ty and 
 allegiance to King John, becauie.he had given his to the c 
 Pope. If the church did not concur with the parliament, clmr. h 
 in fupport of the conllitutions of Clarendon, v hich were 
 intended by Hemy II. as an eternal barrier to the en- 
 croachments of Rome , it was becaufe thefe conffitutions 
 ftrack not only againft the power of that fee, but againft 
 the power and jurifdiclion of the Englifh church. In the 
 reign of Henry III. the dignified clergy refufed to fub- 
 mit to taxes impofed upon them by the Pope, although 
 fubmilHoii was recommended by the King ^[ : And the 
 
 biihop 
 
 * Hume, in the reign of K. John. f Ibid, in the reign of 
 
 Henry III. J Ibid, in the reign of Edxvard III. 
 
 il Hume, in the reigns of thefe Princes. Loni Littleton, 
 fol. i. f, 71. et fcq< 5 Hume, in the reign of Henry I!?.
 
 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 bilhop of London exclaimed upon this occaf ion, "Thaf, 
 M it the mitre was taken from his head, he would clap 2 
 " helmet in its place." The parliaments * of Edward I. 
 and III. of Richard II. and of Henry IV. and VI. were 
 inceflant in their expreflion of zeal, for maintaining the 
 independence of their church upon that of Rome. As ear- 
 ly as the reign of Henry IV. -f the houfe of commons- 
 petitioned theKing tofeize the temporalities ofthechurch. 
 The firft reformer in Europe was Wickliffe, anEnglimman. 
 Henry VIII. in concurrence with the inclinations of mod 
 of his prelates, his nobles, and his people, threw off en- 
 tirely the yoke of foreign eccleiiaftical bondage. 
 
 The clergy of England may juftly boaft, that, while 
 the churchmen of other countries, during the reigns of 
 popery, were either aiding the King againft the people, 
 or the Pope againft both ; they fupported the people a- 
 gainft the former, and both againft the latter. 
 
 It muft not be forgotten, that the love of freedom, 
 f flavery. w hi c h CO uld not be controuled by thehigheft, ftooped in 
 mercy to the loweft conditions of mankind. That ftate of 
 villenage, which in other countries required the force of 
 laws to abolilh it, difappeared without the aid of compul- 
 fion, in a country where the rights of human nature were 
 refpecled, becaufe thofe of the citizens were revered. 
 The gradual diminution of the power of the crown v.\-s 
 
 dcnfonof cniefl V thc effeft of ***** caufes * 
 
 ' fovereign power can fupport itfelf long, v. hich has 
 
 not the command of treafure and of arms. But, during 
 
 Firft poll- feveral centuries after the reign of Henry II. the Eng- 
 
 h^'S'a'Iu' lifll P rinces pt>flefled neidier. The natural progrefs of 
 
 tit ircaiurc the feudal fovereignty is to impoverifli the fovereign ; 
 
 becaufe, as all thc fubjefts are his vaflals, almoft every 
 
 ful 
 
 * fTom*?, in ihefe reigns. 
 
 I Sec thc arfihoritics ia Hamci in Henry IWs reign*
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. 
 
 fubjeft who approaches the King has a favour to alk, and 
 every favour granted is at the expence of the crown. Al- 
 though the pofleflions of William the Conqueror were 
 originally very exteniive in England; yet, in the courfe 
 of his reign, he diminished them greatly *, by gifts to 
 bis followers, in order to attach them to the fortunes of 
 his family. His three immediate fuccefibrs, who were 
 prodigal in their tempers, and who had difputed fuccef- 
 iions to maintain, imitated with much lefs difcretion his 
 example. Henry II. indeed recalled the grants of his 
 predeceffbr ; but he was obliged to receive them back with 
 a fparing hand. He like wife -j* introduced the praclice of 
 exchanging the military fervices of his vafials, for equi- 
 valents hi money ; a ftriking proof of the neceflkies to 
 which he was reduced. The revenues of Henry III. and 
 Henry VI. did not amount to 60,000 pounds a year, 
 Thofe of intermediate princes could not be larger. The 
 Jofs of the French provinces under Henry VI. diminilhe^l 
 the royal wealth ; becaufe, while the expences of defend* 
 ing them had been defrayed by the nation, the profits 
 they yielded had accrued to the crown. Queen Mary's 
 revenue, after all the depredations of her father and grand- 
 father, amounted only to 300,000 pounds. Thofe of 
 Queen Elizabeth and James I. notwithstanding the in- 
 creafe of trade, and confequently of the cuftoms, did not 
 produce above 150,000 pounds more. The legal revenue 
 of Charles I. upon which he was obliged to fupport all 
 the national expence, and his own, did not exceed 700,000 
 pounds :[:. Hence the extortions of fo many of the 
 old Princes upon the Jews, of Henry VII. upon his fub- 
 jefts, and of his fon i pon the church. Hence the various 
 attempts of kings to raife money without the aid of par-? 
 
 liaraent .; 
 
 * Hume, ii. 115. 
 
 f Lord Littleton, vol. i. with his authorities. 
 
 ;t Hume, ia thsie reigqs*
 
 RcpnJ 
 political 
 ' 
 
 v.mt of 
 
 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 ,t ; and which parliaments fometimes overlooked; 
 
 liiefs of the ncceifity which called for 
 
 nee theexcdfive attention of Quc-.-n Elizabeth 
 
 momy, which flic well knew could alone keep her 
 
 independent of parliament; and the fale of almoft all tho 
 
 fends of the crown by her fiffcr, herfelf, and her fucceflbr. 
 
 Hence the neccflities of the two firft princes of the Stuart 
 
 race created the firft grounds of jealoufy between them 
 
 and their fubjecte. And hence, when with a rougher 
 
 hand than lawful princes had ufed, Cromwel vaifed two 
 
 millions a year from the people, he gave a fplendour to 
 
 usurpation, wliich monarchy had not for many centuries 
 
 enjoyed. 
 
 Princes without wealth cannot expect that armies will 
 implicitely obey them. The feudal militias, which, at 
 the command of their Lords, flocked to the ftandard of 
 the King, were ready at the fame command to turn their 
 's againft him. When the fucceiTors of Henry II. 
 followed his example, in taking money from their vaflals, 
 in lieu ot military fervice, they loft the refource even of 
 thofe militias. Standing armies took not the ports around 
 iirone, which the military tenants had quitted: For, 
 lintain being defended by the fea, her princes had not 
 :.imc pretence with thofe of the continent for mnin- 
 ;g forces to protect their dominions againft 
 :V-mporary armi?s alone were therefore 
 employed in time of war : But thefe, frcm their nature, 
 n, without fecuri.'g the authority of 
 '.:>vereign. Henc<, in every \var iince the reign of 
 ry II. which Englifli Kings have maintained againft 
 their parliaments, or even againft any great body of their 
 cs, they have always been unfuccefsful. Hence, 
 .'5 parliament endeavoured to wreft from 
 Charles I. the command of he national militia, the only 
 :vce remaining wi^i the crown, the torch which had 
 
 Veen
 
 OLlftCAL STATE o ENGLAND. f 
 
 only lighting before, was inftantly fet to the war. 
 And hence Cromwel, with fifty thoufand foldiers at his 
 back, kept in awe the moft turbulent of nations, in the 
 moft turbulent of periods. 
 
 To thefe caufes we muft add the fmall extent of the Natural 
 kingdom, to which Wales, Scotland, and the northern aU<e f C u" 
 counties, did not originally belong. In realms of mode- kingdom. 
 rate extent, the intereftsand injuries of all are known to 
 all; the paffions are communicated like fire from breaft 
 to breafl ; the correfpondence of chiefs and of parties is 
 exact ; they can form or conceal their refolutions with- 
 out danger; the people who are to execute them can be 
 aiTembled in an inftant ; and the fovereign who invades 
 the rights of his fubjefts, does it at the hazard of his own. 
 Thofe ties, which for many centuries bound almoft every 
 fubjecl: of Spain and of France to his neighbour, in op- 
 pofition to arbitrary power, were diflblved when all the- 
 feparate provinces of thofe kingdoms were formed into 
 two vaft empires of unconnected citizens. 
 
 The ftruggles againft fovereign power, during a long p xvef of 
 period of the EngliJh government, were maintained al- nobility, 
 moft folely by the nobles and prelates ; becaufe the an- 
 cient confutation of England, like that of all other feudal 
 governments, was a monarchy limited by an ariftocracy 
 alone. In the reign of the Conqueror, all the lands of 
 England which belonged not to the Sovereign, were the 
 property of 700 of his vaflfals; Thefe making an aflembly 
 nearly as numerous * as the prefent houfe of Lords and 
 Commons united, had a right to fit in parliament ; andj 
 together with the bifhops and abbots, were the only per-' 
 fons who enjoyed that privilege. By the constitution of 
 the kingdom, the King could not levy taxes, without 
 their confent : By their military tenures, the fword v a? 
 
 VOL. I. B & 
 
 * Hiftory of fecda! property* chap. 8.
 
 go REVIEW OF THE 
 
 In their hands : The feudal arrangements gave them ju 
 
 i upon their elktes, which extended to proper- 
 
 . the higheit value, and to life. In procefs of time, 
 
 what Kings lott, their vaflals often gained ; and, as the 
 
 crown waxed weaker, they grew more ftrong. 
 
 fall of '.he But the progrefs of a feudal monarchy does not move 
 
 P?" fT * { in a more uniform direction, in yielding to the power of 
 
 th root- ., _ , , . n 
 
 ny. the nobility, than that of a feudal anftocracy, m givmg 
 
 way to the rights of the people. All nobles, from their 
 fuperiority of rank, are expofed to expences in time of 
 peace, which impair their eftates j and they ruin them- 
 felves in war, paying, by what they fuller in their fortunes, 
 for the laurels which they gain in the field. The grandeur 
 and hofpitah'ty of the antient nobility of England were 
 unparalleled in Europe. In foreign wars, they increafed 
 the fplendour of their appearance, with a view io aug- 
 ment the fuperiority of their country in the eyes of fo- 
 reigners. The lofs of the French provinces under Hen- 
 ry the VI. tended likewife to exhauft the eilates of the 
 Englilh nobles*; becaufe, the habit of an expence to 
 which they had been accuftomed, while they enjoyed 
 the revenues of thofe provinces, remained, after the 
 means of fupporting it no longer exHted. Even in the 
 non courfe of the partition of el'tates by fucceilion, 
 the power of great families came to be leflened, by being 
 divided. The fame exemption from military fervice, 
 which the Kings had fold to their vaflals, the nobles fold 
 likewife to theirs. The nobility, however, (till endea- 
 voured to preferve the fhadow of their former ftrength 
 in the number of their retainers. But they were foon 
 obliged to quit even that fhadow, partly by the rife of 
 the arts in Europe, which gave a new direction to the 
 
 expences 
 
 * TUU is an obfcrvation of the wife Philip de Coraruincs.
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. 
 
 wcpences of the great ; and partly by the jealoufy of ' 
 Henry VII. who multiplied laws againft retainers. In 
 the civil wars between the houfes of York and Lancafler, 
 to which 80 princes of the royal blood fell victims, the 
 antient nobility of England was almoft exterminated ; and 
 the new nobility, created from time to time to prevent 
 the order itfelf from expiring, had neither the dignity 
 nor the pride of the old barons by tenure. The refor- 
 mation leffened both the number of the eccieflaJtical Lords 
 in the houfe of peers, and the importance of thofe \vhp 
 remained. Henry VII. and Henry VIII. took a pieaiure* 
 in invading the jurifdictions, and humbling the pride of the 
 great families. Their ministers and favourites were moft- 
 ly new men, feledled from the profellions of the law and 
 the church . There were only two of the order of nobi- 
 lity in the firft council of Henry VIII. and feven out of 
 'twenty-fix guardians, whom the fame Prince provided 
 for the minority of his fucceiTor. Henry VII. removed 
 the laft fecurity which remained to the nobles, by facili- 
 tating the deftruclion of their entails ; trufting thus the 
 fate of the higheft order of his kingdom to the effecls of 
 diffipation and chance in ages to come. 
 
 That power which had originally belonged to the Cauffsof 
 
 crown, and afterwards to the nobles, fell in the end im- l j ic 
 
 ., , . i i , r i -rr the com* 
 
 perceptibly into the hands of the commons. Various mons. 
 
 caufes contributed to this, beiides the firft great caufe, 
 the high fpirit of the people, indignant of fervitude, and, 
 by their love of independence and juftice, defthied to be 
 free. 
 
 When the military tenures went generally into difufe, iftcaufe. 
 the fword of the people, hitherto employed to aggran- ~~ * '^ ? 
 dize the King or the nobles, became an inftrument of the 1'word 
 power and confideration to the hand by which it was p /*" es into 
 B 2 held, hands. 
 
 * Hift. official property, cap. 7.
 
 ,4 REVIEW OP THE 
 
 held. The feudal militias were, in the reign of Henrj* 
 V. * exchanged for national arrays. And on thefe \verc 
 ingrafted afterwards the national militias : Both, bodies 
 of men compofed, not of military tenants and their vaflals 
 alone, but in wliich every freeman grafped a fword\vho 
 bad ftrcngth to wield it, and in wliich all men transferred 
 to their country thofe attachments which their forefa- 
 1 felt only for the perfons of thofe who com- 
 manded it. Thefe arrays and militias gave the more 
 ftrength to die people, becaufe they w ere introduced hi 
 times, when the military fpirit flew from man to man, 
 and from rank to rank, in the nation ; before the occu- 
 pations of induftry had become fo inceflant, as to make 
 freemen deem it an infringement of their freedom, to be 
 obliged to defend themfelves ; and before the regularity 
 of fhnding forces had thrown a falfe ridicule upon the 
 nan who Ihould pretend to wield both a hammer and a 
 mnfket. 
 
 ad eiofe. From the civil wars of the Princes with then- barons, 
 
 -They and of die Princes widi each odier, the commons derived 
 
 JF^ f f e importance ; for whatever were die titles of die great, die 
 
 fwords of die many determined die conteil. But while, 
 
 ular difputes in odier countries, die multitude found 
 
 the only rewards of victory in its pleafure, the commons 
 
 of England infixed for more folid advantages as the price 
 
 of their blood. In every law of liberty extorted by die 
 
 nobles, or freely granted by Kings, to ferve die ends of 
 
 ' - r, die commons, courted on all iides, were made 
 
 marers of the blefling. 
 
 Free judgements followed free laws. In order to curb 
 
 -ower of the barons arifing from their territorial ju- 
 
 rifdiclions, die crown raifed die dignity of the national 
 
 courts of juftice. The barons at nrft fjiw die importance 
 
 f 
 tfll
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. j 3 
 
 f the innovation : For, in order to weaken the connec- 
 tion between the King and thofe courts, they provided, 
 in the great charter, that the courts mould be itationary, 
 and not follow his perfon, as they had anciently done. 
 But by degrees they fabmitted, partly becauie they were 
 confcious of their incapacity to give proper attention to 
 proceedings of law in their o\\n courts, and partly be- 
 caufe they looked upon fuch attentions as incontinent with 
 their dignity. But, as the truft thus voluntarily repofed 
 in the national courts depended long for its continuance 
 vpon the integrity of the judges, and uniformity of their 
 judgements, a fyfteni of equal jurifprudence gradually 
 aroie, which, by binding the King, the noble, and the 
 peafant alike, maintained the independence of the lower 
 ranks upon the higher. 
 
 The enfranchlfements of the boroughs, v>hich were 36 caufe. 
 originally almcft in a ftate of flavevy, the difbfe of ville- V'.y m ~ 
 page, and the fupprellionof retainers and of monafteries, they get 
 
 threw two great bodies of indufrrious, and two great bo- y ea "."- 
 
 Interior 
 dies of idle men, who before bad fcarcely been members caufesoF 
 
 pf the community, into the fcale of the commons. But 
 wherever men enjoy freedom, and fee wealth held up to 
 them as the reward of their induftry, they will fpring for- 
 ward to gain it. During thefe innovations, the higher 
 ranks at home were fond of expence, and the arts were 
 riling all over Europe : England was full of inhabitants 
 and provifions ; many inftruments of commerce, and feme- 
 which other nations pofTefTed not, were produced within 
 Jieiielf ; me was furrounded by the fea on all fides but one; 
 replete with harbours and rivers; and her neareft neigh- 
 bours, the Flemings, the moft induftrious people on thrs 
 fide of the Ganges, were a continual example of envy 
 and imitation: In thjs fituation, when new ranks were 
 gradually thrown into the fcciety, and preffed upon the: 
 *M, bo|h were obliged to exert an induftry in hufbandry^
 
 , 4 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 manufacture, and trade, without whkh neither could 
 
 ftibfiiled. 
 
 nal caufcs were operating upon the growth of 
 
 yf induftry at home, accidental circmnflances from abroad 
 
 Dieted the effect of them. The feverlties of Charles V. 
 
 . . \ crlands, and Germany, partly on civil, 
 
 urtly on religious accounts, and (till more the reli- 
 
 :-.;ons, which, after his time, took place in 
 
 France, the Netherlands, and Germany, induced vaft 
 
 numbers of foreign manufacturers to import their arts, 
 
 their flocks, and their parfimony, into a country in which 
 
 they could enjoy both liberty and their religion. Thefe 
 
 emigration shad the greater effect, becaufethey happened 
 
 at a period, when the flux of treafures into Europe from 
 
 the new world gave additional incitements to the induilry 
 
 of the lower, and to the prodigality of the higher ranks of 
 
 mankind. 
 
 The extenfion of commerce produced two immediate 
 and important effects. 
 
 ff ft ^ n l ^ e fi l 'ftp' ace lt transferred a great part of the land 
 f. property cf the kingdom to a body of men, who, in the 
 
 i ry was to or jgi n of the conftitution, had hardly any mare of land 
 cite pio- property at all For, a great part of the money, which 
 'Y* the commons acquired by commerce and parfimony, was 
 oyed in pur chafing the eftates of the nobility, of the 
 church, and of the crown, which were thrown gradually 
 into market, from the time of Henry VII. until the end 
 of the reign of James I. This tranlition was the more 
 important, becaufe, it was made at periods when from 
 the high intereft of money, lands were fold proportionally 
 when lands, before the arts of improving them 
 were introduced, did not produce one third of the rents 
 h, in the courfe of a century, they came to yield to 
 new proprietors. 
 
 Another
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. 15 
 
 Another confequence of commerce was to draw great Another 
 numbers of men from the country into towns, for the JJ.**}? [j^ 
 advantages of mutual intercourfe. But the republican towns. 
 form of government in which towns are conducted, the 
 natural equality which takes place among fellow-citizens, 
 the necemty for that fecurity of property which is the 
 bails of commerce, and the continual opportunities and 
 habits which men living in public have to converfe upon 
 public interefts ; all contributed to fpread and to fortify 
 the fentiments of liberty. 
 
 The train of caufes and effects is as regular in the poli- The com- 
 tical, as in the natural world. Political power continu- mol j? 8 a ' 
 
 P3.r!l3.~ 
 
 ally depends upon arms, freedom, and wealth. The mentary 
 
 commons of England rofe in power exactly in proportion 
 as they gained in thefe. By the feudal conftitution, all 
 who held their eftates of the crown owed attendance in 
 parliament: And thofe who held their eftates in that 
 manner in England were, as has been faid, originally 
 700 in number. But when, by the partition of the ori- 
 ginal great eilates, and the enfranchifement of boroughs *' t 
 the crown vaflals were become fo numerous, as to be 
 incapable of being perfonally aiTembled, they appeared 
 in parliament by their reprefentatives. Parliaments for 
 a. long time coniifted of the peers, and of thefe reprefen- 
 tatives, united in one aflembly ; and the latter, dazzled 
 with the fplendour of their afTociates, and reprefcnt-^ 
 ing an order which felt not as yet its own weight, 
 were, during this period, of little confequence. Eut^ 
 in proportion as the commons gained importance^ 
 their reprefentatives afiumed it. And, when thefe 
 were formed into an aflembly feparate from the peers^ 
 they extended that importance under the advantage of 
 
 Hi fl. of fer.dal property, cap. 8.
 
 ,6 ftEVlSwOFTHS 
 
 .- the imerefts of a feprate body. The privilege* 
 
 of the commons became in time the greater objecl of at- 
 
 tention ; becaufe, by the partition of the eftates of the 
 
 original great vaflals, in the common courfe of iuccelfion^ 
 
 ft numerous gentry had been formed, all of whom, al- 
 
 though many of them had the belt blood of the nation irt 
 
 their veins, funk into the order of the commons, and 
 
 therefore had an intereft to defend ihofe rights which 
 
 were the foundation of their own. It is a curious fact in 
 
 the hiftory of Englifh liberty, that the firft perfon who wa* 
 
 railed by the commons to the dignity of their fpeaker % 
 
 was a member who had been imprifoned by Edward IIL 
 
 for attacking h ; s> mi uiUers and miltrefs in parliament. From 
 
 the period of that Prince's reign, the houfe of commons 
 
 regularly iucreafed in consideration and power. 
 
 Iotmu- But during the gradual declenfion of the power of the 
 
 tunotna- nobility, and the gradual rife in that of the commons, it 
 
 rdom Was natllra ' at a period when the one order was weakj 
 
 under the and the other knew not as yet its own ftrength, that the 
 
 Tudor. fown no longer oppofed by either, fhould^enjoy extra- 
 
 ordinary powers. During this period, the family of Tu- 
 dor filled the throne. It was fortunate, too, for Henry VIL 
 the firft Prince of that family, that, a civil war of thirty 
 years having animated one half of the nation againft the 
 other, no common oppofition could be made to his powers 
 Yet even he was taught, by five rebellions, that, though 
 a fevere prince may fometimes invade die liberties of 1 
 free people with impunity, he cannot do it without dan- 
 ger. His fon had ftill greater advantages ; becaufe the 
 different religious parties who courted his favour were 
 feniible, that the beft way to obtain it, was to throw 
 their liberties at his feet ; and becaufe, by the aft of nV 
 premacy, all the power which had belonged to the pope, 
 
 was 
 * Hur, III. p. 5.
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAka *? 
 
 v/as united in his perfon to that of the crown. The reigri 
 
 of this Prince, therefore, afforded the firlt melancholy 
 
 example, that parliaments may be the worft inftruments 
 
 of tyranny in the hands of a tyrant : Yet, by aiming at 
 
 too much, he laid a foundation for die crown to lofe all 
 
 he had gained in its favour, For, in an evil hour for his 
 
 fuccelfors, he made the doftrine of paffive obedience and 
 
 non-refiftance a part of the ccnftitution of the church : 
 
 A doctrine utterly incompatible with freedom; and a- 
 
 gainft which, therefore, the minds of free men never 
 
 ceafed to revolt. England recovered a ray of liberty 
 
 during the minority of Edward VI; But it ferved only 
 
 to make the gloom which fucceeded in the reign of Queen 
 
 Mary appear more dark. Yet even that female tyrant 
 
 was obliged to difmifs two of the four parliaments which 
 
 fhe afTembled, becaufe they would not comply with her 
 
 will, and that of a hulband who was as tyrannical as her- 
 
 felf. Queen Elizabeth continued to poiTefs the power cf 
 
 her family, although the commons had now come to feel 
 
 their own weight, and although the fpirit of the nation 
 
 had been exafperated by multiplied infults. But many 
 
 circumftances prevented that weight and that fpirit from 
 
 being exerted againfther: Her popularity made oppofition 
 
 to her power unpopular: Upon the fupport of that power > 
 
 the proteftant religion depended for the fecurity of its 
 
 own : Men forgot, in their danger from foreign inva- 
 
 fions, the precedents that were eftabliihed at home a- 
 
 gainft the liberties of their posterity : Even the circum- 
 
 ftance of the Queen's fex, with the romantic manners of 
 
 the age, made her fubjefts confound their fubjeclion to a 
 
 fovereign, with their gallantry to a woman. By all the 
 
 arts of woman, added to all the boldnefs of man, fhe fta- 
 
 ved off the evil day, which was to bring the power of the" 
 
 crown and that of the commons to try their ftrength a- 
 
 gainft each other. 
 
 VOL. I, C The
 
 ,1 REVIEW OF THE 
 
 l ' ftl confutation, by fetting the legiflative andi 
 
 Rtru Us 
 
 tor the re- executive powers in oppofition to each other, contains 
 
 I 
 
 '" the feeds of continual diflention. Political bodies oppofed 
 drr the are never at reft ; and every deviation from ancient ufage 
 is a ftep gained, or a ftep loll, for prerogative or for free- 
 dom : For, few Princes are wife enough to know, that 
 no King can be truly great, the minds of \vhofe fubjefts 
 are not as high as his own ; and few fubjefts are generous 
 enough to acknowledge, that the fame principles in a li- 
 mited monarchy, which tie every citizen to another, 
 fliould bind the whole to the throne. When a new family 
 therefore was advanced to the crown, and from a country 
 long feared and hated by thofe who beftowed it ; at a 
 time when the powers of the higher orders of the ftate, 
 thofe of the nobility and of the church, were fallen; when 
 the crown was pouefled of power only recently obtained, 
 depending only upon the imaginations of thofe who had 
 been accuftomed to obey, but without wealth or arms to 
 fupport it ; and when the commons poflefled a great part 
 of that fuperiority in all things which belonged formerly 
 to the nobility, the church, and the King ; the effects of* 
 the alterations which had happened in the conditions of 
 the orders of the ftate quickly appeared: And that ap- 
 pearance could not fail to be attended with convullions in 
 the conftitution; becaufe old principles of government 
 could not apply to new fituations in the governors and 
 the governed. When James I. advifed his nobles to live 
 upon their eftates, and not about court, when he created 
 peerages with a fecmingly prodigal hand, for which he 
 has been foolifhly blamed, when he ordered twelve chairs 
 to be placed for a deputation of the houfe of commons, 
 becaufe he did, " twelve Kings were at hand," he law 
 the tempeft that was approaching. The houfe of com- 
 mons alVumed to themfclves powers and privileges un- 
 a to duir auceftors; and, when they were provoked 
 
 by
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. ** 
 
 fey their monarchs, aimed their blows in the end at the 
 monarchy : And the Princes of the Stuart family, who. 
 faw the only orders of the ftate humbled, which had been 
 accuftomed to controul royal power, but who did not at- 
 tend that another order had ftepped into their place, con- 
 lidered even the aifertions of ancient liberty, as innova- 
 tions hi the conftitution, when the commons were die 
 affertors.. 
 
 An accidental circumftance in the Englifh conftitution Circum- 
 haftened matters to extremes between the family of Stuart t i, econ ftj_ 
 and the houfe of commons. From the moft ancient times, tution 
 the power of providing taxes had been committed to the to ex _ 
 reprefentatives of the people, becaufe the people were tremesbe- 
 
 , . n i - -i r n i r tWCCD the 
 
 chiefly to pay them : A privilege or little coniequence, houfe of 
 as long as the revenues of the crown arofe from demefnes Stuart and 
 and feudal perquifites, and taxes were, upon that account, 
 fmall, temporary, and feldom levied ; and even as long as 
 the crown could fopport itfelf upon the plunder of France, 
 of the church, of all who would fubmit to be plundered, 
 and upon its own ruins-. But, when all thefe refources 
 were gone, and government could be fupported in no 
 other way than by taxes, the power of giving thefe came 
 to be of the laft importance. And the commons, con- 
 fcious of this, demanded, as the price of the money 
 \vhich they gave to the houfe of Staiart, that thofe breach- 
 es which the houfe of Tudor had made in the ancient 
 liberties of England mould be repaired. But, as both, 
 the crown and the commons rated their demands too low, 
 and their conceffions too high, difputes eiifued, and con- 
 tention clofed the fcene. 
 
 During thefe ftruggles, the nation ranged itfelf into 
 two parties, known in the reign of Charles I. by the parties of 
 names of Cavalier and Round-head; and, at an after pe- -j-' 
 by thc/e of Whig and Tory. The new gentry, te 
 C 2. trading
 
 i REVIEW OF THE 
 
 trading intereft, the towns, the populace, brought accet- 
 is of Ibength to the houfe of commons, but, above 
 all, the Puritans ; that body of men, whom the fame im- 
 patience of authority which had railed the church of Eng- 
 l a^aini* that of Rome, fpurred on againft the church 
 of England ; who, taking their rife from the people, 
 preferring the equality, Simplicity, and rulHcity of the 
 people in die ranks of their clergy, and the modes of 
 their worfhip, were averfe even to civil authority ; who 
 were more dreadful tlian other perfons, becaufe they 
 .I the republican fpirit to that of enthufiafm ; whofe 
 aflbciates had iurred up civil v/ar, firft hi Germany, then 
 in France, and, laftly, in the Low Countries ; and who 
 v/erc themfelves ready to plunge into it in England and 
 x Upon the other hand, the peers and prel 
 
 ranked themfelves behind that throne which they had 
 been accuftomed to make ; the latter, becaufe the Puri- 
 tans were equally enemies to the crown and to them ; 
 and both becaule they knew, that, under the ruins of 
 the throne, their own honours could not fail to be buried. 
 The greatett part of the landed intereft followed their ex- 
 ample ; partly from the fear of danger to their property 
 in popular innovations ; and partly from that contempt 
 of the populace which landed men always indulge, and 
 that connection with the higher ranks to which they na- 
 turally afpire. The Roman Catholics, knowing that 
 their greateit enemies, the Puritans, were in the oppo- 
 fite fcale, brought a zealous but inconsiderable addition 
 to the weight of the crown. The antient nobility, in 
 their ftruggles with their ibvereigns, had flopped at de- 
 poling them: But the republican and puritanical com- 
 mon ,\ more dcmocratical fj irit, brought their 
 Sovereign under the fonns of juftice, like a common 
 member of the community, to a public trial, and a pub-
 
 POLITICAL STATE OF ENGLAND. . |j 
 
 lie execution. With the me leveilirg hand, tlcy laid 
 the peerage, the church, the parliament, ai.d the law 
 itfelf, intheduft. 
 
 The civil wars, which accompanied and followed thefe 
 laft outrages, mark that ftate of diforder into which high- 
 fpirited nations are plunged, before they can accomplish 
 a regular fyftem of liberty, or are iubjected to a regular 
 fyftem of prerogative. 
 
 It is a characteristic of Providence, which human' wif- Reflection 
 
 dom ihould not however attempt to imitate, to employ rom l h e 
 
 r Foregoing 
 
 apparent evils for the attainment of real good, and to ren- review. 
 
 der difienfion, as well as union, beneficial to mankind. 
 The Britifh nation has made its way through many dan- 
 gers and troubles : The parties, by which it has been 
 agitated, may have, each in then- turns, run to extremes : 
 But the refult of the whole has been a confti tution, which 
 by fecuring to all orders of men the rights of mankir d, 
 has never been equalled in any country. Nor is this blef- 
 fing to be valued for itfelf more than for the national 
 vigour and character which have been acquired in the 
 attainment of it. Men are generally formed by their oc- 
 cupations and objects : Accuftomed to important and pe- 
 rilous occasions, and engaged in the worthieft purfuits, 
 thofe of equal juftice and freedom, they become, like the 
 fubjects of Britain, high-minded, capable, and brave. 
 From the continual attention to public affairs, the peo- 
 ple have acquired a public and generous fpirit : From 
 the vigour and confidence of men inured to thefe, and 
 fecured in their rights, they have derived their fuccefs in 
 every branch of fcience, and of every liberal and mecha- 
 nical art, making manifett to all this animating truth, that 
 the genius of nations is always in proportion to their fpi- 
 rit. We are too apt to regret as an evil the difputes and 
 agitations of a free people; forgetting that, man's na- 
 ture
 
 R L V I E W, &c. 
 
 ture being active, he muft continue to aft, or ceafe to ex- 
 ill ; or, in the words of one of the greateft of philofo- 
 phers, " That the luftre which he cafts around him, like 
 4i the flame of a meteor, mines only while his motion 
 44 continues ; and that the moments of reft, and of ob- 
 ** foirity, are the fame *." 
 
 * fergufoo's cflay on the htftory of civil focicty, part T. 5 
 
 REVIEW
 
 REVIEW 
 
 EVENTS AFTER THE RESTORATION, 
 
 CONNECTED AVITH 
 
 THE FOLLOWING MEMOIRS. 
 
 ^T^HE Papers in my poflefllon concerning the eventa 
 * of Charles the Second's reign, prior to the diflblu- 
 tion of his laft parliament, relate to three diftinet periods 
 of time. The ift is from the downfall of lord Claren- 
 don's miniftry in the end of the year 1667, to the time 
 of the Prince of Orange's marriage, in the year 1677. 
 During this period, King Charles, the Duke of York, 
 and their minifters, formed connections with France of 
 the moft dangerous nature to the religion and liberties of 
 the fubjecl. The 2d period is from the Prince of Orange's 
 marriage until the downfall of lordDanby's miniftry in the 
 year 1679. During this period Charles wavered between 
 Holland and France, the duke of York continued fteady 
 in his courfe, and the popular party in parliament formed 
 connections with France againft their Princes, of a ten- 
 dency almoft as dangerous as thofe which the Princes 
 had formed againft their fubjecb. The laft is from the 
 downfall of the earl of Danby's miniftry, until the diflo- 
 
 Intion
 
 REVIEW, &c. 
 
 n of Charles the Second's laft parliament. During 
 this period, Charles renewed his connections witliFrance, 
 the popular party continued theirs, and France, by a 
 train of policy, perhaps the deepefl that is to be found in 
 hiftory, intriguing with both, triumphed upon their com- 
 mon clifgraces. This review mould therefore be divided 
 into three chapters relating to thefe three periods. But 
 
 necefiary to prefix to them a review of events from 
 th R ..-flora; ion to the fall of lord Clarendon's miniftry; 
 becaufc from the penifal of the whole connected together, 
 an Englim reader may draw this inftruclive leflbn ; that 
 the wifeft thing a King of England can do, is to refpecr. 
 
 .ntcreft of his people, and the wifeft thing the people 
 bf England can do, is to refpecl that of their Prince.
 
 CHAP. 
 
 From the Reftoration, until the fall of Lord 
 Clarendon's miniftry in the end of the year 
 1667. 
 
 Popularity of Claries it Revival of parties. \ft 
 
 caufe t The popular party unite id taiife> The Roy - 
 
 alifts not united. -^dcanfe, Thejealouftes in government. 
 
 4//6 caufe, CareleJJnefs of the King's perfonal character. 
 
 Laft caufe. Sufficient of the popery of the roya/ family. 
 
 Effefts of thefe caufes at the end of the jirji Dutch 
 
 7 PON the reftoration of Charles II. to the throne populari- 
 ty of 
 CharlesII. 
 
 ^*^ of his anceftors, there appeared in the joy of the 1 Y * 
 
 nation, not fo much the common affectation of public, as 
 the effuiion of private paflion. Men thought all they 
 could do for the fon was too little in reparation for the 
 murder of the father ; and the new Prince, in his gra- 
 titude for this cordiality, feemed to have forgot the in- 
 juries done to both. It was a fingular fpeclacle, to fee 
 a parliament, compofed of many of thofe members who 
 had torn the crown from the head of their late Sove- 
 reign, proftrate at the feet of the prefent one, imploring 
 pardon in the name of the nation ; and the vote for this 
 VOL. L D ceremony
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 nony prefentcd by Dcnzil Hollis, one of the fivtf 
 members whom the Ki-.ig's father had gone into the 
 of commons to ffize with his own hands. Seve- 
 ral of the popular party were brought into the privy, 
 council, and multitudes into office ; three of the moft 
 tinted, Hollis, Annefley, and Afhley Cooper, were gra- 
 
 ; with peerages ; an honour afterwards ill requited 
 1 .; the laft of them, and forgotten by the other two. 
 Two of die prcfbyterian minifters were made chaplains 
 to the King, and bilhopricks offered to three, though 
 accepted only by one of them. The forts were difman- 
 tled, the army was difbanded ; and for this laft meafurc 
 the moft popular of all reafons ailigned, " That the belt 
 " guards which could furround a King of England, were 
 
 c affections of his people." A project was difcou- 
 raged by Clarendon, for the fettlement of fuch a reve- 
 nue up m the King, as would have made him for ever 
 independent of par iamcnt. Even from enemies and con- 
 querors, Charles and his minifters borrowed v/ifdom; 
 for they attempted not to revive the ftar-chambcr, or 
 the eccleiiaftical coimnifllon-courts abolifhed by the long 
 parliament ; and they imitated the example of the repub- 
 lic in fupprefling the court of wards. Charles privately 
 promoted the fuccefa of the bill of indemnity in thehoufe 
 of commons, and he publicly checked the feverity of the- 
 of lords, in their proceedings upon it. His mini- 
 fter the virtuous Southampton,, having f>ropofed to give 
 thofe prifoners, who had furrendered in obedience to the 
 King's proclamation, the fame number of days for laving 
 thcmfelves by flight, to which, by that proclamation, 
 Jey were intitled before they furrendered, the nation 
 peeled his candour ; .nd companion, and the King his* 
 Sentence of death was executed only upon a 
 > had pronounced the fame fentence upon the* 
 
 King, or whole guilt was equivalent. The irsoft
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 cruel circumftance in the trial of thofe perfons * was 3 
 that feveral of the popular party, of whom Aihley Coo- 
 per was one, fate as their judges, and doomed them to 
 die for that rebellion to which they had incited them. 
 Attention was fhewn even to the prejudices of the popu- 
 lace : It was contrived, that the King mould make his 
 public entry into London upon his birth-day ; and his co- 
 ronation was delayed near a year, that it might be cele-* 
 brated upon the anniverfary of the tutelar faint of Eng r 
 land. 
 
 The expreflions of the King and of his court were cal- 
 culated to reftore good-humour to the people, and to re- 
 concile the animoiity of parties almoit (pent with con- 
 tention. To the preibyterian clergy, who waited upon 
 him in a body, Charles laid, " I will make you as hap-* 
 44 py as I am myfelf." To his parliament, " I will as 
 " ibon burn Magna Cbarta, as forget ,he acl: of oblivi- 
 u on." Clarendon, with a familiarity of expreilion, de- 
 rived from the manners of an age hi which the diiunc- 
 tions of rank had been levelled, told the commons, that, 
 when the King heard any member was difcontented 
 he ufed to fay, " What have I done to deferve this gen-. 
 44 tleman's diflike ? I wifh he arid I were acquainted, that 
 " I might give him fatisfaction." The fame minifter in- 
 formed both houfes, u That, when he was ambaflador 
 44 in Spain, he had received ftrict orders from his matter, 
 44 to lay the late King's murder upon a few of the worft 
 44 of the nation, but to juflify the nation itfelf." When 
 Charles, in excufe for feeking money from the commons, 
 faid to them, " That he could afford to keep no table 
 * c except that at which himfelf eat ; and that it troubled 
 44 him to fee fo many of them come to wait upon him 
 *' at Whitehall, and go away without their dinners," 
 D 2, the 
 
 * Ludlow, vol. iii. p. 59.
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 the juvenile pleafantry was received with fmiles of indul- 
 gence: But, whm IK- 'dded, 'J hat he was afliamed not 
 " to have it in liis power to provide for thofe cavaliers 
 " %v ho hul been ruined for his father," a nobler feeling 
 arofc in the breafts of his hearers *. 
 
 To aftions and words fo engaging, the two firft par- 
 
 its of Charles II. during the firft five years of his 
 reign, made every return that could be expected. They 
 voted him a revenue of 1,200,000 pounds a year ; a pro- 
 vilion, which, though found afterwards inadequate to 
 the expences of government, was the greateft which any 
 parliament had ever made for any King of England. All 
 coercive power, even in both houfes united, over the 
 
 :i of the King, was renounced. With the command 
 of the militia, the power of the fword was reltored to 
 the crown. The obnoxious triennial aft was repealed, 
 which had imde provifion for the aflembling of parlia- 
 ment, even without confent of the Sovereign. An aft 
 was palled, by which Charles was empowered, during a 
 limited time, to purge corporations of thofe magiftrates 
 whofc principles he fufpefted. The hierarchy, that great 
 fupport of monarchy, was replaced in all its grandeur. 
 And the doftrine of non-refiftance, a principle fo dange- 
 rous to liberty, though frequently grievous even to its 
 authors, was brought back into the tenets of the church, 
 and confirmed by an oath, required of all her members. 
 So that every advantage which Charles could reafonably 
 wilh for, in revenue, in arms, in religion, and in po'iti- 
 cal power, was beftowed upon him. Only to the King's 
 difpenfing power, his parliament, even in the height of 
 its loyalty ,would not fubmit. For, when-f, in the year 
 1662, he publiflied a declaration of indulgence, in which, 
 
 r many referves, he afierted the difpenfing power, 
 
 and 
 
 * R ' f Bifhop's trial, p. 78*.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 9 
 
 and intimated his inclinations to foften the more fevere 
 parts of the penal laws againft perfons who were not of 
 the dtablifhed religion, the houfe of commons informed 
 him that the crown had no fuch power, and urged him 
 to recal his declaration ; and the houfe of lords could be 
 brought no further, than to pafs a bill, which empower- 
 ed him to make the difpenfation he wifhed for; a bill 
 which implied, that without leave of parliament, the 
 King had not the difpenfing power which he aimed at. 
 
 Yet, amidft thefe promifmg appearances between Revival of 
 Prince and people, there lurked the fruits of part diflen- P arties - 
 fions, and the feeds of future ones. 
 
 The fpirit of liberty, which had been awed by the tft caufe, 
 fenfe of danger, or had appeared to be fmothered in the _ u j ar nar , 
 rejoicings of the public, gathered force in fecret from its ty unites, 
 interruption. It had been agreed at the reftoration, that 
 the political pretentions of the executive and legiflative 
 powers, which had been the fubjecl: of the war, mould 
 be parted over in lilence. Hence the occasions of con- 
 teft, which had fubfifted almoft from the time of the con- 
 queft, remained as open as ever between thofe powers, 
 whofe movements were now only fufpended by their 
 own fears, and by their awe of the fentiments of the 
 people, to which both were obliged to appeal, when 
 they could appeal to no compromile. The friends to the 
 conftitution were therefore anxious that it mould not 
 become worfe, fmce it had been made fo little better, 
 
 Many of the republicans too from nature could not, 
 and others from confcience would not, relinquifh their 
 old principles ; and, when the republic they adored was 
 no more to be obtained, converted their hatred of mo- 
 narchy into jealoufy of the monarch. 
 
 To thefe two bodies of men, the diiTenters, their an- 
 tient allies, joined themfelves, partly from a continua- 
 tion of their original principles, but more from recent 
 
 eniaitv;
 
 jo REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 enmity; for, the prclbyterians complained, that the King, 
 by confenting to the act of uniformity, the ejection of 
 aooo of their clergy in one day, and the five mile and 
 conventicle acts, had, at the instigation of the church, 
 broken the faith which he had plighted to them at 
 Breda. 
 
 a d cauff. Even many of thofc perfons, whofe natural connections 
 ibould have bound them to the throne, ranked not be- 
 
 *lt"5 . . - rr-., , . , 
 
 it, or were unable to give it fupport. 1 he higher 
 ranks of the nation were thinned by war, or impoveri/hed 
 by forfeiture. Many of their daughters had been married, 
 in times of diftrcfs, to Cromwell's officers, or to the cler- 
 gy who then prevailed : Many of their fons had engaged 
 in trade : And all tliefe forgot the ancient fentiments of 
 their families, adopted new ones, and added dignity to 
 them. While the country party, by their conftant reii- 
 ilencc in England, knew the merit of every pretender to 
 importance, yielded to direction, and acted as an united 
 body in parliament, the cavaliers *, who had been fcatter- 
 fd all over England and Europe, ignorant of each other's 
 characters, while every man was confident of his own, 
 would not fubmit their fentiments or conduct to each 
 other. The competition for royal favour and gra- 
 ie, between old and recent fervices, and between 
 different degrees of fufferings in the caufe of royalty, at a 
 time when every man thought his own fervices and fuf- 
 ferings the greateft, tended full further to throw duTen- 
 iion into a party, which diltrefs had combined, but fucceis 
 tore ai under. Some of the royalifts -j- were alarmed even 
 i the loyalty of the nation, being apprehensive, left, 
 :.e tide of the King's popularity, the juft rights of 
 the people might be lolt Charles's own inattention to 
 foo many of the cavaliers who had fuffered in his caufe, 
 
 which 
 
 * Clarendon's continuation, vol. I. 
 
 t Lord North's memoirs North's cxamcn, p. 426.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION- g* 
 
 which arofe partly from his inability to ferve them, and 
 perhaps, partly from the unealiiiefs which the ccnfciouf- 
 nefs of his obligations to them gave him, loft him many 
 of that faithful band. It was wittily faid, " That the acl 
 " of oblivion was an acl of pardon for his enemies, and 
 <c of oblivion for his friends." 
 
 The remembrance of paft, the fear of future evils, in- 3 d caufe'. 
 
 fufed a iealoufy into the government of Charles, which J ea ' u ' )e 3 
 i i. j- -r ru- c \ A in govern- 
 
 widened the diviiions or his nibjects, when a more gene- 
 
 rows conduft would have clofed them. 
 
 The army had, with reluctance, fubmitted to the order 
 of dilbanding : In the fullen manner, and frequent meet- 
 ings of the foldiers, before they w r ere brought to the 
 place of difmifllon ; and, when upon the field, in the 
 iiercenefs of their looks, which were thrown alternately 
 on the King, and on their own ranks ; the violent emo- 
 tions and uncertainty of their fpirits were diftinclly viiible, 
 The officers therefore, who, by difbanding them, had 
 fubmitted to lofe their own independence, in order to 
 fecure that of their Sovereign, thought fome returns of 
 confidence were due to fuch generofity. Of a profeffion 
 to be won by honourable truft, their pride was hurt in 
 the tendereft part, when, a few months after, all the 
 difbanded officers were ordered by a proclamation to de- 
 part five miles from London, upon a triffling infurredtiori 
 ef fixty Miilenarians. They were ftill more provoked, 
 by finding, in all the accounts of infurreftions publiihed 
 by authority, their order accufed as the fource of th< m. 
 When the French and Dutch fleets threatened the coafh 
 of England, and thefe officers preffed forward beyond 
 others to defend them, their fidelity to laws which they 
 might have overturned was acknowledged, but for- 
 got as foon as the danger was over. The ibldiers too 
 felt the injuries done to their officers. They -were fifty 
 thoufand in number, and many of them younger ions of 
 
 gentlemen,
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 jrr- . nil tr..deiinc;i ', whom Cromwell's high pay 
 
 id to CHUT i.<to the fervicc. So diat the dii- 
 
 contents of the army infected the whole mafs of the peo- 
 
 pie. 
 
 The more rigid feftaries, from being continually fuf- 
 pecled,came to deferve fufpicion. When the malecontents 
 threw the blame of burning London upon the Roman, 
 catholics, tin- court, by a mean retaliation, imputed the 
 fatality to the feftaries. Thefe men were driven to de- 
 I'pir upon perceiving, in the expreflions not only of the 
 King's proclamations, but of the laws, which mould be 
 the facred repertories of truth alone, that they and the 
 malecontents were blended together, as if no man could 
 differ from the church, without being a traitor to the 
 ft, 
 
 Clarendon, uhofe views were narrowed by his pro- 
 feflion, and whoil mind was weakened by his fears, 
 fprend rumours of plots and infurretions inceffantly in 
 
 .imcnt and in the nation ; thus throwing a gloom 
 over the commonweal, tlirough excefs of attention to its 
 welfare, and keeping the memory of diviiions alive, 
 which mould have been heard of only in their effeds. 
 Even from the filence of party, he derived proofs of fe- 
 dition: '* Novum ieditior.is genus" (laid he from Livy) 
 " lilentium otiumque inter cives." " A new kind of 
 
 :ition, lilcncc and inaction among the citizens." 
 Mobs were fwelled into infurreciions, and infurredions 
 into concerted rebellion. In times of fufpicion, all the 
 goals in the kingdom were filled with rtate prifoners, and 
 during peace, the court fwarmed with informers, 
 and the country with fyks. By fuch language, and fuch 
 
 lures, many wcll-dilpofed perfons were driven out of 
 !c courie, in which they were iteering, when 
 
 they 
 
 ' Wfc:t!ock's Sv/cJLIi ErabaiTy.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 33 
 
 they heard that their love of liberty was imputed to their 
 hatred of the court. 
 
 The King's manner of living and conversation, which, 4t jj cau f e . 
 
 by exuoiinghis faults to thofe around his perfon, recon- The care- 
 
 , . re i j.f. leflnefsof 
 
 ciled them to their own, gave oftcnce to others at a dif- t ^ e King's 
 
 tance, who reflected not how agreeable to the little are perfonal 
 .the weakneffes of the great. His amours appeared crimes 
 in the eyes of his fubjects, who had been accuftomed to 
 make no diftin&ion between vices and crimes. His want 
 of (Economy provoked men, amongft whom the mariners 
 of the age made private parfimony be accounted a virtue. 
 The whig party, at one of their meetings, propofed to 
 impeach fome of his miftrefles upon account of the poverty 
 in which their extravagance had involved him: But old 
 Lord Mordaunt faid, that, " They ought rather to erect 
 a ftatues to the ladies who made their lover dependent 
 " upon parliament for his fubfiftence." * To many he 
 appeared to held government itfelf in too little refpech 
 And a faying of his, *' That he attended the debates of 
 " parliament, becaufe they diverted him as much as going 
 tc to a play," was difobliging to many, who, in thofe 
 days could not, without fentiments of reverence, hear 
 the name of parliament pronounced* 
 
 But that which above all things made the people tin- 
 uneafy in themfelves, and jealous of their prince, was 
 their fentiments with regard to popery. The efforts per y of 
 actually mads, and the fufpicions that more were conti- the royal 
 nually making by the Roman catholics, to re-eftabliih 
 their loft power, and their forbidden faith, together with 
 the afTairmations and maffacres encouraged by too man/ 
 feven of their clergy, had filled the minds of proteftants 
 all over Europe, during more than a century after the 
 reformation, with terrors by day, and dreams by night. 
 
 VOL. I. E Elizabeth; 
 
 * Jv'ng James's Memo
 
 34 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 Elizabeth, whofe title to the crown was denied by th 
 Pope, whofe life was in continual danger from the catho- 
 lics, and who owed her greatnefs, at home and abroad, 
 to her being accounted the head of the proteftants, urged 
 her parliaments for rigorous laws againft popery, and, 
 without perfecution, maintained them with firmnels. But 
 James I. whofe dangers and ambition were not fo great, 
 Slackened the reins, at firftfrom fome liberality of thought 
 derived from reading, afterwards from an inclination of 
 temper to favour whatever the puritans hated, and, in 
 the end, from die vanity of marrying his fon to a daugh- 
 ter of Spain or France. Charies I. had great obligations 
 to the catholics, and fuffered for having mown his fenie 
 of them ; circumftances which, in the minds of many, 
 united his caufe with theirs, and made them interpret 
 his zeal for the church into a bias for popery. Thefe fa- 
 mily-fufpicions were accumulated upon the head of Char- 
 les II. Even the church dreaded his foreign education, 
 a mother's anxiety, and was jealous of popery lurking in 
 the breaft of the King and his brother. 
 
 Pfefts of In this difpofition of the minds of men, war, fire, and 
 
 ctuies ap- Faience, the three worft fcourges of human life, having 
 
 pearatthe been united at the conclufion of the firft Dutch war, by 
 
 itt Dutch inspiring melancholy, affeftedthe tempers of the people 
 
 %ar. of England. The parliament petitioned Charles to di 
 
 band his army, attacked his fervants, declined to give 
 
 him fupplies, and drove Lord Clarendon into exile, 
 
 though his firA minifter, and father-in-law to die Duke 
 
 of York. 
 
 CIIAF.
 
 G H A P. H. 
 
 From the downfall of Lord Clarendon's miniftry, 
 until the Prince of Orange's marriage in the 
 year 1677. 
 
 Ruling public pajfions cf Charles. His wavering conduit 
 
 about triple alliance. Secret intrigue of th Duke of 
 
 Buckingham and Duchefs of Orleans for the deftruftion of 
 Holland. Separate intrigue of Charles and the Duchefs 
 
 for the fame end. Intrigue of the Duke of Tor k with 
 
 Popifi Lords for the fame fnd> adopted by Charles. Secret 
 money-treaty in the year 1 670, iu ith Louis, for the dejhuc~ 
 tion of Holland^ and the King's becoming catholic, con dud 
 
 ed by popi/fj counfellors. Charles dupes his prttejtant 
 
 counfellors in the year 1671,- and makes them parties to 
 the treaty, without their knowing the article for his popery. 
 . The Kingsjfjifts to avoid declaring him fe If catholic* 
 ~~.-FirJi i)i fit of tie Prince oj Orange to England. 
 
 . High tone of the King and his prctejtant counfellors after 
 
 he had duped them.- Bold courfes of thoje connjellors. 
 
 They defert the King. Lord Ddnby's minijiry.. 
 
 Several money treaties with France Double deal' 
 
 Ing and tneannefs of Charles in foreign politics. His- 
 
 differences "with parliament for /tyeral yeart t 
 
 THE
 
 ,j, HEVIEV/ OF EVENTS 
 
 . j , Tp H E ruling public paflions of Charles the II. were 
 ruling A love of the French, and antipathy to the Dutch 
 
 Saffiocj nations, to which many caufes contributed. His love of 
 France was formed on the natural gaiety of his temper, 
 the hours of youth fpent in a country \vhere men enjoy 
 all the plcafures, and appear to feel none of die pains of 
 life, and his partiality to a conifctution in which it muft 
 be the fault of the Sovereign himfeif if he ever meets with 
 opjK>lition. The manners of the people of Holland, fo 
 oppofite to his own, and the form of their government, 
 iiaular to that which had nearly deftroyed monarchy in 
 England, created his perfonal dillike. The affronts which 
 they had put upon the youth of his nephew the Prince 
 of Orange, and die high tone which diey aiTumed, and 
 which is natural to all maritime powers, becauie they 
 can inlult every where with impunity, hurt his pride. 
 He envied die glories of Cromwell, who had humbled 
 the then matters of the ocean. Necdfitous from the par- 
 funony of parliament, he hoped to fupply his wants by 
 the plunder of a people, who at that time were poflefled 
 of moft of the wealth of Europe. And, by railing the 
 Engliih trade upon die ruins of the Dutch trade, he flat- 
 tered himfelf, diat he might bothpleafe the nation, and 
 increafe his own revenues by the increafe of his cuftoms. 
 A few years after he was reftored to his throne, he had 
 taken advantage of the national jealoufies of the Englifli ; 
 and, converting the piques of merchants into die quar- 
 rels of nations, had engaged England in a war with Hol- 
 land. During that war, he offered to abandon all Flan- 
 ders to France*, iflhe would not interpofe to fave Hol- 
 land from the power of his arms. The ill-humours of 
 parliament, the dilgrace at Chatham, and the junction of 
 France and Denmark widi Holland, which gave occalion 
 
 for 
 * D'Eftrades, 166;.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 3 
 
 for an oblervation of Lewis XIV. " That the Englifli 
 44 faw no coafb except thofe of enemies, from Bergen to 
 * 4 Bayonne," obliged Charles, againft his will, to defifl 
 from that war. Whilft the peace of Breda, which put 
 an end to it, was forming, Charles was receiving by the ' J 
 hands of Lord Hollis his ambaiTador to the Dutch, pro- 
 jects from a Frenchman, Gourville, (whom Voltaire ho- 
 nours with the title of friend of the Prince^of Conde) 
 for a ftrict connection with France, and fcr lulling De 
 Wit into a fatal fecurity, by thofe perfonal flatteries, 
 which republicans are too apt to take kindly from prin- 
 ces ; projects, which Charles, who was the greatest dif- 
 fembler, and the belt actor that ever fat on any throne, 
 readily adopted *. 
 
 Soon after, indeed, he entered into the triple alliance 
 with Sweden and Holland to protect Flanders from the 
 fudden preteniions of Louis XIV. in right of his wife. 
 But before he did fo 3 he had privately made advances to 
 France, to prevent his being obliged to enter into that 
 alliance ; but they were difappointed by the circumipec- 
 tion of the French court, which received them not Co 
 readily as he expected. The treaty was however no 
 fooner finiihed than he wrote apologies for it to his iilter 
 the Duchels of Orleans, and to Lewis the XIV. And 
 amidft the rejoicings for the triple alliance, Sir Thomas 
 Clifford, who poflefled more of Charles's confidence than 
 any of his miniiters ever did, betrayed, by an unguard- 
 ed expreiiion, the fecret intentions of his matter : " Nbt- 
 " withftanding all this joy," faidjie, " we muftftill have 
 *' another Dutch war." 
 
 But before Charles ventured, after entering into that Secret in- 
 
 alliance, to exprefs in more than whiipers to Monfieur t! .'' ;i ^ , 
 l TnejUuKfi 
 
 Rouvigny, who was by accident then in England, the of Buck- 
 vengeance ^S"* 
 
 * Vide a full account of this treacherous French intrigue in 
 Gourville's memoirs, yol. ii. p. 14, 6j, nd 160. 
 

 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 nJ Do- vengeance which he meditated againft Holland, the Duke 
 
 ' of Buckingham, who either was, or thought he was, a 
 Orlc.in 
 iorthed*- favourite of the Duchefs of Orleans, was carrying on a 
 
 " project, unknown to his mafler, witli that Princefs, for 
 .V:. bringing about a fecret alliance between the two Kings 
 for the dertrucbon of Holland. He firft broached it to 
 Rouvigny, and afterwards carried on the correfpondence 
 with the Duchefs by means of Sir Ellis Lighten. She 
 deftred him to enter into a communication with Monfieur 
 ::ninge the French ambaflador; but, in order to gain 
 importance to himfelf, by managing the affair with her 
 only, he declined it. On the 23d of January, 1668, 
 Charles had iigned the triple alliance for the prefervation 
 of Holland . Two letters from Charles to Louis and the 
 Duchefs of Orleans, in the Depot des Affaires Etran- 
 geres at Verfailles, fliow, that on the 3d of February, 
 Charles fent Sir John Trevor ambaflauor to Paris to re- 
 gulate matters on the footing of that alliance. But from 
 Buckingham's letter to the Duchefs in the fame repoii- 
 tory, of date i^th February, it appears, that the nego- 
 tiation between him and her for defeating the ends of it, 
 had, at that time proceeded fome length. 
 
 It was, however, feveral months before the follicita- 
 tions of the Duchefs of Orleans and Buckingham with 
 Charles produced any considerable effecl. He indeed 
 continued his communications with Rouvigny, and of- 
 fered a fecret league offenfive and defenfive, and a per- 
 fect participation of ineafures with France. But Louis 
 and he, each diftrufting that the other would betray the 
 fecret to the Dutch, heiitated who mould make the firft 
 advance j and Charles flood in awe of his people, though 
 fce had fatally imbibed an opinion in bis exile, that be 
 fed an intereft feparate from theirs. 
 
 At
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. & 
 
 At laft, in the winter of the year 1668, he made a separate 
 propofal in writing, by his ambaflador Lord Hollis at nr;gueof 
 Paris, for a fecret alliance with Louis. But reflecting an j t j, e 
 upon the danger of entrufting the conduct of a treaty for Duchefs 
 the deftrudlion of a republic, to a man who had drawn his lime 
 
 fword in a republican caufe, he foon after eeaied to make 
 ufe of the fervices of Hollis. Unhappy, and irrefolute 
 whom to truft, he declined treating with Coraminge, under 
 pretence that he was a weak man; he defired his lifter to 
 put no confidence in Buckingham, who he thought would 
 abufe it ; and proposed that the conduct of the treaty 
 ihould be confined to her and himfelf only. Louis con- 
 fented, with that mixture of gallantry and politics in 
 which he constantly found his intereft, while he preten- 
 ded to facrifice the laft to the firft ; for he had intelligence, 
 that the Duchefs who pofTefTed all the beauty and intrigu- 
 ing fpirit of her mother, had gained the compleat do- 
 minion of her brother's fpirit; that, on taking leave of 
 her when fhe went to France, he had been feen often to 
 weep ; and that he had granted every favour which fhe 
 had at that time afked for any of his fubjects. 
 
 But Charles's difficulty in finding perfons to truft s ccret ; n< 
 with the conduct of the fecret treaty he intended, trigue of 
 was unexpectedly removed by the accident of the ofVork 
 eonverfion of the Duke of York. The ruling paf- with po- 
 fion in that Prince's breaft was zeal for religion. For fo,/ t h rds 
 this, even whilft a youth and an exile, he had broken fame eod. 
 through the laws of difcretion and of nature, by infifting 
 that the Duke of Glocefter mould be taken from his mo- 
 ther's arms, to prevent her enticing his youth to the 
 popifh religion. The Duke's attachment to the Roman 
 catholic religion was the ftronger, becaufe he believed 
 that it was the refult of his reafon : For he had long ftu- 
 died the controverfy, before he ultimately fixed his faith, 
 and was pot converted until the beginning of the year 
 
 1665,
 
 ftfeVIEW OF EVEN 
 
 ,66 9 . , was the pcrion to whom James 
 
 change, and his family its ruin. The fame 
 
 which made the Duke avow his converiion, per- 
 
 <J him, as foon as it was completed, that he could 
 not expiate former errors, without extending the cnxds 
 ot that converiion to the reft of human kind. On the 
 25th .of January 1669, a plan was formed in his clofet 
 with Lord Clifford, and Lord Arundel of \Vardour, both 
 of the popifli religion, and Lord Arlington who was well 
 
 cd to it, and died in the profeflion. of it ; , for a te- 
 cret treaty with France for that prrpofe. In an evil 
 hour for Charles II. Clarendon had taught him, in the 
 very firft years of his reign -f, to receive money from. 
 France, unknown to his people : Pro fuming upon the 
 fame aid, the Duke and his three aflbciates, formed the 
 project of a treaty between the Kings cf France and Eng* 
 , *he proviiions of which were to be, that LouisXIV* 
 :d fupply Charles with money, in order to enable 
 fen to re-eilablifh the popifli religion in England, and 
 gender his power independent of parliament ; fend 
 
 > to his aiMancc, in cafe infurrections ihould arife 
 hi his kingdom; and, after die interefls of religion were 
 
 cd, a:id Charles was quiet in the pofleiTion of his 
 power, that the two monarchs ihould join their forces 
 by fea and land for the deftruction of the Dutch common- 
 
 Ith. 
 
 The fcheme was immediately laid before Charles, who 
 adopted and improved upon it : For he added to the pro- 
 jcft, that upon the death of the King of Spain without 
 iflue, the dominions of Spain in Europe fhould be fecured 
 to France, and her dominions hi the new world, toge- 
 ther 
 
 n.ui!Ion fays fo in one of his letters at Verfail'es, whicf 
 gi*f< an account of Lord Arlington's death. 
 
 i- The evidence of tin's is in the Clarendon papers.
 
 AFfER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 ther with Oftend and Minorca to England ; that from 
 the conquefts to be made in the Seven Provinces a fettle- 
 ment mould be provided for the young Prince of Orange, 
 and the iflands of Walkeron and CafTante, with L'Eclufe 
 referved to England : He propofed too, that war ihould, 
 at the fame time, be declared againft Hamburgh, from a 
 falfe idea, that if Holland and Hamburgh were iiibdued, 
 England would be enriched by the trade of the world, 
 as if it was poflible for a trading nation to be rich, 
 when all others were poor. Lord Arundei of War- 
 dour, a Roman catholic, was difpatched to Paris to 
 pave the way for the project. Monlieur Colbert was 
 fent from Paris to London to receive it. Sir Rich- 
 ard Bealling, a Roman catholic, threw it into the draft 
 of a treaty ; and Sir Thomas Clifford of the fame reli- 
 gion, together with Lord Arundei, Lord Arlington, and 
 Bealling, were named commiffioners by the King to con- 
 clude the affair with Colbert. Louis refufed to engage 
 in a war againft Hamburgh, but agreed to give two mil- 
 lions of livres, for the King's declaring himfelf a Roman 
 catholic, and a yearly fubiidy of three millions of livres 
 during the Dutch war. He agreed alfo to the other ar- 
 ticles of Bealling's draft, but with an intention to prevail 
 afterwards upon Charles to reverfe the order of the pro- 
 ject, and begin with the attack upon Holland. To com- 
 pafs this end, he delayed putting a final hand to the 
 treaty, until he had fent the Duchefs to Dover, under 
 pretence of a vifit to her brother, and lingered himfelf 
 upon the oppoiite coafts of France while ihe interview 
 lafted. 
 
 It was intended, that the King and the Duke fhould 
 have gone to Dover together ; but, by an accident, 
 Charles went alone : For, all the conventicles were to be 
 
 Duke was left behind to guard the city a^ainit riots, which 
 VOL. I, F were
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 dreaded upon that occafion. And, before he went 
 D to Dover, the Duchefs had obtained from her bro- 
 ther an aflurance to the court of France, that notwith- 
 i landing what had been agreed upon, the Dutch war 
 iliould prececd his declaring himfelf catholic. When the 
 Duke arrived, he prefied his brother, but in vain, to 
 .i the promife, and to adhere ftriclly to the original 
 plan, by fettling the interefts of religion, and the efta- 
 Mifliment of his own power at home, before he engaged 
 hiiniclf in the difficulties of a war, which would make 
 him dependent upon parliament. The treaty was figned 
 ut Dovef by Colbert and the four Englifh commiflioners, 
 
 Vju2 l 
 
 and private letters, and private feals of the two fove- 
 
 reigns. 
 
 But though the particulars of this important treaty- 
 
 were never known, till the author of thefe memoirs had 
 
 the good fortune to find them at Verfailles, the inter- 
 
 view of Charles with the Duchefs of Orleans fpread the 
 
 alarm from England to Holland, and from both to the 
 
 i tit of Europe. Even the ominous death of the Duchefs 
 
 of Orleans, which fucceeded this new friendship, {truck 
 
 the imaginations of a people who, in thofe days, con- 
 
 -d all events with religion; and the return of a French 
 
 miftrefs to Charles, who had been fent by the French 
 
 court with the Duchefs to Dover, confirmed the fame 
 
 Icrious unpremon: " Fatal," it was faid, " muft be thofe 
 
 ' councils which had been fealed by the King's adultery. 
 
 4< which were reported to have been followed by poifon- 
 
 44 ing, and in which the deftruction of an illuftrious pro- 
 
 * teftant republic had been concerted amidit fealh and 
 
 * 4 revels. Heaven difapproved the project, by ftriking 
 
 " down its firft conduclrefs, before Ihe could fee the fue- 
 
 ls of her fnares. But the furvivor was more dan- 
 
 kl gerous, who would keep her lover iiuhraUed for ever
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 43 
 
 " to the inchantments of a people who were the natural 
 " enemies of his own." 
 
 Galled with the late oppositions in parliament to his Cabal, 
 minifters and meafures, Charles, in order to divide the 
 popular party, had, fome time before this, withdrawn 
 his confidence from his minifters of the old royal party, 
 and pretended to give it to a new miniftry, commonly- 
 called the cabal, which he had formed of popular men. 
 Southampton was dead. Clarendon had fallen a viclim 
 to the revenge of the Duchefs of Cleveland, the intrigues 
 of rivals, the refentment of parliament, and his own 
 imprudences. Prince Rupert, the Duke of Ormond, the 
 Lord Keeper Bridgeman, Secretary Trevor, Sir William 
 Coventry, were no longer called to councils. All power 
 in England, Scotland, and Ireland, was committed to 
 fix men, Lord Clifford, Lord Arlington, the Duke of 
 Buckingham, Lord Afhley Cooper afterwards Earl of 
 Shaftefbury, the DukeofLauderdale, and Lord Robarts; 
 tfye three laft of whom had drawn their fwords against 
 the King's father. Clifford had raifed himfelf by hk 
 great influence in the houfe of Commons : Afhley Cooper 
 had ftill greater in the houfe of Lords : Arlington, not- 
 withftanding his fecret inclinations to popery, had main- 
 tained connections with the diffenters : Buckingham fa- 
 vouring all feds, becaufe he was of no religion himfelf, 
 was a favourite of the diffenters : Lauderdale had great 
 mtereft with the prefbyterians in Scotland : And Shaftei- 
 bury and Buckingham were fupported by the people, be- 
 -caufe they pretended a reverence for their rights. This 
 miniftry was the moft extraordinary that ever was coni- 
 pofed: For the King had an unconquerable diftrufl of 
 Shafteibury: Though diverted with the humours of 
 Buckingham, he was fhocked with an advice which that 
 Duke had given him to procure a parliamentary divorce 
 from the Queen, and had once committed him to the 
 F 2 To
 
 ^4 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 Tower for perfonal offences againft himfelf : Arlington 
 anil Buckingham were mortal foes : And Buckingham, 
 Shafteflniry, and Lauderdale, were averfe from the in- 
 fluence of the Duke of York with his brother, becaufe 
 they thought it interfered with their own : or, at leaft, 
 the Duke believed that they were fo. But, at the inter- 
 view at Dover, the Duchefs of Orleans reconciled Ar- 
 lington and Buckingham, and the King to Buckingham. 
 charlct The treaty of Dover was no fooner figned than Col- 
 protcftaoc b* 1 " 1 prefled Charles to make preparations for the Dutch 
 cotmfel- war> Charles, without refilling, delayed it, fometimes 
 under the excufe, either real or pretended, that he intend- 
 ed, by enforcing the laws againft dilTenters, to drive 
 them to extremities, and waited for an opportunity of 
 Tailing an army under the pretence of diftreifing them; 
 and at other times pleading the duties of confcience, which 
 obliged him to poftpone his temporal to his fpiritual in- 
 tereft. But his hcfitation, in reality, arofe from anxiety 
 to touch the two millions fn'pulated for his converiion. 
 and th .: confcioufhefs that in the dangerous engagements 
 which he had taken, he was fupported only by a few of 
 his popim, but none of his proteitant counfellors. 
 
 From this laft uneafisefs, however, he was fpeedily 
 relieved by the officious reftlefs fpirit of Buckingham. 
 Upon the death of the Duchefs of Orleans, Buckingham 
 formed a project of being fent upon an embafly of condo- 
 lence to France, and of endeavouring when there to bring 
 about an alliance between the French and Englifh courts 
 againft Holland. Colbert, to whom he made the propofal, 
 communicated it to Charles, who defired him to give it 
 encouragement. Buckingham then opened his views to 
 Lauderdale and A/hley Cooper. The firft enterwi into 
 them. The laft deiired time to coniider. 
 
 This accident gave an opportunity for Charles to carry 
 an intrigue, perfedly luited to hi* genius,, for laying 
 
 upon 
 
 a 
 
 i
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 45 
 
 npon his proteftant minifters the burden of part of the 
 treaty, which, unknown to them, had juft been conclii? 
 ded by his popifh ones. He fent the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham on the embaffy of condolence folicited by him. He 
 entreated Louis to flatter the vanity of the new ambafia- 
 dor, by the honour of forming an alliance, the merit of 
 which would be all his own, and his ambition, by hold- 
 ing out to him the profpect of commanding the Englilh 
 forces to be employed againfl the Dutch. And by thefe 
 arts he intended, that Buckingham, Aihley Cooper, and 
 Lauderdaie ihould be made parties to a treaty, which 
 fliould be fo conducted, as to be a repetition of the for- 
 mer fecret one in all things, except in the article relative 
 to his declaring himfelf Roman Catholic. 
 
 Buckingham fell into the mare ; was eafily gained in. 
 France to whatever was aflced of him ; boafted to hi$ 
 own court, that he could draw the French one into an alli- 
 ance with it ; was thanked by the King, the Duke of 
 York, and Lord Arlington, all of whom ordered him to 
 proceed. He then deiired to be recalled, that he might 
 bring the other minifters into his views. His deiire was 
 complied with, in order that he might, as the King ex- 
 preffed it to him, " finim what he had fo glorioufly be- 
 " gun." He fucceeded with Lord Amley Cooper, and 
 the King with the Duke of Laaderdale. Thefe two mi- 
 nifters, with Buckingham, Lord Arlington, and the Duke 
 of York were appointed commhTioners to conduct the 
 treaty with Moniieur Colbert. But to cover the part 
 which Arlington was a&ing, as well as to inflame the 
 impatience of Buckingham by oppofition, Arlington and 
 Colbert pretended to throw difficulties in the way of the 
 treaty ; and Buckingham was fo miferably the dupe of 
 his own project, as to write letters to Louis the XIV. 
 complaining of them, and infinuating that Arlington waqi 
 in the pay of die enemies of France, 
 
 Charles
 
 ^ R VIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 Charles, in the mean time, gave the line of the treaty 
 to his comminioners, which was fo framed as to corre- 
 fpond with the former one in all things ; except, that in 
 order to comply with the demands of the new commif- 
 fioners, Louis gave Charles a million of livres in hand, 
 and added the iflmds of Worne and Gorec to the fhare 
 which England was to have had in the divilion of HoL- 
 land ; and to blind them, the article relative to the King's 
 religion was omitted, and the two millions contained 
 in it were thrown into an additional fubfidy for the firft 
 year of the Dutch war. But after all things were agreed 
 upon, Louis inlifted to have a private declaration frcm 
 Charles, that thefe two millions were in reality the price 
 of his change of religion, and a private confirmation of 
 the treaty of Dover in all things. Charles faw the ad- 
 vantage which thefe new demands gave Louis over him, 
 and reluctantly lubmitted. The treaty was iigned by 
 Charles on the 2.A of February, and by the new com- 
 iniffioners on the 3d of June 1671 : And in a month af- 
 terwards, Colbert fent to his mafter the feparate private 
 ; -at idii and confirmation figncd by Charles, and thofe 
 who had been his commillioners to the former treaty. 
 Both treaties were helped on by French money, given 
 both to the old and new commiJlioners ; and Charles was 
 fo profligate, as not to pretend ignorance of this circum- 
 fhnce. But Arlington behaved worfe ; for, pretending 
 delicacy, he refufed the prefent intended for him, but 
 permitted it to be taken by his wife. 
 Prince of I" tne m !A of negotiations which Charles was carry- 
 
 SftlSt* "* n for the deftruftion of Holland, under the pretence, 
 to Eng- an< * perhaps in the belief of railing his nephew upon its 
 ruins, the young Prince of Orange arrived in England 
 to pay his firft vifit to his uncle. Charles propofed that 
 the fecret of the laft treaty fhould be communicated to 
 him ; but Louis from prudence refufed' his corrfcnt. 
 
 Charles
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 Charles propofed to detain his perfon in England, but 
 Loius from honour refufed his confent. At that time 4 
 thefe Princes little thought, that the youth whofe inte- 
 refts and perfon they were thus difpoling of, would in 
 future days ruin the family of the one, and ftop, in its 
 fulleft career, the ambition of the other. Britons, who 
 reflect that they owe their prefent religion and liberty to 
 the Prince of Orange, will read with pleafure the fol- 
 lowing character, which Colbert wrote his mafter that 
 Charles gave of him at the vifit : " The King of England 
 " is much fatisfied with die parts of the Prince of Orange. 
 u But he finds him fo paffionate a Dutchman and protet- /* 
 " tant, that even although your Majefty had not difap- 
 4< proved of his trufting him with any part of the fecret, 
 " thefe two reafons would have hindered him." It is 
 not inipoiTible that fome difcoveries made by the Prince 
 of Orange, at this vifit, of his uncle's fentiments, were 
 the caufes of that diftruft which he retained of him ever 
 after. 
 
 While Charles was duping his proteftant minifters, to 
 
 conceal from them the obligations he was under to change King's 
 his religion, the fliifts which he fell upon to get excufes avoi( j ^ g 
 to the court of France for not performing them, reprefent daring 
 a true comedy in Colbert's difpatches at Verfailles. From 
 thofe difpatches, the writer of thefe memoirs made the 
 following notes. 
 
 " After Charles had figned the firft treaty, feveral 
 <{ months pafs over upon a difficulty on his part in find- 
 " ing a proper perfon to fend to Rome to manage his 
 " reconciliation with the Holy See. At length on the 
 tc 29th September, 1670, Colbert writes Monfieur de 
 " Lyonne, that according to orders from France he had 
 " propofed to Charles that the affair mould be conducted 
 " by the Bilhop of Laon, a man of great virtue and cha- 
 11 rafter, and that Charles had agreed, 
 
 " On
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 On the 23<1 October, 1670, Colbert writes Monfieur 
 Lyonne, that Charles had changed his mind, and 
 did not like " a confie; fon fecret a un Pape moribond; 
 to rruft his fecret to a Pope who was near his end;" 
 and belides that it would be proper he fhould lend an 
 Englimman with the Bilhop of Laon. 
 
 " On the 6th November, 1670, Colbert writes, that 
 11 King Ch.irks could not yet find a proper Englishman 
 " to go to Rome with the Biftiop of Laon. 
 
 On the 1 3th November, 1670, Colbert writes, that 
 < he hid propofed to Lord Arlington, iha"- the Bimop 
 ** of Laon fliould fet off by himfelf, and Lord Arlington 
 " (aid he would fpeak to the King of it. 
 
 44 On the i7th N. vember, 1670, Colbert writes, that 
 41 Charles had at laft f und a proper Engliihman, but ho 
 * 4 was not in England, being head of the college at Do- 
 u way, and that he would fend him by himfelf without 
 " ,h Bifhop of Laon ; that Charles had promifed to de- 
 u clare his popery foon, but would not fix his time, and 
 '* that in the mean time he had made a demand for mo- 
 *' ney from France. 
 
 " On the ift and igth of January, 1671, Colbert 
 ** writes, that there were delays about the Englifh cler- 
 u pyman and the form of his inftruftions, and that Char- 
 ' les was to truft the whole affair to one of his own fub- 
 jefts. 
 
 " On the 1 8th February, 1671, Colbert writes, that 
 " ftill more delays were made on account of the want of 
 " proper Inftruftions to the King's Englifh clergyman. 
 * On the 25th February, 1671, Colbert writes, that 
 " the inftruftions to the clergyman having at length been 
 ct finilhed, and Lord Arlington carried them to the King, 
 " he gave for anfwe^, that he could neither declare his 
 44 popery, nor fend any one to Rome at this time. 
 " On the 21 ft March, 1672, Colbert writes, that 
 
 Charles
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 49 
 
 t* Charles defired a theologian to be fent him from Paris^ 
 *' to inftruft him in the myfteries of the catholic religion, 
 (t but that he defired this theologian might be a good 
 " chemift. 
 
 " On the 7th June, 1672, Colbert writes that Charles 
 " had put offhis converfion till the end of the campaign ; 
 " and that in the mean time he defired a treaty with the 
 " fee of Rome, in which the Pope mould yield, 4 le 
 ti communion dans les deux efpeces,' and that mafs 
 *' mould be faid in the vulgar tongue." 
 
 Chemiftry being the ftudy which, of all others, the 
 King was fondeft of, and a demand of conceflions which 
 it was impoffible for Rome to make betraying itfelf, thefe 
 two laft demands probably opened the eyes of the French, 
 and they troubled him no more on the head of religion. 
 
 Charles ufed the fame arts to gain money from Spain. 
 For, from feveral of Colbert's dilpatches at Verfailles, it 
 appears, that when Colbert reproached him, for having, 
 unknown to the court of France, fent a clergyman to 
 inform the Queen of Spain of his intention to change his 
 religion, he excufed himfelf by faying, that he had done 
 it to engage her, by the common ties of religion, to take 
 a fide againft the Dutch. 
 
 The ambaffador fent to Spain to endeavour to bring Sunder- 
 about this junction againft Holland, was the Earl of Sun- ' an d's 
 derland, then a youth, afterwards fo famous for his infi- 
 nuation and intrigues. Thofe who are fond of tracing 
 the characters of great figures from their earlieft appear- 
 ances in life, will be arnufed to fee the following charac- 
 ter of Lord Sunderland as drawn by Colbert in one of 
 his difpatches. " They affured me that the Earl of Sun- 
 *' derland mould without fail depart to-morrow to wait 
 <{ upon your majefty. He is a young gentlemen of high 
 " family, has a great deal of franknefs, courage, parts, 
 " and learning, is alfo extremely well intentioned, (that 
 VOL. I. G is
 
 Hiph ton: 
 ofCnarlcs 
 and his 
 brother, 
 after the 
 French 
 treaties, 
 to prott- 
 
 It .4 lit 
 
 counfel- 
 iors. 
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 * is to France,) and has befides a great difpofition to 
 " make himielf a Roman catholic." The laft ftroke of 
 this chat-after is remarkable. Sunderland was not intruft- 
 ed with the fecret of the King's intentions in favour of 
 popery, yet to pay his court ran before them, juft as in 
 the next reign he went along with thofe of James, with 
 the fame view to his own intereft. 
 
 Charles had no fooner drawn his proteftant minifters 
 upon the unpopular ground of a fecret money treaty 
 with France, for the deftruclion of a proteftant republic, 
 than he aflumed over them, all that fuperiority which the 
 advantage of it gave him. He duped Buckingham of the 
 command of the Englilh land forces to be employed a- 
 gainft Holland, by prevailing on Louis not to afk them. 
 And when Buckingham on this account retired from 
 court in dilguft, he ordered him to return, and rated 
 him roundly. One of the expreflions which fell upon 
 this occafion from the mouth of the beft bred man in Eu- 
 rope, was, " That when great interefts were at ftake, 
 < 4 he confidered Buckingham no more than his dog." 
 As die tranfition of pafiion to objefts connected with the 
 objeft of it is eafy, Charles turning to Lauderdale and 
 Afhley Cooper, who happened to be prefent, treated 
 them in a ftrain not much better ; and concluded with 
 ordering all the three to promote the ends of the treaty 
 they had figned i with threats of making them feel his 
 difpleafure if they did not. 
 
 The Duke of York alfo intoxicated with the fuccefs of 
 the treaties, firft betrayed that contempt of parliaments, 
 that attachment to France, and that blind zeal for his re- 
 ligion, which afterwards drew ruin upon him. Colbert, 
 in one of his difpatches at Verfailles reprefents the Duke 
 of York's fentiments upon a difpute in his brother's 
 councils, whether a parliament fhould be aflembled, in 
 thcfe words : " I found the Duke of York in the fame
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 fi fentiments with the Duke of Buckingham, with rff- 
 ' gard to the meeting of the parliament, having told irte 
 " of himfelf, without my entering upon the fubjccl, 
 tl that if his advice was followed, they would be very 
 * c cautious of aiTembling it ; adding in Confidence, that 
 *' aiFairs are at prefent here in fuch a iituation, as to 
 u make him believe, that a King and a parliament can 
 ** exift no longer together : That nothing fhould be any 
 ft longer thought of, than to make war upon Holland, 
 a as the only means left without having recourfe to 
 " parliament, to which they ought no longer to have 
 c recourfe, till the war and the catholic faith had come 
 u to an happy iffue ; and then they mould be in condi- 
 *' tion to obtain by force what they could not obtain by 
 mildnefs." 
 
 A Prince whofe politics are crooked, makes thofe of 
 his minifters crooked alfo. The cabal, to leiTen their 
 danger, by giving others a mare of it, propofed to the 
 French court, that an attempt mould be made to engage 
 Prince Rupert and the Duke of Ormond, to confent to 
 a treaty with France, upon the plan of that lately con- 
 cluded. But the French tired of fineiTes in which they 
 had no intereft, refufed their confent, 
 
 Defperate becaufe few, the cabal came then ftrongly to 
 fee, that their only fafety lay in ftrengthening that royal courfe? of 
 authority, which alone could protect them from the peo- * ie ca a * 
 pie ; and engaged their mafter in the boldeft courfes to 
 link his intereft with their own. They made the King 
 r ~t>reak faith with his people, by obtaining a great fum 
 from parliament to fupport Holland againft France, al- 
 though he was under fecret engagements with France to 
 tjleftroy her. When he wanted more money to enable him 
 to fulfil thefe engagements, Shafteibury fuggefted the 
 \ fcheme of feizing the limes of the exchequer, inftead 
 of applying to parliament; a meafure which difco- 
 G 2 veied
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 -:rJ a contempt of the laws, a defign to reign 
 independent of parliaments, and a confcioufnefs, that 
 the war he was undertaking was difagreeable to his 
 people. He aflerted a fufpending and difpenfing power 
 in the crown, in his fecond declaration of indulgence, by 
 the advice of Buckingham and Shaftefbury, who hoped 
 to gain the diflenters by that indulgence. In vain he de- 
 clared that his declaration was pnly a political meafure, 
 intended to end divilions among his proteftant fubjecls, 
 ,:id ro draw the Dutch traders from Holland, by a to- 
 leration of religion iimilar to that in their own country. 
 The declaration irritated the church, becaufe it fhewed 
 favour to the diflenters j the diflenters, becaufe they fup- 
 pofed it was meant to favour only the Roman Catholics; 
 and the friends to liberty and the conftitution, who ex- 
 claimed, u That it ftruck at all the laws, for which the 
 l people of England had been ftruggling during noo 
 * years: For that if the Sovereign could, without con- 
 44 fent of parliament dilpenfc with one law, he could 
 " difpenfe with all." Many other inftances of the fuf- 
 pending and difpeniing powers followed * The French 
 King privately promifed Charles that, as foon as the war 
 was at nn end, he would fend 6000 troops from France 
 TO aflift him in maintaining his authority at home. The 
 Duke of York laid aiide ceremony, and avowed his com- 
 munion with the church of Rome. The fubject trembled 
 when he faw a ftanding army raifed and maintained with- 
 out confent of parliament ; and recollected that the only 
 time the liberties of England were deftroyed, was, by L. 
 ihnding army, under the direction of Cromwell. Day 
 after day, the Englifh thought they faw their liberties 
 religion fading from their light. Louis XIV. com- 
 pleted their terrors, when liis minifter at the imperial 
 
 court 
 
 * Tliey tre to be found in Ralph, vol. i. p. ai, :c. 
 and ai.
 
 AFTER. THE RESTORATION. 53 
 
 court declared, that his matter's refolution to extirpate 
 the Dutch was taken on account of their herefy. 
 
 In the mean time the Dutch, attacked by the troops s p i r j t O f 
 cf Cologn, of France, of England, by the navies of the the Dutch 
 two laft of thefe powers, and deferted by Sweden, which p^ n ce f 
 even ftipulated to fall upon the empire, if any of her Orange * 
 members ihould advance to defend Holland, were taught 
 how weak is induftry when arms are difufed, and that 
 wealth may well tempt, but cannot repel an invader. 
 Upon the virtue of a youth of twenty-two years turned 
 the fate of four millions of freemen. Charles offered him 
 the fovereignty of a part of his country, if he would quit 
 its defence ; but with a juft elevation of fpirit, he refufed 
 the offer. When told he fhould live to fee his country 
 undone, he anfwered, with Spartan brevity, " No, I mall 
 " die in the laft ditch." The fpirit of his countrymen kept 
 pace with his; they prepared, if all other refources mould 
 fail them, to tranfport two hundred thoufand of their 
 number, with their effecls and their liberty, to a quarter 
 of the globe the furtheft from the feats of their former 
 freedom. The virtue of the Prince caught the affections Ga ; ns t j^ 
 of the Englifh; the fufferings of the Dutch their com- Englilh, 
 miferation ; the inequality in the ftrength of the parties 
 at war, provoked their generofhy : and an alliance with 
 
 f France roufed ancient, and inflamed prefent antipathies. 
 One of the moft remarkable fpeclacles that is to be found 
 in the hiftory of mankind, was at this time prefented : 
 Two of the braveft of nations aiming their daggers at 
 each other's breafts ; yet lamenting the wounds which 
 
 they mutually gave. When the Dutch deputies were 
 fent to beg peace from Charles, the people of England 
 followed their coaches with tears, and the court was 
 obliged to remove them to Hampton-court from the eyes 
 of the public : A device which only increafed the public 
 pity. When the Englifh ambafTadors pafled through 
 
 Holland
 
 54 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 Holland in their way to the French King, the Dutch 
 received them with cries of " God fave the Englifh, and 
 u the Prince of Orange." Hence mutual ties between 
 the nations, hence mutual averfion to thofe princes who 
 endeavoured to keep them afunder. Even the valour of 
 the Duke in naval engagements, which, in the former 
 war, the Englilh had honoured, they now covered with 
 obloquy. 
 Spirit of ' To that felfion of parliament, which met in the year 
 
 the ptrh- X 6 7 T immediately after thefe events, every Briton who 
 
 ament, m J it.,-.' 
 
 the year now lives, doth perhaps owe the whole liberty he enjoys. 
 
 |6 7 Charles opened the feflion by informing his parliament 
 in high terms, that he would not be contradicted in his 
 refolution of maintaining his grant of indulgence, and that, 
 inftead of diminishing, he intended to increafe his army: 
 A declaration which difcovered, that he thought he had 
 a right to make the laws depend upon his will, and to 
 make his will effe&ual by an army, to whofe eftablhh- 
 ment parliament had not confented. But the houfe of 
 commons with Englifti magnanimity remonftrated in an 
 addrefs, that the difpenfmg power which he claimed, 
 belonged not to his crown ; and, when Charles gave an. 
 ambiguous anfwer, they inlifted in a fecond addrefs for 
 one more explicit. In another they prefled him to dif- 
 mifs the popilh officers of his army ; and in a fourth, to 
 diiband his army itielf, as foon as the peace fhould be 
 concluded. They prepared to attack his minifters. Thefe 
 niinifters quarrelled among themfelves : For Lord Arling- 
 ton contrived the famous teft aft againfl popery, know- 
 ing well that Lord Clifford would not take the teft re- 
 quired by it ; which ftruck the ftatf of Lord High Trea- 
 iurcr from the hand of Lord Clifford, and that of Lord 
 High Admiral from the hand of the King's brother. 
 -ewis the XIV. whofe only view was the profecution 
 of the Dutch war, which he faw would be diftrachd by 
 
 the
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 55 
 
 the quarrels of Charles with his fubjecls, preffed him to 
 recal his declaration of indulgence. Charles took advan- 
 tage of this ; in fpite of the remonftrances of his brother, 
 of Clifford, of Lauderdale, of Buckingham, and of Shaf- 
 tefbury, declined a conflict with his parliament, relin- 
 quifhed his pretenfions to a difpenfing power, breaking 
 with his own hands the feal affixed to the declaration of 
 indulgence, in which it had been afferted, declared his 
 own inclinations to give fatisfaction to his people, and ex- 
 pofed his new minifters to their vengeance. 
 
 But to efcape that vengeance, the cabal made the fame Cabal 
 fudden turn with their mafter. For, a mafter who betrays, 
 and confents to the corrupting of his own fervants, muft 
 expect to be betrayed by them. Shaftefbury faying a- 
 loud, ' That the Prince, who forfook himfelf, deferved 
 " to be forfaken," put himfelf at the head of the oppofi- 
 tion to the court, and urged the recall of all thofe un- 
 conftitutlonal meafures which himfelf had advifed. His 
 refolution was taken in one night. In the evening Lord 
 Clifford read to him a fpeech which he intended to make 
 next day in parliament, in favour of the King's meafures; 
 Shaftefbury, in order to fix it the better in his own me- 
 mory, defired to hear it a fecond time ; and next day in 
 a ftudied anfwer, confuted it argument by argument. 
 Whilft he was fpeaking, the Duke of York whifpered to 
 his brother : " What a rogue have you of a chancellor 1" 
 Charles, with his ufual quicknefs of repartee, anfwered : 
 " What a fool have you of a treafurer 1" Buckingham 
 prepared to follow the example of Shaftefbury. Arling- 
 ton, who had been difobliged, when Clifford, by the 
 influence of the Duke, was appointed treafurer, and who 
 was married to a Dutch woman *, paid court privately 
 to the prince of Orange and the Dutch, and joined tjie 
 
 popular 
 
 * Coleman's Letters, and Temple's Memoirs, 404.
 
 ;6 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 popular party in parliament. To make his peace, a:;d 
 gain proteftors, he difclofed the fecret of the treaty of 
 Dover to the Duke of Ormond and Lord Shafcefbury, 
 under a promife of fecrecy from them, and laid the blame 
 on his allbciates. To the honour of loyalty, Ormond 
 carried with him his loyalty and his iecret to the grave, 
 a Ih-angc mixture ef diilionour and honour in party, 
 Shafteibury at an after period profecuted Lord Arundel 
 for a plot which he knew to be fictitious, and yet never 
 -de ufe of Arlington's fecret againft him. The furious 
 Clifford indignantly retired to the country. Laxulerdale 
 alone, with the imperuolity of his country's ipirit, and 
 his own, urged Charles, but in vain, to march the Scot- 
 tilh army into England; and when he could not prevail, 
 joined in the national complaints againtt the Duke, hop- 
 ing by that means to keep them oft" himfelf. Soon after, 
 the King, prefled by his parliament, made a feparate peace 
 li the Dutch. And thus the famous cabal, and all 
 their fchemes, burft like a bubble, ahnoft at the firit light 
 of the terrors of an Englifh parliament hung out : 
 them. 
 
 Lord Upon the downfall of the cabal, Sir Thomas Ofbum 
 
 " created Earl of Danby, rofe by the greatnefs of his abili- 
 ties from the ftation of a private gentleman to be prime 
 minifter. A man, the hiftory of whofe life, marked all 
 along by fudden honours and fudden difgraces, would cure 
 the human mind of ambition, if ambition in a free country 
 was not a duty and virtue. A tory and high-church man 
 vtnciple, an enemy to France *, becaufe much an 
 Englifhman, he fet out in his miniftry with two views : 
 One was to reconcile the King and the old tory party, 
 the other to detach him from France. Charles entered 
 into the firft of thefc views, but icon made him ienfible 
 ;hat he would be obliged to give up the other. 
 
 When 
 
 * Vide alraoft 2!! hh ov.'n printed letters.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION, .57 
 
 When Charles deferted France in the Dutch war by Secret 
 his feparate peace, in the end of the year 1673, he ex- j^' 
 cuied himfelf to the French court by laying the blame on with 
 
 his parliament and his people. But to make amends, he F rance >o 
 
 r r . ' the year 
 
 offered his mediation for a peace between them and the j6 74 . 
 
 Dutch *. Louis XIV. alked a more fubftantial favour. 
 The Englifh parliament was to meet in November, 1674; 
 He was airraid that if it met then, Charles might be for- 
 ced into a war with him, and that the fupplies and forces 
 might be ready hi the enfuing fpring. The Duke of 
 York fuggefted to Louis to offer his brother money to 
 prorogue the parliament. Louis followed the advice, 
 and, hi coniideration of five hundred thoufand crowns, 
 Charles prorogued his parliament till April, 1 675 -j-. 
 
 But the fame danger prefenthig itfelf to France in the Secret 
 
 r i t i r v j mone Y 
 
 winter or the year 1675, me lame remedy was applied : treaty 
 
 And Charles, in January. 1676, entered into a fecret with 
 
 . 4 ' J .'- r , . France id 
 
 treaty with r ranee, whereby, in coniideration of a large the year 
 
 penfion, he obliged himfelf to prorogue or diflblve his par- 1676. 
 liament, if it Ihould endeavour to force him into any trea- 
 ty againfl: France ; and both princes bound themfelves 
 to enter into no treaty without confent of the other. 
 The Duke of York, the Duke of Lauderdale, and Lord 
 Danby were the only perfons privy to this treaty. The 
 two firft promoted it. The laft threw difficulties in the 
 way, and even refufed to fign it ; and the Duke of Lau- 
 derdale, rendered cautious by the example, declined to 
 iign alfo. Charles was fo confcious of the unpopularity, 
 which thefe fecret tranfactions, if known, would bring 
 upon him, that he would not truft the writing of the 
 treaty to another, but wrote it with his own hand j. 
 VOL. I. H The 
 
 * Vid. Sir Wtllram Temple's memoirs, from the year i$7o,\ ^ 
 to 1679, p. 378. 
 t Vid. appendix to this chapter, ' Do,
 
 g REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 The bargain in the whiter of the year 1674, and the 
 rooney treaty in the beginning of the year 1676, faved France 
 from an Englifh parliament, and from Englifh arma- 
 in ments, in the campaigns of the years 1675 and 1676. 
 But in the beginning of the year 1677, the clamours of 
 parliament, and of the nation, having increafed for the 
 King's joining the Dutch and Spaniards, in the war a- 
 gainft France, Louis redoubled his attentions to Charles: 
 He fupplied him with money to diftribute in parliament ; 
 he offered him forces to make him mafter of his fubjefts ; 
 and, by another fecret treaty, he gave him two millions 
 of livres, not to conveen his parliament until the middle 
 of May 
 
 Chtrles'i ^ ut wnu<e Charles was in this manner fecretly felling 
 double Holland and Spain to Louis the XIV. he was continually 
 dealing. j u pj a g a ]i the three. At the very time when he was 
 fettling the terms of the feparate peace with the Dutch, 
 in the autumn of the year 1673, he alked a million of li- 
 vres extraordinary from France, for the profecution of 
 the war -f. He rendered his mediation in the negotia- 
 tions for peace ufelefs, by refufing to be umpire be- 
 tween the bclligerant powers ; although all parties pref- 
 fed him to it, and the Prince of Orange acknowledged 
 that the terms of peace were at his command, if he would 
 prefcribe them . The war continued four years. In 
 the mean time, he, on the one hand, left 6000 Britim 
 troops in the French fervice, which were employed a- 
 gainft the allies ; and, on the other, permitted the Dutch 
 to levy troops in Britain, which were employed againft 
 France . He ufed his office of mediator, to inform the 
 
 French 
 
 * Vid. appendix to this chapter. f Do/ 
 
 Sir \V. Temple's Memoirs, p. 418, 418, 434. and his letters. 
 ibid. p. 377, and Gazette, April 9th,
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 59 
 
 French of the fecrets of the Dutch *, and the Dutch of 
 the fecrets of the French -f. The unfortunate events of 
 the campaign of the year 1676, had no fooner made the 
 Dutch, and even the Prince of Orange, anxious for a 
 peace, than he privately alked a confidence from Louis 
 the XIV. of the terms on which he would make it :{:. 
 And by the ufe which he made of that confidence con- 
 trived to prevent a peace between two nations eager to 
 obtain it. And when the negotiations for peace were 
 drawing to a conclusion, there is great probability, that 
 while he was feeking more money from France , he was 
 getting money alfo from Holland and Spain |j. 
 
 By iuccefs in over-reaching, Charles became even pro- 
 fligate in it. For after he had concluded his treaty in 
 the year 1677, for felling his neutrality to France for 
 two millions, he pretended he had made a miftake in 
 calculating two millions of livres at L. 200,000, and in- 
 fifted for this laft fura. Barillon, in one of his difpatches 
 at Verfailles, relates, that when he began to reproach 
 the King for the artifice, the King interrupting him faid ; 
 u In the name of God, do not fpeak to me of this affair: 
 *' I am fo confufed about it, that I cannot bear it to be 
 * 4 fpoken of. Go to the treafurer, and do as you and he 
 " fhall underftand the matter : As to myfelf I am driven 
 " to defpair whenever it is mentioned to me." While 
 he fpoke thefe words, prefling Barillon gradually to the 
 door, he opened it himfelf ; and, in a pretended ihame 
 and confufion, appearing not to know what he was do- 
 H 2 ing, 
 
 * Vid. appendix to this chapter. 
 
 f Vid. Sir W. Temple's and Lord Danby's letters. 
 
 i Vid. appendix to this chapter. 
 
 Vid. Lord Danby's letters. 
 
 |1 It is probable that he received money from Holland and 
 Spain, from two letters oi Sir W. Temple, dated Jan. r/tharui >r 
 34th, 1676.
 
 tf f REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 ing, ihut him out. The beft of comedians could not 
 have afted the fcene better. 
 
 However impenetrably the fecret connexions of Char- 
 les and his brother with Louis the XIV. were endea- 
 voured to be kept, the Prince of Orange, by the infider 
 lity of Rouvigny's fecretary, came to be acquainted with 
 them a little before the revolution ; yet he generoufly 
 never difcovered them againft his uncle to the world *. 
 R^fleclion tf we can "nag' 116 that Charles, in the treaty of Do- 
 ver threw out the lure of popery only in order to relieve 
 his neceflities at the expence of France ; and made pro- 
 vifion for foreign help, only to make ufe of it in felf-de? 
 fence, if he was unjuftly attacked by his fubjecls ; that 
 he entered into the war with an intention to weaken 
 Holland, to get juftice done to his nephew the Prince 
 of Orange -f , and to withdraw from it ^, when he faw 
 
 France 
 
 * Vid. appendix to this chapter. 
 
 f The fecret treaty of the year 1670 fliews, that Charles at- 
 tended to the interefta of the Prince of Orange in the war that 
 v/as projefted. It appears from a paflage in Lord North's me- 
 moirs, to be found in North's Examen, p. 484. and 485, that, in 
 entering into the fecood Dutch war, Charles had a view to the 
 intereft of his nephew. The authority is high, not only on ac- 
 count of the integrity of Lord North, and of his elevated fituation, 
 which gave him accefs to know things better than others, but 
 bccaufc his memoirs were never intended for publication. It 
 is certain, that the maflacre of the De Wits, and the elevation 
 of the Prince of Orange, was owing to a belief entertained by 
 the Dutch, that the injuries done to the honours of the Prince 
 of Orange weic thecaufes of Charles's refentment. 
 
 J There is a very remarkable paper in Sir William Temple's 
 v orks, Vol. I. p. 83. which makes it not improbable, that Charles 
 entered into the fecond Dutch war, with an intention to engage 
 France and Holland, and thtn to withdraw England. It is a 
 memorial prefentcdin the year 1671 to the Lord Keeper Coven- 
 ry. In this memorial, Sir William Temple examines three 
 qucflions. ift, Whether England fhould continue in inaclion, 
 and *S!ow Holland to incrcafe in her commerce and maritime 
 
 power?
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 61 
 
 France and Holland fairly engaged, in order that Eng? 
 land might hi the mean time run away with the trade of 
 the world ; that he withdrew as foon as thefe objects 
 were attained ; that he expofed his enemies, whom he 
 had created his minifters, to the odium of an unpopular 
 "war, and of the unpopular meafures which accompanied 
 it ; and afterwards complied with the voice of his people 
 againft that war and thofe meafures, to expofe thofe mi- 
 niiters, to fave himfelf, and to get an excufe to France 
 
 for 
 
 power ? ad!y, Whether me fhould engage France and Holland 
 jn a war, and keep herfelf free ? And laftly, Whether flie fhould 
 join with France to deftroy Holland ? He is equally againft the 
 firft and the laft project; but feems to favour the fecond, if it 
 could be effectuated. 
 
 It may appear from the reft of Sir William Temple's works, 
 that he was much an enemy to the fecond Dutch war. But the 
 paflions of men frequently confound an object with the circum- 
 itances which accompany it. Sir William Temple, like all lovers 
 of their country, was provoked at the meafures of the cabal m 
 the firft years of that war. Men alfo judge often of actions by 
 their events. Sir William Temple might, in the year 1671, 
 think it right to engage France and Holland in a war, and yet, 
 in the year 1678, be difcontented with the liberty which had 
 been given to France, in the courfe of it, to aggrandize herfelf 
 too much by land. 
 
 A very fuperficial critic in hiftory may fee from both parts of 
 Sir William Temple's memoirs, that he was not let into many of 
 the fecrets of his mafter. In the courfe of his Dutch negociation, 
 Lord Arlington, Sir Gabriel Sylvius, and De Cros, were feat 
 over at different times with powers which were concealed from 
 him. Charles II. was the deepeft diffembler that ever fat on the 
 Engliih throne. He had been ill ufed in his youth abroad, and, 
 in his age, by many of his fubjecls at home. Thefe things 
 had given him a diftruft of ail human kind ; and he was the more 
 irrefiftible, becaufe, by the natural eafe of his manners, he gain- 
 ed the confidence of every one. The Duchefs of Portfmouth 
 was the only perfon in his kingdom in whom he confided, and 
 even her he fometimes duped, in order to dupe others. This 
 makes an account of his reigo the moil difficult in the EnglUh 
 hiftory,
 
 6i REVIEW OP EVENTS 
 
 for retracing from the terms of his treaties ; that he 
 prolonged and obftrufted the negotiations of peace *, on* 
 ly with an intention that England might in the mean 
 time fecure the excluiive commerce me had gained ; that 
 he gave troops to both the powers at war, in order to 
 prevent the Englifli from lofing the martial fpirit, while 
 their country was enjoying all the bleflings of peace ; 
 and that, when he could get the flames of war continued 
 no longer, he took money from both fides, becaufe he 
 confidered both as his enemies ; his conduct would pre- 
 fent one of the deepeft trains of policy that is any where 
 to be found. 
 
 f But, if thefe were the intentions of Charles, like moft 
 Xttccts 01 . . _ , . c ._ 
 
 them. fchemes of deep policy, they turned againlt himteli. 
 
 Thofe minifters whom he meant to expofe, threw the 
 odium off themfelves upon him. The Prince of Orange 
 rejected the fervices offered. Charles could not aflume 
 the honour of a policy which irritated Holland and France 
 againft each other, without dilappointing it. He durft 
 
 not 
 
 * The Prince of Orange fcrupled not to tell Sir William Tem- 
 ple, that the prolongation of the war was owing to Charles. 
 Temple's memoirs, p. 434. The words ufed by the Prince 
 were, " That the King had the peace in his hands for thefe 
 " two years paft, might have made it when he pleafed, and upon 
 " fuch conditions as he mould think fit, of juftice and fafety to 
 " the reft of his neighbours, as well as himfelf. That all men 
 " knew France was not in a condition to refufe whatever terms 
 his Majefty refolvedon, or to venture a war with England in 
 conjunction with the reft of the allies : That the leaft mew of 
 it, if at all credited in France, was enough to make the peace : 
 That they had Jong reprefented all this in England by Monf. 
 Van Beuningheu, and offered his Majefty to be the arbiter of 
 it, and to fall into the terms he mould prefcribe ; but not one 
 word in anfwer; and all this received with fuch a coldnefs as 
 never was, though other people thought we had reafon to be 
 a little more concerned : That this put him more upon think- 
 ing afeparate peace (that i< from the reil of his allies) necef- 
 fary, than all the reft."
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 6 
 
 * 
 
 not avow the fecret permuTion he gave to levy troops, 
 without alarming the jealoufy of the nation, that he in- 
 tended one day to recal them to be ufed againft his people; 
 nor confefs his duping Spain, Holland, and France, by 
 receiving money from all of them, without drawing per- 
 fonal fhame upon himfelf, in return for political reputa- 
 tion. And all parties in England concurred in condem^\ / 
 ning the fecond Dutch war : the tories, becaufe their 
 party thought they were removed from power to make 
 way for it ; and the wliigs, becaufe Charles made the 
 heads of their party the inftruments of it at firft, and in- 
 tended, hi the end, to facrifice them to it. 
 
 On the other hand, if we fuppofe that Charles II. was 
 ferious in intending to bury the proteftant religion, the 
 liberties of England, and the Dutch commonwealth, in 
 one grave, he may be confidered as the moft criminal of 
 all Englifh Princes. And, if we impute his indecifive 
 and defultory meafures, after he withdrew from the war, 
 either to levity, or to the influence of die fums he re- 
 ceived from foreigners, his conduct will appear in a very 
 mean light. But, if his motives were really as criminal 
 and mean as they are generally fuppofed to have been, 
 the confequences of them afford one of the many in- 
 ftances in Englifh hiftory, hi which good has arifen to 
 the Englifh nation from intended evil : For, from the 
 aera of that war, is to be dated that fuperiority in com- 
 merce and naval power which England then eftablifhed 
 upon the fufferings of the French and Dutch commerce, 
 and that fufpicion of Charles and his brother, which the na- 
 tion at that time formed, and which rendered ineffectual 
 all the future attempts of either againft the liberties of 
 their fubjefts. 
 
 Although Charles had, towards the end of the fecond DifFeren- 
 Dutch war, recalled his unpopular meafures, the fenfe ces be- 
 of part danger remained with his people. The five fub- 
 
 feejuent
 
 * 4 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 thepirlia- fequent years were therefore fpent in a continual ftate of 
 ment for con tention between the houfe of commons and their fo- 
 re yean. vefei g n> -j^ e commons addrefled him twice againft the 
 marriage of the Duke with the Princefs of Modena, al- 
 though it was already celebrated by proxy; and although, 
 a few years before, when the fears of popery were not 
 fo great, they had with indifference feen a treaty carried 
 on for his marriage with another popifh princefs. They 
 drew up votes and addrefles againft {landing armies, a- 
 gainft national grievances, againft the King's minifters; 
 Their complaints were repeatedly direded againft Lau- 
 derdale. They examined Buckingham and Arlington at 
 their bar, taking advantage of the antient hatred of thefe 
 Lords againft each other ; and this hatred broke out in 
 / mutual accufations. They prepared to impeach Danby. 
 Every art of a popular aflembly was employed to keep 
 alive the cry of popery in the people. And fupplies were 
 refufed almoft as often as they were afked. The King, 
 on the other hand, by a prorogation, difappointed a - 
 beat corpus bill, the great palladium of Englifh liberty. 
 By advice of Lord Danby, he endeavoured to extinguilh 
 the fentiment of oppoiition to his power, by fetting on 
 foot a bill hi the houfe of Lords, for impofmg the oath 
 of non-refiftance on the members of both houfes, and on 
 all in public ftation. But that houfe of Lords which, in 
 the firft tide of the King's popularity, had, even without 
 a divifion, impofed the fame oath upon churchmen, and 
 the office-bearers of boroughs, took feventeen days to 
 debate on die extention of it : an interval during which 
 the nation believed that the fate of their own liberties, 
 and of thofe of their pofterity, were all the while in de- 
 pendence. After the bill was carried through the houfe 
 of Lords, Charles found he could not venture it in the 
 houfe of commons. When the commons prefled him 
 
 to
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 65 
 
 to engage in a war with France, he defired them, firft 
 to advance the money necefiary for carrying it on. And, 
 when he mentioned the fum, an Englifh houfe of com- 
 mons, and an Englifh monarch, haggled with each other, 
 like two tradefmen in a, bargain. Day after day, men's 
 jealoufies of Charles, and their hatred of the Duke, 
 who was reputed to be fevere, grew greater and great- 
 er; and both of thefe princes expefted the exclufion, 
 or fomething like it, long before it was heard in parli- 
 ament. 
 
 VOL. I. I APPENDIX
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 CHAPTER II, OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 N' I. 
 
 JLtticrt front Charles II. to the Duchefs of Orleans ; from 
 Monfieur Rouvigny and Monjieur Colbert to the French 
 court; and between Louis XIV. and Charles II. concerning 
 the firft fecret money -treaty with France , concluded in the 
 year 1670, by the popi/b mini/I ers of King Charles^ for hit 
 declaring himfelf a Roman Catholic, and the dejlrucjion of 
 Holland ; together with a draught of the treaty. 
 
 IN the Depot dfs affaires etrangeres at Verfailles, I found 
 fome letters of Charles the II. to the Duchefs of Or- 
 leans, which mark his perfonal antipathy to the Dutch. 
 One of them, which could hardly have been expected from 
 a royal hand, follows. 
 
 Char Its the II. to the Duchefs of Orltan. Indecent to 
 
 the Dutch. 
 
 Whithall, 27 Feb. 1669. 
 
 P A M forry tliat my Lord Hollis has a Iked juftice upon 
 
 a point of honour that I mould never have thought of: 
 
 you know the old faying in England, the more a T. is 
 
 1 the moro it fUnkesj and I do not care a T for any 
 
 thing
 
 A P P E N D I X, &c. 7 
 
 thing a Dutch man fayes of me, and fo I thinke you have 
 enough upon this d rty fubjeft, which nothing but a ftink- 
 ing Dutchman could have been the caufe of: But pray thanke 
 ihe King my brother and deiire him not to take any kinde 
 of notice of it, for fuch idle difcources are not worth his 
 anger or myne. 
 
 A paper at Verfailles, entitled, " Memoire prefente dii 
 " Roy par Monf. de Rouvigny, au retour d'Angleterre," 
 of which a copy mall be immediately fubjoined, fhows^ 
 that before the triple alliance, Charles had made feveral at- 
 tempts to a league with France ; and other French papers 
 to be printed in a different part of this appendix, will mow 
 the fame thing. 
 
 Upon entering into the triple alliance, Charles wrote the 
 following apologies to his fifter and Louis the XIV. 
 
 Charles the II. to the Duchefs of Or/eans. Makes an apg. 
 logy for the triple alliance. 
 
 Whithall, 23 Jan. 1668*. 
 
 IBeleeve you will be a little furprifed at the treaty I 
 have concluded with the States, the effect of it is to 
 bring Spain to confent to the peace upon the terms the 
 King of France hath avoued he will be content with: So as 
 I have done nothing to prejudice France in this agreement, 
 and they cannot wonder that I provide for myfelf againlt 
 any mifchifes this warre may produce, and finding my pro- 
 pofitions to France receave fo cold an anfwer which in ef- 
 fect was as good as a refufal, I thought I had no other way 
 but this to fecure my felfe. If I finde by the letters that my 
 Ld. St. Albans is come away, I do intend to fend fombody 
 elfe into France to incline the King to accept of this peace, 
 /</ the Depot at Verfailles.
 
 *g APPENDIX 
 
 T ran/fat ion of a Letter from the King of England to Louis tit 
 XIV. dated the -$d February t 1668. To the fame purpofe. 
 
 SIR, My Brother^ 
 
 TH E prefent pofture of affairs not permitting me to 
 deliberate a long time what part to take, I have 
 chofen tliat which I thought moft conformable to what I 
 owe to the repofe of Chriftendom, ard have joined the States 
 General of the United Provinces to bring about a peace be- 
 tween you and the Catholick King my brother, in which I 
 believe I have not done a difagreeable thing to you, as we 
 have agreed to propofe the faid peace upon the conditions 
 that you have often exprefled yourfelf willing to accept, and 
 more expreflly in your laft letter of the 27th part, in which 
 (after having been fo good as to communicate to me your 
 intended march into the Tranche Comte) you declare, that 
 whatever the fuccefs may be, you ftill were willing to ac- 
 cept the beforementioned conditions ; thus facrificing your\ 
 private intcrefts to the public good. A moft generous fen- 
 thnent and worthy of you. I have ordered the Chevalier 
 Trevor, a gentleman of my bed-chamber^ whom I have fent 
 to France in quality of my envoy extraordinary, to explain 
 matters to you more at large, and the defire I have to ex- 
 ecute the treaty I have made, with every poflible regard 
 for your fatisfaftion; to whom, if you pleafe, you will 
 give entire confidence, and more particularly when he af- 
 fures you of the inviolable friendihip which on all occaiions 
 I wifh to preferve as, &c. 
 
 Ckarletthe Second to the Dudefi of Orleans. Sir John Tre- 
 vor fent to Par it about tht triple Uiance.-':Lhe Kings 
 kindnefj for hit ftfler. 
 
 Whithall, 4 Feb. 1668. 
 
 T Have difpatched this bearer Sir John Trevor into france 
 A as my envoyc extraordinary with power to negotiate 
 
 the
 
 TO CHAP. H. OF THE REVIEW, 6? 
 
 the peace between the two crownes according to the trea- 
 ty I lately made with the ttates of the united provinces, I 
 have given him orders to communicate all things with that 
 freedome to you as I ought to do haveing that kindnefle for 
 you which I cannot in words fufficiently exprefle, I hope he 
 will not finde his worke difficulte, fince I prefle nothing 
 but the conditions of peace which the King of france offred 
 to agree with Spain upon^ Monfr. de S. Laurens will part 
 from hence in two or three dayes, by him I will write more 
 to you, and fb I am intierly yours. In the Depot. 
 
 The triple alliance againft France was iigned on the 23d 
 Jan. 1668. and on the 24th day thereafter, the Duchels 
 of Orleans and the Duke of Buckingham entered into an 
 intrigue for a fecret treaty with France. On this head 
 there is the following letter to her in the Duke's hand- 
 writing at Verfailles* 
 
 of a Letter of the Duke of Buckingham to the DU- 
 chefs of Of leans 'The beginning of the intrigue cfthefecrei 
 treaty with France in the year 1 669. 
 
 London, 17 Feb. 1668. 
 
 *\7 O U muft excufe the bearer if he has ftaid here too 
 -* long, becaufe it has not been his fault. I was deiirous 
 to have fent along with him a man capable of treating upon 
 our affair, but that was impoilible, and I own to you that 
 I forefee difficulties enough in finding a perfon who knows 
 the language, and that is verfed in bulinefs, in whom I can 
 confide : neverthelefs I will do every thing in my power 
 to accomplifh it, and fhall be very forry, if not daring to 
 fend Leighton to you, nor capable to find-another, I muft 
 be reduced to the neceflity of entering into the matter with 
 the AmbafTador here, as it will greatly lengthen the affair. 
 I have been with him as you ordered me, and told him 
 
 that
 
 jy<, APPENDIX 
 
 that you commanded me to communicate every thing to 
 him, but that I did not dare to do it without the King my 
 matter's leave, and for this reafon I delired him to aflc your 
 pardon on my part. I have alfo burnt your note, and beg 
 you will believe that the ftrongelt defire I have in this 
 world is to obey you. 
 
 For the love of God don't be impatient ; and confider 
 that in a place where every meafure muft be taken to gain 
 the good will of the people, one cannot aft with fo much 
 difpatch as might be wifhed. In the Depot. 
 
 It is obfervable of this letter, that Buckingham avoids 
 an intercourfe with the French Ambaflador, which had pro- 
 bably been thought expedient by the Duchefs, and this is 
 frequently repeated in the French correfpondence on this 
 head. The reafon was, he wanted to referve all the ho- 
 nour of the treaty to the Duchefs and himfelf. 
 
 In the fummer of the year 1668, Charles frequently re- 
 newed the attempt to a treaty with France. But France 
 feems to have ftood off, diftrufting his fincerity. On this 
 fubjecl there is at Verfailles the following letter, and the 
 following memorial from Monfieur Rouvigny. 
 
 Tranjlation of a letter from Monfieur de Rouvigny fo Louis tht 
 
 XIV. dated May 21, 1668 Charles and the Duke of 
 
 Tork make advances to France. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 ^ H E King of England and his Highnefs the DuVe 
 * of York continue to aflure me that they will be ex- 
 tremely glad to enter into the ftrifteft union with your Ma- 
 jefty. The firft difcourfed me yefterday a long time upon 
 thefubjeft, and after having fpoke of your Majefty with 
 
 admiration.
 
 TO CHAP. H. OF THE REVIEW. 7 * 
 
 admiration, he told me that he would willingly make a 
 treaty with you, as between gentleman and gentleman, 
 and that he preferred your word to all the parchment in 
 the world. I anfwer'd him, that he could not doubt of 
 the efteem and affeclion your Majefty had for him and his 
 interefts, after fo many proofs as he had received iince I 
 had been near his perfon : tb,at on his part he had fo little 
 anfwered tjiereto, that I knew very well this conduct had 
 given you fome miftruft ; but that I did not doubt, if he 
 would declare his fentiments to me, hi order that I might 
 inform you of them, your Majefly would be very fenfiblq 
 of them. In all appearance this will go farther ; for which 
 reafon, I moft humbly beg your MajeiVy to fend me in- 
 ftruftions thereupon, and inform me if you approve of my 
 waiting upon you whenever I may judge it neceflary for 
 your fervice, without waiting any other permiilion to make 
 the journey, for perhaps they may put a great deal of con- 
 fidence in rne here In the Depot. 
 
 Tr (inflation of the Memorial prefented to the King by Monf. de 
 Rouvigny at kis return from England -Monf. Rouvigny 
 
 arrived in France, July 3, 1668. Charles had Jolidted 
 
 a treaty with France before the trifle alliance, and prejfts fit- 
 it immediately after. 
 
 IN all the laft converfations I have had with the King of 
 England, I have never found him continue in the fame 
 way of thinking. He has always exprefled to me a irrong 
 defire to unite himfelf more ftricily with the King, well 
 knowing that nothing can be more advantageous, nor more 
 neceflary for the benefit of his affairs ; but he has as often 
 changed his thoughts with regard to the manner. Some 
 time before the peace was made, he often told me that he 
 had a great defire to enter into a ftricl: alliance with France, 
 fcut it was nsceflary he Should be affiited, becaufe the^e were
 
 7t APPENDIX 
 
 a great many people about him of a different way of think- 
 ing. That as to himfelf, he had always had this inclina- 
 tion ; that I knew it better than any body, and that I could 
 not have the leaft doubt of it, after the things he had told 
 me when I took leave of him the laft time I was in Eng- 
 land. Upon which I anfwered, that the King had not a 
 lefs defire than him to compleat this union. He told me it 
 was neceflary the King fhould make the advances ; that it 
 was his part to fpeak firft, without which it would never 
 be in his power to perfuade thofe perfons who differed 
 with him in opinion. On this I reply'd, that I knew no 
 other motive that could oblige the King to fpeak firft, but 
 the affeftion and efteem he had for him, and for this reafon 
 he had already done it often enough fince I was in Eng- 
 land ; but they had anfwered it fo badly there, and he had 
 been fo ill ufed, having feen printed in a book of Lifolas 
 fome propofals which he had made through me for the glo- 
 ry and advantage of England, that I did not believe he 
 would hereafter expofe himfelf to fuch accidents ; that with- 
 out this, I was aflured the King would not hefitate ftill to 
 fpeak firft as he had already done, feeing tfte defire he had 
 to unite imerefts with him was nothing diminiihed, and 
 that he was unwilling to amufe himfelf with ceremonies 
 which were fo widely different from liis humour, and which 
 often by the lofs of time were the ruin of affairs. After 
 thefe reiterated difcourfes, the faid King has often enough 
 faid to me, Leave it to me, I will fpeak to you the firft op- 
 portunity. Since the peace he has renewed the fame dif- 
 courfe to me, and I have repeated the fame things. Our 
 converfations always finiflied with his giving me hopes that 
 he would fay fomething to me in confidence, with which I 
 Ihould be fatisfied. The Duke of York very much wifhes 
 for this union, as does the Duke of Boug (i. e. Buck- 
 ingham) ; they put on no hypocrify, and fay there is no 
 other good method to re-eftablifh the affairs of this court. 
 
 They
 
 TO CHAP. IL OF THE REVIEW. 73 
 
 They have often fpoke to the King of England upon it, but 
 he is hindered by M. B. C. who, being advifed by Lifola, 
 tells him from time to time, that his honour is concerned if 
 he enters firft into the affair, and that it will be the means 
 of nothing being done. He dares not tell his mafter, that 
 he mould not make this alliance ; on the contrary, he owns 
 it to be a good one, but he fays the King (i. e. of France) 
 is not for it ; and that if he was, he would have no difficul- 
 ty in making the firft propofal, in which cafe it would not 
 fail of having a good fuccefs. He agrees upon the whole, 
 but deftroys it through form. The King of England gave 
 me all thefe anfwers : In fhort, after fome other converfa- 
 tions, he laughed at this point of honour, and gave me to 
 underffand, that he mould be very forry if he was believed 
 capable of fo great a weaknefs ; that he had always the fame 
 defire to unite himfelf with the King, and die fame know- 
 ledge that his friendfhip would be very ufeful to him ; that 
 it was not this point of honour that hindered him from 
 fpeaking firft : that was a very chimerical thought, but on- 
 ly the great prejudice he mould receive in his ftate, cpnfi- 
 dering its prefent conftitution, if the King fhould not take 
 his propofals well ; that having made them, they might be 
 alfo made known to the Hollanders, and even ufed to the 
 advantage of the interefts of France, and the prejudice of 
 his own. On which I reply 'd, That what he did me thr 
 honour to fay to me in confidence led to no confequence, 
 becaufe I not being his fubje<St, and not having any creden- 
 tial letter from him, he might at any time be pleafed to dif- 
 own me, if he faw me abufe it ; and that I could allure him, 
 what he alfo well knew, that the King my mafter was not ca- 
 pable of abufmg his confidence, nor of employing fuch like 
 means, which were unworthy his generolity, and very con- 
 trary to his humour : He thereupon told me, that he was 
 not able to difown a thing he had once faid. Afterwards 
 he afked me, if it had not been propofed to Vanbunning to 
 VOL. I. K divide
 
 7 4 APPENDIX 
 
 divide the Low Countries in cafe of the King of Spain's 
 death. I told him I knew nothing of it, though it ihould 
 be true ; but it was not difficult to fee that this news came 
 from Lifola's mop ; that it could not be true for many rea- 
 tbns, of which I would only mention one ; which was, that 
 I had often heard it faid by Vanbunning, that his mailers 
 would rather wiih the whole Catholic Low Countries were 
 in the hands of the King of Spain, than to have them di- 
 rided with his Majefty, whofe neighbourhood they terribly 
 feared. After which the fame King afked me, if the King 
 was at liberty, and in a condition of making an offenfive 
 and defenfive league ; that if it was fo, and his Majefty had 
 a delign to conclude a good treaty, he could anfwer to me 
 for the event, and fuch a fuccefs as would pleafe the King, 
 In fhort, after the lafl converfation I had with the King of 
 England, he told me, that he had fo often afliired me of his 
 ardent defire to unite himfelf ftriclly in friendmip and inte- 
 rc-ft with the King, that it was unneceflary to fpeak any 
 more upon it ; but that it remained for him as a mark of his 
 freedom to tell me one thing; which was, that fufpicion 
 and diffidence having till now hindered this union, and the 
 lame things being liable to liappen again, he believed the 
 beft way to begin was by deitroying them ; that to this 
 end, after having thought of it, he could find no better 
 means than this ; to wit, that the two Kings mould reci- 
 procally engage to do nothing for the time to come with- 
 out the participation and eonfent of each other : that this 
 would be laying a good foundation on which they might 
 work with leifure and fafety to form a good alliance, which, 
 according to his inclinations, could not be too ftrong, con- 
 fidering his condition ; and that there was nothing to hin- 
 der him to make an offenfivc and defeaiive league with 
 France, towards ah 1 and againft all. That if the King would 
 aft with the fame fpirit as himfelf, he would always anfwer 
 for fccrecy, and for a good fuccefs. That the Duke of 
 
 York,
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 75 
 
 York, and all who compofed his council, were of the fame 
 way of thinking, and had no other fentiments than "his. 
 That he defired me to aflure the King of it, and to tell him, 
 that if he would engage on his part, as he was ready to do 
 on his, not to undertake or make, for the time to come, 
 any negotiation or treaty, one without the other, it was 
 beyond a doubt they might foon after very eaiily conclude 
 an union, that hitherto had been only prevented through 
 diffidence. 
 
 The day after this converfation, I communicated it to 
 the Duke of Buckingham, who exprefied great fatisfacHon $ 
 but 24 hours after, he told me the thing was changed, and 
 that the King his matter had returned to the difficulty of 
 fpeaking firft ; which obliged me to put in writing all that 
 the King of England had faid to me on the i8th of June, 
 to the end he might read it, and I know from himfelf whe- 
 ther it did not contain the fame things he had done me the 
 honour to mention to me- His Majefty told me, that I had 
 -changed none of his difcourfe, but he defired I would not 
 relate thefe things as from him to the King ; but only that he 
 had faid them to me, and that he confented I mould tell them 
 to his Majefty as matters trufted to me, and which he was 
 not difpleafed I mould explain as his thoughts. Upon which 
 I afked him, if he ftill harp'd upon the point of honour ? he 
 anfwered no ; but that he fear'd the Dutch would be foon 
 after informed of this propofal, if I made it on his part. I 
 have feen him three times fince, and ilill found him in the 
 fame way of thinking. The laft time I took leave of him, 
 he recommended it ftrongly to me to fay, that the laft 
 words were the thoughts of his heart, and that he had faid 
 them to me in great confidence. 
 
 M. B. C. lias told him, that the King pretends to uni- 
 verfal monarchy, and that it is neceffary to clip the wings 
 of thofe who would foar too high, 
 
 K 2 From
 
 76 APPENDIX. 
 
 From the above memorial and letter it appears, that, in- 
 ftcad of France drawing Charles into the fecret alliance, to 
 defeat the triple alliance, as has been commonly thought, 
 Charles drew France into it. 
 
 It appeal's alib from the memorial, that Buckingham 
 mifreprefented his matter's ientiments, to prevent the trea- 
 ty from going into the French Ambafiador's hands. 
 
 Thefe letters about the triple league do alfo great ho- 
 nour to the memory of Sir William Temple, who formed 
 it in five days, and who was not ignorant that there was a. 
 French intereft at work with his mafter. Vide Sir William 
 Temple's letters in Jan. 7, 1678. 
 
 When the French court came to liften ferioufly to Char- 
 les's propolals for a fecret treaty, Buckingham was drop- 
 ped, and the correfpondence palled through the hands of 
 the Duchcfs of Orleans, who had infinite beauty and ta- 
 lents ; and whom it was known to the French court Char- 
 les loved to extravagance, as appears from many letters in 
 the Depot at Vcrfailles, to the French court from their am- 
 bafladors in England. In one of thefe letters Colbert fays, 
 that her influence over him was remarked by all, that he 
 had wept often when he parted with her, and that what- 
 ever favour flie afked for any one was granted. 
 
 There are the following letters on the fubjeft of an alli- 
 ance with France from King Charles to her in the Depot 
 at Verfaillcs. 
 
 Charles tie II. to the Duchefs if Orleans. Impatient ivitb the 
 delays of France abcut the treaty. 
 
 Whithall, 19 Jan. 1669. 
 
 ZH A VE received yours of the 20, and you have rea- 
 fon to wonder that you have been fo long without 
 
 hearing
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 77 
 
 hearing from me, but I have had nothing to fay. I fhall 
 not fay much to you becaufe Rouvigny will be difpatched 
 in two or three days, and by him you will heare at large 
 from me, only I cannot chufe but obferve to you now, 
 that I fee that Monfr. Comminges does not all good offices 
 there, by foretelling my intentions in as ill a fence as he 
 ufes to doe, and my Ld. Hollis writes fomething to me a- 
 bout giveing commiflions to the citty of Bremen, which the 
 K. my brother fayes he will be fatisfied in, before he goes 
 on with our treaty, which is fo great a dreame to me, as I 
 know not from whence this fancy proceeds, except it be 
 from Monfr. de Comminge, who I am confident you will 
 finde hi the end, hath done me as many ill offices, as hath 
 layne in his power to do, and I do wonder that after the 
 advances I made by C. Barckly I mould find the treaty go 
 on flower than it did, my Ld. Hollis haveing receaved not 
 yett an anfwer to his laft paper, which is now almoft two 
 monthes agoe. After all this when Rouvigny returnes, you 
 fhall find my minde not changed, but that I will be as iin- 
 ceare in that matter as I promifed you to be ; and if there 
 be any thing altered in my condition fince we firft talked 
 of this matter it is for the better ; and fo good night, for 
 'tis late. In the Depot. 
 
 Charles the II. to the Dttchefs of Orleans. He has "wrote tt 
 
 Louis the XIV* enjoins fecrecy ; is undetermined what to 
 agree upon. 
 
 Whithall, 20 Jan. 1669. 
 
 "VT O U will fee by the letter which I have written to the 
 * King my brother, the deiire I have to enter into a 
 perfonall friendihip with him, and to unite our interefts fo 
 for the future as there may never be any jealoufys betweene 
 us. The only thing which can give any impediment to 
 what we both deiire ; is the matter of the fea, which is fo 
 
 effencial
 
 7 8 APPENDIX 
 
 efiencial a point to us heere, as an union upon any other 
 fecurity can never be lafting, nor can I be anfwerable to 
 my kingdomes if I mould enter into an alliance wherein 
 their prefent and future fecurity were not fully provided 
 for : I am now thinking of the way how to proceede in 
 this whole matter which muft be carried on with all fecre- 
 cy imaginable, till the particulars are farther agreed upon; 
 I muft confefle I was not very glad to heare you were with 
 childe, becaufe I had a thought by your making a journy 
 hether, all things might have been adjufted without any 
 fufpicion, and as I mall be very juft to the King my bro- 
 ther in never mentioning what has paft between us, in cafe 
 this negociation does not fucceede as I defire, fo I expeft 
 the fame juftice and generolity from him, that no advances 
 which I make out of the deiire I have to obtaine a true 
 friendship betweene us, may ever turne to my prejudice. 
 I fend you heere inclofed my letter to the King my bro- 
 ther, defiring that this matter might pafle through your 
 handes as the perfon in the world I have the moft confi- 
 dence in, and I am very glad to finde that Monf. de Tu- 
 rene is fo much your frinde, who I efteeme very much, 
 and aflure my felfe will be very ufeful in this negociation. 
 I aflure you that there is no league entered into as yett 
 with the Empereur ; the only league I am in is in the ga- 
 ranty I am ingaged in with the Hollanders upon the peace 
 at Aix, which is equally bindeing towards both the crowns : 
 I think Mr. de Lorene dcferves to be punillied for his un- 
 quiet humour, but I wifh the King my brother do not pro- 
 ceede too fair in that matter, leaft he gives a jealoufy to his 
 neighbours that he intends a farther progrefle than what he 
 drchreH at firft, which might be very prejudiciall to what 
 on and I willi and endeavour to compafle, and you fliall 
 not want upon all occaiions full informations necefTary ; 
 '.aft have a great care what we write by the port, 
 rt fall into hands which may hinder ourdcligne, for I 
 
 muft
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 7f 
 
 muft again conjure you that the whole matter be an abfo- 
 lute fecrett, othenvife we fhall never compafTe the end we 
 aime at. I have not yet abfolutely contrived how to pro- 
 ceede in this bufmelTe, becaufe there muft be all poflible 
 precautions ufed, that it may not eclat before all things be 
 agreed upon, and pray do you thinke of all the wayes you 
 can to the fame end, and communicate them to me. I fend 
 you heere a cypher wich is very eafy and fecure, the firft 
 fide is the fingle cypher, and within fuch names I could 
 thinke of neceffary to our purpofe. I have no more to add 
 but that I am entierly yours. K.- - In the Depot. 
 
 Charles the II- to the Ducheft of Orleans -- Has made tie 
 firft advance: , and 'waits for an anfiuer, 
 
 Whithall, 9 Feb. 
 
 I MUST in the firft place afke your pardon for having 
 mift fo many ports : the truth of it is, what between 
 bufmefs and the little mafcarades we have had, and belides 
 the little bufmefle I had to write, with the helpe of the cold 
 wether, I did not thinke it worth your trouble and my 
 owne to freeze my fingers for nothing, haveing faid all to 
 Rouvigny that was upon my harte, and I am very glad to 
 finde by yours that you are fo well fatisfied with what he 
 brings ; it lies wholly on your parts now to anfwer the ad- 
 vances I have made, and if all be not as you wim, the 
 faulte is not on my fide. I was this morning at the Parli- 
 ament Houfe to pafie the Bille for the five and twenty hun- 
 dred thoufand pounds, and the commhTioners are going in- 
 to their feverall countryes for the rayfing it according to 
 the aft. We are ufiiig all poilible diligence in the fettihg 
 out the fleete for fpring. My Lord Sandwich fett faile 
 two days iince with 1 8 good Ihips, to feeke out a fquadron 
 of the Dutch fleete which we heare was feen upon the 
 north coaft of England ; and if he has the good fortune to 
 
 meete
 
 ^ APPENDIX. 
 
 mcctc with them, I hope he will give a good accounte of 
 
 them 1" **>' Depot. 
 
 Charles the II to the Duchefs of Orleans. The Duke of 
 
 Tork has come into theprojeft on the f core of religion. Bids 
 her not -write to Buckingham. 
 
 Whithall, 22 March, 1669. 
 
 I HAD not my cipher at Newmarket when I receaved 
 yours of the 16, fo as I could fay nothing to you in 
 anfwer to it till now, and before this comes to your hands, 
 
 Y 
 
 you will cleerly fee upon what fcore 363. (York) is come 
 upon the bufmefle, and for what reafon I defired you not 
 
 F 
 to write to any body upon the bufmefs of 271. (France). 
 
 B K 
 
 341. (Buckingham) knowes nothing of 360. (King Charles) 
 
 C R 
 intentions towards 290. 319. (Catholic religion) nor of die 
 
 A R 
 
 perfon 334. (Arundel) fends to 100. (Le Roy, i. e. Louis 
 
 B 
 the XTV.) and you need not feare that 341. (Buckingham) 
 
 will take it ill that 103. does not write to him, for I have 
 tould him that I have forbid 129. to do it for feare of in- 
 tercepting the letters, nor indeed is there much ufe of our 
 writing much upon this fubjecl, becaufe letters may mif- 
 carry, and you are before this time fo fully acquainted with 
 all, as there is nothing to be added till my meflenger comes 
 back //; the Depot. 
 
 Charlet
 
 TO CHAP. H. OF THE REVIEW. 8r 
 
 Charles the II. to the Duchefs of Orle&ns. He is fortifying 
 
 places at home.- Is not to touch church lands. Bucking- 
 
 bam afterwards to be brought in, The Kings refent- 
 
 ment again/} the Dutch. 
 
 Whithall, 6 June, 1669. 
 
 THE opportunity of this bearer going into France, 
 gives me a good occafion to anfwer your letters by 
 my lord Arlington, and in the firft place to tell you I am 
 fecureing all the principall poftes of this countery, not on- 
 ly fortifying them as they ought to be, but likewife the 
 keeping them in fuch handes as I am fure will be faithfull 
 to me upon all occafions, and this will fecure the fleete ; 
 becaufe the cheefe places where the mips lye are Chattam 
 and Portfmouth, the firft of which is fortifying with all 
 fpeede, and will be finifhed this yeare ; the other is in good 
 condition already, but not fo good as I defire, for it will 
 coft fome mony and time to make the place as I have de- 
 figned it ; and I will not have lefle care both in Scotland and 
 Ireland. As for that which concerns thofe who have church 
 lands, there will be eafy wayes found out to fecure them and 
 put them out of all apprehenfion. There is all the reafon, 
 in the worlde to joyne profitt with honour when it may be 
 
 R 
 done honeftly, and 126. (le Roy, i. e. Louis the XIV.) will 
 
 K Holland 
 
 find 360. (King Charles) as forward to do 299. a good 
 turne as he can defire, and they will I dout not agree very 
 well in the point, for he has ufed them both very fcurvily. 
 
 K 
 
 I am fure 334. (King Charles) will never be fatisfied till he 
 has had his revenge, and is very willing to enter into an 
 
 R 
 agreement upon that matter whenfoever 152. (le Roy, i. e. 
 
 A 
 
 Louis the XIV.) pleafe, and I will anfwer for 346. (Arling- 
 VL. I. L ton)
 
 .g a APPENDIX 
 
 ton) that he will be as forward in that matter as I am, and 
 fkrther affurance you cannot expeft from an honeft man in 
 his poft, nor ought you to truft him if he mould make any 
 other profeflions than to be for what his matter is for. I* 
 fay this to you becaufe I undertooke to anfwer that part of 
 the letter you writ to him upon this fubjeft, and I hope 
 this will be full fatisfa&ion as to him in the future that there 
 may be no doubt, (ince I do anfwer for him. I had writ 
 thus far when I receaved yours by Elyas, by which I per- 
 ceave the inclination there full is of trufting 112. (Commin- 
 ge) with the maine buiinefle, which I muft confefle for ma- 
 ny reafons I am very unwilling to, and if there were n 
 Other reafon than his understanding, which, to tell you the 
 truth, I have not fo great an efteeme for, as to be willing 
 to truft him with that which is of fo much concerne. There 
 
 Mon. 
 
 will be a time when both he and 342. (Monfieur, i. e. the 
 Duke of Orleans) may have a fhare in part of the matter, 
 but for the great fecrett if it be not kept fo till all things be 
 ready to begin, we fliall never go through with it, and dc- 
 
 B 
 ftroy the whole bufmefle. I have feene your letter to 341. 
 
 (Buckingham) and what you write to him is as it ought t 
 be, he mall be brought into all the bufinefle before he can 
 
 R 
 
 fufpeft any thing, except that which concernes 263. (Reli- 
 gion) which he muft not be trufted with : you will do well 
 to write but feldome to him, for feare fomething may flip 
 from your pcnn which may make him jealous that there is 
 fomething more then what he knowes of. I do long t<$ 
 
 L.A. 
 hear from 340. (Lord Arundcl) or to fee him hecrc, for 
 
 France 
 
 till I fee the paper you mention which comes from 113.! 
 cannot fay more than I have done. And now I fliall only 
 add one word of this bearer Mr. de la Hiliere, who I have 
 iound by my acquaintance with him lince his being heere 
 
 to
 
 TO CHAP. H. OP THE REVIEW. 83 
 
 tb have both witt and judgement, and a very honeft man, 
 and pray let him know that I am very much his frind, and 
 if at any time you can give him a good word to the King of 
 France, I mall be very glad of it : I will end this with de- 
 firing you to beleeve that I have nothing fo much at my 
 hart as to be able to acknowledge the kindnefle you have 
 for me : if I thought that making many compliments upon 
 the matter would perfuade you more of the fmcerity of my 
 kindnefle to you, you mould not want whole meets of paper 
 with nothing but that ; but I hope you have that juftice as 
 to beleeve me more than I can exprefle entierly yours. 
 In the Depot. 
 
 Charles the II. to the Duchefs of Orleans. Enjoins fecrecy. 
 
 - . Is impatient for Lord ArundeVs return. 
 
 Whithall, 7 June 1669. 
 
 I WRIT T to you yeflerday by Mr. de la Hiliere upon 
 c 
 
 that important point, whether 1 12. (Comminge) ought to 
 be acquainted with our fecrett, and the more I think of it, 
 the more I am perplexed : reflecting upon his infufficiency, 
 I cannot thinke him fitt for it, and therefore could wifh 
 fome other fitter man in his ftation, but becaufe the at- 
 
 | 
 tempting of that might difoblige 137. (Buckingham) I can 
 
 by no means advife it : upon the whole matter I fee no 
 
 c 
 kinde of neceffity of telling 1 12. (Comminge) of the fecrettr- 
 
 E 
 now, nor indeede till 270. (England) is in a better redi- 
 
 F 
 neffe to make ufe of 297. (France) towards the great bu- 
 
 (inefle : meethinks it will be enough that 164. be made aC- 
 
 R 
 
 quainted with 100. (le Roy, i. e. Louis the XIV.) fecurity 
 
 K 
 360, (King Charles) friendship without knowing tjbe rea-
 
 ^ A P P E N"D I X 
 
 fon of it : To conclude, remember how much the fecrett 
 
 pc 
 
 in thi* matter importes 386. (King Charles) and take care 
 
 L.A. 
 
 that no new body be acquainted with it till I fee what 340. 
 
 K 
 
 (Lord Arundel) brings 334. (King Charles) in anfwer to 
 iris proportions, and till you have my t confent that 164. or 
 any body elfe have there fhare in this matter. I would 
 
 L. A 
 faine know (which I cannot do but by 366. (Lord Arun- 
 
 F'ar.ce Holland 
 
 del) how ready 323. is to breake with 299. that is die game 
 that would as I conceave moft accommodate the interefts 
 
 Enghnd France Spain 
 
 both of 270. and 297. As for 324. he is fufficiently undo- 
 
 France 
 
 ing himfelfe to neede any helpe from 271. Nay I am per- 
 fuaded the medling with him would unite and make his 
 
 L.A. 
 councells ftronger : the fooner you difpatch 340. (Lord A- 
 
 rundel) die more cleerely we mail be able to judge of the 
 whole matter. One caution more I had like to have for- 
 gotten, that when it mall be fit to acquainte 138. with 
 
 R K 
 
 152. (le Roy) fecurity in 386. (King Charles) frindfhip, he 
 
 England 
 
 muft not fay any thing of it in 270. and pray lett the mi- 
 France K 
 
 nifters in 297. fpeak lefs confidently of 360. (King Charles) 
 frindfliip than I hearc they do, for it will infinitely difcom- 
 
 * Parlcment K. 
 
 pofe 269. when he meets with 334. (King Charles) to be- 
 
 France 
 
 leeve that 386. (King Charles) is tied fo faft with 271. and 
 
 Palcmc t 
 
 make 321. have a thoufand jealoufics upon it. In the 
 
 Charlti
 
 TO CHAP. II.*OF THE REVIEW. 85 
 
 Charles tie II to the Duchefs of Orleans. Impatient for an 
 
 anfiver from the French cturt about the treaty. 
 
 Whithall, 24 Od. 1669. 
 
 I HAVE nothing to fay more to you upon our publique 
 bufmefTe till I have an anfwer from you of my laft let- 
 ter by the port, only that I expeft with impatiency to know 
 your mindes there, and then you mall finde me as forward 
 to a flrid friendmip with the King my brother as you can 
 wifh. I am yours. In the depot. 
 
 In the Depot, at Verfailles, there is a letter from Sir 
 Ellis Lighten to the Duchefs of Orleans, dated 18 Jan. 
 1669. in which lie tells her, that Buckingham had refufed 
 to treat with Monf. Colbert, the French ambaflador, on 
 account, as he faid, that he was afraid of a difcotfery. 
 
 On the 12 Auguft, 1669, there is a letter from Monf. 
 Colbert, then ambaflador in England, to Monf. de Lyonne, 
 the French King's fecretary of ftate, that Buckingham had 
 offered to go over to France to make a treaty there between 
 France and England, but that he, Colbert, had prevented 
 him ; and there are other letters to the fame purpofe. In 
 the mean time the treaty was going on unknown to Buck- 
 ingham by the intervention of the Duchefs of Orleans. 
 
 On the ad of September, 1669, King Charles writes thus 
 to his lifter. . 
 
 Charles the II. to the Duchefs cf Orleans The triple alli- 
 ance had been tnade againjl his inclinations. 
 
 2d September, 1669. 
 
 "V7" O U judge very well, when you conclude that 
 
 * I am fatisfied with Monf. Colbert, and I wiih 
 
 with all my heart that France had been as forward in 
 
 their
 
 their intentions towards us when Rouvigny was here, 14 
 I fee they are now ; I mould not have been fo embarrafled 
 with the ties I am now under, if the offers I then made 
 
 had been accepted I have upon all occafions let Monf. 
 
 Colbert know the kindnefs I have for you, and that if I had 
 no other inclination to France but your being there, it 
 would be a fufficient matter to make me defire patfionately a 
 ftrift union with them. In the Depot. 
 
 This letter mows that the triple alliance againft France 
 Was againft King Charles's inclinations. 
 
 In the Depot are the two following letters, between 
 Louis the XIV. and King Charles, about the treaty. 
 
 Tranjlation of a letter from Louis XIV to the King of Eng- 
 land. Happy in the Duthefs of Orleans being mediatrix 
 
 between them. Strong exprej/ions of mutual confidence* 
 
 Sir, my Brother, 10 Sep. 1669. 
 
 AS you judged by my anfwer that I had entirely paid 
 the confidence you placed in me, I own that by your 
 reply you have regained the fame advantage, not being 
 able to find any thing more to wi/h, neither as to the things 
 themfelves, nor in the manner of exprefiing them. I flatter 
 myfelf alfo that the memorial which accompanies this letter 
 will give you the fame fatisfaftion : and it appears to me 
 there is nothing wanting but fpeedily to put a hand to the 
 work, for eftablifhing the foundations of what \ve both fo 
 ardently wifh for: on this I expect to hear from you with 
 as much impatience as my fitter, for whom' we have fo 
 much friendlhip, and who fo happily is the mediatrix or 
 this negotiation, being as ine is fo natural a tye to our u- 
 ru'on.
 
 TO CHAP. II. OP THE REVIEW. 87 
 
 Letter ft -cm ike King f England to Louts the XIV. Strong 
 expre/fiotu of mutual confidence. 
 
 Sir, my Brother, 30 September, 1669. 
 
 TH E bearer is fo well known to you, there needs n 
 farther recommendation for his being believed in 
 the difcourfe he will hold to you on my part. My lifter 
 will at the time of his arrival deliver to you a paper which 
 I thought proper mould accompany him, in which you will 
 fee the moft fecret fentiments of my foul on the fubject ot 
 the faid difcourfe. I addrefs the faid paper to you by the 
 hands of my fifter, to confirm you in that mutual confidence 
 we both have in her difcretion and zeal to unite us more 
 ftrongly. I have charged the bearer to aflure you of the 
 entire fatisfaftion I have in your juft and obliging proceed- 
 ing with regard to myfelf, and of the real friendfhip witk 
 which I am. 
 
 It appears from Colbert's difpatches, in the Depot, that 
 Kins Charles, fome time before this, had fent over Lord 
 
 O * * 
 
 Arundel to Paris to treat with France, and had appointed 
 him, Lord Clifford, Sir Richard Bealling, and Lord Ar- 
 lington, his commiilioners to manage it. The three firft 
 of thefe perfons were declared Roman Catholics. Lord 
 Arlington was a concealed one, and on his death-bed decla- 
 red his faith publicly, as appears from a fubfequent part of 
 the French difpatches in the Depot. What the views of 
 King Charles and the French were in entering into a 
 treaty, will be feen from a converfation between King 
 Charles and Colbert, related in the following letter, in the 
 Depot, from Monf. Colbert to his own court, who was 
 fent over to England in place of Monf. de Comminge, to 
 J>e ready to manage the treaty there. 
 
 Letter
 
 88 APPENDIX 
 
 Letter from Monf. Colbert to Louis the XIV. ty/j Nov. 1669. 
 Has got Lord Arundtl's proportions and his own in- 
 
 flruftions His converfation with Charles the 11. about 
 
 ihefecret treaty. Char Its trujls to a military force . 
 
 Inclines to declare himfelf Catholic, in order tofatisfy his con- 
 fciencff and firengthen his authority t before he declares -war 
 
 mgainfl the Dutch. Colbert urges him rathtr to begin -with 
 
 ihe war, in srder that he may have the greater force of his 
 *wn and tit French troops ready to fupport his authority 
 when he declares himfelf Catholic. 
 
 SIRE, 13 Nov. 1669. 
 
 TH E meflenger your Majefty difpatched to me arriv- 
 ed here on Sunday morning the loth inftant, and 
 after having given me the letter from Mr. Colbert, which 
 orders me, on the part of your Majefty to cypher and de- 
 cypher myfelf all the letters I mall receive or write con- 
 cerning the important affair which you have done me the 
 honour to confide to me : he delivered to me the pacquet 
 containing your Majefty : s memorial to ferve me by way of 
 inftrucbion ; all die propofitions made by the Earl of Arun- 
 tlel, with the anfwers ; your Majefty's letter to the King 
 of Great Britain ; and die power delegated to me written 
 and figned with your hand, and that on parchment. I em- 
 ployed the reft of the day in decyphering, reading, and ex- 
 amining the contents of the difpatchcs ; and as the King of 
 England was engaged all Monday at chapel, and with par- 
 liamentary affairs, I had not my private audience till ye- 
 fterday evening, when after having read your Majefty's 
 letter, he was pleafed to tell me, that the conduct I had 
 held till now, t had been fo agreeable to him, that he had 
 not the leaft diffidence to truft me with the moft important 
 fecret of his life ; and that befides the good opinion he had 
 of me, it was confirmed to "him by your Majefty's letter
 
 TO CHAP. D, OF THE REVIEW. ?a 
 
 jmd that of Madame, who defired he would ihew no re- 
 ferve to me. I told him, as I really thought, that I was 
 fo fenfibly touched with the confidence your Majefty and 
 himfelf had placed in me in an affair of fo great confequence 
 to both your kingdoms, and even to all Chriftendom, if I 
 employed my whole life, and all I was worth, to procure 
 fucceis, it would not be fufficient to teftify my gratitude : 
 that there being no longer any difference between his in^ 
 terefts and thofe of his Majefty, I would ferve him alfo with 
 the fame zeal and the fame fidelity; and as to keeping the 
 fecret, I informed him of your Majefty's order, and aflur- 
 ed him, that I would ufe all diligence, and take every pof- 
 iible precaution to avoid giving the leaft fufpicion to any 
 body. He afterwards afked me, if I had feen the propo- 
 fals he had made to your Majefty. I told him you had fent 
 jne copies of all that had been written on both fides upon 
 the fubjedl: ; that his fentiments appeared to me very gene- 
 rous, and truly worthy of a great King : that your Majef- 
 ty was perfectly well fatisfied with them, and principally 
 with the confidence he had fhewn to you in communi- 
 cating his defign ; that moreover I could not fufficiently 
 exprefs to him the obligation your Majefty was under for 
 his difpofition to join himfelf with you, in order tq facili- 
 tate the acquifition of the new claims you might have upon 
 the Spanifh monarchy : that as it was the moft capital in- 
 tereft you could ever have, you acknowledged of what im- 
 portant fervice this junction would be, if the occafion pre- 
 fented itfelf by the death of the Catholic King ; and what 
 advantages it would produce in favour of your Majefty in th 
 purfuit of your right, and to England alfo, as he juftly favv. 
 He told me afterwards, he believed, that in reading all the 
 writings, I muft have thought that he, and thofe to whom 
 he had entrufted the conduct of this affair, were all fools to 
 pretend to re-eftablifh the Catholic religion in England} 
 that, in effect, every perfon verfed in th affairs f his king. 
 Voj.. I, M
 
 A F F E N D I X 
 
 <tem, and the humour of his people, ought to have the fam 
 ; ht ; but that, after all, lie hoped that, with your 
 Majefty's fupport, this great undertaking would have a. 
 happy fuccefs: that the Prefbyerians, and the other feels,. 
 had a greater averfion to the Englifh church than to the 
 Catholics; that all the fehries delired only the free exer- 
 clfe of their religion, and provided they could obtain it, as 
 it was his defign they Ihould, they would not oppofe his- 
 intended change of religion : that befides, he has fome good 
 tt-oops ftrongly attached to him, and if the deceafed King 
 his father had had as many, lie would have ftifled in their 
 birth fhofe troubles that caufed his ruin ; that he would 
 full augment as much as poilible his regiments and compa- 
 nies under the moft fpecious pretexts he could devife : that 
 dl the magazines of arms are at his difpofal, and all well 
 filled. That he was fure of the principal places in England 
 and Scotland : that the governor of Hull was a Catholic ; 
 that thofe of Portfmouth, Plymouth, and many other places 
 he named, among the reft Windfor, would never depart 
 from the duty they owed him : that as to the troops in Ire- 
 Imd, he hoped the Duke of Ormond, who had very great 
 Credit there, would be always faithful to him ; and that 
 though.the Duke, not approving this change of religion, 
 Ihould fail in his duty, my Lord Orrery, who was a Ca- 
 rholic in his heart, and who had ftill a greater power hi 
 that army, would lead it wherever he Ihould command him : 
 That your Majdry's friendfhip, of which he had the moft 
 obliging proofs in the world by the anfwers given to his 
 propofals, and with which he afliircd ine he was entirely 
 f itisfied, would alfo be of great fervice to him : and in 
 fhort, he told me that he was prefTed both by his confci- 
 <"ice, and by the confulion which he faw encreafing fromr 
 day to day in his kingdom, to the diminution of his autho- 
 rity, to declare hhnielf a Catholic ; and befides the fpiri- 
 tual advantage he fhould draw from it, he believed it to be 
 
 fee
 
 TO CHAP. IL OF THE REVIEW. 9 r 
 
 only means of re-eftablifhing the monarchy. I faid to 
 iim, that the deiign was great and generous, and that I 
 hoped by timing it well it would fucceed : that as your Ma- 
 jefty trufted to his prudence for the choice of the time, I 
 had nothing to fay to it, unlefs he would hearken to the 
 reafons that my zeal alone for his fervice fuggefted, and 
 the knowledge I had acquired during my ftay at his court ; 
 and as he had told me he mould be glad to take my counfel 
 in the whole of this affair, I did not doubt of what lie had 
 done me the honour to tell me, to wit, that if the late 
 King, his father, had had as many troops as himfelf, he 
 would eafily have quafhed the rebellion in its birth, as it 
 originally began by trifling troubles excited by the in- 
 trigues of the court, in which the people had hardly any 
 ihare, and which had gained force and vigour, through the 
 impunity alone in which the royal authority, not being 
 fupported by any troops, was conftrained to leave them ; 
 but that the troubles which it was to be feared his declara- 
 tion would caufe, would be of quite another nature ; that 
 perhaps nine parts in ten of his kingdom would take an in- 
 tereft in it ; that if the Prefbyterians and fedtaries hated the 
 Englilh more than the Catholic church, it was becaufe the 
 laft was at prefent at the loweft ebb, and more worthy of 
 pity than envy ; but when they faw it reftored by the 
 Prince's declaration, and reflected upon the difcredit into 
 which their fe& might fall in the courfe of time, they 
 would probably unite with the Proteftants to oppofe this 
 change: That experience had too much demonftrated, that 
 religious motives were a fire of fulphur and faltpetre, which 
 in an inftant fets in a flame the whole extent of its matter, 
 and is never more furious nor more violent than in the be- 
 ginning. That feditions muft be expected in every part of 
 the kingdom ; and that in London there never were want- 
 ing perions to head rebellions of this kind : That I had even 
 learnt there were mere than 20,000 men in London and 
 M 2. i*s
 
 ^2 APPENDIX 
 
 its environs, who had borne arms during Cromwell's ufur* 
 pation, and were driven to defpair to find themfelves with- 
 out employment : that there was reafon therefore to believa 
 that, on an occafion like this, they would all be ready t* 
 take up arms to fupport rebellion ; that though none of the 
 troops he kept in pay, or of thofe faithful fubje&s he de- 
 pended on, mould fail him in the time of need, yet they 
 might perhaps be overcome by the multitude of rebels, e- 
 ven before the troops your Majefty had agreed to furnifb 
 could poflibly arrive : That the tower of London, which va 
 his principal magazine of arms, is of no defence, and would 
 not probably hold out a day if attacked : That it is not t 
 be hoped the Hollanders, who with reafon will fear the 
 ^onfequence of this declaration, will keep themfelves en- 
 tirely quiet, and not take part in what may happen : that, 
 on the contrary, they would employ both their treaiure 
 and their credit to form obftacles to the execution of a de- 
 fign fo fatal to their ftate : and, in Ihort, in my opinion, 
 his crown, as well as all his trufty fervants, are in great 
 danger from a premature declaration : that, on the contra- 
 ry, I faw every kind of fafety in the part your Majefty 
 propofed him to take, of beginning by declaring war againft 
 Holland, and its happy fuccefs might be anfwered for ; for, 
 firft, I could not doubt that when he acquainted his parlia- 
 ment, his ttrongeft defire was to render the Englifh naviga- 
 tion ftill more flourilhing than it had ever been, and that the 
 greateft obftacle thereto were the Dutch, who having, by- 
 very tyrannical means, engrofled the commerce of the 
 whole world, (fo that 16000 veflelsare hardly fufficient for 
 their trade) and refufed him any fatisfaclion to the juft de- 
 mands he liad made, as well for the liberty of trade to the 
 Eaft Indies, as upon other heads which regard the interefb 
 of his fubjedrs, he had refolved to declare war againft them, 
 in order to bring them to reafon, and that to this end he 
 h;d taken fach prudent meafiires with your Majefty th
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 93 
 
 fcould infure the fuccefs, provided his parliament would 
 grant him only two thirds or one half of the affiftance they 
 before gave him on the like occafion, I was, I faid, fully 
 perfuaded that he would obtain a fufficient fuccour, which 
 joined to his ordinary revenue, and to the helps which your 
 Majefty will afford him in troops and money, would put an 
 end to the war hi one campaign, and thereby he would ac- 
 quire as much glory and as many advantages as could be 
 defired ; there being the greateft appearance that the major 
 part of the German princes, who are either in friendship 
 with your Majefty or with him, will join againft the Dutch, 
 or at leaft remain neuter ; which is not to be expected from 
 the Proteftant Kings and Princes, if this war were preced- 
 ed by his declaring himfelf a Catholic, which would give 
 the Dutch room to make them believe that it was a religi- 
 ous quarrel. That the States being attacked on the fide of 
 the bilhopric of Munfter, and on other parts by the troops 
 of your Majefty and his, it would not be in their power to 
 fit out a coniiderable fleet, nor to make a long refinance; 
 and mould even your Majefty and he think proper for your 
 common intereft to continue the war, he might at the end 
 of the campaign leave only fuch troops in the places which 
 fell to his mare, as he had the leaft reafon to truft with re- 
 gard to his declaring himfelf a Catholic, and order thofe 
 only home who were more devoted to his intereft; and 
 with thefe, in conjunction with the recruits and levies which 
 he might raife during the campaign, under pretence of con- 
 tinuing the war, he might fupport his change of religion : 
 that then there would not be the leaft apprehenfion that his 
 fubjefts feeing him well armed by fea and land, and that it 
 was in his power to difpofe of all your Majefty's forces a- 
 gainft his enemies, whether foreign 'or domeftic, and be- 
 iides fatisfied of the advantages he would procure them by 
 fuccefsful commencement of the war, and a free liberty 
 *f confcience wtach he was to grant, would, or indeed 
 
 durft
 
 94 APPENDIX 
 
 Hurft make the leaft refiftance to his \vUl ; on the contrary, 
 by afTeiubling his parliament hi this conjuncture, he would 
 evidently draw fuch fupplies for the continuation of the 
 war, and fuch afts in favour of religion as he could defire. 
 That the Dutch being declared enemies to the Itate, and 
 confequently thofe who held correipondence with them, 
 without his permiffion, liable to be punifhed as traitors to 
 their King and country, they would not find it near fo ea- 
 fy to form, fupport, and maintain a rebellion, as when, 
 under the appearance of friends, they and their emiimries 
 could have the liberty of intriguing and undertaking every 
 thing. In fine, Sire, after having made the beft ufe I pof- 
 iibly could of all the other reafons contained in your Ma- 
 jefty's memorial, this Prince gave for anfwer, that he was 
 not yet quite determined upon the time of making his de- 
 claration ; that it might perhaps be beft for your Majefty to 
 begin the war with Holland, and thereby furnilh him with 
 a pretence to arm ; and foon after he might without rifque 
 declare his being a Catholic, and war againft Holland ; r.nd 
 the firft fucceeding as it probably would, he might in a 
 month or two join his forces to thofe of your Majefty againft 
 the common enemy. He told me alfo, that as loon as the 
 projeft which his commtifioners wtre at work upon was fi- 
 nifhed, he would communicate it to me, and that he \vas 
 very impatient to have this great affair fpeedily concluded 
 to your mutual fatisfadtion ; and after having given me the 
 moft obliging aflurances of his efteem that I could defire, he 
 difmiued me. I have alfo executed your Majcfty's orders 
 to my Lord Arlington ; he teftified to me the ftrongeft de- 
 fire to preferve your Majefty's efteem. He alfo promifed 
 me that for the time to come he would aft with me with 
 an entire opennefs of heart, and without any referve. 1 
 anfwered him with fo much the more fmccrity, as the 
 knowledge your Majefty gave me of the affeclion and zeal 
 of this Miniftcr for the King his Mafter's fcrvice, had 
 
 changed
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 95 
 
 tlianged the little dilTatisfadion his part coldnefs had given 
 me into a ftrong inclination to honour him as a wife and 
 faithful minifter ; and as I have every reafon to be fatisfied 
 with him, he alfo appeared to be fo with the fincere pro- 
 teftations that I made him. With regard to the affair that 
 is entrufted to us, our converfation being in almoft every 
 thing the fame with that I had with the King, I will not 
 trouble your Majefty with it, to avoid a tirefome repetition. 
 He told me, he had been fo much taken up with parliamen- 
 tary affairs, that he could not give any attention to the 
 project of the treaty ; but that he would now employ him- 
 felf with all the diligence the fubject merited ; and to avoid 
 giving the leaft fufpicion by more frequently vifiting than 
 we had been ufed to do, he thought it beft to write to each 
 other reciprocally; and to make it more fure, he would 
 difpofe the King and the Duke of York to allow that what 
 letters we wrote mould be put into their hands, without 
 any other perfon knowing any thing of it ; that it was e- 
 qually necefTary I ihould as foon as pollible give my an- 
 fwers upon the treaty of commerce, to the end that this 
 affair might furnilh us with a pretence to fee each other 
 oftener ; and he thought it advifeable a report mould be 
 fpread that the King his mafter had follicited your Majefty 
 to fubmit to his arbitration the difference he had with Spain 
 concerning; the execution of the treatv of Aix, in order to 
 
 O * 
 
 enhance your Majefty's complaifance to the Englilh, and 
 remove every caufe of fear that you Intend to recommence 
 the Spanifli war. 
 
 I have alfo feen the Duke of York, who in fubftarce faid 
 nearly the fame things to me that the King and Lord Ar- 
 lington had. As foon as they put into my hands the pro- 
 ject of the treaty, I mail not fail to difpatch a meffenger 
 who will carry it fafely, and without lofs of time to Mr. 
 De Lyonne. 
 
 In
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 In the Depot at Verfailles there is the following draught 
 of the lecret treaty drawn by Sir Richard Beallmg, and 
 prefentcd to the French court. 
 
 Copy of * memorial remitted by Mr. Belin to Mr. Colbtrt t 
 1 8th Dec. 1 066. Charles is to get . 200,000 for decla- 
 ring him felf Catholic. France is to ajjtjl him with troops 
 
 ifhiifubjecJt rebel If the King of Spain dies without iffue t 
 Spain is to be divided . England to get Minorca, O/lend, 
 tnd Spanijb America ; and France to get the rejl of the tya- 
 tujb dominions. Holland to be divided between France and 
 England, and provifion to be made for the young Prince of 
 
 Orange. King Charles to have 8oe,ooe pounds a year 
 
 during the Dutch war. War to be declared again/I Ham* 
 burgh. 
 
 PrefecJ of -a fecret treaty of perpetual league and confederacy 
 bet-ween the King of Great Britain and the Moji Chriflian 
 King. 
 
 Tranjlatioa. 
 
 IT hath been treated, agreed, and concluded that there 
 lhall be for ever a good, fure, and firm peace, union, 
 true brotherfhip, confederacy, friend/hip, alliance, ani 
 good correfpondence between the King of Great Britain, 
 his heirs and fucceflbrs of the one part, and the moft Chri- 
 ftian King of the other part ; and between all and every of 
 their kingdoms, ftates, and territories ; between their fub- 
 jefts and vaflals that they now have and poflefs, or that 
 they may hereafter have and poflefs as well by fea and freflr 
 waters as by land. And as a teinmony that this peace fhall 
 remain inviolable, and beyond the power of any thing in
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 97 
 
 the world to difturb it, there follow articles of fo great con- 
 fidence, and otherwife fo advantageous to the faid fove- 
 reign Lords, that it is hardly poflible to find in any age 
 more important ones agreed and concluded upon. The 
 King of Great Britain being convinced of the truth of the 
 Catholic religion, and refolved to declare himfelf a Catho- 
 lic, and be reconciled to the church of Rome, thinks the af- 
 fiftance of his moft Chriftian Majefty neceflary to facilitate 
 his defign : It is therefore agreed and concluded upon, that 
 his mod Chnftian Majefty fhall furnifh to the King of Eng- 
 land, before the faid declaration, the fum of two hundred 
 thoufand pounds fterling ; the one half of the faid fum mall 
 be paid three months after the reciprocal ratification of the 
 prefent treaty ; and the other half three months after the 
 expiration of that time: and further, that the faid Lord 
 the moft Chriftian King, fhall affift his Britannic Majefty 
 with troops and money as often as there mall be need, in 
 cafe the fubjefts of the laid Lord the King mail not acqui- 
 efce with the faid declaration, but rebel againft his faid Bri- 
 tannic Majefty (which cannot be believed.) And to the end 
 that the faid declaration may have the wifhed-for fuccefs, 
 and be executed with the greater fafety, it is likewife agreed 
 that the day for executing the defign fhall be entirely in 
 the option of the King of England. 
 
 2. It is alfo agreed between the moft Chriftian King and 
 his Britannic Majefty, that the faid Lord the moft Chriftiaa 
 King lhall not break nor ever infringe the peace he hath 
 made with Spain ; and that he will not controvert in any 
 manner what he hath promifed by the treaty of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle ; and confequently the King of Great Britain mall 
 be allowed to maintain the faid treaty conformable to the 
 Conditions of the triple alliance, and the engagements that 
 depend thereon. 
 
 3. That if there iliould fall hereafter to the moft Chri- 
 ftfcm King any new rights and titles on the Spaniih mo* 
 
 Voi.. I, N narchy,
 
 ,8 APPENDIX 
 
 narchy, it is agreed between the King of Great Britain and 
 the moft Chriftian King, that the faid King of Great Bri- 
 tain ftull aftft the faid moft Chriftian King with all his for- 
 ces, as well by fea as land, to facilitate the acquifition of 
 the faid rights ; the whole at the expence of the moft Chri- 
 ftian King. And in Wder to obviate all difputes that may 
 happen about adjufting the accounts of the faid troops, it 
 is concluded and agreed between die faid Lords the Kings, 
 that the levying and tranfporting all the land forces whick 
 the moft Chriftian King mall have occaiion for, or may re- 
 quire, fhall be at the expence of the faid moft Chriftiam 
 King ; and the prefent treaty being concluded, particular 
 articles mail hereafter be adjufted, as well touching the pay 
 and fubfiftcnce of the faid land forces, as to regulate the 
 manner and conditions upon which they are to ferve : But 
 as a calculation cannot well be made of the expences of a 
 naval armament, fubjeft to fuch a variety of accidents, and 
 compofed of fo many parts, it is neceflary to reduce the 
 whole to one head ; it is therefore agreed that the naval 
 forces which mail be employed, as abovementioned, in the 
 fervice of the moft Chriftian King, fhall be paid by his faid 
 moft Chriftian Majefty at the rate of 3/. ids. a man per 
 month, including the pay of all officers, and failors, the 
 proviiion, ammunition, rigging, wear, and lofs of mips du- 
 ring the war ; and that from the time the faid troops mall 
 be raifed till they are difcharged, computing 28 days to a. 
 month, and on the fe conditions fuch a number of fhips fhall be 
 furnifhed, and of fuch force, as his moftChriftianMajefty fhall 
 judge neceflary for his fervice, and at fuch time as he mall 
 think proper. And as it may happen that this afliftance will be 
 demanded to bring under his moft Chriftian Majefty 's obedi- 
 ence foine diftant provinces and places tbwards the Medi- 
 terranean, which at prefent are under fubje&ion to the 
 Spaniards, and that it may be inconvenient, nay impoflible 
 for his Britannic Majefty's fleets to keep the fea, without 
 
 having
 
 TO CHAP. H. OF THE REVIEW. 99 
 
 liaving fome ports and havens where they may from time 
 to time put in to careen, get proviilons and amunition, and 
 have magazines and proper places to refit, it is agreed be- 
 tween the faid fovereign Lords, that the King of Great 
 Britain mall have for ever for himfelf, his heirs and fuc- 
 ceffbrs, the ifland of Minorca ; as alfo for the greater con- 
 venience of his land and fea forces, mall have to himfelf, 
 his heirs and fucceflbrs, the port and town of Oftend in the 
 Low Countries, with as much of the country round about, 
 as fliall be judged capable of paying as much contribution as 
 will fubfift fuch a garrifon as it mall be judged neceflary to 
 keep there ; and in order to take the faid places and put his 
 Britannic Majefty hi poflellion of them, the moft Chriftian 
 King will ufe the fame efforts, and employ as many troops 
 as he mall, to take the places the pofiellion of which are to 
 remain with him. And farther, his moft Christian Majefty 
 promifes and engages, as well in his own name as that of 
 the moft Chriftian Queen, their heirs and fucceflbrs, and 
 having caufe (the before-named claims on the Spanilh mo- 
 narchy being fallen to him) to aflift the King of Great Bri- 
 tain to make himfelf matter of the countries and places in 
 America, which at prefent are under the Spaniiii.domina- 
 tion, and to do all in his power to oblige the people who 
 inhabit thofe countries and places in America, to fubmit 
 themfelves to the government of the faid Lord the King of 
 England, his heirs and fucceflbrs; and having fubmitted 
 themfdves, or being reduced to fubmiflion, the faid people 
 /lull always be accounted fubjects of the faid Lord the 
 King of Great Britain, and of his heirs and fucceflbrs. 
 Jt is alfo agreed and concluded, that neither of the faid fo- 
 yereigns mail make a peace, without the confent and ap- 
 probation of the other, with any Prince or State whatever, 
 who mall oppofe the juft rights and titles devolved to the 
 moft Chriftian King as is before mentioned. 
 
 4. It is covenanted between the faid two Sovereigns, 
 N 2 that
 
 I<XJ APPENDIX 
 
 that they lhall make war againft the States General of the 
 United Provinces with all their forces by land and fea ; and 
 the faid Sovereigns lhall declare all treaties heretofore made 
 with the faid States nuli, except that already mentioned of 
 the triple alliance made in confequence of the treaty of Aix- 
 la-Chapelle, and neither of the faid Kingsfhall make peace with 
 the faidStates without the confent of the other. All commerce 
 between the fubjecls of the faid Kings and of the {aid States 
 fhall be prohibited ; and if the fubjecls of either of the faid So- 
 vereigns traffic with the fubjecls of the faid States, the fliips 
 and goods of fuch fubjecls fo trading lhall be feized by the 
 fubjecls of the other, and deemed lawful prizes ; and if af- 
 ter the declaration of war, the fubjecls of either of the faid 
 Sovereigns (hall be enrolled in the fervice of the faid States, 
 and taken prifoners, they fhall be punifhed with death by 
 the Sovereign whofe fubjecls fhall take them. And foraf- 
 much as the fenate and republic of Hambourg are united 
 ^n interefts with the States General, and experience having 
 fliewn, that the faid republic will always aflift the faid ttatea 
 under hand, it is further agreed and concluded upon, that 
 war lhall be declared at the fame time by the faid Sovereigns 
 againft the faid fenate and republic : an5 as the preparati- 
 ons by fea, in order to bring the war to a happy ifliie, will 
 neceflarily be exceflive, and that the burden (much more 
 heavy than that of an army at land) will principally fall up- 
 on his Britannic Majefty, the moft Chriftian King engages 
 to pay to the King of Great Britain, fo long as the war lhall 
 continue, the fum of eight hundred thoufand pounds fter- 
 Jing, by way of fublidy, to defray a part of the very great 
 expeace which the King of Great Britain muft neceflarily 
 be at in fitting out all his naval force ; which he propofes, 
 and obliges himfelf to do every year during the courfe of 
 this war. The half of the faid fum of 800,000 /. flerling 
 1 be furnilhed and advanced to the faid King of Great 
 . -in three months before the declaration of the faid war, 
 
 and
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. icr 
 
 and the other half fix months after the faid declaration ; 
 and thus annually, as long as the war lhall laft, the half in 
 the beginning of each year, and the other half fix months 
 after. Beiides the faid fleet, his Britannic Majefty will al- 
 ways keep on foot a body of 6000 infantry, which he will 
 tranfpdrt at his own expence ; and of all the conquefts that 
 {hall be made upon the States General, the King of Great 
 Britain will be fatisfied with the following places, to wit, 
 the ifland of Walkeron, 1'Eclufe, and the ifland of Caffante. 
 The manner of attack, and continuing the war (hall be 
 fettled by a regulation hereafter to be concerted. And as 
 the diflblution of the government of the States General, 
 which is the principal end propofed by this war, will ne- 
 cefTarily caufe great prejudice to the Prince of Orange, ne- 
 phew to the King of England ; and as many places, towns, 
 mid governments belonging to him will be found in the di- 
 vifion it is propofed to make of the country, it hath been 
 agreed and concluded that the faid Sovereigns will do all in 
 their power that the faid Prince may find his advantages hi 
 the continuation and end of this war, as fhall be hereafter 
 ftipulated in feparate articles, fmce it is to be prefumed that 
 the credit they will thereby give to the faid Prince and his 
 adherents, will contribute much to the good fuccefs of the 
 war; at leaft will fow fuch feeds of jealoufy and divisions 
 among the Dutch, that the conqueft of the country will be 
 rendered much more eafy. 
 
 5. It is alfo agreed, that before the declaration of war, 
 the two Sovereigns fLall ufe all their efforts jointly or fe- 
 parately, as occafion may require, to perfuade the Kings 
 of Sweden and Denmark, or one of the two, to enter into 
 this war againft the States General ; or at leaft oblige them- 
 felves to remain neuter ; and they fhall alfo endeavour to 
 draw into this party the Electors of Cologn and Branden- 
 bourg, the houle of Brunfwick, the Duke of Newbourg, 
 d the Bifhop of Munfter. The faid Sovereigns ihall alfo 
 
 do
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Jo all in their power to perfuade the Emperor and the 
 Crown of Spain not to oppofe the conqueft of the faid 
 country. 
 
 6. Thefe fundamentals being fettled, and the King of 
 Great Britain after having having declared himfelf a Catho- 
 lic, and being in peace at home, leaves to the mofl Chri- 
 ftian King the liberty to name the time when they ftiall 
 make war with their united forces againft the States Gene- 
 ral ; it has alfo been agreed and concluded, that the moft 
 Chriftian King mall name the time which fhall appear to 
 him moft proper for the declaration of the faid war ; the 
 King of Great Britain being afliired that his moft Chriftian 
 Majefty in naming the faid time, will have regard to the 
 interefts of both Crowns, which after the concluiion of this 
 treaty are to be common and infeparable. 
 
 7. If upon account of this agreement the one or the o- 
 ther of the faid Sovereigns fhall find himlelf hereafter en- 
 jaged in foreign or domeftic wars, the one who is not at- 
 tacked (hall affift the other with all his forces till the foreign 
 war or rebellion fhall be ended. 
 
 8. If in any preceding treaty made by the one or the o- 
 ther of the faid Sovereigns with any Ptince or State what- 
 foever, there fhould be found any claufes contrary to thofe 
 which are fpecified in this league, the faid claufes fhall be 
 void, and thofe contained in this prefent treaty fhall remain 
 in their full force and vigour. 
 
 From the difpatches in the Depot it appears, that, in th 
 courfe of the treaty, France refufed to agree to the war a- 
 gainft Hamburgh, agreed to give two millions of livres, 
 which was at that time about 150,0007. for the King's con- 
 vcrfion, with a fubiidy of three millions for the Dutch war, 
 and foftened the expreiiions about the money for the King's 
 converlion in the following words :
 
 TO CHAP. H. OF THE REVIEW. 1*3 
 
 Project of the end cf the fecond Article. French variation 
 
 upon the -wording of the article of two millions of litres for 
 tht King's cower/ion. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 The King of Great Britain being convinced of the truth 
 of the Catholic religion, is refolved to reconcile himfelf to 
 the church of Rome, as foon as the affairs of his kingdom 
 will permit him ; and though he has every reafon to hope 
 and promife himfelf from the affection arid fidelity of all his 
 fubjects, even thofe to whom the Almighty has not as yet 
 fufficiently fpread his grace to difpofe .them after fuch an 
 auguft example to become converts, that they will not fail 
 in that inviolable obedience which all people, even of a dif- 
 ferent religion, owe their Sovereigns ; neverthelefs there 
 are often found in large itates turbulent and inquiet minds 
 who ftudy to difturb the public peace, particularly when 
 they have fo plaulible a pretext as that of religion, his Bri- 
 tannic Majefty, who hath nothing more at heart, after ha- 
 ving given peace to his own confcience, than to confirm 
 that which the mildnefs of his government hath procured 
 to his fubjefts, believes the beft means to prevent its being 
 altered, would be the certainty, in cafe of trouble, of his 
 moft Chriftian Majefty's afliftance ; who being willing on 
 this occafion to give the faid King of Great Britain effective 
 proofs of his friendmip, and the defire he hath to contri- 
 bute to the good fuccefs of a defign fo advantageous to his 
 Britannic Majefty and the whole Catholic religion, hath 
 promifed, and doth hereby promife to furnilh to the faid 
 King of Great Britain the fum of, &c. 
 
 In making this treaty King Charles well knew how difa- 
 greeable his cennexien with France would be to his peo- 
 
 pie.
 
 I04 APPENDIX 
 
 pie. Colbert repeats what Cliarles faid to him on this head 
 
 as follows : 
 
 Letter Monf. Gilbert to Monf. de Lyonns. 
 
 Tranjlation . 
 
 HE (that is King Charles) told me, that he found him- 
 felf as it were the only perfon in his kingdom who 
 had inclinations for France ; that all his fubjefts were more 
 carried in favour of Spain ; and that therefore he had ma- 
 ny meafures to preferve. 
 
 From the French difpatches at Verfailles it appears, that 
 the almott only difference between the two courts about 
 the fecret treaty was, that Charles infifted to begin with 
 the declaration of his popery ; whereas Louis the XIV. 
 was eager that he mould begin with declaring war in con- 
 junction with him againft Holland. It is probable that the 
 view of the Duchcfs of Orleans' journey to Dover to meet 
 her brother, was to prevail with him to yield this point to 
 France. Part of a letter from Colbert at Dover to Louis 
 the XIV. is as follows. 
 
 Part of a letter from Monf. Colbert to Louis the XIV. 
 
 Trariflafioti. 
 
 MADAME told me, that me had fliaken her brother's 
 mind, and that flie faw him almort 'difpofed to de- 
 clare war againft the Dutch before every other thing. 
 
 The fame letter adds, that Charles was defirous Mar- 
 Ihall Turennc fhould come over to Dover to fix the plan 
 of the war ; but that he, Colbert had difluaded King Char- 
 les from it, as a thing which would make too much uoife. 
 
 A
 
 CHAP. IT, OF THE REVIEW. 105 
 
 A few days however after this, it appears from the dif- 
 patches in the Depot, that the treaty was concluded upon 
 its original plan by the four popifh coramiflloners, unknown 
 to the King's proteftant minifters. The treaty itfelf is not 
 in the Depot ; but there is the following private ratifica- 
 tion of it by Louis the XIV. 
 
 Tr (inflation of a htter ef Louis the XIV. to tie King ofEng* 
 /and, dated 10 Jttne t 1676. 
 
 I HAVE feen and examined the articles of the treaty 
 22 May 
 
 that was concluded and figned at Dover the TjuntTby Mr 
 Colbert myambafiador, and the Lords Arlington and Arundel 
 of Wardour, and the Chevaliers Clifford and Beling, your* 
 eommflioners; and tho' I have this day caufed my letters 
 of ratification to be expedited hi the beft form poffible, and 
 agreeable to what had been agreed between the faid am- 
 bafTador and commiilioners ; neverthelefs, as they have 
 thought proper, in order to keep this treaty a greater fe- 
 ret till it be time to put it in execution, that our letters 
 f ratification ihould not be fealed with our great feals, but 
 only with our privy ones, I thought it necefiary to allure 
 your Majefty by thefe lines written with my own hand, 
 that I approve and ratify all the contents of the faid treaty, 
 and I promife on the faith and word of a Kirig^to obferve 
 and keep them inviolably in all points, without ever acling 
 contrary thereto in any manner whatfoever. I hope God 
 will blefs our ftricl: union of friendship and interefts with 
 all the good fuccefs we can wifh from it, as well for his 
 wn glory as the common good of our fubjecls. lam, &c. 
 
 A letter from Colbert, in the Depot, of the i6th Oft. 
 1670, mentions Charles's ratification to have been, u Th 
 1 King's (ignature and feal, and a letter by his own, 
 " hand." 
 
 VOL, I. Tb.er
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 There is fome reafon to believe, that whilft King Char- 
 les was fini filing the treaty, which referved to him a power 
 of making the declaration of his popery precede the decla- 
 ration of the war againlt Holland, he gave the French rea- 
 fon to hope that his inclinations were to begin with the lat- 
 ter. In the Depot there is the following letter from Monf. 
 Colbert. 
 
 Lett ir from Monf. Colbert to Louis the XW. Charles in* 
 
 tends by driving the DtJJenters to extremities, to get a pre- 
 tence for Jlrengthenwg hts military force. Delays to be- 
 
 gin the Dutch ivar till htfees the ejfeft of that intention* 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 SIRE, Dover, 6th June, 1670. 
 
 TH E King of England, the Duke of York, and my 
 Lord Arlington, have received extremely well the 
 compliments that your Majefty ordered me to make them on 
 your part. I found them all well difpofed not to loie any 
 time in the execution of the things that have been promifed. 
 There is nothing however yet determined for the principal 
 point, and they dont even pretend to fix it till they return 
 to London, and fee what may follow from the feverity with 
 which the King defigns to make the laft act of parliament 
 againft the meetings of the feclaries be obferved ; and he 
 hopes that their difobedience will give him the eafier means 
 of encreafing the force of his troops, and coming fpeedily 
 to the end he propofes : he hath approved of your Majef- 
 ty's reafons for not confenting to M. de Turenne's journey 
 into this country. He feemed alfo to acquiefce with thofe 
 which obliged your Majefty to communicate your union a- 
 gainft Holland, to the cleftcr of Cologn and the bifhop of
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. ,07 
 
 Munfter : but Madame has told me fince, that he had again 
 taken time to deliberate on it and give a precife anfwer. I 
 hope it will be fuch as your Majefty wifhes ; my Lord Ar- 
 lington having this morning told me, that' he thought they 
 mould not defer placing this confidence in thofe Princes, on 
 their promiiing not to communicate the fecret to any 
 body. 
 
 As to what regards Vanbeuning's negotiation, his 
 Majefty takes a great deal of care to hinder him from 
 doing any thing that might caufe a hindrance to \vhat has 
 been concluded, and to difmifs him the earlieft that can be, 
 without giving him any fatisfaction. 
 
 This, Sire, is all I dare do myfelf the honour of writing 
 to your Majefty upon thefe affairs by the port. 
 
 Madame thinks of leaving this place next Thurfday, and 
 I believe a longer ftay at Dover would be very trouble- 
 fome, and do prejudice to the affairs of the King her bro- 
 ther, whofe prefence feems to be extremely Decenary in 
 London. 
 
 Charles not having received any of the money ftipulated 
 for his conversion, iull delayed preparing for the Dutch 
 war, under pretence that he was firft to declare his conver- 
 lion. Colbert having received orders from Louis the XIV. 
 on the 1 7th September 1670, to urge him on this head, 
 writes the following account of the arguments which he 
 mfed with Kins Charles. 
 
 O 2. Tranf:at\on.
 
 1Q 8 APPENDIX 
 
 Tratijlation. 
 
 Relation ofivhatwasjaidto the King ef England by the French 
 in the conference of the i%tb Sept. 1670. 
 
 HtpreJJes Charles to begin with the Dutch -mar before declar- 
 ing himftlfa Catholic. 
 
 AS there are very near three months gone fince, the ra- 
 tifications of the treaty were exchanged, the King 
 my matter believes your Majefty will find it proper ro take 
 without delay your laft refolution upon the contents of it, 
 to the end that you may purfue together fome fteady mea- 
 fures ; for your Majefty fees how much the time preiOTe* 
 already, and that to be able to do any thing to purpofe a- 
 gainft the Dutch, and fpeedily finifh the affair, it will be 
 neceflary to enter into acTion, if it is humanly pofllble, in 
 the beginning of the next fpring ; and the more fo, as, if 
 it is not done, you will be expofed to the very great in- 
 convenience of not being able to engage in the party a good 
 number of the Princes of the Empire, whom the King my 
 matter is clear for engaging now, and your Majefty knows 
 how much their junction, and a confiderable diverfion on 
 t,hat fide, might contribute to the happy and fpeedy fuccefs 
 of the defign, and your own infallible fafety. 
 
 Your Majefty will alfo, if you pleafe, refled on the in- 
 difpenfible necellity the King my matter is under to make in 
 good time, and even this year x magazines of provifions, 
 and all forts of warlike ftores in the ftates of the Elector of 
 Cologne and the Bifhop of Munfter ; inftead of which, if 
 your Majefty does not fpeedily determine, it will be much 
 more eafy for the Dutch, upon taking the alarm more 
 ftrongly than they have as yet done, to detach thofc Princes 
 from the engagement you wifii them to enter into, by 
 {browing large fums of money amongft them, as there is 
 
 no
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 no doubt the Dutch will with great profufion do, in order 
 to induce them to remain neuter, and even to form on that 
 lide alfo fome party for their defence. 
 
 It is true, Sire, it appears, according to the terms of the 
 treaty, your Majefty ought firft to declare yourfelf a Catho- 
 lic, and I may with great truth fay, that the King my maf- 
 ter ardently wilhes for it, as well for the advantage of reli- 
 gion, as for his own proper political interefts : but as you 
 judge it proper, and it is alfo juft, nay abfolutely necefiary, 
 fjrft to obtain from the Pope the conditions that may render 
 your converiion agreeable to your fubjects j and as this af- 
 fair, whatever diligence is uled in it, may not perhaps be 
 fo foon terminated as the King my Matter and your Majef- 
 ty defire ; he begs you will again refled upon all the rea- 
 fons which perfuade him, that to accomplish more eafily 
 and more furely the two principal ends you have propofed, 
 it is neceffary the war with Holland Ihould precede, or at 
 lead accompany your declaring yourfelf a Catholic. And 
 upon this I am to inform your Majefty of a particular which 
 the King my matter had wrote me of the greateft confe- 
 quence. You know how important it is for the fafety and 
 good fuccefs of your defign againft the Dutch, that the E~ 
 leftor of Brandenbourg fliould be concerned, without which 
 the other Princes would tremble to engage themfelves with 
 you. Now on the fubjeft, &c. the fame as hi the King's 
 letter of the 1 7th. Your Majefty may gather from thence 
 ne very juft confequence how much, &C. idem, till * fuch 
 < time as~the affair breaks out.' 
 
 Perhaps your Majefty may be told upon all this, that if 
 before the declaration of religion, you can do nothing 
 which can caufe a fear or fufpicion in the Dutch that you 
 have entered into alliance with the King my matter againft 
 them, they will keep themfelves entirely quiet, and take 
 no pan in the affair, and the rather, that they will not 
 dare tQ do it from the lively appreheniions which will al- 
 ways
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 ays remain with them that your Majefty would mew your 
 refemment by uniting yourfe'.f with France againft them. 
 The King my matter hts already remarked to your Majef- 
 ty in his anfwers, and now orders me to remind you of the 
 tttle fulidity of fuch hopes. If people reflett, they will 
 fee, that if your Mnjetty defires to proceed with the 
 drairofpedlion neccflary in fo great an aifair, it will be in- 
 ififpcnfaHy neceSary for you, in order to keep your peo- 
 plt to their duty, that before the aft of your declaration is 
 made, or at the furthett in making it, you Ihould give them 
 to underttand you have made a very ttrift union with the 
 King my matter, by means of which, if you ddire it, yon 
 can difpofe of all the force of France againft all your ene- 
 nfes, whether domettic, or foreign : and from thence your 
 Majefty may judge, if the knowledge of this union being 
 iii this manner become public, the Dutch will refrain from, 
 taking part in the affair through fear of promoting between 
 the two Kings an alliance which they fee already quite 
 formed, and without any other remedy with regard to 
 them, than that of endeavouring to excite embarrafTments 
 ifl your Majefty's own dates j but the King my matter 
 judges that this would not be the only motive for interett- 
 ing tkcmfelves in fuch an event, for they would recollecl 
 that a Cotholic King of England ftriclly bound in friend- 
 feip and imerefts with the King my matter, and both Prin- 
 ces picqued and offended at their patt conduct on account of 
 fb many different injuries received from them, would not 
 let them enjoy long fo peaceably as they do now the princi- 
 pal advantages of the trade of the whole world ; and from 
 thence it cannot be doubted, that the Dutch would ttick at 
 no meafares to ward off this ttroke tending to their ruin, 
 but wouM throw th-.-ir treafures by handfuls, and even ex- 
 hanft if it were neceflary thvir credit, to form, fupport, r.nd 
 maintain- againtt your Majefty a ttrong party in your king- 
 dwn, which feldoin wants difcomentcd and turbulent peo- 
 ple,
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 pie, even though they had a much lefs fubjecl than the 
 change of the Sovereign's religion would furnifn them 
 with, which your Majefty knows is always too plaufible a 
 one with the populace ; on the contrary, if your Majefty 
 begins by attacking the Dutck jointly with France, the 
 King my mafter is perfuaded that this attack will immediate- 
 ly produce fo much confufion and cliforder in their provin- 
 ces, that befides their not being in a condition to trouble 
 England, that part of the kingdom which is the inoft affec- 
 tionate to diem, not feeing any refource to their affairs, 
 would keep themfelves attached to the ftrongeft fide, whick 
 would be that of your Majefty ; inftead of which, if you 
 coufe the declaration of religion to precede the attack, the 
 Dutch evidently feeing from your Majefty's change of reli- 
 gion, the inevitable evil that muft happen to them hi the 
 end, would from that inftant take all the neceflary mea- 
 fures and refolutions to form againft you factions and re- 
 volts in your kingdom, which they would find not very 
 difficult, for the reafons I have juft mentioned. In fine, 
 Sire, what the King my mafter propofes will occaiion no 
 delay in the execution of your defign ; on the contrary, 
 it will make it entirely fure, and abridge considerably the 
 time for your Majefty 's making the declaration; for the 
 King my mafter is not of opinion, that to accompliih this 
 acl you need be obliged to wait the end of the war with 
 Holland, but after you are furnifhed with the pretences for 
 arming, he thinks the moft proper time for your declara- 
 tion would be in the midft of a fuccefsful war, when you 
 could make your fubjecls feel, that you were on the point 
 of procuring them the great advantage of the principal pro- 
 fits of the trade of the world, of which the Dutch would 
 fruftrate them by their power, and their clofe application to 
 draw all to themfelves with an infatiable greedinefs. The 
 confequence of which would be, that the merchants being 
 f atisficd with this commercial reafon, all your brave oScer* 
 
 and
 
 lrt APPENDIX 
 
 ami foldiers occupied in the war with Holland, the Prefby- 
 tcrians and fechries content with the free exercife of reli* 
 gion which you will grant them, and the principal perfon* 
 of your council engaged in this war by the part you are a- 
 bout to give them in the treaty, and otherwife obliged by 
 the honour and faith they owe you, not only to do their 
 duty, but alfo to keep all thofe to it in parliament with 
 whom they have credit, there will not remain the leaft 
 ground to fear, that your declaration being made in this 
 conjuncture, can excite the fmalleft troubles in your king- 
 doms. Your Majefty's penetration, and perfect knowledge 
 of the ftate of your own kingdom, and that of your neigh- 
 bours, will fuggeft to you all the other reafons, which I 
 omit, to avoid being tirefome ; and after you have made 
 all the reflection that the importance of the matter merits* 
 your Majefty will pleafe to let me know your ultimate re 
 folutions, to the end I may communicate them to the King 
 y mailer. 
 
 N if. 
 
 Letters from Monjitur Colbert and the Duke of Suckinghatrt t 
 to the French court , concerning the fecond Jecret money treat) 
 with France, concluded in the year \ 67 1 , by the protejiant 
 miniflers c,j Char Us II for the deli rucJion of Holland ; "witk 
 the fecret article of that treaty, unknown to his protejlar.t 
 mini/lers t for the King* s popery. 
 
 T)RoBABLY Charles's hefitaticn arofe from his confciouf- 
 nefs, that in his fecret treaty with France, he wai 
 fupported by none but his popifh minifters : for which rea- 
 fon it appears, from the French difpatches in the Depot, 
 that he carried on the following very extraordinary intrigue^ 
 to lay the burden of part of the articles of that treaty upori 
 his proteftant miniflers. 
 
 A
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 113 
 
 A letter from Colbert to Louis the XlVth, dated 
 14 J u ty 1670, bears, fliat upon the death of the 
 Dutchefs of Orleans, Buckingham propofed to go to 
 France with an embafly of condolence, and to try to 
 bring about an alliance between the French and Englifh 
 courts ; that the King, the Duke of York, and Lord 
 Arlington, were pleafed to hear it; that he, Colbert, 
 had encouraged him to it ; that Buckingham had pro- 
 pofed it to Lauderdale and Afhley Cooper (afterwards 
 Earl of Shaftefbury), that Lauderdale agreed to it, but 
 Afhley Cooper afked time to confider. 
 
 On the 28th July, 1670, Colbert writes Louis the 
 XlVth, that King Charles was to fend Buckingham am- 
 baflador to France, with a view that Louis the XlVth 
 might gain him to bring about a treaty between the two 
 princes againft the Dutch, concealing from him the 
 treaty already made ; and feveral letters bear Charles's 
 permifllon to the French King to flatter Buckingham 
 with the command of the Englifli troops which were to 
 be employed againft the Dutch ; that Buckingham had 
 the direction of Afhley Cooper, who had been raifed by 
 him ; and that the King himfelf could anfwer for Lau- 
 derdale from the perfonal attachment which Lauderdale 
 had to him. 
 
 In confequence of this, Buckingham went Ambaf- 
 fador to France. 
 
 On the 25th of Auguft, 1670, Colbert writes Louis 
 the XlVth an account of King Charles's joy upon 
 Louis's having gained Buckingham : that Charles faid 
 Buckingham had been always a friend both to the Dutch 
 war and to popery, but that he could not keep a fecret : 
 and that Charles had propofed there fhould be what he 
 called unc tralt'e fimule^ .which fhould be a repetition of 
 the former one in all things except the article relative to 
 the King's declaring himfelf Roman Catholic j and that 
 
 VOL. I. P the
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 the proteftant minifters, Buckingham, Afliley Cooper, 
 and Lauderdale, (hould be brought to be parties to it. 
 In the Depot. 
 
 On the 8th of September, 1670, Colbert writes thus 
 to Louis the XlVth. 
 
 Part of Colbert's letter to Louis the XlVih^ 8 Sept. 1670. 
 King Charles makes a tool of Buckingham in the fevnd 
 fecrtt treaty. 
 
 Tranflation. 
 
 '"pHE King of England and my Lord Arlington have 
 ' told me, that they had written to the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham that he might return when he pleafed, and that 
 upon his return they would endeavour to finifli what he 
 had fo well begun ; and that by proceeding ftep by ftep, 
 and doing nothing but in his prefence, they would lead 
 him ftill further." 
 
 Buckingham foon after came over to England ; and it 
 appears from Colbert's difpatches that Buckingham, Lau- 
 derdale, Afhley Cooper, and the Duke of York, were 
 appointed commiflioners by King Charles for conducting 
 the treaty with Monf. Colbert. In order to deceive 
 Buckingham dill better, and to irritate his keenncfs by 
 oppofition, Lord Arlington and Colbert pretended to 
 throw obftructions in the way of the treaty. On the 
 2gth September Colbert writes to Louis the XlVth, that 
 Buckingham was prefling for the treaty, and complained 
 of Lord Arlington's backwardnefs ; and that King 
 Charles had defued the article relating to money for his 
 religion, might be funk in the traite fimule, and the fum 
 due to him on that account thrown into his fubfidy for the 
 Dutch war, in order to hide his intention to become Ca- 
 tholic from his Proteftam minifters. la the Depot. 
 
 On
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 115 
 
 On the 2d of October, 1670, Colbert writes Louis 
 the XlVth, that Buckingham is grown keener and 
 keener, the King having agreed to give him the com- 
 mand of 6000 Englifli troops to be ufed againft Hol- 
 land j that the new Commiffioners are working at the 
 new treaty, not knowing of the old one. The King 
 having given the Commiffioners the line, the differences 
 between it and the former treaty are trifling. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 But the impatience of Buckingham is not half fo well 
 painted in Colbert's letters, as in the three following let- 
 ters written in his own hand. 
 
 Better from the Duke of Buckingham to Louis the XlVth, 
 bound up before the letter from Mr. Colbert of the 1 3 Oc- 
 tober, 1670. Impatient for thefetret treaty. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 jT is very important to the good fuccefs of this affair, 
 that it fhould be concluded before the meeting of par- 
 liament ; for which reafon I moft humbly beg your Ma- 
 jefty will fend us with the utmoft difpatch your final re- 
 folutions upon every article of this treaty, to the end that 
 we may endeavour to be in a capacity of ferving you in 
 the beginning of the fpring. Vanbuning fince my re- 
 turn has offered me a very confiderable turn to change 
 fides, though he did not find his account in it; but I ap- 
 prehend he may with others, if the affair is drawn into 
 length ; and for this reafon I am in a furious pain till it 
 be finifhed. For the love of God, Sire, believe that no 
 man in the world can be attached with greater pallion, 
 refpecl and acknowledgment, than I lhall be to your 
 Majefty all my life. In the Depot. 
 
 P 2 Tranjtatlw*
 
 ,,6 "APPENDIX 
 
 Translation* 
 
 Letter from tht Duke of Buckingham to the French King 9 
 Nov. 19, 1670. More and more impatient for tne 
 treaty. A mean flattering letter. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 T SHOULD be in defpair if your Majefty could doubt 
 my zeal and fidelity : I owe you every thing through 
 gratitude, but I am ftill more attached to your fervice by 
 your perfonal qualities, which render you as much more 
 eftimable and above the reft of mankind, as you are by 
 your rank. It is thefe that for ever oblige me to be 
 more devoted to your Majefty than to every thing elfe in 
 the world, and will always make me declare my thoughts 
 plainly to you without referve, being certain that as I 
 (hall always fubmit myfelf to your judgment, you will 
 not think ill of me for the ardour I (hall always have for 
 every thing that regards you : in fhort. Sire, I cannot 
 hinder myfelf any longer from telling your Majefty that 
 noth.iig ever troubled my mind fo much, as the conduit 
 of th.s t;c; ; ry fince our return from Newmarket. The 
 King n.y .v.:.:":er agreed there in every thing with your 
 Majefty j there was nothing wanting but to draw the ar- 
 ticles up w.. ought to have figned in two days, and 
 which, I am a flu red, might have been written in lefs 
 than one. My Lord Arlington fhould have finifhed 
 them in concert with the Ambafiador, but fince then we 
 have had nothing but delays. The firft ftumbling-block 
 was the iflands of Goree and Worne, which the Am- 
 baflador has fince agreed to ; but that fhould not have 
 retarded the affair, for the King my mafter was refolved to 
 fjgn the treaty, leaving a blank place for the faid ifbnds, 
 upon the aflurances I gave him of your Majcfty's affec- 
 tion, and that without doubt you would infert them your- 
 
 felf,
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 117 
 
 felf, after the reafons that might be given you for it. I 
 immediately told the Ambaffador'^of it, believing on my 
 part that I had done wonders ; but the next day, inftead 
 of concluding, we had another difpute about the preamble, 
 and the article relating to the Prince of Orange. The 
 King my mafter confented dire&Iy to every thing he 
 afked j but this availed us nothing, for the AmbafTador 
 always found new difficulties, and refufed to fign till the 
 return of his meffenger. At prefent we are difputing 
 about one of the two millions of livres that is to be paid 
 on figning the treaty. During this delay, it was often 
 foretold to the King my mafter, that he would very foon 
 have an infallible mark of your Majefty's intentions, for 
 if you had changed your fentiments, you would hefitate 
 upon the payment of thefe two millions. This predic- 
 tion fulfilled fo foon, together with what followed, ferved 
 to confirm me in a fufpicion, which for fome time has 
 given me a great deal of uneafinefs ; and I no longer 
 doubt but the two perfons who ought to have prepared 
 every thing for the conclufion of the treaty have agreed 
 to break it off; and that whilft one fills the King my 
 matter's head with fcruples, the other does as much to 
 your Majefty ; if I am miftaken, excufe a weaknefs that 
 is a fault of my nature. I cannot be indifferent in the 
 caufe of thofe whom I honour. I confider this affair as 
 the only one that can aggrandize your Majefty's renown. 
 If we enter here into the alliances which are every day 
 offered us with eagernefs, your Majefty will lofe the 
 fineft occafion in the world to exert thofe talents God 
 has given you, arid which are capable of making you 
 at leaft equal to all thofe who have preceded you in 
 hiftory. 
 
 Sire, I fpeak as I think. If I do wrong, pardon me. 
 Your Majefty, if you pleafe, may remember that from. 
 the moment 1 knew you, my heart was fo filled with ad- 
 miration,
 
 ,,g APPENDIX 
 
 miration, that it will be impoflible for me ever to have 
 an attachment to any other thing, or to be at reft till I 
 find fome occafion to render you fervice, and to (how 
 your Majefty to what a degree I am accountable to you 
 for all the obligations that I have received in fo many dif- 
 ferent ways. I am, from the bottom of my heart, 
 
 SIRE, your Majefty's, &c: 
 
 (Signed) BUCKINGHAM, 
 
 J moft humbly beg your Majefty to fpare me a little 
 for the freedom of this letter. In the Depot. 
 
 Tranjlat'ion. 
 
 Letter from, the Duke of Buckingham to Monf. de Lyonne % 
 iqth November, 1670. To the fame purpofe.Infmnat 
 tions again/I Lord Arlington. 
 
 SI R, 
 
 I N C E the letter you did me the honour to fend me, 
 
 I have been very ill, which is the reafon I have not 
 written to you fooner ; at prefent I find myfelf obliged 
 to fend you this meflenger, our affair being on the point 
 to be broken off through the flownefs of the Ambaflador. 
 
 1 will never believe that you have changed fentiments on 
 the other fide of the water ; for which reafon I throw the 
 fault entirely upon your man here, and one of ours, 
 whofe domeftic alliances do not feem quite to agree with 
 thofe we have endeavoured to accomplish for the public. 
 It is now a month fince every thing was agreed upon, 
 and nothing wanted but a fheet of paper to be written, 
 which my Lord Arlington and the Ambaflador fhould 
 have adjufted together ; yet we are now farther from 
 coming to a conclufion than ever. Whatever reafons 
 you may have to defer the declaration of war, what can 
 
 you
 
 TO CHAP. IL OF THE REVIEW. 119 
 
 you have for not immediately figning the treaty ? Every 
 day here creates a thoufand obftacles ; the parliament is 
 on the point of making fome declarations that will fpoil 
 all we may hereafter do, and in the mean time, being 
 uncertain of what you are refolved upon, we dare not 
 take the only means capable to prevent them. For the 
 love of God, if you have ftill the intention to do any 
 thing with us, conclude it fpeedily, and know that I can- 
 not render a more confiderable fervice to the King of 
 France, than in putting him on his guard in good time. 
 In fhort, there are certain people here very much altered 
 within this little while. I don't know from whence it 
 comes, but I fufpecl: very much that the offers of money 
 have not been every where fo badly received as by, 
 
 SIR, yours, &c. 
 
 (Signed ) BUCKINGHAM. 
 
 I fhould not wifli that every one faw this letter. In 
 the Depot. 
 
 From Colbert's difpatches it appears, that the articles 
 of the new treaty, or what is called in thofe difpatches 
 the traite fimule, was figned by King Charles on the ad 
 of February 1671, and by the new commiffioners on the 
 3d of June thereafter. I did not find a formal copy of 
 the treaty in the volumes, but the letters fhow that the 
 articles agreed upon were the fame with thofe of the for- 
 mer treaty in all things, except that the money given for 
 the King's Popery was thrown into the firfr, year's fubfidy 
 for the Dutch war, and Charles was to get a million of 
 livres in hand j and that in the divifion of Holland, Eng- 
 land was to have an addition of the iflands of Worne and 
 Goree. From all the difpatches I faw, there is not the 
 
 leaft
 
 I2 o APPENDIX 
 
 leaft reafon to believe that the Proteftant Commiflionera 
 knew any thing of the former treaty made by the Popi(h 
 ones. 
 
 When the new treaty was near finimed, the French 
 court infifted to have a fecret article, declaring that no- 
 thing in it fhould derogate from the article of the former 
 treaty relative to the King's Popery. The difpatches 
 fliow that Charles ftruggled hard to avoid it, but at laft 
 confented. The fecret article offered by Charles, and 
 afterwards accepted by France, with Monfieur Colbert's 
 letter relative to it, run as follows : 
 
 Tr '(inflation. 
 
 Draught of the injlrument offered by the King of England* 
 Charley & 'c. bound up before Mr. Colbert's letter to the 
 King) of the yl November ^ 1670. Second treaty not to 
 derogate from firft as to King's Popery. 
 
 A S by the treaty figned at Dover the 
 
 and ratified it is agreed, that we fhall 
 
 receive two millions of livres tournois, to aflift us in de- 
 claring ourfelf a Catholic, and three millions each year 
 for theexpence of a war againft Holland ; and as we have 
 ftipulated by a treaty figned this day, that the moft Chrif- 
 tian King fhall give us five millions of livres for the firft 
 year's expcnces of a war againft Holland ; we declare by 
 thefe prefents, that in the five millions mentioned in this 
 laft treaty for the Dutch war, are comprehended alfo the 
 two millions which are mentioned in the firft treaty for 
 our declaring ourfelf Catholic j and we declare bclides, 
 aftd promife, that having received the f*id two firft mil- 
 lions, we will give an acquittance as relative to the ar- 
 il tide
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 121 
 
 ticle of our being Catholic ; and further, that it is our 
 intention there be nothing in this treaty that may change 
 the articles and ciaufes contained in the faid treaty of 
 Dover, but rather confirm and corroborate them. In 
 faith of which, &c. In the Depot. 
 
 Tranflation. 
 Secret article ofthefecond treaty confirming the firjl treaty. 
 
 I thought myfelf obliged to difpatch 
 this courier to deliver to your Majefty the King of 
 England's ratification of the treaty, and of the fecret af- 
 ticles, with his declaration (which I have put in a fecret 
 pacquet), bearing a confirmation of the treaty of Dover. 
 
 N III. 
 
 While the fecret treaty was going on, the young 
 Prince of Orange had come upon a vifit to fee his uncles 
 in England. 
 
 Colbert, in a letter to Louis the XlVth, of date 23d 
 O&ober, 1670, fays, that Charles had propofed to him 
 to detain the Prince of Orange in England, and to tempt 
 him with the fovereignty of Holland ; but that he, Col- 
 bert, had demurred to the propofa!. In the Depot. 
 
 A letter from Colbert to Louis of i3th Nov. 1670, 
 (hews, that the French court approved of his conduit in 
 not confenting to King Charles's propofal about the 
 Prince of Orange. In the Depot. 
 
 Thofe who refieft that they owe their prefent liberty 
 
 and religion to King William, will read with pleafure 
 
 VOL. I. Q_ the
 
 J22 APPENDIX 
 
 the following charader which King Charles gave Colbert 
 of him at this vifit. 
 
 Part of Colbert's letter to Louis the XlVth, th Dec. 1670. 
 Charles's character of the young Prince of Orange. 
 
 Tran/Jation. 
 
 *Tp H E King of England is much fatisfied with the parts 
 of the Prince of Orange. But he finds him fo paf- 
 fionate a Dutchman and Proteftant, that even although 
 your Majefty had not difapproved of his trufting him with 
 any part of the fecret, thofe two reafons would have 
 hindered him. 
 
 The treaty- being finiftied, there appear in the dif- 
 patchcs the firft flrokes of that arbitrary difpofition, and 
 contempt of parliaments, in the Duke of York, which 
 afterwards drew ruin upon him. For after the treaty, a 
 difpute having arifen in King Charles's councils, whe- 
 ther to ailcmble parliament in order to get money, in 
 which Buckingham was much againft it, Monfieur Col- 
 bert reprcfents the Duke of York's fentiments in the fol- 
 lowing words : 
 
 Part of Monf. Colbert's letter to Louis the XlVtb, July 
 14, 1671 . The Duke of York's aver/ion to Parliament;. 
 His arbitrary views. 
 
 TraitJJation. 
 
 J FOUND the Duke of York in the fame fentiments 
 
 with the Duke of Buckingham with regard to the 
 
 iteeting of the parliament, having told me of himfelf, 
 
 without
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 123 
 
 without my entering upcfri the fubjeft, that if his advice 
 was followed, they would be very cautious of aflembling 
 it ; adding, in confidence, that affairs are at prefent here 
 in fuch a fituation as to make him believe that a King 
 and a parliament can exift no longer together : That no- 
 thing ftiould be any longer thought of than to make war 
 upon Holland, as the only means left without having re- 
 courfe to parliament, to which they ought no longer to 
 have recourfe till the war and the Catholic faith had 
 come to an happy iffue, and when they fhould be in a con- 
 dition to obtain by force, what they could cot obtain by 
 mildnefs. 
 
 In this correfpondence, the firft ftrokes of Lord Sun- 
 derland's character are alfo to be feen. From Colbert's 
 letter to Monfieur de Lyonne of 24th Dec. 1671, it ap- 
 pears, that Lord Sunderland was fent Ambaflador to 
 Spain to perfuade the Spanifti court to join in the war 
 againft Holland. From a previous letter from Colbert to 
 Louis of 30th Nov. that year, it appears, that he had in- 
 ftru&ions to take France in his way. This laft letter 
 contains thefe words : 
 
 Part of a letter from Monf. Colbert to Louis the XlVth, yxb 
 Nov. 1 67 1 . Ckarafter of Lord Sunderland. 
 
 TranJIation. 
 
 HEY aflfured me that the Earl of Sunderland fhould 
 without fail depart to-morrow to wait upon your 
 Majefty. He is a young gentleman of high family, has 
 a great deal of franknefs, courage, parts, and learning, 
 is alfo extremely well intentioned, and has befides a great 
 difpofition to make himfelf a Roman Catholic. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 i Both
 
 124 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Both of the above treaties were helped on by money 
 from France given to the King's minifters, and for the 
 moft part with his knowledge. 
 
 On the 25th Auguft, 1670, Colbert writes to Louis 
 the XlVth, that he had offered a penfion of 10,000 
 crowns to Lord Arlington, whofe anfwer was, that he 
 could neither take or refufe it now, but that in cafe of 
 neceflity he would afk the protection of Louis. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 On the 28th Auguft, 1670, Colbert writes Monf. de 
 Lyonne, that Lord Arlington had propofed the French 
 court fhould give a penfion to Lady Shrewfbury, in order 
 to fix Buckingham the better. In the Depot. 
 
 On the 2d October, 1670, Colbert writes, that 
 Buckingham had told him the Spaniards had offered him 
 20O,OOO /. to bring King Charles to their fide. Colbert 
 adds: "I do not believe any thing of it; but I am 
 * afraid that the appetite of thefe new Commiifioners is 
 great." In the Depot. 
 
 On the 1 6th October and 3d November, 1670, Col- 
 bert writes, that he had given the prefents to the Com- 
 miffioners of the firft treaty, and that King Charles had 
 ordered them to take them. It does not appear what the 
 extent of the prefents was. 
 
 On the ift Jan. 1671, Colbert writes, that he had 
 given Lady Shrewfbury io,OOO livres. In the Depot. 
 
 On the 2d April, 1671, Colbert writes, that he had 
 given a prefent to Lauderdale, that he is foon to do the 
 fame to Buckingham and Afliley Cooper, and that King 
 Charles knew it. It docs not appear what the extent of 
 the prefents was. In the Depot. 
 
 On
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 125 
 
 On the gth November, 1671, Colbert writes, that 
 Lady Shrewsbury on receiving her French penfion faid, 
 {he would make Buckingham comply with King Charles's 
 in all things. In the Depot. 
 
 On the 3d December, 1671, Colbert writes, that 
 Lady Arlington had in her hufband's prefence offered to 
 accept of the prefent intended for her hufband. He 
 adds, " The hufband reproached her, but very ob- 
 " ligingly." In the Depot. 
 
 On the nth April, 1672, Colbert writes to Louis in 
 thefe words : " My Lord Arlington made me a viilt on 
 " purpofe to let me know how much he is penetrated 
 " with the marks of efteem and diftinclion which your 
 " Majefty has given by the magnificent prefent which 
 " your Majefty has made to Lady Arlington." And 
 then proceeds to repeat the ftrong profeflions of Lord Ar- 
 lington to France. In the Depot. 
 
 The difpatches fhow that Charles received great fums 
 from France during the Dutch war, and that he made no 
 complaints of breach of treaty on that head ; but the* 
 extent^of them does not appear. 
 
 While King Charles was projecting or forming thefe 
 fecret treaties with France, he withdrew all his confi- 
 dence from his old Tory Minifters, pretended to make a 
 favourite of Buckingham, and put the direction of Ire- 
 land into the hands of Lord Roberts ; of Scotland into 
 thofe of Lord Lauderdale ; and of England into thofe of 
 Lord Afhley Cooper ; all of whom had drawn their 
 fwords againft his father. Thefe things he probably did 
 to engage their fervices in the fuccefs of his connexion with 
 France, or to expofe men whom he difliked if it fhould 
 
 prove
 
 Il6 APPENDIX 
 
 prove unfucccfsful. The contempt he had for the pro- 
 fligacy of Buckingham is notorious. His diflike of 
 Shaftefbury made him blind even to his talents, for Col- 
 bert, in a letter of July 1763, fays, Charles told him 
 that " the Chancellor was the weakeft and wickedeft of 
 * all men." In one of Monf. Barillon's letters at an 
 after-period, to wit, in 1681, Barillon writes, that 
 when Shaftefbury, at the end of the Dutch war, was 
 advifm* Charles to quit the French and make a Spanifh 
 alliance, Charles afked him how much the Spaniards had 
 given him ? He anfwered, Nothing at all j then, faid 
 the K.ing, you owe them nothing, for they offered Ar- 
 lington 40,000 /. 
 
 The following letter from Charles to his fifter, in the 
 Depot, {hews that his removal of the Duke of Ormond 
 from the command of Ireland, did not arife from dif- 
 pleafure. 
 
 Part of a letter from Charles the lid to the Dutchefs of Or- 
 leans, Jth March, 1669. His removal of the Duke of 
 Ormond arifes not from difpltafure. 
 
 T SEE you are mifinformed if you think I 
 Lord of Ormond lefs than I did ; there are c 
 
 trufl my 
 
 there are other con- 
 federations which make me fend my Lord Robarts into 
 Ireland which are too long for a letter. I have dif- 
 patched this night n. z. m. p. s. c. b. s. w. a. e. f. m. to 
 103, who is fully inftru&ed as you can wifh : you will 
 fee by him the reafon why I defired to write to nobody 
 
 France 
 
 here of the bufinefs of 271, but to myfelf." 
 
 After Charles had drawn his new Minifters into his 
 fecond frcret treaty with France, he aflumed a much 
 higher lone over them than he had before done. 
 
 He
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 127 
 
 He duped Buckingham of his expectations of com- 
 manding 6000 Englifh forces againft Holland, by pre- 
 vailing with France not to afk them. Colbert writes oa 
 the 4th November, 1671, that on this account Bucking- 
 ham had refufed to go to court when fent for. Afhley 
 Cooper and Lauderdale had fhewn fome difcontents about 
 the fame time. Colbert gives the following account of 
 the King's perfonal behaviour to thefe three Minifters 
 upon this occafion. 
 
 Tranjlatlon* 
 
 Extra ft of a letter from Mr. Colbert to the King^ 9 Nov. 
 1671. Charles's free treatment of Buckingham, djhley y 
 and Lauderdale. 
 
 HE Duke of Buckingham has at laft been to fee the 
 King his mafter, who gave him a pretty long au- 
 dience, and immediately after, the detail was told to the 
 Duke of York, to my Lord Arlington, and the Trea- 
 furer Clifford, from whom I learnt it. His Britannic 
 Majefty having ordered the Duke to tell him the fubje&s 
 of his chagrin, faying, obligingly, that he wifhed him 
 fo well as to cure him of it, the Duke openly complained 
 of Mr. Mountagu, and indirectly of my Lord Arling- 
 ton, for all the bad offices they had done him under- 
 hand, infmuating, that they had conceived an averfion 
 to him only becaufe he had been the firft promoter of a 
 good union between your Majefty and England ; and he 
 maintained, that the favour which that AmbafTador had 
 aiked of your Majefty on the part of the faid King, to 
 difpenfe with his levying and keeping on foot a body of 
 Englifh troops, was againft his honour and the good of 
 his fervice ; but the King told him, after having heard 
 him peaceably, that he faw well he had forgot the mil- 
 lions he had been the caufe of his loung in the laft fefiion 
 8 of
 
 J2 g APPENDIX 
 
 of parliament, and that though the affeclion he had for 
 him, the Duke, had blotted out this offence, he could 
 not help fenfibly feeling the effe&s of it, which perhaps 
 might have reduced him to Jthe difagreeable impoffibility 
 of difcharging his obligation, if your Majefty had not 
 been pleafed to releafehim from it. That even fuppofing 
 Mr. Mountagu had a&ed from no other motive than 
 hatred to him (the Duke), he could not avoid approving 
 his conduct from the good cffe&s it had produced. That 
 it was folly to imagine he could put in competition the 
 intereft the Duke had in commanding a body of troops, 
 with that of the public, which received fo great an eafe 
 from your Majefty's complaifance. He added, with 
 anger, that on fuch occafions he confidered him no more 
 than his dog ; and that even if your Majefty had releafed 
 him of the naval armament in place of the levying and 
 keeping the troops on foot, he would have had no more 
 regard to the Duke of York's defire of commanding the 
 fleet : that as for the reft, he wiflied that all thofe who 
 had figned the treaty would live in good harmony, and 
 unanirnoufly concur in facilitating the execution of it; 
 and that if any divifion amongft them fhould happen 
 which might hurt this affair, he fliould know very well 
 who were guilty, and entirely banifti them from his con- 
 fidence, and admit others who deferved it better. They 
 told me that he fpoke in the fame ftile to my Lord Lau- 
 dcrdule and to my Lord Aftiley, who appear to me in 
 effect a little mortified, and I believe this reprimand will 
 not hurt your Majefty's fervice, the more fo as my Lord 
 Arlington, who has the largeft (hare in the efteem and 
 afiedion of his mafter, fhews more warmth and for- 
 wardnefs than ever in advancing your Majefty's fatif- 
 fa<5tion jointly with that of the King of England. In 
 the Depot. 
 
 This
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 129 
 
 This bold language had its effeft with Buckingham at 
 leaft. Colbert writes on the 1 5th February, 1672, that 
 a Latin copy of the fecond treaty was that day figned j 
 that Buckingham upon that occafion faid, that another 
 would get the honour of his work, that he had miffed 
 the object of his ambition, which was the command of 
 the troops ; adding, " fie vos non vobis vellera fertis 
 " oves :" and then reludantly put his name to the papers 
 In the Depot. 
 
 A Prince whofe politics are crooked makes thofe of 
 his Miniftefs crooked too. The cabal became fenfible of 
 the danger they were expofed to by thefe treaties with 
 France, and therefore attempted to lefTen that danger by 
 fhating it with the King's former friends. 
 
 Colbert writes on the 3'd June, 1671, that the cabal 
 had propofed to make an attempt to bring Prince Rupert 
 and the Duke of Ormond to confent to' a treaty with 
 France agahift Holland j that the treaty juft concluded 
 fhould be concealed from them, and a new one on the very 
 fame terms framed in conjunction with them ; but that 
 he, Colbert, had refufed to give his content to the 
 project. 
 
 It is very probable that the dangers which the cabal 
 were thus brought into, engaged them for th'eir own 
 fafeties in the bold courfes which they took in the be- 
 ginning of the fecond Dutch war. 
 
 Colbert, on the nth April, 1672, writes thus of the 
 cabal : " They fee that all their fafety lies in itrength- 
 ening the authority of the King their matter."- In the 
 Depot. 
 
 VOL. I. R Lord
 
 J3 o APPENDIX 
 
 Lord Keeper Gnildford, in the mannfcript which Doc- 
 tor North was fo good as to fliow me, writes thus : 
 
 Extraftfrom Lord Ketper North's manufenpt. Bold courfes 
 of Clifford and Skaftejbury. 
 
 Lord Clifford and the Earl of Shaftefbury were 
 each of them upon very bold projects, and did not 
 regard a good report : they thought, by the help of the 
 parties they comprehended and took into favour, to be 
 too ftrong for all oppofers." 
 
 When the Houfe of Commons prefled Charles to re- 
 call his declaration of indulgence, Arlington alone he- 
 fitated, the reft of the cabal flood firm. Colbert writes 
 thus to Louis the XlVth, on the 9th March, 1673. 
 
 TranJIatton. 
 
 " The Chancellor, the Treafurer, and the Dukes of 
 Buckingham and Lauderdale, are of opinion to maintain 
 this declaration of the King their mafter, in favour of 
 the Nonconformifts j and that if the parliament perfift in 
 their remonftrances, as it is not doubted they will, to 
 diflblve it and call another : they do not even want good 
 reafons to fupport their opinion. My Lord Arlington, 
 who at prefent is fingle in his fentiments, f*ys, that the 
 King his mafter ought not to do it." In the Depot. 
 
 A Prince who betrays, and confents to the corruption 
 of his own Minifters, nruft expect to be betrayed by 
 them. The cabal, and all their fchemes, burft like a 
 bubble at the firft fight of the terrors of an Engliflj pax- 
 liamcnt hung out to them. 
 
 Lord
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 131 
 
 Lord Keeper Guildford, in the fame manufcripr, writes 
 thus : 
 
 Lord Keeper GuiUfird's tnanufcnpt.Shaf- 
 tefbury' $ fudden change of conduft. 
 
 TT7HEN Shaftefbury found he was to be xjueftioned 
 firft, and for what he had faid and done, he fell to. 
 h^s old courfes, by which he ufed to fave himfelf in 
 former changes ^ and dealt underhand with the party thajt 
 oppofed the court ; and recanted pubUdy and fuddenly., 
 fcy-difapproving the declaration, and thereby faved him- 
 felf with them, who thought it would be of more fervice 
 to have the King's councils betrayed^ than to make the 
 Earl of Shaftefbury an example." 
 
 Colbert writes, 20th November, 1673, that Arlington 
 had turned entirely to the Dutch party ; that he contrived 
 the Teft aft, knowing that Clifford would not take it 5 
 and that to make his peace he difclofed the fecret of the 
 firft fecret treaty to Ormond and Shaftefbury. In the 
 Pepot. 
 
 If this laft fact, be true, it is a ftrong inftance of the 
 honour of Erfglifh party : for Lord Ormond carried witfj 
 him to the grave his loyalty and his fecret ; and Shaftef- 
 bury, though little troubled with fcruples, never made, 
 ufe of it againft Lord Arundel, even whilft he perfe 
 cuted him. 
 
 This was not all : Charles, by thefe crooked politics, 
 Joft all the fruits of the popularity of the earlier part of 
 his reign. The effe&s of that popularity might have 
 been great to the power of the crown, when even the 
 friends of the crown fufpe&ed the weight of it. Lord 
 R 2 Keeper
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Keeper Guildford, in the fame manufcript, fpeaking of 
 the earlier period of Charles's reign, writes thus: 
 
 Extraft from Lord Keeper Guildford' s tnanufeript. OU 
 gentry jealous of the weight of the King' 3 popularity in the 
 beginning of his reign. 
 
 " '"pHE gentry were fo fecure in their own opinion, 
 that they were confidering rather that the parlia- 
 ment would inveft too much power in the King, than 
 that there was any danger of the old rebels, and there- 
 fore many of them began to draw the other way, defiring 
 the crown fhould depend on the good will of the people, 
 and thought themfelves politic in keeping the balance as 
 even as they could. One would think they that had felt 
 the mifcries of anarchy fhould never have feared a 
 King." 
 
 The publication of the Duke's popery, about the fame 
 time, loft the King even the Diflenters, whom he meant 
 to have gained by his declaration of indulgence. Lord 
 Guildford, in Dr. North's manufcript, writes thus : 
 
 Extratt frtm Lord Guildford' 's manufcript. Charles lofes 
 the DiJJenters. 
 
 T T is certain that from this time the credit of the 
 government was quite broke, and that party who 
 had perfuaded to the indulgence, and taken licences to a 
 vaft number (which they did to make the King believe 
 their numbers were very formidable), cried out againft it, 
 as not intended out of kindnefs to them, but only to the 
 Papifts ; that they defired indulgence, but not at the 
 price of all the laws ; they had much rather have it in a 
 parliamentary way ; and in the next parliament they 
 
 joined
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 133 
 
 joined with many of the country gentlemen, that were 
 jio friends to them, to oppofe the declaration, fo as they 
 might have an aft of comprehension j wherein the others 
 promifed all their endeavours." 
 
 Upon the promotion of Lord Danby on the ruins of 
 the cabal, the project of that minifter to buy off the re- 
 fentment of the Houfe of Commons, by giving money to 
 the members, only added, on account of its novelty, to 
 the impopularity of government. On this head Lord 
 Guildford, in his manufcript, fpeaks thus : 
 
 " I obferved this good humour began to decay upon the 
 taking off enemies by preferring them j and thofe friends 
 that were low in the world, or had mercenary natures, 
 had money given them j fo that ambitious meji expe&ed 
 to be fought to and carefled, becaufe they were able to 
 trouble the King's affairs ; and the honeft, plain (but 
 not difcerning) country gentleman believed every vote^ 
 that was given for the court was the effect of a penfion, 
 and would not join, left he fhould be thought to do it, 
 becaufe he had fome hopes of a reward." 
 
 It has commonly been believed that the French played 
 falfe to England, in carrying the Dutch war upon the 
 fide of Maeftricht, inftead of making war near the fea 
 coafts, in order to have enabled England to fubdue Zea- 
 land. But the following extract from Lord Guildford's 
 manufcript (hows this to be a miftake ;
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 from Lord Guildford's manufcript.The Frtnd 
 aftedfair to England in the fecond Dutch war. 
 
 " T HAD then the curiofity thereupon to be fatisfied, 
 concerning foul play fuppofed to be done by the 
 French in making war about Maeftright, when it was 
 fuppofed, if they had advanced towards the fea coafts, 
 Zealand would have yielded to have been fubjecl to the 
 King of England rather than to the French. I was told 
 (by the Dulce of York), that France did concert the 
 fiege of Maeftright with the King, and it was alleged, 
 that to think of a furrender was vain, unlefs the King 
 could (how fome force, which, if he could, the French 
 making the feat of the war fo far off, would divert the 
 force of the States from the defence of the coafts : andi 
 this reafon prevailed." 
 
 Charles's declaration of indulgence has been commonly 
 imputed to the intrigues of France with Charles, for the 
 purpofe of ferving the intereft of Popery. But Colbert's 
 difpatches (how that France had not the leaft hand in it ? 
 that it was a fcheme of Buckingham and Shaftefbury to 
 gain the Diflenters, and that France was the caufe of 
 Charles's recalling it. 
 
 Colbert writes to Louis the XlVth on the gth March, 
 1673, that Madame de la Queruaille had told him, that 
 the rcmonftrances of parliament about the declaration of 
 indulgence ha4 driven Charles to defpair, an4 that he 
 was to diftblve the parliament, and make a peace with 
 Holland, finding he could do no better. In the Depot. 
 
 Upon this intelligence, Louis the XlVth, whofe only 
 
 object, in his connexion with Charles, feems to have been 
 
 M the
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 135 
 
 the fuccefs of the Dutch war, wrote to Charles, and or- 
 dered Colbert to intreat him to drop his declaration of 
 indulgence. 
 
 On the 20tb March, 1673, Colbert writes the follow- 
 ing congratulatory letter to Louis the XlVth, on Charles's 
 having given up his declaration of indulgence, in confe- 
 quence of the interpofition of France ; 
 
 Tranjlatidn. 
 
 Extrafl of a letter from Monf. Colbert to Louis the XIVtb> 
 2Oth Afarchy 1673. 'France has prevailed with Charles 
 to recall his declaration of indulgence. And aj/ura him of 
 troops againft his fubj efts. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 EVER could any counfel be better received, more 
 punctually followed, nor produce better and more 
 immediate effects, than that which your Majefty has 
 given to the King of England. This Prince, who was 
 almoft refolved on Thurfday in the evening to diflblve his 
 parliament, had hardly heard on Friday morning the rea- 
 fons which I reprefented to him on your part, to prevail 
 with him to fubmit himfelf to the neceffity of fatisfying 
 his people upon the affair of the declaration, and to re- 
 move from the bad {mentioned the too plaufible pretence 
 of religion, than he affured me that your Majefty's fenti- 
 ments had always more power over him than, all the rea- 
 fonings of his moft faithful minifters : that he was fo fen- 
 fibly touched with the marks of the fincere friendfiiip you 
 had on this occafion given him, and the offers which I 
 made him on your Majefty's part, to extend the fuc- 
 cours, after the peace was made, beyond what you was 
 obliged to by the treaty : that, to teftify the better his 
 
 acknow-
 
 1 3 6 APPENDIX 
 
 acknowledgments to you, he would grant, without any 
 farther deliberation, what his fubjels fo preflingly afked 
 of him. The next day in the morning, he went to the 
 Houfc of Lords in his robes, fent for the Commons, and 
 fpoke in the terms your Majefty will fee by the copy of 
 his fpeech, which was followed with cries and acclama- 
 tions of joy from the whole parliament ; and as foon as 
 the Houfe of Lords broke up, the Commons went im- 
 mediately upon the aft of fupply they had promifed him ; 
 fo that it is to be hoped this affair will be finifhed to- 
 morrow, or the day after, to the King's entire fatisfac- 
 tion. The whole people, who were already greatly 
 alarmed with the apprehenfion of a civil war, made bon- 
 fires in every ftreet upon this happy reconciliation of the 
 King and parliament ; even .the bitternefs which the 
 Houfe of Commons had manifefted againft the Catho- 
 lics, is a little foftened by the general confent the King 
 has given to every acl they think proper to make for the 
 fccurity of the Proteftant religion : and as he made no 
 fecret of the mild and moderate counfels which your Ma- 
 jefty gave him, fome members of parliament told me, 
 that the whole body felt themfelves obliged to your Ma- 
 jefty for this accommodation j fo that affairs here are 
 now in the beft condition you can defire for the advan- 
 tage of your own ; and the King has afTured me, that 
 he will have this year as powerful a fleet as he had the 
 laft. 
 
 I did not think it was for your Majefty's fervice to 
 follow the meafures you prefcribed to me, with regard to 
 the offer of the troops which you were willing to affift 
 the King with, for the execution of his defigns after the 
 peace j for as he is perfuaded, as well as his Minifters, 
 'that nothing is fo capable of caufmg a general revolt in 
 the nation, as to fhew them that he can fupport his 
 authority by foreign forces, he has often given me to un- 
 
 derftand
 
 TO CHAP. IL OF THE REVIEW. 137 
 
 i and my lord Arlington has done fo alfo, that 
 he would not make ufe of the fuccour with which your 
 Majefty is obliged to furnifh him, except in extreme ne- 
 ceffity : thus I thought it better only to aflure him in ge- 
 neral, that your Majefty would not limit yourfelf to the 
 terms of the treaty, but that, agreeable to the fentiments 
 of your affection, after the war was ended, you would 
 not only fend over the fix thoufand men that were pro- 
 mifed, but as many more as he fhould ftand in need of. 
 I have reafon to believe they will make no demand too 
 chargeable to your Majefty upon this head. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 It appears from, a variety of difpatches in the Depot, 
 that while Charles liftened to terms of peace with the 
 Dutch in autumn of the year 1673, he afked a million of 
 livres extraordinary from France for the fupport of his 
 fleet, but got a refufal ; that the Duke of York oppofed 
 the peace ftrongly ; that in the end of the year the French 
 fent over Monfieur de Rouvigny to tempt the King with an. 
 anticipation of the payment of his fubfidy ; that he pleaded 
 the neceffity of his affairs at home as an apology to France 
 for quitting the war, but promifed, in the capacity of a 
 mediator, to affift her. 
 
 It is not impoflible that, for the reafons given in the 
 ts Review of the events of the reign of Charles," 
 Charles's original intention was to prolong the war be- 
 tween France and Holland, under the pretence of being 
 the mediator of peace, partly to get money to himfelf 
 from both fides, and partly to give England an opportu- 
 nity in the mean time to run away with the trade of the 
 
 VOL, I. S world.
 
 X3 8 APPENDIX 
 
 world. Charles, in a difcourfe with Courtin, the 
 French Ambaflador, once let the laft of thefe confe- 
 quences drop from him. Courtin writes to Louis, 2ift 
 June, 1677, that Charles faid to him, " That at the 
 bottom England enjoyed a profound tranquillity, and en- 
 riched herfelf, while all the neighbouring ftates were 
 drained or ruined by the war; and that the Englifh 
 would one day thank him for having kept them by his 
 prudence in fo happy a ftate, and fo advantageous for 
 their commerce." In the Depot. 
 
 But if thefe were Charles's views, thofe of the Duke 
 of York, who was lefs politic, were different. He was 
 very fincere in dcfiring to procure a peace for France foon 
 after England had withdrawn from che war. 
 
 On this head there are two letters from him to the 
 Prince of Orange in King William's box. 
 
 Letter DukeofTork to the Prince of Orange. jfdvifes htm 
 to peace with France. 
 
 Whithall, Oa. 23, 1674. 
 
 T^EARE Nephew, I would not lett this bearer M. 
 de Reede, returne back to you without writing to 
 you by him, to allure you, I am very glad that you have 
 made fo good an end of the campagne, after all the hard- 
 fliips you have endured, and dangers you have expofed 
 yourielf to j and now that you have freed your country 
 of fo ill a neighbourhood as that of Grave was, and by 
 it put all the provinces at cafe, and got fo much reputa- 
 tion as you have, that you will turn your thoughts to 
 the making a good and honourable peace, which I am 
 fure is for all our interefts } I have fpoken my mind very 
 freely to this bearer upon the fubjed, fo that I fhall fay 
 no more to you of it now, but refer you to him. 
 
 Duke
 
 TO CHAP, II. OF THE REVIEW. 139 
 
 Duke of York to tbe Prince of Orange. To the fame purpofe, 
 
 St. James's, Jan. 12, 1675. 
 
 T SHALL make ufe of this occafion to tell you I re- 
 ceived your letter by the Earle of OfTory, and am 
 very glad, both by him and the Lord Chamberlin, to 
 find you are fo well inclined to have a peace, which I 
 am fully perfwaded is both for your intereft in particular, 
 as well as for the repofe of Chriftendome, and good of 
 pur family in generall. 
 
 In February, 1673, Charles informed the parliament 
 of his peace with Holland, and foon after prorogued it 
 till the loth of November, 1674. Even at this early 
 period the Duke of York had a prefcience of the exclu- 
 fion 3 for Colbert writes on the loth Auguft, 1673, 
 that the Duke of York told him he was afraid of it. 
 Louis was at the fame time afraid, that if the parliament 
 met in November it might force Charles into a war with 
 him, and that the forces might be ready the enfuing 
 fpring. In the Depot there are two letters in Auguft, 
 1674, from Monf. Rouvigny, Ambaflador in England, 
 to his court j the firft of which bears, that the Duke of 
 York told him that a clergyman had advifed him to aflc 
 4oo,ooo/. for his brother to prorogue the parliament, 
 and that the Duke of York had defired Rouvigny to 
 mention this to Louis ; and the other, that the Duke 
 had come down to 300,000 piftoles. Thefe propofals 
 tally very well with the beginning of Coleman's corre- 
 fpondence : Vide that correfpondence. This gave an 
 opening for France to renew her fecret money tranfac- 
 tLons with Charles. 
 
 S 2
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 NIV. 
 
 Letters of Rouvigny and Courtin concerning four fecrei 
 money treaties with France. 
 
 n OUVIGNY writes, ad Sept. 1674, that Charles 
 had agreed either to prorogue his parliament till 
 April 1675, in confideration of 500,000 crowns, or if 
 he convened it in November, to diflblve it in cafe it 
 ihould refufe to give him money, in confideration of 
 which he was to have a penfion of ioo,ooo/. from 
 France. Charles afterwards chofe the firft of thefe al- 
 ternatives, got his money, and France was enabled to 
 carry on the war a year without any fear of an Englifh 
 parliament. In the Depot. 
 
 This bargain paved the way to a formal treaty in the 
 beginning of the year 1676, but executed in a very ex- 
 traordinary manner between the two Princes, by which 
 they obliged themfelves to enter into no treaties without 
 mutual confent, and Charles obliged himfelf to prorogue 
 or ditlblve his parliament if it fhould endeavour to force 
 fuch treaties upon him. The confideration for this treaty 
 was a penfion from France. I could not difcovcr, from 
 the difpatches, what the amount of it was, but found fe- 
 veral payments made to Charles in confequence of it. 
 The treaty was known to none but the Dukes of York 
 and Lauderdale, and lord Danby. 
 
 The firft of Rouvigny's letters in the Depot, which 
 difclofes the King of England's wifhes for a treaty at this 
 time, is in the following words :
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW, 141 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Extraft of a letter from Mr. de Rouvigny to the King) 
 gth January -, 1676. Charles propofes a new fecrct treaty 
 with France. 
 
 n A FTERWARDS the Duke of York and Lauder- 
 v" dale fupported his (that is Charles's) reafons fo 
 ftrongly, that the high Treafurer gave way to them, fo 
 that it was agreed in this council to engage directly with 
 your Majefty if it was agreeable. The King of Eng- 
 land informed me of it the fame day, and prefled me 
 much to go to France to carry the news of it to your 
 Majefty, as he coulcl not confent that a fecret, which in 
 his opinion could not be too much hid, fhould be trufted 
 to paper, or to any perfon but myfelf. This obliged me 
 fo let your Majefty know eight days ago that I mould 
 foon depart without permiflion ; but having more affection 
 thanjirength, I have been obliged to ftop, and write by 
 my fecretary. What the King of England charged me 
 to make known to your Majefty is, that he defires paf- 
 fionately to unite himfelf ftritly with you ; that without 
 waiting till it can be done by a folemn treaty, it may be 
 begun at prefent, in fecret, by reciprocal promifes in 
 writing, which fhould bind him, as well as your Ma- 
 jefty, not to make any treaty with any ftate whatever 
 without the confent of the other ; or to give any aflift~ 
 ance to the enemies or rebellious fubjets of either : that 
 if your Majefty approves this project, you will fend it by 
 my fecretary with a power to fign it. This Prince alfo 
 faid to me, that he had two reafons which made it ne- 
 ceffary for him to defire pafllonately that your intereft 
 fhould not hinder you from confenting to exchange the 
 places which hold Ghent and Bruflels inverted. Thefe 
 are the peace and his people : that the States General 
 
 will
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 will not make a peace as long as the towns in Flanders, 
 which belong to the King of Spain, are feparated as 
 they are by thofe which are under your Majefty's obe- 
 dience, and are no more than frontiers : that as long as 
 that province continues in its prefent ftate, all England 
 will be always perfuaded that your Majefty can eafily 
 make a conqueft of it whenever you pleafej and that 
 nothing but this exchange can difabufe his people in the 
 opinion they have long formed on that head : that he 
 very well knows your Majefty does not want good rea- 
 fons for not doing it ; but he alfo believes you will con- 
 fent to an exchange, without which there will be no 
 general peace, nor quiet in England till he has contented 
 his people, all of whom are fully perfuaded that he aban- 
 dons their intereft, through an excefs of affection for 
 France : that this opinion raifes all his fubje&s againft 
 him : that there are but two ways of bringing him out 
 of fo troublefome an embarraflment, and putting him in 
 a condition to pleafe his people : the nrft, that they may 
 know that he his folicited, and obtained of your Ma- 
 jefty, the exchange which will give peace, and the other, 
 that to render it ftable, he has entered into a treaty of 
 guarantee with the Dutch for the prefervation of Flanders 
 and the fafety of England. This Prince continued to 
 fay that he would inform me before hand of all he (hould 
 be obliged to do, in order that his defigns might be fully 
 known to you, and that you might not hereafter have any 
 fufpicion of his conduit, nor of the unalterable affe&ion 
 which he will have all his life for your Majefty's in- 
 terefts. Thefe, Sire, are the things this Prince faid to 
 me, and which I write in his prefence and clofet." In 
 the Depot. 
 
 The other conditions of this treaty, as ftated above, 
 having been afterwards in the courfc of it propofed and 
 
 agreed
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 143 
 
 agreed to, it was executed in a mode that fhows the mi- 
 ferable ftate to which an Englifh Prince may be reduced, 
 who thinks it is pofiible for him to have an intereft of his 
 own feparate from that of his people. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extraft of a letter from Monf. Rouvigny to Louis 
 
 27 Feb. 1676. Charles's miniflers afraid to be parties to 
 the new money treaty with France. Charles writes it 
 himfelf. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 " T ACQUAINTED Monf. de Pomponne by the letter I 
 fent him the ijth of this month that the King of 
 England having convened the Duke of York, the Duke 
 of Lauderdale, and the high Treafurer, to confer with 
 them upon the paper which your Majefty knows of, this 
 laft minifter afked time to examine it before he gave his 
 opinion upon it. Bufinefs, or other reafons have pre- 
 vented him from doing it thefe ten days. In fine, the 
 Treafurer has been to fee the Duke of Lauderdale, to 
 whom he has reprefented the rilk they fhouldrun of lofing 
 their heads if they alone were to deliberate upon the 
 treaty, and to fign it. The King of England being in- 
 formed of this, fent for them and the Duke of York 
 into his clofet, where it being propofed to admit into this 
 council the high Chancellor and all the other minifters, 
 he told them, that he defired nothing in the world more 
 paflionately than a good alliance with your Majefty j that 
 being mediator, the conjuncture of the time did not al- 
 low him to let people have the leaft knowledge of his 
 having concluded and figned a treaty with France; that 
 the thing could not fail of being made public if brought 
 before the council, or if he was obliged to make ufe of 
 6 his
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 his great feal : that to keep it an entire fecret, he did not 
 defire his minifters fhould have any knowledge of it ; 
 that for this reafon he would name no commiffioners, nor 
 give any powers ; that he had refolved to fign the treaty 
 with his own hand, and feal it with his feal in my pre- 
 fence, as foon as he (hould have agreed upon the articles 
 with me ; that he did not doubt your Majefty would do 
 the fame, and that if you would afiure him by a billet 
 wrote with your own hand, that you had figned the 
 treaty and affixed your feal to it, he would receive it 
 with greater confidence than if one of his minifters had 
 been witnefs to it ; that thefe three had only to examine 
 in his prefence the project which I had put into his hands 
 twenty days ago, and give him their thoughts upon it. 
 This, Sire, is the refult of this council, which the 
 Duke of Lauderdale came to inform me of at my houfe 
 by order of the King his matter. 
 
 The King of England told me, that as he could not 
 truft an affair of this importance to his Secretaries of 
 State (Coventry and Williamfon), he had refolved for 
 the greater fecrefy to copy himfelf the inftrument which 
 I had given him, and to fign it in my prefence : this he 
 did yefterday morning ; after which he lighted a wax 
 candle himfelf, and affixed his feal to his fignature, at the 
 fame time faying that it was only a feal with his cypher, 
 for that a little while fmce he had loft the feal with his 
 arms, which were engraved on a diamond of King 
 James his grandfather, and which when the deceafed 
 King was upon the fcaffold he gave to the Bifhop of 
 London to be delivered into his hands : he afterwards 
 called for the Duke of Lauderdale, who is the only one 
 in whom on this occafion he has put an entire confi- 
 dence, and told him, that being prefled to go to Windfor, 
 he had charged him with my paper, which he had copied 
 
 himfelf
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 145 
 
 himfelf word for word, and that he ordered him to fee 
 me fign it, and to oblige me by a writing, in virtue of 
 the full power your Majefty was pleafed to fend me, that 
 in twenty days or fooner, if it could be done, I would 
 tranfmit him a fimilar treaty figned with your own hand^ 
 and fealed with your privy feal, and exprefly enjoined 
 him to take care to give him my writing at his return 
 from Windfor. I difpatch, Sire, my Secretary, for 
 greater precaution^ to carry to your Majefty the treaty 
 which the King of England hath wrote, figned, and 
 fealed before me, and to bring me back, if your Majefty 
 thinks proper, that which you will fign and feal with 
 your privy feal, together with the billet wrote with your 
 hand as 1 have before mentioned. 
 
 Sire, your Majefty may well fee by all that has pafled 
 in this affair, that the King of England is in a manner 
 abandoned by his minifters, even the moft confidential ; 
 that the Treafurer, who fears the parliament much more 
 than his mafter, and who is very oppofite to the interefts 
 of France* thereby endeavouring to acquire the people's 
 favour, has formed all the difficulties which I mentioned, 
 with a defign to hinder the treaty being concluded, cr at 
 leaft to retard it* The Duke of Lauderdale has fup- 
 ported his mafter, having without comparifon more zeal 
 and refpe<5t than his colleagues. The Duke of York, 
 who is entirely in your Majefty's intereft, hath hardly 
 troubled himfelf with thefe difficulties, becaufe he faw 
 the King his brother was firm enough not to ftand in 
 need of his advice. 
 
 From all thefe circumftances, your Majefty will judge 
 better of the ftate of England, than from all I have re- 
 prefented in my letters : and it will be difficult to con- 
 ceive, that a King fhould be fo abandoned by his fub- 
 jets that even amongft his minifters he cannot find one 
 in whom he can. place an entire confidence. This ex- 
 
 VOL. I. T ample
 
 I4 6 APPENDIX 
 
 ample will plainly fhew your Majefty that all England is 
 againft your interefts, and that there is only the King of 
 England and the Duke of York who embrace them with 
 affedion ; and from thence your Majefty will fee that 
 this treaty is neceflary for the fecurity of your fervice, 
 fmce it aflures you that England will not be againft you. 
 It is true, Sire, that you will not reap all the afliftance 
 that might have been expected from a good alliance, but 
 your enemies will have ftill lefs than your Majefty ; and 
 befides, there is great reafon to believe that the King of 
 England, without this new tie which engages him more 
 than ever in your interefts, might have been drawn into 
 his people's fentiments. It will confirm his fteadinefs fo 
 much, that his fubje&s, who have been furprifed at it 
 hitherto, may be fo much aftoniflied for the future, as 
 perhaps to conform to their matter's intentions. The 
 foundations are laid to work upon a defign, which will 
 be ufeful to England and France, in cafe it fucceeds, and 
 if it does not, your Majefty's affairs in this kingdom 
 will not be the worfe. In the mean time, God grant 
 peace to Chriftendom. The parliaments are to be feared, 
 and it is a kind of miracle to fee a King without arms 
 and money refift them fo long." In the Depot. 
 
 The fame year in which this private treaty was made, 
 the Dutch and Spaniards endeavoured to form a treaty 
 with England for the protection of the Netherlands: 
 Charles communicated this to Courtin, the French Am- 
 baflTador, who upon that occafion wrote thus to Louis the 
 XlVth, on the 2ift Sept. 1676:" He (Charles) faid 
 that he knew very well the engagement he was under not 
 to treat with the States General, nor with any Prince 
 without your participation and your confent. That he
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 147 
 
 engaged his faith and honour to communicate to me all 
 the articles of the treaty, and never to fign any thing 
 your Majefty did not confent to." In the Depot. 
 
 Upon the peace between England and Holland, the 
 Prince of Orange prefled Charles to withdraw the Eng- 
 lifh troops which were in the pay of France. From 
 JRouvigny's difpatches in the Depot, it appears that 
 Charles often exprefled, in very ftrong terms, that he 
 thought his own conduct ignominious in deferting France 
 in the war : and with regard to recalling thefe troops, 
 Rouvigny writes, 19 February, 1674: " And with 
 regard to the Englifh troops in France, he told me more 
 pontively than his minifter had done, that he would not 
 recall them, whatever inftance fliould be made to him, 
 either by the Spaniards or Dutch, or even by the parlia- 
 ment." He was as good as his word, for he afterwards 
 rejected the advice of his parliament upon that head. 
 
 It is known that Charles afterwards promifed the 
 Prince of Orange not to permit thefe troops to be re- 
 cruited ; they however always were recruited, and the 
 difpatches in the Depot (how that Charles allured France 
 it always fhould be fo. 
 
 The general train of the French difpatches in the 
 Depot, during the negotiations at Nimeguen, (hows, 
 that while Charles was acting as mediator of the peace, 
 he gave France intelligence of the views of her enemies, 
 and acted in concert with her. Sir William Temple's 
 printed letters fhow that the unfortunate fuccefs of the 
 campaign of the year 1676, had made the Dutch, and 
 T 2 even
 
 i 4 8 APPENDIX 
 
 even the Prince, anxious for a peace; and that the 
 Prince gave Sir William leave to let his mafter know it. 
 Upon this occailon Courtin, in a letter to Louis the 
 XlVth, 5th November, 1676, writes thus: " He 
 took me into a'clofet, where, after having (hut the door, 
 1 have, faid he, good news to tell you, which is, that I 
 believe I have at this inftant the peace in my own 
 hands. He charged me to conjure your Majefty, in- 
 frantly, to let him know your intentions, to the end that 
 upon this knowledge he may regulate, himfelf to make a 
 propofal." In the Depot. 
 
 It appears from many of the difpatches, that the 
 French court prevented the Prince of Orange's marriage 
 with the Lady Mary, in the year 1674; that upon this 
 occafion the King and Duke exprefied ftrongly their 
 diflike of the Prince of Orange j and that the Duke of 
 York flattered himfelf with the profpeft of marrying her 
 to the Dauphin of France. 
 
 The 500,000 crowns above mentioned, which Louis 
 fccretly gave Charles in the year 1674, to prorogue his 
 parliament till April, 1675, faved France from the pof- 
 fibility of an Englifh armament in the campaign of the 
 year 1675 ; and the abovementioned fecret penfion given 
 in the beginning of the year 1676, made him fecure of 
 Charles's baffling the attempts of his parliament to en- 
 gage him in a war with France in the campaign of the 
 year 1676: but in the beginning of the year 1677, the 
 clamours of parliament and of the nation having en- 
 creafed for a war with France, the French redoubled 
 
 their
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 149 
 
 their attentions to Charles, the particulars of which 
 follow. 
 
 The feflion, 1677, was opened with Charles's be- 
 coming the inftrument of bribing his own fubje&s, with 
 French money, to prevent a French war. Courtin 
 writes thus to Louis the XlVth, on the i4th Fe- 
 bruary, 1677 : " I received the bill of exchange, for 
 n,ooo/. fterling, on the October quarter : it came very 
 apropos, for the King of England wanted money to gain 
 thofe who are accuftomed to make a noife only in order to 
 be the better bought." 
 
 On the ift April, 1677, he writes thus again :< " To 
 my knowledge, he (Charles) has diftributed all the mo- 
 ney he received from my hands, to gain the votes he 
 flood in need of: he has fo well ferved the King to. this 
 hour, that he deferves to be aflifted in his neceffities, and 
 it will be very important to take care to keep him in 
 the good difpofition in which I left him yefterday even- 
 ing." 
 
 Courtin afligns this very extraordinary reafon for 
 urging his court to fend money to Charles to be diftri- 
 buted among the members of parliament, to wit, that 
 Spain and the Emperor were fending money to be diftri- 
 buted among them on the other fide. On the I3th May, 
 1677, he writes thus to his court:" It is even very 
 important that your Majefty fhould fend here the firft 
 payment of the fubfidy. Mr. Bergick and the Em- 
 peror's envoy will have two hundred and fifty thoufand 
 livres to diftribute in the lower Houfe. They will do 
 more with this than could be done on your Majefty's part 
 with two millions." On the 20th May, 1677, he writes 
 to his court thus : " Mr. Bergick has not received 
 50,000 crowns, and the Emperor's Envoy 10,000 pif- 
 sj but with this defign." 
 
 On
 
 , 5 o APPENDIX 
 
 On the 22d February, 1677, Courtin advifes his 
 court to offer 400,000 crowns extraordinary to Charles 
 to prorogue or diffolve his parliament. 
 
 On the 2ift April, 1677, Courtin's difpatch bears, 
 that he had got a power to make this offer. What con- 
 fequence this had does not appear. 
 
 But as the feffion of parliament rofe in its heat, the 
 French rofe in their offers to Charles. Courtin's letter 
 of June 21, 1677, bears, that he had got a power to go 
 as far as 200,000 /. to be given to Charles for theenfuing 
 year. 
 
 On the i2th July, 1677, Courtin writes, that he had 
 offered Charles a penflonof 500,000 crowns to prorogue 
 or diffolve his parliament, together with the afliftance of 
 Louis's forces, to maintain Charles's authority. The 
 words with regard to this laft offer are thefe : " His Ma- 
 jefty (that is, Louis) being always ready to employ all 
 his forces for the confirmation and augmentation of his 
 (that is, Charles's) authority, he will always be m after of 
 his fubjecls, and will never depend upon them." 
 
 On the 1 8th July, 1677, Courtin writes, that Charles 
 had infifted for 800,000 crowns, in confideration of 
 which, he offered to prorogue the parliament till the end 
 of April, 1678. 
 
 In a fubfequent letter he writes that he is difputing 
 about the fum, that Lord Danby always raifed it, but 
 the Duke of York brought it down again. 
 
 At laft, on the 5th of Auguft, it was fixed at two 
 millions of livres. The following difpatch will explain 
 the terms on which this money was fecretly given by 
 France:
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 151 
 
 Tranflation. 
 
 Extrafi of a letter from Mr. Courtin to Louis the XIVth> 
 $th Augujl t 1677. Charles has agreed to prorogue his 
 parliament till May, 1678, in confederation of two mil" 
 lions of livres from France. 
 
 Y Lord Treafurer and I have had great contefts 
 thefe three days ; he did every thing to perfuade 
 the King his matter that he could not fubfift this year 
 unlefs your Majefty gave him eight hundred thoufand 
 crowns. He even faid, in my prefence, that your Ma- 
 jefty hazarded nothing but money, whereas the King of 
 England hazarded his crown, by oppofing, as he did, 
 the univerfal defire of his fubje&s. I remained firm in 
 not exhaufting the power your Majefty was pleafed to 
 give me. In fine, after many conferences, I have agreed 
 upon all things in fuch a way as makes me hope your 
 Majefty will not difavow me. The King of England 
 has given me a pofitive aflurance that he will adjourn his 
 parliament from the i3th of December to the end of 
 April, that is, to the gth or loth of May according to 
 the French ftile. I promifed that your Majefty would 
 pay him this year two millions of livres. But though 
 the laft payment fhould not be made till three or four 
 months after the month of December, his Britannic Ma- 
 jefty would have no caufe to complain. But becaufe I 
 reprefented to him that it was not lefs his intereft than 
 your Majefty's to inform the minifters of the confederates 
 in good time of this refolution, in order to remove all the 
 hopes their mafters ftill entertain of England taking part 
 v/ith them j the King of England acknowledged it was 
 the moft efficacious means he could employ to difpofe 
 your Majefty's enemies to a peace, and promifed me, 
 
 that 
 6
 
 152 APPENDIX 
 
 that as foon as Mr. de Bergeik takes leave of him (which 
 will be in a few days), he will give him in charge tor 
 declare on his part to the King of Spain, that no con- 
 fideration is capable of making him enter into the prefent 
 war j and that in order to his being able to apply himfelf 
 entirely to procure a peace by his mediation, he had re- 
 folved not to afllmble his parliament during the winter, 
 but to poftpone it till the fpring. 
 
 His Majefty alfo gave me his word to make the fame 
 declaration to all the other minifters of the confederates 
 at the fame time : Thus, inftead of your Majefty's de- 
 fire (agreeable to your orders of the 2Oth of laft month), 
 that this refolution fhould be made known towards the 
 end of October, I can allure you that the report will be 
 fpread throughout all England before the ifl of Septem- 
 ber,* and that by the 1 5th of the fame month the truth of 
 it will be known at the Hague, Copenhagen, Berlin, 
 Vienna, and Madrid." In the Depot. 
 
 After the bargain was {truck, Mountague, who was 
 Ambaflador in France, and Lord Danby, prevailed on 
 King Charles to pretend that he had made a miftake in 
 valuing two millions of livres at 200,000 /. and to infift 
 that the fum (hould be 200,000 /. neat. Vide the Duke 
 of Leeds's printed letters on this fubjeft. The accident 
 of Courtin returning to France, and Barillon, a new 
 Ambaflador, coming in his place, made this game the 
 more eafy to be played. The following difpatch will 
 fbew the ftrange comedy which a King of England a&ed 
 concerning this pretended miftake in calculation :
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 153 
 
 Extra ft cf to letter from Mr. de Bar ill on to Lwis the 
 XlVtb, 4th ORcler^ 1677. Charles tries to get the 
 two millions of livres turned into 200,000 /. 
 
 A FTER this, Sire, I thought it right to bring upon 
 the carpet the affair of the two hundred thoufand 
 pounds fterling ; and told the King of England your 
 Majefty's furprife that Mr. Montagu fhould renew an 
 affair already finifhed : He immediately interrupted me, 
 and faid, In the name of God, do not fpeak to me of 
 this affairj I am fo confufed about it, that I cannot bear 
 its being fpoken of : Go to the Treafurer, and do as you 
 and he fliall underftand the matter ; as to myfelf, I am 
 driven to defpair whenever it is mentioned to me. I an- 
 fwered, But, Sire, your Majefty very well knows, that 
 fending me to the Treafurer, is embarrafiing the affair 
 afrefti, for the Treafurer will not give it up : He lately 
 made a difference about the hundred thoufand crowns 
 which had been paid j and as he faw your Majefty had 
 condemned that pretenfion, he now forms a new diffi- 
 culty : Even Mr. Courtin, whom your Majefty wculi 
 not wifh to hurt with the King his mafter, finds him- 
 felf involved in this matter. It has been faid he did not 
 rightly comprehend what paffed between your Majefty 
 and him, and that he was to blame in reprefenting an 
 affair as finiftied, on which you had only fpcken fome 
 civil words. The King of England, whofe patience 
 was at an end with this difcourfe, faid they were to blame 
 who caft reflections on Mr; Courtin ; that it was not his 
 fault, and that what he had written was true ; but that 
 himfclf who fpoke to me was deceived in the value of the 
 money, and that he had not comprehended right the dif- 
 ference between that of France and England : In faying 
 this he conducted me to the door of the chamber, which 
 
 VOL. L U be
 
 I 54 APPENDIX 
 
 he opened himfelf, and again repeated, I am fo afhamed 
 that I cannot fpeak any more to you : go fee the Trea- 
 furer, for he has made known to me fuch large wants, 
 and fo great a neceffity in my affairs, that I cannot be- 
 lieve the" King my brother will leave me in this embar- 
 raflinent. In the Depot. 
 
 The penfion ftipulated in this bargain was regularly 
 paid : Charles was fometimes premature in his demands : 
 Barillon, even before the difpute about the 200,000 /. was 
 ended, writes thus to his court, on the 20th September, 
 jfc^y : " Mr. Chiffinch is very careful to pay me vi- 
 fits ; and the firft functions of my embafly have been to 
 fign orders for paying bills of exchange." 
 
 During this period Courtin, in a letter to his court, 
 28th January, 1677, defcribes the fentiments of the 
 King and his brother, and of the nation, thus:" I 
 can anfwer for it to your Majefty, that there are none of 
 your own fubjects who wiQi you better fuccefs in all your 
 undertakings than thefe two princes do. But it is alfo 
 true, that you cannot count upon any except thefe two 
 friends in all England." 
 
 And in another letter, of date aiftjune, 1677, ^ e 
 writes, that Charles had given him a note of the terms 
 on which he thought peace fhould be made j adding, 
 *' That neverthelefs he does not incline to propofe any 
 thing, without knowing previoufiy the intentions of your 
 Majefty." And that Charles concluded with afking 
 200,000 /. for himfelf for the enfuing year.
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 15$ 
 
 N V. 
 'The Prince of Orange's knowledge of tbefe treaties. 
 
 A T an after-period the Prince of Orange-came to the 
 knowledge of thefe intrigues of the Englifh and 
 French courts againft him; for in his box I found a re- 
 lation of them, dated January, i68^,'by Blancard, fe- 
 cretary to Rouvigny, the fame fecretary whom Rou- 
 vigny mentions in the above letter of 2yth February, 
 1676, to have been fent over by him to France with the 
 fecret treaty written in King Charles's hand. 
 
 Extra ft from the memorial of Blancard r fecretary to Rou- 
 vigny. Gives a relation of the fecret intrigues of the 
 French and Englijh courts. 
 
 Transition. 
 
 *< jT is 'above twenty years ago, fince in quality of fe- 
 cretary to the Marquis of Rouvigny, I went fre- 
 quently with him from France to England ; and was in 
 the knowledge of a great number of very fecret affairs 
 between the two Kings, of which it is not neeeflary to 
 make a detail. 1 will limit myfelf only to two or three 
 confiderable things, which I fhall tell briefly, with a 
 view to f'erve the Proteftants in general, who may have 
 occafion to treat with the King of England, or the 
 King of France, viz. the States General of the United 
 Provinces, and the Prince of Orange, againil both of 
 whom they have continually acled'fince the breach of'the 
 triple alliance in the years 1670 and 1672. 
 
 U 2 When
 
 J5 6 APPENDIX 
 
 When the peace was negotiating at Cologne and 
 Nimeguen, and the King of England was mediator of 
 it, the King of France found means to gain him by 
 money ; and they made a feparate treaty together in 
 1676, altogether advantageous to France, who was 
 thereby afl'ured of him, and even of his parliament, by 
 an obligation to prorogue or diflblve it. What was fin- 
 gular in this treaty, and which is perhaps without ex- 
 ample, is, that it was made without the interpofition of 
 Embaffadors or Commiflaries, and without ratification, 
 becaufe the t\vo Kings acted by themfelves alone as if 
 they had met together. The reafon of this was, that 
 the Miniflers of State both of the King of England and 
 Duke of York did not incline it fhould appear that they 
 had any knowledge of it ; which went fo far that none 
 of them would put their hand to write the articles of the 
 treaty, fearing tq be punifhed if the parliament came to 
 the knowledge of it. By which the King of England 
 himfelf was put under the neceflity of writing a pretty 
 long treaty, all with his own hand. I carried it alfo to 
 the court of France. Monfieur Louvois and Monfieur 
 Pomponne, when they faw me, afked me if I brought 
 the treaty. I told them I had, and even written with 
 the King of England's hand in place of his minifters, 
 which they could not believe till I fhewed it to them. 
 They went immediately with joy to carry the treaty with 
 the circumftances of it to the King, who ought, ac- 
 cording to rules, to have written with his own hand 
 another original of the fame treaty to the King of Eng- 
 land. But to fave himfelf, he feigned a fmail indifpofi- ' 
 tion, and that I was in a hafte to depart. And thus the 
 King of France fcnt the treaty written by another hand, 
 with which the King of England was obliged to be con- 
 tented, for the rcafons which they gave him. It was the 
 more eafy to make him fatisfied with them that he foon, 
 
 after
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 157 
 
 jifter touched money, about 400,000 crowns. In pro- 
 portion as the money was paid him, he gave a difcharge 
 figned with his hand, of which fome are written in my 
 hand ; and his minifters knew nothing of it, only Mr. 
 Chiffins, his valet de chambre and confidant, to whofe 
 lodgings the money was carried, and with whom I went 
 to the merchants houfes to receive it. 
 
 Although the two Kings were thus perfectly united to- 
 gether in fecret, it was agreed that they fhould act fo as 
 not to fhow any intelligence, becaufe that would have 
 hindered the general peace which was negotiating, and 
 which France wiflied ardently fince the year 1674, when 
 the Englifh parliament forced their King to make peace 
 with Holland ; the parliament wifhed alfo to oblige him 
 to declare againft the King of France, by caufmg him to 
 be told in fecret, that they would give him more money 
 than he drew from him, and that they would put him in 
 a condition to have Dunkirk without paying back the 
 5,000,000, or 6,000,000 which he had touched when he 
 fold it. They offered him at the fame time two power- 
 ful armies by fea and by land to make an invafion. But 
 means were found to prevent him from liftening to any 
 thing on that fide ; and he wrote to the King of France, 
 and faid to his minifters that he had acted a mean part in 
 abandoning him, but that he would not do it twice in de- 
 claring againft him. 
 
 When the two Kings, united to declare the war againft 
 Holland, they had counted that they would ruin the re- 
 public in one campaign, and that they would give .fo 
 mortal a blow there to the Proteftant religion, that af- 
 terwards they could overturn it through all Europe. 
 This was their principal view, and to divide the leven 
 United Provinces between them, without giving a part 
 to the Prince of Orange, who was not then confidered, 
 2nd whom they had a defign to eftablifti elfewhere, fuch 
 
 as
 
 , 5 g APPENDIX 
 
 a* on the fide of Orange, in order that his name and 
 his family might not continue longer in the Low Coun- 
 tries, and that he might never ,give jealoufy to France. 
 
 At the time even of this great union between the two 
 Kings, the French King deceived the Englifh. For 
 there was no defign to give him all that was promifed him 
 when they made the divifion before-hand of the Seven 
 Provinces. They did not intend that he or his fucceflbrs 
 fhould be powerful upon the coafts of Holland or Flanders, 
 becaufe the King of France might fome day find a new 
 embarraflment in the defign which he had of reuniting all 
 the Spanifh Low Countries to his crown. 
 
 So many great projects having failed, the King of 
 France and his three minifters felt a mortal vexation, and 
 the more, that the Prince of Orange began to be power- 
 fully eftabliQied, and to change the face of the affairs of 
 the Dutch. The taking of Naerden and of Bonne un- 
 deceiving fo much the court of France, even the Prince 
 of Conde and Monfieur de Turenne, who then engaged 
 entirely in counfels together, they took new meafures, fo 
 as to abandon Utrecht and the other conquelb, and to 
 apply themfelves to peace. 
 
 They refolved alfo in the French court, in order to 
 hinder the aggrandizement of the Prince of Orange, to 
 prevail with the King of England and the Duke of 
 York not to give him the Princefs Mary in marriage, or 
 at leaft not till after the peace. The deferring of the 
 marriage was promifed fo pofitively, that it was retarded 
 for three or four years ; and even to hinder their thinking 
 of it, Monfieur ck Croifly gave hopes in the year 1673, 
 that this Princefs might marry the Dauphin. Mr. Cole- 
 man believed it, and wifned it ardently, and told me 
 that the Duke of York his matter hoped for it. Mon- 
 fieur de Rouvigny did not difabufe them, although he 
 knew that the court of France intended to marry the 
 
 Dauphin
 
 TO CHAP. II. OF THE REVIEW. 159 
 
 Dauphin elfewhere. As that Court knew that the Duke 
 of York expeded this alliance, they imagined he might 
 give the Princefs his daughter to a Prince of the Blood 
 of France. They fent orders upon this to Monfieur de 
 Rouvigny to propofe the Prince of Conty to him. But 
 he did not fpeak of it to the Duke of York j for he 
 knew that he would have refufed it in a rage, fince he 
 had hopes of the Dauphin* He wrote his reafons to the 
 King of France, who approved of his not having obeyed 
 his orders, and they left the Duke of York in his hopes.. 
 I had at that time the tionour to fpeak to him fometimes, 
 and I was often upon the point of difabufing him, be- 
 caufe he loved the King of France, and kept good faith 
 with him while he was deceived by him." In King Wil- 
 liam's cabinet.
 
 CHAP. Ill* 
 
 The King 
 hopes in 
 vain to 
 clofe divi- 
 fions by 
 the Prince 
 of 
 
 Orange's 
 marriage. 
 
 Prom the Prince of Orange's marriage in the year 1677$ 
 till the fall of Lord Danby's minijlry in the year 1679; 
 
 IN vain Charles hoped, by giving his brother's daugh- 
 ter in marriage to the Prince of Orange, in the year 
 1677, to recover ^ e popularity which he and his brother 
 had loft. During the firft Dutch war, De Wit paid the 
 moft dangerous court to the difcontented party in Eng- 
 land *. During the fecond f, the Prince of Orange 
 formed a regular party in it, fcarcely needing to court 
 men, who, in the caufe of both counties, threw their 
 arms open to receive him. From the conclufion of the 
 peace, until his marriage J, he preferved the fame con- 
 ne&ions, although he had made Charles hope, that he 
 was to break them off. To the people, not to the nobles 
 or the orders of the ftate, the Prince had owed his eleva- 
 tion . Hence a fimilarity of fentiments and fituation 
 between his party in Holland, and the popular party in 
 England. The interefts of religion too, which at that 
 time were more attended to than they are now, knit the 
 individuals of the two countries together, by the ftrideft 
 
 D'Eftrades, 1665. 
 
 f Lord Oflbry's letter in Carte's Ormond, 44.7. and Sir William 
 Temple. 
 
 \ Sir William Temple. Lord Oflbry's letter. 
 $ D'Avaux, vol. i. p. i, & fee], 
 9
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 bands of private friendfliip. Many of the Englifh offi- 
 cers, after the arm-y was difbanded, and of the clergy, 
 after the diflenting clergy were eje&ed, fettled in Hol<- 
 land. Thefe men formed themfelves into political coun- 
 cils, and kept up correfpondences with fimilar councils 
 of their friends eftablifhed in England : To the intrigues 
 of this party, in fome meafure, were owing the late dif- 
 ferences between Charles and his parliament. In the 
 year 1674, before differences were come to any height 
 between Charles and the houfe of commons, the Prince 
 had declined a marriage with the Duke's daughter*, al- 
 though it was offered. But now, when the breach was 
 greatly widened, he prefled for the marriage, either to 
 clofe the divifions of England, or to turn them to his 
 own advantage. In the courfe of the tranfaction, fome 
 doubtful prefages broke forth ; for, when the Prince, 
 who was then in England, got not the anfwer to his 
 propofal fo foon as he expeded, he defired Sir William 
 Temple to inform the King, " That they muft thence- 
 forth live as the greateft friends, or the greateft foes ;" 
 and the Duke yielded to the marriage from complaifance 
 to his brother,but exceedingly againft his own inclinations. 
 A fucceffion of hopes and fears, of confidence and dif- 
 truft, of compliments and apologies, between the Prince 
 and the two royal brothers, was the confequence of the 
 marriage. But, as it is natural for the human mind to 
 attach itfelf to whatever is oppofite to the object of its 
 diflike, that popularity in England which Charles and 
 his brother loft, becaufe they were connected with the 
 French and popifh interefts, the Prince of Orange 
 gained, becaufe he was accounted the bulwark againft 
 both. With great ability be improved this advantage. 
 From the neighbourhood of his refidence to England, 
 
 *' Sir William Temple. Lord Oflbry's letter. 
 Vol. I. X all
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 all flocked to pay their court to him ; fome in compli- 
 ment to the King, others from a view to the future fuc- 
 ceffion, and perhaps a few more daring fpirits to anti- 
 cipate it. The refpet with which he received the King's 
 party in public, he avowed to the popular party in 
 private. After his marriage the fecretaries of ftate had 
 orders to correfpond * officially with him. His fitua- 
 tion, with regard to Englifh affairs, gave him many 
 opportunities, in other refpech, to gain fuccefiively the 
 King's minifters. He treated them with the equality, he 
 correfponded with : them with the fimplicity, of private 
 friendmip. By compliments to the good and the brave, 
 he procured friends ; and, as he had no title to give re- 
 prehenfions, he drew no enemies upon himfelf f. 
 Breach be- Lord Danby was the perfon who brought about the Prince 
 Charles ^ Orange's marriage, both with the King and the Prince ; 
 and Louis, partly from his averfion to France, but more to flop the 
 current of popular fury; for a minifter in England is al- 
 ways fure, that the ftorms raifed againft the crown will 
 fall firft upon him. For the fame reafons he endeavoured 
 to break off all connection between his matter and France. 
 Louis XIV. had, for many years, ufed many arts to 
 obftruct the approaches to a marriage between the Prince 
 of Orange and the Lady Mary, and had even buoyed up 
 the Duke of Yqrk with the falfe hopes of an alliance 
 
 * There is in the Paper- office a vaft number of copies of official 
 letters to him, and thefe difcover many curious ciicuaiftances of the 
 times. 
 
 The prefent eftabliftiment of the Paper-office does great honour to 
 his Majefty's reign, and to the memory of the late Mr. Grenville. 
 During his adminiltration, a commiflion was directed to thret gen- 
 tlemen of diltinguiflied knowledge and induftiy, to put vhe Ihite 
 papers of England, which formerly were a niafs of ccnfufion, into 
 order. And thefe gentlemen are, with much fidelity, executing 
 tf.L.r duty to the public. 
 
 f King William's letters are the belt written of the age in which 
 he lived. 
 
 -with
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 16$ 
 
 with the Dauphin. But now Lord Danby perfuaded the 
 King to conclude the marriage-treaty, without acquaint- 
 ing the French court with his intention at all ; and the 
 marriage was no fooner celebrated, than the Prince and 
 he prevailed upon Charles to fend Lord Duras, after- 
 wards Earl of Feverfham, ambaflador to Louis, to 
 threaten him with war, if he did not make peace with 
 the allies upon the terms carried by Lord Duras, and to 
 demand back the Englifh troops in the French fervice. 
 
 A few days after the departure of Lord Duras, the 
 Prince of Orange returned into Holland ; but he had 
 hardly loft fight of the coafts of England, when Charles, 
 either from ficklenefs and fear, or from the habit of a 
 duplicity which ran through all the conduct of his life, 
 made advances to France. He iflued a proclamation for 
 proroguing the parliament to April 1678, as by his late 
 fecret treaty with Louis he had promifed to do: He 
 made an apology in private to Barillon for Lord Duras's 
 embafiy ; he permitted Duras to treat, inftead of per- 
 fifting in the original order for him to return in two 
 days if he did not get a pofhive anfwer from Louis : He 
 iflued no proclamation to recal the Britifh troops ; and 
 he told Barillon in private, that he would not recal thofe 
 troops in a hafte, and that he intended no war. 
 
 But Louis defpifmg fuch conduct, equally whether it 
 proceeded from art or from weaknefs, flopped the pen- 
 fion provided for Charles by the late treaty, pretending to 
 indemnify him, by offering him certain towns in Flanders, 
 if he would not interfere in the war gave a flat refufal 
 to the terms of peace brought by Lord Duras, prepared 
 to fend his troops into Flanders, and foon after marched 
 himfelf at their head, laid fiege to Ipres and Ghent, and 
 took them *. 
 
 * Vid. Appendix to this book, No. i. 
 
 X 2 Charles,
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 Charles, then, at lair, either touched with the lofs of 
 his fubfidy, or hurt in his pride, revoked the proclama- 
 tion which had put off the meeting of parliament till 
 April 1678, ordered it to meet immediately, viz. in the 
 month of" January, haftily {truck up a league offenfive 
 and defenfwe with the Dutch, informed parliament of 
 the meafurcs he had taken againft France, afked fupplies 
 to fupport them, raifed an army, and fent his fqn^ the 
 young Duke of Monmouth with part of it into Flanders. 
 Even the Duke of York animated him to the war ; for 
 though, while the rupture was forming between the two 
 Kings, he had, with tears in his eyes, adjured Barillon 
 to prevent t'le march of the French troops into Flanders; 
 yet he afterwards formed a project of getting a great 
 army raifed, under the pretence of the war, of taking 
 the command of it himfelf, and of making it the great 
 inftrument- to fecure his brother's power and his own 
 fafety. By appearing publicly for a war with France, 
 he hoped too to gain popularity in the mean time to 
 himfelf. 
 
 Tbcpopu- ^ ut ^ c ' e views were difappointed by the fudden junc- 
 
 lar party tion of interefts in the beginning of the year 1678, 
 
 French between the French court and the popular party in the 
 
 court join > English parliament ; both of whom happened at that time 
 
 to have the fame common objects to purfue. It was 
 
 the interelt of Louis to render ineffectual any union 
 
 between Charles and the Prince of Orange, to get 
 
 the Englifh army of 20,000 men difbanded (which, 
 
 to the attonifhment of Europe, had been raifed in the 
 
 fpace of fix weeks), and a parliament difiblved which 
 
 :.~d repeatedly addrefled Charles for a war againft him, 
 
 to overturn a minifter who was continually urging 
 
 his matter to the fame war. The popular party again 
 
 dreaded, in the ttrength which that union in the royal 
 
 family, and that army, would confer upon their fovereign, 
 
 the lofs of their own liberties j they hoped in a nevy 
 
 parlia-
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 165 
 
 .parliament, chofen in a popular ferment, to gain new 
 ftrength to themfelves, and they wiflied to pull down 
 Lord Danby for the fame reafon for which every oppofi- 
 tion wifhes to pull down every minifter. Barillon 5 
 lately fent ambafTador from France, received the firft 
 advances from fome of the Englifli for this junction; 
 but Rouvigney, becaufe he had more experience in Eng- 
 lifh affairs, was immediately fent over to England to 
 aflift him in an intrigue of fuch infinite confequence to 
 France. 
 
 Men feldom change iheir principles, or rather their 
 tempers and pailions, from the cradle to the grave. 
 There is hardly a political exception from the rule in 
 Englifh hiftory, except in Lord Strafford and the Mar- 
 quis of Montrofe, both of whom were cut off by violent 
 deaths before it could be known whether they would 
 
 V' 
 
 have continued exceptions from the rule to the end. The 
 intercourfe with Barillon and Rouvigney was at firil ma- 
 naged by Lord Hollis, one of the five whom the King's 
 father had gone into the Houfe of Commons to feize 
 with his own hands ; by Lord Shaftfbury, who, next to 
 Cromwell, had done the moft hurt to the royal caufe in 
 the late reign ; by the Duke of Buckingham, who had 
 never been attached to his mafter even while he followed 
 his fortunes as an exile in foreign countries ; and by Lord 
 Rufiel, who was drawn into it by the confidence he put 
 in Rouvigney, who was his relation and friend, and by 
 the unfurmountable jealoufy which he entertained of the 
 intentions of the King and the Duke to deftroy the reli- 
 gion and liberties of their country. Algernon Sidney, 
 formerly fo famous for his republican actions, and after- 
 wards fo famous by his republican writings and repub- 
 lican death, foon joined in the intrigue. After it had 
 been for fome months conducted between thefe perfons 
 and a few more, with the two French emiflarics, it took 
 ? more regular form, when a confiderable number of the 
 I popular
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 popular party fcnt a fpecial meffenger, one Falifleau, to 
 France, to form a regular communication of intereiU 
 and meafures directly with the French court itfelf. The 
 meafures either agreed upon or underftood were, that the 
 popular party, by diftrading the King's bufmefs in par- 
 ji.iment, fhould oblige him to difband his army, to dif- 
 folve his parliament, and to difmifs his minifter Lord 
 Danby ; and that Louis (hould aflift them in protecting 
 the liberties of their country againft all who fhould in- 
 vade them. In order to fupport the party, money was 
 diftributed among many of them. Buckingham took 
 much, and afked more; and it was probably his fole 
 object from the beginning. Lord HolHs was offered a 
 box of diamonds in value 15007. under the pretence, 
 that it had been forgot to be given to him when he 
 quitted his embafly in France ; he refufed it in a way which 
 fhewed he would afterwards accept, but died before the 
 offer was renewed. When Rouvigney told Lord Ruflel 
 that he was charged with money from his court, and 
 afked his advice to whom he fhould give it, Lord RufieJ, 
 with a juft fenfe of his own honour, anfwered, " he 
 " (hould be very forry to have any connection with per- 
 '* fons capable of being gained by money;" yet, blinded 
 by party to the honour of others, added, that " the pro- 
 " pofal pleafed him, becaufe it fhewed him that there 
 " was no private understanding between the two Kings 
 " againft the liberties of England." Sidney received 
 money more than once, either prefled by his ftraits, or 
 intending to employ it in the political fervices of party, 
 or reconciling his conduct to his pride, by the reflection 
 that all arts were fair to overturn that monarchy which 
 he abhorred, and introduce that latitude in religion which 
 he adored. Nothing was offered to Shaftfbury, either 
 becaufc he was deemed too cautious, or too rich to be 
 bribed without fuch a fum as was grudged by the French 
 
 court a 

 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 167 
 
 court, or becaufe it was believed that he was prone 
 enough from revenge, without the incitements of in- 
 tereft, to give difturbance to his mafter. 
 
 A connexion fo ftrange, and fo fecretly conduced, 
 produced the moft irregular efFets in the Englifii par- 
 liament. The Houfe of Commons prefled their fo- 
 vereign to enter into a war with Francej which they 
 would not give him money to fupport; to levy an army, 
 which they difbanded almoft as foon as it was raifedj and 
 to enter into alliances which they afterwards difapproved. 
 Harafled, perplexed, diftra&ed, Charles little fufpeded 
 the invifible hand which dealt all thefe mifchiefs around 
 him *.. 
 
 But while Louis was treating with Charles's fubje&s Private 
 
 unknown to him, he was treating with him unknown to treat y in 
 
 L r , -> r e i May 1678 
 
 them, to gain the fame great object, fecunty from the between 
 
 arms of England, and from the natural paffions of an Louis and 
 
 Englifii parliament againft France. In May of the year 
 
 1678, he concluded a private treaty with Charles, by 
 
 which, in confideration of fix millions of livres, Charles 
 
 engaged to difband his army, to ftand neuter in the war, 
 
 if the allies would not accept the terms which France 
 
 was at that time offering them, and not to af- 
 
 femble his parliament for fix months. The Duke and 
 
 Lord Danby were the only perfons privy to the treaty; 
 
 the former of whom promoted, and the other oppofed it 
 
 as much as he could. Charles was obliged to write it 
 
 with his own hand, in order to keep it a fecret from all 
 
 others *. 
 
 The terms, which had been offered by France to the j) ou j,j e 
 allies, were foon after accepted by the Dutch, who game of 
 
 dreaded equally to be abandoned by the unfteadrnefs of ^? U1 ?' and 
 J * Charles: 
 
 Charles, and by the factions of his fubjefts. Part of Charles 
 
 the dupe 
 of it. 
 * Vid. Appendix to this Chap. No. z. f Ibid. 
 
 thefe
 
 ,68 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 thefe terms were, that Louis fliould evacuate a great 
 part of his conquefts in the Spanifh Netherlands. But 
 after he had bought off Charles, and made a feparate 
 peace with the Dutch, he thought he might treat Spain 
 as he pleafed, and therefore refufed to evacuate his con- 
 quefts until fatisfa&ion fhould be made to his allies the 
 Swedes. All Europe cried aloud againft the breach of 
 faith. Spain and Holland linked themfelves together 
 more clofely than ever, and called upon England for 
 help. 
 
 The opportunity appeared to Charles to be fair for 
 playing that double game in which he took delight, and 
 to enhance the price of his friendfhip to France. On 
 the one hand he concluded a treaty by means of Sir Wil- 
 liam Temple with the Dutch, by which he engaged to 
 join in war againft France, if fhe did not, without any 
 regard to the interefts of Sweden, evacuate the Spanifh 
 towns within two months ; and on the other hand he 
 offeree! privately a treaty to Louis, by which, in confi- 
 deration of a penfion of fix millions of livres for one 
 year, and four millions for two more, he was to join 
 him in favour of the Swedes, to furnifh a fleet and army 
 for their fervice paid by France, and to obferve a 
 neutrality in Flanders ; a treaty which Charles wifhed 
 for the more, becaufe it would have given him a pretence 
 for keeping up an army independent of parliament, 
 and without its confcnt : Views which, if they had been 
 known at the time, might, if any thing could, have 
 juftified the imprudence of his fubjeds in intriguing with 
 France. 
 
 But defpifing and infulting the artifices of Charles, 
 Louis betrayed the fecret to the allies, concluded the 
 terms of peace with the Dutch at Nimeguen, purfued 
 meafures to bring the Spaniards into them, and flopped 
 the pennon which he had engaged to pay Charles by the 
 
 private
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 169 
 
 private treaty made with him in the preceding month of 
 May. 
 
 Charles upon this, for once in his life, became fincere, Breach 
 I and by promifes and embafiies, and by great bcdies of between 
 troops fent to Flanders, endeavoured to prevail upon the Charles 
 Dutch to difown the peace which their ambafTadors had an OU1S * 
 juft concluded, and the Spaniards to refufe their acceffion 
 to it. The Dutch, willing to engage him in a war with 
 France, and to keep free of it themfelves *, encouraged 
 his ardour, but kept clear of its influence. The 
 Spaniards followed their example, and the general peace 
 of Chriftendom was eftablifhed at Nimeguen, 
 
 But while Charles was fpending his anger every where Intrigue of 
 in vain againft France, fhe was fecretly preparing a ^ e in * 
 mine to blow up his minifter, and expofe himfelf, by Danby, 
 getting one of his own fervants to lay before parliament 
 one of thofe fecret money tranfa&ions into which (he had 
 herfelf drawn him f. Mr. Montague, afterwards Duke 
 of Montague, who had lately been ambaffador in 
 France, was provoked againft Lord Danby for having 
 preferred Sir William Temple to him in a competi- 
 tion for the office of fecretary of ftate, and made an 
 offer to the French court, that, for a hundred thoufand 
 crowns, he would ruin Lord Danby, by betraying to 
 parliament Danby's correfpondence concerning one of 
 the private money treaties with France. His offer was 
 accepted. In an abfolute monarchy thofe in power are 
 every thing, and thofe out of it nothing ; but in free 
 governments, fimple individuals command often the fates 
 of them. A private Englifti gentleman concerted flowly 
 and furely, with a foreigner who could not even fpeak 
 the language of England, the ruin of a great minifter, 
 
 * Fagel once let this intention drop to Sir William Temple. 
 Vid. Sir William's Memoirs. Compare alfo the paflage from Lord, 
 North's Memoirs in North's Exam. p. 474. 
 
 f Vid. Appendix to this Chapter, No. IV, 
 
 VOL. I. Y th?
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 the favourite of his prince, the friend of the people, as 
 much as one of Charles's minifters could be, and in the 
 plenitude of fecurity. The fchcme was by degrees im- 
 parted to others of the popular party. Even Lord Ha- 
 lifax, from the rcceflcs of the court, joined in it to rife 
 on the ruins of Lord Danby. Algernon Sidney was the 
 perfon who managed the correfpondence privately be- 
 tween Barillon and him concerning it ; but the intended 
 attack was put off from time to time for fome months, 
 becaufe the popular leaders could not agree among them- 
 felves upon the time of making it ; fome thinking that 
 it fhould not be done until the army was difbanded, and 
 others, that it was the fureft way to get it difbanded. 
 
 In the mean time another attack was preparing, which 
 proved ftill more fatal to Charles and his brother. 
 Shaftef- The moft defperate enemy is a friend provoked. 
 
 trmisThe ^Shaftefbury, who had joined with the King and the 
 popifli Duke to exalt the power of the crown, becaufe it exalted 
 his own ; but who, when deferted by the King, had put 
 ' himfelf at the head of the people, to gratify his revenge, 
 to fecure his fafety, and to open a new field for his am- 
 bition ; a man irifinuating impofing in private, eloquent 
 daring in public, full of refources in both ; who had been 
 bred up in the fchools of civil commotion, in the long 
 parliament, in Cromwell's revolutions, and in thofe 
 which followed Cromwell's death, and who, from that 
 education, knew well the power of popular rumours, at 
 times when popular paflions are in ferment, had, while 
 the attack upon Danby was projecting, framed the 
 tion of the popifli plot, in order to bury the Duke, 
 and perhaps the King, under the weight of the national 
 iear and hatred of popery *. Shaftefbury was Simulated 
 
 too, 
 
 * It has been much doubted whether Shaftefbury cor.trivcd the 
 popifh plot, or it" he only made ufe of it, after it broke out. Some 
 
 papers
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 171 
 
 too, by offences both given and received. For the 
 King * having faid to him, " Shaftefbury, thou art the 
 " greateft rogue in the kingdom ;" he anfwered, bow- 
 ing, " Of a fubjed, Sir." And the Duke having rated 
 him in paffionate terms for one of his fpeeches in parlia- 
 ment, " I am glad," faid he, " your Royal Highnefs 
 " has not called me alfo papift and coward." The ac- 
 count of this plot, in which was involved the aflaffina- 
 tion of Charles and his brother, an invafion, the confla- 
 gration of the city, and a maflacre of the proteftants, was 
 calculated, in its great lines, to gain the attention of the 
 higher ranks of the nation-, and, by the familiarity and 
 detail of its circumftances, to catch the credulity of the 
 meaneft of the populace. By making the Duke one of 
 the objects of the pretended affafiination, it prevented the 
 fufpicion of its being directed againft him; and, by ac- 
 cufing the Queen, whom the King did not love, it gave 
 a chance for feparating the interefts of the brothers. 
 The information, as foon as given, flew inftantly abroad. 
 Even the marveloufnefs of the ftory gave credit to what 
 it was almoft impoffible to believe human fiction could 
 have invented. Accident after accident arifing in a man- 
 ner unparalleled in hiftory, concurred to maintain the 
 
 papers I have feen convince me he contrived it, though the perfons 
 
 he made ufe of as informers ran beyond their inftru&jons. The 
 
 common objection to the fuppofition cf his contriving the plot, is, 
 
 the abfurdity of its eircumftances. When Shaftefbury himfeif was 
 
 prefled with regard to that abfurdity, he made an anfwer which mows 
 
 equally the irregularity and the depth of his genius. An account of 
 
 it is in North's Examen, p. 95. " A certain Lord of his confidence 
 
 ' in parliament, once afked him what he intended to do with the plot, 
 
 ' which was fo full of nonfcnfe as would fcarce go down with tantum 
 
 ' tton ideots; what then could he propofe by prefiing the belief of it 
 
 ' upon men of common fenle, and efpecially in parliament?"" It 
 
 f is no matter," faid he, " the more nonlenfical the better; if we 
 
 * cannot bring them to fwallow worfe uonienfe than that, we fhall 
 
 " never do any good with them." 
 
 Mr. Walpole. 
 
 Y 2 delufion.
 
 172 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 delufion. But above all, the murder of Godfrey, who, 
 in his office of a magiftrate, had made the plot public, 
 caufed almoft every proteftant to imagine, he felt the 
 dagger in his breaft. Shaftefbury knew too well the na- 
 ture of the human mind, not to improve upon this laft 
 accident. He fuggefted to his fa&ion, to bring the eye 
 in aid of the imagination, in order to complete the ter- 
 rors of the people. The dead body, ghaftly and with 
 the fword- fixed in it, and lying on a bier, was expofed 
 during two days in the public ftreet. It was carried in 
 procellion through the city of London to the grave, as 
 the remains of a martyr to the proteftant religion, 
 fcventy-two clergymen walking before, near a thoufand 
 perfons of condition behind, innumerable crowds in a 
 long filent order, an expreflion of paffion more danger- 
 ous than that of clamour and confufion, bringing up 
 the rear. Void of all honour in politics, Shaftefbury 
 coined rumours as they fitted his purpofe, and had men 
 of his party ready who could repeat, and men who could 
 write them, fo as to make them circulate through every 
 part of the kingdom*. Void of all feeling, he con- 
 firmed his inventions by public trials, and, without re- 
 morfe, faw prifoners led to death for charges which 
 himfelf had contrived ; engaging thus even the paflions 
 of horror and amazement in the public, to make things 
 credible, which, without thefe, could not have been 
 believed. Succefs feemed to follow in a train. The 
 crown lawyers, the crown judges, moft of the King's 
 fervants, believed in the plot as firmly as the meaneft of 
 the people. The King's chief minifter Lord Danby 
 had been the firft to give it credit, in order to prefent an 
 object of profecution to parliament in place of himfelf. 
 The King's late minifters, Buckingham, Lauderdale,and 
 
 * North's Examen, 88. 100. 
 4 Shaftefbury,
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 173 
 
 Shaftefbury, were joined, in their zeal againft it, by the 
 popular Lords EfTex, Halifax, Sunderland, and Ruflel; 
 and the King, to avoid the imputation of popery, entered 
 into the profecution of a plot which he knew to be a 
 fi&ion. 
 
 Information was no fooner given of the popifh plot, Theexclu* 
 than it was converted to the purpofe of excluding the * l 
 
 Duke of York from the throne ; and never was a poli- founded 
 
 tical engine more ably managed. Even before the popifh "" ' 
 
 plot broke out, the minds of the public had been pre- plot. 
 pared by a number of pamphlets, which pointed out Prepara- 
 the right of parliament to change the fucceffion of the |J 
 crown on account of the popery of the perfon in right of . 
 it. The firft of thofe pamphlets was written by one 
 whom Buckingham, Shaftefbury, and Lord Wharton 
 had employed. The Duke reproached them with the in- 
 jury: They acknowledged the pamphlet, but excufed 
 theinfelves by faying, that the perfon who wrote it had 
 gone beyond his inftrudions. The terrors of the plot 
 had^ made all the people in the town and the country 
 provide themfelves with arms * ; and now, to preferve 
 thefe arms by authority of law in the fame hands, the 
 popular party got a bill paffed through both houfes, which 
 was contrived to weaken the King's power over the mi- 
 litia. To prevent the interpofition of the army, the 
 commons petitioned the King to difband it ; and fup- 
 plied him with money for that purpofe. To fecure a 
 fuperiority of numbers in the houfe of Lords, they pro- 
 cured the royal aflent to a bill which excluded papifts 
 from fitting there. In order to flatter the ambition of 
 the different parties who had views to the fucceffion, and 
 by that art to gain their concurrence in the promotion of 
 
 * Letter Duke of Newcaftle to Secretary Jenkins, in the Paper- 
 C&ce, June 8, 1683, and many other letters there, 
 
 the
 
 , 74 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 the exclufion, it was refolved in the project of the bill to 
 leave the name of the fucceflbr indeterminate *. And, 
 as the firft ftep to conne& the popiih plot with the ex- 
 clufion, Lord Ruflel moved for a refolution of the Houfe, 
 " That the opinion which the papifts have of the Duke's 
 " religion is the caufe of the plot." 
 
 Pieten- In the mean time, a new figure darted up to encreafe 
 
 Dukeof C tlie national ferment, and to add the miferies of a father 
 Momouth to thofeof a brother, in the mind of the King. His na- 
 tural fon, the Duke of Monmouth, young, beautiful, 
 brave, generous, affecting popularity, and tenderly be- 
 loved by his father, had been educated with one part of 
 the flower of the Englifti youth at Oxford, and ferved 
 with another in the army; fo that he had all the ad- 
 vantages of private friendfhips joined to thofe which at- 
 tend upon royal extraction. His tutor, one Rofs, a 
 Scotchman, either from love to his pupil, or to gain im- 
 portance to himfelf, was the firft perfon who inflamed his 
 mind with high ambition, by making him believe, or per- 
 fuading him to make others believe, that the King had 
 been privately married to his mother. Rofs went fur- 
 ther ; for he advifed Cofins, bifliop of Durham, to write 
 a certificate of the marriage, and to depofit it in a ftrong 
 box in his own houfe; making ufe of this argument, 
 that, if the Duke of York fhould be converted from po- 
 pery, there would be no need of bringing the certificate 
 to public view, and, if he fhould not, that all arts were 
 juftifiable to exclude a papift from the throne : Circum- 
 flances which Cofins immediately communicated to the 
 King, but which that Prince difregarded, acquitting 
 Monmouth, and imputing them only to the petulance of 
 his tutor. Yet Rofs, after Cofins died, fpread a re- 
 port abroad, that he had left fuch a certificate behind 
 
 Paflages from Lord North's memoirs in North's Examen, p. 390. 
 
 him.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 175 
 
 him. Upon the death of the Duke of Albemarle, the 
 King had abolifhed the office of Lord General of the 
 army, deeming it too great for a fubjecl:. But, in the 
 year 1674, at a time when it was apprehended the dif- 
 contents of the nation might break forth into violence, 
 the Duke of Monmouth, ufmg the pretence, that the 
 officers of the army fcrupled to fire upon rioters, without 
 the order of the General for their warrant, prevailed 
 upon the King to revive the office, and beftow it upon 
 him. Monmouth gave directions, that, in the form of 
 his commiffion, he fhould be called the King's fon y but 
 that the ufual addition to his name of the word natural 
 ihould be omitted. The Duke of York, who had in 
 vain oppofed the preferment itfelf, having received inform- 
 ation of this, fent orders to the officer who was to 
 draw the commiffion, to do it in the ufual form. The 
 officer obeyed, and delivered the commiffion to Vernon, 
 the Duke of Monmouth's fecretary. But Vernon, by 
 his matter's order, erafed the word natural. The Duke 
 of York contrived t& be with the King when the com- 
 miffion was prefented, and complained of the alteration. 
 The King, without making any anfwer, clipped the 
 commiffion through the middle with a pair of fciflars, 
 and defired a new one might be brought him. This 
 was the firft inftance of competition between the two 
 Dukes, and of the towering fchemes which Monmouth 
 foftered in fecret. After this, the Duchefs of Portf- 
 mouth and Lord Danby buoyed Monmouth up in the 
 favour of Charles, in order to counterbalance the in- 
 fluence of the Duke of York, which they found in- 
 confiftent with their own. The animofity between the 
 uncle and the nephew was augmented by a fufpicion 
 which the Duke of York had exprefTed, that Monmouth 
 was fon to Robert Sidney, brother to the famous Henry 
 and Algernon Sidneys, the moil beautiful man of the 
 
 age.
 
 J;6 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 age, who had been in ufe to boaft of his favours from 
 Monmouth's mother, and whom the Duke imagined 
 Monmouth refembled in his beauty. When the bill for 
 excluding papifts from parliament was brought into the 
 Houfe of Lords, the Duke of York had, with tears in 
 his eyes, beleeched to be excepted, and was faved only 
 by two voices : But the Duke of Monmouth went out of 
 the Houfe during the vote. He now declared himfelf 
 openly for the exclufion. And his partifans, aflerting his 
 legitimacy, maintained every where that he was next heir 
 to the crown. 
 Fall of In the midft of fo much combuftible matter the train 
 
 Lord Dan- j^j by Montagu and Barillon againft Lord Danby and 
 by, and ' ' _ _ r^ii- , 
 
 ditlblution his m after, was fet on nre. I 1 or, Danby having either 
 
 of parlia- g 0t intelligence of what was going on underhand againft 
 him, or fearing Montagu, becaufe confcious how much 
 he was in his power, procured an order from the King to 
 fcize his papers upon an affeded charge of his corre- 
 fponding with the Pope's nuncio. But Montagu had 
 fecreted the fatal letters. He told in a full Houfe of Com- 
 mons where they were to be found. Some members were 
 inftantly fent to the place, and brought them. The King's 
 difgrace and his minifter's crime were read aloud to a 
 numerous and inflamed afTembly j inflamed ftill more 
 by the difcovery of Coleman's correfpondence, which 
 fhowed that the Duke had been carrying on a corre- 
 fpondence with France againft the religion of his coun- 
 try and its interefts. Danby was thrown from the fummit 
 of power, and almoft in the fame inftant of time, by an 
 impeachment, into the folitude of a prifon. 
 
 It is common for men who love the treafon to hate the 
 traitor. The French court, which Montagu had fa 
 effe&ually ferved, paid him* with only 50,000 of the 
 
 * Vid, appendix to the next chapter. 
 
 lOOjOOO
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 177 
 
 100,000 crowns they had promifcd him, under the pre- 
 tence that Danby's ruin was not completed, becaufe he 
 was not condemned. Montagu was obliged to make 
 repeated applications even for the half which he got : A 
 mortification perhaps greater, than that of the refufals 
 which he met with*. 
 
 The King, exafperated in his age with a parliament 
 which had been fo loyal to him in his youth, difiblved it, 
 after it had fate fixteen years: An imprudent meafure, 
 which threw a new election into the hands of the people, 
 at a time when'their paffions were all on fire. 
 
 The exile of the Duke was the confequence of the Firft exile 
 
 Fall of Lord Danbv, and of the diflblution of the par- of the 
 
 Duke 
 liament. Before the new one met, Charles urged his 
 
 brother, and fent fome of the bifhops to urge him, to 
 conform to the church of England j but in vain. He 
 then privately prevailed with Lady Powis, to intreat the 
 Duke, in name of her hufband, and of four other popifh 
 Lords, whd had been committed to the Tower on ac- 
 count of the popifh plot, to go abroad, in order to take 
 the rage of the public off the four Lords : But the 
 Duke refufed to yield to her requeft. The King, at lafr, 
 ordered him to go; and he obeyed with reluctance. He 
 afked leave to take his daughter, the Princefs Anne, 
 with him j but was refufed. He defired a declaration 
 from his brother, that he had never been married to 
 Monmouth's mother : It was granted. The Duke's 
 exile was owing partly to the advice of Danby, whd 
 urged, that his removal would remove the imputation of 
 the King's being governed by popifh councils, but more 
 to the perfuafions of the Duchefs of Portfmouth, whom 
 Shaftefbury flattered with the hopes of a parliamentary 
 fettlement of the crown upon her fon the Duke of Rich- 
 mond. 
 
 * Vid, appendix to this chapter, No. W 
 
 VOL. L Z
 
 E N D I 
 
 T O 
 
 CHAPTER III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 N I. 
 
 Letters from Barillon to the French court, concerning . the 
 differences winch the marriage of the Princefs of Orange 
 created between Louis and Charles, and the intrigues of 
 Barillon with the popular party in parliament. 
 
 TH E marriage of the Duke of York's daughter to 
 the Prince of Orange, directed by King Charles 
 againft the will of her father, and without any previous 
 intimation of the intention to France, was the opera- 
 tion, in a manner, of a minute. The furprife of France 
 upon it, and the views of Charles in it, are related in 
 the following difpatch, written a few days before the 
 marriage : 
 
 TranJJalion. 
 
 Extrafl cf a letter from Mr. de Barillon to Louis tie 
 XiVth, \Jl Nov. 1677. H" f ur P r 'f e at de Prince of 
 Orange's marriage. Charles's reafons for it. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 ' T HAVE been informed, from feveral quarters, 
 
 within thcfc two days, that the Prince of Orange's 
 
 marriage with the Princefs Mary is in treaty, and even 
 
 far advanced. This obliged me to fpeak of it to the 
 
 Duke
 
 APPENDIX TO CHAP. III. 179 
 
 Dulce of Yorkj whom I found very different from what 
 he had appeared upon this affair, having formerly pofi- 
 tively told me that he would not think of it till after the 
 conclufion of the peace ; but the day before yefterday he 
 fpoke to me lefs clearly, and faid the King his brother 
 was very much bent upon it, and that he advifed me to 
 fpeak to him upon the fubje& (till now he would never 
 permit me). I faid all to him, I thought proper, to dif- 
 fuade him from precipitating an affair of this nature. 
 I faw plainly, by what he faid to me, that it was far ad- 
 vanced j and I went to the Duchefs of Portfmouth's 
 with a defign to fpeak to the King of England of it, but 
 he would not give me time, for as foon as I got there he 
 took me into a clofet, and faid, I wifii to talk to you of 
 an affair which is going on here, that you may give an 
 account of it to the King your mailer : It is the mar- 
 riage of the Prince of Orange with my niece the Prin- 
 cefs Mary. I judge it very neceffary for my interefts, 
 and I believe I fhall draw confiderable advantages from it 
 noWj and greater hereafter. This alliance will quiet 
 the fufpicions which my fubje&s have, that the alliance 
 1 preferve with France, hath no other foundation than a 
 change of religion. It is my brother, the Duke of 
 York's conduct, th^jt has given rife to all thefe fufpi- 
 cions. All the jealoufy and pafiion which people have in 
 this country againft the profperities of France, comes 
 from the Duke's declaring his religion. In the hrft war 
 of ( 1667, they looked here upon all the conquefts that 
 were made in Flanders with indifference, and cared little 
 about them ; but fince the Duke of York profefled the 
 Catholic religion, all England has been in motion, and 
 apprehenfive that I have other defigns, and am taking 
 meafures for changing the government and religion of 
 my country. This is the rock againft which I muft 
 guard mvfelf, and I alfure you that I need every thing to 
 Z 2 enable
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 me to reftft the continual efforts of the who's 
 Englifii nation ; for, in fine, I am the only one of my 
 party, except it be my brother. I am affured that the 
 Prince of Orange's marriage with my niece will diftipate 
 a part of thefe fufpicions, and infinitely ferve to (hew 
 that I have no defign which is not conformable to the 
 eftablifhed laws and religion of England. It will dc- 
 flroy the cabals that might be made, and put my nephew 
 in my intereft. I confound thereby the hopes of thofe 
 who only feek a pretence to rife againft me, and who 
 would endeavour to get the Prince of Orange on their 
 fide, by making him entertain pretenfions, which now he 
 will reft on no other foundation than my friendlhip, and, 
 a true attachment to my interefts." 
 
 The marriage was immediately followed by the em- 
 baffy of Lord Duras concerted with the Prince, which 
 threatened France with war if fhe did not accept of 
 peace on the terms which Lord Duras carried, and by a 
 demand upon the French court to fend back the Britifli 
 troops in the French fervice. 
 
 Yet even in thefe meafures Charles endeavoured to 
 keep terms with France : He ifTued a proclamation for 
 proroguing the parliament to April, 1678, as by his late 
 iecret treaty with Louis he had promifed to do : He made 
 an apology in private to Barillon for Duras's embafTy, as 
 appears by Barillon's letter to his court of 16 December, 
 1677, in the Depot. He permitted Lord Dun;s to treat, 
 inftead of perfifting in the original order for him to re- 
 turn in two days if his meflage was not complied with, 
 iijed no proclamation to recall the Britifh troops. 
 And Bajiiloa wr:tto on the 3d of February, 1677-8, 
 
 that
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW, 
 
 that Charles told him he would not recall thofe troops in 
 a hafte ; and that he intended no war. 
 
 Louis the XlVtb, however, faw the confequences of 
 the Prince of Orange's marriage. He flopped the pen- 
 fion provided for Charles by the late treaty, pretending 
 to indemnify him, by offering him certain towns in 
 Flanders if he would not interfere in the war, gave a flat 
 refufal to the terms of peace brought by Lord Duras, 
 and prepared to fend his troops into Flanders. 
 
 Barillon, 2yth December, 1677, writes thus to Louis 
 the XiVth : '* I fhall make ufe of the advantageous 
 offers to foften the refufal of continuing the payment of 
 the fubfidies. I am afraid this will not make reparation 
 for the anger which fuch a declaration will produce.'* 
 And on the 30th December, 1677, he writes: " I 
 have made general offers of the King of England's get- 
 ting fome places in Flanders, if 'peace is not made." 
 
 This flop in the fubfidy explains the caufe of an ex- 
 traordinary meafure taken by Charles, when at this time 
 he revoked the proclamation which had put off the meet- 
 ing of parliament till April, j6j8, and he now ordered 
 it to meet immediately. It explains too the caufe of the 
 offenfive and defenfive treaty which at this time he haftily 
 inade up with the Dutch. 
 
 The Duke of York faw the fatal confequence to him- 
 felf in thefe approaches to a rupture between Charles and 
 Louis. 
 
 Barillon writes on the 24th January, 1678, that the 
 Duke of York adjured him with tears in his eyes, to 
 prevail on Louis to flop the march of his troops into 
 glanders,
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 France aimed yet a more important blow againft 
 Charles for having brought about the Prince of Orange's 
 marriao-e. For (he entered into the moft dangerous in- 
 trigues with the popular party in parliament againft him. 
 
 As the intrigues of France in an Englifh parliament 
 are very new matter in the hiftory of Englifh party, I 
 fhall relate the progrefs of them in the order of time as I 
 found it in the Depot at Verfailles. 
 
 It has been mentioned in the laft chapter, that whilft 
 Louis was in friendfliip with Charles in the year 1677, 
 he furniftied him with money to bribe his own fubje&s in 
 parliament. In the difpatches of that year, there are 
 alfo traces of Monfieur Courtin's own connexions (in- 
 dependent of the King's) with fome members of parlia- 
 ment, to attach them to the interefts of Charles and 
 France; and on the I5th July, 1677, there are in one 
 of Courtin's accounts prefents ftated as given by him 
 to perfons in England,, the particulars of which fhall be 
 given in the next chapter. 
 
 Upon the marriage of the Prince of Orange, and the 
 fide which Charles immediately after feemed to take 
 againft France, the court of France and a great part of 
 the popular party in parliament in England came to have 
 the fame political obje&s. It was the intereft of Louis 
 to prevent an union between Charles and the Prince of 
 Orange, to get 30,000 Englifh troops difbanded which 
 had been railed againft him to the aftonifhment of Eu- 
 rope in the fhort fpace of fix weeks, to have a parlia- 
 ment diflblved which had repeatedly addrefled Charles for 
 a war againft him, and to overturn a minifter who had 
 of late continually urged his matter to the fame war. 
 
 for
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 For this laft vide Lord Danby's letters. The popular 
 party again dreaded, in the ftrength which that union and 
 that army would confer upon their Sovereign, the lofs of 
 their own liberties; they hoped in a new parliament, 
 chofen in a popular ferment, to gain new ftrength to 
 themfelves ; and they wifhed to pull down Lord Danby 
 for the fame reafon for which every oppofition wifhes to 
 pull down every minifter. 
 
 Thefe circumftances of accident led the way to a con- 
 nection between the popular and the French interefts. 
 
 On the 13th November, 1677, Barillon, who had 
 been fent ambaflador to England only two months be- 
 fore, writes to his own court, that fome of the members 
 of parliament in oppofition to the court feemed defirous 
 of forming connections with France, and were making 
 advances to him, but that he ftands off till he fhould fee 
 what fteps Charles would take with regard to France, 
 He adds, " I have not hitherto given fo little encou- 
 ragement to what has been faid to me on the part of the 
 cabals in oppofition to the court, as to put it out of my 
 power to enter into meafures with them whenever I 
 pleafe. I will not give his Britannic Majefty fubjeft to 
 complain, that thofe who have the honour to ierve your 
 Majefty obferved the fame conduct with regard to him 
 which the minifters of the allies have done." 
 
 On the 24th January, 1677-8, he writes, that the 
 advances had been renewed to him, that he was inclined 
 to form a connection between France and the popular 
 party, but that he could not do it without orders. He 
 lays, that the ufe which Charles's oppofers in parliament 
 are to make of his recalling the Britifh troops from 
 France, is to impute it to a defign of arming thefe troops 
 to deftroy the liberties of England. 
 
 Thefe letters probably fuggefted to the court of France 
 the idea of fending over Monf. Rouvigny, who having 
 
 beea
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 been longer in England than Barillon had been, could 
 know perfons better than him, with a great fum of 
 money to be diftributed among the popular party in the 
 Englifh parliament. 
 
 In Lord Danby's letters (which are publiQied) there 
 are ieveral letters in the beginning of the year 1677-8, 
 from Mr. Montague, ambuflador at Paris, to Lord 
 Danby, informiirg him, that Rouvigny was to go over 
 with money upon that errand, and to a& in concert with 
 Lord Ruflelj and that Barillon was intriguing with the 
 Duke of Buckingham and others of the popular party in 
 England. 
 
 The truth of this information is confirmed by the fol- 
 lowing memorial of Barillon. An Englifh reader will 
 perhaps ftart at a paper being offered to his eyes, which 
 lays open an intrigue between the virtuous Lord Ruffel 
 and the court of France j yet it will give him fome re- 
 lief to find amidft the imprudence of fuch an intrigue 
 the man of honour appearing. 
 
 TranJIatlon. 
 
 Bari lion's memorial of the i^tb March, 1678. Rouvigny' t 
 intcrtoHrfi with Lord Ruffel and Lord Hollis. Honour 
 of the former. In the Depot. 
 
 " V/f R. de Rouvigny has feen Lord RufTel and Lord 
 Hollis, who were fully fatisfied with the affurance 
 he gave them, that the King (i. e. of France) is con- 
 vinced it is not his intereft to make the King of England 
 abfolute mafter in his kingdom ; and that his Majefty 
 (i. e. of France) would contribute his endeavours to 
 bring about the diflblution of this parliament, as foon as 
 the time fhould appear favourable. Lord Ruffel told him 
 he would engage Lord Shaftefbury in this affair, and that 
 12 he
 
 TO CHAP; IIL OF THE REVIEW. 185 
 
 he fhould be the only man to whom he would fpeak of it 
 explicitly ; and that they would work underhand to 
 hinder an augmentation of the fum which has been of- 
 fered for carrying on the war; and would caufe to be 
 added to the offer of the million fterling, fuch difagree- 
 able conditions to the King of England, as they hoped 
 would rather make him wifh to re-unite himfelf with 
 France than to confent to them. He gave Mr. de 
 Rouvigny to underhand, that he fufpevSled your Majefly 
 approved of the King of England's declaring waragainfl 
 you, only to give him an opportunity of obtaining 
 money, and under a promife that, as foon as he had got 
 the money, he would conclude a peace. Mr. de Rou- 
 vigny told him, that to fhew him clearly the contrary^ 
 1 was ready to diftribute a confiderable fum in the parlia- 
 ment to prevail with it to refufe any money for the war 4 
 and folicited him to name the perfons who might be 
 gained. Lord Ruflel replied, that he fhould be very 
 forry to have any commerce with perfons capable of be- 
 ing gained by money ; but he appeared pleafed to fee by 
 this propofal that there is no private underftanding be- 
 tween your Majefty and the King of England, to hurt 
 their conflitution : He told Mr. de Rcuvigny, that lie 
 and all .his friends wanted nothing further than the dif- { 
 folution of parliament; that they knew it could only come 
 from the help of France; that fince he aflured them it 
 was the clefign of your Majefty toafiift in it, they would 
 truft him, and would do all in their power to oblige the 
 King of England to afk your friendfhip once more, and 
 by this means put your Majefty in a fiate to contribute 
 to their fatisfaclion : This he afTured him would be Lord 
 Shaftefbury's fentimcnts, who was one of thefe days to 
 fee Mr. de Rouvigny at Lord RufTel's. Lord Hollis 
 eppeared more referved than Lord Ruflel ; he appears> 
 like him, to be very glad of your Majefly's good inten- 
 VCL. I. A a tions,
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 tions, but he thinks the peace is fo difficult to be 
 that he is afraid it will be a long time before your Ma- 
 jcfty can be in a condition to give them fatisfation by 
 getting the parliament difiblved. Mr. de Rouvigny 
 found him fo embittered againft the court and the mi- 
 niftry, that he did not dare to fay any thing to him of the 
 deure which the King of England fhews for peace, left 
 he fhould bring his cabal, from his defire to oppofe all 
 the dcfigns of the court, to be partizans for the war. 
 And he believes that he only ftarted difficulties about the 
 peace, to engage him to tell what the King of England 
 had faid upon that head. Lord Hollis does not believe 
 'they are going to accufe the high treafurer in the Houfe 
 of Commons ; but Lord Ruflel told Mr. de Rouvigny 
 that he had taken the refolution to fupport the affair 
 againft the treafurer, and even attack the Duke of York 
 and all the Catholics. The Houfe of Lords will in all 
 likelihood oppofe the Houfe of Commons in this, be- 
 caufe the Lords pretend that no one can be excluded from 
 the upper Houfe, without being tried in form. The de- 
 fign of getting the parliament difiblved cannot be kept 
 too fecret, be^aufe, though it be a thing wifhed by all' 
 England, yet if'thofe who are at prefent the members 
 knew that it was thought of, they would do all the King 
 of England co^ld wilh to hinder the execution of the 
 defign," 
 
 About this jime a bill had been framed for giving the 
 King a nHUrbii for carrying on the war againft France. 
 It was img$b!e far the popular party to oppofe this bill 
 without bctrsyuif'their conneaions with France. But 
 they endeavoured* to difappoint it, by introducing many 
 claufes into it which marked an unufual jealoufy in par- 
 5 liament
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 187 
 
 lament of the crown. But al} thefe Charles fubmitted 
 to. The following letter from Barillon gives an account 
 of what pafled between Rouvigny, Lord RufTel, and 
 Lord Holiis, upon occafion of this bill. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extraft of Mr. Earillorfs letter to Louis the XlVth, of the 
 2^th March, 1678. Further inter courfe of Rouvigny 
 with Lord RuJJel and Lord Holiis. Their views. In 
 the Depot. 
 
 *-* T HAVE feen the perfons wirfvwhom I have com- 
 merce, and Mr. de Rouvigny has leen Lord Holiis 
 and Lord Ruflel. Both thefe and thofe fpealc the fame 
 language, and fay they never pretended to oppofe openjy 
 the giving money to the King of En-gland ; that this 
 would be a means of drawing upon themfelves the hatred 
 of the people, and the reproach of all that might hereafter 
 happen ; that the lower Houfe had added to this act claufes 
 fo contrary to the privileges and authority of his Britannic 
 Majefty, that they had hoped neither the Prince nor his 
 minifters would have confented to them, or at leaft that 
 they would have permitted difficulties to be thrown in the 
 way; but that the avidity for money, and the dehre of * 
 having troops on foot, which they thought they might 
 difpofe of, had made the minifters pafs the a& without 
 any confideration for the true interefts of his Britannic 
 Majefty; that this redoubles their fears of the defigns of 
 the court, with which they are much alarmed. Even 
 although they are at this minute perfuaded that your Ma- 
 jefty and the King of England act in concert, they are 
 ftill under apprehenfion left the war fhould ferve only to 
 bring them under fubjcclion. They fee the danger to 
 which they are expofed, but do not know a remedy to 
 A a 2 fave
 
 , 8S APPENDIX 
 
 fave them from it. However, this cabal is not abfolutcly 
 difcouraged, and though the lord high treafurer ftrcngth- 
 ens himfelf every day, the others have always for their 
 aim to hinder the parliament granting any more money, 
 -.cy are refolved to feck for every thing that can give 
 the court vexation, to the end that it may foon difmifs 
 them, and that the King of England may have no other 
 money than what may arife from this tax, which will not 
 amount, according to the common opinion, to more 
 than 600 thoufand pounds fterling. It will be feen in 
 two days what the Houfe of Commons will do ; for the 
 cabal, oppofcd to the court, knows well the neceflity of 
 not lofing time, and care is taken to fhew them the im- 
 portance of it. There is, however, much appearance 
 that the parliament will give the reft of the million which 
 was promifed, and they are working continually to find 
 out a fund for it. I beg your Majeliy to believe that I 
 omit nothing which appears to me to be proper to fortify 
 the party that is oppofcd to the court in parliament. It 
 is not eafy to fuccecd when the King of England con- 
 forms himfelf to all that his fubjedts prefcribe to him, 
 even though the moft contrary to his intereft, I am 
 perfuaded the high treafurer believes he may find oppor- 
 tunities, either in peace or war, to put the authority of 
 the King his mafter on a better foot, and that at prefent 
 be thinks it bcft to let himfelf be driven with the torrent. 
 
 The following letter exhibits a cruel picture of the 
 effects of party in England, when confidence is once 
 loft between the Prince and the people.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 189 
 
 TranJIation. 
 
 Extract of a letter fr em Monf. BariUon to Louis the XlVthj 
 of the llib April, 1678. Dangerous projefis of the 
 beads of the popular party afiing in concert ivitb France. 
 In the Depot. 
 
 *-pHE heads of the cabal, to wit, the Duke of Buck- 
 ingham, Lord Shaftefbury, Lord Ruflei, and Lord 
 Hollis, have given me to underftand that there is nothing 
 fo dangerous for them as to leave matters any longer in 
 their prefent uncertainty ; that the levies are going on, 
 and when there is a fufficient number on foot, the court 
 will attempt every thing that is agreeable to its intereft; 
 that by arrefting the principal perfons, they will put it 
 out of the power of the others to refifr, or oppofe them- 
 felvcs to the c'efigns of the court; that when England 
 lhall be fubjefred at home, the court will carry on a 
 foreign war with the greater facility, and the whole na- 
 tion being in one way of thinking, the fupplies of men 
 and money for Flanders will be great; that nothing is 
 more proper to prevent this, than to prefs the declaration " 
 of war, and oblige his Britannic Majefty to determine 
 before meafures are taken to fupport it : That your 
 Majefty might acquire merit with the whole nation, if 
 you declared that this ftate of uncertainty is not agreeable 
 to you, and that you defire to know whether you are to 
 have peace or war : That in all appearance this ftep will 
 not oblige his Britannic Majefly to declare war, if he 
 has not refolved upon it already-; and that thofe with 
 whom it is concerted, will by this means know, and 
 make known to their party, that your Majefty not only 
 has no connection with the King of England to opprefs 
 them, but that you will not fuffer him, under the pretence 
 of an imaginary war, to find means to bring them into 
 
 Subjection.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 fubjecHon. I did not controvert this way of reafoning, 
 and have been in fome degree obliged to enter into the 
 fentiments of the Duke of Buckingham, and to pretend 
 to him that I did not think it impoflible your Majefty 
 might order me to fpeak as he wifhed. Lord Ruflel 
 propofed the fame thing to Mr. de Rouvigny. I believe, 
 Sire, that their chief motive in this is, to clear up a 
 fufpicion which ftill remains with fome of them, that 
 your Majefty and the King of England afc in concert. 
 Another end they aim at is, to force the court to declare 
 war, and thereby (belter themfelves from the danger, ieft 
 the army, which is now raifing, fhould be employed to 
 change the form of government in England. They have 
 alfo a view of procu. : tig for the future your Majefty'^ 
 protection if they are attacked. But I do not yet rind 
 them difpofed to enter into formal and immediate engage- 
 ments, except the Duke of Buckingham, who is more 
 bold than the others, and who belieyes their real fafety 
 depends on what your Majefty will do in their favour. If 
 I durft exprefs my thoughts to your Majefty, I fhould 
 think it would not be amils to fay fomething on your part 
 to his Britannic Majefty, that might fhow him you don't 
 intend to remain long in an uncertainty ns to peace or 
 war. It is eafy to foften the language in fpeaking to him, 
 and not force him to declare himfelf againft his inclina- 
 tion j however, enough might be (aid to fatisfy thofe who 
 are under apprehenfions that the court only intends their 
 oppreffion. I ought to inform your Majefty that all thefe 
 kaders of party will not be averfe to peace, if they believe 
 that your Majefty will enter into no engagements againft 
 their liberty. On this head I give them all the aflurances 
 I can ; and the moft fenfible amongft them know well it 
 
 :;ot the intereft of France that a King of England 
 fhould be abfolute maftcr, and be able to difpofe according 
 
 ..is will of alt the power of the nation."
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 Some months after this, the intrigue between the po-- 
 pular party and Monfr. cJe Rouvigny and Monfr* Ba- , 
 rillon, took a more regular form : For a confiderable 
 number of that party fent a mefTenger to France, to 
 convert that connexion of interefts which had hitherto 
 been carried on only between them and thefe two French 
 emiiTaries, into a connexion of interefts directly with the 
 French court itfelf. Barillon in the following letter gave 
 intimation to the French minifter of the application 
 which was foon to be made to him in the name of that 
 Rarty. 
 
 Extra ft of. a letter from Mr. Barillon to the minifter, 
 10th Oftober> 1678. The popular party fend a mef- 
 fenger to France to treat with the French court. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 'inHE news of a confpiracy againft the King of Eng- 
 land's perfon would have deferved well to be fent by 
 an exprefs courier, but I had, Sir, yet another reafon. 
 I have for fome time known here the Sieur Falaifeau, who 
 was with Mr. Montagu whilft he was AmbafTador in 
 France j he knows, many people, and has made con- 
 nexions enough in England. I thought I might open 
 myfelf to him, 'and let him know that he would do me a 
 pleafure to manage the fpirits of thofe he fhould find in 
 a difpofition to take meafures with France. Within 
 thefe two days he came to me, and told me he could 
 anfvver to me for many very confiderable perfons, on ac- 
 count both of their birth and fortunes ; that the prin- 
 cipal amongft them are members of parliament, and are 
 all in the fame mind of oppofing ftrongly any dcfigns 
 
 the
 
 1Q2 A P P F N D I X 
 
 the King of England might have to keep up the army* 
 either with a view to make war, or to change the go- 
 vernment. They offer to take all poflible meafures with 
 me for thefe ends ; but thev defire firft to have the King's 
 pofitive word that they (hall never be difcovered, and 
 that what (hall be promifed them (hall be obferved. To 
 this purpofe they are defirous that the Sieur Falaifeau 
 fhould make a journey into France; that by you, Sir, 
 they may receive his Majefty's word ; and that after- 
 wards you may fend me the King's orders to treat with 
 them, and enter into the detail of their propofal?. I 
 faid directly, I had fufficient orders ; but they are bent 
 upon having a pofitive aflurance from you, and will not 
 name themfelves till then. I have, however, reafon to 
 believe they are people of confideration, and therefore 
 thought I (hould not prevent the Sicur Falaifeau from 
 going to you in a few days. He will give you a billet 
 from me and explain his miffion. He will arrive near 
 rhe time when I hope to fend the King the moft exact 
 detail I am able of the (late of this country. The Sieur 
 Falaifcau is of the pretended reformed religion ; fon of 
 a:i advocate of Paris, of good family, and tolerably 
 rich. Ele was with Mr. Dangeau at the Eleclor Pa- 
 latine's, travelled to Modena, and afterwards came to 
 :bnd with him. It might be feared that he would 
 tc:l Mr. Montagu what pafles ; but the perfons of whom 
 he fpcaks corih'de in him, and thefe forts of intrigues 
 cannot be carried on without hazarding fomething.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW* 195 
 
 NO II. 
 
 pROVOKED by the Princefs of Orange's marriage^ 
 and probably trufting to the effects of thefe in- 
 trigus in England, Louis the XlVth rejected all the 
 endeavours of Charles and the Duke of York to avoid 
 a war with France; and in the fpring of the year 1678, 
 marched at the head of his troops into Flanders and took 
 Ypres and Ghent. This forced Charles to fend his 
 troops abroad j and even the Duke of York, for a fhort 
 time, appeared hearty for the war, hoping in his com- 
 plaints againft France to recover his popularity, and by 
 taking the command of the army, if the war was forced 
 on, to fecure himfelf by a military force* 
 
 Barillon, in the following letter to Louis the XlVth, 
 defcribes the ftate of the court of England at this time. 
 
 f 
 
 Letters from Ear Ulan to his court , and from the Duke of 
 York and Lord Danby> concerning the dtftru&ion in par- 
 liament which followed thefe intrigues, 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extrafi of a letter from Mr. de Barillon to Louis the Xl^tb^ 
 I Sth April, 1678 . State -of the court of England. The 
 Duke of York intends by the army to ejlablijh the Catholic 
 religion^ and enlarge the royal authority \ In the Depst. 
 
 " / "p HIS, Sire, is the ftate of the negociation here. 
 
 If I depend upon public report, war will be in- 
 
 ftantly declared; but if I was to form a judgment 
 
 (which is very hazardous in this country), I fhould 
 
 VOL, I. B b believe
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 believe the war is only refolved on in cafe peace is not 
 made in a few days, and that the King of England will 
 not declare it whilfl there remains the leaft hopes. The 
 high Treafurer's aim is to procure money, and he would 
 willingly encreafe his matter's authority. The Duke of 
 York believes himfelf loft as to his religion, if the pre- 
 fent opportunity does not ferve to bring England into 
 fubjection ; it is a very bold enterprize, and the fuccefs 
 very doubtful. I believe they have perfuaded this Prince 
 that a war is more proper to accomplifh his deffgn than 
 peace. He thinks that by declaring flrongly againft 
 France, he will diminifil the animofity againtl himfelf. 
 This does not appeafe his enemies ; he is more fufpecled 
 than ever, and not lefs hated ; his change with regard 
 to your Maj'efty does not add to his reputation; many 
 perfons believe he will return to his former engagements 
 with the fame lightnefs with which he has quitted them. 
 The King of England ftill wavers upon carrying things 
 to extremity ; his humour is very repugnant to the de- 
 fjgn of changing the government. He is neverthelefs 
 drawn, along by the Duke of York and the high Trea- 
 furer ; but at the bottom he would rather choofe that a 
 peace fhould leave him in a condition to remain in quiet, 
 and re-eflablifh his affairs, that is to fay, a good re- 
 venue ; and I do not believe he cares much for being 
 more abfolute than he is.. The Duke and the Treafurer 
 know weJl with whom they, have to deal, and are afraid 
 being abandoned by the King of England on the firft 
 confiderable obftacles they may meet with to the deiign 
 of enlarging the royal authority in England."
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 195 
 
 There are in King William's box the following letters 
 from the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange during 
 this ftate of uncertainty between France and England. 
 
 'The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Mr. Hyde has 
 got powers to finijh the treaty with the Dutch. An anfwer 
 from France as to the terms of peace expefted. 
 
 London, Dec. 24, 1677. 
 
 T WOULD not let this bearer Mr. Thinn go without 
 writing to you by him, who his Majefty fends with 
 powers and inftru&ions to Mr. Hyde, to conclude what 
 you have already approved of. As for Mr. Montague, 
 we had news from him of his being at St, Germains, 
 but then he had not entered upon his bufmefs ; we ex- 
 pect every moment to hear from him. I need fay no 
 more, this bearer being fo fully infiru&ed to inform you 
 of all this, 
 
 The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Impatient for 
 an anfwer from France. 
 
 London, Jam 3, 1677-8. 
 
 A T length this bearer, Lord Offbry, has got leave to 
 "^ go to you, at which he is very well pleafed, and 
 will lofe no tyme, and fo goes tomorrow morning, being 
 not willing to ftay for the exprefs we expe<5t from France, 
 though we look for him every hour, but I keep Cornwal 
 here on purpofe to fend you word what the exprefle will 
 B b 2 bring,
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 bring, which will be cither peace or war ; and now that 
 I have fayd this, I will not defer letting you know I do 
 eafily beleve the trouble you had for the lofle of my fonne : 
 I wi(h you may never have the like caufe of trouble, nor 
 know what it is to lofle a fonne, 
 
 The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. France having 
 refufed the terms of peace, war is preparing. 
 
 London > Jan. 8, 1677-8. 
 
 \7" O U will now receive an account from this bearer, 
 my Lord Oflbry, of the anfwer his Majefty has had 
 from France, by the which you will fee we muft prepare 
 for a war, which we are doing here, with as little noife 
 as we can, till the parliament meets, which you know is 
 to be this day fennight, and we are haflening away as faft 
 as poffibly we can, the fhips defigned to ftrengthen our 
 fquadron in the Straights, which I hope may be ready to 
 fail, wind and weather permitting, in ten days ; and 
 when they have joy ned Sir J. Narborogh, he will have 
 with him 25 faile of men of war and two fire-Qiips, and 
 we muft encreafe the number of fire-fhips, fo that if 
 you encreafe like wife the fquadron you are now a fending 
 thether, we (hall, I hope, be matter of that fea, for all 
 the French are, or may be, fo ftrong there ; and it will 
 be neceflary to confider what force will be neceflary to 
 be matters in thefe feas, and to be in a condition of 
 giving them trouble upon their fea coafts, which is all I 
 ihall need fay to you now upon this fubjecl: His Ma. 
 lefty faying he will write to you to defue you to fend 
 over fomebody hither, to adjuft and fettle the plan of 
 what is to be done at fea, and what number of fhips will bs 
 jjeceifrry IQ be fett out, and their feverall flations.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 57;<? Dttke of York to the Prince cf Orangt. Preparations 
 for war. 
 
 London, Jan. 15, 1677-8. 
 
 T BELIEVE this will ftill find you at the Hague, for 
 by the laft French letter which came yefterday, I do 
 not find that King was yet upon his march, though all 
 things in a readinefs for it. Some will have it that he 
 was determined to fee what temper the parliament would 
 be in before he undertook any thing ; but I hardly be- 
 lieve he will ftay for that now, that the parliament was 
 adjourned this day till the 28 of this month j which was 
 done for reafons which I believe you have been informed 
 of : In the mean time we are preparing all things here for 
 what may happen, and are recruiting all our old com- 
 panys to one hundred each j and have given out orders 
 for the raifing of 24 new companys to make Lord 
 Craven's, myne, and Lord Mulgrave's regiments 20 
 companys apiece. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. In anfwer to a 
 letter from the Prince, propcfmg that the Duke Jhould 
 command the army that is to go over. Uncertain if troops 
 (ire to go* 
 
 London, Jan. 25, 1677-8. 
 
 T HAVE received juft now yours by Lord OfTory, and 
 do aflure you I take very kindly the proportion you 
 make to me in it, though as yett I can fay nothing to 
 you upon it, for till we know what the parliament and 
 Spaniards will do, we cannot make any plan how or 
 which way to carry on the war when we enter into it ; and 
 you will fee, by what Mr. Hyde has to informe you of, 
 
 what
 
 I 9 8 .APPENDIX 
 
 what little probability there is of our having any men in 
 Flanders, fince, without Oftend, we cannot feqfi a con- 
 fiderable body into that country. 
 
 The Duke of fork to the Prince of Orange. Complains of 
 the proceedings of the Houfe of Common^ with regard to 
 the preparations for the war. 
 
 London, Feb. 2, 1678, 
 
 T>Y the laft poft, or at leafl by this, you will have feen 
 *"* his Majsfty's fpeech to both Houfes, which one 
 would have thought would have given all fatisfaclion, 
 and that the Houfe of Commons would have proceeded 
 accordingly ; but you will fee by their addrefs this day, 
 now that his Majefty has done all they defired by their 
 former addrefs, how they chicane and fly off from what 
 they have formerly faid, attack the prerogative, and 
 would impofe upon his Majefty fuch things as cannot 
 fubfift with monarchy, and was never before pretended 
 to by a Houfe of Commons. I am fure it will be very 
 good news for France, and I am confident, fo foon as 
 they hear of it, they will take new meafures, and attack 
 fome place in Flanders, which may be, if the Houfe of 
 Commons had gone on vigorously in helping his Ma- 
 jefty with money for the carrying on of the war, they 
 would have hardly done : But I hope that when his Ma- 
 jefty (hall have anfwered their addrefs, which he will do 
 on Monday, that they will be afhamed of what they have 
 done, and will yet make amends, and fupply his Majefty 
 as they ought to do, and he will put it home to them. 
 I believe you will be very impatient for the next letters 
 from hence, for by Tuefday's night one fhall fee what 
 they will do.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 199 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. That party of 
 the Houfe of Commons which preffes for a war refufes a 
 Supply. 
 
 London, Feb. 5, 1678. 
 
 T> Y the laft letters I fee you were not then come back 
 to the Hague, but were expeded there that night or 
 the next day : I believe you will be very impatient to 
 know how affairs go here ; you will by this poft have a 
 copy of his Majefty's anfwer to the addrefs of the Houfe 
 of Commons, which was given them yefterday morning, 
 for all which they go on but very flowly, and thofe who 
 feemed to be moft zealous for a war with France laft 
 fefiions, are thofe who obftrudl: moft the giving of a 
 fupply ; and it has been all his Majefty's fervants in the 
 Houfe have been able to do, to get a vote with great 
 pains and wranglings, and that at fix o'clock this night, 
 for a fupply for the maintenance of the alliance with Hol- 
 land, and the prefervation of Flanders. To-morrow 
 they are to proceed to the fum it fhall be, which I am 
 afraid will be much difputed and leflened, as much as the 
 ill people can get it ; and without a very confiderable 
 one, we {hall be able to go on but very lamely with the 
 war. But we muft do as well as we can, and till this 
 money matter be fettled, we can make no farther prepa- 
 rations than thofe we have already. 
 
 Duke of Tork to the Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, Feb. 8, 1678. 
 
 T WOULD not let this bearer Cornwell go back with- 
 out writing to you by him. I have kept him here a 
 great while, thinking to have had fomething of con- 
 
 fequence
 
 203 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 fequence to write by a fure meflenger, but I would not 
 keep him any longer. Things here go but (lowly on j 
 for, though the Houfe of Commons voted yefterday that 
 they would provide money for ninety fhips, and to day 
 the fame for thirty thoufand land men, yett I feare they 
 may be fo long about raifing a fonds for the maintenance 
 of them, that we lhall be able to do little this yeare, for 
 till there be a certainty of the mony, we cannot go in 
 hand with the fitting of more fhips, or raifing more men 
 than thofe we have already, and I am fure no tyme (hall 
 be loft when we can once go to worke. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The King's bad 
 opinion of Buckingham. 
 
 London, Feb. 9, 1678. 
 
 TTI7HEN I wrote yefterday to you by Mr. Cornwall I 
 had but little time to fay any thing to you, nor 
 have I much more now by this bearer Godolphin, whom 
 his Majefty fends to you about affairs of great concern, 
 as you will find when he fpeaks with you ; of which it 
 is not neceflary for me to fay any thing, but that we 
 /hall expect your anfwer with great impatience. In the 
 mean time, I believe you will have been furprized with 
 the news of the Duke of Buckingham's having leave to 
 come to court ; I am fure I was, for I knew nothing of 
 it till he had been with his Majefty j but his Majefty 
 knows him too well to let him do any harme. 
 
 3
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. - 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Troops are to le 
 fent to Oflend and Newport j but the Spanijh create dif~ 
 ficulties. 
 
 Londbh, Feb. 13, 1678. 
 
 T DID not write to you by the poft of yefterday, be- 
 caufe I defigned to write to you by this bearer Lord 
 Oflbry, and then I was willing to fee what the Marquis 
 de Bourgemaine would fay ; for though he received his 
 letters on Monday morning, he kept it a fecret to thofe 
 he {hould have acquainted with it in the firft place, till 
 3aft night, that he faid fomething to his Majefty of it, 
 and this morning he gave in the writing (a copy of 
 which you have feen) about Oftend, but would call it 
 nothing but a paper, and did fo carry himfelf with thofe 
 appointed to treat with him, that he gave them little 
 fatisfacYion, and does not advance the work at all, and I 
 do not underftand his politick when time is fo precious to 
 them ; but it fliall not be our faults if we do not imme- 
 diately fend fome men both to Newport and Oftend. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Glad of the million 
 vote of the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 London, Feb. 19, 1678. 
 
 T RECEIVED yefterday a letter from you by the poft, 
 and juft now one from you by Godolphin, but have 
 nbt yet had time to fpeak with him about the bufinefs he 
 went to you on, and (hall not before the poft goes, it 
 being now late; but I believe 1 fliall fooner than the 
 next poft have an opportunity of writing to you j for 
 except M. Van Buning can prevail with the Marquis de 
 Bourgemain to be more reafonable than he is, his Ma- 
 jefty will be forced to fend one over to treat with the 
 VOL. I. C c Duke
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Duke de Villahermofa about the affair of Oftend, m 
 which he has yet done nothing, notwithftanding the 
 orders he has had, though we have prefled him to it. I 
 hnve not time to fay more, nor to give you an account of 
 the good vote pafTed yefterday in the Houfe of Commons, 
 and only can aflure you it ftiall not be our faults here if 
 things be not done as you can defire. We (hall now go 
 in hand to raife the reft of our men to compleat them to 
 the number defigned. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The Commons 
 delay the fupply. 
 
 London, Feb. 22, 1678. 
 
 "D Y the letters come this day from the Hague, I find 
 you are gone to the army upon the news of the 
 French being come towards Namur. I am forry we go 
 fo flowly on in our preparation; it is now near a month 
 that the parliament have fat, and yet not fo much as a 
 money bill got ready. I hope this alarum of this feige 
 will quicken them, and that M. de Bourgemaine will no 
 longer make any delays, which have proved fo prejudicial 
 to his matter's affairs ; for fo foon as he will but fay it, 
 we are ready to fend our men for Oftend and Newport; 
 and when once any of the money bills are fo far ad- 
 vanced ns we can get credit upon them, no time, (hall be 
 loft, and then you (hall hear farther from me. 
 
 Duitt of York to the Prince of Orange. Complain: of 
 Spain and the tiaufe of Commons ; is to go over birnfelf 
 :b the ar. 
 
 London, March 3, 1678. 
 
 | '1* was but yefterday morning that I received your's of 
 
 the 5th from Mecklin, and I aflure you was very 
 
 fenfibly touched with it, and am as fenfible as you can 
 
 ' defire 

 
 TO CHAP, III. OF THE REVIEW. 203 
 
 defire I fliould, of the condition you are in. If the par- 
 liament or the Spaniards had done their parts as they 
 ihould, things had been, I am confident, in a better 
 condition than they are now, but one muft think of what 
 is to come. This goes to you by Godolphin, whom his 
 Majefty fends to you to inform you how things are here, 
 and to confult with you what now is to be done. We 
 did not hear till this day of Ghent's being taken ; and at 
 the defire of the Marquis de Bourgemaine, his Majefty 
 has ordered the two battalions that are at Oftend of our 
 troops to go to Bruges, and we are fending twelve com- 
 panies to Oftend; and you may be aflured nothing (hall 
 be wanting that we can do to fupport your intereft. 
 Commifiions are now giving out to raife more men ; and 
 as foon as we can get a confiderable body together, I in- 
 tend to go over with them to you ; and it will not be long 
 before I fend over fomebody to you to adjuft that affair 
 with you, 
 
 J)uke of York to the Prince of Orange. The King refufes 
 to r a; fe foreign troops. Is to raife more troops at home. 
 The Duke impatient to go over. 
 
 London, March 8, 1678. 
 
 ClNCE Godolphin went I have received two from 
 you, the firft of the icth from Mecklin, and the 
 other of the i4.th from Boom ; by the Jaft of which I 
 fee you believe the French were gone to befiege Ipres, 
 which proves to be fo, we having had letters by the way 
 of Calais of its actually being befieged. I muft confefs 
 I was glad to heare they were gone thither; for by what 
 one can judge at this diftance, I was of opinion they 
 might have taken either Bruxelles or Bruges, for that 
 you could not cover both of them ; but I am forry to 
 find by what you fay, that Ipres is as bad a place, for I 
 C c 2 was
 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 was in l-.orcs- that place iright have held out fome tyme, 
 and given you foine breathing time, at leaft I hope it 
 will give you leifure to fccure the other two places I 
 mentioned. As to what you propofed concerning getting 
 fome German troops, I fnewed his Majcfty your letter, 
 who bids me tell you he had no -money to fpare for it, and 
 that had he any, it fhould be made ufe on to raife more 
 troops here. As for thofe v.e are raifing, the com- 
 mifiions are but now given out, which would have figni- 
 fied nothing to have been done fooner ; for till this day 
 t the poll bill pafled the Hqufe of Commons, no 
 money could be got; and to-morrow or next day the 
 levy money will be given to the feveral colonels, whp 
 are obliged to have their regiments compleat in fix weeks 
 tyme : And you may be fuie I fhail do my part to hafteri 
 things all I can, being very defirous to be with you. I 
 fee you bad already heard of fome of our tr' . p$ '--cing 
 landed at Oftend j we have yet but two battalions there, 
 which ought to be eight hundred each, arid we have 
 twelve companies more ready to embarke io foon as the 
 wind changes, which is all we can fpare at prefenr, till 
 our new levies begin to come inj for we muft not lave 
 this town with fewer troops in it than there are at 
 prefent. 
 
 rk to the Prince of Orange. 7Zv r.rn:y is raifing 
 fajl.Tbe Duke it to ga over. The popular party oi>- 
 jlrutf the u.. 
 
 London, March 12, 1678. 
 
 'THERE are no letters come this day from beyond 
 fea, fo that we are very ignorant of what pafles at 
 Ipres, or any where elfe ; in the mean time we are pre- 
 paring all things here as faft as we can, to be in a con- 
 dition
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW, 2 oS 
 
 dition of helping you. The commiflions and levy money 
 are*e;iven out, and the officers are gone down into their 
 refpedive countries to raife their men, and I make no 
 doubt that their fevefal regiments will be foon com- 
 plected and at the rendezvous, which will be for moft of 
 them about this town, and fome near Harwich for the 
 convenience of embarking them. They have fix weeks 
 time given them for the raifing of their men, but I hope 
 moft of them will have their men together foonerj and 
 new within a few days, I intend to fend one to you to 
 adjuft a!l things with you, both as to the place and tin% 
 pf our landing. To-morrow I hope the poll bill will 
 pafs both Houfes, but the Houfeof Commons go on but 
 very flowly in their other money bills j however, we 
 mult do as well as we can, and work through many dif- 
 ficulties which difafFeded, and thofe of the republican 
 party raife every day. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The popular party 
 refufe money and olftruEt the levies. 
 
 London, March 195 1678. 
 
 T SEE by yours of the 22, that you were flill at Boom, 
 and that things continue in as ill a condition where 
 you were, as when I heard laft from you, and I am 
 forry to tell you that thing? do not mend here at all fince 
 Godolphin went hence ; for though the poll bill be paft 
 both Houfes, and will have his Majefty's aflent to it to- 
 morrow, yet that will prove but an inconfiderable fume 
 to what we murr. have to maintain fo many men and fhips 
 as we have, and are to have in pay; and moft people 
 believe this bill will produce cleere to his Majefty not 
 above three hundred thoufand pounds; and for any other 
 money bill, there is none in fcand but that for taxing the 
 new buildings, and it is uncertain whether that will pafs
 
 206 APPENDIX 
 
 in the Houfc of Commons, there being fo many of the 
 members concerned in it } and truly the temper of the 
 Houfc fcems not to be good, and looks as if fome of 
 .a minded more how to get the power from the King 
 than any thing elfe ; however, our levies go on very 
 well, though fome of the fame perfons do endeavour to 
 cbftru<3 them ; and our horfe, which I thought would 
 have been the longeft a raifing, will be the foneft ready, 
 there being feverall troups of horfe that have already 
 their full number and well mounted. 
 
 a 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The Commons will 
 
 not give money for the war. The Duke expefts war for 
 
 certain. 
 
 London, March 22, 1678. 
 
 T Received laft night yours by Godolphin, who has given 
 me an account of what you had charged him with, 
 and am cleerly of your mind, and what you defire muft 
 be done, and his Majefty will have a pofitive anfwer by 
 the end of the Eafter holidays, till which time I believe 
 the parliament will adjourn fome tyme the beginning of 
 next week, and I am abfolutely of your opinion, know- 
 ing the temper of the French, that we muft have a war, 
 and I wilh the Houfe of Commons would do their part, 
 as well as we {hall do ours for the carrying it on, for the 
 Jevys go on very faft, and we are fetting out more fhips 
 every day ; but they have fuch groundlefs jealoufies in 
 their heads, that they make no advances in the providing 
 the reft of the money : However, I intend very foon to 
 fend one over to you to adjuft all things with you. I 
 believe you will have a more particular account from lord 
 trcafurer of all things, fo that I fliall fay no more, only to 
 ailure you that you fhall always find me very kind to you.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 207 
 
 Duke of York to the Printe of Orange. Appears heartily 
 for the war. 
 
 London, April 2, 1678. 
 
 '"pHIS bearer, Churchill, whom his Majefty fends 
 over to you, to adjuft all things with you and the 
 Spaniards, concerning our troops, is fo fully inftru&ed in 
 all points that concern it, that, as to that, I fhall refer 
 myfelf to him, and to what he {hall fay to you upon that 
 fubjeclj but now that I am writing to you, I muft fay 
 fomething to you which Mr. Hyde has, by this poft, 
 orders to communicate to, and prefs Mr. Fagel in ; it is 
 that we are afraide, by what Mr. Vanbuninge fayde two 
 days ago to me, that the fquadron you have now at 
 Cadiz, under the command of Enefton, might, either 
 upon the newfe of the French having quitted Meffina, 
 or for want of being payd by the Spaniard, come back 
 for Holland, which, if it mould be, would be very pre- 
 judicial to us all, for then the French would be abfolute 
 mailers at fea in the Mediteranian, and not only deftroy 
 both your trade and ours, but alfo very much trouble 
 and moleft the Spaniard in all their coafts and iflands in 
 that fea, for our fquadron, which is there, will not alone 
 be flrong enough to deale with the French, for at this 
 time we have but 22 men of war and two fire-fhips 
 there, and can fpare no more from hence, but then to make 
 them up 25 men of war and five fire-Clips. I hope you 
 will confider this, and the ill confequences which may 
 in all likelihood happen, fhould your fquadron come 
 away, and therefore I hope you will, fo foon as may be, 
 fend orders to them to ftay, for you cannot imagin how 
 neceflary it is for us they (hould remain there to joyne 
 with our fquadron, efpecially now that we are fo neare 
 declaring of a war, which will now be done upon the
 
 ao 8 APPENDIX 
 
 lead encouragement from you, and the States doing their 
 parts. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Expects common 
 meafures by the Dutch, Spaniards, and the Emperor, for 
 the conducJ of the -war. 
 
 London, April jth, 1678. 
 
 "DEFORE this you will have received mine by 
 Churchill, for I hear he went from the Downs on 
 Friday morning, and believe he got that night to Fiufh- 
 ing. This goes to you by an exprefs which his Majefty 
 fends to Churchill, to give him inductions to fpeake to 
 you about the troops which are at Bruges, I mean the 
 Englim, which we have no mind to lofe, being above 
 four battalions of our old regiments ; and we are appre- 
 henfive here that the firft thing the French will do will 
 be to befiege that place, and the rather becaufe our men 
 arc in it ; and if he ftiould take them prifoners of warr< 
 it would be a very great flaw to us, and I am confident 
 he would willingly venture the lofing a thoufand or two 
 of his men to take our old regiments ; fo that except the 
 Spaniards or you would put more men into it, I fear thofe 
 we have there will run the hazard of being loft : I hope 
 you will conllder of this, and either put fo many men 
 into it, that may hinder the French from attacking it, 
 or let us draw fome of our men out of it, for I fear, 
 fhould it once be t-jfieged, it could not well be relieved. 
 1 am fure I need fay no more to you of this, fmce I 
 know you will do what is beft for the common good, and 
 befides Churchill will fpeake more at large to you about 
 it. We are very impatient to have the next letters from 
 Holland, hoping, that before the Houfes fit again, that 
 Mr. Vanbuning may have powers to treat with us here, 
 and the Emprefs and Spanifh envoys; for you know we. 
 can do nothing without you.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 209 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Complains of the 
 delays of the Dutch. dnxious that the war Jhould go on t 
 that the King may get money. 
 
 London, April 16, 1678. 
 
 *"pHIS bearer, Godolfin, goes fo fully inftru&ed, and 
 can give you fo true an account of all things here, 
 that it is not neceflary for me to fay much to you in this 
 letter, yet I cannot forbeare faying to you, that all honeft 
 men were both furprifed and troubled at the delay has 
 been made by the States in the matter of the treaty here; 
 you fee that that was the only caufe of the adjourning of 
 the parliament yefterday, but I hope that your going to 
 the Hague will make them take good and vigorous refo- 
 lutions for the carrying on of the war, and that Mr. 
 Vanbuning will receive orders accordingly before the 
 Houfes meet againe. It is of the laft importance to us, 
 and I do not know what may happen if the war does 
 not go on, confidering the temper of the nation, and the 
 ill condition his Majefty's affairs muft be in for want of 
 money. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The Princefs of 
 Orange has ?nifcarried. More troops to be fent over. 
 
 London, April 19, 1678. 
 
 T WA S very forry to find by the letters of this day 
 from Holland, that my daughter has mifcarried ; pray 
 kt her be carefuller of herfelf another time: I will write 
 to her to the fame purpofe. I am alfo forry to find by 
 your letter that the Spaniards havefo few men that they can 
 fend no more troops into Bruges ; but fince that cannot be, 
 we fhall fend immediately two battalions more thither, as 
 you advife. 
 VOL. I, D d
 
 2IO 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 There is in King William's box the following letter, 
 on the fame fubjcd with thofe of the Duke of York, 
 from Lord Danby to the Prince of Orange, buc not 
 publi/hed by his Lordihip with his other letters. 
 
 Lord Dat&j to the Prince sf Grange* State sf the King 
 and Parliament. 
 
 London, Feb. S, 1677-8. 
 
 TjIS Majefly finds fuch great difcouragements both 
 from the dilatory proceedings of the parliament, 
 and the untoward actings of the Spaniard with him, that 
 your Highnefle will find by Mr. Godolphin, hee is in 
 hopes of little good but by a peace, and I muft cqnfefle 
 our appearances promife little good by a war. 
 
 Hee thinkes this peace may bee had by giving the King 
 of France fome other place for Tournay, and can him- 
 fclfe thinke only upon Charlemont, as a place the Spa- 
 niard may beft fpare ; but I find they would rather have 
 Luxembourg or Ypres, and will not to me owne lefle 
 than both thofe places in lieu of Tournay, and I believe 
 his M-jefty knows no more than myfelfe in this matter. 
 Whatever your Highnefle's opinion may bee of the pro- 
 pofition, 1 do afiure you there is no caufe from it to fearej 
 any alteration in the King from the meafures he has Liken 
 with your Highneffe, fo that when your Highnefle knows 
 the true ftate of things here, if you (hall not approve the 
 having fuch conditions offered to France, you may bee 
 .confident you will heare no more of them, but (as I have, 
 formerly writt to your Highnefle) if the King cannot 
 Jwve Oftend for a port where to land his men and lay 
 ~2zines, you are never to expect any fucccurs of men 
 
 from
 
 tO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 from us in Flanders; For my owne part, I know not 
 what either to wife or advife in this cafe; on the one 
 hand the nation expe&ing a war from us, and yett on 
 the other move fo (lowly towards one, that at beft we 
 cannot expect to have any confiderable force in readinefTe 
 before May, and not certain how long that fhall bee 
 fupported. I pray God you may advife the beft, becaufe 
 I am fure wee (hall go along with you in your fortunes, 
 to which no man wifhes more profperity than myfelfe 
 toho am your Highnefle's moft eternally faithfull fer- 
 Vant. D, 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Letters from Monfieur BariUm, to the French court, and 
 Charles II. to Louis XIV. concerning an intended fecret 
 money treaty with France in the year 1678; andjbewing 
 the intrigues by "which Charles^ who meant to dupe France^ 
 was duped by her in the peace of Nimtguen^ together 
 -with letters from the Duke of York to the Prince of 
 Orange at that period. 
 
 "VjOtwithftanding the appearance of hoftilities between 
 England and France, it appears from Lord Danby's 
 letters (which are publifhed) that during moft of this 
 time Charles and Louis were treating of a general peace* 
 the price of which was to be a great fum of money given 
 by the laft to the firft of thefe princes. This, together 
 with the obftruclions to the preparations for the war, 
 created by the popular party in the Houfe of Commons, 
 made it eafy for Louis to buy off the feeming ardour of 
 Charles and the Duke of York for the war. 
 
 It appears by Barillon's difpatches, that a private and 
 feparate treaty for this purpofe was begun in the beginning 
 
 Dd 2 Of
 
 tJ2 APPENDIX 
 
 of May, 1678, and in a few days concluded. Tha 
 general outline of it, as intended by France, was, that 
 Charles fhould ftand neuter in the war if the allies fhould 
 refufe the terms of peace which France had offered at 
 Nimeguen a few weeks before ; fhould not aflemble his 
 parliament for fix months; fliould difband his army; 
 and fhould receive fix millions of livres from France. 
 
 Barillon writes to his court, 12 May, 1678, " The 
 King himfclf will fign the treaty, none of his fubjedts are 
 bold enough to do it." 
 
 On the 1 7th May, 1678, Charles writes the following 
 letter of congratulation to Louis the XlVth, on the pro- 
 fped of the treat/. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Letter from the King of England to Louis the XlVth, ijtfr 
 May t 1678. Congratulates kim on the private treaty they 
 are making together. 
 
 " C I R, my brother. It is an extreme joy to me to find 
 that the occafion of renewing that friendfhip which 
 feemed likely to be interrupted, prefents itfelf fo favourably 
 and certainly, and that I have had the happinefs to con- 
 tribute to the peace of Chriftendom fo much as I have 
 done by the articles which the Sieur de Rouvigny carries 
 to you. As you aft entirely in this peace for your 
 glory, I receive it alfo as the moft particular effect that 
 could have been fhewn me of your good will towards 
 me, feeing it lays the foundations of a friendfhip which 
 I hope will laft as long as it fhall pleafe God to let us 
 live. The circumftances of my affairs have obliged me 
 to finifh with your ambaflador in an extraordinary man- 
 ner, bccaufe the fecret is of the greateft importance to 
 me and to my affairs j I therefore earneftly pray that 
 
 nothing
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 213 
 
 nothing be faid of it, till I let your ambaflador know 
 that the whole may be public without prejudice to me. 
 I have delired the Sieur de Rouvigny to fpeak to you 
 upon all my concerns, for which I depend on yout 
 friendfhip, knowing how much and how fully you ought 
 to be aflured of mine. So, I pray God, Sir, my brother, 
 to keep you in his holy protection. Your good brother, 
 (Signed) CHARLES." 
 
 On the 22d May, Barillon writes, that an embarraf- 
 ment had happened in putting the terms of the treaty into 
 writing ; for that Charles made a fcruple of figning a 
 treaty which formally obliged him to prorogue his par- 
 liament and to difband his army. To remove this, 
 Barillon propofed that thefe two articles fhould not be 
 contained in that part of the treaty which was to be 
 iigned by Charles ; but that there fhould be a feparate 
 article to be figned by Barillon alone, whereby it was to 
 be provided that Louis fhould not pay the fix millions of 
 livres, until Charles had prorogued his parliament and 
 dilbanded his army. 
 
 Upon this plan the treaty was executed on the 2yth 
 May, 1678; a copy of which is in the Depot at 
 Verfailles, as follows : 
 
 franjlatun. 
 
 treaty with the King of England of the Zjth of May^ 
 1678. Charles is to fland neuter if the allies refufe the 
 terms of peace offered by France j is not to affemble his 
 parliament for fx months ; is to di fland his army ; and 
 to receive fix millions of livres from France. In the Depot. 
 
 " *T*HE King of England having lately been required 
 
 and flrongly folicited by the States General to 
 
 employ his good offices with his moft Chriirian Majefty 
 
 to
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 to prevail with him to confent that the project of peace 
 given at Nimeguen by his ambafTadors may receive no 
 change during two months, and that the taking of the 
 places which his moft Chriftian Majefty's arms have 
 occupied fince the faid project in the Low Countries and 
 other parts, or that fhall be hereafter occupied by them, 
 may not hinder the States General and their allies from 
 accepting of the fame project within the faid time of 
 two months. This requifition of the faid States General,- 
 and the reiterated inftances they have made to his Britan- 
 nic Majefty, have engaged him to employ every means 
 in his power with his moft Chriftian Majefty, who, in 
 confideration of his Britannic Majefty's offices, and the 
 more to (how the fincere defire he hath to contribute on 
 his part to every thing that can facilitate the conclufion of 
 a peace, hath confented, and agreed with his Britannic 
 Majefty, by the Sieur de Barillon, privy counfellor of 
 ftate to his faid moft Chriftian Majefty, and his am- 
 baflador extraordinary to his Britannic Majefty, autho- 
 rifed by a fufficient power, upon what follows* 
 
 Firft : In cafe the project of peace offered at Nime- 
 guen in the month of April laft by his moft Chriftiart 
 Majefty's ambafladors is not accepted in two months 
 from the day of the figning the prefent treaty, by the 
 States General, and by Mr. de Villaformofa r or one of 
 them, his Britannic Majefty engages to remain in perfect 
 neutrality as long as the prefent war (hall laft, and not to 
 affift, diredly or indire&ly, either by fea or by land, with 
 fhips, men or money, the Spaniards or the Sutes General, 
 or any of their allies, againft his moft Chriftian Majefty 
 and his allies. 
 
 Secondly: For the execution of the neutrality to 
 which his Britannic Majefty obliges himfelf, hr promifes 
 as foon as two months are expired, ta recall the troops 
 he fcnt into Flanders, 3000 men always excepted, which 
 
 his
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 215 
 
 fjis Britannic Majefty referves to be left in garrifon at 
 .Oftend, without contravention to the prefent treaty; 
 which number of 3000 men fhall not be augmented in 
 any cafe, nor go out of the faid town s but only be em- 
 ployed to preferve the place. 
 
 Thirdly : In cafe the States General incline to accept 
 fully the project of peace which has been communicated 
 by his moft Chriftian Majefty's ambafladors at Nime- 
 guen, they fhall be bound, within the term of twp 
 months above mentioned, to put into his moft Chriftian 
 Majefty's hands a formal inftrument by which the faid 
 States General are to teftify their agreeing to the faid 
 proportions of peace, and to declare that whether they 
 be or be not agreed to by all their allies., they will remain 
 in an entire neutrality with regard to France, without 
 giving directly or indirectly any afliftance to its enemies, 
 either by land or fea, or by (hips, troops or money, fo 
 long as the prefent war fhall laft ; and on default of this 
 inftrument being furnifhed within the faid time by the 
 (aid States General, they fhall not be deemed to have 
 accepted the project of peace; and in this cafe his 
 Britannic Majefty fhall be bound to all the claufes and 
 conditions contained in the firft and fecond articles 
 aforefaid. 
 
 Fourthly : When the principal conditions of the peace 
 have been agreed on, and accepted by all the parties in- 
 tercfted, conformable to the project offered by his moft 
 Chriftian Majefty, they fhall be fent back to Nimeguen, 
 there to be reduced, extended, and jigned in form of a 
 treaty by the ambafladors plenipotentiary and minifters of 
 fhe faid interefted parties; and alfo then fhall be adjufted 
 at Nimeguen the other things of lefs confequence, and 
 which always follow more important interefts. 
 
 Fifthly : In execution of the peace concerning the 
 places which fhall have been taken in the Low Countries 
 
 or
 
 216 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 or elfewhere fince the offering the project at Nimeguen 
 in the month of April laft, they fliall be reftored on 
 both fides. 
 
 Sixthly : His moft Chriftian Majefty, conformable to 
 the requifition made to him by his Britannic Majefty, 
 promifes to give the Prince of Orange the free enjoy- 
 ment of all his eftates fituated in his faid moft Chriftian 
 Majefty's dominions, and alfo the principality of Orange, 
 after the States General fhall have accepted the faid pro- 
 ject of peace. 
 
 All that is above has been confented to and agreed 
 upon between the King of England and the fuid am- 
 baflador, and figned with his faid Britannic Majefty's 
 hand } and he promifed and promifeth to keep and ob- 
 ferve all that is contained in the prefent treaty without 
 contravention, and obligeth himfelf to furnifh his ratifi- 
 cation fealed with the great feal of England, in the fpace 
 of two months from this day. 
 
 In like manner the faid Sieur de Barillon, counfellor of 
 ftate to his faid moft Chriftian Majefty, and ambaflador 
 to his faid Britannic Majefty, hath figned the prefent 
 treaty, and promifeth in the name of the King his mafter 
 to furnifh the ratification of it fealed with the great feal, 
 in the fame fpace of two months. Done at London the 
 *7th May, 1678. 
 
 (Signed) CHARLES and an R. Underneath, 
 BARILLON DAMONCOURT. 
 
 Separate Article. 
 
 T THE underwritten AmbafTador of France, pro- 
 
 3 mife to his Britannick Majefty, in the name of the 
 
 King my mafter, to caufe to be paid to him the fum of 
 
 fix
 
 TO CHAP. in. OF THE REVIEW. 217 
 
 fix millions of livres lournois ; the firft payment of which 
 fhall be three millions, and immediately made after the 
 two months exprefled in the treaty figned this day ; the 
 other three millions fhall be paid quarterly and by equal 
 portions, every three months in the year fucceeding the 
 abovementioned firft payment, upon exprefs condition 
 that as foon as the two months expire, to be computed 
 from this day, his Britannick Majefty fhall recall all the 
 troops he has in Flanders, referving 3600 men cteftined 
 for Oftend j arid upon condition alfo that all the troops 
 which his Britannick Majefly has newly raifed, fhall be 
 difbanded immediately after their arrival in his domi- 
 nions, 3000 always excepted deftined for Oftend, and 
 3000 more which his Britannick Majefty intends to fend 
 into Scotland ; and alfo upon condition that his Britan- 
 nick Majefty fhall prorogue his parliament for at leaft 
 four months, to be computed from the expiration of the 
 two months, within which the project delivered at Ni- 
 rneguen is to be accepted ; nor fhall his moft Chriftian 
 Majefty be held to begin the payment of the three firft 
 millions, till after his Britannick Majefty fhall have pro- 
 rogued his parliament for four months, recalled his 
 troops from Flanders, and difbanded thofe that have been 
 newly raifed, as is herein before mentioned; Done at 
 London, 27 May, 1678. 
 (Signed) 
 
 BARILLON DAMONCOURT. 
 
 There is alfo in the Depot the following difpatch of 
 Barillon enclofmg the treaty, which fhews how it had 
 been conducted* and the great confequence of it to 
 France. 
 
 VOL. I. E e
 
 2 i8 APPENDIX 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Barillon to Louis the XlVtb. Account of 
 his method of conducing the private treaty of 2jth May, 
 1678. In the Depot, 
 
 SIRE, 28th May, 1678. 
 
 " TV/fR. de Rouvigny carries your Majefty the copy of 
 the treaty which was figned yefterday by his 
 Britannick Majefty. Your Majefty will fee that your 
 orders have been' followed in every thing that is eflential. 
 What may have been changed in the terms and the man- 
 ner, was not important enough to retard the conclufion 
 of an affair, the confequences of which are fo con- 
 fiderable. The fum of fix millions will be paid on the 
 terms prefcribed by your Majefty. I have promifed this 
 fum upon the exprefs condition that the parliament fliall 
 be prorogued for four months ; that the troops ihould be 
 recalled from Flanders, and that thofe which are newly 
 levied fhall be difbanded. It was impoffible for me to 
 difpenfe with confenting that 3000 men of the new 
 troops, intended to be fent into Scotland, fhould be 
 kept on foot : I refifted a long time : but it did not ap- 
 pear to me to be of great confequence whether the King of 
 England had 3000 men more or lefs on foot j and a longer 
 refiftance on my part would have given fufpicion here, 
 that your Majefty wanted to hinder his Britannick Ma- 
 jefty from re-eftabli{hing his authority in a country which 
 is almoft in rebellion. 
 
 It was alfo abfolutely impoflible to bring the King of 
 England to fign a treaty obliging him to prorogue his 
 parliament and difband his troops, but the expedient that 
 was fallen on produced the fame effect ; for 1 have pro- 
 mifed the payment of the fum your Majefty grants him, 
 
 only
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 219 
 
 only after both thefe conditions (hall have been exe- 
 cuted : A prorogation of four months (which will not 
 commence till after the two months exprefled in the 
 treaty) gives time to work for procuring the diflblution of 
 parliament afterwards, and it will not be eafy to refift here 
 what your Majefty fhall defire. 
 
 There are no fecret articles ; I have only given a con- 
 ditional promife, which prevents afking any thing of 
 your Majefty till the conditions are entirely accomplimed. 
 The King of England looked upon it as a thing that was 
 of the laft confequence in his country, that he fhould 
 not promife to ufe his influence with the States General 
 to accept the project of peace ; but he obliges himfelf to 
 remain neuter in cafe the project is not accepted in two 
 months, in the form that your Majefty fent it; and I 
 think this is fufficiently explained in the treaty. 
 
 It appears to me that the preface to the treaty is more 
 advantageous to your Majefty, than if the King of Eng- 
 land had made it appear that he prefled the States Ge- 
 neral to accept the project ; Tt is on the contrary more 
 conformable to the glory and dignity of your Majefty, 
 that it fhould appear your enemies fought peace through 
 the mediation of his Britannick Majefty. 
 
 Mr. de Rouvigny will give your Majefty an account 
 of the difpute maintained by me during many days, to 
 reduce all things even to the manner and the expref- 
 fions, which your Majefty feemed to want; but after 
 having obtained the fundamental and efiential conditions, 
 I thought it my duty not to let a negociation languifh, the 
 event of which might become doubtful. 
 
 Although I was not of opinion that they were in a 
 condition here to prevent the States General from mak- 
 ing peace, it might perhaps have been retarded and em- 
 barrafled with new difficulties ; inftead of which, after 
 his Britannick Majefty's treaty, nothing can, in all ap- 
 E e 2 pearance,
 
 220 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 pearancc, hinder the States General from finifhing what 
 they have begun. It is always hazardous here, that a 
 parliament, the greateft part of whofe members are 
 gained by the court, may take fome refolutions of ex- 
 tremity, and give money under the pretence of a war 
 againlt France. I fhould enlarge more upon this, if 
 Mr. de Rouvigny, who is fully inftruted, was not to 
 give your Majefty an account of things. I thought it 
 was for your fervice not to defer any longer the con- 
 clufion of a treaty, which places your Majefty in an 
 entire certainty of making a peace much more glorious 
 in all its circumftances than any other that has been 
 ever heard of. Your Majefty, who is more enlightened 
 than any body, will alfo better know the prefent advan- 
 tages of it, and thofe which may be drawn from it for 
 the future. 
 
 The King of England defires much that what he has 
 done may remain fecret for fome time, in order that he 
 may be able to make it appear to parliament, that the 
 States put him under an abfolute neceffity of making 
 peace, and that he may thereby endeavour to draw fome 
 money from them for difbanding the troops. I believe, 
 befides, that his Britannick Majefty is willing that the 
 Prince of Orange {hould gain fome merit in Holland by 
 facilitating the conclufion of the peace, which till now 
 he oppofed. I do not doubt but the refolution taken here 
 of making a treaty with your Majefty was communi- 
 cated to him before-hand. His Britannick Majefty told 
 me that nothing fhould be faid of it to the Dutch mi- 
 nifters here - t but I have had too long and too frequent 
 conferences with the Lord Treafurer for them not to 
 fufpecl fomething near the truth. 
 
 His Britannick Majefty told me alfo, that he would 
 fend to Bruflels to prefs Mr. de Villafermofa to conclude 
 with your Majefty, and to accept the project of peace. 
 
 Although
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 Although I did not believe that the King of England's 
 defign was to mifs the opportunity of making a treaty 
 with your Majefty, I have had, neverthelefs, within 
 thefe two days, juft reafon to fear that the high Trea- 
 furer's defign was to draw the affair into length, and put 
 off a conclufion. He faid to me, that the little expe- 
 rience he had in affairs of the nature of thofe we treated 
 ypon, had obliged him to entreat the King his matter to 
 jojn fome one with him to affift him, and prevent his 
 committing errors j and that his Britannick Majefty had 
 named Mr. Temple, with whom he defired me to confer. 
 I was much furprifed, but thought I could not directly 
 ihew any repugnance. I went next morning to fee 
 Mr. Temple, whom I found in bed, feigning to be, or 
 really fick. I judged it neceffary to make an effort to 
 prevent this obftacle, and preffed the King of England 
 and the Duke of York very warmly to conclude, or to 
 break off the treaty. I then threw in every facility that 
 I could, and declared, if they did not accept my offers, 
 that I would not fign more till I had new orders. The 
 Duke of York took the affair up with warmth, and 
 made the King of England give me his pofitive word 
 that the affair ftiould be concluded next day. The 
 Duke of York appears greatly defirous to deferve the 
 fame fhare of your Majefty's good graces which he had 
 heretofore : He conducted himfelf in the negociation as 
 I could wifh. 
 
 I am, (Signed) BARILLON. 
 
 Charles and the Duke of York kept this treaty a fecret 
 from the Prince of Orange ; but pleaded the embarrafT- 
 ments which the popular party created to the prepara- 
 tions
 
 a22 APPENDIX 
 
 tions for the war, as an excufe for their not going 
 into it. 
 
 To this purpofe there are the following letters from 
 the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange in King 
 William's cabinet. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Oppofttion in par- 
 liament prevents the fending over more troops. 
 
 London, May 3, 1678. 
 
 | DID not write to you laft poft, having nothing very 
 pleating to fay to you, nor have I now, for things 
 here go very oddly on, and as yet neither Houfe has given 
 any anfwer or advice upon what his Majefty ordered the 
 Lord Chancellor to fay to both Houfes ; and inftead of 
 that, they are in the Houfe of Commons finding fault 
 with the treaties, fpeaking againft the minifters, and 
 doing nothing as they {hould do j fo that one does not 
 know whether they would have peace or war; which 
 proceeding of theirs has fo difcouraged the monied men, 
 that the paymafter of the army has been very much put 
 to it to find money, which is the caufe the two regi- 
 ments defigned for Bruges are not yet embarked ; but 
 this day money is fent to them to pay off their quarters, 
 and they will embarke on Monday without fail, and no- 
 thing but the fame reafon will hinder us from fending 
 more over every day ; for now all our men are raifed, 
 and the feveral regiments of horfe, foot and dragoons, 
 will be compleat at their feveral quarters by the end of 
 next week at fartheft ; but without a certain profpeft of 
 more money, there will be no venturing them beyond 
 fea to ftarve.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 223 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The war muftjlop 
 on account of the oppofition in parliament. Anxious about 
 the future. 
 
 London, May 7, 1678. 
 
 T RECEIVED this day your's of the 3d from the 
 Hague, and before now you will have had an anfwer 
 to what M. Van Lewen brought hither, by the which 
 you will have feen what our intentions were here ; but 
 now I believe you will be very much furprized and 
 troubled at what has pafled this day in the Houfe of 
 Commons, when, inftead of doing what they fhould do 
 for the publick good, they have fallen upon all the mi- 
 nifters, and ordered an addrefs to be prepared for his 
 Majefty, to defire they may be removed from his perfon, 
 to which they have by name added the Duke of Lauder- 
 dale ; fo that you fee how affairs are like to go here, and 
 that there will be no poflibility of carrying on the war 
 now, that the factious party in the Houfe of Commons 
 does prevail ; it is neceflary for me to fay this to you, 
 that you may take your meafures accordingly, and you 
 muft expect to hear of great diforders here, they are not 
 to be avoided. 
 
 The Duke of Tork to the Prince of Orange. The popular 
 party intend to engage the King in a -war, and leave him 
 in it without helping him. 
 
 London, May 10, 1678. 
 
 TN my laft I gave you an account of the ill condition 
 of our affairs here, which grow worfe every day, and 
 this day the Houfe of Commons have compleated their 
 addrefs to his Majefty for the removing from him at 
 once all his minifters, to which they have added by name 
 
 the
 
 224 APPENDIX 
 
 ihe Duke of Lauderdale ; which is fuch a way of pro- 
 ceeding as will difcourage all the allies, and make u$ 
 here not know almoft what to do, and this is but the 
 forerunner of worfe things ; fo that I do not fee how the 
 war can be carried on, it being vifible that the chief 
 defign of the ill people here, is to engage the King in a 
 war, that they may the eafier ruin him, fo that I be- 
 lieve we (hall be forced to a peace. I do not fay that it 
 is pofitively refolved on, and therefore thought it very 
 neceflary to let you know fo much, that you may take 
 your meafurcs accordingly. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Fault of parliament 
 makes peace neceffary. His anxiety about the future. 
 
 London, May 14, 1678. 
 
 T GAVE you an account in my two laft of the date of 
 affairs as they then were, which are not at all mended 
 fmce ; for the addrefs I mentioned in one of mine was 
 brought on Saturday laft to his Majefty by the Com- 
 mons, which fo offended his Majefty, that the anfwer 
 he gave then to it was, that it was fo extravagant an ad- 
 drefs, that he was not willing fpeedily to give them the 
 anfwer it deferved, and when you fee a copy of it, you 
 will find it did not deferve a better anfwer ; and yefter- 
 day, to (how his farther difpleafure to the Commons, he 
 prorogued both houfcs till the 23d of this month, in 
 hopes by that time to bring them into a better temper, 
 and had they continued fitting longer now, they would 
 yet have been more troublefome. You fee the temper 
 we are in, and I have but a very ill profpeft of affairs, 
 and expect great difordcrs here, or at leaft great diffi- 
 culties, fo that it will be all we can do to keep things 
 quiet at home ; it is neceflary for me to fay this to you, 
 
 that 
 6
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 that you may not take wrong meafures. The King will 
 write to you himfelf, fo that it is not neceflary for me to 
 fay more upon that fubjedh 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Advifes him to 
 peace. Pajl and prefent ftate of things in England. His 
 anxiety for the future. 
 
 London, May 21, 1678. 
 T RECEIVED this afternoon your's of the 2yth from 
 
 Honflardike, by the which I fee you are refolved to 
 fray thereabouts till you hear whether the French will ac- 
 cept of the fufpenfion of arms. I think you do very 
 well in it, for befides there is but little good to be done 
 or hoped for in Flanders ; I look upon your prefence at 
 the Hague to be very neceflary, efpecially when the 
 anfwer comes from the French by the deputies you have 
 lent to them j for by what I hear from all hands, and 
 even by what you faid to Mr. Hyde, that the generality 
 of the people, as well as fome of the chief men amongft 
 the States, are very much for a peace, or elfe thofe fteps 
 would not have been made that have been by them ; and 
 that being fo, I would not have any thing of that kind 
 be done in your abfence ; and fmce you fee there is no 
 poffibility of carrying on the war as things now ftand, 
 in my opinion you ought not to appear againft peace, 
 but ought to go along with the inclinations of the peo- 
 ple, and not lofe your intereft with them by oppofing the 
 peace, which will be whether you will or no ; for as to 
 Spain, you know as well as I the raiferable condition, 
 they are in ; and as to us here, you fee how little is to 
 be expefted from hence by what paft the other day in the 
 laft feflion j fo that his Majefty was forced to prorogue 
 them, and now they are to meet again on Thurfday, and 
 
 VOL. I. F f I fear
 
 It6 APPENDIX 
 
 I fear they will be very diforderly, and that it will be all 
 we can do to keep things quiet here at home j for now 
 the ill men in the Houfc ftrike directly at the King's au- 
 thority j and fhould we have been engaged in a war 
 now, they would have fo impofed upon the King, as to 
 leave him nothing but the empty name of a King, and 
 no more power than a Duke of Venice; and how long 
 they would have let him have that name, the Lord 
 knows : I am fure it would not have been long. I fay 
 this to you, to let you fee how neceffary peace is, and 
 how impoffible it is for you to carry on the war. You 
 fee his Majefly was very willing to have entered into the 
 war, and did his part towards it, and has now actually 
 ready all his land forces, and by the end of this month 
 or the beginning of the next, will have ninety fhips at 
 fea : But you fee the parliament, I fhould fay the Houfe 
 of. Commons, in five months time have done nothing 
 towards it, but given the poll bill, which may be worth 
 three hundred thoufand pounds once paid, and taken away 
 fo much a year ; and inftead of giving any farther fup- 
 ply, have done nothing but fallen upon the minifters, 
 and declared they would give no more money till they 
 had fatisfadion in matters of religion : What effects fuch 
 proceedings have had where you are you know beft, and 
 how they will end nobody knows. I could not help 
 faying all this to you, to inform you how things are 
 here, that you may take your meafures accordingly, and 
 not run on in meafuies that may be very prejudicial to 
 our family ; and as things now are, the continuance of 
 the war would, in my opinion, both ruin you in Hol- 
 land, and us here. You fee I fpeak my mind very 
 freely to you, I am obliged to do it out of the kindnefs 
 and concern I have for you. I know fuch a peace as is 
 offered is a very hard one both for you and us to fubmit 
 to j however, I fee no remedy : And do not exafperate 
 
 France,
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 227 
 
 France, that may be of ufe to you. Pray let nobody 
 fee this letter, it is only wrote for you, and not fit for 
 any body elfe to read or to know. I fay fo much to 
 youj 'tis only my kindnefs has made me write it, and 
 you may be fure I fhall always continue it to you. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, May 24, 1678. 
 
 T HAVE juft now received yours of the 31, from the 
 Hague, and it is now fo very late that I have time to 
 fay little to you. I fee you wifli more troops might be 
 fent over into Flanders if they were reacjy, which they 
 are, and have been all complete for fomc time j but the 
 want of money has been fuch, that we could fend over 
 no more than thofe who are already there, which are 56 
 companies ; and it has been with much difficulty that we 
 got money enough to fend down one regiment of foot, 
 four troops of horfe, and three of dragoons, into the 
 north, being apprehenilve of fome diforders in Scotland $ 
 and to fhew you how little regard is had to what is doing 
 beyond fea, the Houfe of Commons have done nothing 
 thefe two days, and believe to-morrow they will fall 
 upon finding fault with the Chancellor's fpeech ; fo little 
 are their minds turned to what they fhould be, and I be-- 
 lieve will fly higher than ever ; fo that you fee it has 
 not been his Majefty's fault things have not gone as they 
 (hould.
 
 a2 8 APPENDIX 
 
 The Duke cf York to the Prince of Orange. The Commons 
 want the new raifed troops dl/banded. The Duke wants 
 them ktpt on foot. 
 
 London, May 31, 1678. 
 
 *TpHE letters are not yett come from Holland, fo that 
 we do not know how, what Monf. Van Severing 
 has brought to you, will be received, though no doubt is 
 made of the acceptance of the ceflation of arms by every 
 body here, and the Houfe of Commons are very earneft 
 for the immediate difbanding of all the new-raifed troops, 
 as you will fee by the vote they have made for that pur- 
 pofe ; and this day they have bufied themfelves to make 
 the calculation of what money will be neceflary for the 
 paying them off; which I thinke is very contrary to 
 what ought to be done, and all the reafonable men I 
 fpeake with are of the fame opinion. To-morrow they 
 are to confider of Lord Chancellor's fpeech ; fome fay 
 they will run into heats upon it, and fall upon him and 
 fome other of the minifters ; I cannot fay they will, to- 
 morrow will fhew us. You fee by all that is done here 
 in how unfit a temper we were to have entered into a 
 war, for all the new raifed troops are better than could 
 have been expected, and I never faw fo many good looked 
 new men in my life, and I could not have believed the 
 horfe could have been fo good as they ars ; 'tis pity they 
 fhould be difbanded. 
 
 The backwardnefs of England made the Dutch take 
 meafures for a feparate peace with France. 
 
 Upon this the Duke of York wrote the following am- 
 
 
 
 biguous letter to the Prince of Orange, ftill concealing 
 
 ' from
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 229 
 
 from him the fecret engagement of England with France, 
 The letter is in King William's cabinet. 
 
 Duke cf York to the Prince of Orange. About tie fe- 
 parate peace between Holland and France. An am- 
 biguous letter. 
 
 London, June 7, 1678. 
 
 T SEE by your letter you are very apprehenfive of the 
 ill confequence this peace may have where you are, a,s 
 well as to us here. I know it is to be apprehended, as 
 well as it could not be avoided, and it is well done to 
 forefee dangers afar off, to provide the beft one can 
 againft them ; but as one does fee them, fo one muft 
 endeavour to provide the beft one can againft them, and 
 to prepare one's felf for the worft that may happen, not 
 to be furprifed if it (hould come to paile, but then one 
 muft not defpaire and give over the game : And I am of 
 opinion, if you take pains where you are to preferve your 
 intereft, and keep up your friends hearts, by being 
 amongft them in the Hague, and not fo much in the 
 country, I am confident the faction which is againft you, 
 will be able to do you little harme. You fee I fay my 
 mind very freely to you, and am obliged to do it by the 
 concerne I have for you. I have not time to fay more to 
 you now, but Sir W. Temple will be foon over with 
 you, whom I fliall inftruft well with what is too long for 
 a letter. 
 
 After Louis the XlVth had bought off Charles, and 
 entered into a feparate treaty with the Dutch, he thought 
 he might behave as he pleafed with regard to Spain, and 
 therefore, inftead of delivering up the Spanifti towns in 
 
 Flanders
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Flanders as he had agreed to do, he infifted to keep 
 pofleffion of them until fatisfaclion ihould be made to 
 his allies the Swedes. This breach of faith raifed the 
 indignation of almoft all Europe againft him, and cla- 
 mours came from every quarter for Charles to join in a 
 war with the allies for the prefervation of the Nether- 
 lands. 
 
 Charles upon this once more feemed intent to join in 
 a war againft France, fent Sir William Temple to make 
 a treaty with Holland, who, with the fame rapidity with 
 which he had finifhed the triple alliance, and perhaps as 
 little to the liking of his mafter, concluded in fix days 
 a treaty with the Dutch to make war upon France, if in 
 two months (he did not, without any regard to the in- 
 terefts of Sweden, evacuate the Spanifh towns. But it 
 is probable that Charles meant to make ufe of this ap- 
 parent' inclination for war, only to keep up his forces, to 
 get money from parliament, and to fqueeze more money 
 from France. The journals of parliament during this 
 fummer and autumn (hew his ftruggles to difband his 
 army and to get more fupplies, under the pretence of his 
 intending to join in a war againft France. It appears 
 from Barillon's difpatches, that Barillon feveral times 
 gave warn'mg to his court that more money would be 
 aflced from it. On the 23d July, 1678, he writes, that 
 Charles had fent Lord Sunderland to France to make a 
 compromife about Sweden. On the 28th July, 1678, 
 he writes thus : " I am perfuaded that all the demon- 
 ftrations of war which are made here will terminate in a 
 treaty, if your Majefty will give fubfidies to make Eng- 
 land al in favour of Sweden." On the ift of Auguft 
 Barillon writes, that Charles is endeavouring to form a 
 treaty with France to get fatisfaclion for Sweden. 
 
 About the fame time, Lord St. Alban's at Paris, by 
 
 his matter's command, prefejited a project to Louis for a 
 
 4 treaty
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 treaty between France and England in favour of Sweden, 
 in confideration of which Charles was to get money for 
 fupporting a fleet and army. The project of the treaty 
 follows. 
 
 *TranJIation 
 
 Propofals made ly my Lord St. Alban. -England to get a 
 fubfidy for three years. Is to maintain a fleet and army 
 at the expence of France in favour of Sweden. And to 
 be neutral in Flanders .-In the Depot. 
 
 npHAT his moft Chriftian Majefty fliall give a fub- 
 fidy for three years^ the firft of which fhall be fix 
 millions, and the other two four millions each ; in con- 
 fideration whereof his Britannic Majefty fhall furnifh 
 fifteen fhips and ten thoufand foot to join the {hips and 
 troops of his moft Chriftian Majefty which are to aft in 
 favour of the Swedes : That thefe fifteen fhips fhall be 
 armed and equipped at his moft Chriftian Majefty's ex- 
 pence, and his Britannic Majefty fhall only furnifh the 
 bodies of the fhips, and the number of cannon neceflary 
 for each, in proportion to the largenefs of rate. The 
 ten thoufand infantry fhall be paid by his moft Chriftian 
 Majefty as the Englifh troops were which heretofore 
 were in his pay ; that the peace fhall be made conform- 
 able to the project ; that the difficulty about the country 
 of Cleves fhall be terminated to the fatisfadion of the 
 States General : In cafe the faid States General, or the 
 Spaniards do not make peace upon the project within 
 three months, his Britannic Majefty will remain in an 
 entire neutrality, and recall his troops that are in the 
 Low Countries. 
 
 To thefe propofals is added, that a league fhould be 
 made between England, the States General, and Sweden, 
 for the guarantee of the treaty of peace, and maintain- 
 ing
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 \ the Low Countries in the ftate they are in, into 
 which league it is thought France will enter, becaufe 
 his mod Chriftian Majcfty hath (hewn he is willing to 
 prevent for the future, all fufpicions which England 
 and the States General might have that his defign was 
 upon the firft opportunity to finifh the conqueft of the 
 Low Countries. 
 
 On the 8th Auguft, 1678, Barillon writes thus: 
 " He (Danby) reprefented to me that the war which 
 England was to make in favour of the Swedes was en- 
 tirely againft the fentiments of the whole nation, and 
 therefore his mafter could not Undertake it without 
 great fuccour from your Majefty." 
 
 It is highly probable that France made ufe of thefe 
 propofals of Charles for a treaty in favour of Sweden, to 
 difeppoint the treaty which Sir William Temple had 
 lately made with the Dutch for forcing France to deliver 
 up the towns in Fianders without attending to the in- 
 terefts of Sweden. From Sir William Temple's ac- 
 count of affairs at this time, it appears that Du Cros, 
 the Duke of Holftein's envoy, difappointed this treaty by 
 bringing news from the court of England into Holland 
 of the conne&ioas of France and England in favour of 
 Sweden. I did not fee evidence in Barillon's letters that 
 Barillon made ufe of Du Cros for this purpofe. But 
 the following circumirances make it probable: Several 
 of Barillon's difpatch.es (hew that Du Cros was in the 
 year 1678 in the pay of France, and in the moft inti- 
 mate intelligence with Barillon. From Lord Danby's 
 letters which are printed, it appears that Charles was en- 
 raged at Du Cros for the intelligence he had carried. 
 
 Sir
 
 TO CHAP. III. t)F THE REVIEW; 233 
 
 Sir William Temple relates that Charles faid to him, 
 tc The rogue Du Cros has outwitted us all ;" words, 
 the confequence of which Temple did not perceive, be- 
 caufe he was ignorant of the fecret traffic of Charles 
 with France concerning Sweden^ to which they alluded. 
 The Dutch, informed of the fecret connections between 
 Charles and Louis, inftantly quitted the dangerous friend- 
 /hip of the firft of thefe Princes, and in a hurry figned 
 the peace of Nimeguen. And perhaps what fiiews as 
 ftrong as any thing the confcioufnefs of France of the 
 low pafs to which fhe had reduced Charles by betraying 
 his double conduct to his allies, is, that -when Charles 
 afked payment of the firft part of his penfioh provided 
 for him by the above treaty of 2jth May, 1678, France 
 refufed to pay him a penny. Barillon writes to his court 
 on the 1 8th of Auguft, 1678, that Lord Danby had 
 afked payment of the penfion ftipulated ; that he, Baril- 
 lon, told him, that Charles had not kept his part of the 
 terms of the treaty, and therefore was to have none of 
 the penfion. This letter, with two others of the 25th 
 and 2gth Auguft, 1678, defcribes the anger of Charles 
 and Lord Danby at lofing the money by their own im- 
 prudence. In the letter of the i8th Auguft, Barillon 
 ufes thefe words : " They know now with much 
 Vexation, that they have loft a conjuncture of which it 
 was eafy for them to have profited." 
 
 The letters from the Duke of York to the Prince of 
 Orange immediately after France had refufed to evacuate 
 the towns till fatisfadtion was made to Sweden, and dur- 
 ing the time of the fecret negociation with France to ferve 
 Sweden, are in King William's cabinet. Perhaps they 
 may create fo'me doubt of that fincerity in the Duke's 
 
 VOL. I. G g character
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 character which he ufed Co much to boaft of, becaufe 
 they convey the idea to the Prince of Orange, that the 
 Duke was equally zealous for the war againft France at 
 both thcfe periods. The letters follow. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Hit furprife at 
 bearing the French have refufed to evacuate the towns. 
 Diflanding the army flopped. 
 
 London, June 21, 1678. 
 
 T H A D not time to write to you laft port as I intended, 
 having been kept fo long at bufinefs that night, that 
 when we had done it was too late to write j fince when 
 we have been very much alarmed by a letter from Sir L. 
 Jenkins, in which he fays the French make a difficulty 
 of reftoring the towns in Flanders to the Spaniards, till 
 the Swedes have entire fatisfadtion ; and now we are in 
 very great expectation of the letters, which fhould have 
 come this day, to know if the French perfift ftill in that, 
 their ib unreafonable demand: In the mean time we have 
 done our parts, as if it were fo, for we have flopped 
 twenty entire companies of foot of the new-raifed men, 
 and five hundred commanded men, that were ordered to 
 go for Ireland, till we know the certainty of it. A 
 courier alfo was fent yeflerday to the ambafTador at Paris 
 to know the truth on't, and to expostulate the matter if 
 Ib ; and this day in the Houfe of Lords we, have length- 
 ened the time for the difbanding of the new raifed troops, 
 and I hope the Houfe of Commons will agree to that 
 alteration, and before that time we (hall in all likelihood 
 know what to truft to.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Appears keen for 
 war becaufe towns not evacuated. 
 
 London, June 24, 1678. 
 
 *~pHIS goes to you by Lord OfTory, whom the letters 
 we had both from Nimeguen and the Hague, about 
 the fo unreafonable difficulties the French make, has 
 haitened over to you, not knowing how foon you may 
 fall into action again ; and truly I expect it, for as the 
 temper the King of France is, I do not thinke he would 
 have let his ambaffador at Nimeguen make thofe difficul- 
 ties without his being refolved to ftand by it, fo that I 
 look upon the war as certain if in Holland you do your 
 parts, which I cannot doubt cm, for his Majefty will 
 flick firm to you for the reftoring of thofe towns to the 
 Spaniard, as you will find by Sir William Temple, 
 whom his Majefty is difpatching away to you full in- 
 ftru&ed upon all that great affair ; and I am glad we 
 have had this time to exercife our new troops, for they 
 are now much betver than they were, and all know the 
 ufe of their arms very well. Pray have a care of Den- 
 dremond as well as Antwerp. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, June 25, 1678. 
 
 T AM glad to hear your refolutions have been fo vigor* 
 ous; we fhall ftand by you for the reftoring of the 
 towns in Flanders and Maeftright, and are getting ready 
 five battalions of foot to fend to Bruges and Newport, 
 which I hope will have a good effet always : They will 
 be of eight companies each. 
 
 Gg 2
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Sir 
 Temple fent to make a treaty with the Dutch. 
 
 London, June 27, 1678. 
 
 1 T is not neceflary far me to fay much to you by this 
 bearer, Sir William Temple, he going fo fully in- 
 ftrucled to you from his Majefty upon the affairs that are 
 now in agitation, and 1 am confident you will be fatif- 
 fied with what he has to fay to you from his Majefty ; 
 and you will find how firmly you will be ftuck to in cafe 
 France does not acquiefce with what they had offered 
 you; and let them now do what they pleafe, I am con- 
 fident it will have done them no good, and you will find 
 your advantage by it j and I need not put you in mind 
 of laying hold of this advantage they have given you, 
 for 1 am fure you have done it already, and I hope you 
 will not be fo much out of the Hague as you have been 
 for fome time part ; for I know by experience that no- 
 thing can do one fo much good as being upon the place 
 where all the bufmefs is done, when by being away one 
 lofes opportunities that may advance one's affairs, and 
 cannot gaine friends as may be as neceffary for you as 
 well as others. I have fpoken my mind very freely to 
 this bearer upon this affair, and refer it to him to enlarge 
 upon it ; for I am fo concerned for you that I muft fay 
 any thing to you that I think to be for your good, for 
 you fhall always find me as kind to you as you can dcfire.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF TH REVIEW. 
 
 
 J)uke of York to tie Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, June 27, 1678. 
 
 T COULD not refufe this bearer, M. Van Leewen, to 
 write to you by him, though 1 have already done it 
 by Sir William Temple j his Majefty having thought fit 
 he fliould go back into Holland, the better to perfuade 
 the States of his readinefs to ftick by them in cafe 
 France continue jn their unreafonable demands; and I 
 hope his going at this time will have a very good effect; 
 fince I find he is now of the mind he fhould be. 
 
 f)uke of York to the Prince of Orange. Troops fent over. 
 The parliament is giving money. 
 
 London, July 5, 1678. 
 
 \7"OU will before this have had Sir William Temple 
 and M. Van Leewen with you, and I hope they will 
 have fatisfied both you and the States with his Majefty's 
 good intentions to ftick by you, if you will take vigor- 
 ous refolutions, which I hope you will, notwithftanding 
 the lofs M. de Loraine has had of fome of the troops 
 endeavouring to relieve Reinfeld, of which before this 
 you know the particulars ; but we are not yet informed 
 of them, and if it has no ill efTecT: where you are, I am 
 fure it will have none here j and in my mind it ought to 
 make you adhere firmly to your .refolutions, for elfe at 
 Vienna it might have an 111 efFer. This day a battalion 
 of eight companies embarked at Blackwall for Newport, 
 and this day alfo another fets fail from Portfmouth for the 
 fame place, and three battalions more will be embarked 
 by Tuefday next for Newport and Bruges ; fo that when 
 they are landedj we fhall have ninety-fix companies of 
 
 foot
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 foot in Flanders, which will make upwards of 9000 
 men, and when it is neceflary, more fliall be ready to 
 follow. The parliament draws now to an end, and will 
 I hope conclude well, for many of the angry men are 
 gone out of town, and I am told the money bill will 
 come up to the Lords on Monday or Tuefday next, and 
 when that is once part, we fliall foon rife. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Walts for Jieps to 
 be taken by the Dutch. 
 
 London, July 8, 1678. 
 
 *I RECEIVED laft night your's of the i2th from the 
 Hague, and can now fay but little to you in anfwer to 
 it, only that if you do your parts we fliall do ours, fo 
 that it abfolutely depends upon what is done where you 
 are ; for it is not to be expected that we fliould make any 
 farther {rep till we are fure of you, which I hope is done 
 by this upon Sir William Temple's arrival with you. 
 write this by Lord OfTory, who is juft a going away ; 
 he can inform you of all things here, fo that I fliall fay 
 no more, only to afiure you of the continuance of my 
 kindnefs. 
 
 Pray have a care of Antwerp and Dendermond. 
 
 Dtike of Tork to the Prince of Orange'.- To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, July 12, 1678. 
 
 ALL things depend upon the refolution where you are, 
 
 for here we are all ready, and the money bill is pafr, 
 
 which is all we could expect till we be actually entered 
 
 into the war. We fliall, I believe, end this fe/Hons on 
 
 Monday next, but though I believe we (hall not meet till 
 
 towards
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 239 
 
 towards winter, yet the Houfes will, I think, only be 
 adjourned for a fortnight or three weeks, fo that if there 
 fhould be need for them fooner than towards winter we 
 might have them : This is only my opinion, but will not 
 be pofitively refolved on till Sunday. Mr. Montagu is in 
 difgrace, and his Majefty ordered this day his name to be 
 put off the council book, and is fending immediately 
 away Lord Sunderland, ambaflador to Paris, in his 
 room. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Defires plan of 
 war to be adjujled. 
 
 London, July 17, 1678. 
 
 < c "XX/E have been fo encouraged by thelaft letters from 
 Holland, and fee fuch likelihood of the war, 
 that his Majefty has defired this bearer, the Marquis de 
 Bourgemain, to go over to you to agree with you and the 
 Duke de Villahermoza, of the plan of the war for the 
 remainder of this campaign, in cafe we enter into it, of 
 which I do not doubt, fince I make none of your agree- 
 ing to Sir William Temple's propofals : Lord Feverfham 
 goes too." 
 
 Duke of Turk to the Prince of Or.inge.To the fam& 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, July 18, 1678. 
 
 <c 1LJ I S Majefty having thought fit to fend Lord Fever- 
 fham along with the Marquis de Bougermaine to 
 you, to adjuft all things with you concerning the war in 
 cafe it continues, as now I believe it will j I would not 
 him go without writing to you by him, though he be 
 fully inftrudted of all things here ; What I have to fay 
 
 I refer 
 5
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 I refer to him, and have alfo charged him to a flu re you of 
 the continuance of my kindnefle to you." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince cf Orange. Promifes vigour" 
 in the war. 
 
 London, July 19, 1678. 
 
 c I RECEIVED this afternoon two of yours, of the 
 19 and 26; by the laft of which I was very glad to 
 find the treaty was figned; but there are fome things are 
 wanting in it, and others which will require being ex- 
 plained, as you will know rrtofe at large from Sir W. 
 Temple, to which I am fure you will give your helping 
 hand that they may be agreed to ; in the mean time we 
 are fending over, as faft as we can, two thoufand horfeand 
 dragoons, but you cannot expect them at fooneft till after 
 the term prefixed be expired, we having not thofe con- 
 veniences here that you have where you are for embark- 
 ing of horfes, and till the war be declared we cannot let 
 you have any of our foot to join your army, which can- 
 not be till thofe points you will hear off be agreed to ; in 
 the mean time no time fhall be loft in preparing every 
 thing to carry on the war with vigour.'* 
 
 Duke of Yirk to the Prince of Orange. To the fame pur-' 
 pofe. Is to go over with the troops himfelfi if needfuL 
 
 London, July 26, 1678. 
 
 : T RECEIVED tv/o days fmce your's from Vilvorde, 
 by the which I fee you were come' to your army, 
 and were refolved to fee what could be done for the re- 
 deeming of Mons. I hope upon the intelligence you 
 have had of their being able to hold out fome time, that 
 you will not yet hazard any thing, and the M, de Bour- 
 
 gemaine
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW* 24* 
 
 gemaine and the Earl of Feverfhem, who have been with 
 you before this, will have perfuaded yoU to it, iti cafe thd 
 place be no more preft than We hear it is ; and that which 7 
 
 makes me more defirous you fhould not yet hazard any 
 thing, iSj that upon his Majefty having read yourletterj 
 he has commanded me to tell you, that he will get in 
 readinefs what troops can be fpared from hence, befides 
 thofe that are already in Flanders, to join with you in 
 cafe the French do not conclude the peace in the time 
 prefixed, being refolved if they will riot evacuate the 
 towns to profecute the war vigoroufly ; and that no time 
 may be loft, in cafe it muft be war, the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth is to go from hence on Sunday for Bruges to have the 
 troops that are already there in readinefs to march if the 
 war goes on ; and I (hall take care for the embarking of 
 thofe that are yet here as foon as pofiible, and be ready 
 to go over with them myfelf if occafion be. It was 
 thought necefTary to let you know this, even before we 
 heard from Lord Fever/ham, that you might take your 
 rneafures accordingly. We have now ready in Flanders 
 fourteen battalions of foot, as many of which mall be 
 ready to march at a day's warning if the peace be not 
 made, as you and the Spaniards (hall think fit ; befides 
 which, we have two battalions of foot more, and 3000 
 horfe and dragoons to be embarked from hence by the 
 end of next week : The horfe and dragoons you may 
 reckon to be effective, and each battalion of foot to be 
 about feven hundred. When my nephew comes to 
 Bruges you will hear from him. 
 
 VOL. I. H h
 
 24 2 APPENDIX 
 
 Duke of York to the Print e of Orange. More troop: fent 
 
 over. 
 
 London, July 29, 1678. 
 
 * f T RECEIVED your's from the camp at Grimberg of 
 the 2d of Auguft, before Lord Feverfham came 
 hither ; and laft night my nephew the Duke of Mon- 
 ) mouth went for Oftend, and the wind is fo fair I hope he 
 may be there by this time, with orders to draw out eight 
 battalions of foot of thofe we have in Flanders, which 
 are fourteen, and make what hafte he can with them to 
 you ; we alfo fend two battalions more from hence ftrait 
 for Antwerp, which I hope will be embarked on Wed- 
 nefday : You fee we do all we can, and lofe no time. I 
 wifli they may come time enough to you, but fear they 
 cannot. This morning Lord Feverfham and the Mar- 
 quis de Bourgemaine came hither, and upon what they 
 have faid from you, have put a flop to the embarking of 
 our 3000 horfe and dragoons till we hear farther from 
 you, but (hall flill keep them in readinefs. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. More troops to gt* 
 over. Affefts ignorance about Sweden. 
 
 London, Auguft 2, 1678. 
 
 T RECEIVED your's from Cappel of the 4th of Auguft, 
 and by this time you will know that the ratification of 
 the treaty went away laft poft ; fo that you fliall find that 
 nothing {hall be wanting on our fide ; but by the laft 
 letters from Holland we have heard what the Swedes 
 have done, and that moft people there look upon the peace 
 as certain ; however, we here {hall not look upon it as 
 done till all be concluded, and our two battalions that 
 were to go from hence will embark on Sunday and 
 Monday for Antwerp.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. . 243 
 
 Difappointed in this manner both of the money for the 
 treaty of neutrality, and of the money for the aiUftance 
 of Sweden, Charles broke off his connections with 
 France, fent a greater army to Flanders, and endea- 
 voured by the ftrongeft promifes of afliftance, but in vain, 
 to animate the Dutch to difregard the treaty they had juft 
 figned, and to prevent other powers from acceding to it. 
 During four fhort months after the Dutch had figned the 
 peace of Nimeguen, Charles was for once in his life fm- 
 cerely an enemy to France. 
 
 During this period there are the following letters from 
 the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange, in King 
 William's cabinet. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. His furprife and 
 anger at the Dutch fign'mg the peace at Nimeguen. Af- 
 feels ignorance about Siveden. 
 
 London, Sunday night, Aug. 4, 1678. 
 were very much furprized this day to hear by 
 an exprefs from Nimeguen, that the peace was 
 figned only by the Dutch and French without the Spa- 
 niards, and that the mediators had refufed to fign, though 
 offered by them, to have their hand in fuch a feparate 
 peace. I believe it was what you did not expect no 
 more than we, and the manner of it was extraordinary, 
 and what M. .Severing faid upon his ligning it; and by 
 what we hear, the Swedes feem not to be pleafed at it. 
 For my part, it has fo {tunned me I do not know what 
 to fay upon it, nor guefs what will follow upon it. I 
 long very much to hear from you after your having heard 
 Hh 2 of
 
 244 APPENDIX 
 
 of it. In the mean time, we do not put a flop to the 
 embarking of the troops defigned from hence, not 
 knowing what may happen, for the two battalions that 
 were defigned to go from hence will be on (hip-board by 
 Tuefday next, and the horfe and dragoons which were 
 ordered to be ready, will be all this week at the water- 
 fide, and ready to go on (hip-board at twenty-four hours 
 warning. His Majefty has alfo ordered his troops that 
 are by this time with you to continue with you, or to go 
 back into Flanders from whence they came, as you (hall 
 find moft expedient, which is all I have to fay to you till 
 I hear from you upon this affair, which fo turns my head 
 as I do hardly know what to fay." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Congratulates him 
 on the battle fought after the peace. Promifes ajjiflance. 
 
 London, Aug. 12, 1678. 
 
 t{ T READ with a great deal of fatisfa&ion your's of 
 the 1 6th, in which you give an account of what 
 you had done near Mons, for I received it but on Sa- 
 turday night j and before that by the way of France, we 
 had heard of your having been engaged, fo that until I 
 received your's, I was in great pain for you, and that 
 day's action ; but now I am at eafe for both, and very 
 much pleafed for what you have done, for by what I 
 hear from all fides, it was a very bold and vigorous 
 a&ion, and as bravely carried on. I am very glad you 
 are fo well fatisfied with Lord Oflbry and his Majefty's 
 fubjecls, and that they behaved themfelves fo well. I 
 hope thofe that before this are come to you will not dif- 
 credit the nation. I am glad my nephew the Duke of 
 Monmouth had the good fortune to be with you ; he has 
 done juflice to your troops, and given the higheft com- 
 mendation
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 245 
 
 tnendation to your foot guards and dragoons that can be, 
 and which they deferve. We are very impatient for the 
 to-morrow's letters, and hope to hear you have gained 
 your point and relieved Mons, His Majefty has dif- 
 patched away Mr. Hyde to the Hague ; and I believe 
 you will not be difpleafed with the inftrudlion he carries, 
 the fubftance of which you will have in cypher from the 
 Lord Treafurer ; fo that I fhalj not repeat it to you, by 
 which you will fee we do our parts, and that you {hall 
 always have reafon to believe me as kind to you as you 
 can defire," 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, Aug. 13, 1678. 
 
 T RECEIVED this morning your's of the 20th 
 from your camp near Revs, by the which I was 
 very glad to find you had obtained your end without a 
 fecond engagement, which has been much for your ho- 
 nour, and I hope will fet all things to rights where you 
 are going. Before you receive this, you will have feen 
 Mr. Hyde, and found that what you defired was done 
 by advance ; and I am fure you will have been pleafed 
 with the orders he carried, and you may be fure that no- 
 thing fliall be wanting on our fide, which that you may 
 fee, we {hall fend over with all poflible fpeed three thou- 
 fand horfe and dragoons, and three battalions of foot 
 into Flanders ; it will be eight days before the firft can 
 embarke, but the foot fhall go fooner. We tell them 
 here they fhall go for Brabant to join your army, becaufe 
 we would not have the French know they are to go to 
 Flanders before they be landed there, which when they 
 (hall know, will oblige them to fill their garrifons on 
 
 that
 
 246 APPENDIX 
 
 that fide, and by that means weaken their main army. 
 We go to-morrow morning early to Windfor, but that 
 fhall not hinder any of our preparations, for you (hall 
 find we fhall be very vigorous in ftanding by you, and 
 you fhall have reafon to believe me kinder to you than 
 ever." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Defpairs of the 
 French making peace. 
 
 Windfor, Auguft 19, 1678. 
 
 " 'T'HIS bearer tells me he will be with you as foon 
 as the poft, fo that I will anfwer by him yours of 
 the 23 from the Hague ; and according to what you 
 wrote about a general fufpenfion of arms, his Majefty 
 has fent orders to his plenipotentiary at Nimeguen to 
 propofe it ; but I doubt the French know too well the 
 advantage they have to agree to it, unlefs they have more 
 mind to a peace than I believe they have. We are in 
 very great impatience to hear what refolutions you will 
 have taken upon Mr. Hyde's arrival j I am fure you will 
 be fatisfied with the orders he carried, by which you will 
 have feen we fhall do our parts here, and you may be 
 always aflured of the continuance of my kindnefs to 
 you." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince cf Orange. More troops fent 
 over. Is to go over himfelf. 
 
 Windfor, Aug. 20, 1678. 
 
 " T WROTE yefterday to you, but this will be fooner 
 
 with you, and therefore fhall give you an account 
 
 of the troops defigned for Flanders, which will begin to 
 
 embarke
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 247 
 
 cmbarke on Monday next, and wind and weather per- 
 mitting, may be all landed at Oftend by the end of that 
 week : They are compofed of 27 troops of horfe, 60 in 
 each troop ; 12 troops of dragoons, of 80 a-piece ; and 
 two battalions of foot, of 9 companies in each. The 
 Earl of Feverfham goes over to command them, and he 
 goes over before, himfelf, this week to prepare their 
 quarters, and by that time the ceflation will be ended. 
 I hope the horfe will be refrefhed and ready for any fer- 
 vice if there be need of them ; and if the war goes on, 
 you will confider whether it will be beft for the fervice 
 for them to ftay there in Flanders, or to join your army, 
 or to have thofe foot of ours, which are already with 
 your army, come back into Flanders, to fee to make a 
 diverfion on that fide now that Mons is relieved. I 
 thought it neceflary to mention this to you, that you 
 may have in your thoughts how to difpofe of them for 
 the beft of the fervice, for they (hall be difpofed on as 
 you think beft, and pray let me know when it may be 
 proper for me to go over myfelf, and then I fhall bring 
 fome more troops with me. Lord FcverfJbam will write 
 to you fo foon as he is on the other fide of the water. 
 I long very much to hear what refolutions are taken at 
 the Hague j I hope they will be to both of our fatif- 
 faftions." 
 
 The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. More trocps \ I 
 fent. He is himfelf to go. 
 
 Windfor, Aug. 23, 1678. 
 
 ClNCE I wrote laft to you his Majefty has altered 
 
 his mind as to the place where he will fend thofa 
 
 troops I mentioned to you, and inftead of fending them 
 
 into Flanders, has ordered them up the Scheld to land 
 
 near"
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 near Antwerp, and fo to march towards the army to join 
 it after they have refrefhed themfelves a little. This was 
 rcfolved upon the Duke of Monmouth's reprefenting to 
 his Majefty, that you had rather have the foot that is 
 now to go, to join your army than to go for Bruges ; 
 and befides that, that the whole country of Flanders was 
 now fo fickly, that certainly thefe troops which are now 
 going over would foon have been rendered in as ill a 
 condition to ferve as thofe that are there already ; 
 whereas, going into Brabant, and to join the army, we 
 hope they may not be fo fickly. But before this refolu- 
 tion was taken, the two Spanifh minifters were advifed 
 with about it, and have written to the Duke de Villa- 
 hermoza to advertife him of it. The troops will begin 
 to embark on Monday or Tuefday at fartheft, and Lord 
 Feverfham goes a day or two before to prepare things 
 for them. We had a very large account laft poft from 
 Mr. Hyde, of what had then paft upon his coming, and 
 are very impatient for the next letters to know what re- 
 folutions will be taken, which I wifh may be vigorous 
 ones, and then I may hope to be foon with you on the 
 other fide of the water j which is all I have to fay, but 
 that you may always depend upon my kindnefle." 
 
 N> V. 
 
 Letters from Barillon to the French court, concerning his 
 intrigues with Mr. Montagu and the popular party to 
 accufe Lord Danby in parliament ; and from the Duke of 
 York to the Prince of Orange in the mean time. 
 
 gUT while Charles was fpending his anger every 
 where in vain againft France, fhe was fecretly pre- 
 paring a mine to blow up his minifter and expofe himfelf, 
 9 by
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 by getting one of his own fervants to lay before parlia- 
 ment one of thofe fecret money tranfac~tions, into which 
 fhe had herfelf drawn him. The beginning of the in- 
 trigue of Mr. Mountagu's attack upon Lord Danby in 
 parliament, is to be found in the following difpatch of 
 Barillon to Louis the XlVth. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Barillon to Louis the XlVtl^ Oc- 
 tober 24, 1678. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 ' Montagu and I have had many occafions of 
 talking upon the prefent ftate of affairs. I 
 thought I ought not to hide entirely from him the rea- 
 fons which your Majefty has to be ill fatisfied with the 
 conduit of the court of England to you for fome time 
 paft, which was already fufficiently known to him : 
 This engaged him to fpeak openly to me, and to tell me 
 it was in his power to ruin the high Treafurer, and that 
 he would attack him in parliament, and accufe him of 
 treafon, if he was aflured of the protection and good 
 will of your Majefty in cafe of the confequences which 
 this accufation might have. He pretends to prove from 
 this minifter's letters, that he ordered him on the part of 
 his Britannic Majefty to afk a fum of 18 millions from 
 your Majefty, and to declare that it was the only 
 means to prevent his joining your enemies, and without 
 it that he fhould be obliged to enter into the league 
 againft France, and to declare war againft you. He al- 
 leges that his refufal to obey fo extraordinary and fo 
 unreafonable an order, and which was given unknown 
 to the Secretaries of State, drew upon him the enmity 
 of this minifter, and that in would be eafy for him to 
 Vox,, I, I i fhew
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 (hew the parliament for what defign 18 millions were 
 wanted; and at the fame time the parliament will fee 
 that your Majefty was not willing to enter into the 
 fchemes which were forming for the oppreffion of Eng- 
 land, and the change of government. Mr. Montagu 
 believes this accufation will infallibly ruin the high 
 Treafurer. I thought I could not rcfufc hearkening to 
 a propofal, the confequence of which may be con- 
 formable to your Majefty's intentions. The King of 
 England can receive no greater embarraflment than to 
 fee a man attacked who has all his confidence. If this 
 accufation has any fuccefs, his Britannic Majefty muft 
 fall into great inconveniencies whether he fupports or 
 abandons his prime minifter. No one can ever be fure 
 of any thing in this country : But this accufation can- 
 not be entirely fruitlefs, becaufe it is not deftitute of 
 foundation, and according to appearances Mr. Montagu 
 would not attempt it unlefs he faw fome profpel of fuc- 
 ceeding. We have difcourfed to the bottom concerning 
 the means he intends to make ufe of to accomplish his 
 defign. I cannot anfwer that his meafures are fure, but 
 he hopes to be feconded by many confiderable perfons 
 who will join him. However, he does not believe he 
 (hall be able to bear the weight of fuch an undertaking 
 if your Majefty will not alfo contribute to it on your 
 part. He afks that whatever your Majefty would do to 
 traverfe the defigns of the court of England, and hinder 
 the keeping up of the army, may be employed at the fame 
 time to favour what he undertakes. His demand is, that 
 your Majefty will make a fund here of one hundred 
 thoufand livres, which {hould be employed to gain votes, 
 and to make fure of feven or eight of the principal per- 
 fons in the lower Houfe, who may fupport the accufa- 
 tion as foon as it (hall be begun. This expence and the 
 employing this fum is not to be done without my parti- 
 4 cipation
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 cipation and confent : That no money is to be given of 
 which I fhould not know the advantage before-hand : That 
 if in the end this fcheme has no fuccefs, and the high 
 Treafurer can maintain himfelf and overcome this at- 
 tack, Mr. Montagu fubmits himfelf to your Majefty's 
 generofity to ufe him in fuch a manner as you fhall think 
 proper, and grant him fuch marks of your good will arid 
 protection as you fhall pleafe ; and in this cafe your 
 Majefty fhall be obliged to nothing. But if the accufa- 
 tion fucceeds, and the high Treafurer is ruined in fix 
 months from this time, Mr. Montagu hopes that your 
 Majefty will recompenfe him for the fervice he fhall do, 
 and indemnify him for the lofs he will infallibly fuffer in 
 his fortune and his pofts. The King of England will 
 probably ufe all his efforts to revenge himfelf of a man 
 who in the perfon of his Prime Minifter has attacked 
 himfelf. Mr. Montague afked in this cafe that your 
 Majefty fhould caufe the fum of one hundred thou'fand 
 crowns to be paid him, or that your Majefty would fe- 
 cure to him an annuity of forty thoufand livres, on the 
 Hotel de Ville, payable out of the funds that have been 
 laft fettled. He will put this annuity in the name of 
 perfons moft agreeable to your Majefty, and it fhall re- 
 main his property to be difpofed of, neverthelefs fubjecT: to 
 your Majefty's pleafure j that is to fay, that he fhall not 
 fell nor alienate it without your permiflion. If neither 
 of thefe propofitions be agreeable to your Majefty, he 
 will content himfelf with your promife of a penfion of 
 fifty thoufand livres during his life : Thus it is in your 
 Majefty's choice to give him either the fum of one hun- 
 dred thoufand crowns in hand, or an annuity of forty 
 thoufand livres upon the Hotel de Ville, or a penfion of 
 fifty thoufand livres during his life ; and this in cafe only 
 that the accufation fucceeds, and the Treafurer is re- 
 moved from court in fix months ; for if this happens, 
 I i % M;,
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Mr. Montagu does not think he fhould be expofed to 
 the King of England's hatred, as he will be, if what he 
 attempts fucceeds. Six months time is taken, becaufe 
 it is prefumed that his Britannic Majefty will ufe his 
 efforts to prefervc his minifter, and that at firft he will 
 fupport him. I fhall not take upon me to give counfel 
 to your Majefty j I ought to content myfelf with exe- 
 cuting with care the orders you fhall give me. How- 
 ever, as your Majefty hath commanded me to do every 
 thing that is poflible to raife troubles to the King of 
 England, it does not appear to me that any thing could 
 poffibly happen more difagreeable to him than to fee the 
 man accufed in parliament in whom he has repofed the 
 care of affairs, and the government of his kingdom for 
 two years. The Treafurer's enemies, who are very nu- 
 merous, will take courage, and it is riot impofiible that 
 the Duke of York may abandon him and turn againft 
 him. It may happen that the King of England will 
 prorogue his parliament as foon as the Treafurer is at- 
 tacked j but if he does it, he will have no money either 
 to fubfift his army, or to difband it. This may engage 
 him to take a defperate ftep, and attempt fomething 
 violent. I much doubt whether the event of it would 
 be fortunate for him. Your Majefty will be able to 
 weigh all the reafons on the one fide and the other, and 
 to command me according to your will. Whatever part 
 your Majefty takes, I do not believe any inconvenience 
 caji happen to you, becaufe Mr. Montagu's head is in 
 danger if what he has treated upon with me be ever 
 known. I am, &c. 
 
 (Signed) BAKILLON." 

 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 The French intrigues in parliament were attended 
 with the moft important confequences. The King and 
 the Prince of Orange were equally perplexed, and 
 France ferved, by the contradictory movements in par- 
 liament with regard to the French war, of which the 
 Duke of York and Lord Danby complain in their let- 
 ters recited above. From Barillon's difpatches of 20th 
 and 27th O&ober, 24th November, and 22d Decem- 
 ber, 1678, it appears, that after Montague's offer to 
 accufe Lord Danby, Barillon was continually bufied in 
 extending the party which was averfe to Danby; that 
 Barillon believed Danby in revenge gave ear to the popifli 
 plot to make France odious, and permitted the intrigues 
 of Colman to be expofed to hurt Barillon himfelf j that 
 Lord Halifax was privy to the intention of impeaching 
 Lord Danby, in order to rife on his ruins, and Algernon 
 Sidney was the perfon who managed the correfpondencc 
 between him and Lord Halifax concerning it; that 
 there was much hefitation about the time when the at- 
 tack fhould be made, the leaders of the popular party 
 infifting it fhould not be until the King had been forced 
 to difband his army; and that in the end it was made 
 (boner than was intended, by the fudden order of Lord 
 Danby (who had probably fufpe&ed what was going on) 
 for the feizing of Mr. Montague's papers. The efFes 
 of Mr. Montague's accufation in parliament were, the 
 ruin of Lord Danby's miniftry, the diflblution of the 
 parliament, the difgrace of the King on account of hfs 
 traffic for money with France, and a foundation laid for 
 a long train of evils to him and his brother. 
 
 The names of many of the popular party who ijj- 
 trigued with France, the political principles by which 
 
 they
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 they reconciled this conduct to their own minds, and the 
 motives of intereft which may alfo be fuppofed to have 
 had weight with them, will be feen in the next chapter. 
 
 It did not efcape the fagacity of Lord Keeper North, 
 that there muft have been an invifible hand which di- 
 rected the irregular movements of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons at this time. In his manufcript memorandums 
 there are the following paflages : 
 
 Extrafts from Lord Keeper North's manufcript memo- 
 randums. 
 
 '< TT was very ftrange to fee the papifts join in the cry 
 againft the court, and the country party keep com- 
 pany with the French Ambaflador, and Mr. Coleman 
 (who was truly a penfioner of France), fend letters of 
 intelligence to his friends in feveral parts, burlefquing the 
 orders of government and their buckling to France, and 
 magnifying Spain and the confederates, and boafting of 
 a true Englifti fpirit, and he was turned out of the 
 Duke's fervice, for thefe pranks, by the King's com- 
 mand, which made him be more cherifhed by the whigs 
 who converfed with him, efpecially in parliament time, 
 when he always made them welcome to his table. 
 
 And it was obferved the papifts in the Houfe of Lords 
 did join with the difcontented Lords againft the teft 
 (which I am credibly informed was upon an aflurance 
 given them they fhould never be turned out upon any teft), 
 and likewife for to addrefs for the diflblution of that 
 Houfe of Commons. In the firft they prevailed, and 
 were ferved as all who truft the fanatics are ufually 
 
 ferved.
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 ferved, who all of them joined in the exclufion of them 
 by an aft of the fame parliament." 
 
 " WHEN Coleman was in the pay of the French, he 
 held correfpondence with Monfieur le Chaife, and he 
 wrote news-papers againft the French and Jefuits amongft 
 the fanatics." 
 
 " IT was ftrange to me that the Houfe of Common* 
 fliould be fo earneft to perfuade the King to enter into an 
 actual war with France, and when he had made prepara- 
 tions in order for it, that the factious party fliould reprefent 
 them as intended to enflave the nation, and that good men 
 fliould be able to believe it. 
 
 " Here were two rocks, France and arbitrary power. 
 If the King fliould not make war, it were kindnefs to 
 France ; if he did, his very army was fhewed to the 
 people as a bugbear. It is certain that the gentry were 
 in fome fear to fee fo gallant an army fo quickly raifed, 
 and to be rid of it muft join to call it popifli ; and to 
 make the name more odious, the plot muft be mag- 
 nified, and the pofts and chains fet up in the city, and 
 the trained bands up every night, to the citizens immenfe 
 charge, who were in fo real (though fenfelefs) a fright 
 that they bore it very patiently." 
 
 " IN order to have foreign enmitys againft the go- 
 vernment, the faction prefs them to a foreign war, which 
 will be fure to make the enemies comfort them at home 5 
 and if any objecl: that foreign war may bring mifery 
 upon the people, and hinder trade, which will make con- 
 fufion; all the better, fay they, when the people are 
 enraged we will charge the fault upon whom we 
 pleafe." 
 
 " A GREAT
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 " A GREAT ftatefman (Lord Danby) once refolved to 
 oppofe France and popery, which were popular meafures 
 one would have thought him fafe in. But France 
 tempted him with that which to have refufed would 
 have made his mafter ruin him ; and the negociation it- 
 felf being criminous was expofed. The plot accufers 
 loved his adverfary better than him, and when he che- 
 rifhed them they accufed even him. A ftatefman fhould 
 not rely, as he did, upon tools (Doctor Tong, Gates) 
 that are guided by others." 
 
 The Lord Keeper was fo far in the right, with regard 
 to Coleman's being employed by Barillon as an incendiary 
 to difturb Charles's government, that fome of Barillon's 
 difpatches mention his giving money to him in that way; 
 and in a volume of fupplement to Barillon's difpatches 
 in the Depot, for the years 1679 and 1680, there is a 
 memorial from his widow to the French court, tranf- 
 mitted by Monfieur Barillon, in which fhe fets forth, 
 that Monf. Barillon had promifed her hufband 65,000 
 livres for his fervices, in cafe war was not declared by 
 England againft France ; that he had received only half 
 the Turn, and that Barillon fcrupled paying the other 
 half to her without an order : Vide alfo the Journals of 
 the Houfe of Commons, November 7, 1678, where 
 Coleman confefles that he got money from Barillon to 
 be distributed in the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 The Prince of Orange alfo, at a later period, got 
 fome information of the intrigues of France in parlia- 
 ment. Blancard's memorial, mentioned in the laft 
 chapter, contains thefe words : The King of 
 
 France
 
 . TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 257 
 
 France would have been very forry that he (i. e. Charles) 
 had been abfolute in his ftates ; one of his moft con- 
 ilant maxims fmce the re-eftablifhment of that Prince 
 having been to fet him at variance with his parliament, 
 and to make ufe fometimes of the one, fometimes of the 
 other, and always by money to gain his ends." 
 
 There are in King William's cabinet the following 
 letters from the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange^ 
 written during the quarrel between King Charles and 
 Louis the XlVth, from the peace of Nimeguen until the 
 fall of Lord Danby's miniftry. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Complains of the 
 trick of the popijh plot. Godfrey's murder* 
 
 London, October 18, 1678. 
 
 " 'TpHIS pretended plot is ftill under examination, and 
 the judges are to give their opinion whether one 
 witnefs in point of treafon be fuificient to proceed cri- 
 minally againft any body : And I do verily believe that 
 when this affair is thoroughly examined, it will be 
 found nothing but malice againft the poor Catholics in 
 general, and myfelf in particular. There is another 
 thing happened, which is, that a juftice of peace, one 
 Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, was miffing fome days, fuf- 
 pedted by feveral circumftances, very probable ones, to 
 defign the making himfelf away ; yefterday his body 
 was found in a by-place in the fields, fome two or three 
 miles off, with his own fword through him. This 
 makes a great noife, and is laid upon the Catholics allb, 
 but without any reafon for it, for he was known to be 
 VOL. I. K k far
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 far from being an enemy to them. All thefe things hap- 
 pening together will caufe, I am afraid, a great flame in 
 the parliament when they meet on Monday, for thofe dif- 
 affecled to the government will inflame all things as much 
 as they can." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange, Matters point to a 
 rebellion in England. 
 
 London, December 3, 1678. 
 
 ** A FFAIRS in general go very ill, for you fee the 
 Commons will not fo much as hearken to the keep- 
 ing up any longer the troops we have in Flanders and 
 Brabant, fo that they mufl of neceflity t>e foon fent for 
 over, it being impoflible to keep them there for want of 
 money, and a bill is now parting, in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons for their being disbanded out of hand, and to fend 
 for them prefently -over for that intent ; and yefterday the 
 minifters in general were fallen upon, and all things look 
 as they did in .the beginning of the late rebellion j and 
 truly I believe there will be great diforders here before it 
 be long, if things continue at the rate they are ; and the 
 republican party is very bufy at work. As for what con- 
 cerns myfelf", fmce my provifo has paft, I have been let 
 alone, but how long that will continue I do not know, 
 for fome continue their ;ood will to me frill." 
 
 Dukt of York to the Prince f Orange. Duke of Mon~ 
 mouth endeavours to be accounted legitimate. 
 
 London, December 9, 1678. 
 
 c ^THINGS go on very ill Hill, and I am afraid things 
 ' will grow to a greater heat than ever, and that they 
 will every day do fomething to leflen the King's autho- 
 rity;
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 rity ; and I am told they will again fall upon the Queen 
 and myfelf, and that to-morrow will be the day. I 
 believe you have heard of fome foolifh difcourfes have 
 gone about town concerning the Duke of Monmouth; 
 they continue ftill, and fome of his friends talk as in- 
 tlifcreetly on the fame fubjed. The republicans, and 
 others of theboldeft fanatics, are they that fpread it moft 
 abroad, hoping to reap fome advantage by it againft our 
 families; but- if they can do us harm no other way, I 
 (hall not much fear them : However, I fhall be watchful 
 upon that matter, and not defpife it neither, and if I find 
 it necefTary (hall take notice of it to his Majefty, who 
 continues very kind to me. I have written fo freely, 
 this going by a fafe hand." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince cf Orange. Intention of tbs 
 Commons to Impeach Danly and difband the army. 
 
 London, Dec. 17, 1678. 
 
 te T HAVE not heard from you this good while, how- 
 ever that does not hinder me from writing, though 
 one has not great pleafure in giving any account of what 
 pafTes here, things not going as they fhould. This day 
 was once defigned by fome to have brought in an im- 
 peachment againft the Lord Treafurer, but they have 
 deferred it ; fome think it is deferred only to fee what 
 fuccefs the bill for the difbanding the army will have in 
 our Houfe ; and when that fhatt be paft them, have at us 
 all. To-morrow we go upon it in a committee of the 
 whole Houfe, and we fhall I believe have a warm debate 
 concerning fome amendments which are of abfolute ne- 
 ceflity to be made in it. In the mean time his Majefty 
 feeing to draw over his troops as foon as he can, and the 
 weather being frofty as it is, has altered his mind of hav- 
 ing thofe in Brabant come down the Scheld from Ant- 
 Kk 2, wcrp,
 
 2 Go APPENDIX 
 
 werp, and defigns now to bave them march over land t 
 Oftend to embark there, and is fending away orders to 
 that purpofe. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Account of Mon- 
 tagu's attack upon Lord Danby. 
 
 London, Dec. 20, 1678. 
 
 " xrOUR's of the 2Oth I received but laft night, by 
 the which I fee you think it very ftrange that 
 people here do fo pufh for the difbanding of the army. I 
 am of your opinion ; but what will that fignify, fmce it 
 is fo pufhed on by the parliament ? This day we made 
 an end to the amendments of that bill, and to-morrow 
 fhall pafs it and fend it down again to the Houfe of 
 Commons. I believe they will not approve of our amend- 
 ment, which will caufe fome debate between the Houfes. 
 I believe you will be furprifed to hear what Mr. Montagu 
 has done; for being yefterday accufed in council pf hav- 
 ing had fecret conferences with the Pope's Nuncio at 
 Paris, he to revenge himfelf of that, produces letters 
 written to him by the Lord Treafurer by his Majefty's 
 command, when he was ambafTador in France, and 
 fhews them to the pommons, who upon it ordered an 
 impeachment to be drawn up againft the Lord Treafurer 
 upon the matter contained in thofe letters, and other 
 things they had againft him. I am confident there was 
 never fo abominable an action as this of Mr. Montagu's, 
 and fo offenfive to the King, in revealing what he was 
 trufted with when he was employed by his Majefty : All 
 honeft men abhor him for it. Tc-morrow I believe the 
 impeachment will be brought up to our Houfe, then we 
 fhall fee what the articles will be. I make no doubt but 
 that the Lord Treafurer will defend himfelf very well ; I 
 4 am
 
 TO CHAP. III. OF THE REVIEW. 261 
 
 am fure his Majefty is bound to ftand by him. You fee 
 at what a rate things go here : I fee little hope of their 
 mending. Next week is like to be a bufy week with us, 
 though it be the Chriftmas holidays." 
 
 Dtike of York to ike Prince of Orange* Complains of 
 dijbanding part of the troops. 
 
 London, Jan. 10, 1678. 
 
 "AS for news, here is none confiderable, but what I 
 believe pleafes you no more than it does me, 
 which is, that there are already three of the new-raifed 
 regiments of horfe difbanded ; and the reft of the new- 
 raifed troops will be fo too as faft as money can be got 
 to pay them off. As for other things ; the face of affairs 
 looks very ill ftill, and the iil-affeded people do keep up 
 the fears and jealoufies as much as ever, and men's minds 
 are as unfettled as ever, and fit for any diforder, and I 
 very much fear we (hall find the effects of it fo foon as 
 the troops are difbanded $ and then we fhall not only be 
 liable to diforders at home, but be expofed to attempts 
 from abroad," 
 
 f)uke of York to the Prince of Orange. On the fame 
 jiibjeft. Anxious on his own account. 
 
 London, Jan. 17, 1678-9. 
 
 f* T DID not write to you by laft poft, having then but 
 little to fay, and now all that is, is that his Majefty 
 declared in council this afternoon that he would put off 
 the meeting of the parliament till the 25th of next month ; 
 for till that time he believed he fliould not be able to have 
 difbanded the new-raifed troops, or to have found out 
 the bottom of the plot, both which he would willingly do 
 
 before
 
 262 APPENDIX 
 
 before they met ; as for the di (banding, as faft as they 
 come out of Flanders it will be done, and for the plot, 
 a committee of council fits every morning. I wifli we 
 may not repent before few months pafs the parting with 
 fo many good troops j for I muft confefs I do not like to 
 hear the French are getting fo confiderable a fleet ready 
 at Breft, efpecially when I confider the pofture affairs arc 
 in at home j and I afTure you great arts are ufed by fome 
 to enflame men's mind, which is now eafily done ; and 
 how all things will end, the Lord only knows ; and for 
 myfeif, thofe who appeared againft me when the parlia- 
 fat are as malicious againft me as ever."
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 from the fall of Lord Danby's mimftry until the dijfilution. 
 of the hjl parliament of Charles II. 
 
 TH E new Houfe of Commons, in the beginning o Promlfmg 
 the year 1679, prefled forward to the exclufion in ^ ^Jf 
 the footfteps of their predeceflbrs, but with more force : the exclu- 
 For, the church and dhTenters, uniting their interefts, fa* 
 had returned a new Houfe of Commons more zealous pat-Na- 
 than the former. They voted, that the profpeit of the r 
 Duke's fucceffion to the crown was the caufe of the 
 popifli plot ; and, in order to fecure the people, by 
 linking their interefts with thofe of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, they contrived a variety of popular bills. 
 
 A prince who is ftrong, while his enemies ar Weak, Newcoun- 
 may fometimes truft them, becaufe he may win them by Cl1 ' 
 a generous confidence, and may always command them. 
 But woe to the Prince who puts himfelf into the hands 
 of his oppofers, when he is weak and they ftrong; 
 Upon the fall of Lord Danby, the Duchefs of Porlfmouth, 
 who was the King's miftrefs, and Lord Sunderland, wh6 
 was his confidant, though conneded in fecret with feveral 
 leaders of the popular party, both of whom were afraid 
 of being involved in the fate of Lord Danby, adrifed 
 the King to commit the condudt of his bufinefs to thofe 
 who had formerly pppofed it j perfuading him, that the 
 
 popula-
 
 264 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 popularity of the meafure would induce parliament to 
 give him money. The popular Lords, Eflex and Ha- 
 lifax, were, together with Lord Sunderland, declared his 
 minifters j and a new council was framed, commonly 
 called Sir William Temple's council, becaufe the King 
 deceived him into the idea, that he was the firft projector 
 of it, into which many of the popular leaders in parlia- 
 ment were admitted, and at the head of which Lord 
 Shaftefbury was placed. The Duke of Monmouth was 
 allowed great fway in this council. Thefe new mi- 
 nifters obliged the King to confent to difband the army; 
 and when he difcovered an intention of referving to him- 
 felf the feeble aid of one company of guards, compofed 
 of 200 difbanded officers, with a view to have officers 
 ready if he fhould afterwards raife troops, he was checqued 
 by one of his minifters, the Earl of Eflex*, and Lord 
 Sunderland under-hand encouraged EfTex in doing fo. 
 They yielded to fundry popular laws which were brought 
 into parliament, and yet got no money from parliament 
 for their mafter, who was in real want, as the price of 
 them. Sufpe&ing and dreading the intrigues of France 
 with the King, becaufe many of them knew the force of 
 them upon themfelves, the new council made an order, 
 that no foreign minifter .fhould fpeak to him without 
 afking an audience. In vain, to prevent the bill of ex- 
 clufion from being brought into the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, the Kino; offered to impofe fuch limitations upon 
 a popifli fucceflbr, as would have left him little more than 
 the title of royalty. The Duke in his exile complained 
 of his brother's project more than of that of the Houfe 
 of Commons; and the Prince of Orange remonftrated 
 againft it, either becaufe he thought the monarchy 
 would not u fplcndour in the perfon of his coa- 
 
 * Vid, Appendix. 
 
 fort,
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 fort, if it was debafed in her father's, or becaufe he did 
 not wifti to fee divifions terminated from which he might 
 himfelf reap advantage. Some of the new minifters ad- 
 Vifed Charles to the exclufion, and others to the banifli- 
 ment of the Duke. Lord Ruflel, even whilft a member 
 of the new council, had carried up to the Lords the vote 
 which was preparatory to the bill of exclufion. And 
 Sunderland, Eflex, and Halifax^ with the Duchefs of 
 Portfmouth, folicited Charles to give a public promife 
 that he would never recal the Duke without the confent 
 of his council. The Duke, in the mean time, con- 
 tinued at Bruflels, doubtful of his fate, and, according 
 to the nature of the human mind when in a ftate of 
 anxiety, fometimes trufting to, and at other times dif- 
 trufting the fteadinefs of his brother. He was the more 
 incited to fufpicion, becaufe he had not been acquainted 
 with the framing of the new council, until it was 
 framed. 
 
 Many other things now promifed fuccefs to the bill of 
 exclufion. To men in high tides of public paffion, the 
 dangers of pofterity appear equal to their own. The 
 hatred and fear of popery were naturally transferred upon 
 a Prince who publicly pro felled it. The King, becaufe 
 a fleady friend to few, was thought to have only a few 
 attached to him. His brother, becaufe he was thought 
 to be an enemy to many, was known to have many foes. 
 Danby had, indeed, upon the fall of the cabal, prevailed 
 pon the church-party, who were difobliged by the de- 
 laration of indulgence, to refume their old ftation be- 
 ind the throne ; but the difcovery of the popifli plot 
 broke the party ; for, when they confidered the avowed 
 religion of the Duke, and that both Princes were mar- 
 ried to Roman Catholics, their loyalty became fuf- 
 ended in their fears for their religion. The informers 
 of the jlot, by accufing many members of both Houfes , 
 VOL. I. L 1 deterred 

 
 266 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 deterred many more from oppofing the will of the Duke'* 
 enemies, while they had the direction of witnefles who 
 fcattered death where they pleafed. Sbaftefbury threw 
 the firebrands of diflenfion, which he had lighted up in 
 the nation, into the royal family. For, to the Duchefs 
 of Portfmouth for her fon, and to the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth for himfelf, he alternately held up the view of a 
 vifionary crown, in the exclufion of the Duke of York. 
 A more real profpect opened itfclf to the adherents of 
 the Prince of Orange, in confufions raifed by others, but 
 of which it was forefeen the profit would probably in the 
 end redound to him. 
 
 The Duke Shaftefbury called in the aid of war to that of party. 
 Mon- pj e h a( ] j on g ma i n tained a correfpondence with the dif- 
 
 thecom- contented party in Scotland. He firft taught them to 
 
 mand of ex laim againft the tyranny to which they had fubmittcd 
 the army > 
 
 againft the under Lauderdale ; then fpread that cry through Eng- 
 rcbeilion ] an( j . anc j p i n ti n g a t the fufferings of the Scots, as 
 land. the forerunners of like diftrefs to the Englifh, raifed pity, 
 indignation, and terror in his countrymen. In the laft 
 parliament, he made a fpeech to roufe the Scotch to op- 
 pofition j in which he faid, " That popery was in- 
 " tended to precede flavcry in England, and flavery had 
 " been the forerunner of popery in Scotland." And 
 forty written copies of this fpeech were fent off to Edin- 
 burgh the very -day it was fpoken. It was like the found 
 of a trumpet to the Scots. Eight thoufand of them flew 
 to arms : A band the more dangerous, becaufe, as no 
 people of condition were amongft them, greater fear 
 was entertained of the lurking than of the open treafon. 
 But Charles took a generous refolution j he trufted to 
 nature, and fent his fon at the head of an army againft a 
 rebellion which was known to be fomented by thofe who 
 promoted his pretenfions to the crown. Shaftefbury then 
 Ituitcd an objection, that Englifh troops could not be 
 
 fcnc
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 267 
 
 fetit into Scotland, without infringing the treaties be- 
 tween the two nations. Under this pretence feveral of ; 
 the whig party declined the fervice, among whom was 
 Lord Grey, for whom the command of the horfe was 
 intended, Lord Cavendifh, and Lord Brandon : And 
 the city petitioned the King againft the expedition. 
 Monmouth abufed not the truft that was repofed in him. 
 He conquered thofe rebels for the King, with whom he 
 might have bargained for himfelf, treating them at the 
 fame time with a mercy which fecured their afFedtions 
 ever after; and returned triumphantly to London, to 
 obtain the exclufion of his uncle from the tendernefs and 
 gratitude of his father. 
 
 But the glories of Monmouth were (hort-lived. The Difap- 
 Duke of York, who had founded the Prince of Orange, P> nte <*> 
 and found him provoked by the pretenfions which Mon- parliament 
 mouth had fet up for himfelf, wrote a letter to his bro- 
 ther, in which he called his attention to the confequences 
 of Monmouth's fchemes to both of them ; urged him 
 not to difband his army, but to di/Tolve the parliament, 
 to regulate the expences of his court, and to punifh 
 Monmouth ; and allured him, that, inftead of having 
 reafon to fear the Prince of Orange, he would find in 
 that Prince his firmed friend. Encouraged by this, 
 Charles prorogued his parliament, upon the Commons 
 ordering a bill to be brought in for difabling the Duke to 
 fucceed to the crown, and foon after diflblved it. In pro- 
 roguing it he had the art, by pretending fear of a re- 
 monftrance which the Houfe of Commons * was pre- 
 paring againft his minifters, to get Sunderland, Eflex, 
 and Halifax to concur in the meafure. But Shaftefbury, 
 difappointed and enraged, declared aloud, that he would 
 
 * Sir William Temple. 
 
 L 1 a have
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 have the heads of his late aflbciates for advifing the mea* 
 fure. 
 
 Accident The prorogation of parliament, though flowing from 
 the intelligence which the Duke had communicated with 
 
 tennincs 
 
 the condi- regard to the Prince of Orange, was however attended 
 : with the continuance of mortification to him ; for the 
 Dukes, defign of proroguing it was not previously communicated 
 to him. The Duke therefore wrote prefiingly for leave 
 to return home ; but Charles refufed it, and continued 
 irrefolute whether he fhould ftrip Monmouth of his 
 power. But the condition of the two Dukes was foon 
 after determined by one of thofe accidents which no 
 wifdom can forefee, and on which the fates of empires 
 often turn. The King fell fuddenly fick at Windfor. 
 ' Eflex, Sunderland, and Halifax, recolleded the threats 
 of Shaftefbury againft them, for the difmiflion of the 
 laft parliament, and dreaded that thefe might be put in 
 execution, if Monmouth, the friend of Shaftefbury, 
 fhould be placed upon the throne. Thefe men, with 
 Hyde and Godolphin, confulted together. Each con- 
 pealing his private motives, all reafoned upon the im- 
 prudence of leaving the apparent heir of the crown in a 
 foreign country, where, in cafe of Charles's death, the 
 perfon of a King of England might be feized by fo- 
 reigners j and, in the end, they refolved that the Duchefs 
 of Portfmouth (hould propofe to the King to fend for his 
 brother. She readily agreed, confcious that this was not 
 the time for the fucceis of her views for her fon, Charles 
 was pleafed with her project: ; The Duke haftened over; 
 but, finding his brother out of danger when he faw him, 
 offered inftantly to return. The meeting affe&ed the 
 King, who found, that in a great kingdom he had but 
 few friends. The weaknefs of his fpirits added tender- 
 nefs to his mind ; He remembered the common misfor- 
 tunes
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 269 
 
 tunes of their youth. The Duke of Monmouth, whilft 
 he was hunting in the park, heard, for the firft time, of 
 the return of the Duke. He haftened back to the pa- 
 lace, and in an unguarded tranfport reproached the King 
 with concealing from him the' invitation he had given. 
 Charles was ftruck with the contrail between the fub- 
 miffion of a brother whom he had injured by banifh- 
 ment, and the prefumption of a ("on who had leagued 
 himfelf with the enemies of the royal family. In a heat 
 he commanded the Duke of Monmouth into that banifh- 
 ment from which he feemed fo unwilling to relieve his 
 uncle. Monmouth refufed obedience in haughty terms, 
 and withdrew. But, next day, the two Dukes having 
 agreed, that, in order to prevent difcord in the court and 
 the nation, both fhould retire abroad, Monmouth made 
 a fubmiflion to the King, and left the court. After 
 this, Charles infifted publicly with the Duke of York: 
 to continue in England. But the Duke, in excufe, 
 pleaded the faith plighted to Monmouth ; another cir- 
 cumftance which increafed the refpet of Charles for his 
 brother. At laft, it was privately refolved between 
 them, that, after the Duke of York had remained a 
 fhort time abroad, he fhould fend a petition to the King* 
 to afk leave to make his refidence in Scotland, which 
 fhould be complied with: A compromife fuited to the ' 
 uncertain ftate of parties at the time ; becaufc it neither Ex'rfe of 
 removed th-? Duke too much out of fight, nor brought the Duke 
 him too near it. Monmouth fixed his refidence in Hbl-/ 1 ^. ^ Jt j J a " n( j 
 land, where he profefTed his attachment to the Prince of tl ' e >uke 
 
 ~'f "V !** 
 
 Orange, who pretended to believe it. The Duke . of $ffc rn to 
 York returned to BrufTels. Bruffels. 
 
 In the mean tinr.e the diftrefles of Charles had, ever Advances 
 face the fall of Lord Danby, caufed him to caft many . 
 
 
 * Tliis is confirmed Gazette, No. 144-9. 
 
 a longing,
 
 270 
 
 REVIEXV OF EVENTS 
 
 a longing look towards France. His fdcond parliament 
 had fcarcely met, when he, and ftiil more his brother, 
 privately begged the protection of Louis againft it. He 
 took advantage of the order of the new council againft 
 foreign Ambafladors fpcaking to him without the pre- 
 vious demand of an audience, to inflame Barillon in his 
 caufe; and with his ufual arts in acting a part, affected 
 to meet him only in fecret places, and with many figns 
 of fear of detection. But Louis, provoked by his un- 
 willingnefs to difband the army whenever Barillon pro- 
 pofed it ; the difbanding of which was the great object 
 of Louis, as the keeping it on foot was the great object 
 of Charles ; and by the project of the new council, 
 which he was afraid might have united all parties againft 
 France, and confcious of his own ftrength in Charles's 
 kingdom, from the intrigues of his Ambaflador there, 
 continued for feveral months deaf to his prayers. It 
 was a mortifying circumftance for a King of England to 
 be obliged to make ufe of the reproaches of a French 
 woman (the Duchefsof Portfmouth) who had been of his 
 lifter's bed-chamber, to a King of France, for being in- 
 fenfible to his fufferings. 
 
 But when Charles had the boldnefs to diflblve his k- 
 '*.* cond parliament, Louis altered his conduct, to which he 
 watc mo- was induced by the fear of forcing Charles into the arms 
 ey treaty. o f t fa Prince of Orange j and by the hopes of pre- 
 vailing upon him to reft his dependance folely upon 
 France, and to throw himfelf loofe of parliaments. A 
 private treaty, as ufual, was fet on foot between the 
 two Princes in September 1679: Barillon managed it 
 upon the part of Louis ; Lord Sunderland, and the 
 Duchefs of Portfmouth, upon that of Charles ; and the 
 Duke of York fent Colonel Churchill, afterwards Duke 
 of Marlborough, from Bruflels to Paris, to beg that his 
 intereft might be taken care of in it. The terms agreed 
 
 upon
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 271 
 
 Upon in the conferences were, that the Duke of Yo:k 
 /hould be called from abroad ; that the King fliould 
 affemble no parliament for three years ; that Charles 
 fhould have a penfion for thefe years ; that France (hould 
 not attack Flanders ; and that neither party fhould enter 
 into treaties prejudicial to the other. The extent of the 
 penfion to be given created much difficulty in the nego- 
 tiation. Lord Sunderland afked fix millions of livres the 
 firft year, and four the two next. The Duchefs of 
 Portfmouth came down to four millions for each year. 
 Charles went lower, offered to take nine millions for the 
 three years, provided four were paid the firft year ; and 
 haggled hard for thefe terms. In the middle of the 
 treaty Barillon propofed, inftead of a penfion for three 
 years, to give five hundred thoufand crowns in hand, if 
 Charles would engage to call no parliament before the 
 end of March then next. Charles, irritated by this 
 fhifting of ground, threatened to call a parliament in- 
 ftantly, and truft himfelf to it. At laft both parties 
 agreed upon a penfion of one million of livres for three 
 years. To facilitate the money part of the treaty, the 
 Duke of York offered to lend his own private fortune to 
 Louis, and that the firft payment of the penfion to his 
 brother fliould be made out of it. In conducting this 
 treaty the common language held by Lord Sunderland, 
 the Duchefs of Portfmouth, the King, and the Duke, 
 was, that it was to put England for ever in a ftate of 
 dependance upon France. In order to help it forward, the 
 ufual arts of France in this reign were made ufe of; for 
 the Duchefs of Portfmouth having fuggefled to Ba- 
 rillon, that the beft way to fecure Sunderland to the in- 
 tereft of France was by money, Barillon received orders 
 to flatter both him and her with enough of it. 
 
 Elated with the profpect of fuccefs, Charles difmiffed The Duke 
 
 from the miniftry his popular minifters, diffolved his po- fe " r to 
 
 Scotland, 
 5 pular.
 
 1?1 REVIEXV OF EVENTS 
 
 pular council, and recalled his brother from Flanders j 
 though he foon after fent him to fix his court in Scotland, 
 according to the concert formed when the two Dukes 
 had left England, notwithftanding all the urgencies of 
 the Duke to be permitted to difpenfe with that concert. 
 
 Louis, flattered with the profpeft of reducing, by the 
 
 private treaty in agitation, the King of England to a 
 
 total ftate of dependence upon him, indulged the French 
 
 fpirit of political parfimony, and in a belief that parlia- 
 
 v > ments were to be no longer of fignificance, dropt for a 
 
 time his connections with the popular party in England. 
 The ne- The departure of the Duke, however, gave room for 
 for Tori- difficulties to ftart up in a negotiation which was almoft 
 ate money concluded when he went away. The fecret of the ne- 
 K^ke off g ot ' at ' on having been communicated to the Duke's bro- 
 ther-in-law, Lord Hyde, who was a novice in the prac- 
 tices of the two royal brothers with France, he commu- 
 nicated his own fears to the King and Lord Suilderland. 
 The King, for his own fake, hefitated about that part of it 
 which related to parliament : The Lords Hyde and Sun- 
 derland for their's infifted that the treaty fhould either be 
 verbal, or if ilgned, ihould be figncd by the King only $ 
 and the treaty moved flowly on. Notwithftanding thefc 
 untoward circumftances, the French court prefuming on 
 the weak condition of the King, and on their own 
 ftrength, altered that part of the draught of the treaty 
 which had been agreed upon relative to the foreign al- 
 liances, and giving up the power of making oftenfive 
 alliances againft England, referved that of making de- 
 fenfive ones againft her. The King and his mimfters 
 then ftarted back from the precipice, and the treaty was, 
 on the end of November 1679, broke off. 
 
 The con- Enraged at the iufmcerity of the French court, Charles 
 a ^ ter f rme d an alliance with Spain for the preferva- 
 
 and his tion of Flanders againft France. Lord Sunderland and 
 favourite* , 
 
 changed.
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 273 
 
 the Dutchefs of Portfmouth advifed him to it, as the 
 only meafure which could recover his popularity ; but 
 the Duke of York from his retirement complained, that 
 they had wilfully mifmanaged the treaty with France, 
 and facrificed their matter's and his interefts to acquire 
 popularity to themfelves. Certain it is, that after break- 
 ing off the negotiation with France, they engaged deeply 
 in the cabals of the exclufionifts, and gave up altogether 
 the intereft of the Duke of York. 
 
 Charles, however, without regarding the intrigues Charles 
 
 either of his miftrefs or of his minifter, avoided af- f P ends fix " 
 
 teen 
 fembling a new parliament above fixteen months from months in 
 
 the prorogation of the laft one, and fpent the interme- 
 
 i- f f r u , 
 
 diate fpace in lecunng a great part or the nation in his ielf at 
 
 defence. Many things contributed during this interval home * 
 to ftrengthen the King. His open declaration in favour 
 of his brother determined the wavering. The danger of 
 a civil war in a difputed fuccefJion alarmed the timid. 
 The wife remarked the flagitious character of Shaftefbury, 
 the irregular ambition of Monmouth, and the caution of 
 the Prince of Orange. Some of the popular party, who 
 deemed it lawful to punifh kings in their perfons, thought 
 it unwife to break the line of their fucceffion ; becaufe, 
 in the breaches of that line, a barrier might be opened 
 to the ambition of every popular fubjecl. In proportion 
 as the belief of the popifh plot wore off, men's fear of 
 danger from a popiih Prince grew more faint. Charles 
 reforted in his difficulties to that loyal party which he had 
 neglected in his profperity j and they, overlooking what 
 was paft, faithful and fubmiflive, flocked again to up- 
 hold the ftandard of the crown. The clofe union of the 
 popular and diffenting parties roufed the church by her 
 own intereft, and her ancient antipathies. But, above 
 all, the late rebellion in Scotland had given the alarm to 
 every friend of the conftitution in the church or the 
 VOL. I. M m ftatej
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 ftate; for the Scots, though inftigated, not conduced by 
 Shaftefbury, inftead of making the exclufion of the Duke 
 the object of their infurreclion, had adopted the folemrt 
 league and covenant, and the abolition of prelacy, as 
 the principle of their union. Men recollected, that a 
 party in Scotland, of which this appeared the counter- 
 part in its movements, had, in concert with the difcon- 
 tented party in England, and under pretence of zeal 
 againft popery, begun thofe diftraclions which ended in 
 the ruin of the monarchy and the church. The King, 
 taking advantage of thofe circumftances, and of the re- 
 cefs of parliament, recalled his brother from Scotland in 
 the beginning of the year 1680, and kept him about his 
 perfon. 
 Arts of the The art of Charles during this interval was counter- 
 
 *itv tiiir a< ^ ^7 t ' le arts of ms opponents. Monmouth, who 
 ing 'this was the idol of the people, partly upon his own account, 
 internal. ^ut more U p on account of the hatred they bore his uncle, 
 returned from beyond feas without leave, foon after the 
 return of the Duke of York to court j was received by 
 the people with thofe triumphs which were no longer 
 beftowed upon the King; made a progrefs through a 
 great part of the kingdom, as if he had been a candidate 
 for future fovereignty ; and was treated wherever he 
 went, as if he was already poflefled of it. He was met 
 at Taunton, a place whofe honours were ever ominous 
 to him, by near thirty thoufand peribns, moftly on horfe- 
 back. In order to keep up the fpirits of the people dur- 
 ing the interruption of parliament, and to fhew them, 
 that the popular party, after drawing the fword, had 
 thrown away the fcabbard, Shaftefbury, at the head of a 
 band of nobility and gentry, prdented the Duke of York 
 as a popifh rccufant, at the bar of the King's bench ; 
 and a project was formed to impeach him. Seventeen 
 peers in a body prefented a petition to the King to call a 
 
 parlia-
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 275 
 
 parliament. Addrefles followed, for the fame purpofe, 
 from a great number of counties, boroughs, and dif- 
 ferent bodies of men. Thefe Charles counteracted, by 
 procuring addrefles from his party, which exprefled their 
 abhorrence of the proceedings of the party which op- 
 pofed him. Hence the whole nation came to be divided i 
 by the invidious names of petitioners and abhorrers, of 
 whigs and tories : For, when both fides made their ap- 
 peal to the people, that flame, the appearance of which 
 had been hitherto confined chiefly to the city and the 
 parliament, blazed in every corner of the kingdom j and 
 the old parties of court and country, took their fides 
 every where, exactly as they had done in the late reign. 
 
 Upon the fight of thofe things, the Duke of York re- The Duke 
 
 neatedly prefied his brother to imitate boldly the example P re . ff 5 s for 
 
 , a civil war. 
 
 of his father, and venture a civil war for the recovery of 
 
 his authority. Charles, however, chofe a lefs dangerous 
 experiment ; and to get money at home, fince he could 
 get none from France, aflembled a new parliament, 
 which was the third he had called, in October 1680. 
 
 The Duke of York fufpecHng every thing, becaufe he Difference 
 had every thing to fufpecl, in order to bar an impeachment between 
 which he was afraid of, afked a pardon from his brother. t> rot hers. 
 Eflex oppofed it in council, faying, " If he was the 
 " Duke's counfellor, he would advife it; but, as the 
 " King's, he muft oppofe it." Charles, from regard to 
 the Duke's dignity and his own, refufed the pardon that 
 was afked ; but, the very day before the parliament met, 
 he once more ordered his brother to retire to Scotland. 
 The meafure was refolved upon in council, by the advice 
 of Sunderland, Godolphin, Eflex, and Halifax *, and 
 againft the opinions of the other counfellors. But it was 
 owing chiefly to the fecret perfuafions of the Dutchefs of 
 
 * D'Avanx. 
 M m ?, Portfmouth,
 
 The King 
 under 
 great dif- 
 ficulties. 
 
 The Com* 
 metis in 
 the third 
 parliament 
 proceed 
 direftly to 
 the exclu- 
 fion. 
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 Portfmouth, impelled by fears for her lover, diflike of 
 the Duke, and views of ambition for her own fon. 
 
 The Duke of York, who had been always in the 
 habit of paying that obedience to his brother which he 
 expected from others for himfelf, refufed, for the firft 
 time in his life, to obey the King's order. He was at 
 this time the more irritated, becaufe the King had re- 
 newed his application to prevail upon him to conform 
 himfelf to the church of England. The Duke's refufal 
 to depart embarrafled the King, becaufe it was againft 
 law to force him to quit the kingdom againft his will. 
 After feme days, the Duke pretended to yield to the per- 
 fuafions of others ; but he fecretly informed Barillon 
 before he went, that his intention in fubmitting was to 
 fortify himfelf in Scotland, and from thence and from 
 Ireland, to fpeed a civil war into England : Refolutions 
 of defpair, which however he was prevented from car- 
 rying into execution by that coolnefs and caution which 
 were chara&eriftic of his favourite Colonel Churchill. 
 
 When the new parliament met, it was foon perceived 
 that the violence of the members had been only encreafed 
 from its interruption. One of the firft things the Houfe 
 of Commons did, was to pafs a bill of exclufion, and 
 fend it by Lord Ruflel to the Lords. The ftorm now 
 thickened upon Charles. The Prince of Orange, who 
 had hitherto lain by, to take advantage of difturbances 
 railed by others, or had only fecretly fomented them, 
 gave public countenance to the bill of exclufion ; for 
 Fagell the penfionary of Holland, a man known to be 
 under his direction, fent a memorial to Charles in the 
 name of the Dutch, which prefled him, in terms almoft 
 menacing, to confent to the exclufion. Sidney, the 
 King's envoy, was the perfon who transmitted it, in 
 connivance with his uncle Lord Sunderland j and foon 
 after Sir Gabriel Sylvius, one of the Prince's friends, 
 I who
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 277 
 
 who .-had pafled through Holland in his return from a 
 German embafiy, told every where in England, that the 
 Prince avowed the memorial *. The Spanifh minifter 
 likewife urged the King in a memorial to the exclufion, 
 though in terms more decent. And both memorials 
 were calculated to inflame the nation by connecting the 
 intereft of France with that of the Duke of York, and 
 the interefts of the exclufion, with the fafety of Eng- 
 land, and of Europe, againft France. The Dutchefs of 
 Portfmouth, who had lately formed the moft intimate 
 connections with the whig party by means of Lord 
 Howard, and who had been offered an hundred thoufand 
 pounds by that party, if (he would gain the King to their 
 fide, and had been threatened to be put into the lift of 
 grievances, if fhe would not, threw herfelf at his feet, 
 fhed a flood of tears, and conjured him, by his own 
 fafety, to yield to that houfe of parliament which had 
 brought deftru&ion upon his father for oppofing its de- 
 fires. Efiex his late, and Sunderland and Godolphin, 
 two of his prefent minifters, urged on the exclufion. 
 Halifax indeed oppofed it; but immediately after pro- 
 pofed, that the Duke fhould remain in banifhment dur- 
 ing the King's life : A conduct fuited to the middle 
 courfe which he was accuftomed to fteer, and which got 
 him the appellation of the trimmer. 
 
 While all men were intent in public upon the exclu- Extrava- 
 fion of the Duke, the moft extravagant fchemes of fac- g a f e of 
 tion were indulged in private. Montagu, who had at- 
 tached himfelf to Monmouthy urged the French court 
 to get him declared Prince of Wales by his father, giv- 
 ing this reafon for the advice, that a difputed fucceffion 
 in England would be an advantage to France. The 
 Duke of Buckingham boafted to Barillon, that he was 
 
 * Sir William Temple, 350. 
 
 in
 
 2? g REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 in no Englifh party, and in that of Louis the XlVth 
 alone. He fometimes infmuated his own pretenfions 
 to the crown to Barillon, recounting, that by his mother, 
 who was defcended from Edward the IVth, he was him- 
 fclf a Plantagenet ; and at other times, he advifed him 
 neither to court the King, nor to trouble himfelf about 
 the pretenders to the fucceflion, but to cultivate con- 
 nections with the city and the diflenters, who he faid 
 were at his devotion, and could command the fate of 
 government when they pleafed. The Dutchefs of Portf- 
 mouth to ferve her fon, the Duke of Monmouth to ferve 
 himfeif, and each making a tool of the other, while 
 they appeared linked in the ftricleft amity, formed a 
 project of getting a parliamentary fanclion for the King's 
 naming his fuccefibr, fimilar to that which had been 
 given by parliament to Henry the Vlllth. Lord Sun- 
 derland and Lord Shaftefbury concurred in it ; the one to 
 make his inteieft with the King, and his own party, of 
 the greater confequence to every competitor, and the 
 other probably from the mere love of mifchief and con- 
 fufion. Louis the XlVth long fupported the rights of 
 the Duke of York, and oppofed the pretenfions of the 
 Prince of Orange j but when he faw the Duke of York 
 fent a fecond time an exile into Scotland, the Dutchefs 
 of Portfmouth and Sunderland quit his caufe, and a con- 
 nection ftruck up between the Dutchefs of Portfmouth 
 and the Duke of Monmouth, fearing that harmony 
 might be reftored between the King and the popular 
 party in the elevation of the Duke of Monmouth, he 
 gave orders to Barillon to aflure the King, that he would 
 iupport the pretenfions of the Prince of Orange againft 
 thofe of the Duke of Monmouth. At the fame time, 
 by a train of policy the deepeft perhaps that is to be 
 found in the hiftory of mankind, he encouraged the 
 Duke of York to create a civil war in Scotland ; he 
 
 caufed
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 279 
 
 caufed Barillon, when the treaty in November 1679 was 
 broke off, to renew his intrigues with the popular party 
 for the defence of their liberties, and he offered a new 
 money treaty to Charles to enable him to deftroy thefe 
 liberties j triumphing thus in fecret over the common 
 difgraces of the King and of the people alike. 
 
 Charles was now placed in the very fituation for Perfonal 
 
 which by nature he was formed to act a dextrous part. b ^; lv J r 
 
 r ofCharlcs. 
 
 He gave way to all the furies of his fubje&s againft one 
 
 another to fave himfelf, and yet, by preferving his ufual 
 gaiety* and wit, kept their paffions, by the example of 
 their fovereign, within the bounds of decency to each 
 other. He played over again, but with better fuccefs, 
 the fame double game between his fon, his fon-in- 
 law, his miftrefs, and his brother, which at one time 
 he had played between France and his people, and at 
 another between Louis and the Prince of Orange ; 
 for he treated with all of them, concealed his mind 
 from all of .them, and taking hopes from none of them, 
 prevented them by mutual awe, and the fear of lofmg 
 him, from proceeding to actions of defpair ; and by a 
 conduct, which in another fituation would have been 
 mean and weak, preferved the nation from a civil War, 
 into which more open and determined meafures might 
 have plunged it. The violence of his brother's temper 
 difturbed him moft, becaufe it ran directly counter to the 
 fyftem which the King was purfuing. When the meafure 
 of the Duke's fecond exile into Scotland was put to the 
 vote in council, there were feven for it, and eleven 
 againft it. Charles, with a wicked pleafantry, faid, 
 <c Since he has fo many friends for him, I fee he muft 
 
 " go." 
 
 But at the bottom he continued refolute againft the Caufes of 
 exclufion. Many things contributed to his firmnefs. his firm - 
 
 * Sir John Reyefby. 
 
 He
 
 28o REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 againft He had publicly difclaimed his marriage with Mon- 
 mouth's mother ; but many of the popular party, by at- 
 tacking his veracity in public, linked his honour and his 
 brother's intereft together. The fame party had pro- 
 pofed in parliament a general aflbciation of the nation in 
 defence of the proteftant religion, and againft the Duke 
 of York's fucce/Hon : A project which brought to his 
 mind the confequences of the league in France, and of 
 the folemn league and covenant in Scotland and Eng- 
 land. Lord Eflex had propofed, in the Houfe of Lords, 
 that fome cautionary towns fhould be put into the hands 
 of parliament during Charles's life, to fccure the exclu- 
 fion of his brother after his death. Various bills had 
 been moved for to curb the King's power, and others to 
 punifh his minifters. Thefe things perfuaded him, that, 
 though his brother was attacked, himfelf was aimed at, 
 and that the ruin of the one would be only a prelude to 
 that of the other. The Duke of Monmouth having 
 (kid, in a fpeech in the Houfe of Lords upon the exclu- 
 fion, that he muft vote for it, becaufe he thought the 
 King's fafety involved in it, Charles faid aloud, " It is 
 " a Judas's kifs which he gives me." The union be- 
 tween the diflenting intereft, the popular intereft, and the 
 city, reminded him of his father's fate. Even the habeas 
 corpus a& which he had pafled, and which a Prince, who 
 knew the rights of mankind and his own fecurity better, 
 would have confidered as a means of fafety to himfelf as 
 well as to his fubjects, ftill filled his mind with anxiety 
 and trouble. It had been promoted by Shaftefbury, it 
 had been obtained during the miniftry of Eflex, and 
 Charles imagined it was intended to encourage revolts, 
 by difabling him to reftrain the perfons of his fubje&s, 
 and to render him unpopular, by obliging him to keep up 
 a (landing force, for his own fafety, againft enemies who 
 were no longer dependent upon his power. The artifice 
 
 of
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 
 
 bf employing a woman to pra&ife upon his weaknefsj 
 tttached him only the more to his brother, by provoking his 
 pride, and by giving him a diftruft of all who furrounded 
 him. There are many of his letters to the Duke of York 
 in the Scots college at Paris, which fhew that he was fteady 
 to his brother's intereft, becaufe he thought it his own. 
 
 When the ftreno-th of the two parties, which had Exclufion 
 
 difappoint 
 been forming during the interruption of parliament, was et ]j 
 
 marfhalled, it was found, that, though the popular in- I 
 tereft prevailed in the Houfe of Commons, the King's 
 was fuperior among the Lords, whoj in moft of the late 
 conflicts, had, as ufual, fupported the crown again., the 
 Houfe of Commons. The Lords, by a majority of 
 thirty, rejected the bill, 
 
 But the Commons difgraced the fpirit with which 
 they had conducted the exclufion, by getting the blood 
 of the old and innocent Lord Stafford fhed for the 
 popifh plot, partly to wreak their vengeance for their 
 difappointment, but more to flrike terror into thofe who 
 fhould for the future oppofe them. The hardeft part of 
 his fate was to fall unprotected by his fovereign, and a 
 victim to his fovereign's miftrefs, both of whom knew 
 that he was guiltlefs. The Dutchefs of Portfmouth, in 
 the rage of her difappointment becaufe the exclufion had 
 not fucceeded, attended the trial, dealing fweetmeats and 
 fmiles amongft his profecutors. Many meafures of the 
 Houfe of Commons and of the city followed, which 
 difcovered not only their difcontentsj but their intentions 
 to controul government, and embark the reft of the na- 
 tion in their caufe. 
 
 In order to prevent this junction of interefts, the King and the 
 fuddenly diflblved the parliament in January 1681. it'ment^' 
 
 Charles was the more emboldened to take this ftep, di(r lve<j - 
 becaufe he was under-hand trying meafures for a re- 5jjJ 
 newal of , his old connexions with Louis the XIV th. with 
 
 VOL. I, N n In France >
 
 2 g 2 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 In the fpring and fummer of the year 1680, the French 
 court, fenfibie of their imprudence in difappointing the 
 negotiation of the former year, made advances to 
 Charles. He flood off; though with reproaches of 
 kindnefs: " Your mafter committed two faults," faid 
 he to Barillon ; " the one when he forced me into the 
 " triple alliance, the other when he forced me into an 
 " alliance with Spain." But upon his differences with 
 his third parliament, he liftened to a new private treaty 
 with Louis. The propofals made to him were, that he 
 fhould have a penfion of two millions of livres for one 
 year, and 1,500,000 livres for two more; that he {hould 
 withdraw himfelf from his late Spanifh alliance, and re- 
 call his Ambafladors from the German and northern 
 courts ; that the Duke fhould return ; that Roman 
 Catholics (hould be favourably treated, and the penal laws 
 againft them fufpended ; and, laftly, THAT CHARLES 
 
 SHOULD NEVER MORE CALL A PARLIAMENT j a COn- 
 
 dition which Louis had often pointed at in his former 
 treaties with Charles, and which of all others is the 
 molt flattering to an Englifli reader, becaufe it (hows 
 the confcioufnefs of France, how much her own gran- 
 deur depends upon the fall of Englifh liberty. The 
 Duke of York, whofe impatience was encreafed in pro- 
 portion to his diftance from the fcene of a&ion, upon 
 hearing that a negotiation was on foot, inftandy dif- 
 patched Churchill from Scotland to prefs it forward in 
 his matter's name. But the French, afraid of being 
 difturbed by his keennefs, kept the treaty a fecret from 
 the Duke, at the very time when they were making 
 provilions for his intcreft in it. But Charles, confcious 
 that he could clofe with France at any time upon the 
 conditions offered ; that the effect of them would be to 
 cxpofe him to infignificancy abroad, and to quarrels at 
 home j and though never Sufficiently fer.fible of the firft 
 
 of
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. 283 
 
 of all truths to a Britifh monarch*, that the interefts 
 of the King and of the people are infeparable ; yet, per- 
 haps, feeling compunction upon the immediate profpeft 
 of deftroying a conftitution of a thoufand years ftanding, 
 and which, had he been even a tyrant, he muft have 
 revered, he kept the treaty open by means of Lord 
 St. Alban's; but in the mean time called another par- 
 liament to try, by one laft effort, if it was poffible to 
 reconcile himfelf with his people, before he threw him- 
 felf for ever into the arms of their enemies. 
 
 The place that he chofe for the meeting of a parlia- Charles's 
 
 ment, which was in all probability to determine the fate Iaft P arlia " 
 
 J ment. 
 
 of his family and of his kingdom, was Oxford ; a 
 place as remarkable for its loyalty, as the city of Lon- 
 don, from its wealth, and love of liberty, and even of 
 licentioufnefs, had ever fince the conqueft been remark- 
 able for oppofition to royal power. But the change of 
 place could not change the humours of men. The in- 
 novation even raifed new objects of paffion : For the 
 King's averfion to his capital was conftrued into an 
 averfion to his people : And the Whig party fpread 
 abroad, that they were not fafe to afTemble in a place fo 
 remote from the great feat of the proteftant intereft, and 
 where they might be mafTacred, even by the foldiers of 
 that religion in the King's guards. In order to convey 
 this laft infmuation more ftrongly through the nation, 
 fixteen peers petitioned the King againft the place of 
 aiTembly ; the reft of the popular party, either pre- 
 tending fears, or really feeling them, came to Oxford, 
 with great numbers, not of fervants, but of friends and 
 armed bravoes, in their trains. Hence a panic ftruck 
 all around the King, and the King himfelf j and he en- 
 
 * The words of his preient Majefty at opening one of the fef- 
 fions of the prefent parliament, ought never to be forgot : " I have, 
 " I can have no intereft fcparate from that of my people. '' 
 
 N n 2 tered
 
 REVIEW OF EVENTS 
 
 tercd a town occupied by gownfmen, attended with an 
 unufual number of guards. Shaftefbury alone, who had 
 raifed all thefe mifchiefs, came to Oxford in a bor- 
 rowed coach, with two footmen belonging to another on 
 the back of it. 
 
 Hi$ offers Charles, in this parliament, made two propofals to his 
 toparha- ^ O pj e . one wa ?, to confent to almoft any limitations 
 upon the power of a popifh fucceflbr, they could afk ; 
 the other, to fettle the government, after his death, in the 
 Princefs of Orange, as regent during her father's life, 
 while the title and parade of a King fhould remain in his 
 perfon. He had lately communicated the laft of thefe 
 fchemes at a diftance to the Prince of Orange j but the 
 Prince flighted it, perhaps becaufe it took no notice of 
 himfelf ; it was now propofed by Sir John Ernly, Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, and fupported by others of the 
 King's fervants. But the Prince was more afraid of the 
 firft of the King's offers, and wrote ftrongly to the 
 King's minifters againft it. In one of his applications 
 on this head, he exprefled himfelf, " That he would 
 " confent to any other expedient, to reconcile the King 
 " and his parliament j" words from a perfon fo cautious 
 as he was, which perhaps fufficiently explained that the 
 expedient he pointed at was the exclufion. It is not 
 improbable that in both of thefe propofals Charles meant 
 only to diftraci and divide the exclufionifts. At lead it 
 is certain that whiift he was offering the fchcme of limit- 
 ations to parliament, he was under-hand afluring the 
 Prince of Orange, that he intended to difappoint it if 
 accepted. And yet from the depth of his diflimulation 
 it is not impodible that he may have been fincere in 
 froth, in order to fecure his own quiet during his own 
 life, leaving pofterity to take care of itfelf*. 
 
 * ViJ. Append, to this chapter. 
 
 But
 
 AFTER THE RESTORATION. a-8| 
 
 But whether the condefcenfions of the King pro- Private _ 
 ceeded from diftrefs or from art, they proved equally 
 
 unavailing; for nothing lefs than an exclufion would 
 fatisfy the Houfe of Commons. Charles therefore haf- 
 tily ftruck up with Barillon, on the 24th of March 1681, 
 the private treaty which he had hitherto kept in fufpenfe, 
 in which, to comply with his fcruples, the original pro- 
 pofals of France were fomewhat foftened, and he was 
 only obliged to difengage himfelf from his alliance with, 
 Spain by degrees, and to put himfelf in a Jlate not to be. 
 conftrained by parliament to counteract the engagements 
 he was taking *. The conditions about the Duke of York 
 and the Roman Catholics were dropped ; and Barillon 
 gave a general afTurance that his matter fhould not at- 
 tack Strafburg, or the low countries. Lord Hyde and 
 Lord St. Alban's were the only perfons privy to the 
 treaty, the terms of which were not even made known 
 to the laft of them. Barillon prefled that the treaty 
 fhould be reduced into writing, confcious of the ad- 
 vantage which the pofleflion of it would have given his 
 mailer over Charles : But Charles refufed, and it was 
 only verbally agreed upon j a circumftance which, as 
 happens in all other verbal paclions, gave afterwards an 
 opportunity to Louis to cavil upon the terms of it. 
 
 As foon as Charles had finifhed the treaty, he dif- Parliament 
 folved his parliament, with a refolution never to call . diflblyed, 
 another, publifhed an appeal to the people at large ) 
 againft the proceedings of the late parliaments, and dif- 
 mifled Lord Sunderland from his fervice. This was the 
 fourth parliament which, in the fpace of two years, he 
 in anger diiTolved. 
 
 * The words are, a fe degagfer pen a pen de 1'alliance avec 1'Ef- 
 pagne, et a le mettre en etat de ne point etre confuaint par fon par- 
 lernent, de faire queique chofe d'oppofe aux nouveaux engagements 
 qif il prenoit. 
 
 At
 
 286 REVIEW OF EVENTS, &c. 
 
 At his brother's fuggeftion he then retrenched the ex- 
 pences of his court ; prepared to withdraw the garrifon 
 from Tangier, with the double view of faving money, 
 and encreafmg his army by the addition of the gar- 
 rifon ; and endeavoured to gain friends among the high 
 gentry, by the diftribution of fifteen peerages in one 
 year. 
 
 Such was the ftate of things in England, at the period 
 when the following Memoirs begin*. 
 
 Vid. the authorities for the narrative of this chapter in the Ap- 
 pendix to it. The parts of that Appendix are fo intimately con- 
 nefled, that it was impoflible to break it into parts in feparate rc- 
 fc^ences in the notes.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 T O 
 
 CHAPTER IV. OF THE REVIEW* 
 
 Third period. From the fall of Lord Dantys minijiry 
 until the dijjolution of the lajl parliament of Charles the 
 Second. 
 
 TH E fall of Lord Danby's miniftry, and the dif- 
 folution of the parliament, which were accom- 
 panied by the profecution of the popifti plot and by the 
 fcill of excluffon, caufed Charles fpeedily to turn his eyes 
 back to France. 
 
 The Duke of York, who faw that the ftorm would 
 firft break upon his head, had endeavoured, even before 
 Lord Danby was impeached, to make provifion againft 
 danger with France. Barillon writes to his court on the 
 i yth Nov. 1678, that the Duke of York complained to 
 him that Lord Danby had adopted the fentiments of 
 parliament againft popery and France to gain popularity 
 to himfelf ; and that the Duke propofed the army fhould 
 be kept on foot, notwithftanding the refolutions of par- 
 liament to difband it j that the parliament itfelf fhould 
 be diflblved, and that to facilitate thefe ends, the union 
 between Louis and his brother fhould be renewed : Ba- 
 rillon adds, that the Duke defired him not to let the 
 King or Lord Danby know of his having fuggefted thefe 
 things to him. 
 
 Mountague alfo, in order to gain advantage from the 
 mifchiefs he had created, endeavoured to perfuade Ba- 
 rillon
 
 ,88 APPENDIX 
 
 rillon to bring about a reconciliation between Louis and 
 Charles. Barillon writes to his court 5th Jan. 1678-9, 
 that Mountague had urged him to advife Charles to dif- 
 mifs his army and give up Danby, and if Charles con- 
 fented, to aflure him of the affiftance of France. 
 
 On the 5th Jan. 1678-9, Barillon writes, that upon 
 Lord Danby's impeachment Charles prefied Barillon td 
 prevail with Louis to give him zinftance, faying, that 
 the attack upon the Catholics was only an attack upon 
 the common caufc of royalty. Barillon anfwered, that 
 Charles ought to diiband" his army before he could expect 
 it j " For that is the eflential point." 
 
 Whatever reafon Charles had to be (larded at a demand 
 from France for difbanding his army, he renewed the 
 converfation a few days after with Barillon, the parti* 
 culars of which are in the following difpatch. 
 
 Tranjlaticn. 
 
 Extraft of a letter from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 
 ytb Jan. 1679. Charles legs the ajji (lance of France. 
 Offers to fubmit on any conditions, and to keep as few 
 troops as Louis thinks proptr. In the Depot. 
 
 " HP HE King of England drew meafide this evening* 
 and told me that he would difcourfe me to-morrow 
 or after to-morrow with more leifure ; but that he 
 charged me to aflure vour Majefty he wifhed nothing fo 
 much as your friendfhip, and to make a ftricl: union 
 which nothing might alter ; th..t he fhould have an ex- 
 treme joy to owe his fafety and prcftrvation to you, and 
 would not refufe ar.y conditions your Majefty deflred j 
 that he very well knew by all I had faid to him, that the 
 k*ping the army on foot, or any part of it, was re- 
 1 1 garded
 
 f6 CHAP. IV; OF THE REVIEW. 289 
 
 garded as a matter dangerous to the interefts of France ; 
 that his defign was to difband his troops, and only keep 
 what your Majefty might think proper; that if you de- 
 manded other fecurities, he would confent to all j but it 
 was neceffary alfo he fhould know if your Majefty would 
 give him affiftance and fupply in the extremity to which 
 he is reduced, becaufe otherwife he would be obliged to 
 take other meafures lefs agreeable to him, but which he 
 fhould be under an abfolute neceffity to do. I anfwered 
 in general terms, and avoided entering into any detail. 
 I believe they will fpeak to me pofitively, and that the 
 King of England will confent to difband his troops, 
 provided your Majefty will afEft him to fupport himfeif 
 for fome time. Although I am informed of your Ma- 
 jefty's intentions, and that I well know I ought to avoid 
 entering into a negociation which will end in a demand 
 of three or four millions} I don't know how far your 
 Majefty will have me evade the propofal, nor do 1 fee 
 how I can avoid its being made to me. 
 
 I alfo know by what Lord Sunderland faid this even- 
 ing to me, that they will make a laft effort to have your 
 Majefty's fupport, and to that purpofe will not difagrec 
 about any conditions. I will endeavour to gain time, 
 and to know for truth the ftate of affairs in this country, 
 to the end your Majefty may give me your orders upon 
 the conduct I am to obferve." 
 
 On the 1 2th Jan. 1679, Barillon vrrites to his court 
 that Charles had told him," That he liked better to 
 depend upon your Majefty than upon his people j" and 
 that he begged a fupply of four millions of livres. 
 
 In January 1679 he writes, that Sunderland told hirfl 
 ke was to go Ambaflador to France, " t cftablifh a 
 
 VOL. I, O e-
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 union between his Chriflian Majefty and King 
 Charles :" And there is in the Depot a letter from Sun- 
 derland notifying to the French court that he is foon to 
 tot out upon his embafiy, and another foon after from 
 Charles to Louis that he had flopped him. 
 
 Barillon writes on the i6th Feb. 1679, that Charles 
 told him his reafon for making Lord Sunderland his mi- 
 nifter was, that he had always found him attached to the 
 interefts of France. 
 
 Barillon writes on the loth Feb. 1679, that Sunder- 
 land told him, he imputed his late promotion to the 
 fame caufe ; and in June thereafter he writes, that upon 
 his faying to Lord Sunderland that there would be a 
 good underflanding between the two Kings, if thofe 
 who wifhed to be popular were not enemies to France, 
 Sunderland laughed, and anfwered j " You fee hovr 
 well Lord Danby has fared by it.*' 
 
 To all thefe advances the French court gave no en- 
 couragement. The reafon of which may be gathered 
 from the following circum fiances. 
 
 Barillon writes on the 2fth Jan. 1679, that there was 
 at prefent a fufpicion of a fecret intelligence between 
 Charles and the Prince of Orange, and of the Prince's 
 having remitted 200,000 /. to him : And on the J5th 
 June, 1679, ^ w " tes that Henry Sidney is fent Am- 
 baflador to the Hague, and as Barillon fufpects with no 
 good intentions to France. 
 
 Barillon, on the i6th and 23d of February, 1679, 
 writes that when he urged Charles to difband his army, 
 Charles anfwered that he had no money to do it with ; 
 and in other difpatches he writes, that Charles avoided 
 difbanding his army, and excufcd himfelf by faying, he 
 
 would
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 would thereby have a pretence for afking money from 
 parliament to difband it. 
 
 Barillon on the other hand frequently writes, that the 
 popular party in parliament were fmcere and hearty in 
 concurring with him to get the army difbanded. 
 
 He writes on the ayth March and 6th April, 1678, 
 that though the Duchefs of Portfmouth and Lord Sun- 
 derland are fincerely in the interefts of France, they 
 cannot at prefent be of much ufe to thofe interefts, be- 
 caufe they are ftill under the terror of being involved in 
 the fate of Lord Danby* 
 
 On the 8th May, 1679, Barillon writes, that the 
 power of Charles by the factions of his own dominions 
 is entirely funk, that an alliance with him would there- 
 fore be of no advantage with regard to foreign affairs, 
 and that it is better to continue to court the heads of 
 parties in order to continue his difficulties, 
 
 It is however a piece of juftice to French politics, mif- 
 chievous as they were at that time to England, to fay, 
 that there are no traces in the papers at Verfailles of any 
 encouragement given by France to the popifh plot, 
 though that was the great engine made ufe of by the po- 
 pular party againft Charles. 
 
 Charles, abandoned in this manner by France, was 
 obliged to aflemble a new parliament, to dilband all his 
 new-raifed army, to fend his brother into Flanders, and 
 to truft the conduit of his affairs to a council compofed 
 of many of thofe who had been his moft violent op- 
 pofers. 
 
 O o 2 From
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 From Barillon's letter to his court, May ift, 1679^ 
 it appears that Barillon was at firft enraged at the fettle.- 
 ment of this council ; imagining that it might have 
 created an union of all parties in the domeftic quiet of 
 England and againft France; but that the Duchefs of 
 Portfmouth told him, the only reafons which had brought 
 about the meafure were, that the King might get money 
 from parliament by means of it, and that {he and Lord 
 Sunderland had thought themfelves in danger from the 
 popular party. He adds, that Lord Hollis told him he 
 had had a hand in contriving it ; and that he and Moun- 
 tagu aflured him it fliould never be turned againft 
 France. 
 
 Barillon writes, 16 March, 1678, to his court, that 
 Charles had excufed himfelf to him for fending his bro- 
 ther into banilhment, by the neceffity of his affairs, an4 
 that he fpoke of him with the greateft tendernefs. A 
 copy of the letter from Charles to his brother, which 
 ordered him to retire abroad y is in the Depot, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Letter from the King of England to the Duke of York* 
 2%th February, 1679. Orders the Duke to retire 
 abroad. 
 
 # TV4"Y dear brother. I have already fully told you 
 the reafons which oblige me to fend you from me 
 for fome time beyond fca. 
 
 As I am truly forry for the caufe of our feparation, 
 you may alfo aflure yourfelf, that I {hall never wifh your 
 abfence to continue longer than is abfolutely neceflary 
 
 ft*
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 for your good and my fervice. I find it however proper 
 to let you know under my hand that I expect you will 
 fatisfy me. in this j and that I wifh it may be as foon as 
 your conveniency will permit : You may eafily believe 
 that it is not without a great deal of pain I write you this, 
 being more touched with the conftant friendfhip you 
 have had for me, than with any thing elfe in the world ; 
 and I alfo hope that you will do me the juftice to believe 
 for certain, that neither abfence, nor any thing will 
 hinder me from being truly and with affection yours, 
 
 Superfcription. For my moft dear friend the Duke 
 of York." 
 
 Even after Charles had ordered his brother to with* 
 draw, he made an attempt to fave him from the affront 
 of it, by fending the bifhops of Canterbury and Win- 
 4 chefter to perfuade him to return to the proteftant reli- 
 gion. An account of the conference between the bi- 
 (hops and the Duke, upon this occafion, is in the Depofc 
 as follows : 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extratt of a letter from Mr. Ban lion to Louis the XlVih t 
 March 6, 1679. The Bijhops by order of the King en- 
 deavour to bring the Duke of York back to the protejltint 
 religion.' The conference. In the Depot. 
 
 SIRE, 
 
 'T'HE Archbifhop of Canterbury and the Bifliop of 
 Winchefter two days ago afked a private au- 
 dience of the Duke of York. They immediately faid 
 that they entreated him to permit them to fpeak to him 
 upon a matter which might be difagreeable to him ; that 
 the good of the ftate, and of his Royal Highnefs's fer- 
 vice
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 vice in particular, obliged them to reprefent to him that 
 the change in his religion from that of the church of 
 England would bring on fuch diforders hereafter, and 
 caufc fuch evils, that they found themfelves under a ne- 
 ceffity to exhort him to enter into a conference upon the 
 points which arc in conteft between the Proteftant and 
 Roman Catholic churches, and that they hoped to con- 
 vince him how many reafons ought to oblige him to 
 embrace the religion he had firft profefled. The Duke 
 of York anfwered, that he took in good part what they 
 had faid to him, and that he was perfuad^d of their go '. 
 intentions j that however he could not doubt but 
 there was much malignity in the defign of thofe who 
 had obliged them to hold fuch a difcourfe to him ; that 
 it was a fnare laid to engage him to refufe entorir. fe - into 
 a conference which could be of no ufe ; th^t he iii : not 
 pretend to be wife enough to difpute with perfo.o of pro- 
 found capacity ; but he had however taken all poffible 
 precautions in his change ; that he had deferred it many 
 years, and had confulted the moft able proteftant Bi- 
 /hops and Doctors j that at prefent his confcience was 
 at eafe, and he believed himfelf to be in the right road ; 
 that nothing made it neceffary for him to enter into a 
 conference with them, becaufe he had no doubts in 
 which he wanted to be cleared j that he would willingly 
 hear them if they had any thing to fay to him, but for 
 his part he had no defign to enter into a difpute with 
 them. There were fome replies on both fides. The 
 prelates maintained that this conference would be at- 
 tended with no inconveniencies, and appeared very 
 ufeful in the prefent conjuncture. The Duke of York; 
 always perfifted to refufe this conference. The report 
 had been already fpread abroad that he was difpofed to 
 change his religion, and that he was to go upon the firft 
 ftccafion to the King of England's chapel. What pafled 
 
 in
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 295 
 
 In this affair is regarded here by every body as a be- 
 ginning which may have very dangerous confequences 
 to the Duke of York. He knows all the confequences, 
 and fpoke to me of it as the firft ftep which his enemies 
 have taken, that they may go farther lengths againft 
 him. He told me that the Archbifhop of Canterbury 
 and the Bifhop of Winchefter had fpoken to him as de- 
 puties from the other Bifhops who are in London, and 
 that it was with the participation of the King of Eng- 
 land they have propofed this conference. This Prince 
 does not appear fhaken, or refolved to deviate in any 
 thing from the open profeffion he makes of the Ca- 
 tholic religion." 
 
 It appears from Barillon's letter to his court of the 
 1 3th March, 1679, that upon receiving the order to go 
 abroad, the Duke of York threw himfelf entirely upon 
 France ; that in apology for his late appearances againft 
 the interefts of Louis, he laid the fault upon his brother ; 
 and that he told Barillon he wiflied to take refuge in 
 France, but was prevented againft his will. 
 
 In King William's box there are the following letters 
 to the Prince of Orange from the Duke of York during., 
 his fecret exile in Flanders, which fhew the extreme un- 
 eafmefs of mind he was under whilft there.
 
 .APPENDIX 
 
 the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. His fur prize at 
 the news of Sir William Templet council. 
 
 Bruxelles, May 8, 1679. 
 
 e T StE by your's of the 5th, which I received yefter- 
 day, that you had not then heard of the great 
 news of the making of a new council, and the Earl of 
 Shaftefbury being prefident of it, which did not only 
 furprize me very much, but all thofe of this country, 
 and more efpecially thofe who govern here, they not un- 
 derftanding more than I do what could prevail with his 
 Majefty to lay afide fo many of his trueft fervants, and put 
 all his affairs into the hands of thofe who for fo many 
 years have oppofed and obftrucled all his affairs ; for my 
 part, I dread the confequences of it, but (hall be very 
 glad to be miftaken, and wifh with all my heart his Ma- 
 jefty may find eafe in his affairs by what he has done ; 
 a little time will let us fee much. I have been informed 
 that all this great alteration was refolved on at Lord 
 Sunderland's, none attending his Majefty there but the 
 Duke of Monmouth and Lord Shaftefbury. The 
 Dutchefs is faid to brag fhc helped to perfuade his Majefty 
 to do it. Thefe people continue very civil to me/' 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. On the fame 
 fubjeff. Things tend to a republic. 
 
 Bruxells, May u, 1679. 
 
 " T HAVE juft now received your's of the gth, by the 
 which I fee you were furprifed with what has hap- 
 pened in England as well as I was, and you are in the' 
 right to fay one can yet make no judgment what effect 
 it will have, time muft fhew it ; and to return your 
 freedom, I fear it will not have a good cffed j for by the 
 XI laft
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 Jaft letters I had from thence, I am informed that all 
 thofe of the Houfe of Commons who have now upon 
 this new change had any preferment, have already quite 
 loft their credit in that Houfe, and that there are already 
 new cabals and parties fetting up there amongft thofe 
 who have had no preferment : So that to tell you freely my 
 thoughts, in my mind all things tend to a republic, for 
 you fee all things tend towards the lefleningof the King's 
 authority, and the new model things are put into, is the 
 very fame it was in the time of the commonwealth; and 
 I fear that hardly any that are now of the council have 
 courage enough to advife or ftand by any vigorous refo- 
 lution. 
 
 Duke of York to tie Prince of Orange. The exdufion lilL 
 His opinion of the confequences of it. Wifhes the 
 Prince to go to England. 
 
 JBruxells, May 14, 1679. 
 
 u \/ OU have before this had an account of what was 
 done by the Houfe of Coinmoirs on this day 
 fe'nnight that concerns me ; you fee how violently my 
 enemies attack me, and that Wednefday laft was the day 
 that both Houfes were to take into confideration my af- 
 fair. What the iflue of it will be, I expe& to hear this 
 night or to-morrow, and cannot now but look on the : 
 lonarchy itfelf in great danger, as well as his Majefty's 
 srfon, and that not from papifts, but from the common- 
 ;alth party, and fome of thofe who were lately brought 
 ito the council, that govern the Duke of Monmouth^ 
 and who make a property of him to ruin our family j 
 and things go on fo faft and fo violently, and there are 
 fo very few left about his Majefty that have either will 
 or courage to give good advice to him, that I tremble to 
 think what will happen; for if his Majefty and the 
 VOL. L P P Houfe
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Houfc of Lords flick to me, then one may expeft great 
 diforders, nay a rebellion : If his Majefty and they fhall 
 confent to what the Commons may do againft me, I fhall 
 then look on his Majefty as lefs than a Duke of Venice, 
 and the monarchy and our family abfolutely ruined and 
 given up : But what to do or what to advife as things 
 now ftand, is very hard to fay. I could wifh you in 
 England, though I dare not propofe it to you to go, not 
 knowing how you might find things there, nor how it 
 would confift with your affairs in Holland, of which I 
 can no way judge. Therefore all I dare fay to you is to 
 defire you to confider well with yourfelf, whether it be fit 
 for you to go or no. You fee they would not fall upon 
 me till the council was new-modelled, and that they had 
 turned out four of the judges, all loyal men, and put in 
 others in their places that I fear will find what they pleafe 
 law. I could write a volume upon this fubjecV' 
 
 Duke of York to tbe Prince of Orange. To the famt 
 purpofe. On the King's propoftng limitations on a Popijb 
 fuccejfir. 
 
 Bruxells, May 17, 1679. 
 
 " oINCE I wrote laft to you I have had the Englifh 
 
 letters of Friday, and laft night Churchill came 
 
 hither, who left London on Sunday, and brought me a 
 
 very kind letter from his Majefty. You will by this 
 
 have feen his Majefty and Lord Chancellor's fpeech, 
 
 which were fpoken on this day fe'nnight to both Houfes; 
 
 they had this one effect, that it put off in both places the 
 
 debate that was to have been concerning me ; but for all 
 
 that, I do not at all flatter myfelf that thefe fpeeches will 
 
 keep them from falling upon me, at leaft in the Houle of 
 
 Commons ; for I do not find they are fatisfied with thofc 
 
 fo great condefcenfions of his Majefty j and to tell you 
 
 the
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 the truth, I am informed by my letters that nothing will 
 fatisfy the prefbyterians but the deftroying of the mo- 
 narchy and the fetting up of a commonwealth j to which 
 purpofe they flatter the Duke of Monmouth, as the only 
 way to bring to pafs their ends and to deftroy our family; 
 and he is fo indifcreet as to give into it, and fo thinks he 
 can find his account in it ; and as I told you in my laft, 
 I apprehend very much for his Majefty's perfon from 
 thofe kind of people, and I can hardly fee how he can 
 almoft get out of the ill condition he is in. However, 
 my friends have fome hopes, and all advife me to leave 
 this place and go into a proteftant country, which they 
 fay may be of feme advantage to me; therefore if you 
 approve of it, 1 would willingly go to Breda as the pro- 
 pereft place for me to be in to pleafe them and to be near 
 England, keeping ftill my houfe here furnimed to come 
 hither as occafion fliall offer. Pray let me hear from 
 you as foon as you can, that I may take my meafures 
 accordingly ; for till I know whether you approve of it, 
 I do not intend to fay any thing of it here." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. His indignation at 
 the bill of exclufion. Thinks the King Jleady about the 
 exclujion. 
 
 Bruxells, May 29, 1679. 
 
 " \rO\J know before this what pafled on Sunday was 
 
 fe'nnight in the Houfe of Commons upon my 
 
 fubjet : It was the prefbyterians and the Duke of Mon- 
 
 louth's friends carried it, and were moft violent againft 
 
 me ; and now it is plain that thofe firft, I mean the 
 
 prefbyterians, defign nothing lefs than the ruin of the 
 
 monarchy and our family j and truly 1 am of your mind, 
 
 and think it is impoffible for things there to laft -as they 
 
 are ? not a week longer, for if his Majefty does not en- 
 
 P p 2 tirely
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 tirely fubmit to them, and become lefs than a Duke of 
 Venice, it is my opinion they will fly out into an open 
 rebellion ; and I hope in God his Majefty will never fub- 
 mit as they would have him, and then the other muft 
 follow : And if his Majefty make but one ftep more', I 
 mean make any farther conceflions, he is gone, for if 
 once they get the navy, purge the guards and garrifons, 
 and put new men in, they will be abfolute matters. A 
 very few days will let us fee what will become of it, and 
 one ftiall know what to truft to; fo that I fhall ftay here, 
 and not make ufe of the offer you make me of going to 
 Breda, for now what my friends in England defigned by 
 it is out of doors. But in all my misfortunes there is 
 one thing which gives me a great deal of eafe, it is that 
 his Majefty appears very refolute for me, and exclaims, 
 as I can defire, at what has pafled the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, and is very much unfatisfied with the Duke of 
 Monmouth, and ufes all his endeavours to hinder the 
 bill's paffing in the Houfe of Commons. I hope this 
 Vote of theirs will do their work for them, for they that 
 pretend to lay afide one for his religion, may as well lay 
 afide another for fome fancy or other; but I hope his 
 Majefty will take courage, and at laft be a King," 
 
 f)uke of York to tie Prince of Orange. Doubtful of the 
 Ring 's Jleadinefs about the exclufion. 
 
 Bruxelles, June i, 1679. 
 
 " vrOU will have feen by your laft letters from Eng- 
 land, how violently they proceed on againft me 5 
 and that the bill for depriving me of the fucceflion had 
 had one reading, and was to be read again as on Monday 
 laft j fo that except his Majefty begin to behave himfelf 
 as a King ought to do, not only I, but himfelf and our 
 
 whole
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 whole family are gone j and things have been let go to 
 that pafs, that the beft I can expe& is very great difor- 
 ders, and unlefs fomething very vigorous be done within 
 a very few days, the monarchy is gone, for the prefby- 
 terian party, which is the republican, is grown fo ftrong, 
 that without they receive a fudden check all is gone. 
 A few days will now let us fee what we have to truft to." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Doubtful of tht 
 King's refolutions. Expefts a civil war. 
 
 Bruxelles, June 8, 1679. 
 
 *' T KNOW fo well the concern you have for me as 
 eafily to believe the trouble all thefe extravagant 
 proceedings of the Houfe of Commons againft me has 
 given youj I did not think they could have been'fo vio- 
 lent, and have fo foon forgot the oath of allegiance that 
 they had fo lately taken j but when one confiders how 
 flrong the prefbyterians are in that Houfe, it is not fo 
 extraordinary a thing, for they will never fail to lay hold 
 of any opportunity to down with monarchy; and Sir 
 Tho. Clarges made a very good remark in the fpeech 
 he made againft the bill, that moft of thofe that were for 
 it, I think he faid all, were either prefbyterians or their 
 fons. But I hope this, and fome other proceedings of 
 the Commons, will have fo alarmed his Majefty and the 
 >ords, that he will at laft take fome vigorous refolution, 
 and they will ftand by him ; and I have all the afTurances 
 from my friends one can have, that if the bill come up 
 to the Houfe of Lords, it will be rejected there ; and his 
 Majefty, in his laft letter to me of this day fe'nnighr, 
 allured me the fame thing. He continues very kind to 
 me, and is unfatisfied with the Duke of Monmouth's 
 proceedings, but ftill continues kind in his mind to him, 
 ^nd endeavours and hopes to make him behave himfelf as 
 9 he
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 he ought to do. And now, as to the affairs in England, 
 one can do nothing but guefs at what may happen, for 
 even there I think few can fay what will be ; what I 
 conjecture is, that this parliament muft of necellhy be 
 cither diflblved or prorogued in a very few days, or the 
 monarchy is gone ; and I hope now, not only his Ma- 
 jefty's eyes, but all the honert men's eyes are opened, and 
 fee that a commonwealth is what is driven at, and that 
 they will take their meafures accordingly; and I have 
 fome hopes on't, fmce his Majefty refufed the addrefs 
 made him for the drawing together the militia of London 
 and parts adjacent, during the trial of the Lords : And 
 I know he is very fenfible that if he parts with any more 
 of his power that he is gone. He has yet the flee*, the 
 garrifons, his guards, Ireland and Scotland firm to him, 
 fo that if he will yet fland by himfelf he may yet be a 
 King, but for all that it cannot be without trouble and 
 hazard; but firmnefs and good hufbandry may carry him 
 through all his difficulties j and I am very apt to believe, 
 that whenfoever he (hews he will be no longer ufed as he 
 has been, and that they fee he will be a King, that there 
 will be a rebellion. I have told you my mind freely 5 a 
 few days will let one know what to truft to." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Conceives hopes 
 from the long prorogation. Was not privy to it. 
 
 Bruxelles, June 10, 1679. 
 
 " T BELIEVE you will have been furprifed to have 
 heard of the prorogation of the parliament till the 
 middle of Auguft ; till I hear from his Majefty I can 
 make no judgment of it, which I expect to do to-mor- 
 row or next day ; when I do I fhall inform you of it. 
 Mcthinks it looks like a diflblution, and fome vigorous 
 refolutions taken, elfe why fo long a prorogation ? Which 
 is all I fliall fay to you till I hear again from England.'*
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 303 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Difappointed at 
 not being fent for upon the prorogation of the parliament* 
 
 Bruxelles, June 15, 1679. 
 
 TTrHEN Colonel Wefley went from hence I had 
 fome hopes of being foon fent for byjhis Ma- 
 jefty, believing by the prorogation vigorous counfels 
 would have been taken ; but by fome things have been 
 done fince, I have reafon to believe fuch counfels will not 
 be purfued, and confequently I not fent for : But of this 
 I (hall not be able to make any certain judgment till the 
 end of next week ; when I hear any thing I ftiall be fure 
 to acquaint you with it." 
 
 .Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. To tie famo 
 purpofe. 
 
 Bruxells, June 22, 1679. 
 
 ct T WAS in hopes by this time to have had a letter 
 from his Majefty by Graham, who he faid he 
 would write by before he went to Windfor, but he is not 
 yet come, and I am ftill ignorant of the reafons that 
 moved his Majefty to declare in council he would not let 
 me return during the prorogation : And though, by fome 
 things which had been done iince that time, I did begin 
 to believe I fhould not be fent for fo foon, yet I confefs I 
 was fomewhat furprifed at his Majefty declaring it fo, 
 and now do not expect to be fent for in hafte, for I hardly 
 believe I (hall be fent for when the parliament meets/*
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Duh of York to the Prince of Orange. On tie famt 
 fubjefl. 
 
 Bruxells, June 26, 1679. 
 
 " T HAVE juft now received your's of the 22cl, and 
 ha^e now lefs hopes than ever of being fent for > 
 for notwithftanding the rebellion in Scotland, which I 
 thought might have ferved for an argument for my being 
 called for home, by letters I have this day received from 
 his Majefty by Graham, I find he does not yet think fit 
 to fend for me, though he gives me all the aflurances 
 imaginable of his defiring it, but concludes for feveral 
 reafoi-s (which would be too long now to write, the poft 
 being rjady to go) that it would not be for his fervice 
 nor my good to fend for me yet, fo that to deal freely 
 with you, I am afraid fo long as Lord Shaftefbury and 
 fome others, who {hall be namelefs, are at the head of 
 affairs, I am not like to be called for home/' 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Has ajked leave to 
 come home. Doubtful about bis own fate. 
 
 Bruxells, July 3, 1678. 
 
 " T HAD your's of the 26th of laft month on Friday 
 laft, fince when I would not write to you till now* 
 and do eafily believe the trouble it is to you, that there is 
 fo little likelihood of my being fent for by his Majefty; 
 I have again ventured to write to him upon that fubjed^ 
 and have given him my reafons why I think it for his 
 fervice to fend for me to him, and that prefently. What 
 effect that will have I may know by the end of this 
 week or the beginning of the next, and then ftiall knov* 
 what to truft to ; for if I be not fent for upon my laft 
 letters, I (hall have little hopes to fee England this good 
 
 while,
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 305 
 
 j and fhall have reafon to fear thofe meafures will be 
 taken which muft ruin our family, and with it the mo- 
 narchy; for the republican party get ground every day, 
 being backed by the prefbyterians. As for the affairs in 
 Scotland, that rebellious crew that is up in arms will I 
 believe be foon difperfed, they having no confiderable 
 men amongft them ; but I think what may follow upon 
 the Duke of Monmouth's going down thither, may be 
 of ill confequence. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The monarchy 
 depends not on parliament > but on God alone* Differs 
 from the Prince as to parliament. 
 
 BruxelJsj July 6, 1679* 
 
 " T RECEIVED this morning your's of the 4th froni 
 Houndflardike^ and by it fee your news from Eng- 
 land concerning Scotland agrees whh mine, and believe 1 
 the affairs in that country quieted by this; but I am not 
 at all of your mind as to what concerns the meeting of 
 the parliament, for I can hope for no good from it, but 
 on the contrary all the ill imaginable, and not only to 
 tne but to his Majelly and whole family, as may appear 
 by the bill that was read in the Houfe of Commons againft ' 
 me, which was againft law, and which deftroys the very 
 being of monarchy, which I thank God yet has had no 
 dependancy on parliament, nor on nothing but God 
 alone, nor ever can and be a monarchy; and his Ma- 
 jefty will be of this mind, and never let this Houfe of 
 Commons fit again j if he does, he is ruined for even 
 
 VOL. I. Q.H
 
 3 o6 APPENDIX 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Still in doubts 
 about his own fate* 
 
 Bruxells, July 9, 1679. 
 
 " T EXPECT with great impatience to have an anfwer 
 to my laft long letter to his Majefty ; and though 
 the wind has been contrary thefe two or three days laft 
 paft, yet I hope by to-morrow night or Tuefday to hear 
 fomething, and if it be any thing to my fatisfaciion, I 
 fhall be fure to let you know it ; if it be only delays and 
 puttings off, I (hall ftay to let you know it by the poft. 
 I believe the next letters will bring us news of the rebels 
 in Scotland being defeated. I fee by your's of the yth, 
 which I received this day, that the fame report which 
 was fome time fince at Nimeguen of my being gone into 
 France is now come where you are. I cannot imagine 
 how fuch a ftory fhould be made, fince there was no 
 ground for it, nor was it ever talked on here ; but there 
 are fo many lies made in all places, and fworn to in Eng- 
 land, that one ought not to wonder at any ftorics that are 
 made : And I believe you will very foon fee the Queen 
 fallen upon with a defign of taking her life, elfe thofe 
 three great villains Otes, Bedlow and Dugdal, woulc 
 not have behaved themfelves fo infolently as they did the 
 other day at council, when they were fent for by his Ma- 
 jefty and alked there what they had to fay at Sir G. 
 Wakeman's trial againft her Majefty, and pofitivelj 
 refufed to do it."
 
 . TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 307 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Differs from ibe 
 Prince as to parliament. 
 
 Bruxells, July 16, 1679. 
 
 T RECEIVED your's of the I2th after the poft was 
 gone, fo that I could not anfwer it till now, and 
 though I may have miftaken you, I am ftill of opinion, 
 that this Houfe of Commons if ever they meet will fall 
 again upon me, and never do any thing but harm to his 
 Majefty's affairs ; and it would be a great blow to the 
 monarchy to let them fit again that did but offer to 
 meddle with the fucceffion j and had I any power with 
 his Majfty, they fhould not meet. I could fay very 
 much on this fubjeft to lett you fee I am in the right, 
 but have not time, the poft being ready to go-, to fay any 
 more." 
 
 f)uke of York to the Prince of Orange. The King has 
 refufed to permit him to come home. //? is in defpair. 
 
 Bruxells, July 19, 1679. 
 
 *< |N my laft I told you I expedited every hour an 
 anfwer to my letters I wrote by Graham ; I have 
 now had it, but no good one, for I muft ftill remain a 
 banifhed man abroad, and have no other anfwer given 
 me, but that it is for his Majefty's fervice and for my 
 own fafety ; fo that my reafons have not prevailed at all, 
 nor can I ever expect to be recalled fo long as thofe who 
 are now at the head of his Majefty's affairs continue to 
 govern ; and I fear very much that the next felfions of 
 parliament, let it be when it will, will be a fatal one> 
 not only for me, but for the very monarchy itfelf, let his 
 Majefty or any body elfe flatter themfelves as much 33 
 they pleafe to the contrary." 
 
 0,12
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 &uke of York to the Prince of Orange. The Duket joy at 
 the dijjolution of the id parliament. Tet anxious for 
 him/elf. 
 
 Bruxells, July 26, 1679. 
 
 T RECEIVED your's fo late of the 2ift laft port, 
 that I could not anfwer it then, fince when I 
 believe you have heard as well as I that his Majefty dif- 
 folved this parliament, and called another to meet in 
 October. I am very glad he has done it, and think he 
 muft have given up his crown to them had he not done 
 it after the infolent behaviour of the Houfe of Commons 
 to him. I hope it will teach the next better manners ; 
 but in cafe they fhouid follow the footfteps of that which 
 is now broken, I hope they will be ferved after the fame 
 manner. Nobody defires more than I that there may be 
 a good union between the King and his parliament, but 
 I am not for their ufing him fo infolently as this laft did, 
 nor for their meddling with the fuccefiion, nor making 
 of Kings, with which they have nothing to do; and I 
 am glad of this diflblution, though it rather retards my 
 being font for than advances it, for I always confider 
 more what is more for his Majefty's fervice and the good 
 of our family than any private concern of my own. I 
 find my enemies continue in favour as much as ever, and 
 are at the head of affairs, and as long as that continues 
 I have little hopes of feeing England." 
 
 Duke -of York to the Prince of Orange. The dijjolution of 
 the parliament will not caufe him to be recalled. 
 
 Bruxells, July 30, 1679. 
 
 *' T HAD your's of the 2fth but yefterday, by which I 
 find you had not then the news of a new parlia- 
 ment being to be in October ; I fuppofe you had it foon 
 
 after.
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 309 
 
 after, and you will have feen I am prepared for patience, 
 not expecting to be fent for home in hafte ; and truly, I 
 do not fee any likelihood when it can be, fo long as I 
 have fuch enemies about his Majefty, and therefore have 
 need of a great flock of patience, I acknowledge. I 
 hope it will laft, and you may be fure I fhall do nothing 
 haftily, I have not erred on that fide yet. wifh in 
 England fome confidered the good of our family fo much 
 as I do, and then things would go better than they do ; 
 and to fpeak freely to you, I have but a very difmal 
 profpecl: of our affairs in general, and I do not fee with- 
 out a miracle how they can be mended, for his Majefty has 
 fo given up himfelf into the hands of his new counfellors, 
 that I can fee nothing but the ruin of the monarchy ; 
 and that which I think is a very bad fign, is, that his 
 Majefty is not fo fenftble as he fhould be of the ill con- 
 dition he is in j you fee I fpeak very freely to you ef af- 
 fairs as I think they now are, and fhall always do fo." 
 
 J)uke of York to the Prince of Orange. The King orders 
 him to continue abroad. 
 
 Bruxell?, Aug. 10, 1679. 
 
 *< T HAD yefterday an exprefs from England, who 
 brought me a very kind letter from his Majefty, 
 but tells me I muft have patience till the meeting of the 
 parliament, and the trial of the Lords in the Tower is 
 over ; that "then he hopes things may be in fo good a 
 temper as to make it fit for him to (end for me over, and 
 till then I muft have patience, and will do what I can to 
 divert myfelf in the mean time."
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 In Lord Dartmouth's manufcript notes upon Bifhop 
 Burner's Hiftory, there arc the following accounts of 
 three of the Duke of York's letters from BrufTels : 
 
 " P. 4.52. By his own letters from Bruflels, he feems 
 very well fatisfied with the civilities he received there, but 
 Teems very jealous of the King. In one dated the 22d of 
 July, he writes: There is one thing troubles me very 
 much, and puts odd thoughts into my head, it is, that all 
 this while his Majefty has never faid a word, nor gone about 
 to make a good underftanding between me and the Duke 
 of Monmouth, for though it is a thing I fhall never feek, 
 yet methinks it is what his Majefty might prefs. Think 
 of this, and I am fure you may draw confequences from 
 it, which I fhall not mention to you, but are obvious 
 enough to any one that confulers." 
 
 " P. 468. I find, by the Duke's letters, he was 
 pleafed with the diflblution, but not with the fo fpeedy 
 calling of another (i. e. parliament), which he faid was 
 only two months delay, and was giving them fo much 
 time to concert their meafures better againft their next 
 meeting ; for he had little hopes a new parliament would 
 differ much from the laft ; but his jealoufies of the King 
 continued ; for in one he fays, it is ftrange his Majefty 
 has not written to me, neither in anfwer to what I wrote 
 by Graham, nor now upon breaking the parliament : I 
 am not ufed like a brother nor a friend. Prefs to have 
 fome mark of difpleafure (hewn to Armftrongj if that be 
 not done I know what I am to expect." 
 
 " P. 475. The Duke writes, in a letter from Bruflels, 
 I fee his Majefty has been much mifinformed as to fome 
 things concerning the Duke of Monmouth, for Lord 
 Chancellor Hyde never went about to put any jealcufies 
 into my head of my nephew j what he did about the 
 
 patent,
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 311 
 
 patent, was only what any man that underftood the law 
 was obliged to ; and I do not remember he ever opened 
 his mouth to me of it : And till he fpake to me himfelf 
 at Windfor, five or fix years ago, of his having a mind 
 to be general, I never took any thing ill of him, nor 
 grew jealous of him ; but after what I had faid to him 
 upon that fubjed of my reafons againft it, and that I 
 told him then freely he was not to expeft my friendfhip 
 if ever he pretended to it or had it. One cannot wonder 
 if I was againft any thing that did increafe his power in 
 military affairs, as his being colonel of foot guards would 
 have done, efpecially when I faw he ufed all little arts, 
 by degrees, to compafs his point of being general." 
 
 Charles, in the mean time, was not lefs unhappy in 
 England than his brother was abroad. 
 
 Barillon writes, on the 23d January ^ 1679, tnat 
 Charles faid he was fo poor that he was to recall all his 
 ambaffadors, " from want of money." 
 
 Barillon writes, on the i8th May, 1679, tnat m or ^ er 
 to take bufmefs and importance from the King, Sir 
 William Temple's council had made a regulation that 
 foreign minifters fhould not fpeak to him without firft 
 afking an audience- 
 Others of Barillon's difpatches relate that Charles 
 complained bitterly of this; and that when Barillon faw 
 him, the meetings were in fecret, and with many figns, 
 on the King's part, of the fear of detection. As Charles 
 was the beft ato.r in the world, thefe things may not be 
 true ; and yet perhaps they may. 
 
 On the i8th May, 1679, Barillon writes, that the 
 Dutchefs of Portfmouth told him the King complained 
 greatly of the indifference of France to his prefent fuf- 
 fsrings. 
 
 On
 
 3 ,j APPENDIX 
 
 On the 6th July, 1679, Barillon writes his court a 
 long account of a difcourfe of Charles to him at a fecrct 
 meeting; in which that Prince, in very abject terms, 
 begged the protection of France from his new council 
 and from parliament, and laid the blame of his late dif- 
 ferences with France, upon his brother and Lord Danby. 
 " The end of this long difcourfe was, to prefs me to 
 reprefcnt to your Majefty what was paffing here, and to 
 conjure you, on his part, to incline to put England 
 under your dependance for ever." 
 
 Barillon writes, on the I3th July, 1679, that there had 
 been a renewal of the converfation, on the King's partj. 
 to the fame purpofe. 
 
 Many of the moft extravagant fchemes of faSion are 
 to be found in Barillon's accounts of Englifh affairs 
 about this time. 
 
 He writes, on the 3Oth January, 1679, to his court* 
 that Mountagu had propofed France fhould aid Mon- 
 mouth in getting him declared Prince of Wales j that 
 Mountagu faid he did fo by orders of Monmouth, who 
 had told him that Charles fecretly wifhed it, and enly 
 wanted the fupport of France to bring it about. Barillon 
 fays Mountagu intends to go to Louis the XlVth to pro- 
 pofe this fchemej and that the arguments which Moun- 
 tagu ufed were, that a difputed'fucceffion in England 
 Would be of advantage to France ; and that the feverities 
 againft Roman Catholics in England would ceafe, if the 
 hopes which fome entertained of the Prince of Orange's 
 fucceflion, and the fears which others formed from the 
 profped of the Duke of York's fucceffion, were at an 
 end. 
 
 Barillon writes, on the 1 3th July, 1679, to his court, 
 that Buckingham boafted to him that he was in no Englifh 
 
 party, 
 
 9
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 313 
 
 party, but only in that of Louis the XlVth ; and that he 
 infmuated his own pretenfions to the fucceflion j re- 
 counting that by his mother, who was defcended from 
 Edward the IVth, he was himfelf a Plantagenet. 
 
 On the 1 4th September, 1679, and other difpatches, 
 Barillon writes that Buckingham advifed him to give 
 himfelf no trouble about the pretenders to the crown, 
 but to court and form his connexions in the city, which 
 Buckingham pretended was at his direction, and could 
 command the fate of government. And afterwards, on 
 the 28th October, 1680, Barillon writes that Bucking- 
 ham boafted to him of his vaft power with the city 
 and the difleriters. 
 
 There is in the Depot a letter from Buckingham to- 
 Louis the XlVth, in November, 1678, in which he 
 tells that Prince that the Duke of York and Lord Danby 
 had formed a project to get him dethroned, by raifing a 
 rebellion in France, and gives him warning that there 
 are certain Irifhmen employed to aflaflinate him. In the 
 fame letter he afks a fupply of money from Louis. 
 
 Barillon writes, on the 2Oth April, 1679, that Buck- 
 ingham is gone to propofe a project to Louis the XlVth, 
 but that he would not let him know what it was. 
 
 Profligacy in public and in private life go generally to- 
 gether. BariUon writes, on the i6th March, 1679, to 
 his court, that Buckingham dares not attend the Houfe 
 of Lords in the profecution of Lord Danby, becaufe 
 Danby threatened him with a profecution for fodomy. 
 
 During this period Charles made a feeble attempt to 
 provide fotne fecurity for himfelf at home, by forming 
 two hundred of his difbanded officers into a company of 
 
 VOL. I. R r guards,
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 guards, with a view to have officers ready if he fhould 
 afterwards raife troops ; but in this he was checked by 
 one of his own minifters, the Earl of Eflex. When 
 Lord Eflex was feized, fome years after, on account of 
 the Ryehoufe plot, the meflenger reported that he found 
 the two following letters in his cabinet. The firft is 
 a copy, the other an original ; both are in the paper 
 office. 
 
 Earl of E/ex to Charles the lid. Prejjing him to dijband 
 bis new guards. 
 
 '*' CINCE my coming to towne I have heard of many 
 difcourfes here concerning the new company of 
 guards which your Majefty is raifmg ;. thofe who do not 
 with well to your affairs do rejoice much at it, con- 
 cluding it will give great caufe of jealoufy to your peo- 
 ple, and prevent the good effects which your Majefty 
 hopes for, this next feffion of parliament j and that 
 upon this, occafion may be taken to queftion fome 
 guards now in being. 'Tis commonly faid this is but 
 a foundation of a ftanding army, whilft a body of of- 
 ficers (hall be thus kept together to head men which may 
 be fuddenly raifed : That this is an elufion of the act of 
 difbanding, which intended to feparate the officers and 
 fouldiers then in pay, when fo foon after many of thefe 
 officers are collected into a body again. There is no- 
 thing I do rr.ore apprehend than a miftruft men may 
 have that any defigne is on foot of governing by an 
 army, and therefore the leaft action which may be con- 
 flrued to intend this, cannot at this conjuncture but be 
 very fatal to your Majefty. Your Majefty has gained 
 much upon your people by difbanding the troops raifed 
 for Scotland, and I fhould grieve extremely to fee you 
 
 lofc
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 315 
 
 lofe again that credit by framing this new conftitution of 
 guards. The world cannot but obferve the great fru- 
 gality your Majefty has begun in your houfhold, and the 
 retrenchments intended on penfions and otherwife ; now 
 if monies (hall be thus faved all other waies, and force 
 encreafed, what hopes can there be of a fupply to re- 
 lieve your Majefty's preffing occafions, when in fo nar- 
 row a time as this, the charge of troops being encreafed, 
 men will apprehend the money which fhall be given will 
 be applied to the like ufes ? I cannot but acquaint your 
 Majefty of the effect it hath in the treafury, for we do 
 cleerly find men much more backward to lend money 
 than they were before. There are divers who have en- 
 deavoured to obftruct the credit there j but 'tis certain 
 they do it now with much more force, whilft they have 
 this pretence to back all they fay. I fpeake nothing .but 
 from a heart zealous for your fervice, and therefore I 
 hope your Majefty will be pleafed gracioufly to accept 
 what I have faid, and make fuch reflections thereon as 
 may be moft for your own good, which is ever the aime 
 of your Majefty's moft dutifull, and moft obedient fub- 
 ject and fervant." 
 
 London, July 21, 1679. 
 
 Earl of Sunderland to Lord Effex on the fame fufyjeft. 
 
 " T GAVE your Lordfhip's letter to the King. He 
 cannot yet be perfuaded that the new guards will 
 hurt his affairs fo much as I believe they will. Sir Wil- 
 liam T. is now here, and will fpeak to him of them ; fo 
 will the DutchefTe of P. I have done it, and will again. 
 I fhall wait upon your Lordfhip to-night or to-morrow 
 morning, and give you a more perfect account of this 
 matter." 
 Tuefday. 
 
 R r 2
 
 3 r6 APPENDIX 
 
 After Louis the XlVth had kept King Charles in a 
 painful fufpenfe for fome months, fubfequent to the 
 diflblution of Lord Danby's miniftry, he liftened to his 
 complaints, to which it is probable the diflblution of his 
 fecond parliament contributed, and a fecret money treaty 
 as ufual was fet on foot between the two Princes, the 
 particulars of which follow. 
 
 The firft condition which France exacted in liflening 
 to this treaty was, that Charles fhould not aflemble a 
 parliament for a number of years. Charles at firft 
 avoided to engage himfelf to this, but afterwards con- 
 fented not to aflemble it for three years, and after that 
 time not until Louis fliould give him leave. The two 
 following difpatches contain an account of thefe things. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Extra ft of a letter from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 
 Augujl 3, 1679. Charles ajksfour millions from France 
 in a new treaty.' Avoids a promife not to ajjemble parlia- 
 ments. 
 
 \v O days ago the King of England gave me a 
 long audience in Lady Portfmouth's apartment 
 at Windfor. I told him how much your Majefty took 
 part in the unfortunate fituation of his affairs, and your 
 defire to afford a remedy which might re-eftablifh them. 
 This Prince anfwered me, that he did not doubt but 
 your Majefly was difpleafed to fee monarchy attacked fo 
 violently as it is in England, and that it was not for your 
 intereft it fliould be deftroyed; but it was time your 
 
 Majefty
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 317 
 
 Majefty fliould take a refolution, and determine yourfelf 
 to aflift him with a fum of money which might put him 
 in a condition not to receive law from his fubje&s. 
 That if he was certain of this help, he hoped he fhould 
 find means to re-eftablifli his affairs afterwards, and not 
 any longer depend on the caprice of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons. I took this occaflon to beg his Britannic Ma- 
 jefty to explain his intentions with regard to the fitting 
 of parliament ; and I reprefented to him that it was very 
 difficult for your Majefty to take any refolution till you 
 were fully informed of the condudl which would be fol- 
 lowed here with regard to the meeting of parliament, 
 and without knowing if he defigned to go on without 
 one for a long time, or only to put off the feffion by 
 frequent prorogations. The King of England anfwered, 
 that I faw what he had juft done; and that, without 
 having any anfwer from your Majefty, or knowing your 
 intentions with regard to him, he had taken the part of 
 difiblving the parliament j that he could ftill put off the 
 meeting of a new one, according as he knew the good 
 or bad difpofitions of thofe who compofed it ; that how- 
 ever he could not engage or promife to difpenfe alto- 
 gether with parliament, becaufe he had no hopes that 
 your Majefty would furnifh the fums neceflary for fuf- 
 taining the expences of the ftate, and fupporting him 
 long without the afliftance of parliament ; that he only 
 expected fome prefent marks of your Majefty's good 
 will, which might put him in a condition of gaining 
 time, and (hewing the malccontents that he was not re- 
 duced to put himfelf into their hands : That nobody 
 knew better than him how important it was that what 
 your Majefty may do for him fhould remain fecret and 
 impenetrable. This Prince afterwards entered into a 
 detail of his affairs, and explained to me how much his 
 revenues ar,e diminifhed. He made me underftand that 
 
 the
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 the lofs he fuffers cannot be entirely repaired but by par- 
 liament ; but to bring this about, it was necefiary his 
 fubje&s fhould know that he could do without them ; 
 and that then they will be more tractable, and follow a, 
 different conduct from that they have lately held. I 
 told him, that the meetings of parliament always ap- 
 peared to me very dangerous, and that it was difficult to 
 promife hiirtfelf any thing from it favourable to his in- 
 terefts; and that he would be always expofed to fee the 
 parliament carry itfelf in every thing contrary to France, 
 and perhaps force him to enter into fuch meafures him- 
 felf. The King of England interrupted me upon this, 
 and faid ; I fee the ftale to which I am at prefent re- 
 duced j don't believe I will let myfelf be conftrained to 
 do any thing that can deprive me of the only prep which 
 can fupport me. The obligation I (hall be under to the 
 King your mafter, will retain me all my life in his in- 
 texefts, even though I did not know by experience how 
 dangerous it would be for me to lofe his friendfhip : He 
 muft truft to me and believe that nothing will be ca- 
 pable to make me forget what I (ball owe to him. I 
 will not let affairs go fo far, as that parliament (hall be 
 able to compel me : And for this I will form every 
 engagement, and give every fecurity that can be de- 
 fired. 
 
 After this general difcourfe, he told me he begged to 
 be foon informed of your Majefty's intentions, and that 
 I would ufe my endeavours to get a precife and formal 
 anfwer ; that he was aftiamed to fpeak to me fo prefT- 
 ingly, and to be reduced to afk a prefent fupply from 
 your Majefty without being able to offer any thing on 
 his own part : That if your Majefty will give him a 
 fupply that may be fcrviceable to him, it muft be a fum 
 of four millions ; that he fhall confider it as a gift ; but 
 that he hopes neverthelefs to be in a condition one day of 
 
 returning
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 319 
 
 returning it to your Majefty, when his affairs (hall be in 
 a better way." 
 
 Barillon adds in this difpatch, that he fufpe&s Charles 
 will not keep faith with France after he has touched the 
 four millions. 
 
 There are in the Depot at Verfailfes many letters 
 from Barillon concerning the adjufting the terms of the 
 treaty, the conduct of which was committed to the 
 Dutchefs of Portfmouth and Lord Sunderland. The 
 difpatches (hew the intention of it was, that the Duke of 
 York fliould return, that the King fhould aflemble no 
 parliament for three years, that neither party fhould enter 
 into treaties prejudicial to the other, that France fhould 
 not attack Flanders, and that Charles fhould have a 
 penfion. Lord Sunderland afked fix millions of livres 
 the firft year, and four millions the two next. The 
 Dutchefs of Portfmouth came down to four millions for 
 each year. The King himfelf went lower, offering to 
 take nine millions for the three years, provided four 
 were paid the firft year ; and haggled hard for thefe 
 terms. Barillon writes Oft. 2, 1679, that the Duke of 
 York offered to lend his own money to Louis as a mark 
 of his confidence, and to facilitate the money part of 
 the treaty ; and Barillon in his letter of 2d Nov. fug- 
 gefts to his court that the firft payment fhall be made to 
 Charles out of his brother's money. In the middle of 
 the treaty, Barillon propofed inftead of a penfion for 
 three years, to give 500,000 crowns if Charles would 
 engage to call no parliament before the end of March 
 then next : Charles, enrage'd at this fluffing of ground, 
 threatened inftantly to aflemble his parliament and truft 
 himfelf to it. At laft both parties agreed in a penfion of 
 one million of livres per annum for three years. 
 
 In tfie courfe of this treaty the following expreflions 
 relative to it were made ufe of by the King, Lord Sun- 
 derland,
 
 320 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 derland, the Dutchefs of Portfmouth, the Duke of York, 
 and Barillon feparately. 
 
 Charles's words were: " That your Majefty might 
 remain in the moft glorious ftate that any King has been 
 in for many ages, and put it out of the power of Eng- 
 land ever to hurt you." And again : " This Prince 
 (Charles) repeated afterwards all that he had fo often 
 faid to me, of the advantages which your Majefty 
 might derive from having England always dependent on 
 you." With regard to Sunderland, Barillon fays : 
 " My Lord Sunderland enlarged very much upon the 
 advantages which your Majefty might reap from having 
 the King of England dependant upon you." The 
 Dutchefs of Portfmouth faid : " If your Majefty will 
 give four millions a year, for three years, the King of 
 England will enter into all the engagements your Ma- 
 jefty can defire." The Duke of York, who had come 
 over to England in the courfe of the treaty, faid : 
 " He hopes your Majefty will confider, that his religion 
 and his attachment to France are the fources of the op- 
 pofition which he meets with in England." Barillon 
 fays : " I know by all that has been faid to me, that 
 if the Aim was agreed upon, there would be no difficulty 
 about the reft j that is to fay, they would give your 
 Majefty a carte blanche upon every thing you could 
 defire ; and they would enter into all forts of engage- 
 ments not to make any treaty with foreign Princes with- 
 out your confent, and even oblige themfelves to enter into 
 all your interefts, and to favour all your defigns." 
 
 King Charles having communicated to his brother his 
 
 intention of a treaty with France, the Duke immediately 
 
 difpatched Colonel Churchill from Bruifcls to Paris to 
 
 1 1 forward
 
 TO CFfAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 321 
 
 forward it. In the Depot there are the two following 
 letters from the Duke to Louis the XlVth, and Monf. 
 de Pomponne, upon this occaficfru 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Duke of York to Louis the XlVth, tfh September ', 1679. 
 Sends Colonel Churchill to Paris to forward a treaty 
 between Louis and Charles. Begs the proteftion of 
 France. 
 
 e npfJE King my brother having communicated to 
 me what has pafied between him and Mr. de Ba- 
 rillon, for renewing the union and good correfpondence 
 that was formerly between you, I thought it necefTary 
 to let your Majefty know my fentiments upon that head ; 
 and this has obliged me to fend the bearer, Mr. Churchill j 
 mafter of my wardrobe, to whom you may give entire 
 credit, to aflure your Majefty of the joy 1 had to find 
 the King my brother in this way of thinking, as I be- 
 lieve there can be nothing more advantageous for both. 
 With regard to myfelf, unlefs the treaty is concluded, 
 and a good correfpondence eftablifhed before the meeting 
 of a parliament, my affairs will be in a very bad condi- 
 tion. I hope your Majefty will have the goodnefs to 
 think of it, and forward what may be propoft-d to you 
 upon it. It is from you I expect all, arid by you alone 
 I can attain my re-eftablifhment in this country. In 
 fine, the bearer will fpeak to you more at large upon all 
 affairs here, and make known to you that I (hall have an 
 eternal gratitude for all your Majefty's goodnefs to me, 
 and that I have all imaginable refpeft for you, being more 
 than any one^ Sir, your Majefty's very affectionate bro- 
 ther, coufin, and fervant." 
 
 VOL. I. S s
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Tranjlatiott. 
 
 The ' Duke of York to Monf. de Pomponne^ ^th September^ 
 1 679. To the fame purpofe. 
 
 41 A S I fend the bearer, Mr. Churchill, mafter of my 
 wardrobe, tofpeak to the King your mafter upon 
 the fubject of the propofals which have been made to 
 Mr. Barillon, and to teftify my joy that the King my 
 brother is defirous of renewing the ancient good corre- 
 fpondence that heretofore was between them ; I have 
 charged him to fpeak to you at large thereupon j and 
 you may give entire credit to every thing he fhall fay on 
 my part ; therefore I (hall fay nothing more to you than 
 to beg you to continue your good offices for me with the 
 King your mafter, and to believe that I fhall always be 
 entirely one of your friends." 
 
 The French court believing that the treaty would go 
 eafier on if the Duke of York was in England, advifed 
 King Charles to recall his brother. In the Depot there 
 is the following letter from the Duke of York to Louis 
 the XiVth, thanking him for this. 
 
 TranJJation. 
 
 Letter from the Duke of York to Louis the XlVtk, 18 Oc- 
 tober , 1679. Thanks him for having prevailed rvith 
 King Charles to recall him from abroad. Begs his pro- 
 teftion. 
 
 SIR, 
 " T CANNOT exprefs to your Majefty with what joy 
 
 I received the two letters which you were pleafed to 
 write to me, which I had the fatisfaclion to find at my 
 
 return
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW, 323 
 
 return to Bruflels, as they fliew me that your Majefty 
 has (till a kindnefs for me : I beg you to believe that I 
 have all imaginable gratitude for it, and that I look upon 
 the orders I have received from the King my brother, to 
 repafs the fea, as the effects of thofe which you gave to 
 Mr. Barillon. I intend to embark to-morrow, and 
 hope your Majefty will continue to me your protection. 
 From you it is that I expect to be again folidly fettled 
 near the King my brother, and fhall ufe my endeavours 
 to fhew your Majefty that I fhall be all my life in your 
 intsrefts, and feek opportunities of making it appear to 
 you, that I have all the refpecl imaginable for you, and 
 that all my life I fhall be, Sir, your Majefty's very af- 
 fectionate brother, coufin, and fervant." 
 
 It appears from Barillon's letter to his court, of gth 
 October, 1679, tnat tne ^ ecret f the intended treaty 
 was then, and not till then, communicated to Lord Hyde. 
 After this the treaty moves flowly on ; the King hefitates 
 about that part which relates to parliament; the mi- 
 nifters defire the treaty may be verbal, or at leaft only 
 figned by the King j the difpatches defcribe in ftrong 
 terms the terrors of Lord Hyde and Lord Sunderland in 
 making themfelves parties to the treaty at all ; and at 
 length an alteration made by the French court upon one 
 of the conditions of the treaty, afforded them an op- 
 portunity of breaking it off in the end of November, 
 1679. The alteration was upon that part which pro- 
 vided that neither Prince fhould enter into alliances pre- 
 judicial to the other. Barillon, upon the margin of the 
 King of France's part of this engagement, added thefe 
 words : " That is to fay, to make no ofFenfive treaty 
 againft his Britannic Majefty." Charles's minifters faw, 
 and, as Barillon relates, reprefented to the French court, 
 but in vain, that the obligation upon the King of France 
 S s 2 was
 
 3:44 APPENDIX 
 
 was not fo extenfive as upon the King of England ; that 
 the minifters who fubmitted to fuch an inequality might 
 lofe their heads if it was ever discovered j and that 
 under the words of the alteration, the French were at 
 liberty even to guarantee the right of fifhing difputed be- 
 tween the Englifti and the Dutch, and thus draw Eng- 
 land into a war with Holland, in which France would 
 not only not be on the fide of England, but be obliged to 
 act againft her. 
 
 A copy of the intended treaty, with the marginal note 
 which was the caufe of breaking it off, is in the Depot 
 as follows, It will not efcape the obfervation of the 
 reader in perufing it, that the French part of it was to 
 be fealed by the great feal of France, whereas the Eng- 
 lifh part of it was to be figned by the King of England 
 alone, without any of his minifters, and to be fealed by 
 his privy feal. 
 
 Tranjlallon, 
 
 Draught of a treaty. France is not to. attack the Low 
 Countries. Neither party is to make alliances without con- 
 fent of the other. Charles is not to aj/emble a parliament 
 for three years. And to get a penfton of a million of livres 
 per annum for that time. 
 
 " 'HpHE moft Chriftian King and the King of Great 
 Britain having always wifhed to preferve a ftricT: 
 and entire union between their perfons, ftates, and king- 
 doms, of which they have given reciprocal and in- 
 fallible marks in late times, their intention is now to 
 renew the engagements they entered into a long time 
 ago for a firm and inviolable fricndfhip. To effect this, 
 his moft Chriftian Majefty hath given full powers to the 
 
 Sieur
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 325 
 
 Sieur Barillon, counfellor in ordinary in his council of 
 ftate, and his ambaflador extraordinary in England, to 
 agree with his Britannic Majefty (or fuch perfons as he 
 may pleafe to appoint) on conditions of a treaty. His 
 Britannic Majefty on his part hath confented to ftand 
 bound himfelf, and to fign the following articles : 
 
 I. His moft Chriftian Majefty having a fincere and 
 true intention to preferve the peace which has been con- 
 cluded at Nimeguen, promifes not to attack the Low 
 Countries that are under the dominion of Spain, nor 
 thofe that are under the dominion of the States General 
 of the United Provinces, during three years. 
 
 II. His Britannic Majefty promifes during the faid 
 term of three years not to make any treaty nor alliance 
 with any Prince or State whatfoever, without the parti- 
 cipation and confent of his moft Chriftian Majefty ; and 
 his faid Britannic Majefty renounces from this time all 
 treaties he may heretofore have made with any Prince or 
 State which may prove inconfiftent with the friendship 
 and good intelligence he defires to keep with his moft 
 Chriftian Majefty ; and his faid Britannic Majefty con- 
 fents that whatever may have been concluded fhall re- 
 main null in that refpecl. 
 
 Article propofed by the King of England. 
 
 III. His moft Chriftian Majefty promifes equally not 
 to make any treaty during the term of three years with 
 any Prince or State whatfoever to the prejudice of his 
 Britannic Majefty*. * The 
 
 All the above has been confented to, and agreed upon 
 
 between the King of England and the faid Ambaflador, dorpro- 
 ar.d figned with his Britannic Majefty's hand, who pro- addtothU 
 mifes to keep and obfcrve all that is contained in the article the 
 prefent treaty without contravening it, and obliges him- fe s 
 
 felf That is to
 
 326 
 
 fay, not to 
 m:ike ;;ny 
 offenfive 
 league a- 
 gainft his 
 Britannic 
 Majefty. 
 
 felf to deliver the ratification of it fealed with his privy 
 feal within three weeks to be computed from this day, 
 In like manner the faid Sieur Barillon, AmbafTador from 
 his moft Chriftian Majefty to the King of Great Bri- 
 tain, has figned, and promifed in the name of his mdft 
 Chriftian Majefty, to keep and obferve all that is con- 
 tained in the prefent treaty without contravening it, and 
 to deliver the King his mafter's ratification fealed with 
 the great feal within the faid time of three weeks. Done 
 at London this, &c." 
 
 Secret Article* 
 
 " I. T T I S moft Chriftian Majefty promifes to pay to 
 his Britannic Majefty the fum of one million 
 of livres tournois per annum for three years, to be com- 
 puted from this day, which fum of one million (hall be 
 paid every year in London by four equal payments from 
 three months to three months ; upon condition always 
 that his Britannic Majefty fhall not aflemble his parlia- 
 ment during three years; and in cafe during the faid 
 three years the parliament fhall be aflembled, his moft 
 Chriftian Majefty may caufe the payments that remain 
 to ceafe. 
 
 II. His Britannic Majefty -eonfidering for many rea- 
 fons which regard only the interior of his kingdom, and 
 which cannot be forefeen, that he may be under the ne- 
 ceflity of aflembling his parliament within three years, 
 referves to himfelf the liberty of doing it, promifmg, in; 
 cafe he finds himfelf obliged thereto, not to fuffer any 
 thing to be treated of to the prejudice of his alliance 
 with his moft Chriftian Majefty, but rather to prorogue 
 or diiTolve the parliament, if he cannot othcrvvifc prevent 
 it i and his faid Britannic Majefty confsnts that his moft 
 
 Chriftian
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 327 
 
 Chriftian Majefty fhall himfelf be judge if the payments 
 that fhall remain to be made of a million per year ought to 
 be continued. 
 
 The faid fecret articles fhall have the fame force as if 
 they were exprefsly contained in the treaty figned this 
 day between his Britannic Majefty and the Sieur de Ba- 
 rillon, AmbafTador from France, and the ratification fhall 
 be declared in the fame manner, and at the fame time. 
 Done at London, &c." 
 
 Whilft attempts were making to adjufl the terms of 
 this treaty, the Duke of York had come over to England 
 upon account of his brother's illnefs ; but finding him re- 
 covered, he foon returned again to BrufTels. During 
 this vifit there are in King William's cabinet the fol- 
 lowing letters from the Duke of York to the Prince of 
 Orange. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. He has come to 
 England on account of bis brother's illnefs. Uncertain if 
 he Jhall not be obliged to return. 
 
 Windfor, Sept. 6, 1679. 
 
 " T FOUND his Majefty upon the mending hand, 
 who received me very kindly ; and now, God be 
 thanked, he has got fo much ftrength that he walks into 
 the Park. I cannot yet fay what will become of me, 
 having had no difcourfe with his Majefty ; but by what 
 I have had with fome others, believe I may be fent back 
 again, becaufe they think it beft to have me away when 
 the parliament fits ; for my part, I am content to do 
 what his Majefty fhall think beft for his fervice. I am 
 very glad to find I have fo many friends left, and that 
 9 his
 
 3 i8 APPENDIX 
 
 his Majefty has been undeceived in one thing that had 
 been told him, which was, that there would be a rebel- 
 lion, and that the city would rife in cafe I came back ; 
 but neither of thefe have happened, and the city is very 
 quiet, and moft of the rich men there are pleafed with 
 it." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Is to return 
 abroad again. 
 
 Windfor, Sept. 9, 1679. 
 
 " T RECEIVED laft night your's of the i2th, and fee 
 by it you were furprized at my coming hither ; I 
 have written to you fmce my being here, and though his 
 Majefty will have me return back to Bruxells, which I 
 {hall obey, yet I am of opinion my journey hither will 
 prove advantageous to me." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Duke of Mon- 
 tnouth difgraced. Lord Sunderland is to manage the de- 
 partment of the General's bufmefs. 
 
 Windfor, Sept. 12, 1679. 
 
 " T BELIEVE you will be as much furprized with the 
 news you will have now, as with that of my 
 coming for England ; it is, that the Duke of Monmouth 
 is commanded to go out of England, and his command 
 of General taken from him, which though it may make 
 him more popular amongft the ill men, and feditious 
 people, will quite dafh his foolifh hopes that he fo vainly 
 purfued. This his Majefty refolved in upon its being 
 reprefented to him, that it was not reafonable to leave 
 the Duke of Monmouth here, and fend me back again 
 into Flanders, which he thought neceflary for his fer- 
 
 vice.
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 329 
 
 vice. The day for my going is not yet named, for he 
 mud go firft, but I believe it will be about the end of 
 next week ; he has of himfelf given up his command of 
 the horfe guards, defiling the Duke of Grafton may 
 have that command ; as for the generalfhip, no body 
 will have it more ; one of the fecretaries, which will b? 
 the Earl of Sunderland, is to manage that affair, as M. 
 de Louvois does in France. All things are very quiet in 
 the city and country, and will continue fo if his Majefty 
 does but pleafe." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Both Dufas 'are to 
 go abroad. 
 
 Windfor, Sept. 16, 1679. 
 
 <c oJNCE my laft to you I have received your's of the 
 I9th from Hounflardike, and by the laft poft gave 
 you an account of what had paffed concerning the Duke 
 of Monmouth, who, as I have been informed, has not 
 behaved himfelf as became him to his Majefty, for he 
 has kept very ill company at London, and not followed 
 his Majefty's orders in having no more to do with fuch 
 kind of men. Mr. Mountagu is one of his ftate coun- 
 fellors, and all the prefbyterians and diflenting people 
 flock to him, and endeavour to perfuade him to difobey 
 his Majefty's commands, and not to go ; but his Ma- 
 jefty fent for him to come hither yefterday, intending, 
 as I was told, to appoint a day for his going, and to 
 give him good advice. I am informed the day is not fet, 
 he faying he had a great deal of bufmefs to do ; how- 
 ever, fome fay it will be Monday or Tuefday next, and 
 when he is gone 1 am to fet out a day or two after, his 
 Majefty being ftill of opinion it is for his fervice I ihould 
 go beyond fea again j and though I am not of that mind 
 I muft obey." 
 
 VOL. I. T t
 
 33 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. On the fame 
 fubjetl. 
 
 London, Sept. 23, 1679. 
 
 ** T SEE by your's of the 26th from Hounflardike, 
 that you were very much furprized at the news I 
 wrote you concerning the Duke of Monmouth ; I do 
 not at all wonder at it, for moft people here were fo too. 
 He has ufed with his Majefty all the perfuafions he could 
 to get leave to ftay but for fome time longer, but could 
 not obtain it j and to-morrow he is to go. I am told 
 he intends for Utrecht, and to ftay there, having no 
 mind to be far from hence : I am alfo to go away on 
 Thurfday for Bruxells, and on Friday their Majefties go 
 for Newmarket, where his ftay will not be long, at leaft 
 I hope fo, for his prefence here is very neceflary in fuch 
 troublefome times as thefe." 
 
 In the mean time the profpeft of the fuccefs of the 
 above treaty with France had given courage to Charles : 
 He difmifled Shaftefbury from being prefident of the new 
 council ; he prorogued his parliament, and recalled his 
 brother from abroad j yet he dared not to keep him near 
 his perfon, but fent him into Scotland. 
 
 Upon this occafion there is in King William's ca- 
 binet the following letter from the Duke of Y.ork to the 
 Prince of Orange.
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. He is to go to 
 Scotland. Connexion between republican party in England 
 and Holland. 
 
 London, Oft. 17, 1679. 
 
 " T N my laft I gave you an account of my arrival 
 here, fmce when his Majefty has put out Lord 
 Shaftefbury from being prefident of the council ; and 
 this day the parliament was prorogued till the 26th of 
 January, notwithftanding which my journey for Scot- 
 land continues, and I hope within a few days to begin 
 my journey by land, though the ways are like to be very 
 bad by reafon of the great rains which have been of 
 late, and ftill continue. I had not time in my laft to let 
 you know a piece of intelligence I had, which it is fit 
 you fhould know ; it is, that there is a private corre- 
 fpondence between Lord Shaftefbury and fome parlia- 
 ment men of his faction, and fome of thofe are called 
 here the Loueftin party in Holland, which I am fure 
 cannot be to your advantage j and had the parliament 
 fet now, they would have proceeded in it. I hope the 
 little man's being out of employment here may help to 
 break thofe meafures; however, you would do well to 
 look a little after it where you are, for believe me the 
 prefbyterians and other republicans here have as little i 
 kindnefs for you as the reft of our family, which is all I 
 have to fay now, but that I ihall ever be as kind to you 
 as you can defire." 
 
 It is one of the features of the Duke of York's cha- 
 racter, that at all times, whether when he was heir to the 
 crown, pofleired it, or had loft it, his mind was im- 
 proved by misfortunes. His conduct in Scotland during 
 T t 2 his
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 his firft baniftiment there is known both from hiftory 
 and tradition to have been irreproachable. He was 
 confcious and vain of it bimfelf, as appears from the 
 following note of Lord Dartmouth upon Bjfhop Burnet's 
 Hiftorv : 
 
 Extreft from Lord DarttncutVs manufcript notes upon 
 Bijhop Burners Hijlory. 
 
 " T N a letter dated the I4th of December, the Duke 
 fays, " 1 live here as cautioufly as I can, and am 
 very careful to give offence to none, and to have no par- 
 tialities, and preach to them laying afide all private ani- 
 mofuies, and ferving the King his own way. None 
 fhall have reafon to complain of me j and though fome 
 of either party here (i. e. in Scotland) might have hoped 
 I (hould have fhewed my partiality for them, and fome 
 of my friends have been of opinion it had been beft for 
 me to have done fo, and by it have fecured one fide to 
 me j yet I am convinced it was not fit for me to do it, 
 it being no way good for his Majefty's fervice, which 
 I can make out by many reafons which would be too 
 long for a letter." 
 
 Secret as the attempts to a treaty between Charles and 
 Louis had been, they did not efcape the vigilant eye of 
 the Prince of Orange. He wrote his fufpicions to the 
 Duke of York ; but the Duke denied the treaty, as ap- 
 pears from the following letter in King William's ca- 
 binet from him to the Prince of Orange.
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 333 
 
 Dukf of York to the Prince of Orange. Denies the late 
 attempt to a French treaty. 
 
 Edinburgh, Nov. 27, 1679. 
 
 " T RECEIVED yefterday your's of the 24th, and ar- 
 rived here on Monday, and was received here as 
 well as at the borders of this kingdom as well as I could 
 expeft, and truly I have great reafon to be fatisfied with 
 my reception in this country. As for what you fay you 
 heard at your arrival at the Hague of a new league made 
 between England and France, the fame news has come 
 here, a flying report, but not from good hands, and I 
 do not believe it. But before this Mr. Sidney is with 
 you, and can inform you better than I can who have been 
 fo long from London, and fo little there, and fo far from 
 it, of what pafles there." 
 
 The profpecl: of the fuccefs of this treaty, which was, 
 as Charles and his minifters expreffed it, to have put 
 England into a ftate of dependence upon France, and 
 to have relieved Louis for three years from all fears of an 
 Englifh parliament, had had an effect in France alfo. 
 It produced a parfimony in the councils of that king- 
 dom with regard to the popular party in England. 
 Among feveral inftances of this in the difpatches, there 
 is the following letter from Mr. Montagu to Monf. de 
 Pomponne, complaining of it as affecting himfelf.
 
 334 APPENDIX 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Letter from Mr. Montagu to the m\nijier> 26 Ofloler, 
 1679. Claims the French King's promife for the money 
 due to him for ruining Lord Dan by. 
 
 " A LTHOUGH I know you are often importuned on 
 my account, I cannot, Sir, difpenfe with impor- 
 tuning you myfelf j I am prefled in fo ftrange a manner, 
 and have fuch intereftcd perfons to deal with, that I am 
 in an embarraflment, from which I cannot draw myfelf 
 without your help. You know, Sir, there are near eight 
 months run fince I abfolutely fulfilled what I engaged 
 myfelf for ; and if you will be at the trouble of reading 
 over the letters from this country between the 15th and 
 the 25th October, 1678, you will fee there is not the leaft 
 difficulty in my affair, and that the event has even gone 
 beyond my hopes. The perfon whom the King employs 
 here has been a witnefs of my conduct : He knows, that 
 to perform the engagement I entered into with him for 
 refufing all propofals which might be made to me, how- 
 ever advantageous they might be, has coft me fixty thou 
 fand crowns, without reckoning what I loft before, and 
 have loft within thefe fix weeks. I am perfuaded, Sir, 
 Ithat I have no need to reprefcnt all thefe things to the 
 King, to induce him to execute the promife he had the 
 goodnefs to make me ; I know how inviolable his word 
 is; but I am perfecuted on all fides, and if the King is 
 not fo good as to give orders to extricate me from the 
 trouble I am in, I am upon the point of being reduced 
 to the neceffity either of lofmg my credit and my repu- 
 tation, or of felling my eftates to difengage the promifes 
 I gave upon the promife of the King. There is not a 
 day but I am expofed to perfections, the more difagree- 
 able as the people who make them have a right to do it. 
 
 Th
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 335 
 
 The affair in queftion is fo trifling that 1 cannot doubt 
 of its being fpeedily finifhed, if you will do me the fa- 
 vour to reprefent to the King what I have wrote. You 
 have fhewn me fo many kindnefTes on many occafions, 
 that I hope you will not refufe me your afliftance in this. 
 I afk pardon for the trouble I give you, and the manner 
 in which I write; but you know, Sir, the reafons I have 
 to adl thus, and the danger I fhould put myfelf in if I 
 wrote this with my own hand. I am, &c." 
 
 Upon the breaking off the treaty with France in the 
 end of November, 1679, Charles, to gain popularity to 
 himfelf, made the moft public advances to the Dutch and 
 Spaniards ; and in the Duke of York's abfence in Scot- 
 land, made a defenfive alliance with Spain. Louis the 
 XlVth had, in the mean time, feen too late his error. 
 Barillon, as appears by his difpatch of ift February:, 
 1680, got leave from his court to yield the difputed article 
 upon the margin of the treaty, and to offer Charles a 
 penfion of 500,000 crowns for three years. Barillon 
 writes to his court, on the 22d February, 1680, that he 
 delays renewing the propofal for the treaty till the Duke 
 (hall come from Scotland, whom he expects foon,. On 
 the I4th March, 1680, he writes to his court that the 
 Duke of York was arrived, and had complained to him 
 that Lord Sunderland and the Dutchefs of Portfmouth 
 iiad taken advantage of his abfence to get the French 
 alliance broken off, and the Spaniih one formed ; and 
 that they had prefied for the laft of thefe meafures in 
 order to gain popularity to themfelves. After this, 
 Barillon's difpatches give an account of feveral attempts, 
 made by him and the Duke of York in the fpring and 
 fummer of the year 1680, to fet propofals on foot again 
 for a treaty with France. Charles refilled them all ; his 
 6 apologies,
 
 33 6 APPENDIX 
 
 apologies, as Barillon relates them, were reproaches of 
 kindnefs. Barillon writes to his court, 27 June, 1680, 
 that Charles ufed the following expreffions to him upon 
 one of thofe occafions : " That the want of an alliance 
 lay at your Majefty's door, and if he dared to fay fo, it 
 was the fecond fault of this kind which had been com- 
 mitted in France ; that when the triple alliance was made, 
 he had given information of it to Mr. de Rouvigny be- 
 forehand: That I knew what he had faid and offered to 
 myfelf." This was a repetition of what he had faid to 
 Barillon fome months before; for Barillon, on the i2lh 
 February, 1679, wrote that Charles faid : " That when 
 the triple alliance was made, he gave warning to Monf. 
 Rouvigny a long time before, that he might receive or- 
 ders from your Majefty, and powers to conclude with 
 him." 
 
 In the mean time, upon the breaking off of the treaty 
 with France in November, 1679, Louis had grven orders 
 to Barillon to renew his intrigues with the popular party 
 in England, and to let him know the names and cha- 
 raders of the chief of thofe with whom he had connected 
 himfelf. Barillon in anfwer writes the following detail. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extraft of Mr. Barillon' s letter to Louis the XlVth. 
 Names and characters of individuals cf the popular party 
 who att in a ftcret correfpondence with France. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 - SIRE, December 14, 1679. 
 
 /~>ONFORMABLE to the orders your Majefty has 
 given me, I have re-entered into a correfpondence 
 with the perfdni in parliament who I thought might be 
 
 ufeful
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 337 
 
 lifeful to your fervice hereafter. I had always kept mea- 
 fures with them to make ufe of them in time of need. I 
 fhall at prefent give your Majefty the detail, as you order 
 by your laft difpatch. 
 
 f~^ have at all times taken great care to manage ^ord 
 Hollis, and I believe I have kept him in very favourable 
 fentiments for your Majefty's interefts. He is the man 
 of all England for whom the different cabals have the 
 moft confederation. He is refpe&ed in general by all 
 parties, but principally by the prefbyterians. Nothing 
 did me fo much fervice with him as the offer I made hint 
 on your Majefty's part of a box with your picture fet 
 with diamonds. He made great acknowledgments for 
 this mark of your Majefty's efteem ; but he has not ac- 
 cepted the prefent, and I have it ftill. I have preffed him 
 many times to take itj he has always excufed himfelf, 
 and told me that he fhould ferve your Majefty with lefs 
 fcruple and more ufefully if he did not accept it, and 
 that he could not refolve to take it without the permhuon 
 of the King of Great Britain, being at prefent of his j 
 council. I oppofed with very good reafons the propofal he 
 made to me of telling his Britannic Majefty that your 
 Majefty would make him a prefent, under the very im- 
 probable pretence of his not having received one at the 
 expiration of his embafly to France. In the mean time 
 I can aflure your Majefty, that in the affair of the high 
 Treafurer and the difbanding of the army, no perfon, 
 was more ufeful to your Majefty than Lord Hollis. 
 
 Although he does not often go to parliament, he is 
 confulted by many people, and his advice has great 
 weight. He is very moderate upon the fubjecT: of the 
 Duke of York, and declares he cannot confent to his 
 exclufionj but, at the fame time, he is of opinion that 
 the power of a catholic King of England fhould be li- 
 mited. He is apprehenfive the court will always adhere 
 VOL, I. U u to
 
 33 8 APPENDIX 
 
 to the defign of governing more abfolutely than the laws 
 of England admit, and he knows that your Majefty alone 
 can facilitate the fuccefs of fuch a defign. Upon this 
 account he wifhes that the nation may not be ftirred up 
 agaiaft France ; and believes it would be a great impru- 
 dence to give any caufe of difcontent to a Prince fo 
 powerful, and who can fo eafily hurt them. I fometimcs 
 fee Lord Hollis, but, not to give fufpicion by too fre- 
 quent vifits, we have correfpondence together by the 
 Sieur Beber; he is a man who has great credit with 
 Lord Hollis, and who is greatly confidered amongft the 
 prefbyterians ; he has been very ufeful to me on many 
 occaflons, and it is through him I have been informed in 
 time of what pafles in the different cabals. I have had, 
 through the fame perfon, a ftricl: connexion with M. 
 Lyttelton, who is one of the moft confiderable in the 
 Houfe of Commons, and whofe opinions have always 
 been the moft followed. I have alfo kept a particular 
 correfpondence with Mr. Powle. He was put into the 
 council when the perfons who oppofed the court were put 
 there. He has fo conducted himfelf fince that time, that 
 he will always be ufeful when the parliament fliall meet : 
 He is a man fit to fill one of the firft pofts in England ; 
 he is very eloquent and very able; our firft correfpond- 
 ence came through Mr. Montagu's means ; but I have 
 fince kept it by my own, and very fecretly. 
 
 Mr. Harbord is another of thofe whom I have made 
 ufe of, and who bore an adlive part in the affair of the 
 Treafurerand the difbanding of the troops; but it would 
 be difficult to employ him at prefent. He has confiderable 
 credit amongft people in the country; he would be more 
 fit if a minifter was to be attacked, than he will be to 
 fpeak in parliament againft an alliance which the court 
 would make, and the other party hinder. 
 
 Thefe
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 339 
 
 Thefe four have touched what was promifed them, 
 when the difbanding the troops fhould be finiflied, and 
 the high Treafurer removed from affairs. 
 
 1 fend a memorial apart, by which your Majefty will 
 fee what has been given for this, and fome other expences 
 laid out by your orders. 
 
 Mr. Sidney has been of great ufe to me on many oc- 
 cafions. He is a man who was in the firft wars, and 
 who is naturally an enemy to the court. He has for 
 fome time been fufpecled of being gained by Lord Sun- 
 derland j but he always appeared to me to have the fame 
 fentiments, and not to have changed maxims. He has a 
 great deal of credit amongft the independants, and is alfo 
 intimate with thofe who are the moft oppofite to the court 
 in parliament. He was elected for this prefent one *. I 
 gave him only what your Majefty permitted me. He 
 would willingly have had more, and if a new gratifica- 
 1 tion was given him, it would be eafy to engage him 
 entirely. However, he js very favourably difpofed to what 
 your Majefty may defire ; and is not willing that Eng- 
 land and the States General fhould make a league. He 
 is upon bad terms with his brother, who is in Holland 
 and laughs at the court's making ufe of him as a nego- 
 ciator. I believe he is a man who would be very ufeful 
 if the affairs of England fhould be brought to ex- 
 tremities. 
 
 Since the time that an alliance has been fpoken of be- 
 tween the States General and England, I have taken a 
 great deal of care to nourifh the diffidence which fome of 
 the moft confiderable perfons in parliament have of the 
 Prince of Orange ; they are apprehenfive that his union 
 with the court will render the government more firm, 
 and give it more authority : But to fay the truth, as if. 
 
 * Mr. Sidney's eleftion was found not to be good. 
 
 U u 2 appears.
 
 340 APPENDIX 
 
 appears to me, I do not believe it would be poffible to 
 prevent the parliament from approving a league made 
 with the States General to guarantee the peace. All 
 that could be done afterwards (if it fhould happen) 
 would be to hinder the parliament from giving confi- 
 derable fums ; I therefore do not think I ought to pro- 
 pofe to your Majefty the making any new expence at 
 prcfcnt, the fuccefs of which might be very doubtful. 
 It will be always time enough to give and promife new 
 rewards to thofe whofe fervices may be wiflied for, when 
 it is feen if the parliament is to be aflembled. 
 
 If your Majefty thinks I ought again to prefs Lord 
 Hollis to accept the box of diamonds, I may by means 
 of Lady Hollis make him accept it; I don't prefume (he 
 will be fo difficult as he has been. I fhall alfo wait your 
 Majefty's orders for offering any thing to the* others of 
 \vhom I have made mention, but fhall not make ufe of 
 the permiffion you may give unlefs on occafions which I 
 fhall think effential to your fervice. 
 
 I ought to give your Majefty an account of what re- 
 gards Mr. Montagu fcparate from the others, being 
 engaged as he is in your Majefty 's interefts by particular 
 confiderations. I have had trouble enough to defend 
 myfelf for thefe fix mpnths againfl his felicitations for 
 the payment of the fum which was promifed him for the 
 ruin of the high Treafurer. He alleges that the condi- 
 tion is fulfilled on his part. I have always endeavoured to 
 make him underftand that it was an affair not entirely 
 finifhed, and that being fully aflured of what had been 
 promifed to him, he ought not to make himfclf uneafy 
 .whether the payment be made a little fooner or later. He 
 does not give way to my reafons. The two journeys 
 which the Sieur Falaifeau has made to no purpofe, would 
 have made him refolve to go himfelf to folicit the pay- 
 ment of the fum he pretends a right to, if he could have 
 
 left
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 341 
 
 Jeft England at a time when affairs are in fo great com- 
 motion, and in which he has acle.d fo great a part. 
 Your Majefty will remember, if you pleafe, that Mr. 
 Montagu (poke to me in the month of January laft, to 
 try if you would favour the Duke of Monmouth's pre- 
 tenfions : It was the principal motive of his journey to 
 France when he was feized at Dover. Mr. Montagu 
 knew well afterwards by the refervednefs with which I 
 fpoke to him upon that affair, that your Majefty was not 
 difpofed to fupport fo unjuft a defign, and which then 
 appeared very chimerical. However, upon other affairs 
 we have always had a good correfpondence, and havd 
 preferved the greateft union. He has often fpoken to me 
 of getting Lord Shaftefbury into your Majefty's interefts, 
 and alleges that it would not be impoflible if a confi- 
 derable fum were employed. I don't know if your 
 Majefty will judge it ufeful to your fervice to endeavour 
 at it at prefent ; it would be a very proper means to ftir 
 up new embarraffments to the King of England, and 
 Lord Shaftefbury would be ftill more bold, if he found 
 himfelf fecretly fupported by your Majefty : But it will 
 be difficult to turn him from his engagements againft the 
 Duke of York, and to prevent his beftirring himfelf for 
 the elevation of the Duke of Monmouth, or for that of 
 the Prince of Orange; for his defigns are difficult 
 enough to penetrate : And perhaps his principal end is to 
 endeavour the eftablifhment of a republic, of which he 
 would aim at being chief. 
 
 If your Majefty will give me leave to fay what I think 
 ought to be done at prefent with regard to Mr. Montagu, 
 I think you might command me to give him pofitive af- 
 furances of the payment of what was promifed him, and 
 that a certain time be named on which this payment fhall 
 be a&vally made : If after this your Majefty will, by his 
 means and thofe of Mrs. Hervey his lifter, gain any 
 
 members
 
 34* 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 members of parliament, I can anfwer that two per Tons 
 cannot be found more proper to traverfe all the defigns of 
 the court. It was by an intrigue of Mrs. Hervey that I 
 caufed to be continued at Bruflcls a certain perfon named 
 Bulftrode, who, as Monf. de Louvois at that time in- 
 formed me, was ufeful to your Majefty's fervice. It has 
 been my principal application with thofe whom I have at 
 prefent mentioned, to take away from them the leaft 
 fufpicion that your Majefty will enter into a treaty with 
 the King of England. I have, however, taken care not 
 to ufe pofitive words upon this, efpecially to my Lord 
 Hollis ; I have only told him in general that your Ma- 
 jefty will never enter into any engagement with his Bri- 
 tannic Majefty which might be prejudicial to the liberties 
 and privileges of the Englifh. 
 
 I will fay nothing to your Majefty upon the fubject of 
 the Duke of Buckingham, becaufe he is not here at pre- 
 fent, and your Majefty knows of yourfclf of what ufe 
 he may be to your fervice. I don't doubt but he is dif- 
 fatisfied with the refufal I gave him this fummer of the 
 twenty thoufand crowns, which he wanted the power of 
 difpofing of j I would rather let him think that I made 
 this laving of myfelf, than let him know that I did it by 
 order. As I faw he had a defign of going to France, 
 and doubt not he has been there, I imagine, when ho 
 appears here, I (hall find him difpofed to ferve your Ma- 
 jefty when occafions (hall prefent. It does not appear to. 
 me he has great credit in parliament, but he may be ufe-, 
 ful with regard to the populace, and in times of troubles. 
 It is not the moft regular minds which always ftrike the 
 moft confiderable ftrokes," 
 
 As there was no parliament, and no traffic for money 
 between Louis and Charles, in the fummer of the 
 
 year
 
 TO CSAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 343 
 
 year i68o,'Barillon's difpatchcs are not very interefting 
 during that period j yet it appears from them that the 
 Dutchefs of Portfmouth and Lord Sunderland had quitted 
 the intereft of the Duke, and were anxious to bring 
 about a reconciliation between the parliament and the 
 King; that the Duke was extremely averfe from this, and 
 thought a civil war the preferable way of extricating the 
 King from the difficulties he was under. 
 
 Barillon writes thus to Louis the XlVth, on the igth 
 Auguft, 1680 : " The Duke of York's deflgn is, that 
 things fhould be brought to extremities, and come to an 
 open rupture. He is perfuaded that the royal authority 
 can be .eftablimed in England only by a civil war. By 
 this he thinks to prevent the danger with which he is 
 threatened." 
 
 Charles, however, chofe a lefs dangerous experiment, 
 nnd to get fuppiies at home, fince he got them no longer 
 from France, afTembled his parliament on the 21 ft of 
 Oaober, 1680. 
 
 Before it met he was under an extreme embarrafTment 
 whether to fend his brother again into Scotland. The 
 following difpatch gives an account of this, as well as of 
 the fufpicions which the Duke of York entertained of 
 his brother's advifers.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Yranjlation. 
 
 Extraft of a difpatch from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 XIV th^ Ottober 28, 1680. The Duke uncertain if be 
 is to be fent to Scotland. His fufpicion of his brother's 
 advifers. The Duke begs the fupport of France. In 
 the Depot. 
 
 " 'TpHE Duke of York fent for me two days ago by 
 Mr. Churchill ; he faid, that 1 faw matters in a 
 great agitation; that he did not defpair of being able to 
 fave himfelf, and that the King his brother is not yet 
 entirely determined to abandon him to his parliament j 
 that the opinions of the council had been almoft equally 
 divided, and the refolution of it as to him was to wait 
 to fee what parliament would do ; that he did not believe 
 that the King his brother would deliver him to his ene- 
 mies, and that he fhould always have time to retire; that 
 Lord Sunderland and Lady Portfmouth were embarrafled 
 from their opinion not having been followed, and per- 
 haps they might yet acknowledge that his departure 
 would be unneceflary. 
 
 This Prince then told me that he knew now how he 
 had been betrayed. That Mr. Temple, Lord Sunder- 
 land, and Mr. Henry Sidney, had concerted with the 
 Prince of Orange the treaty with Spain, and afterwards 
 to bring affairs to. the point they arc at. That Mr. 
 Vanleuve was come to try to make the Prince of Orange 
 a gainer by his ruin ; and that he had been cheated by 
 all thofe in whom he had the moft reafon to have con- 
 fided ; that I fhould not think him fo weak as not to have 
 feen for fome time paft a part of what he fees at prefent, 
 but it was not in his power to hinder it ; and that he was 
 unwilling to give thofe who had deceived him a pretence 
 
 to
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 345 
 
 to complain of the diffidence he might have fhevvrt of 
 them; that they would have tried to make him eafy 
 again by all forts of oaths ; that he ftill comforted himfelf 
 upon the experience of the part, which ought to make his 
 brother know, and thofe who have his principal con- 
 fidence, how unferviceable to the Earl of Danby it had 
 been, to make him (the Duke) go out of the kingdom, 
 and what fmall thanks the parliament had given him for 
 itj that he begged me to let your Majefty know what is 
 paffing; and to reprefent that your protection alone can 
 fave the King of Great Britain from utter ruin ; that 
 thofe who are about him will give him Up to parliament 
 to fave themfelves j and that the government will be en- 
 tirely changed as foon as the parliament fhall obtain his (the 
 Duke's) baniftiment and exclufion. He added, that Mr* 
 Hyde had fpoken to the King of Great Britain with much 
 firmnefs and vigour, to convince him that he could not 
 abandon his brother without being ruined himfelf: That 
 this had embarrafled him ; that others of the council had 
 again fpoken to his Britannic Majefty, and he did not 
 defpair but they might make him fenfible how dangerous 
 are the councils that are given him; that notwithftand- 
 ing all this he fhould not be furprifed if the King his 
 brother made him depart in two days." 
 
 The Duke of York- judged right in his fufpicions of 
 his brother's fteadinefs, exprefled in the end of this laft 
 letter; a few days after he received an order for retiring 
 to Scotland ; but this created a new embarrafTment to 
 Charles, for the Duke fearing a perfonal attack from 
 parliament in his abfence, infifted, before he went, to 
 have a pardon for his protection. 
 
 A note in Lord Anglefea's hand-writing of the de- 
 bates in council upon that fubjecl: is to be found in the 
 Clarendon Papers, 
 
 VOL, I. X x The
 
 34 6 APPENDIX 
 
 The King having refufed a pardon to the Duke, he be- 
 came defperate. Barillon had written his court on the 24th 
 October, 1680, that the Duke refufed to go to Scotland, 
 that the two Secretaries of State and Lord Halifax and 
 Lord Eflex had intreated him in vain, and that the King 
 was under great perplexity, becaufe it was againft law to 
 compel the Duke to leave the kingdom without his 
 confent. 
 
 Among other fchemes of revenge, the Duke of York 
 about this time told Barillon, that he would defend him- 
 felf by a civil war from Scotland and Ireland. An ac- 
 count of this, and of the ftate of parties in England, is 
 to be found in the following difpatch : 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Extract of a difpatcb from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 XlVth, Oftober 31, 1680. State of the court. The 
 Dutchefs of Pcrtfmouth and Lord Sunderland have given 
 up the Duke of York. The Duke's defperate fchemes of 
 revenge. 
 
 * 'p H E Duke and Dutchefs of York embarked yefter- 
 day morning in the river for Scotland. The 
 King of Great Britain conducted them to Leigh. I had 
 a long converfation with the Duke of York, in which 
 that Prince (hewed great marks of mifery; he thinks 
 himfelf entirely abandoned, and does not reckon upon 
 being long in Scotland. The King his brother however 
 gave them fine words, and told him that neceflity alone 
 obliged him to fend him away : That it would have been 
 impoffible for him to fupport him againft the efforts of the 
 Lower Houfe, and that it was much more proper to dif- 
 folve the parliament upon any other account (as that of 
 the bifhops) than upon an accufation which might have 
 
 been
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 been profecuted againft him ; that it would not have been 
 in his power to have prevented his going to the Tower; 
 that he promifed him however never to abandon him, and 
 that he knows the confequences. 
 
 The Duke of York believes that the Prince of Orange 
 
 O 
 
 will come here foon, with a defign to draw advantage 
 from what may be done againft him the Duke. 
 
 I will not repeat to your Majefty all the Duke of York 
 faid about things paft : He entered into a detail of the 
 firft treaties which were made between your Majefty and 
 the King his brother ; and complained in very vehement 
 terms of the treatment he receives for an affair in which 
 he had only obeyed and conformed himfelf to the will of 
 the King of Great Britain, 
 
 He informed me that fome of the Lords who are pri- 
 foners in the Tower had been in the fecret of all that had 
 been projected, and that he did not underftand how the 
 King his brother could chufe to drive all the Catholics 
 to defpair, and perfecute them without meafure. To 
 this he added, in terms full of rage, that if he was 
 pufhed to extremity, and faw himfelf like to be entirely 
 ruined by his enemies, he would find means to make 
 them repent it, and revenge himfelf of them by giving 
 your Majefty alfo your revenge for the condufl they had 
 held here with regard to you; the meaning of which is, 
 that he hopes to be able to excite troubles in Scotland 
 and Ireland, and he even alleges he has a party in Eng- 
 land more confiderable than is thought of. He finished 
 his difcourfe with great proteftations of being eternally 
 attached to your Majefty, and by a very humble prayer 
 to grant him your protection. 
 
 To all this I anfwered in terms which appeared to me 
 the moft fuitable to the condition this Prince is reduced 
 to, without entering into any thing particular, 
 
 Xx a ft
 
 34 8 APPENDIX 
 
 If the Duke of York remains in Scotland, he alleges 
 he may be able to reunite the factions which divide that 
 country, and to put himfelf in a condition not to be op- 
 prefled there: It does not appear that they have any in- 
 tention here to give him leifure to do it; and I do not 
 doubt but they will oblige him to quit it as foon as the 
 parliament demands it of his Britannic Majefty. All 
 this appears to me to be already concerted ; and it is very 
 probable that Lord Sunderland and Lady Portfmouth are 
 agreed with the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Shaftefbury. 
 There is no doubt but the Duke of Monmouth has feen the 
 King of Great Britain, and that there is a fecret recon- 
 ciliation between them. I don't fee a perfon who is not 
 perfuaded that the Duke of Monmouth will foon be re- 
 placed in all his employments: They talk of giving him 
 the office of Lord Steward of the Houfehold, which the 
 Duke of Ormond has. It is difficult to comprehend 
 how the intereftof the Prince of Orange and that of the 
 Duke of Monmouth can agree. Mr. Montagu fays, 
 the Duke of Monmouth at prefent fhews no other defign 
 than that of procuring the good and advantage of all the 
 nation by the Duke of York's exclullon ; but at the bot- 
 tom that he will purfue his point, and hazard all rather 
 than fubmit willingly to the Prince of Orange. He 
 alleges, that when he is once re-eftablifhed at court, he 
 will advance his aftairs, and fucceed more eafily by the 
 means of parliament, and by keeping himfelf always 
 united with thofe who have the greateft credit among the 
 people. 
 
 The minifters appear much inclined to the Prince of 
 Orange; but it is believed they referve to themfclves the 
 liberty of abandoning him if they meet with too many 
 difficulties in making his pretenfions fucceed; and that 
 the King of Great Britain will in general do what h 
 can to pleafe his parliamer.t. I know that this Prince 
 
 faid
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 349 
 
 faid privately to a confidant, that he was affured the 
 Prince of Orange would affift him with men and money if 
 affairs here were pufhed to extremities, and came to the 
 point of being decided by force. I have not failed to 
 make all this known to perfons who will make a good 
 ufe of it. 
 
 I obferve exactly, however, the conduct your Majefty 
 has prefcribed to me. I keep myfelf very referved with 
 Mr. Montagu upon the fubjec~l of the Duke of Mon- 
 tnouth : I have endeavoured to make him underftand 
 that your Majefty's intereft is confined to preventing the 
 parliament from granting money to the King of Great 
 Britain wherewith to fupport his alliances, but that your 
 Majefty could not enter into other affairs entirely feparate 
 from what is at prefent in agitation; that I perceived 
 your Majefty was far from favouring the Prince of 
 Orange's party, and that you even judged it very im- 
 portant for your fervice to prevent him from eftablifliing 
 himfelf upon the Duke of York's ruin; that in this it 
 appeared to me the Duke of Monmouth would find a 
 great advantage, becaufe he would have the fame enemy 
 with France as long as the Prince of Orange kept the 
 fame conduct he had done for fome years, and which in 
 all appearance he has no defign to change. 
 
 I thought, Sire, I ought to fpeak in this manner to 
 Mr. Montagu to prevent the Duke of Monmouth from 
 lofing altogether the hopes of having your Majefty's 
 protection ; for this would facilitate his reconciliation 
 with the Prince of Orange. 
 
 I fend your Majefty a 'memorial of the expence I have 
 laid out till this time. Affairs are too confufed, and the 
 interefts too oppofite and too difficult for me to be able to 
 take any meafures that are certain. I have therefore 
 thought it my duty not to employ confiderable fums, till 
 J can fee (by what fliall be dpne during the firft day of 
 
 the
 
 350 APPENDIX 
 
 the feflion of parliament) the turn which affairs will 
 take. By all I can learn from different places, I judge 
 that the King of Great Britain has refolved to do what- 
 ever the parliament fhall incline ; but he may yet change 
 his refolution, for they will afTuredly afk things of him 
 which will entirely annihilate the royal authority. There 
 is one I know is agitated in the cabals, which is to de- 
 mand an annual parliament, and that it fhall fit a fuffi- 
 cient time to regulate thofe affairs which regard the in- 
 tereft of the nation : If this were eftablifhed, the form 
 of the government would be entirely changed j for 
 though the parliament fhould not be fitting, they would 
 ftill govern by means of a council *, which would do no- 
 thing but what they believed would be afterwards ap- 
 proved of by parliament. 
 
 Yefterday evening I faw Mr. Montagu j he did not 
 conceal from me that the Duke of Monmouth was re- 
 conciled with Lady Portfmouth and Lord Sunderland, 
 and that various propofals were making for the future, 
 and that there would be great changes at court. If it be 
 Co, as I do not doubt it is, the Duke of York will be 
 entirely abandoned and excluded. I was told to-day that 
 he will not continue at Edinburgh, but in a country 
 houfe of the Duke of Rothes. It is eafy to fee this is a 
 preparation for his not continuing in Scotland. 
 
 I know that at the breaking up of a council in which 
 there were eleven voices for the Duke of York's not 
 leaving the kingdom againft feven who were for it, the 
 King of Great Britain faid, " he muft leave it then, 
 fince there are fo many people for him." 
 
 Mr. Seymour, formerly fpeaker, faid in the fame 
 council, that thofe who fo readily gave their opinions 
 for the Duke of York's going away, would as readily 
 
 . * Perhaps he means committee. 
 A vote
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW; 
 
 vote another time for the King to quit the kingdom, if 
 the people would have it fo. Mr. Godolphin replied to 
 this j " If the Duke of York does not leave it at pre- 
 fent, he will be obliged to go in a fortnight, and the 
 King along with him." The truth is, the interior of 
 the court, that is to fay, thofe who have his Britannic 
 Majefty's confidence, appear more keen for the Duke of 
 York's leaving the kingdom than the moft violent of the 
 parliament. All this makes it believed that the King of 
 Great Britain has not a mind to fupport him, but to 
 get fome advantage to himfelf, if poffible, by aban- 
 doning him.'* 
 
 The intelligence of the Duke of York's projeft for a 
 civil war, was received by Louis the XlVth, as might 
 have been expected : He inftantly gave Barillon orders to 
 encourage the Duke in it. 
 
 On the 8th November, 1680, Louis the XlVth 
 writes thus to Barillon : " If you fee him refolved to 
 fupport himfelf by means of Scotland and Ireland, you 
 may afTure him that in that event I will not refufe him 
 fecret fupplies." 
 
 On the ifth November, Louis the XlVth writes to 
 Barillon thus : " But to encourage this Prince, and to 
 make him fee that if he finds he has friends enough and 
 forces enough to maintain himfelf in the place where he 
 is, againft all the efforts which his enemies may make to 
 drive him from it, I will not refufe in that cafe fecret aids, 
 nor the protection which my inclination leads me to give 
 to the juftice of his caufe." 
 
 And Barillon's letter, of 30th December, 1680, to 
 his court, mentions Louis's having fent a trufty mef- 
 fenger to Scotland with an aflurance of his fervices to 
 
 the
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 the Duke of York. Colonel Churchill, as will be feen 
 in a difpatch below, was the perfon whofe cautious 
 temper prevented thefe Tallies of the Duke from being at- 
 tended with confequenees ; for he informed Barillon that 
 the Duke was not able to make a ftand for himfelf in 
 Scotland. 
 
 The Duke of York was the more irritated at this 
 time, "becaufe his brother had renewed his application to 
 him to conform to the church of England. Barillon 
 writes thus to his court, on the i4th O&ober, 1680 : 
 " I know it from a good quarter that the King of Eng- 
 land prefles the Duke of York ftrongly to take the pro- 
 teftant tefts, and that he has declared to him it is the only 
 means of bringing about his continuance in England, and 
 preventing his utter ruin." 
 
 This is confirmed by the following note of Lord Dart- 
 mouth upon Bifhop Burnet's Hiftory. 
 
 One of Lord Dartmouth's notes upon Bijhop Burnet's 
 Hi/lory. 
 
 P. 517. "I have a letter of the Duke's in which 
 ire thefe words : What you hint to me in your letter, 
 and what Lord Hallifax in his has more plainly faid, and 
 has been preft by Lord Hyde concerning my going to 
 church, has mortified me very much, fince I cannot do 
 it ; for indeed I fee nothing but ruin, when fuch mea- 
 fures are taken as produced fuch a meflage to me, when 
 there was no reafon to believe I would comply."
 
 CftAK IV. OF THE REVIEW. 353 
 
 While Louis was endeavouring to raife commotions, 
 by means of the Duke of York, in Scotland and Ireland, 
 he was making preparations to fow divifions between the 
 King and his fubje&s in England. Dreading the fef- 
 fion of a new parliament, he gave orders to Barillon, 
 before it met, to tempt the King with a money treaty, 
 on the one hand, and to intrigue with the popular party, 
 on the other. 
 
 The fame letter of Louis the XtVth, to wit, that 6f 
 I5th November, 1680, which ordered Barillon to en- 
 courage the Duke of York to make a ftand in Scotland, 
 ordered him to allure the republican party in parliament, 
 that he would protect the privileges of the nation. 
 
 On the 23d November, 1680, Louis writes Barillorii 
 to encourage Charles to follow a firm and bold conduct to 
 his fubje&s in his prefent fituation. 
 
 On the i3th December, 1680, Louis's letter to Ba- 
 rillon expreffes his fatisfadion at the divifions in Eng- 
 land, arid orders him to affaire the republican party that 
 it is not his intention to fuffer their liberties to be hurt. 
 
 The two following difpatches fhow, in a ftrong lightj 
 the diftracted ftate of the kingdom, and that verfatility 
 of politics by which Louis the XlVth accommodating 
 his conduct to the variation of circumftances, played at 
 that time the King and parliament againft each other, 
 deceiving both feparately, while he pretended to be a 
 ifriend to both feparately. 
 
 VOL. I, Y .y
 
 354 APPENDIX 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extratt of a difpatcb from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 XlVtb, 4/ November y 1680. Has got orders bow to 
 aft if the King makes advances to France. Dijlraftiont 
 
 of England, 
 
 
 
 " 'TpHE day before yefterday I received your Ma- 
 jefty's difpatch of the 2gth Odober, which was 
 brought me by an exprefs meflenger : It inftru&s me 
 fully in what I have to do, if the King of Great Britain 
 takes the refolution of having recourfe to your Majefty, 
 which is the only good flep that remains for him : This 
 may happen every day. It does not however appear 
 that this Prince is fenfible as yet of the danger he is in in 
 all its extent, and how much he ought to endeavour to 
 get out of it ; on the contrary, all that pafles makes one 
 judge that his intention is to fatisfy his parliament at 
 whatever price it may be, and to try if he can by this 
 means obtain fome eafe, and re-eftablifh his affairs ; but 
 Sunderland and Lady Portfmouth have promifed the 
 Duke of Monmouth, Lord Shaftefbury, and Lord Ruf- 
 fel, that the King of Great Britain fhall grant all that 
 the parliament will afk, provided they put him in a con- 
 dition of fubfifting. 
 
 I know that there is a fecret condition agreed on, and 
 which makes the foundation of all the prefent conduct of 
 both parties j to wit, that the parliament mail give the 
 King of Great Britain power to name for his fuccefibr 
 whom he pleafes, as was prarifed in the time of Henry 
 the Eighth. The Duke of Monmouth flatters himfelf 
 with being named ; I don't doubt but Lady Portfmouth 
 and Lord Sunderland have given him hopes of it. 
 Lady Portfmouth has alfo pretenfions for her fon. What 
 12 I write
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 355 
 
 I write to your Majefty will appear without doubt very 
 extraordinary, but England has no refemblance to other 
 countries." 
 
 ^Tranjlation. 
 
 Extra ft of a difpatch from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 XlVtb, $tb December i 1680. His intrigues with the 
 Popular party and with the King to continue the divijions of 
 England. In the Depot. 
 
 " T SEND your Majefty, in a memorial apart, the 
 names of the members of parliament whom I have 
 engaged in your interefts. The foundation of all thefe 
 engagements is, that the parliament fhall not enter into 
 the alliance made with Spain, nor into thofe which may 
 be propofed with the States General, the Emperor, and 
 other Princes of the empire, nor give any money to his 
 Britannic Majefty to fupport them. The greateft part 
 of thefe connections could not be made by myfelf ; few 
 were to be found who would directly treat with, or have 
 any commerce with me, by which they might have ex- 
 pofed their fortunes and their lives. I made ufe of Mr. 
 Montagu and Mrs. Hervey, his fifter j of Mr. Harbord, 
 Alergnoon Sidney, and the Sieur Beber, from all of 
 whom I had already received great help in the affair of 
 the Earl of Danby. The interefts of thofe with whom 
 I am in commerce are very different and very oppoflte. 
 Mr. Montagu would willingly be well with the court, 
 and have a great place if it were poflible ; he would be 
 very glad firft to go ambaflador extraordinary to France 
 for fome time. He has declared himfelf openly againft 
 the Duke of York, and is entered into an intimate con- 
 fidence with the Duke of Monmouth ; he is alfo united 
 with Lord Ruflel and Lord Shaftelbury. Although 
 Y y 2 Mr.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Mr. Montagu has been in your Majefty's interefts a 
 long time, and the fum of which he expects the payment 
 is alone fufficient to prevent his taking any contrary ftep, 
 he wifhes that I would enter farther into the Duke of 
 Monmouth's affair, and the referve which he obferves in 
 me upon that head, makes him fometimes fufpeft that 
 your Majefty fupports the Duke of York, and that you 
 will protect him hereafter. . I make him eafy by telling 
 him that the refolution to fupport fuch a pretenfion as the 
 Duke of Monmouth's is not lightly to be taken j that 
 it ought to fuffice that the Prince of Orange is his 
 greateft enemy, as he is alfo of France ; that your Ma- 
 jefty will determine according to what you think moft 
 proper, when the crown of England fhall be difputed 
 among many pretenders ; but in the interim it is not 
 your province to meddle with the domeftic affairs of 
 England, except to prevent any fteps being taken with 
 regard to foreign ones, which may be contrary to your 
 interefts. That as to what regards the Duke of York, 
 his paft condud frees your Majefty from all you might 
 have done for him, if he had perlifted in the firft en- 
 gagements which he formed ; that at prefent your Ma- 
 jefty had too much prudence to charge yourfelf with the 
 protection of a prince againft whom all England feemed 
 to be united. That with regard to the King of Great 
 Britain, all he has done for fome years paft would put it 
 out of your Majefty's thoughts to aflift him in aug- 
 menting his authority, and governing abfolutely, even 
 though your Majefty's true intereft was not to maintain 
 the government of England in the form now eftablifhed. 
 All I faid did not perfuade Mr. Montagu, but the mo- 
 ney I paid him by your Majefty's order makes his mind 
 very eafy. I believe it will be necefiary to make him a 
 fecond payment of fifty thoufand livres, for the excufe of 
 h bills of exchange not coming faft enough is not fuf- 
 
 ficient^
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 357 
 
 ficient, and in the prefent conjuncture he may be of 
 great ufe to me in your Majefty's affairs. Mrs. Her- 
 vey, his fifter, is as deep as he in all the intrigues: 
 She is a woman of a bold and enterprifing fpirit, and 
 has intereft and connexions with a great number of 
 people of the court and parliament. It was through 
 her I engaged Mr. Hamden and Mr. Harbord, who arc 
 two of the moft conftderable members of parliament. 
 
 The Sieur Algernoon Sidney is a man of great views 
 and very high defigns, which tend to the eftablifhment of 
 a republic. He is in the party of the independants and 
 other fe&aries ; and this party were matters during the 
 laft troubles : They are not at prefent very powerful in 
 parliament, but they are ftrong in London ; and it is 
 through the intrigues of the Sieur Algernoon Sidney 
 that one of the two fheriffs, named Bethel, has been 
 elected. The Duke of Buckingham is of the fame 
 party, and believes himfelf at'the head ; 'he is fo in ef- 
 fect as to the appearance, but at the bottom it is Dolor 
 Owen who is the patriarch of the fe&aries, and Mr. Pen, 
 who is the chief of the Quakers. This laft is a man of 
 great parts, fon of a vice-admiral of England, and very 
 rich : He is certainly at the head of a very great party, 
 although he does not appear in public aflembjies, from 
 which his feel: are excluded. The moderating of the 
 penal laws, with regard to them, is at prefent upon 
 the carpet; it is the moft important thing that can he 
 agitated with regard to the domeftic affairs of England, 
 and leads to the entire deftru&ion of epifcopacy and of 
 the Englifh religion. 
 
 The fervice which I may draw from Mr, Sidney does 
 not appear, for his connections are with obfcure and 
 concealed perfons ; but he is intimate with the .Sieur 
 Jones, who is a man of the greateft knowledge in the 
 Jaws pf England, and will be chancellor if the party op- 
 
 pofed.
 
 35$ APPENDIX 
 
 pofed to the court (hall gain the fuperiority, and the 
 Earl of Shafteftmry be contented with any other em- 
 ployment. 
 
 Mr. Harbord is the fame whom I engaged in the affair 
 of the high Treafurer ; he is a friend of Mr. Montagu's, 
 but has not the fame connections with the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth ; on the contrary, he appears to be in the Prince 
 of Orange's intereft : Through him I have engaged 
 many perlons of great credit in parliament, and in Lon- 
 don. He is an adive vigilant man, from whom I have 
 very good informations, and who has a great deftre to 
 make his fortune by means of France. Mr. Montagu 
 knows only a part of the connexions which we have. 
 
 The Chevalier Beber is he through whom I have a 
 connection with the prefbyterians. He is a rich man, 
 and afraid of troubles j at the bottom he is attached to 
 the Duke of Yoik. I fee plainly that the pains he has 
 taken have not been ufelefs, for the prefbyterians are 
 entirely againft the Prince of Orange, and I believe it 
 w.ii be very difficult to fet to rights what has been done 
 againft him. 
 
 There are other people from whom I got fome fer- 
 vices. The Baron de Wites is one of them. I knew 
 Ilim at Cologne, and he has given me pretty good advice 
 fmce I came here ; the King of Great Britain and the 
 Duke of York put confidence in him j he appears dif- 
 contented with the Spaniards, by whom he alleges he 
 has been very ill treated. I would not truft to that, but 
 make ufe of him without confiding any thing important 
 to him. 
 
 The Sieur Ducros, refident from the Duke of Hol- 
 ftein, gives me alfo very good intelligence ; he is a great 
 friend of Lord Cavendifh, and has mu^ch influence upon 
 his mind. He is author of the writing which I fend 
 your Majefty. I have had it trar.flated into Englifh to 
 
 diftribute
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW- 359 
 
 distribute copies of it. Libels of this kind are of great 
 ufe in this country. It is the fame Ducros, who, this 
 fummer, compofed the Remarks upon the Spanifh al- 
 liance, with which the minifters were very angry, and 
 wifhed much to difcover the author. 
 
 I have gained one of Lord Sunderland's clerks, named 
 le Pin, who fometimes gives me good information. I 
 keep always a connection with the Duke of Bucking- 
 ham ; he has been very ill, but is at prefent better. If 
 affairs grow worfe, as it may very well happen, he will 
 have a great deal of credit in London ; he will make a 
 greater figure than is imagined j he has been once at 
 the upper houfe j he is an enemy to the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, and is thereby in fome meafure for the Duke of 
 York. 
 
 My principal care and my firft application has been to 
 engage perfons of credit in parliament to hinder the al- 
 liances being approved, and the granting of money to 
 iupport them. This is the prefent intereft of your Ma- 
 jefty ; but with regard to the future, I fee what your 
 Majefty has moft at heart is to prevent England from 
 being re-united by an accommodation between his Bri- 
 tannic Majefty and his parliament. 
 
 Your Majefty has grounds for thinking that the Duke 
 of Monmouth's elevation might contribute much to that 
 union. Upon this account I have fought for all means 
 of traverfing and throwing back his pretenfions, without 
 expofing myfelf to be fufpected of favouring the Duke 
 of York. He was informed two days ago by Mr. Her- 
 bert that a courier was come exprefs from the Prince of 
 Orange to offer his help to his Britannic Majefty, and 
 every thing in his power in cafe affairs fhould be em- 
 broiled here. This is the foundation of the report that 
 the States General offer to enter into all his Britannic 
 Majefty 's interefts : This offer is Sufficiently fpread in 
 
 parliament,
 
 36o APPENDIX 
 
 parliament, and produces a bad effect for them. 1 
 thought it my duty to take this opportunity again to' 
 embolden his Britannic Majefty in cafe he is capable of 
 taking a good refolution ; and to remove the doubt he 
 fias that your Majefty will be backward to affift him, if 
 he was too ftridly united with the Prince of Orange. 
 For this purpofe, I charged my Lord St. Alban's to tell 
 him that the fincere defire your Majefty had for the pre- 
 fervation of his Britannic Majefty would not be im- 
 peded by the confideration of the Prince of Orange's 
 interefts j and thac your Majefty will confent that the 
 hieafures to be taken between you and his Britannic Ma- 
 jefty fhall not be contrary to the intentions of the Prince 
 of Orange : In a word, that the union of the royal 
 houfe of England (hall not be oppofed by your Majefty $ 
 and that if there are any expedients which can enable his 
 Britannic Majefty to lubfift himfelf without entirely fub- 
 mitting to his fubjecls, that your Majefty will facilitate 
 them on your part as much as may be in your power. 
 I particularly charged Lord St. Alban's to point out to 
 the King of Great Britain the regard your Majefty had 
 for his interefts in preference to all the reafons which 
 you might have to oppofe the Prince of Orange's great- 
 nefs : Lord St: Alban's told me, that the King of 
 Great Britain had received this overture with a great 
 deal of joy, and that he had ordered him to thank me ; 
 but this Prince has not yet opened himfelf upon the con- 
 clufion of a treaty, from whence it appears that he is not 
 yet determined to diflblve his parliament. 
 
 I thought, Sire, that this advance which I have made 
 to his Britannic Majefty could not but produce a gc 
 effet. Your Majefty gave me orders to favour 
 Prince of Orange's pretenfions rather than thofe of the 
 Duke of Monmouth ; I could not do it in parliament 
 without difcrediting myfelf entirely, and lofing the fruit
 
 tO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW, 
 
 fcf all the connexions I have made there; but your Ma- 
 jefty's intentions will have their effect, if the Prince of 
 Orange finks the balance in his Britannic Majefty's mind 
 againft the Duke of Monmouth. 
 
 After your Majefty's commands upon this head, I 
 fhall not permit myfelf any mere to refkct how the 
 Duke of Monmouth's elevation would be the occafion of 
 troubles, for a long time, in England, between two fa- 
 milies pretending to the crown. I {hall confine myfelf to 
 what your Majefty prefcribes me, and will lofe no oc- 
 cafion to thwart the Duke of Monmouth's pretenfions 
 whenever I can do it with fuccefs. I acknowledge your 
 Majefty ought to prevent his ferving for an inftrument 
 of a re-union, and eftablifhing in his perfon fo weak a 
 monarchy, as at the bottom to be only a republic. I 
 fhall direct my conduct on this ground however I be- 
 lieve it is prudent not to let any thing appear of fuch an 
 intention, and always to let this cabal flatter itfelf, that 
 your Majefty is more difpofcd to favour the Duke of 
 Monmouth than the Prince of Orange." 
 
 Some of the foregoing French difpatchcs fhcw a belief 
 in the P'rench court at this time of the probability of the 
 Duke of Monmouth's fuccefs in his pretenfions, and 
 their fear left this fuccefs might prove the inftrument of 
 reftoring harmony between the King and the popular 
 party in parliament. To prevent this, Barillon received 
 the ftrange inftru&ions mentioned in his laft letter for 
 bringing about a junction of the French and the Prince 
 of Orange's interefts in defence of the royal family pf 
 England. But the Prince of Orange was too wife to 
 expeft favours from Louis the XlVth ; ,he trufted to the 
 good fenfe of the Englifh, that if they excluded the 
 Duke of York frorn the fucceflibn on the principle of his 
 being a papift, they muft admit his daughters to it on 
 
 VOL, I. Z z- that
 
 62 APPENDIX 
 
 that of their being proteftants ; he knew his own per- 
 fonal intereft in England, and even in the King's court, 
 to be great ; for Barillon writes on the 4th Nov. it So, 
 that Godolphin, and alfo Sunderland, notwithstanding 
 his pretended friendfhip with the Dutchefs of Portf- 
 mouth, were entirely in his interefts. He probably 
 knew too the private fentiments of Charles with regard 
 to the irregular ambition of his fon ; for Barillon relates 
 in his difpatch of 21 Nov. 1680, that Monmouth having 
 faid in his fpeech in the Houfe of Lords upon the ex- 
 clufion, that he would vote for it becaufe he thought the 
 King's fafety involved in itj Charles, who was prefent, 
 faid aloud : " It is a Judas kifs which he gives me." 
 Prefuming on all thefe' circumflances, the Prince of 
 Orange got the famous Dutch and Spanifh memorials 
 fent over, which prefied the King to confent to the ex- 
 clufion of his brother. 
 
 In the mean time, Charles was liftening, though 
 without precipitation, to the advances made by Barillon 
 through means of Lord St. Alban's for a new money 
 treaty between the two Kings. The intentions of the 
 French with regard to the terms of the treaty were ori- 
 ginally, that Charles fhould withdraw himfelf from the 
 late Spanifh alliance, and recal his Ambafladors from 
 the German and northern courts; that the Duke fhould 
 return ; that the Roman Catholics fhould be favourably 
 treated, and the penal laws' againft them fufpended j 
 that Charles fhould never more call a parliament ; and 
 that in confideration of thefe things he fhould have a 
 penfion for three years. But the impatience of the 
 Duke of York in his exile could not brook a delay j for 
 as foon as he heard a treaty was thought of, he difpatched 
 Churchill to London to prefs it forward. 
 
 His
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 363 
 
 His impatience in Scotland, his fending oft Churchill, 
 and the inftrutions which Barillon got relative to the 
 terms of the intended treaty, appear in the two follow- 
 ir.g difpatches. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Letter from the Duke of York to Mr. Barillon, written 
 from Edinburgh <-, 1680, without date. This letter is be- 
 fore that of the 23^ December from Mr. Barillon to Louis 
 the XlVth, Complains of the uftsge he has met with. 
 Anxious to return to England. : In the Depot. 
 
 " T RECEIVED your letter with a great deal of fa- 
 tisfaclion, becaufe you give me frefh aflurances of 
 the King your matter's goodnefs to me ; I will endeavour 
 to deferve the continuance of it, whereof I beg you to 
 allure him. 
 
 With regard to this country, the nobility and perfons 
 of quality are by intereft attached to royalty, and they 
 are the mafters here : As to England, you are upon the 
 fpot, and know what pafies there as well as myfelf j if \ 
 was to return to the King my brother, I might hope to 
 pave the way for as good a correfpondence as ever be- 
 tween him and the King your matter ; but as long as I 
 fhall be abfent, it will be difficult to do ; for you fee by 
 the tricks they have played me, that I cannot confide 
 either in Lady Portfmouth or Lord Sunderland ; and as 
 for thofe who have or may have the King my brother's 
 confidence, unlefs I am there, they will never lend a 
 hand to what we wilh."
 
 36* APPENDIX 
 
 Tranjlation, 
 
 Extrafl of a difpatchfrom Mr. Barillon to Louis the XlVtlj t 
 ^d February^ 1681 , Churchill is come from Scotland to 
 promote a treaty with France. Barillon conceals from him 
 that it is begun. JSariHorfs injlruftions "with regard ta 
 the treaty. 
 
 " f ~t^ H E Sieur Churchill has been all this while in 
 Scotland with the Duke of York : He arrived 
 here the day before yefterday, and brought me a billet 
 from the Duke ; a copy of which I fend your Majefty. 
 What he fays fhews a great deiire on the Duke of York's 
 part to be able to return to the King his brother j but it 
 does not appear to me that affairs are yet difpofed for it 
 here; therefore I did* not think it time to execute the 
 order your Majefty gave me, to afk the Duke of York's 
 return ; I have only told Mr. Churchill that your Ma- 
 jefty wifhed it, and that you had ordered me to employ 
 myfelf in it when I fhoald believe it poffible to be 
 brought about. 
 
 Mr. Churchill faid, that the Duke of York believed 
 he fhould find a negociation begun here for the re-efta- 
 blifhment of a ftricl alliance between your Majefty and 
 the King of England j and that the principal caufe of 
 his journey was to prefs his Britannic Majefty to con- 
 clude a treaty with your J\/fajefty ; that I faw he prefled 
 jne by his billet not to lofe any time in acting and 
 making propofals which might lead to a conclufion, be- 
 caufe the Duke of York was informed that the greateft 
 efforts were making to hinder the King of England 
 from taking any meafures with your Majefty j and on 
 the contrary, for making him take meafures very oppofite 
 to your intcrefts : That it was defigned that the Prince 
 
 of
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF^THE REVIEW. 3 6 S 
 
 of Orange fhould come over, with a view that he might 
 become the matter of affairs, and be eftablifhed now in 
 a manner which could not be changed hereafter. 
 
 I did not open myfelf to Mr. Churchill upon the 
 power I have to conclude a treaty, nor upon what had 
 patted by means of Lord St. Alban's ; 1 only told him 
 that your Majefty was in very favourable difpofitions for 
 re-eftabliming a good intelligence with his Britannic 
 Majefty j and that your Majefty's principal confideration 
 was the prefervation of the Duke of York, and your 
 defire to fupport him in the fucceffion to the throne. 
 That I fhould not lofe any opportunity of letting the 
 King of England know how much your Majefty believes 
 the preferving the Duke of York is important to the pre- 
 fervation of the royal authority in England ; that I 
 ihall foon have orders from your Majefty upon all that 
 pafles here, and I fiiould then bend all my cares to caufe 
 a negociation to fucceed on which I well faw the fafety 
 of the Duke of York depended. Mr. Churchill frankly 
 owned that this Prince was not in a condition to maintain 
 himfelf in Scotland, if the King his brother did not fup- 
 port him there. They have burnt the houfe of the pro- 
 voft of Edinburgh j he is the firft magistrate of the city, 
 and has the fame functions with the mayor of London. 
 It is believed that the ftudents who burnt the pope in ef- 
 figy, fet fire, during the night, to the provoft's houfc, 
 which is but a mile from Edinburgh. 
 
 After having read over again with attention your Ma- 
 jefty's laft difpatch, it appears to me that the conditions 
 upon which you explain yourfelf, will not Hop the con- 
 clufion of a treaty, and on the contrary may much for- 
 ward it. Your Majefty only afks, with regard to the 
 treaty with Spain, an aflurance to withdraw from it by 
 degrees ; this cannot be refufed when the King of Eng- 
 land fhall incline to renew his connexion with your 
 
 Majefty.
 
 3 66 APPENDIX 
 
 Majefty. Neither is the recalling of the minifters from 
 all the courts of Germany and the north a circumftance 
 which can break oft* the treaty ; and it will be eafy for 
 his Britannic Majefty to recall them under pretence of 
 ceconom/-, befules, in the condition in which the affairs 
 of England are, few Princes will prefs to make alliances 
 with his Britannic Majefty. 
 
 The condition of the Duke of York's return is alfo a 
 thing that fhould be managed with time, and I do not 
 imagine that your Majefty will prefcribe it as an efiential 
 condition which muft be executed without delay, any 
 more than the favourable treatment of the Catholics, and 
 the fufpenfion of the penal laws on their account ; thefe 
 are rather neceflary confequences of a good intelligence 
 with your Majefty, than conditions to be infifted on, 
 and which might break the conclufion of an alliance. 
 There remains only one difficulty, which is that of putting 
 off for ever the fitting of parliament. I know very well 
 it is a fectirity your Majefty has reafon to demand ; but 
 you promifed me, in the year 1679, to confent that the 
 parliament fhould alTemble when the King of England 
 believed it necefiary for his own interefts, provided that 
 then the fubfidies (hould ceafe : Perhaps the King of Eng- 
 land may be inclined to keep the parliament aflembled 
 Come days at Oxford, and may ftill try for means to fa- 
 tisfy it, by offering the limitations which he has already 
 offered in cafe the Duke of York (hall come to the crown. 
 
 The Earl of St. Alban's told me, that if the King of 
 England had made a treaty with your Majefty, or if he 
 \vas aflured of concluding one, he would obferve a very 
 
 .crent conduct with regard, to parliament, and would bo 
 much more in a condition to maintain his authority, and 
 not let himfcif be tempted by the propofals which might 
 be made him ; it is neceflary I fhould be fully inftrucied, 
 in your Majefty's intentions upon this. 
 
 I keep
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 I keep up the connexions I have with many members 
 of parliament ; I have feen the principal, who all ap- 
 pear much animated againft the court, and very angry 
 that the parliament is fummoned to meet out of London : 
 They are not without apprehenfion that the King of 
 England may have troops around Oxford, and thereby 
 render their meeting lefs free : They talk of coming there 
 fufficiently well accompanied not to apprehend an infult. 
 This is a propofal which has been made amongft them ; 
 if it is executed, it will be in feme meafure taking up 
 arms on both fides; what appears to me the beft fymp- 
 tom for the King of England at prefent, is, that the city 
 of London is quiet enough, and the richeft merchants 
 are afraid of troubles." 
 
 Charles kept this treaty in fufpenfe from December 
 until the 26th of March, probably provoked by the ex- 
 orbitancy of fome of the terms demanded of him, and 
 in hopes that the two parliaments which fat in that in- 
 terval might have furnifhed him with fupplies to relieve 
 his neceffities. But the impatience of the Duke of York 
 increafed in proportion to his diftance from the fcene of 
 a&ion, and the importance of his own intcreft, as ap- 
 pears from the two following letters. 
 
 T'ranjlation. 
 
 Letter from the Duke of York to Mr. Barillon^ 168 1, with- 
 out date, received the ijl of March. Preffes him ex- 
 tremely to get a treaty concluded. In the Depot. 
 
 *' '"T^HE gentleman you informed me was on the road 
 
 to come here is not yet arrived ; but neverthelefs 
 
 I believe it is in your power to put matters to rights at 
 
 c prefeat
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 prefent in the place where you are, if you will only 
 [peak to the King my brother, and make the propofal to 
 him ; it is time now or never to conclude this bargain, 
 for otherwife the King of England will be obliged to put 
 himfelf into the hands of parliament and of the Prince 
 of Orange ; it will then be too late, and the Duke of 
 York infallibly ruined. I know that fome perfons who 
 have been in the King of England's confidence have 
 taken great pains to perCuade him that he could not 
 reckon upon the friendfhip of the King yourmafter, and 
 that if he was preiTed, he would find that he would not 
 be fmcerely nor truly his friend : I know well that this 
 was faid formerly to the King of England, and that the 
 fame thing may again be faid to him j it is therefore 
 your part to afiure him of the contrary ; fo that there is no 
 time to lofe in this affair, for if it is not begun at pre- 
 fent, and while Churchill is in London, I fear fome dif- 
 ficulty may yet occur j but I hope you will have made 
 ibme progrefs in it before his return. You may be fure 
 the Duke of York will do his duty to prefs the King of 
 England, for if it is not concluded now, and without 
 lofs of time, the Duke of York is loft : Confider this, 
 and remember that heretofore when difficulties were 
 made, I always foretold what would happen, and you 
 have feen that I was not miftaken ; but at prefent I 
 aflure you and affirm, that if time is loft, all is loft ; for 
 this reafon I conjure you to do all in your power to eml 
 this affair. Let the King your mafter know, that if he 
 has any goodnefs or confideration for the Duke of York, 
 it is time to fliew it. His Majefty knows to what a de- 
 gree he is fenfible of the favours done him, and I can 
 anfwer that he will ufe all his efforts to deferve it. I 
 could make ufe of fome other reafons to engage you to 
 do what prefles at prefait ; but that is not neceflary, fines 
 you. know all mine, and are touched with them. It 
 
 will
 
 TO CHAP, IV. OF THE REVIEW. 369 
 
 will be an a&ion altogether glorious for the King to re- 
 eftablifh the King of England (for thus it muft be fpoken 
 of), and to fave the poor CatholicSj who otherwife will 
 be ruined without refource." 
 
 Letter from the Duke of York to Mr. Earillon^ t68r, 
 without date, received the i6th March, with Mr. Ba- 
 rilhn's dlfpatch of the icth. In the Depot. 
 
 " T AM very glad of the aflu ranees you give me of 
 the continuation of the King your matter's good- 
 nefs towards me ; this has obliged me (my affairs preffing 
 much) to write to him, and difpatch an exprefs with the 
 letter, for if he will not now {hew his friendfhip, and 
 hearken to the propofals I have made him, my affairs 
 will be between this and a little time in a very bad con- 
 dition, and the monarchy entirely ruined. What I 
 have propofed to him is, that he will fet on foot again a 
 treaty with the King of England much upon the fame 
 plan as that which was once fo near being concluded ; I 
 moreover wifh that you will recommend this affair as 
 much as you can, for without that I cannot hope to be 
 recalled by the King of England ; and if that cannot be 
 obtained, I muft infallibly be ruined* But this I hope 
 the King your mafter will not willingly fee, and you 
 know the confequences, which would be to eftablifh a 
 republic in England. I dare not dwell upon this matter 
 fo much as would be neceffary : you underftand me 
 enough to know what I mean/' 
 
 In the mean time Charles had been trying to foften his 
 tWo parliaments, firft by an offer of limitations upon the 
 powers of a popifh fucceffor, and next by a fcheme for 
 fettling the government, during the Duke's life, upon 
 
 VOL. I. 3 A the
 
 370 APPENDIX 
 
 the Princefs of Orange, as regent. The Houfe of 
 Commons rejected both, and not only refufcd money 
 for the fupport of government, but prohibited private 
 perfons to lend it to the King. Charles, upon this, 
 haftily (truck up a treaty with France on the 24th March, 
 1681 (Barillou's letter of that date, in the Depot), and 
 a few days after diflblved his parliament, with a refolution 
 never to call another. 
 
 This is the private treaty, of date ift April, 1681, 
 which Mr. Hume firft produced to the world, from the 
 fame fource at Verfailles from which I have drawn fo 
 many others. Barillon's account of the treaty contains, 
 as Mr. Hume juftly ftates it, three things j that Charles 
 fhould difengage himfelf by degrees from the Spanifli al- 
 liance j fhould take meafures to prevent parliaments 
 from counteracting his engagement} and fhould receive 
 a penfion of two millions for one year, and 500,000 
 crowns for two others from France. Barillon had 
 ftruggled hard that the treaty fhould be put into writing, 
 and figned by the two Princes, for which he gave this 
 reafon to his court in his letter of 3d March, 1681 : 
 " It alfo appears to me that this Prince would not dare 
 to make a treaty public in which he has engaged himfelf 
 not to aflemble a parliament j this would be a very dan- 
 gerous thing for his perfon, and entirely contrary to the 
 laws of England." But Charles refufed, and it was 
 only verbally agreed upon. No one, except Lord Hyde, 
 was privy to the conditions ; for thefe were concealed 
 \even from Lord St. Alban's, though he knew of the 
 treaty. Barillon writes, on the i4th April, i68r, that 
 the King defired it (hould be kept fecret from the Dutchefs 
 of Portfmouth, affigning this courtly reafon for doing fo, 
 that if the treaty fhould ever tranfpire, and (he be blamed 
 for it, fhe might have it in her power to aflat with a fafe 
 confcience her innocence. 
 
 The
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. .371 
 
 The French account of the treaty, copied by Mr. 
 Hume, contains fome general expreflions of Barillon, 
 which implied that France was not to attack the Low 
 Countries or Strafburg j but as the treaty was only verbal, 
 this part of it, and even that which related to the quantum 
 of the penfion, came, as all verbal pactions do, at an after- 
 period, to be the fubjecl: of difpute. 
 
 Notwithftanding the various declarations which Charles 
 made to parliament of his readinefs to confent to the 
 fcheme of limitations, he (who of all men was certainly 
 the moft infmcere) gave aflurances underhand to the 
 Prince of Orange, that it was not his intention to con- 
 fent to it ; it is probable, therefore, that he propofed it 
 only with a view to divide the exclufionifts. The 
 Prince of Orange feems to have been feniible of this, 
 and therefore, even after he was informed of the King's 
 intentions to difappoint the fcheme, he ftill infifted that 
 it fhould not be permitted to be moved in at all. In one 
 of his applications on this head, he exprefled himfelf, 
 that he would confent to any other expedient to reconcile 
 the King and parliament ; words, from a perfon fo cau- 
 tious as he was, which perhaps explained fufficiently that 
 the expedient he pointed at was the exclufion. 
 
 On thefe heads there are in the Paper-office tne fol- 
 lowing letters from the Prince of Orange to Sir Leo- 
 line Jenkins, during the laft great heats about the ex- 
 clufion. 
 
 3 A 2
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 TranJJation. 
 
 The Prince of Orange to Sir Leoline Jenkins. Upon Lord 
 Shaftejbury' s prefenting the Duke of York as a popijh re- 
 cufant. 
 
 Honflaerdike, 26 July, 1680. 
 
 A LTHOUGH Lord Shaftefbury's fally does not ap- 
 pear to me to be of great confequence, that does 
 not prevent its having made a great noife in this country, 
 as well as every where elle, and has given people bad 
 impreflions, as if there were ftill more troubles to bs 
 dreaded in England. I hope that time will open their 
 eyes, although at prefent the bad intentions of Lord 
 Shaftefbury have had their efFet in giving this bad im- 
 prefiion, which is certainly hurtful to the King, and to 
 the tranquillity of Europe. We are quiet here, although 
 the King of France's journey gives us a little uneafinefs. 
 Time will fhow us what we have to fear j in the mean 
 time I am always entirely yours." 
 
 Translation. 
 
 The Prince of Orange to Sir Leoline Jenkins. Upon the 
 approaching meeting of the third parliament of King 
 Charles. 
 
 Honflaerdike, 13 Sept. 1680. 
 
 " A I/THOUGH we are glad here that the parliament 
 will be fp foon afiembled, we are in an extreme ap- 
 prehenfion for its fuccefs ; if it is not fuch as we hope 
 for, I do not fee any refource for the affairs of Europe, 
 which will be in a lamentable Mate. God grant that the 
 King and his parliament may agree, without which all is 
 loft. This will be the laft I fliall write you from this 
 place, having an intention to fet off on Monday next to 
 
 fee
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 373 
 
 fee the Duke of Zell, who has often afked me. I be- 
 lieve I fhall be five or fix weeks in my journey, and per- 
 haps I fliall fee the Elector of Brandenburgh. If J can, 
 affift the Chevaliers Southwell and Sylvius, you may be 
 allured I will not fail ; but I am afraid that no German 
 Prince will incline to declare himfelf before our treaty is 
 finifhed with the Emperor. In fine, I will negleft no- 
 thing that depends upon me to ferve the common caufe, 
 and above all the King. At my return I will let you 
 know what has pafFed in my journey ; in the mean time 
 I beg you will believe me to be always yours." 
 
 Translation. 
 
 The Prince of Orange to Sir Lcoline Jenkins, upon the beats 
 in the beginning of the third parliament. 
 
 Hague, 1 2th November, 1680. 
 
 " T RETURNED here laft night, and this morning I 
 have received two of your letters at once of the 
 26th and 2Qth old ftile. I thank you for letting me 
 know what is pafling in parliament, and beg you will 
 flill continue to do fo. I am extremely forry to learn 
 that the feffion begins with fo much heat and pafllon. 
 May God make people wife and moderate ; for furely on 
 this meeting of parliament depends the good or ill fortune 
 of all Europe. I have fo many things to do to-day, 
 which is the firft day of my arrival, and the poft being 
 juft going, I cannot fay any thing more now, than that 
 I am always entirely yours."
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Translation. 
 
 Tbt Prince of Orange to Sir Leoline Jenkins. On the heat* 
 of the cxdufion. 
 
 Hague, 22d Nov. 1680. 
 
 ce T AM much obliged to you fo continuing to inform 
 me of what pafles in England, but I am vexed to 
 learn with what animofity they proceed againft the Duke. 
 God blefs him, and grant that the King and his parlia- 
 ment may agree, without which I forefc-e infallibly an 
 imminent danger for the King, the royal family, and the 
 greateft part of Europe. All affairs here are, as every 
 where elfe, in fufpenfe to fee the iflueof this great feffion. 
 May the Divine gocdnefs end it for his own glory, the 
 good and fatisfa&ion of the King, of his royal family, 
 and of the good party in Europe. I am and always will 
 be without referve entirely yours." 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 The Prince of Orange to Sir Leoline Jenkins. Againjl King 
 Charles's offer of limitations upon a popijh fuccejjor. 
 
 Hague, December 10, 1680. 
 
 " vrOU know how I have always wiflied a good in- 
 telligence between the King and his parliament ; 
 and that I wifhed to have been able to contribute to it. 
 You will therefore eafi!y judge in what trouble and 
 chagrin I am, to fee that fo great a bleffing is not as yet 
 according to my wifhes. I muft alfo own to you that I 
 was much furprized to learn of mitigations of the royal au- 
 thority being fpoken of in cafe the crown ftiould fall to 
 a papift. 1 hope that his Majefty will not incline to 
 fuffer a thing to be done fo prejudicial to all the royal 
 
 family :
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 family : And although they fpread about that this will 
 not take place except with regard to a King of that re- 
 ligion, and would be of no confequence to Kings of the 
 Proteftant religion, itmuft not be imagined, that if they 
 had once taken away from the crown fuch confiderable 
 prerogatives as are talked of, that they would ever re- 
 turn again. Therefore I intreat you to reprefent this in 
 my name to the King; and to beg of his Majefty on my 
 part, that he will not confent to a thing fo prejudicial to 
 all thofe who have the honour to be of his family. This, 
 as a matter of confcience, I am obliged to fay. 
 
 I intreat you to let me know what anfwer you get." 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 The Prince of Orange to Sir Leollne Jenkins. T%e King 
 has promt fed not to confent to the fcheme of limitations. 
 The Prince hints he will agree to any other expedient. 
 
 Hague, December 27, 1680. 
 " 'T 1 HE contrary wind for fome days paft prevented 
 
 1 7 
 
 me from receiving till yefterday your's of the- ' 
 The aflurance which you give me on the King's part, 
 that the King will not confent to the limitations of the 
 royal authority, comforts me much. But I am only 
 afraid that by indirect means they may come at a thing 
 fo ruinous to monarchy. 
 
 With regard to all forts of expedients, except thofe, 
 I fhould have a very fenfible joy if they could be found 
 out, to reunite the King and his parliament. You know 
 the intereft which all Europe has in this matter, and par- 
 ticularly me. God grant that thefe expedients be foon 
 found, and that this feflion may be happily ended in a 
 good union, without which we are all loft. If limita- 
 q tions
 
 37 6 APPENDIX 
 
 tions continue to be fpoke of, I entreat you upon all nc- 
 cefTary occafions, to reprefent on my part to the King, 
 the aflurances he gave me of his not confenting to a 
 thing fo prejudicial to ail the royal family, and which 
 would draw after it the ruin of the monarchy. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Prince of Orange to Sir Leoline Jenkins. PreJJes the par- 
 liament Jhall not be diffohed. 
 
 Hague, 28 January, l68f. 
 
 " T^ VERY body here was furprized with the prorogation 
 of the parliament, though they can very well un- 
 derftand that the King was forced to it in fome manner 
 by their vehement proceedings. But I cannot fufficiently 
 exprefs to you the great fear we are in of a longer proro- 
 gation or a diflblution. What will be the effects of it 
 in the kingdom you can judge better than me, although 
 here we have reafon to fear they will be very fatal to the 
 affairs of Chriftendom. I hold thefe affairs to be en* 
 tirely ruined, and abandoned to thofe who have any in- 
 tention to make themfelves matter of them: And if peo- 
 ple perfuade themfelves that when a new parliament is 
 called it will not have the fame fentiments, that is a 
 thing which cannot enter into my mind ; the experience 
 of the part has fhewn clearly enough, that inftead of bein^ 
 more moderate they have always pufhed things a greater 
 length. 1 think myfelf obliged in conscience to write 
 you my fentiments fo frankly, hoping his Majefly will 
 not take it ill that I reprefent to him a matter on which, 
 in my opinion, depends the prefervation of all Chriften- 
 dom, of his perfon, and of his kingdoms. The intereft 
 which the ftate, and above all I have in it, is not little, 
 fo that it is not ftrange that I am in an extraordinary un- 
 
 eafmefs 

 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 377 
 
 tafmefs how the day after to-morrow will pafs, which is 
 the time when the parliament is to meet; feeing that is a 
 day that may fave or ruin us entirely. May God have 
 pity on fp many poor people, and blefs the refolutions of 
 the King with more profperity than they have hitherto 
 had. 
 
 I entreat you to reprefent all this to the King, and to 
 give me an anfwer." 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Prince of Orange to Sir Leollne Jenkins.' His vexation at 
 the diffolution of parliament. Curious to hear a new 
 propofal which the King is to make him. 
 
 Hague, nth February, 1681. 
 
 " T F I had not been upon a journey to Amfterdam, I 
 would have fooner anfwered the letters which you 
 wrote me by the King's orders. I will not tell you in 
 what manner, nor with what furprife the news of the 
 diflfolution of the parliament was received here, fmce 
 you will be fully informed of it before this time, and 
 that you could judge of it by my former letters. People 
 are much in doubt here if the parliament will meet at 
 Oxford at the time fixed ; and if it does meet, they are 
 perfuaded that it will have the fame fentiments, fmce the 
 members will be moftly the fame men. With regard to 
 the propofal which you intimate to me, and which can- 
 not difpleafe me, I confefs that I cannot comprehend 
 what it can be ; and if you can make me know it, you 
 will oblige him who will be always yours." 
 
 The propofal mentioned in this laft letter was, to make 
 the Princefs of Orange regent during her father's life. 
 
 Barillon writes his court, on the i.4th April, i68r f 
 that this was a project of Lord Halifax and Lord 
 Arlington. 
 
 Vol. I. 3 B
 
 37 8 APPENDIX 
 
 Infmcerity and fteadinefs feldom go together. Charles, 
 in the courfe of thefe ftruggles with parliament, ftained 
 his memory for ever by giving up to the vengeance of 
 party the old and innocent Lord Stafford. It is a very 
 falfe idea in political fcience, to permit a diftin&ion be- 
 tween the Prince and the man in matters of feeling. 
 The Duke of York, with all his faults, thought more 
 juftly than his brother on this fubje&. 
 
 In Lord Dartmouth's notes on bifhop Burnet's Hiftory, 
 there is the following paflage : 
 
 Extraft from Lord Dartmouth's notes on Bijhop Burners 
 Hi/lory. 
 
 P. 492. The Duke, in one of his letters, fays, " I 
 was informed by Fielding of Lord Stafford's being con- 
 demned, which furprized me, though I knew the malice 
 of fome againft him, and the government would make 
 them prefs it to the utmoft : And befides all other con- 
 fiderations am very forry that his Majefty will be fo hard 
 put to it; for I hope he will remember the continual 
 trouble it was to the King his father, the having con- 
 fented to the death of the Earl of Strafford, and not have 
 fuch a burthen on his confcience ; and on the other hand, 
 1 know he will be hard preft to fign the warrant againft 
 this unfortunate Lord." 
 
 I was particularly anxious, in perufing the French 
 difpatches, to difcover the principles upon which Algernon 
 Sidney could poffibly reconcile to his own pride, his in- 
 trigues with France. From the following paflage in on* 
 of Barillon's difpatches, it appears that Mr. Sidney's 
 public objects in thefe intrigues were a republic, and the 
 moil unlimited toleration in religion.
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Extraff of Mr. Barillon's letter to Louis the XIFth, Sept, 
 30, 1680. The principles on which Algernon Sidney 
 afted. A republic and unlimited toleration. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 " 'TpHERE are fome who have applied themfelves for 
 fome time to make me underftand that it is an old 
 error to believe that it is againft the intereft of France to 
 fuffer England to become a republic ; they endeavour to 
 prove by good reafons and the example of the paft, that 
 the reunion of England, under a proteftant King, au 
 thorifed as the Prince of Orange would be, is much lefs 
 conformable to the true intereft of France than a re- 
 public, which would be more occupied with trade than 
 any other thing, and would believe, as Cromwell did, 
 that it fliould gain rather at the expence of Spain than of 
 France : They add, that the intereft of England as a 
 republic, and that of Holland governed as it is, could 
 not eafily^agree ; whereas the Prince of Orange can re- 
 unite in his perfon the power of the States General and 
 of England together. In fine, they eftablifh for a fun- 
 damental principle that the houfe of Stuart and that of 
 Orange are infeparably united; that their common in- 
 tereft engages them to augment their power in England 
 and in Holland, and that it is the intereft of France to 
 maintain the liberties and privileges of both nations, and 
 to endeavour rather at the ruin of thofe who would op- 
 prefs them : They even believe that the fafety of the 
 Catholic religion might be eftabliflied in England, if. 
 people were not afraid that a Catholic Prince would be in 
 a condition to change the government and lawsj and 
 they obferve by the example of Holland, how much the 
 condition of the Catholics in Holland is better than in 
 363 England,
 
 l7 8 APPENDIX 
 
 England. Your Majefty knows better than any body 
 what folidity there is in thefe reflexions, and can give 
 me your orders for my conduct in the occafions which 
 may prefent. I fhall confine myfelf to what appears to 
 me to be for your fervice at prefent, without carrying my 
 views further ; but it does not appear ufelefs to {hew your 
 Majefty how far affairs may be carried in England. Mr. 
 Sidney is one of thofe who talks to me with the moft 
 force and the moft opennefs on this matter." 
 
 Although in the ambafladors difpatches feveral accounts 
 of money laid out by them in political fervices in Eng- 
 land between the years 1677 and 1681 are mentioned, 
 yet I found in the Depot only three of them. 
 
 The firft is Monfieur Courtin's account, mentioned 
 in a former Appendix, and is dated i5th May, 1677. 
 The fecond is referred to in Barillon's letter of 141)1 
 December, 1679, contained in a former Appendix; and 
 is of that date. The laft is referred in his letter of 
 December 5th, 1680, contained in a former Appendix j 
 and is of that date. 
 
 Jt has been feen above that the French money laid out 
 in political purpofes when Courtin was ambaflador, was 
 diftributed by Charles. For this reafon Courtin's ac- 
 count of what was laid out by himfelf is very low, con- 
 fifting only of the following articles : 
 
 Guineas. 
 
 Lord Barker 1000 
 
 Chevalier Herbert - r 600 
 
 Chevalier Min 600 
 
 Do&or Carey 500 
 
 Coleman 300 
 
 Green 200 
 
 Denzie
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 381 
 
 The perfon here called Lord Barker was Lord Berk- 
 Jhire, becaufe in other parts of the difpatches he is faid 
 to have been of the Howard family, and a " grand 
 haranguer" in parliament. 
 
 The next account runs as follows : 
 
 fran/Iation. 
 
 State of the money employed by Mr. Barillon> amlaffador 
 from Louis the XlVth in England^ fince the lid 
 December , 1678. 
 
 " T> Y the memorial which I fent to court the 22d 
 December, 1678, I had remaining in bills of ex- 
 change and ready money the fum of 21,9157. i6s. yd. 
 fterling, which makes in French money 2922117. 
 
 Since the faid 22d December to this day the i4th 
 December, 1679, I have given, to wit, to the Duke of 
 Buckingham 1000 guineas, which makes 10877. ten 
 (hillings fterling. 
 
 To Mr. Sidney 500 guineas, which makes 543/. 15*. 
 fterling. 
 
 For the fupport of the Sieur Bulftrode in his employ- 
 ment at Bruflels 400 guineas, which makes 4357. 
 fterling. 
 
 To the Sieur Beber 500 guineas, which makes 5437. 
 15^. fterling. 
 
 To the Sieur Lyttelton 500 guineas, which makes 
 5437. 15*. fterling. 
 
 To the Sieur Powle 500 guineas, which makes 5437. 
 15$. fterling. 
 
 To the Sieur Harbord 500 guineas, which makes 5437. 
 
 *. fterling. 
 
 Total of the expence made to this day, i4th December, 
 1679, 42417. 5*. fterling, which makes in French money 
 56550/-
 
 382 APPENDIX 
 
 The 22d December, 1678, I had remaining 219157. 
 1 6*. yd. fterling, which makes in French money 
 2922 1 1/. 
 
 Since the faid 22d December I have given 42411. 5*. 
 which makes in French money 565507. 
 
 Thus I have remaining this i4th December, 1679, 
 only the fum of 176647. in. yd. fterling, which makes 
 in French money 2456617. of which fum I have in 
 ready money 26747. us. yd. fterling, which makes in 
 French money 356617. The remainder, which is 
 I5,ooo7. fterling, or 200,000 livres French money, is 
 in bills of exchange which have not been negotiated." 
 
 The laft account conflfts of the following articles : 
 
 Guineas. 
 
 William Harbord. Barillon defcribes him 
 thus: " Who contributed greatly to the 
 ruin of Lord Danby," - - 500 
 
 Mr. Hampden, 500 
 
 Colonel Titus, . 500 
 
 Hermftrand: This muft have been Sir 
 Thomas Armftrong, becaufe when Barillon 
 gives afterwards an account of Armftrong's 
 execution for the Rye-houfe plot, he calls 
 him Chevalier Thomas Hermftrand, 500 
 Bennet. Barillon defcribes him to have been 
 formerly fecretary to Prince Rupert, and 
 now to Lord Shaftefbury, 300 
 
 Hodam. This muft have been Hotham, for 
 Barillon defcribes him, " Son of the 
 Chevalier Hotham who was governor of 
 
 Hull," 300 
 
 Hicdal, 300 
 
 Garoway, 300 
 
 Francland, - 300 
 
 Compton,
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 383 
 
 Guineas. 
 
 Compton, 300 
 
 Harlie. This muft have been Sir Edward 
 
 Harley, becaufe Barillon defcribes him, 
 
 " Formerly governor of Dunkirk," 300 
 
 Sacheverel, - 300 
 
 Foley, 300 
 
 Bide. He defcribes him thus : " Very rich 
 
 and in great credit," 300 
 
 Algernon Sidney, 500 
 
 Herbert, 500 
 
 Baber. This muft have been the famous Sir 
 
 John Baber. Barillon defcribes him thus : 
 
 " Who is not in this parliament, but who 
 
 has many connections in the Lower Houfe, 
 
 and who formed my connection with Lord 
 
 Hollis," 500 
 
 Hil. Barillon fays he was formerly one of 
 
 Cromwell's officers, 500 
 
 Bofcawen, 500 
 
 Du Crofs. This was the de Crofs, envoy 
 
 from the Duke of Holftein, mentioned by 
 
 Sir William Temple, 150 
 
 Le Pin. Barillon calls him one of Lord 
 
 Sunderland's clerks, 150 
 
 The names of almoft all the above perfons are to be 
 found in the Journals of the Houfe of Commons, as 
 active perfons at that time. 
 
 Barillon could not poffibly chufe a fitter perfon to in- 
 trigue with the diflenting intereft than Sir John Baber ; 
 for Charles had formerly employed him in the very fame 
 way. Mr. North in his Examen, p. 361, gives an 
 account of this as follows : 
 
 " Sir John Baber was a man of fineffe, and in pof- 
 fefiion of the protectorfhip at court of the diflenting 
 
 teachers,
 
 teachers, and after the pattern of the cardinals, for na- 
 tions at Rome." 
 
 <c The King finding the Diflenters, inftigated by their 
 teachers, ever active in all ways of oppofition to him 
 and his interefts, thought it the cheapeft way to take off 
 (as they called it} thofe bull-weathers the teachers, and 
 accordingly employed people to treat with them; and 
 terms were adjufted that they fhould keep their party 
 generally quiet, and that they might not oppofe his Ma- 
 jellies affairs in parliament ; and for that confideration, 
 conventicles fhould be connived at, and good annual 
 penfions paid to them ; fo the ftipulation was made, and 
 the penfions fettled and duely paid. The plenipos, in 
 this ftate negociation, were Sir John Baber, one well 
 known for a bufy body in fuch tricking affairs j and fome 
 faid Sir R. Buller, who was a famous tool of the papifts 
 afterwards : But the former made no fcruple to declare 
 all this to his acquaintance, of whom I had the honour 
 to be one : And he was a witnefs how honeftly the King 
 dealt on his part ; paying the penfions as they became 
 due." 
 
 With regard to Dr. Owen, whom Barillon, in one of 
 the above letters, calls the patriarch of the independents, 
 fee Wood's Athenze Oxonienfes, p. 555 to 564. He 
 died at Ealing, 1683, and fixty-feven coaches attended 
 bis funeral. 
 
 In Barrtlon's letters there are feveral relations of money 
 fought by Buckingham and Montagu, and fometimes 
 given, but oftener refufed to them. So far as I could 
 difcover in the papers at Versailles, Montagu did not 
 receive more than 50,000 of the 100,000 crowns pro- 
 mifed him for ruining Lord Danby. 
 
 While the private treaty, which was afterwards 
 fruftrated, was going on in the year 1679, Barillon, in 
 his letter of 21 September, 1679, propofed that prefents 
 
 fhould
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 385 
 
 fiiould be given to the Dutchefs of Portfmouth and Lord 
 Sunderland ; and in his letter of the 26th Oclober, he 
 propofes to give them a penfion. 
 
 On the 30th November, 1679, Barillon writes that 
 the Dutchefs of Portfmouth and Lord Sunderland hinged 
 that they expected gratifications from France. 
 
 On the ift and i5th January, 1680, Louis the XlVth, 
 in his letters to Barillon, ordered him to offer 10,000 
 piftoles to Sunderland, and 5000 to the Dutchefs of 
 Portfmouth, with a promife of a renewal of thefe pre- 
 fents, if they would keep Charles in the interefts of 
 France. 
 
 Barillon writes on the ift and 2ift January, 1680, 
 that the Dutchefs of Portfmouth had faid to him that 
 Sunderland could not be fecured to France without a 
 great deal of money. 
 
 Barillon writes, on the igth February, 1680: u Lord 
 Sunderland and the Dutchefs of Portfmouth have re- 
 ceived with a very good grace the offers of gratification 
 which I made them hope for." Probably thefe offers 
 did not take effect, becaufe the treaty which they were 
 intended to bring about broke off. 
 
 On the 21 ft April, Barillon writes that Lord St; 
 Albans had expreffed his expectation of receiving a pre- 
 fent for the fervices he had done, in giving a beginning 
 to the private treaty of the year 1681, and Barillon 
 propofes to give him 1000 or 15007. And from Baril- 
 lon's letter, of 2d May, 1681, it appears that he had 
 received orders from Louis the XlVth to give him the 
 diamond box, in value I500/. which had been formerly 
 refufed by Lord Hollis, who died before it could be again 
 offered to him. 
 
 Several of the letters mention gratuities of a few hun- 
 dred pounds, given at different times, to Montagu's 
 fifter, Madame Harvey, and to a few others of Mon- 
 tagu's friends. 
 
 VOL. I. 3 C This
 
 3 86 APPENDIX 
 
 This profligacy extended itfelf. Barillon writes, on 
 the 4th April, 1680, that Charles was on a project of 
 making a proteftant league with the Dutch and Swifs 
 againft France ; that Mr. Herbert (whofe wife he fays 
 was coufm german to Lady Sunderland) was to go am- 
 baflador to conduct it in Swiflerland ; but that Herbert 
 had offered for fooo/. to ferve the interefts of France in 
 his embafly. 
 
 Lord Keeper North, who was of opinion that the 
 fi&ion of the Popifh plot did not arife from the accident 
 of Tongue's and Oates's informations, but from a pre- 
 concerted defign, gives the following reafons in his ma- 
 nufcript for that opinion : 
 
 Extraft from Lord Keeper North's manufcript memorandum. 
 
 " I ft. The parliament was to meet the beginning of 
 O&ober, and the difcovery was in the middle of Auguft, 
 time enough to blazon it abroad to irritate the minds of 
 men, but not to do any thing for the trial. 
 
 ad. Dr. Tong (the firft mover) would not have it 
 expofed fo much as to the council before the parliament 
 met, but faid it was fitter for the parliament: And when 
 it was objected that Papifts might kill the King in the 
 mean time, he faid, care fhould be taken, for that they 
 fhould be watched fo narrowly they fhould not be able to 
 do it. 
 
 3. There was but one witnefs before the parliament 
 met, which is not fufficient in treafons, fo the council 
 could not order a trial, though they might commit, ex- 
 cept in cafe of Coleman, whofe letters were produced 
 under his own hand. 
 
 4th. No Lord or perfon of quality, but only inferior' 
 people and priefts, were named before the parliament met, 
 
 that
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 387 
 
 that the court might not be ftartled, but might engage in 
 the profecution of thofe defpicable people, for whom no 
 man would have regret, but they might be bountifully 
 thanked for it by the Houfe of Commons. 
 
 5th. To make the minifters of ftate lefs fufpicious 
 and more eafy, they were courted, not only in the ap- 
 plications of the difcoverers, but in the difcovery, viz. 
 that the Papifts intended to kill the King, Duke of Lau- 
 derdale, Duke of Ormond, &c. which made the Earl of 
 Danby not only give way to the profecution of if, but to 
 prefs the belief of it in all places and to all perfons ; and 
 the Duke of York was not only acquitted of all defign, 
 but was to be killed himfelf if he did not comply. 
 
 In the month of September it (the plot) had its full 
 courfe, and fo much countenance at Whitehall, that a 
 great many thought it a court ftratagem to pretend fears 
 and dangers to keep up the army that had been raifed, and 
 was by acT: of parliament to be di(banded before 26th 
 Auguft, 
 
 And within a little time, by the murder and expofing 
 the body of Sir Ed. Bury Godfrey in the middle of 
 October, the violence and rage of the people was grown 
 to that height againft the Papifts, that no reafon could 
 be heard, but every foolifh ftory againft them parted for 
 gofpel ; and when all force feemed bent againft the Papifts, 
 it' was reported Sir Ed. Bury Godfrey was feen laft at 
 Somerfet-houfe, and by others at Arundale-houfe (the 
 Duke of Norfolk's) j it was alfo whifpered that he was 
 feen at the Cockpit (the Earl's of Danby's), and threa^ 
 tened by the Earl of Danby. 
 
 It was cunningly done to fpread thefe reports, that it 
 might be known what thefe perfons could fay in defence 
 of themfelves, and that they might be ready (efpecially 
 the Cockpit and Arundale-houfe) to tofs the fire from one 
 to the other. It was wondered at that the Lprd Trea- 
 3 C 2 furer
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 furer was fo foon glanced at, who had been fo earned to 
 follow the difcovery. But afterward he was found to be 
 forward in it to carry it to the parliament for fear he 
 fhould be (truck at directly, and it fhould find belief. It 
 is certain the Church of England men joined in this cry 
 as heartily as any elfej for they were always moft eager 
 againft Popery, although they had friendfhip with the 
 Cavalier Papifts, and many confidering men feeing an 
 army kept up againft an at of parliament were really 
 zealous that fetters might be put upon the king, and 
 therefore would join in fhewing any difcontent. 
 
 By this means the outcry was fo very great that the 
 court, who thought before, they might play with the" 
 plot, now faw plainly it would be no eafy matter to get 
 rid of it, and therefore it was thought the beft way to 
 {hew a confidence in this loyal Houfe of Commons, who 
 would be fure to take notice of it themfelves j and there- 
 fore the King mentioned it in his fpeech at the opening 
 of the feffion of parliament as a plot of the Jefuits, but 
 with that caution that he would leave it to law, and give 
 no opinion of it for fear of faying too little or too much* 
 
 And therefore it was an unpardonable folly to give force 
 to a defign that was formed and conducted by the oppofite 
 party, as this muft be concluded to be." 
 
 Lord Keeper North in his manufcript gives the follow- 
 ing defcriptions of the ferments in the nation during the 
 time of the Popifh plot and the Excluiion bill. 
 
 Extratl Firft. 
 
 " They let none know the bottom of the accufation; 
 for then no further ufe can be made of itj but they let 
 the people prefs to have it fearched to the bottom ; and 
 
 ther
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 389 
 
 then they can manage and improve it as they pleafe, and 
 bring whom they will into the fnare : And at firft the dif- 
 covery muft not be made to the minifters of ftate, but to 
 fome jufticeof peace, mayor of a great city, as London, 
 Briftol, &c. or committees of parliament for the better 
 noife, and that it may not be fupprefled, and they take 
 care to have fome forenfical fciolift, a lawyer, who fhall 
 manage and direct the accufations, fo as they may be 
 ikilful and agree with the rules of law,'' 
 
 Extraft Second. 
 
 " Godfrey's murder they fhall contrive as a ftratagem 
 of mifchief: So that if there be two or three adverfe 
 parties, they may all be thought guilty. Then will they 
 to avoid the odium, quarrel, and lay it upon one ano- 
 ther ; and laying it upon which the faction pleafeth, they 
 fliall have the help of all the reft." 
 
 Extratt Third. 
 
 " They took advantage of Popery by a good law to 
 exclude the Popifh Lords out of parliament, and by 
 working upon fome great families to come into the church 
 of England, as Norfolk's heir, Shrewsbury, Cardigan's 
 heir, Lumley, &c." 
 
 Extrafi Fourth. 
 
 " And the anti-court party was very great even in the 
 court itfelf : And all trimmers then were called the party 
 volant in the Houfe of Commons, and now declared and 
 voted againft the court in all things; and no wonder; 
 for the King's affairs were looked upon at home as very 
 declining, and moft men thought if there fliould break 
 put any troubles, it might endanger the monarchy; and 
 men were willing to be fafe at leaft, if they could not 
 fin4 their account in a change."
 
 39 o APPENDIX 
 
 Extratt Fifth. 
 
 " The moft loyal pretence that ever was thought of 
 was that of the King's fafety : Who could be fure of 
 that but fuch as had him in pofleffion ? which direclly 
 tends to his deftrudion." 
 
 Extrafl Sixth. 
 
 " The republicans applied themfelves to all methods of 
 fedition, and were fo open in it that they had public 
 councils for carrying it on, as the King's Head club in 
 Fleet-ftreet was (though J doubt not but they had cabals 
 of a more dark and dangerous nature), and many coffee- 
 houfes both in city and country where they vented news 
 and libels, and proceeded with that fuccefs, that in 24 
 hours they could entirely poflefs the city with what re- 
 ports they pleafed, and in lefs than a week fpread it all 
 over the kingdom. 
 
 They could give out that any man who was averfe to 
 them was a Papift: And when the King did any thing 
 pleafing to the people, they would difcredit it before it 
 could be known j and could put what colour they pleafed 
 upon foreign affairs, which they did by the help of 
 foreign minifters, They had correfpondcnts in all parts 
 of the kingdom of the moft a&ive and greateft credit, 
 fo that when any members of parliament were to be 
 chofen, they could difgrace every loyal perfon, and re- 
 commend whom they pleafed j and they were moft in- 
 duftrious in parliament time, when by having divers 
 members in their councils, and thofe who were not mem- 
 bers being always near the bars poflefiing the world with 
 news they had fitted for the time, and arguing the 
 queftions that were in debate in the Houfe, and taking 
 care that all the members {hould be minded to repair to 
 
 their feats before the queftion fhould be put. 
 
 By
 
 TO CHAP. IV. OF THE REVIEW. 
 
 By thefe means they influenced elections net only iri 
 the country, but upon difputes in the Houfe. And they 
 came to that boldnefs, that when this parliament could 
 not be prevailed upon to pafs an act of Comprehenfion, 
 or to undermine the crown, they poflefled the people that 
 it was time to diflblve them, that the minds of the people 
 were changed fmce their choice, and that they were a 
 grievance j and were about to have grand juries to repre- 
 fent it to the judges at the afllzes j but that was not ven- 
 tured for fear when the parliament fat it fhould be pu- 
 niflied. But upon a prorogation of more than a twelve- 
 month, they attempted to have the parliament declare 
 themfelves diflblved ; but the members would not drive 
 that nail into their own flefh, which fet the game a little 
 back. 
 
 I thought it wonderful that when thefe things were 
 vifible, the Houfe fhould fuffer fuch a combination of 
 men to fit openly, who made it their bufinefs not only' 
 to traduce the King's government but even their actions : 
 arid I concluded that when they were fo negligent of their 
 own frontiers, and did not preferve their credit by de- 
 ftroying thefe enemies of it, they could not be long laft- 
 ing, and fo it happened. For they (that is, the major 
 part of them) joined in thwarting the King in every 
 thing he defigned, and in laying obloquies upon his go- 
 vernment to that degree that it was not to be borne j and 
 at laft procured their diflblution to their great furprize, 
 who thought the King would never have made fo bold a 
 ftep, and to the great joy of the King's Head club, who 
 fell to work with all diligence to model the next Houfe 
 of Commons by their correfpondencies in the country." 
 
 Extract Seventh. 
 
 " That incredible fictions fhould ever pafs in courts 
 of juftice, without the courts making juft obfervations 
 
 5
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 upon them, was extraordinary : But care was taken to 
 terrify the judges with (bouts and acclamations on the 
 one part, and hiflings on the other, by which they were 
 to be perfuaded, not only of the fenfe of the people, but 
 of their violent defires, whereby they might imagine 
 dangers to themfelves if they fhould appear to check the 
 ftream." 
 
 Extrafl Eighth. 
 
 " Tradefmen, if fuch are not confiderable, they are 
 not worth notice ; but if one be he who hath great power 
 by the many that live under him, and having grown in 
 riches by outwitting other men, and arrived at the go- 
 vernment of the place, as mayor, alderman, &c. the 
 faction may eafily perfuade him that the world is beft 
 governed that way, which makes him a commonwealths- 
 man : When they have their ends, and raifed a force, 
 they may fright him into any thing ; for know that he is 
 the moft infolent fool and cowardly knave that is in 
 nature."
 
 I. 
 
 BOOK I. 
 
 Difpofitions of the People upon the DiJJblution of the Par- 
 liament. Prof ecutions. The Duke's Adminiftra* 
 
 twn in Scotland. Viftt of the Prince of Orange, 
 
 King's diflrefs in Foreign Politics. Intrigue of the 
 
 Duke's Return from Scotland. The Duke's Situ- 
 ation. Monmouth's Progrefs through the Wefkrn 
 
 Counties. The King's Invafion of the Charters. 
 
 Con/piracy. Characlers of the Confpirators, and their 
 
 Objecls. Meafures concerted. Inferior Con/piracy 
 
 for AJJaJJination. Difappointed by an Accident. 
 
 Shaftejbury' s Retreat and Flight. Con/piracy delayed. 
 
 Renewed. Difcovered. Death of Lord Ejfex. 
 
 Lord Ruffe? s Trial. His parting with his Fa- 
 mily and Lord Cavendi/fj. Other Anecdotes of his 
 
 lajl Hours. Sidney's Trial. Anecdotes of his la/I 
 
 Hours. Other Trials and Punijhments. The 
 
 King's Fluctuation about Monmouth. Great Power 
 
 ef the King and Duke. Mean Dependence of both 
 
 9n France. ProjecJ for a Popijh Army in Ireland. 
 
 Scotland modelled. Intrigues of Sttndsrland a- 
 
 gain/} the Duke. The King's Death. 
 
 VOL. LA I
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART T. T INTEND to give a relation of the affairs of 
 BOOK I. JL Great Britain and Ireland, from the time when 
 Charles the Second, by cealing to govern by Parlia- 
 ments, made the breach between him and the friends 
 of liberty irreparable, until the fea-battle off La Hogue, 
 which, by defeating James's hopes of recovering his 
 crown, determined the fuccefs of the Revolution ; a 
 period, during which the laws were laid almoft in 
 ruins, in confequence of thofe very efforts which were 
 made to prefcrve them j yet recovered all their ho- 
 nours, and eftablifhed a fyftem of freedom, which, 
 after the ftruggles of fix hundred years, was not ren- 
 dered compleat, until that great aera of Brittfh liberty. 
 This period is full of events great in thernfelves, and 
 of all others the moft interefting to Britons. It exhi- 
 bits the infldious attempts of one Prince to deftroy li- 
 berty, with the defperate boldnefs of the meaneft of 
 his fubjefts to take vengeance upon him for it, and the 
 more generous ftruggles of a few of the greateft of them, 
 punifhed by an application of thofe laws which they 
 meant to vindicate ; the violent attempts of another a- 
 gainft the rights of his people, defeated by his dethrone- 
 ment in the midft of his profperity ; and the eftablifh- 
 ment of a third Prince, who, though fhaken by fac- 
 tions, and betrayed by falfe frieudfhips, yet ftill gener- 
 oufly protected that liberty he had beftowed. What- 
 ever can touch the heart, or roufe the fpirit, is to b? 
 found in this period. The tender death of Lord Ruf- 
 fel, the heroic one of Sidney ; the favourite fon of one 
 King fent to the block by his fuccefibr, and human 
 nature difgraced in the outrageous ' punifhrnent of his 
 
 followers i
 
 AND IRELAND. 3 
 
 followers ; a great monarch feeking refuge from ths PART I. 
 ancient enemies of his kingdom ; a nephew fighting a- ' * 
 
 gainft his uncle, two fons-in-law againft their father, l() g l 
 and two Kings contending in a difputed kingdom, as 
 upon a public theatre, for pre-eminence; faction in 
 England and Scotland, rebellion in Scotland and Ire- 
 land, and invaflon impending upon all the three king- 
 doms ; diftractions in the Royal family, divifions a- 
 mong the great, terrors among the people; France 
 enjoying and infulting the misfortunes (he created, but 
 fharing them in the end ; and a gallant nation in con- 
 tinual agitations, not the fymptoms of weaknefs, but 
 of vigour, keeping its courfe ftraight forward to liberty 
 and glory. 
 
 The diiTolution of Charles the Second's laft Parlia- Tempers 
 ment, in April of the year 1681, together with the ge- f m . en 
 neral belief that he was never to fummon another, pro- ( folutioa 
 duced various fentiments in the nation. The fpirits of O f the 
 the Tories were raifed, and thofe of the Whigs de- parlia- 
 prefled ; the former in proportion to their late fears, ' 
 and the latter to their late hopes : Far, from the ve- 
 hemence of temper which men acquire by union, and 
 ftill more by oppoiition in politics, the affection for the 
 public was become a private paflion in the minds of 
 both parties. But the Tories evceeded the Whigs in 
 the expreffion of their fentiments upon this event ; be- 
 caufe the triumphs of victory are more .open than the 
 complaints of forrow ; and becaufe men attach them- 
 felves more ftrongly to a caufe for which they have 
 fuffered, than to one by which they are only to gain. 
 In return to Charles's appeal to his people, addreffes 
 were fent from every part of the kingdom *, teftifying 
 
 difappro- 
 * Gazettes.
 
 4 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. difapprobation of the proceedings of the late Parlia- 
 i^v-vv ments > an ^ even treating parliaments themfelves \vith 
 ,58 1. irreverence. Thefe addreffes were not oppofed by the 
 Whigs, either from the fudden dejection under which, 
 they laboured, or from the fullennefs of difappointment 
 and revenge ; or becaufe they knew, that addreffes are, 
 in Britain, generally the effects of party and example, 
 but feldom the voice of the nation, or of reafon *. 
 Men of moderate fentiments were difpleafed with both 
 parties ; with the Whigs, becaufe, in their zeal for li- 
 berty, they had refufed the King's offer of limitations 
 upon a Popifh fucceflbr ; and with the Tories, becaufe, 
 in the excefs of their loyalty, they rejoiced in the 
 King's refolution to affemble parliaments no longer, 
 ^rofecu- The firft effects of the prefent calm, appeared in pro- 
 fecutions againft thofe who had lately given difturbauce 
 to the King ; engines of vengeance which always throw 1 
 a greater gloom upon the minds of the fubjects, when, 
 directed by the Sovereign, than when promoted by the 
 paffions of the people, becaufe they are deemed the 
 common attendants of tyranny, and becaufe it appears 
 more terrible to depend upon the will of one than upon 
 that of many. Shaftefbury was fent to the tower, upon 
 a charge of having inftigated infurrections. Colledge 
 a London joiner, Roufe another mechanic, and feveral 
 others, were feized, as perfons who had been prevailed 
 upon by thefe inftigations ; and Lord Howard, upon an 
 accufation of having written a libel againft the King. 
 
 Shaftef- 
 
 * Young Cromwell, when he was drinking, ufed to 
 fituponacheft which contained the addrefles of i 6oo,cco 
 people, and to fay, he fat now upon the lives and fortunes 
 ff all the people of England.
 
 ANDIRELAND. 5 
 
 Shaftefbury's fpirit defcrted him in the folitude of a PART I. 
 prifon. He applied to Charles for leave to retire * to 'OK I. 
 America for ever j and, if this were granted, offered 1681. 
 to difclofe what he knew. But, when a pardon was 
 offered to the mechanics, upon a condition that they 
 would fwear againft their leader, they rejected it with 
 difdain. Moft of the witnefles made ufe of by the 
 court againft the prifoners, were the fame men whom, 
 their party had formerly employed againft the court 
 in the Popifh plot : A retaliation which threw equal 
 difgrace upon both parties. The juries of London, 
 who were of the popular party, refufed to find bills a- 
 gainft Colledge, Roufe, Howard, Shafiefbury, or others 
 of their party. But, under the pretence that Colledge's 
 treafon was committed at Oxford, he was brought to 
 a fecond inquifition before a jury in that city j becaufe 
 it was known, that the inhabitants were more in the 
 interefts of the court. The Oxford jury condemned 
 him to die for the fame crime, and upon the fame e- 
 vidence which the London jury disregarded againft 
 Shaftefbury. And the exulting fhouts of the people at 
 Oxford, even in court, for the condemnation of the 
 one prifoner, were re-echoed from London f for the 
 acquittal of the other. The heads of Colledge's de- 
 fences, which he had in writing in his pocket, werft 
 taken from him as he went to his trial, under pretence 
 that they contained feditious matter, were perufed by 
 
 the 
 
 * Sir John Rerefby, 124. 
 
 f A letter in the paper office from Sir Leoline Jen- 
 kins to the Prince of Orange, of date 25th November 
 1 68 1, fays, " The acclamations in. court for Shaftefbury's 
 < acquittal lafted an hour."
 
 6 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 - 
 
 PA*T I. the counfel againft him, and handed to the bench. 
 
 : *S The only apology made for thefe things was, that an 
 example of the fame kind had b<:en exhibited in the 
 cafe of a prifoner tried for the popifli plot : An excufe 
 which pointed out the cruel injuftice of party on both 
 fides. Shaftcfbury brought a profecution againft 
 Graham the folicitor of the treafury, and others, for 
 fuborning witnefTes to take away his life. The judges 
 declared from the bench *, that the prifoners could 
 not expect juftice from a London jury, and directed 
 the trial to be brought in another county : Shaftefbury, 
 from the bar, anfwered, That juftice was not to be found 
 againft the court out of London, and withdrew his pro- 
 fecution : So that the integrity of the capital was given 
 up by the one pary, and of the country by the other. The 
 crown commenced a profecution for high treafon againft 
 Wilmore, who had been foreman of the London jury 
 which acquitted Colledge ; and, when the profpect of 
 fuccefs in that profecution failed, a new one for a trifling 
 mifdemeanor was directed againft him, which ended 
 in .a fine of 10,000 pounds. This fentence was publifli- 
 ed in the Gazette f, as if government had gloried in 
 making private injuftice the inftrument of public ven- 
 geance. Captain Wilkinfon, an old republican officer, 
 then a prifoner for debt in the fleet, was prefietl by 
 Charles himfelf, to inform againft his friend and bene- 
 factor Lord Shaftefbury : But he refufed ; reflecting, 
 by the dignity of his conduct, upon the want of it in 
 the King. Before the laft parliament was diflblvecl, 
 Fitzharris, a man of family in Ireland, had communi- 
 cated 
 
 * Gazette, No. 1721. 
 f -Ibid. 1723.
 
 AND IRELAND. 7 
 
 cated to one Everard, a libel, which he was writing PART I. 
 againft the royal family : Everard, betraying his friend, BOOK I. 
 revealed the fecret to Sir William Waller ; this gentle- 
 man, forgetting his rank, placed himfelf behind a 
 hanging to hear it read. Fitzharris, when profecuted 
 by the crown at common law, for the libel, informed 
 the popular leaders, that the King had employed him 
 to write and difperfe it among the popular party, and 
 then to fix the crime of both upon them. The houfe 
 of Commons, in order to convert this intelligence into 
 evidence, and to fave Fitzharris from the profecution 
 at common law, had impeached him before the houfe 
 of Lords : But the Lords, fcorning to make themfelves 
 the tools of party, refufed to receive the impeachment. 
 When Fitzharris, upon the difTolution of the parlia- 
 ment, found himfelf at the King's mercy, he turned 
 againft his former friends, and gave information, that 
 the popular party had empolyed him to forge his former 
 ftory, in order to blacken the King. Fitzharris, how- 
 ever, having been executed, the court printed a decla- 
 ration made by him the night before he died, in order 
 to fupport his odious imputation againft the Whigs. 
 That party, on the other hand, in order to fix it upon 
 their opponents, printed an account o his declarations 
 during his imprifomnent. A clergyman of the church 
 of England attefted the one publication ; the city-ma- 
 giftrates, Bethel, Cornifh, Clayton, and Treby, the 
 other. Even in the hour of his execution, both parties 
 contended for his laft words in their favour. And thus 
 the intended fupporters of religion, of public peace, 
 and of juftice, were brought forward alike, in the moft 
 awful fcenes, to ferve as the inftruments of party and 
 defamation. The death of this mifcreant was attended 
 
 by
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. 
 BOOK I. 
 
 1681. 
 
 The 
 Duke's 
 
 admini- 
 fi ration in 
 Scotland. 
 
 by that of the moft innocent of men, Oliver Plunket, 
 titular popifh primate of Ireland, whom Charles, in 
 order to carry on the affectation of his belief of the 
 popifh plot, permitted, even after the difiblution of 
 the parliament, to be tried for a pretended plot of the 
 fame kind in Ireland. Yet, in this execution, the 
 Whigs neither felt as they ought to have done, for the 
 innocence of Plunket, nor the Tories, for the guilt of 
 the King. Araidft this univerfal corruption of man- 
 ners, the Englifh nation was, for the firft time, taught, 
 That the abufe of laws may be worfe than the want of 
 them. But thofe of deeper reflection perceived, that 
 an entire revolution of government alone could reftore 
 the political morals of the people *. 
 
 The accounts which were brought from Scotland of 
 the Duke of York's adminiftration, fuggefted fimilar 
 reflections. He had brought into parliament the 
 fcheme of an oath, which all in public ftation fhould 
 be required to fwear. In the terms of this oath, 
 they were to maintain the fupremacy of the Kingf 
 in church matters, and the doctrine of pafllve obedi- 
 ence, and to declare their refolution to make no alter- 
 ation in the church or the ftate. Mr Fletcher of Sal- 
 ton, after long oppofing the bill, with all the fire of 
 ancient eloquence, and of his own fpirit, made a mo- 
 tion, which the court-party could not oppofe in decen- 
 cy, That the fecurity of the protcftant religion fhould 
 be made a part of the teft. The drawing of the claufe 
 was committed to Lord Stair, Prefident of the court 
 of Seffion, in compliment to his office ; a man, who, 
 
 upon 
 
 * Ralph, with the authorities which he quotes, 
 f Afl i. parlfament 1669.
 
 AND IRELAND. 9 
 
 tipon the Duke's arrival in Scotland, had warned him, PART I. 
 in a public harangue, to beware of attempting to weak- BOOK I. 
 en the proteftant religion *. Lord Stair, in the draught 1681. 
 of the claufe, flyly exprefied the proteftant religion to 
 be that which was contained in an old Scottifh confef- 
 fion of faith f, which not only was adverfe to prelacy, 
 but admitted the lawfulnefs of refiftance. The claufe 
 pafled without attention, from the implicit confidence 
 of all in the abilities of the perfon who drew it. Thus 
 modelled, the teft was a bundle of inconfiftencies ; for 
 it inferred an obligation, upon thofe who took it, to 
 conform to any religion the King pleafed, and yet to 
 adhere to the prefbyterian religion ; to oppofe prelacy, 
 and yet to maintain the prefent conftitution of*the 
 church, which was prelacy \ and to renounce, and yet 
 affirm the doctrine of non-refiftance. With a view to 
 fave the Duke from that part of the teft which provi- 
 ded for the fecurity of the proteftant religion, it was 
 propofed, while the bill was under debate, that the 
 princes of the royal family fhould not be obliged to take 
 the teft. Lord Belhaven having faid, in his fpeech, 
 that the chief ufe of the teft was to bind a popifh fuc- 
 cefTor, was inftantly fent prifoner \ to the caftle by the 
 parliament j and the Lord Advocate declared, that he 
 would impeach him for the words. Not intimidated by 
 this commitment, or theie threats, the Earl of Argyle a- 
 vowed the fame fentiments with Belhaven; andhis fpeech 
 was believed to have funk the deeper into the mind of the 
 Duke, becaufe he did not permit any disapprobation of 
 VOL. I. B it 
 
 *. Lord Stair's apology, a few copies of it were printed. 
 \ The Confeffion of the year 1560. 
 \ Gazette 5th April 1681.
 
 lo MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART T. it to be exprefled at the time. Soon after, the Duke 
 OOK I. removed Lord Stair from his feat of judgment, and di- 
 
 ^68 1 recked profecutions againft him, on penal laws *, in the 
 court of jufticiary, the privy council, and the parlia- 
 ment ; and forced him for fafety to fly from his coun- 
 try. Fletcher was obliged to fly likewife. In the mean 
 time, the Duke having heard that Argyle made fcru- 
 ples about the teft, called upon him to take it publicly 
 in council. The Earl added to his oath this explana- 
 tion ; " That he took the teft, fo far as it was confift- 
 " ent with itfelf ; and that he meant not to preclude 
 4< himfeif, in a lawful way, from endeavouring to make 
 " alterations in church and ftate, fo far as they were 
 eonfiftent with his religion and loyalty." This ex- 
 planation pafied unobferved. The Duke, with a fmi- 
 ling countenance, defired Argyle to take his feat at 
 the council board, fat by him himfeif, and often, in the 
 courfe of bufinefs, whifpered to him in fecret. The 
 council, the fame day, took under deliberation a gene- 
 ral explanation, which all might be at liberty to make 
 part of the teft ; a deliberation which {hewed how ex- 
 cufcable were the fcruples of Argyle. And foon after, 
 the King, by a proclamation, gave a liberty to all his 
 fubjecls to take the oath with that explanation f. Ne- 
 verthelefs, Argyle, a few days after, was removed from 
 the council-board, committed to the caftle of Edinburgh, 
 and charged with high treafon for the words of his ex- 
 planation. He wrote inftantly to the Duke, offering 
 fatisfaction : The iuit \vas refufed : A jury of eleven 
 
 peers, 
 
 * Lord Stair's apology. 
 
 f- Gazette 21 ft November 1681. This was upon ijth 
 November, before Argyle was condemned.
 
 ANDIRELAND. n 
 
 peers, and four gentlemen, of which the Marquis of PART I. 
 Montrofe, grandfon to the great Montrofe, was chan- 
 cellor, unanimoufly found him guilty. Amidft the ge- 
 neral forrows for Argyle, men were indignant, to fee 
 the nobleft families of the nation fubmit to become the 
 meaneft inftruments of violence againft one of their 
 own number. The Duke flopped judgment upon the 
 verdict, until he ihould receive directions from court : 
 Charles ordered judgment to pafs, but execution to be 
 refpited till further orders. And, in the mean time, 
 Argyle made his efcape, by changing cloaths with Lady 
 Sophia Lindfay. Sentence of death and of forfeiture 
 was pronounced againft him in his abfence. The apo- 
 logy which the King and Duke made * for thefe feve- 
 rities was, that they were only intended to force the 
 Earl to furrender fome jurifdictions of his family, 
 which were incompatible with thofe of the King : 'An, 
 apology, which fhews how little true elevation of mind 
 is required to form the project of abfolute power. Ter- 
 rified by the fate of Argyle, the reft of the great fami- 
 lies confented to an act of parliament f, which laid all 
 their jurifdictions at the foot of the throne |. But the 
 Duke procured, from the Scots parliament, an act more 
 important to himfelf : For, it was declared to be high 
 treafon to maintain the lawfulnefs of excluding him 
 from the fucceffion. This act put an end to the hopes 
 
 of 
 
 * Sprat. I have feen the evidence of this apology, in 
 a letter from Charles the Second to his brother, in the 
 Scots College at Paris. 
 
 f A<3 18. 1681. 
 
 $ A very different method was taken in the late reign 
 to put an end to thefe jurifdi&ions. Vid. Hiftory of feu- 
 dal property, cap. Hiftory of jurifdiftions.
 
 12 MEMOIRS" OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. of the exclufionifts in England ; becaufe it Qiewed 
 them, that a civil war muft be entailed upon the two 
 kingdoms, if the Duke fhould be fettled upon the 
 throne of the one, and excluded from that of the other, 
 Fletcher, Stair, Argyle, and many others who had op. 
 pofed the Duke, took refuge in Holland, and filled the 
 Prince of Orange's court with complaints of their 
 country's wrongs and their own. 
 
 The news of Argyle's punifliment, when carried to 
 England, ftruck all the exclullonifts with anxieties for 
 their future fates. As Argyle had been eminent for his 
 loyalty, and his fufferings in the caufe of it, even many 
 of the royalifts perceived with pain *, that no part fer- 
 vices would be received as atonements for the want of 
 the mofl implicit obedience to the Duke's will. His 
 adminiftratian in Scotland againft non-conformifts, and 
 again ft thofe who were accufed of acceffion to the late 
 confpiracy, was a continuation of the rigours of Lauder- 
 dale, who, by the fury of his temper, had brought a 
 great part of his countrymen to fuch a ftate of mind, 
 that it was become impoffible to govern them, ei- 
 ther by mercy or feverity. The great latitude which 
 the laws of Scotland gave to thofe who profecuted 
 the enemies of government, together with the ex- 
 treme animofity of the Tories againft the Whigs, all 
 of whom they regarded as enthufiafts, afiaflins, and re- 
 bels, threw imputations of cruelty upon the Duke, 
 which, perhaps, fhould have been confined to thofe to 
 whom the execution of the laws was committed. It 
 
 was 
 
 * Sprat, who wrote under the eyes of both the royal 
 brothers, f<ys, in pag. 162. That Cha'Ies comp'ained 
 that there had been a defection of the ro) aints of late.
 
 AND IRELAND. 13 
 
 was even reported, that he attended with curiofity the PART I. 
 torture of ftate-prifoners, and beheld their agonies with .Ji!?lJ* 
 indifference. And thefe reports, though probably 1681. 
 falfe *, raifed a general horror, even from the chance 
 of their being true. 
 
 While fiich was the ftate and the temper of parties, Vifit of 
 the Prince of Orange propofed to pay a vifit in Eng- t ^ ie Princ 
 land. The reafon which he affigned for it to the j u i nSC 
 King, was, that he might have an opportunity of jufti- 
 fying his paft conduct in public matters, and of remo- 
 ving fome mifunderftandings which had lately arifen 
 between them on private accounts. The Duke, who 
 had not been confulted, either by his brother, or the 
 Prince, was alarmed to hear of an interview in his ab- 
 fence. The French reproached Charles with fubmit- 
 ting to it. The King therefore gave little encourage- 
 ment to the vifit : But the Prince was determined. 
 Attempts to reconciliation between perfons alienated 
 from each other, for the moft part only widen former 
 
 ^ 
 
 breaches. The King believed, that his intention was 
 to furvey the flrength of the popular party, in order to 
 turn it to his own advantage. The apology which the 
 Prince made for Fagell's memorial was, that the Dutch 
 and himfeif thought an act of exclufion would quiet 
 the nation in the mean time, but could not take effect 
 in the end. He prefled Charles in vain to a French 
 war, and to fummon a new parliament. He made alfo 
 
 fome 
 
 * Wuddrow gained credit to the ftory of the Duke's 
 attending tortures, by appealing to the record of the 
 privy council, in the cafe of one Sprewll. 1 have exami- 
 ned the record, but can find no reafon for Wuddrow's 
 imputation.
 
 *4 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. feme attempts to mediate between the King and the 
 E" * ' popular party *, declaring againft all limitations upon a 
 1681. popiiii fucceflbr, but, under the pretence of reprefent- 
 ing the demands of that party, infinuating that the mi- 
 litia fhould be committed to parliament. In the courfe 
 of thfe converfation, the Prince having obferved to 
 Charles, that the popular party was the moft numerous: 
 " Th t is," anfwered Charles, < f becaufe you fpeak with 
 " none elfe." But Charles marked ftill more ftrongly 
 his fufpicions of the Prince after he was gone. f I 
 " wonder," faid he, " why the Prince of Orange and 
 " the Duke of Monmouth are fo fond of each other, 
 < when they both aim at the fame miurefs !" The 
 Duchefs of Portfmouth, who, after the difTolution of 
 Charles's laft parliament, had altered her conduct en- 
 tirely, and owned to the King, that (he had been mifled 
 by the popular party to believe that he could never en- 
 joy quiet without confenting to the exclusion, now hu- 
 moured his prejudices againft the Prince : For fhe told 
 Barillon, who fhe well knew would tell it again to the 
 King, that the Prince had prefled her to ufe her inte- 
 reft with the King, ftill to content to the exclufion f . 
 The Prince, perceiving he could not fucceed with the 
 King, paid court to the popular party. He vifited 
 Lord RufTel. He dined with the city, although Charles 
 defired he would not, and although the Lords Halifax 
 and Hyde advifed him againft it. And Charles and he 
 parted in ten days with equal difcontent :. 
 
 Some 
 
 * Lord Guilford's memorandum in North's axamen, 
 page 133. and 473. 
 
 f Vid. appendi^ to this chapter. 
 $ Gazette, July 25. Aug. 8.
 
 A N D I R E L A N B. 1$ 
 
 Some time before this vifit, the French King had PART I. 
 feized the principality of Orange. The Prince under- 
 flood, from what had pafTed whilft he was in England, j^g r 
 that Charles was to intereft himfclf in the recovery of 
 it. But, when the Dutch ambaflador at Paris defired Charles's 
 Lord Prefton, the Englifh ambaflador, to concur with neglea of 
 him in his application in favour of the Prince, Prefton j 
 anfwered, he had no inftrucYions ; and, when the Dutch 
 applied in England for the King's concurrence, they 
 got no better anfwer : Inattentions which added to the 
 Prince's former difpleafure *. 
 
 But now the King's double dealing, and double ties, The 
 brought him into that cruel diftrefs to which fuch con- King's di- 
 
 ducl: expofes Princes, and private perfons alike : While 
 
 . regard to 
 
 Spain, on the one hand, called upon him for help a- foreign af- 
 
 gainft the encroachments of France, in terms of his fairs, 
 late public treaty, and Lewis, on the other, threat- 
 ened him with the lofs of the penfion in the late 
 private treaty, if he gave it. His fituation, as common- 
 ly happens in fuch cafes, made him at laft lofe the very 
 feeling of pride ; for, when the S,panifh and Dutch am- 
 baiTadors propofed to him to enter into an aflbciation 
 for the prefervation of the Netherlands, he confulted 
 privately with Barillon upon the anfwer he fhould give 
 them j and then gave one which flattered them with 
 his help, while it kept him difengaged. And, when 
 Lewis applied to him, not to obftruct an attempt 
 which he was meditating againft Luxemburgh, the key 
 to Germany, Holland, and Flanders, Charles made juil 
 
 that 
 
 * The correfpondence between Lord Sunderland and 
 Lord Prefton, which contains the detail of this affair, is 
 in the paper office. Vid. aifo appendix to this chapter.
 
 PART I. 
 BOOK I. 
 
 1681. 
 
 Intrigue 
 of the 
 Duke's re- 
 turn from 
 Scotland. 
 
 that degree of oppofition, as to gain a prefent of a 
 million of livrcs for ^dropping it ; a bargain to which 
 Lord Hyde, afterwards fo famous by the name of Earl 
 of Rochefter, was the only perfon privy. But Charles 
 did not flop here : He ufed the little authority, which 
 might be fuppofed to remain with him over the Prince 
 of Orange, not to interpofe in faving that town; and the 
 more effectually to ferve France, he offered his arbitra- 
 tion to Spain concerning it $ and, when his fervice was 
 declined, made ufe of the pretended affront as a reafon 
 for taking no further concern in the injuries done to 
 Spain *. 
 
 Soon after the Prince of Orange's departure, the 
 Duke of York had been fuddenly called to London by 
 his brother. All thofe who had either hopes or fears 
 from the exiled Prince, then believed, that this mea- 
 fure was taken for the purpofe of putting the direction 
 of the affairs of England into his hands. But the ac- 
 tions of Kings do not always fpring from public mo- 
 tives. After the difiblution of the parliament, Lord 
 Sunderland, who faw all things at the feet of the 
 King,' quitted his former connections with the popular 
 party, and paid court to the Duchefs of Portfmouth 
 alone, by whom he knew Charles was chiefly guided, 
 in a country in which he believed f he had fcarcely a 
 friend. He fatisfied her, how viilonary were the hopes 
 of the crown for her fon, with which fhe had been 
 flattered by Shaft eibury -, and fuggefted, that fhe fhould 
 apply to the King for a great fettlement for her fon 
 upon the hereditary revenue. But, as no grant upon 
 
 tl 
 
 * VJd. appendix to this chapter. 
 f Sir William Temple.
 
 AND IRELAND. 17 
 
 that revenue could be effectual againft the heir of the PART I. 
 crown without his confent, he advifed her to get the ' " 
 
 . * 
 
 Duke recalled, that his confent might be obtained. 1681. 
 
 And he promifed, that, if he was himfelf brought again 
 into power, he would give all the aid to the fettlement 
 which a minifter could give it. The intrigue fucceed- 
 ed. Sunderland, through the Duchefs of Portfmouth's 
 means, was received into favour by the King ; through 
 the King, was pardoned by the Duke ; was brought 
 immediately into the privy council, and, not long after, 
 replaced in his former office of fecretary of ftate. The 
 Duke confented to the fettlement required ; but con~ 
 trived to throw fo many difficulties of law in the way, 
 that it never took effect. 
 
 In the mean time Sunderland, by flatteries, promifes, The 
 and fervices, brought the Duke to place fome degree Duke's 
 of confidence in him. As a proof of his attachment, 1 
 he perfuaded the King to fix his brother's refidence England. 
 near his own. In order to gain ftill further upon the 
 Duke, he advifed the King to bring him again into 
 power. But Charles, confcious that, in his brother's 
 want of popularity, he had himfelf become unpopular, 
 would not liften to the advice. For, when the Duke, 
 in his return from Scotland, waited upon his brother at 
 Newmarket, and told him, " That he had no ambition 
 " to meddle again in the affairs of England, but that 
 he wifhed to be intruded with thofe of Scotland ;" 
 Charles received the declaration with an anlwer, 
 which was more lincere than polite : And, before the 
 intrigue of Lord Sunderland and of the Duchefs of 
 Portfmouth took place, Charles had refufed to allow 
 ais brother to quit Scotland, unlefs he would conform 
 outwardly to the church of England ; and had lent the 
 
 VOL. J. C Duke's
 
 j 8 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. Duke's brother-in law, Lord Hyde, to Scotland, to 
 
 Book I. pgj-fuade him to comply with that condition. Hence, 
 V-/'V\ - / 
 
 1681. during a year and a half, the fituation of the Duke in 
 
 England was truly aukward ; feeing he was beloved, 
 yet not trufted by his brother ; without power, yet 
 afhamed to own it ; and blamed by his enemies for all 
 the evils they fuffered, and by his friends for all the 
 difappointments of their hopes. 
 
 His great ^ ne enc * however, the Duke obtained by his journey 
 power in to England. He got liberty to difpofe of power in Scot- 
 
 bcotland. j anc j as ^ e p i ea f e( j. J n order to make ufe of it. he went to 
 1682, 
 
 that country for a fhort time, where he placed the adml- 
 
 niftration in the hands of the Lords Queenfberry, Perth, 
 and Aberdeen, who were attached to himfelf. In his voy- 
 age home again, the veflel in which he failed perifhed by 
 Jhipwreck ; and he, wi'ii a few others, were faved in 
 the barge. This accident was made remarkable by 
 two circumftances : The one, that the perfon whom, 
 in a fatal hour to himfelf, he difcovered the greateft 
 anxiety to fave, was Colonel Churchill ; and the other, 
 that, when the mariners, who had been left to peri/h 
 in the wreck, faw the Duke in fafety in the barge, 
 they gave three huzzas, while their veflel was finking : 
 Generous fhouts, by which Princes might be taught to 
 reflect upon the tendernefs which they owe to their 
 fubjecls ! 
 
 Mon- When the Duke of Mon mouth heard that the Duke of 
 
 mouth's York had fixed his refidencein England, he returned in 
 returnand ^ r l fi% 2 f rom a ft roa j . an( j when he arrived, he 
 propels 
 thro'Eng- ordered the bar, the common mark of baftardy, to^be 
 
 land. takenfrcrmthearmsof hiscoach*. The common welcome 
 
 of 
 
 * Sidney's letters to Mr Saville, page 54.
 
 ANDIRELAND. *9 
 
 of the city did not content him. He made a progrefs ^ AR1 
 through the difcontented counties of Lancafhire, Staf- 
 
 ford/hire, Worcefterfhire, and Chefhire, with a retinue 1682. 
 of above an hundred perfons, armed, and magnificently 
 accoutered. The Lords Macclesfield, Brandon, Rivers, 
 Colchefter, Delamere, Ruffe], and Grey, Sir Gilbert 
 Gerard, and many others of the high gentry of the 
 Whig party, met him at the head of their tenants in 
 different places. And, as the ancient manners of Eng- 
 land were not at that time laid afide, mod of thofe who 
 came to meet him were armed. When he approached 
 a town, he quitted his coach, and rode into it on horfe- 
 back : The nobility and gentry went foremoft in a 
 band ; at a diftance, and fingle, rode the Duke ; and 
 at a diftance behind him, the fervants and tenants. 
 When he entered the towns, thofe who received him, 
 formed themfelves into three ranks ; the nobility, 
 gentry, and burghers, being placed in the firft, the te- 
 nants in the next, and the fervants in the laft. He 
 gave orders for 200 covers to be prepared wherever he 
 dined. At dinner, two doors were thrown open, that 
 the populace might enter at the one, walk round the 
 table to fee their favourite, and give place to thofe who 
 followed them, by going out at the other. At other 
 times he dined in an open tent in the field, that he 
 might the more fee and be feen. At Liverpool, lie 
 even ventured to touch for the King's-cvil. He enter- 
 ed into all country diverfionsj and, as he was of wonder- 
 ful agility, even ran races htmfelf upon foot j and when 
 hehad outftripped the fwifteft of the racers, he ran a- 
 gain in his boots, and beat them, though running in 
 their fhoes. The prizes which he gained during the 
 day, he gave away at chriftenings in the evening. The 
 
 bells
 
 20 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART T. bells were rung, bonefires made, and vollies of fire-arms 
 I. djfcharged, wherever he came : The populace waving 
 1682. their hats in the air, fhouted after him, " A Mon- 
 mouth ! A Monmouth !" And all promifed him 
 their votes in future elections to parliament. Informa- 
 tions of thefe things were fent hourly to court, by the 
 fpies who were fent to the country for that purpofe j and 
 the King and his brother were the more alarmed, be- 
 caufe they knew, that the royalifts had held their conful- 
 tations for the reftoration of the royal family at horfe- 
 races, and cock- matches ; upon which account, Crom- 
 well had forbid thofe diversions. Jeffreys was at this 
 time chief juftice of Chefter, and then firft difclofed that 
 temper which afterwards bur ft forth with fo much fu- 
 ry. Some difturbances having happened at Chefter, 
 he wrote to court for a commiffion of oyer and termi- 
 ner, to be hTued under the pretence of trying coiners 
 and clippers j and then made ufe of it againft Mon- 
 mouth's followers, boafting of his invention, and re- 
 joicing in the punifhments he inflicted *. 
 
 In the midft of Monmouth's triumphs, Charles gave 
 orders to take him into cuftody. The day he was ar- 
 refted, he was to dine in the public ftreets of Stafford 
 with all the inhabitants, in confequence of an invitation 
 which they had given him. A (ingle meffenger en- 
 tered the town, {hewed his writ, and carried him off. 
 Monmouth defpatched Sir Thomas Armftrong to Lon- 
 don for a habeas corpus .< It was inftantly granted : Mon- 
 mouth continued his journey to London. Men knew 
 not which moft to admire, the reverence of the people 
 
 for 
 
 * His letters are in the paper office. From papers in 
 that office I have taken the circumftances of Monmoulb's 
 progrefs through the counties.
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. 
 
 for the laws when they faw them difplayed, or the no- PART I. 
 
 ble nature of the law of perfonal freedom, which gave ijo * 
 
 V,^^~V^^X 
 fecurity even to a difturber of the ftate, until a legal 1682. 
 
 charge was brought again ft him. 
 
 This year was fignalizetl by a project, which was The 
 
 calculated to lay the conftitution and the King's ene- Ding's in ~ 
 
 J vafion of 
 
 mies equally at his feet. As the fcheme of the quo the char- 
 
 warrantos was the great public circumftance of Charles's ters. 
 reign which difcovered his intention to undermine the 
 liberties of England, and as it was one of the chief foun- 
 dations of all the future calamities of his family, it is 
 proper to give a particular account of it here. 
 
 From the grand principle of fympathy in human na- 
 ture, which, by communicating the paffions of all to all, 
 increafes their joint force, towns are generally the feats 
 alike of liberty and enthufiafm, where enthufiafm pre- 
 vails in a nation : The popular and dhTenting interefts 
 upon this account, joining, had gained, during the op- 
 pofition to Charles the Firft, a fuperiority in the ma- 
 giftracies of moft of the boroughs, which was after- 
 wards extended to almoft all of them upon the ufurpa- 
 tion of Cromwell. At the Reftoration, a law was in- 
 deed made, which impowered the King, within a limi- 
 ted time, to remove obnoxious magiftrates from bo- 
 roughs. But, from the popular odium which attended 
 the execution of this law, little ufe was made of it. 
 Hence Charles found continual oppofition to his mea- 
 fures from the city of London, and from moft of the 
 boroughs of the kingdom. Hence the juries of the 
 city, who were named by the popular magiftrates, to 
 try the King's complaints againft the mutinies of his 
 fubjecls, acquitted moft of the prifoners. And hence, 
 although Charles changed four parliaments in the courfe 
 
 of
 
 12 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. of two years, he was not able to bring one houfe of 
 Book I. commons to comply with his will. By the law of 
 England, the validity of charters of corporations might 
 be inquired into by the writ of quo warranto. The 
 profligate Jeffrey's fuggefted to the King, that moft of 
 them might be annulled, in confequence of fuch an in- 
 quiry. Charles began with the charter of the city, a- 
 gainft which he directed a profecution in the King's 
 Bench. It is needlefs to mention the frivoloufnefs of the 
 grounds upon which the action was maintained 5 be- 
 caufe the King avowed it, when, in a publication au- 
 thorifed by him *, he afterwards acknowledged, that 
 his view in overturning the city-charters, was to take 
 the nomination of the juries from the popular party. 
 At the fame time, under colour of law, but more by 
 violence, the details of which, though interefting once, 
 are unimportant now, he forced a Mayor and Sheriffs 
 of his own choofing upon the city. After the attack 
 upon the city-charter fucceeded, it was transferred to 
 almoft every other borough in the kingdom. The 
 moft trifling deviations from the terms of ancient 
 charters, the moft infignificant offences committed by 
 the officers of boroughs, even againft the moft obfoletc 
 laws, were made the pretences for the forfeiting of 
 charters. One or two inftances may be given as exam- 
 ples. The charter of St Ives was attacked, becaufe 
 that borough had four conftables, inftead of the origi- 
 nal number of three, and three ferjeants at mace, in- 
 ftead of two. The complaint againft Oxford was, that 
 the city had five aldermen, when the charter gave only 
 four ; that the fair was kept in one place inftead of a- 
 cother j and that Stephen Kibble, the town clerk, had 
 
 ilgned 
 
 Sprat.
 
 AND IRELAND. 23 
 
 ilgned himfelf the King's clerk, without the King's PART I. 
 leave. In order that thefe profecutions might be more BOOK I. 
 effectually carried on, a committee was named by the 
 King to receive informations ; an inftitution which ir- 
 ritated one half of the people againft the other, and 
 debafed both. The greateft men in the nation became 
 informers; and individuals indulged their private piques, 
 under pretence of ferving the public intereft. Lake, 
 Biftiop of Chichefter, proftituted the holieft of profef- 
 fions to the bafeft of offices; even the elegant Lord Hali- 
 fax, and the virtuous Duke of Ormond,from falfe ideas of 
 loyaltyjoined with the meaneft of mankind in promoting 
 the furrenders and the forfeitures of charters. Judgments 
 of forfeiture fell upon many boroughs : And many more f 
 confcious of the inequality of the combat between them 
 and their Sovereign, before judges named by him, of 
 high tory principles, and removeable at pleafure *, 
 made voluntary furrenders of their conftitutions. The 
 King new-modelled the charters, and reftored them, 
 but referved to the crown the nomination to all power 
 in the boroughs, and filled them with electors agreeable 
 to himfelf. Meafures which, had they not been defeat- 
 ed by the Revolution, could not have failed, by throw- 
 ing parliamentary elections into the hands of the Sove- 
 reign, to have introduced a tyranny the more painful 
 to the fubjects, becaufe the old forms of freedom would 
 have been continually before their eyes f. 
 
 White the Duke in Scotland, and the King in Eng- Rye-houfe 
 land, were purfuing thofe meafures, to bring the fpirits plot, 
 of the people in both kingdoms under fubjeclion, there 3 : 
 
 was 
 
 * Sprat, 164. 
 
 f I have taken the circumftances of the quo ivarrantos 
 from papers in the paper office.
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. 
 BOOK I. 
 
 1683. 
 
 Com- 
 plaints on 
 which it 
 was found. 
 cd. 
 
 Charac- 
 ters of 
 confpira- 
 tors and 
 their ob-. 
 
 was a band of friends, who, having long oppofed the 
 King's meafures in the common way of party, prepared 
 to feek relief, where freedom for ever points it out to 
 her friends, when the voice of the laws it put to fi- 
 lence. They reafoned among themfelves : " The King, 
 " by fecuring the juries in the city, had now at his 
 (S mercy the lives of all who had hitherto expofed them- 
 " felves for their country. By the difufe of parliaments, 
 " he had put it out of their power to recur to confti- 
 " tutional remedies. Even if he Ihould alter his pre- 
 *' fent plan of governing without thofe aflemblics, he 
 " had, by making himfclf matter of parliamentary e- 
 (t leftions in the boroughs, barred all legal oppofition 
 " to his will for the future. The Duke, by bending 
 " the martial fpirits of the Scots, would form them to 
 (t be the fitteft instruments of tyranny againft the Eng T 
 " lifh. What was left for them, freemen, the fons of 
 " freemen, to preferve their freedom, but refinance ? 
 " The principles of felf-defence called upon them, 
 " their duty to their country commanded them, to 
 " prevent that blow, which Princes, who aimed at ar- 
 bitrary power, perhaps, already meditated againft 
 " both them and their country. It was glorious to op. 
 pofe that power, although they fhould periih in the 
 " attempt. But their countrymen were not as yet fo 
 " loft to fliame and to virtue, as to abandon their de- 
 " liverers. If they fhould be abandoned, Britons, yet 
 " unborn, would blefs their names, and weep for their 
 fates." 
 
 This band of friends was compofed of Lord RufTel, 
 illuftrious from tlu nobility of his dcfcent ; of Hamp- 
 den, deriving ftill greater luftre from the commoner his 
 grandfather ; of Lord EiTex, the friend of Ruflel ; and 
 
 of
 
 AND IRELAND. 25 
 
 of Algernoon Sidney, who derived Ills blood from a PART I. 
 long train of Engliih nobles and heroes, and his fenti- BOOK I. 
 rnents from the patriots and heroes of antiquity ; a man t gg 
 In fome of whdfe letters * all the manly, yet tender e- 
 
 loquence 
 
 * The writings of Mr Sidney are unequal, like thofe 
 of mod men who are not profefledly fcholars. But ho\v 
 far the above obfervation is juft, may be feen from the fol- 
 lowing letter, which he wrote to one of his friends who had 
 advifed him to return into England after the Reftoration. 
 " Sir, I am forry I cannot in all things conform my- 
 felf to the advices of my friends. If theirs had any joint 
 concernment with mine, I fhould willingly fubmit my in- 
 tereft to theirs : But when I alone am interefted, and 
 they only advife me to come over as foon as the acl of 
 indemnity is paffed, becaufe they think it is beft for me, 
 1 cannot wholly lay afide my own judgment and choice. 
 I confefs, we are naturally inclined to delight in our own 
 country, and I have a particular love to mine. 1 hope, 
 I have given fome teftimony of it. I think, that being 
 exiled from it is a great evil ; and would redeem myfelf 
 from it with the lofs of a great deal of my blood. But 
 when that country of mine, which ufed to be efteemed a 
 paradife, is now like to be made a ftage of injury ; the 
 liberty, which we hoped to eftablifh, oppreffed; luxury 
 and lewdnefs fet up in its height, inftead of the piety, vir- 
 tue, fobriety, and modefty, which we hoped God, by our 
 hands, would have introduced ; the beft of our nation 
 made a prey to the worft ; the parliament, court, and ar- 
 my, corrupted ; the people enflaved ; all things vendible ; 
 no man fafe, but by fuch evil and infamous means as flat- 
 tery and bribery ; what joy can I have in my own coun- 
 try in this condition ? Is it a pleafure to fee all I love in 
 the world is fold and deftroyed ? Shall I renounce all my 
 
 VOL. I. D ol< *
 
 26 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. loquence of Brutus, breathes forth, and who, in firm- 
 
 TJ 1 T 
 
 nefs and limplicitv of character. refembled that firft of 
 
 1683. Romans. 
 
 old principles, learn the vile court-arts, and make my 
 peace by bribing feme of them ? Shall their corruption 
 and vice be my fafety ? Ah I no : Better is a life among 
 ftrangers, than in my own country upon fuch conditions. 
 Whilft I live, 1 will endeavour to preferve my liberty ' r 
 or, at leaft, not confent to the deftroying of it. I hope, 1 
 lhall die in the fame principles in which I have lived, and 
 will no longer live than they can preferve me. I have 
 in my life been guilty of many follies ; but, as I think, 
 of no meannefs. I will not blot and defile that which is 
 part, by endeavouring to provide for the future. I have 
 ever had in my mind, that when God fhould caft me into 
 fuch a condition, as that I cannot fave my life, but by 
 doing an indecent thing, he fhews me the time is come, 
 wherein I fhould refign it. And when I cannot live in 
 my own country, but by fuch means as are worfe than 
 dying in it, I think he (hews me I ought to keep myfelf 
 out of it. Let them pleafe themfelves with making the 
 King glorious, who think a whole people may juflly be 
 facrificed for the intereft and pleafure of one man, and a 
 few of his followers :. Let them rejoice in their fubtilty, 
 who, by betraying the former powers, have gained the 
 favour of this, not only preferved, but advanced them- 
 felves in thefe dangerous changes. Neverthelefs, perhaps, 
 they may find the King's glory is their fhame, his plenty 
 the people's mifery ; and that the gaining of an office, or 
 a little money, is a poor reward for deilroying a nation 
 (which, if it were preferved in liberty and virtue, would 
 truly be the mod glorious in the world) and that others 
 may find they have with much pains purchafed their own 
 frame and mifery * a dear price paid for that, which is 
 
 not
 
 ANDIRELAND. 27 
 
 Homans. Lord RufTel, though heir to the greateft PART I. 
 fortune in the kingdom, yet efteeming the meaneft .J^IL 
 freeman to be his equal, fo difinterefted, that he never 1683. 
 accepted any office of profit or power under govern- 
 ment, was the moft popular man in England. From 
 principle and reafoning, more than from natural vigour 
 of fentiment, he affumed the high tone of oppofition 
 to arbitrary power, and therefore the higher praife was 
 due to him. When Charles difappointed the bill of 
 exclufion, Lord RufTel faid, " If my father had advi- 
 fed the meafure, I would have been the firft to im- 
 " peach him." But what he only faid, Efiex and Sidney 
 would have done. EiTex had been Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, and at the head of the treafury ; but threw eve- 
 ry honour of government behind him, becaufe he pre- 
 ferred the people to the King. Sidney had been ac- 
 tive equally in parliament, and in the field, againft 
 Charles the Firft, as long as that Prince was an object 
 of terror j but, when he was appointed to be one of 
 his judges, he refufed to trample upon an enemy who 
 could no longer defend himfelf. He checked and pre- 
 vented fome attempts againft the life of Charles the Se- 
 cond, while a youth. He oppofed Cromwell, from the 
 fame hatred of arbitrary power, which had made him 
 rebel againft his Sovereign. After the Reftoration, he 
 
 iubmittcd 
 
 not worth keeping, nor the life that is accompanied with 
 
 it. My thoughts as to King and ftate depending upon 
 
 their a&ions, no man fhall be a more faithful fervant to 
 him than I, if he make the good and profperity of his 
 people his glory ; none more his enemy, if he doth the 
 contrary. To my particular friends I fhall be conftant 
 in all occafions ; and to you a moft affe<5lionate fervant."
 
 25 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART T. fubmitted to a voluntary banimment during fixteen 
 OK *' years ; becaufe he did not efteem that to be any long- 
 168*. er kis country, from which he thought liberty had 
 fled. He returned to England, only with a view to 
 pay the laft duties to his father, the Earl of Leicefter, 
 who was dying, and then to quit it for ever: But 
 drawing in with his native air that fpirit of party, which 
 fcarce any Briton can refift, he altered his intention, 
 and plunged into all the cabals of the popular leaders 
 in parliament. He had received a pardon from Charles 
 the Second, for his offences againft government : 
 But, like Brutus, he thought that np obligations to 
 himfelf could (hake off thofe which he owed to his 
 country. The high rank of the Duke of Monmouth, 
 with his ftill higher popularity in the nation, made 
 thofe men receive him into their councils, who was at 
 this time particularly irritated by the affronts which 
 had been lately put upon him. EiTex introduced into 
 the fame councils Lord Howard, who, forgetting the 
 nobility of his blood amidft republican notions, had 
 fate as a commoner * in one of Cromwell's parliaments ; 
 a man againft whom Ruffel, though his near relation f, 
 had long entertained an averfion ; either from an anti- 
 pathy, which nature fometimes gives men againft their 
 bane, or from the common repugnance which people 
 pf filent tempers have to the loquacious. But Howard 
 affiuned merit from his late fufferings, and his conti- 
 nual complaints of them were accounted pledges of his 
 fiacerity. 
 
 By 
 
 * Late Memoirs of the Howards, by a gentleman of 
 the family. 
 
 f General dictionary, voce Lord Ruffel.
 
 AND IRELAND. r 2p 
 
 By long fociety in party, the fentiments of thefe men PART I. 
 
 in politics had come to be the fame ; and, as often hap- 
 pens to men of fimilar fentiments, they believed that 1683. 
 their objects were the fame too, although they were very 
 different. RuiTel, Effex, and Hampden, intended to 
 make no further ufe of infurrection, than to exclude 
 the Duke of York, and to fix the barriers of the con- 
 ftitution with precifion. Sidney aimed at the deftruc- 
 tion of monarchy, and on its ruins to found that repu- 
 blic, which in imagination he adored. Monmouth 
 hoped, amidft public diffractions, to pave a way for 
 himfelf to the throne. Howard, with luxuriant elo- 
 quence and wit, adopted the views of each particular 
 perfon, and incited all to vigour and action, feeling for 
 moments what they felt through life. 
 
 Although thefe perfons difliked Shaftefbury, they They join 
 all, except Sidney, who fcofned the intercourfe, enter- Wlt ^ 
 ed into a communication of meafures with him, becaufe ^ 
 they flood in need of his vaft party in the city, which 
 was as daring as himfelf. Shaftefbury's only object was 
 revenge. For, having lately informed the Duke of 
 York, that the Duchefs of Portfmouth had prevailed 
 upon the King to get her fon named his fuccefTor by 
 parliament j and having offered to communicate other 
 fecrets to the Duke, if he would pardon what was paft, 
 the Duke broke off the converfation, by faying coldly, 
 My Lord Shaftefbury, you ftand more in need of 
 " the King's pardon, than of mine." Lord Grey, en- 
 dowed with the knowledge of letters and arts, but who, 
 hid under it a foul void of that virtue to which that 
 knowledge is allied, joined the confpiracy ; a man, 
 from whofe loofe life no generous enterprife was ex- 
 
 pected 5
 
 3 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. pefted ; for, a jury had lately found him guilty * of de- 
 B ~7* bauching his wife's fitter, a daughter of a noble family ; 
 1683. kut, in the noife of public diftractions, he hoped to 
 make his private vices be forgot by the world and him- 
 felf. Sir Thomas Armftrong, equally carelefs, but 
 more innocent, followed his example : He had been 
 Colonel of the guards, Gentleman of the horfe to the 
 King, the attendant of all his fortunes, and a compa- 
 nion in his pleafures : But the fame focial difpofition, 
 which had attached him formerly to the father, attach- 
 ed him now to the fon. Thefe were joined by Tren- 
 chard, who had made the motion for the bill of exclu- 
 Con in the houfe of commons, and who exhibited in his 
 perfon an example, common enough in public life, of 
 great political, but of little perfonal courage. Major 
 Wildman, a violent republican, who had been an agitator 
 in Cromwell's army, Rumfey, one of Cromwell's colo- 
 nels, whofe reputation as a brave blunt foldier was 
 high, and Fergufon, a Scotfman, and difTenting cler- 
 gyman, remarkable for ferving his party, and faving 
 himfelf, in all plots, were the only perfons of inferior 
 note who were admitted to their cabals. Their meet- 
 ings were held chiefly at the houTe of one Shepherd, a, 
 wine-merchant in the city, and who was accounted an 
 humble and difcreet dependant ; a dangerous character 
 to be trufted with the fecrets of the great, in confpira- 
 cies. The moft formidable of the confpirators were 
 Efiex, Sidney, and Hampden ; partly bccaufe they were, 
 deifts, and partly becaufe they who believe they have a 
 right over their own lives, are always mafters of thofe 
 of other men f . But Hampden, formed rather for the 
 
 detail 
 
 * State trials. 
 f Hampden killed himfelf after the Revolntion. Ef-
 
 AND IRELAND. 31 
 
 detail of oppofition in parliament, than for the great PART I. 
 ftrokes of faction in the ftate, although eminent when 
 compared with other perfons, had neither the talents 
 nor the virtues of the two former. Ruflel invited Lord 
 Cavendifh, the friend whom he loved moft, to join the 
 party. Cavendifh, who thought the project raih and 
 premature, refufed ; and advifed RulTel to retreat, if he 
 could without difhonour, but to proceed, if he could 
 not. 
 
 Without explaining themfelves to each other upon * * an * 
 the ends they propofed, the confpirators agreed upon r D : racv 
 an infurreftion. Shaftefbury, who had been accuftom- 
 ed to city-tumults from his earlieft youth, preffed for 
 its being begun, and without lofs of time, in the city, 
 where, as he exprefTed himfelf, " He had 1 0,000 
 " brifk boys ready to ftart up at a motion of his finger." 
 Monmouth, who defpifed the citizens, becaufe he had 
 been accuftomed to regular troops, thought the coun- 
 try the more proper fcene of action at firft ; " Be- 
 " caufe," he faid, " if the King's troops, which were 
 only about 5000 men, and at that time all quartered 
 " in London, fhould march out to quell the infurrec- 
 " tion, the capital would be left unguarded; or, if 
 " they continued in town to over-awe it, the infurgents 
 ( would increafe in numbers and courage in the coun- 
 try." At laft, it was agreed, that, in order to create 
 the greater diffraction, the attempt fhould be made 
 both in town and in the country at the fame time. 
 
 For 
 
 fex's death, together with a letter from Lord Arran, the 
 Duke of Ormond's fon, to Sir Leoline Jenkins, 24th Ju- 
 ly 1683, in the paper- office, fhews, that Effex had the 
 fame principles. Thofe of Sidney appear from his letter 
 above quoted.
 
 32 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. For this purpofe, Shaftefbury undertook to raife the 
 BOOK 1. c j r ^ w hich he had divided into twenty pans, having 
 fixed the commanders, and they the men under th^-^, 
 who were to act in each divifion ; though partly from 
 fufpicion, and partly through pride, he refufed to give 
 lifts of his afTociates. Monmouth engaged that he would 
 prevail upon Lord Macclesfa' eld, Lord Brandon, Lord De- 
 lamer, and Sir Gilbert Gerard, to make an infurreftioft 
 in Chefhire ; and Lord Ruflel, that Sir William Court- 
 ney, who was tenderly attached to him, Sir Francis 
 Drake, and other gentlemen in the weft, fhould raife 
 another in the weftern counties. Trenchard gave af* 
 furances that all the inhabitants of the difaffecled town 
 of Taunton fhould be in arms at a minute's warning. 
 Shaftefbury was defired to connect the parfy with the 
 difcontented Scots, and with the Earl of Argyle, be- 
 caufe he was connected with them himfelf. Mon- 
 mouth, Grey, and Armftrong, at one time, and Wild- 
 man at another, furveyed the guards, to obferve how 
 they might be fecured. The general alarm, which 
 was intended to have been given at Michaelmas in 
 the year 1682, was deferred from time to time, by dif- 
 ferent accidents. It was once fixed for Queen Eli- 
 zabeth's birth-day, the i yth of November, becaufe that 
 , Princefs had carried the glories of the Englifh name as 
 high as, they faid, Charles and his brother had laid 
 them low. But, afterwards, it occurring, that moft of 
 the guards were that day put upon duty, in order to 
 prevent the diforders in the ftrcets, with which it was 
 ufually accompanied, the time was put off until the 
 Sunday following j becaufe, on a Sunday, the ftreets 
 could be crouded with mechanics, without giving fuf- 
 picion. But Fergufon, affigning another reafon for the 
 
 change,
 
 AND IRELAND. 33 
 
 hang<, told fome of his aflbciates in the city, " That PART T. 
 the fanctity of the work was fuited to the fanctity of 
 the day." 
 
 But, as it is impoffible to check the ardour of con- Inferior 
 fpirators, in a country where every man glories in ( %! T ~ C 7 
 thinking for himfelf, a great number of thofe whom t t j 
 Shaftefbury had deftined for the alarm in the city, King and 
 becoming tired with delays, entered into a combina- 
 tion to affaffinate the King and the Duke. Rumfey, 
 Lieutenant Colonel Walcot, one of the officers who 
 had * guarded Charles the Firft to the fcaffold ; Rum- 
 bold, formerly a Lieutenant in the republican fervice, 
 and now a makfter, who, from the boldnefs of his fpi- 
 rit, and the lofs of an eye f , pafled among his aflbciates 
 by the name of Hannibal ; Goodenough, one of the late 
 popular under-fheriffs of London ; AylorF, a lawyer, 
 whofe aunt had been married to Chancellor Claren- 
 don j Holloway, a merchant ; Roufe, who had fo late- 
 ly efcaped the fate of Colledge j and Fergufon ; were 
 the moft active partifaus in this fubordinate concert. 
 Fergufon took advantage of his profeffion, to remove 
 any icruples which remained with his companions, by 
 affuring them, that the lixth commandment made it 
 their duty to take away two lives, in order to lave thcfe 
 of thoufands, which muft be loft in an infurreclion. 
 With the favage pretenfions to jullice, which often 
 accompany public reformation, when undertaken by 
 the lower orders of mankind, the interior tribe of con- 
 fpirators refolved to put the mayor and iheriffs to death, 
 
 VOL. I. E and 
 
 * Sir Leoline Jenkins's papers, No 77. in the paper 
 effice. 
 
 f Sprat, 38,
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. and hang up their fkins in Guild-hall, as examples to 
 Bp^J- their fuccefTors ; and to mark Weftminfter-hall, and 
 the houfe of commons, with fimilar memorials of their 
 refentment againft particular judges and members of 
 parliament. But they differed among themfelves upon 
 the method of executing their purpofe againft the King 
 and his brother, partly from the fame idea of connec- 
 ting the appearance of juftice with the manner of their 
 death, and partly from that defire of impunity which 
 frustrates moft defperate actions. Some propofed to 
 kill them at the Lord Mayor's feaft, in the view of that 
 city which they had injured ; others to do it in the 
 ftreets during night, while the Princes were paying 
 lewd vifits," as they were called, in their chairs. 
 But the former of thofe projects, becaufe too public, 
 was thought to be dangerous ; the other, becaufe pri- 
 vate, appeared liable to miftakes. Among other fchemes, 
 it was fuggefted, to fire twenty pocket blunderbufTes 
 into the King's box in the playhoufe ; a fuggeftion, to 
 which Lord Howard, the only man of the higher or- 
 der of confpirators who * was in the fecrets of the 
 inferior, gave a fanction, by this ungenerous farcafm f, 
 " That then the Princes would die in their callings." 
 At laft Rumbold, who, for the ufe of his trade, poffef- 
 fed a farm called the Rye-houfe, between London and 
 Newmarket, pointed out, that, as the road through his 
 farm was narrow, it was eafy, by overturning a cart, to 
 flop the coach in which the King and the Duke ufually 
 returned from Newmarket to London, and then to fire 
 
 upon 
 
 * Lord Howard's own confcflioa in Sprat's appendix,. 
 
 p. 70. 
 
 Sprat. Burner.
 
 ANDIRELAND. 35 
 
 upon them, embarrafled in the paflage, with one party PART T. 
 
 from the hedges, whilft another was encountering the 2^\^ 'j 
 
 guards. Yet, even amidft the blackn-efs of this project, 1683. 
 
 fome fparks of generofity appeared : For, Walcot refa- 
 
 fed to nre upon the Princes, who would be defence- 
 
 lefs ; but offered to attack the guards, becaufe they 
 
 were able to defend themfelves ; and Rumbold expref- difappoint- 
 
 fed his concern at being under a neceffity to clifcharge ec ^ b>' an 
 
 the firft fhot againft the innocent poftilion. But whilft ^ 
 
 Rumbold's affociates were taking meafures to execute 1683. 
 
 this project, the King's houfe at Newmarket accidentally 
 
 took fire, which obliged him to return to London foon- 
 
 er than was expected j and the fcheme was difappoint- 
 
 ed. Struck with the accident, they converted it into 
 
 an omen ; and all the arts of Fergufon to wipe off the 
 
 impreffion from their minds, could never roufe them 
 
 again to a fimilar attempt. 
 
 In the mean time, Shafte&ury, the once great par- Shaftefbu- 
 liamentary leader, minifter of ftate, Lord high chancel- 17 hides^ 
 lor of England, and head of the people againft the ^ 
 King, fled from his own houfe, and hid himfelf in the 
 mean fuburb of Wapping ; partly for refuge, and partly 
 to be in the middle of the mifchiefs he meditated. Yet, 
 anxious from his fears, and trufting the meaneft, while 
 he diftrufted the greateft of mankind, he concealed his 
 abode from his more generous ailbciates at the other urges 
 nd of the town ; and kept up his correfpondence with them to 
 them only by meflages, or obfcure viiits. From his 
 place of concealment, he preffed them to anticipate the 
 time they had appointed for infurreclion ; remonftra- 
 ting continually, " That in vain they expected to find 
 <* filence and fidelity among fo great a number of con- 
 <* dents, fome of whom, from vanity, were unable to 
 
 " conceal;
 
 3$ MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. conceal ; and others, from intereft, capable to be* 
 BOOK I. (t tra y, a f ecretj t ] ie difcovery of which would be re- 
 1684. " warded fo well. No ti e was needed for confidera- 
 " tion : '1 hey had only to determine, whether they 
 " fhould attack their enemies with hopes of furcefs, 
 " or wait till they were prevented by them with a cer- 
 < l tainty of ruin. Even although their profpects of 
 " victory were lefs fair than they fcemed, it was better 
 to perifh in taking revenge of their e emies, and in 
 * a ftruggle for the caufe of l.berty, than on fcaffolds, 
 * l where the very forms of juftLe on the fide of their 
 <* enemies would make the perfons who fuffered by 
 ' them, appear to fall by the laws, and not to fall witk 
 * the laws. The citizens were prepared, impatient, 
 " already half in action ; and, if the feat of govern- 
 *' ment, and of tin- King's refidence, was once fecurcd, 
 ' the reft of the kingdom would follow its fate. To 
 the bold, bold attempts were eafy ; cowards alone 
 c met with difficulties Thofe who attacked were 
 < f mafters of their own defigns ; they could turn even 
 ' accidents to their advantage ; but, to men obliged to 
 * defend themfelves fudclenly, every thing was" new, 
 " and every new thing terrible: In defpatch, therefore, 
 " they had all things to hope ; m delay, all things to 
 * fear." When he could not prevail by thefe argu- 
 ments *, he threatened to run to arms in the city with 
 his own party, faying, " '1 hat, as his alone fhould be 
 the danger, his alone would be the glory ;" and ac- 
 cufing Morunouth of a (ecret cor.'-elpondence with his 
 father ; threats and reproaches, which were only want- 
 ing 
 
 * Sprat, p. 34. and appendix, p. 69. State trials.* vol. 
 iii.
 
 AND IRELAND. 37 
 
 ing to difappoint the meafures of the party, by difcon- PART I. 
 
 certingthem. ^^ 
 
 Soon after, intelligence arrived from MrTrenchard, 1683. 
 
 that the people of 'I aunton were not in readinefs; and Hefita- 
 
 he beeped a delay, hiding his own fears under thofc of tlon * t " e 
 
 _., ., , _ ,, _. , higher or- 
 
 other men. The .^cots too demurred, fufpecbng the <jerof con 
 
 firmnefs of the Engliih ; and infifted, that the Duke of fprrators. 
 Monmouth, as a pledge of the fincerity of their afibci- 
 ates, fhould be fent down to Scotland to put himfelf 
 at the head of the infurgents. Scruples, on account of 
 the blood that was to be filed, touched RufTel ; com- 
 punctions ftnote Monmouth, from the dangers to which Confpira- 
 his father's life might be expoied j and a return was c ? delaj- 
 made to an animating meflage brought by Fergufon XT' 
 from Shaftefbury, that a delay was refolved upon. Un- 1682. 
 able to bear uncertainty any longer, that veteran chief, Shaftefbu* 
 on the evening of the day which had been appointed \ 
 for the infurreclion, retired to Holland, where he foon 
 after died, more of rage againft his friends than his e- 
 nemies, and more of either than of difeafe, in the arms 
 of Walcot and Fergufon *, who only of the many thou- 
 fands who had fworn to ihare the fame fate with him, 
 adhered to his fortune to the laft. 
 
 The retreat of Shaftefbury and Fergufon, which at Confpirz- 
 firft pleafed moft of the higher order of confpirators, C 7 renew- 
 
 confounded the confpiracy ; becaufe the lines of com- t^' 
 
 r Meetings 
 
 munication of thole two perfons in the city were but called. 
 
 imperfectly known. The difficulty which this created 
 gave time for reflection. Monmouth heard a furmife, 
 that fome of the lower order of confpirators had an in- 
 tention againfl the King's life } and that even Lord 
 
 been 
 
 * Tooke, vol. ii. p. 253.
 
 PART T. Macclesfield, from whofe birth better things might have 
 BOOK I. been expected, had propofed to aflaflinate the Duke % 
 in order to frighten his brother. Hampden and Ruffel 
 perceived f that the defigns of Sidney were not the 
 fame with their own. Thefe perfons, therefore, called 
 meetings of the heads of the party, in order to procure 
 an explanation with regard to the principle of the de- 
 claration which they were to publith J when the infur- 
 rection (hould take place. At thefc meetings, it was 
 agreed || to declare, that their arms were only defen- 
 five, and to bi kept in their hands, not againft their 
 Sovereign, but only until a free parliament {hould be 
 called by him, which, in a conftitutional way, and ac- 
 cording to ancient precedent, might redrefs public grie- 
 vances, and fettle the fucceifion. A plan which moft 
 of them believed would foon bring about an accom- 
 modation between the King and his people ; and which, 
 by reconciling the principles of loyalty and liberty in 
 the breaft of Ruffel, removed fome fcruples which he 
 had lately entertained. Sidney alone, who was trou- 
 bled with no fcruples, derided the project whilft he 
 yielded to it, faying, " That people who drew their 
 *' fwords againft their Sovereign, fhould not begin by 
 " thinking of a treaty with him." After this, they 
 proceeded flowly, and with caution ; like men who 
 were afraid of hurting their countrymen, even to fave 
 their country. They ftretched their fcheme of infur- 
 rection wider and wider * through the counties of 
 
 England. 
 
 State trials, vol. ii. p. 29- t Lord Grey, 
 
 p. 69. t Lord Grey, p. 50. J State 
 
 trials, vol. ii. p. 211. Lord Grey, paflim. 
 
 Ibid. p. 69. ** State trials, p. 209.
 
 AND IRELAND. 3* 
 
 England. They fent for Fergufon from Holland, to PART I. 
 explain Shaftefbury's connexions in the city. They ^ OOK ** 
 renewed a divifion of the city fimilar to that Lord's. jc8*. 
 And they formed a more intimate communication of 
 meafures with the Scots, than they had hitherto 
 done : For, Sidney fent Aaron Smith, one who had 
 been punifhed for his party, and was therefore the more 
 attached to it, into Scotland j Mr Baillie of Jerviefwood, 
 endowed with high virtue and fpirit, came from Scot- 
 land, and Mr Fletcher of Salton, from Holland, to ma- 
 nage the intercourfe between the two countries. * Stu- 
 art, a Scots f lawyer, and Carftairs J, a Scots clergy- 
 man, were the perfons who conducted the treaty with 
 Argyle. And a j| great number of gentlemen's fons, 
 who had been in foreign fervices, went into England, 
 under pretence of being pedlars, and fpread themfelves 
 through the difaffefted counties, to be ready when there 
 was occafion for their fervices. It was refolved to fend 
 ten thoufand pounds to Argyle in Holland, to enable 
 him to buy arms, fail to Scotland, and put the weftern 
 Highlanders in motion. In order that all thefe things 
 might be executed without confufion and with fecrecy, 
 llx of the confpirators, Monmouth, Rufiel, Eflex, Sid- 
 ney, 
 
 * Letter Mr Chudleigh to Lord Sunderland, Hague, 
 zeth Augufl 1683, in the paper office. 
 
 f He was appointed Lord Advocate for Scotland after 
 the Revolution. 
 
 J He was prefbyterian chaplain to King William, fe- 
 cretary to Lord Portland after the Revolution, and great- 
 ly trufted by King William in Scots affairs. 
 
 i| Sir Leoline Jenkins. Papers in the paper office. 
 Bocks of privy council, January 10. 1683.
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. 
 
 BCH K I. 
 
 1683. 
 Inferior 
 confpi ra- 
 cy dilco- 
 Yered. 
 
 June. 
 
 ney, Hampden, and Howard, agreed to meet together 
 from time to time as exigencies required *. 
 
 During all this time, it is amazing, that fecrets 
 known to fo many, not of the great alone, but alia of 
 the meaneft of th* people, men of the moft diforderly 
 paffions, and whole paffions were rendered ftill more 
 unguarded through the ufe of ftrong liquors, by which 
 their Jbciety in party was kept up, fhould fo long lie 
 concealed. At length, in the beginning of June of the 
 year 1683, one Keyling, a falter, who had been fo da- 
 ring as to take into cuft.ody the Lord Mayor, in the 
 late difputes concerning the city elections, and who 
 waSj on that account, under fear of the more grievous 
 prolecution, gave information to the fecretary of ftate, 
 Sir Leoline Jenkins, of the affaffination plot, in which 
 he was himfclt engaged, ufing the dale pretence of all 
 informers, that his conscience obliged him to do fo. 
 But, as accounts of plots were at that time, by realbn 
 of their frequency, little regarded, hardly any attention 
 was paid to him : He, therefore, engaged f his brother 
 to overhear a treasonable converfation between him and 
 Goodenough, and to relate it. In the mean time, fome 
 
 of 
 
 * Hampden, when examined after the Revolution, by 
 the houfe of Lords concerning the Rye-houle plot, f;iid, 
 " He thinks Kmg William's coming into England to be 
 nothing clle but the continuation ot the council of fix." 
 And, in the lame examination, he owned and jultified the 
 attempt. Vid. Jouinals Houfe of Lords, 2oth December 
 1689. Compare alfo Clarendon's diary, May 27. 1689, 
 from which it appears, that Hampden, and even Buruet, 
 at the Revolution, avowed the truth of the conlpiracy. 
 
 f John Kcyling's examination in Lords Journ. Dec. 
 ?o. 1689.
 
 AND IRELAND. 4* 
 
 of his "aflbciates, who had obferved him waiting about PART I. : 
 Whitehall, charged him, at one of their meetings, ^l/* . 
 with having been there. Rumbold prepared inftantly 1683. 
 to defpatch him, but was prevented by the reft, who 
 were moved by his tears and oaths of fidelity. From, 
 the meeting he ran directly to the fecretary's office, 
 where the fight of the terrors under which he ftill 
 fhook, removed all fufpicion of the fincerity of his in- 
 formation. Upon this, fome of the lower clafs of af- 
 fafiins were feized, and rewards publifhed for feizing 
 more. But, as thefe knew nothing of the cabals f 
 their fupefiors, and their fuperiors knew as little of 
 theirs, the great men continued in their houfes, op- 
 prefTed rather with anxiety than with fears. 
 
 At laft, the blow came from two men, from whofe Confpira* 
 profeffion it was leaft to be expected. Colonel Rum- <T difco- 
 fey furrendered himfelf, and became evidence ; Lieu- vere " 
 tenant Colonel Walcot wrote a letter from his hiding- 
 place to the fecretary of ftate, in which he offered alfo 
 to make a difcovery, and magnified the importance of 
 the plot ; an offer which he afterwards retracted, when 
 he heard what Rumfey had done ; perceiving the dif- 
 grace or his own conduct, when he faw it in that of a- 
 nother. Rumfey g^ve informations of the meetings at 
 Shepherd's. Shepherd was fent for ; when threatened, 
 told all he knew, as might have been expected, and 
 confirmed the evidence of Rumfey. 
 
 Lord Ruffe 1 was the firft of the great who was or- The greal 
 dered to be fearched for. He was taken into cuftcdy men ie *" 
 by a meflenger who had walked long. before his door * j 
 whether from accident, or from the man's defire to let 
 
 VOL. I. . F him 
 
 * Samuel Johnfon's examination, in Journals houfe ef 
 Lords, Nov. 19. 1689.
 
 4 2 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 him efcape, is uncertain. He was found neither prepa- 
 ring for flight, nor hiding himfelf, but fitting in his ftu- 
 
 168?. ^' ^ s ^ oon as ^ c was * n cu ft^7> ne g ave up all hopes 
 of life, knowing how obnoxious he was to the Duke of 
 York j and only ftudied to die with decency and dig- 
 nity. When brought before the council, he refufed to 
 anfwer to any thing which could affect others : With 
 regard to himfelf, he confeffed fome things with can- 
 dour; aud, in denying others, fhewed what difficulty 
 a man of ftrict honour finds, to diftinguifh between 
 concealing truth and expreffing a falfehood *. Lord 
 Grey followed him, but in a manner far different f, 
 denying all he knew with imprecations, and expofing, 
 by his clamours and infolence, that guilt and fear which 
 they were intended to conceal. The vivacity of his 
 fpirits, however, fupplied him with expedients, by which 
 he made his efcape, the fame night, from the hands of 
 the meffenger. Effex was at his country houfe, when 
 he heard the fate of his friend, and could have made 
 his efcape ; but, when preffed to make it by thofe a- 
 round him, he anfwered, " His own life was not worth 
 " faving, if, by drawing fufpicion upon Lord Ruffel, 
 " it could bring his life into danger." Monmouth had 
 abfconded ; but, actuated by the fame generous motive 
 with Effex, he fent a meffage to Ruffel , when he heard 
 he was feized, " That he would furrender himfelf, and 
 " fhare his fate, if his doing fo could be of ufe to 
 " him." Ruffel anfivered in thefe words, ' It will be 
 " no advantage to me to have my friends die with me." 
 
 The 
 
 * Sprat, 121. Appendix, 131. Lord RufTel's exa- 
 mination is in the paper office, full of interlineations : 
 Even the interlineations are interlined. 
 
 f North's cxamen. p. 381.
 
 AN D I R E L A N D. 43 
 
 The anxiety of Howard, who ran every where, and to PART I. 
 every body, denying the truth of the plot, and proteft- OOK 
 ing his innocence, drew fufpicion upon him. He was 
 found hid in a chimney, covered with fopt -, a lurking- 
 hole fuited to its inhabitant. He fhook, fobbed, and fell 
 a crying. When brought before the' King and coun- 
 cil, he, for a while, maintained a filence, the effect of ftu- 
 por, and which was at firft miftaken for fortitude. But, 
 when he recovered himfelf, he defired to fpeak in pri- 
 vate with the King and Duke ; and, falling on his knees 
 to them, poured out all he knew. In confequence of 
 his information, Eflex, Sidney, Hampclen, Armftrong, 
 and many others, were feized. Sidney appeared be- 
 fore the council with fimplicity of behaviour, difcover- 
 ing neither figns of guilt, nor the affectation of in- 
 nocence. He refufed to anfwer the queftions which 
 were put to him ; and told them, if they wanted evi- 
 dence againft him, they muft find it from others than 
 himfelf. Baillie of Jerviefwood was offered his life, if 
 he would confent to turn evidence : He fmiled, and 
 faid, '* They who can make fuch a proposal to me, 
 < f know neither me nor my country." 
 
 Walcot, Roufe, with another of the intended affaf- 
 fins, having been previously tried and condemned, in 
 order, by bringing the affaffination immediately before 
 the eyes of the public, to raife the public horror, and 
 afterwards to confound, in that horror, the infurrection 
 with the affaffinat jon, Lord Ruffel was brought next to his 
 trial ; the fighs of his country attending him. The 
 King and the Duke, from a curiofity unworthy of their 
 rank, had gone to the Tower, on the morning of his 
 trial, to fee him pafs. Effex was at that time confined 
 to the fame chamber of the Tower from which his fa- 
 ther,
 
 44 
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 FART T. 
 
 E> -IK r. 
 
 1683. 
 
 Ruffel's 
 trial. 
 
 ther, Lord Capel, had been led to death, and in xvhich 
 his wife's grandfather, Lord Northnmber]and, had in- 
 flicted a voluntary death upon himfelf. When he faw 
 his friend carried to what he reckoned certain fate, 
 their common enemies enjoying the fp< c"l icle, and re- 
 flected *, that it was he who had forced Lord Howard 
 upon the confidence of Ruflcl, he retired, and, by a 
 Roman death, put an end to his mifcry. 
 
 When Ruflel came into court, he defired a delay of 
 his trial until next day ; becaufe fome of his witnefies 
 could not arrive in town before the evening, bawyer 
 the attorney. general j-, with an inhumane repartee, an- 
 fwered, " But you did not intend to have granted the 
 " King the delay of one hour for faving his life " and 
 refufed his confcnt to the requeft. RulTel having afk- 
 ed leave of the court, that notes of the evidence, for 
 his ufe, might be taken by the hand of another ; the 
 attorney-general, in order to prevent him from getting 
 the aid of counlel, told him, he might uie the hand of 
 one of his fervants in writing, if he pleafed f. " I afk 
 '* none," anfwered the prifoner, " but that of the 
 " Lady who fits by me." When the fpelators at thefe 
 words turned their eyes, and beheld the daughter of 
 the virtuous Southampton, rifing up to afiift her Lord, 
 in this his uttermoft diftrefs, a thrill of anguifh ran 
 through the aflembly. But when, in his defence, he 
 faid |[, " There can be no rebellion now, as in former 
 " times, for there are now no great men left in Eng- 
 land," a pang of a different nature was felt by thofe 
 
 who 
 
 * State trials, vol ii. p. 135. and Burnct's account in. 
 the General Dictionary, voce RufTel. 
 f Lord Ruflel's trial. 
 $ Ibid. H Ibid.
 
 A # D I R E L A N D. 45 
 
 who thought for the public. Howard, was the chief PART I. 
 witnefs againft him. RufTel, refpecYmg their common BOOK I. 
 relation, heard him without figns of emotion ; though, 1682. 
 when the report of Lord EfTex's death was brought into 
 court, and being whifpered from ear to ear, at laft 
 reached his, he had burft.into tears. Soon after, Lord 
 Howard, while he pronounced the name of Lord ElTcx, 
 pretending to cry for his memory, at a time when he 
 was, without concern, bringing death on his furviving 
 friend, made the contraft between genuine and affected 
 paifion, virtue and difhonour, complete. The noble 
 houfe of Howard redeemed the only difgrace that, ever 
 was caft upon it : For one of the Duke of Norfolk's 
 family was among the very few, who, in that perilous 
 hour of friendship, gave teftimony in favour of the cha- 
 racter and deportment of Lord Ruilel. Jeffreys, in 
 his fpeech to the jury, turned the untimely fate of EfTex 
 into a proof of his confcioufnefs of the conlpiracy, in 
 which both friends had been engaged. Pemberton, who 
 owed his firit rife in life to the Bedford family, and who 
 now prefided as chief juftice, behaved to the prifoner 
 with a candour and decorum feldom found in the judges 
 of this reign, or the next. RufTel, in the conduct of 
 his defence, did not avow the intended infurrection, 
 left it might hurt his friends who remained to be tried; 
 nor deny it, left it fhould injure his own honour. 
 Hence it was thought by many, that his appearance at 
 his trial did not corrcfpond with the former luftre of 
 his life : But thofe who knew his fituation faw, that he 
 chofe to make the fmall remains of his life rather ufe- 
 ful to others, than glorious for himfelf. The proof a- 
 gainft him was not fo ftrong as might have been ex- 
 pected j yet the jury found him guilty. Treby, the re- 
 corder,
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. 
 BOOK I. 
 
 1683. 
 
 RnfTel's 
 parting 
 vrith bis 
 fam iy and 
 friend. 
 
 corder, who had been embarked deeply with Lord 
 Shaftefbury in his fchemes in the city, was mean c- 
 nough, inftead of throwing up his office, to pronounce 
 fentence of death upon his affociate, and even to argue 
 againft an arreft of judgment. Yet Ruffel reproached 
 him not, left his reproaches might bring mifchief upon 
 others. But, when Rich, the fheriff, who had been 
 formerly violent for the exclufion, and had now changed 
 fides, brought him the warrant of death, he felt an in- 
 clination to fay, " That they two fhould never vote 
 ' again in the fame way in the fame houfe." Yet, 
 recollecting that Rich might feel pain from the innocent 
 pleafantry, he checked himfelf. 
 
 Lord Ruffel, during his trial, at his death, and in a 
 more fevere teft of his fortitude than either, his parting 
 with his wife and infant-children, and with his friend 
 Lord Cavendifh, preferved the dignity of his rank and 
 character. With a deep and noble Clence ; with a long 
 and fixed look, in which refpect and affection, un- 
 mingled with paffion, were expreffed, Lord and Lady 
 Ruffel parted for ever j he great in this laft action of 
 his life, but (he greater. His eyes followed her's while 
 fhe quitted the room ; and, when he loft fight of her, 
 turning to the clergyman who attended him, he faid, 
 " The bitternefs of death is now paft." The obferva- 
 tion was juft : For, the fate of the furvivor was more 
 haplefs, who, though in public fhe feemed to affume 
 pride from her condition, yet loft her eye-fight by con- 
 tinual weeping in private ; and calling often for death, 
 could never find it, until an extreme old age laid her 
 for ever by the partner of her foul % Lord Cavendifh 
 
 offered 
 
 * She died at the age of 87 years. Collins's peerage,, 
 rol. i. p. 1 74.
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. ,47 
 
 offered to manage his efcape by changing cloaths with PART I. 
 him in prifon, and continuing at all hazards in his BOOK I. 
 place. He refufed, happy that he had equalled, not 
 iurpafled, his friend in generofity *. 
 
 Being flattered with hopes of life by fotne divines, Other an- 
 if he would acknowledge to the King, that he believed ec dotesre- 
 fubjedts had, in no cafe whatever, a right of reilfhnce ^5'"^ 
 againft the throne, he anfwered in thefe words t : " I hours, 
 ff can have no conception of a limited monarchy, which 
 '* has not a right to defend its own limitations : 
 " My confcience will not permit me to fay otherwife 
 " to the King." Charles, by the advice of the Duke, 
 refufed 100,000 pounds, offered by the old Earl of 
 Bedford for his fon's life ; an advice which the Duke 
 had afterwards reafon to repent, as fhall be related in 
 its proper place J. Charles felt not for an object far 
 more affecting, the daughter of the virtuo"s Southamp- 
 ton motionlefs at his feet. In vain did he often repeat, 
 in (peaking of EfTex's death, " My Lord EiTex might 
 " have tried my mercy, I owed a life to his family j" 
 alluding to the fate of EfTex's father, who had loft his 
 
 life 
 
 * Subjects of hiftory-painting are fought for in the hi- 
 ftories of Rome and Greece. Many are to be found in 
 our own. What a pitfure might the parting of Lord 
 RufTel with his family and friend make in the hands of a 
 Hamilton ? 
 
 f I had this circumftance from Lord Littleton. Vid. 
 alfo Archbifhop Tillotfon's examination in the Lords 
 Journals, Dec. 20. 1683. 
 
 J Lord Bedford's letter to the King, which, -in feem- 
 ing to make an apology for this offer, feems to renew it, 
 is in the paper office, and is written with great tendernefs. 
 &ee it in the appendix to this book.
 
 '49 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. life on a fcaffold for his attachment to the King's fa- 
 Book I. t k er ^| en f u fp e ft e( j t h e intention of mercy to the 
 dead, when they faw none fhewn to the living. Charles, 
 even at figning the warrant for the death of Lord Ru- 
 fel, marked remembrance of former injuries : For, al- 
 luding to Ruflel's having been one of thofe, who, in the 
 heat of party during the profecution of the popifh plot, 
 had difputed the King's prerogative of difpenfing with 
 the more ignominious part of the fentence of treafon, 
 pronounced againft Lord Stafford, he faid, " Lord Ruf- 
 " fel fhall find, that I am poffeffed of that prerogative, 
 " which, in the cafe of Lord Stafford, he thought fit to 
 '* deny me." Amidft the dark and mifchievous train 
 of policy which France had fpread over England during 
 this reign, the tenderncfs of the friend, and the gtrnero- 
 fity of the monarch, upon this occafion, however, fhone 
 athwart; forRouvigny,who had been obliged totheBed- 
 fordfamilyfor every hofpitable civility in England, begged 
 of Lewis the Fourteenth to interpofe for the life of Lord 
 RuiTel. Lewis confented, and fent him with a letter to 
 Charles. Barillon informed Charles of it : But that 
 Prince, with a polite inhumanity, anfwered, I do 
 " not wifh to prevent Mr Rouvigny's coming here ; 
 4< But Lord Ruffel's head will be off before he can ar- 
 *' rive *." Tendernefs of mind and courage go continu- 
 ally together: The gallant Lord Dartmouth in vnin 
 reminded his mafter of the merits of the deceafed Earl 
 of Southampton, and of the haplefs age of the innocent 
 Earl of Bedford. The execution was performed not on 
 Towerhill, the common place of execution for men of 
 high rank, but in Lincoln's Inn fields, in order th:.t the 
 citizens might be humbled by the fpeftacle of their once 
 triumphant leader, carried in his coach to death thro* 
 
 a 
 * Appendix.
 
 AND IRELAND. 49 
 
 a longer fpace of the ftreets ; a device which, like moft PART I. 
 others of the kind, produced an effect contrary to what was ^_ ___) 
 intended: For, filence and grief attended the proceflion ; 1683. 
 and the multitude imagined they beheld virtue and liberty 
 fitting by his fide. In pafling, he looked towards South- 
 ampton-houfe, where his family was; the tear ftartedinto 
 his eye ; but he inftantly wiped it away. He prayed for the 
 King ; but, with a prefcience of what afterwards hap- 
 pened, he foretold, " That, although a cloud hung now 
 " over the nation, his death would do more fervice than 
 " his life could have done." Honour and friendship fol- 
 lowed him beyond the grave : Lord Cavendifh joined the 
 hand of his eldeft fon in marriage to one of the daugh- 
 ters of his deceafed friend. We quit anecdotes relating 
 to fuch illuftrious perfonages with reluctance. Lord Ca- 
 vendifh was in the next reign fined 30^000 pounds, for 
 turning out of the prefence- chamber a gentleman who 
 had affronted him. His mother offered to pay the fine, 
 by difcharging 60,000 pounds, which the family had ad- 
 vanced to James's father and brother in their greateft ex- 
 tremities* ; but her offer was rejected f. 
 
 Before 
 
 * Collins's Peerage, vol. i. p. 30$. 
 
 f It may feem difficult to reconcile Lord Ruflel's fincerity with 
 fome expreffions in his laft fpeech, which feem to import a denial of 
 the truth of the confpiracy. It was much believed at the time, that 
 Burnet was the author of fome paflages of the fpeech ; and a com- 
 parifon of the fpeech with one of Lord Ruffel's letters to the King 
 in the Paper-office, which only denies the afiailination, but not the 
 confpiracy, makes it probable that the fufpicion was juft. Lady 
 Ruffel indeed, in her letter to the King (printed in the general dic- 
 tionary), juftifies Burnet. But (he confeffes, flie was abfent moft of 
 the time while her Lord was writing his fpeech; and Burnet was 
 continually with him. 
 
 It may appear ungenerous in the living to throw reflections on the 
 dead. But it is a piece of juftice I owe to hiftorical truth, to fay, 
 that I have never tried Burnet's facls by the tells of dates, and of 
 original papers, without finding them wrong. For rvhjch reafon, I 
 
 VOL. I. * G hav
 
 50 
 
 PART I. Before Sidney was brought to his trial, Pemberton 
 
 ^J was removed from the head of the King's Bench, and * 
 
 1683. even from the privy-council ; and Jeffreys was put in his 
 
 Sidney's pl ace , in order, by the fiercenefs of his temper and man- 
 ners, to cope with a man, the vigour of whofe fpirit 
 was known throughout Europe. A jury was feleded 
 with care, and compofed of men of mean degree, to 
 enfure his condemnation. Sidney Was then fifty-nine 
 yeafs'of age, hrs hair white, and his health broken by 
 the fatigues of his youth and the ftudics of his age. He 
 at firft intended to plead guilty, in order to fave trouble 
 to himfelf and to others ; but afterwards reflecting, that 
 it was necefTary to roufe his countrymen from their in- 
 dolence, to vindicate the laws, by {hewing them how 
 eafily thefe might be abufed in their holieft fan&uaries, 
 when parliaments were in difufe, he refolved to ftand his 
 trial ; to which too perhaps he was incited by that aver- 
 fion from an obfcure death, which is natural to the brave. 
 By the ftatute of treafon, two witnefles were required to 
 convidl a man of that crime : But fome difcourfcs upon 
 government having been found in Sidney's hand-writing 
 among his papers, Jeffreys declared from the bench to 
 the jury, that thefe were fufficient in law to fupply the 
 want of a fecond witnefs, although the papers were to- 
 tally unconnected with the confpiracy, and contained 
 only fentiments of liberty worthy of Solon or Lycurgus. 
 The outrages againft law, through the whole of the trial, 
 throw difgrace upon the judicial records of a country, in 
 which the life of the fubjedl: is better protected than in 
 any other upon earth. Sidney collected all the powers of 
 his mind. Not ufing a regular defence, but, according 
 
 have made little ufe of them in thefe Memoirs, unlefs when I found 
 them fupported by other authorities. His book is the more repre- 
 henfible, bccauie it is full of charaftei s, and moft of them are tinged 
 with the colours of his own weakneffes and pafiions. 
 * Bocks of" privy council, Oft. 24, 1683. 
 
 as
 
 AND IRELAND. Sl 
 
 as paffioh di&ated or memory prompted, he urged, from PART I. 
 time to time, every argument which the chicane of the \ 
 
 law, or the great rules of reafon and juftice, fuggefted 1683. 
 to a found head, and a ftrong heart. The brutality of 
 Jeffreys he anfwered in farcafm decent, but fevere, or by 
 filence.s which were ft ill more poignant. The arrogance 
 of that judge, whilft he gave falfe colours to the law, 
 Sidney laid open, by queftions which admitted of no 
 anfwer, or by felf-evident propofitions, of which all 
 who heard could form a judgment. When the court 
 would have perfuaded him to make a ftep in law, which 
 he fufpe&ed was meant to hurt him, he faid, with per- 
 haps an affe&ed, but with a touching fimplicity*, "I 
 " defire you will not tempt me, nor make me run on 
 " dark and flippery places ; I do not fee my way." Sid- 
 ney, having taken advantage of a circumftance, that 
 only partial paflages of the writings which were pro- 
 duced againft him were quoted, and even betraying 
 fome warmth in defence of the writings themfelves, 
 Jeffreys hoped to draw him into an avowal that he was 
 the author. With this view, he handed the papers to 
 Sidney, and defired him to take off the force of the paf- 
 fages by any others in the book. Sidney faw the fnare, 
 but pretended not to fee it : He turned over the leaves- 
 with a feemingly grave attention, and then returning 
 them to the bench, faid, " Let the man who wrote thefe 
 " papers reconcile what is contained in them." After 
 Howard's depofition was finished, Sidney was afked what 
 queftions he had to put to him ? He turned from Howard 
 as from an objeft unworthy to hold converfe with, or 
 even to be looked at, and anfwered with an emphatical 
 brevity, "None to him!" But, when he came to 
 make his defence, he raifed a ftorm of indignation and 
 
 * State Trials, vol. ii. p. 206. 
 
 * G 2 contempt
 
 S 2 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. contempt againft Howard*, who was under great obli- 
 ^ __ j gallons to him, as a wretch abandoned by God and by 
 1683. man, profligate in his character, bankrupt in his for- 
 tune, and who owed him a debt which he meant to ex- 
 tinguifh by his death. He mentioned, in a curfory way, 
 his having faved Charles's life ; but he fpoke of it, not as 
 a thing from which he aflumed any merit, but only as the 
 common duty of a man. 
 
 His beha- T ne fate of Lord Ruffel had been determined in two 
 brought to days : But Sidney, more obftinate, prolonged his fate in 
 receive court during three weeks. Even when brought up to 
 receive fentence of death, he repeated and infifted upon 
 almoft every plea which had been over-ruled. During 
 the whole of his trial, he had the art, by drawing down 
 unjuft repulfes upon himfelf, to make the odium of his 
 crime be forgot in that which he raifed againft his judges 
 and his profecutors. Withens, one of the judges, gave 
 him the lie; he feemed to difregard it, as an injury done 
 to himfelf only : But when Jeffreys interrupted him, 
 whilft he was opening a plea, he took advantage of it, 
 as an injury done tojuftice; and cried out, " Then, I 
 " appeal to God and the world, I am not heard :" 
 After which he refufed to defend himfelf any longer. 
 When fentence was pafled upon him, he made this pa- 
 thetic exclamation : " Then, O God ! O God ! I be- 
 " feech thce to fanclify thefe fufferings unto me, and 
 " impute not my blood to my country, nor to this city 
 '* through which I am to be carried to death. Let no 
 " inquifition be made for it : But, if any {hall be made, 
 " and the fhedding of innocent blood muft be revenged, 
 let the weight of it fall only on thofe who maliciuufly 
 " perfecute me for righteoufnefs fake." Jeffreys, dart- 
 ing from his feat, called out, that the prifoncr's reafon 
 
 * Bwnet, 
 
 was
 
 AND IRELAND. 53 
 
 was affe&ed. But Sidney calmly ftretched out his arm, PART I. 
 and defired Jeffreys to feel " if his pulfe did not beat at P_^ K 
 ** its ordinary rate." Inftead of applying for mercy to 1683. 
 
 the throne, he demanded only iuftice : For he fet forth, A " e 5 dote * 
 . . , . , . . . of his laft 
 
 in a petition to the King*, the injuries which had been hours. 
 
 done to the laws in his perfon; and, as an equal, de- 
 iired to be carried to the royal prefence, that he might, 
 there, have an opportunity of fhewing the King how 
 much his own intereft and honour were concerned, in 
 giving that redrefs which his judges had refufed. That 
 fimplicity of behaviour with which he had behaved at the 
 council board, he converted into an air of grandeur at 
 his death before the people. He went on foot with a 
 firm ftep f ; he afked no friend to attend him j and, only 
 for decency, borrowed two of his brother's footmen to 
 walk behind him. He afcended the fcaffold with the 
 look, and ftep, and erect pofture, of one who came to 
 harangue or to command, not to fuffer j pleafed to ex- 
 hibit a pattern of imitation to his countrymen, and to 
 teach them, that death was painful only to cowards and 
 to the guilty. Engliflimen wept not for him, as they 
 had done for Lord RuiTel. Their pulfes beat high, their 
 hearts fwelled, they felt an unufual grandeur and eleva- 
 tion of mind, whilft they looked upon him. He told 
 the (heriffs who had returned a packed jury againft him, 
 " It was for their fakes, and not for his own, he re- 
 " minded them, that his blood lay upon their heads." 
 When he was alked, if he had any thing to fay to the 
 people j he anfwered, " I have made my peace with 
 " God, and have nothing to fay to man." In a mo- 
 ment after, he faid, " I am ready to die, and will give 
 " you no farther trouble." And then haftened to the 
 
 * The petition, which is exceedingly manly, is in the Paper- 
 pffice. 
 f Account of his death lent to the King, in the Paper-office. 
 
 block,
 
 54 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PAR 
 
 PART I. block, as if indignant of life, and impatient to die* 
 
 Thefe were the only words he fpoke in public, upon ac- 
 1683. count of the meanncfs, and ftill more of the affedation, 
 of a fpeech on a fcaffold. But he left his laft thoughts 
 behind him in writing with his friends ; bccaufe thefe, 
 he knew, would remain : Thoughts which government 
 was at pains to fupprefs, and which, for that reafon, 
 were more greedily demanded by the people. The 
 papr was calculated to keep the fpirit of liberty alive t 
 when he, who was accuftomed to give it life, was laid 
 in the duft. Inftead of beftowing that pardon upon his 
 enemies, which, in moft dying men, arifes from the 
 confcioufoefs of their needing forgivenefs themfelves, he 
 treated them as if he had been immortal. He confuted 
 the teftimonies on which he had been condemned, without 
 afierting his own innocence of the charge j he faid, that, 
 to reach him, the bench had been filled with men who 
 were the blemifhes of the bar j and he regretted death 
 chiefly, becaufe it had been inflicled by mean hands; 
 finking thus at the witnefTes, the judges, and the jury, 
 all together. His own wrongs, in the courfe of his 
 trial, he mingled with his country's ; and he laid down 
 the great and generous principles of political fociety, 
 which, a few years afterwards, were made the founda- 
 tions of the revolution. Inftead of praying for the 
 King, he prayed for his country. Inftead of drawing a 
 veil over the caufe for which he fuffered, he addrefied his 
 Maker as engaged in it with himfelf. " Blefs thy peo,- 
 " pie," concluded he, " and fave them : Defend thy 
 " own caufe, and defend thofe who defend it. Stir up 
 " fuch as are faint ; direct thofe who are willing ; con- 
 " firm thofe who are wavering. Grant, that, in my 
 " laft moments, I may thank thce for permitting me to 
 
 * Account of his death fent to the King, in the Paper-office. 
 1 die
 
 AND IRELAND. 55 
 
 " die for that good old caufe, in which, from my youlh, PA.R T I. 
 
 " I have been engaged." Falling, the geniufes of Greece 
 
 and of Rome received him in their arms. 1683. 
 
 The unpopularity which Sidney's trial brought upon Other 
 government, probably faved the life of Hampden. As * ^f 1 
 Howard* was the only witnefs againft him, he was tried ments. 
 only for a mifdemeanor, but fined 40,000 /. Armftrong, 
 after efcaping, had been outlawed ; but, before the ex- 
 piration of the year allowed by law for a furrender, he 
 had been feized abroad, and fent over to England. 
 Holloway, one of the fubordinate confpirators, was in 
 the fame fituation. But that trial which was granted to 
 Holloway, becaufe there was fufficient evidence againft 
 him, was refufed to Armftrong, becaufe there was not f. 
 The pretence made ufe of by Jeffreys for refufing a 
 trial to Armftrong, was, that his appearance in court by 
 compulfion was not equivalent to a voluntary furrender : 
 A pretence which was equally good againft both, or 
 againft neither. Armftrong defired to be heard by coun- 
 fel upon the plea of his right to a trial : Even this re- 
 queft was refufed : And, when he faid, that he alked 
 only the common benefit of the law, Jeffreys anfwered, 
 " You fhall have that indeed : By the grace of God, 
 '* you fhall be executed upon Friday next : You fhall 
 " have the full benefit of the lawj." He was con- 
 dueled to death by thofe guards whom he had once com- 
 manded. 
 
 * Howard's credit was loft from his manner of haranguing in 
 giving his evidence. Vid. State Trials. In order to refrefli his 
 memory, a copy of his original informations had been given him. 
 In the Paper-office, I find a note in the hand-writing of Mr. BJaith- 
 waite in thefe words: " loth Auguft, 1683, Copies of Lord How- 
 " ard's narratives to be given him." 
 
 f Vid. the Duke of York's letter to the Prince of Orange of 
 April 15? 1684.5 in the Appendix to this book. 
 
 J Armftrong'sjrial, and Lords Journal*, 20 December 1629. 
 
 Bailie
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. Bailie was fent to Scotland, where, contrary to the 
 laws of that country, written depofitions were read to 
 
 1683. 
 Punifh- 
 ments in 
 Scotland. 
 
 the jury in court, which had been partly extorted by 
 torture out of court, and partly tranfmitted from the 
 record of the ftate trials in England. Being * broken 
 with infirmities, he was executed the fame day f he was 
 condemned, left a natural death fhould have difappointed 
 a public execution. Several others were put to death in 
 Scotland : But moft of the confpirators fled to Holland, 
 and, at the revolution, returned with the Prince of 
 Orange : Of thofe who fled, the moft eminent were 
 Lord Melville, Lord Loudon, and Sir Patrick Hume, 
 created, after the revolution, Earl of Marchmont. The 
 conftancy with which the great had died, communi- 
 cated itfelf to men in inferior ftations : Spence, the Earl 
 of Argyle's fecretary, and Carftairs, who had been feized 
 in England, were fent to Scotland to be tortured J. 
 Spence endured the torture twice, and Carftairs for a 
 complete hour; but neither would confefs, until terms 
 were made with them, that they {hould not be obliged to 
 become evidences. A fhocking inftance of cruelty 
 was, upon this occafion, exhibited in the Scottifh privy- 
 council. Mr. Gordon of Earlftone, a man of family 
 and fortune, was condemned to die : Information was 
 given to the privy-council, that he had been intruded 
 with fecrets of great importance : The council wrote to 
 the Scotch fecretary of ftate at London, to know if they 
 might put a perfon to the torture, who was under fen- 
 tence of death. The Lord Advocate for Scotland gave 
 his opinion, that he might be tortured : And the King 
 
 * Records of Scottish privy-council, 8th April 1684.. 
 
 f Gazette, Jan. 5, 1684. 
 
 J Record Scottifh privy-council, July 6, Auguft 7, September 5, 
 
 1684. 
 
 Ibid. Auguft zi, September 23, November 13, 1683. 
 
 6 g ave
 
 AND IRELAND; $} 
 
 gave orders that he fliould : He was brought before the PART I. 
 privy-council, and the engines produced : But horror ^ - -nV 
 drove him into inftant madnefs. Worfe tortures were 1683. 
 prepared for Fergufon, if he could have been found : It 
 was known that he had fled to Edinburgh : The gates of 
 the city were fliut, and the ftriSeft fearch made for him. 
 But, under pretence of a vifit to a prifoner, he took re- 
 fuge in the gaol deftined for his reception, becaufe he 
 knew that there only no body would expect to find 
 him*. 
 
 Amidft a ftruggle between the feelings of the monarch, Fl 
 and of the father, in Charles, and between the duties of 
 a fon, and the refpets of honour, in Monmouth, to his the King 
 fuffering friends, Monmouth furrendered himfelf; con- 
 fefled in private to the King and Duke, the truth of the 
 infurre&ion, difcovering that it was much wider and 
 more dangerous than is mentioned in any printed rela- 
 tion ; received his pardon ; but, when an account of thefe 
 things was put into the Gazette, denied in public that he 
 had made any confeflion at all f. He was then called by 
 the King to fign a declaration J, acknowledging the 
 truth of the infurredtion j he figned the paper> but inj- 
 
 * This adventure of Fergufon I take from a report common irt 
 Scotland. Common reports are very often confirmed by authentic 
 documents. I find an order to fearch for him in Edinburgh in the 
 Scotch records of privy-council, 4th July 1683. 
 
 f The examination of Dr. Chamberlain, a man of honour, and 
 the particular friend of the Duke of Monmouth, is in the Papef- 
 ofRce. Monmouth comphined to him of the Gazette* at the fame 
 time that he owned the truth of the confpiracy. 
 
 J In the Paper-office, there are two copies of the paper which it 
 was intended Monmouth Ihould fign ; the one is in Sir Leoline Jen- 
 Icins's hand, and bears very hard on Monmouth. The othei i$ in 
 the King's hand, and is mush more delicate. 
 
 Vol. I, * H mediately
 
 & MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. mediately recalled it*, when he rec&Ile&ed the ufc to 
 t _- r !^ L J which it might be turned againft his friends. Upon this 
 1683. account, he was banifhed the court, and retired abroad. 
 Monmouth's furrender and confeflion arofe frorti a re- 
 finement of Lord Halifax f in whom he confided, and 
 who wiflied to keep him at court, in order to balance 
 that afcendancy in Charles's council?, which he forefaw 
 the Duke of York would afi'ume, upon the fuppreffion 
 of all oppofition to his brother : A fcheme which, like 
 rnoft other refinements, failed in the execution. Mon- 
 mouth fixed a fecond time his refidence in Holland, 
 where he was received with kindnefs and refpeclj., and 
 treated even with an afteifration of familiarity by the 
 Prince and Princefs of Orange ; partly with a view in 
 that Prince to ingratiate himfelf with the whig-party in 
 England, and partly becaufe he knew that Charles's fe- 
 cret fondnefs flill belied his outward refentment againft 
 his fon. From this period, the court of the Prince of 
 Orange became a place of refuge for every perfon who 
 had either oppofed the Duke of York's fucce/Hon, or 
 appeared to be attached to the Duke of Monmoutb. 
 The Duke of York wrote to his daughter the Princefs 
 of Orange, complaining of the attentions fhewn to 
 Monmouth ; but in vain. Moft of thofe who had fol- 
 lowed Monmouth's fortunes, or who defired to do fo, 
 were foon after provided for by the Prince, in the Britifh 
 regiments which were in the fcrvice of the Dutch j cir- 
 cumftances which were only wanting to alienate for ever 
 the affections of the two royal brothers from the Prince 
 They even believed, that he had given encouragement to 
 
 * Examination of Colonel Godfrey and Anthony Kowe, in th 
 Lords journal*, December 28, 1689. 
 f Mr.Hampden's examination, in Lords journals, December 1 6 2? 
 t D'Avaux. 
 
 that
 
 AND IRELAND. 59 
 
 that part of the confpiracy in which the great men had PART I. 
 been engaged ; and they refufed a vifit to juftify himfelf, ^ 
 which he offered*. 1683. 
 
 Attempts unfuccefsfully made againft government al- Excefs in 
 
 ways confirm that authority which they were meant to nat101 ^ 1 
 
 1 7 ' exprelfions 
 
 control. Amidft thefe trials and executions, and others of loyalty, 
 
 of lefs note, the kingdom feemed to ring with joy, and 
 the churches to be filled with devotion ; thofe who were 
 fufpe&ed of connections with the confpirators expreffing, 
 beyond all others, their abhorrence of the confpiracy.- 
 The rejoicings for the marriage of the Duke's daughter 
 with Prince George of Denmark, which happened 
 during the executions, added to the appearance of the 
 general tranfport. AddrefTes were prefented from every 
 quarter of the kingdom, expreffing not only loyalty, but 
 an entire furrender of the independence of the fubjec"t.; 
 addrefles in which many concurred from fincerity, others 
 in order to conceal the want of it, and which none 
 dared to oppofe. The univerfity of Oxford, from whofe 
 knowledge of ancient literature better things might have 
 been expected, pafled their famous decree, which car- 
 ried the doclriue of paffive obedience and non- refinance 
 to a height of folly. The court, the pulpit, the bench, 
 the bar, all adopted in public the fame principles : Had 
 outward appearances given a true picture of the nation, 
 every honour of English liberty was laid at the foot of 
 the throne. 
 
 In the mean time the differences of Charles with his Mean de- 
 fubjec"ls and his family, increafed his dependance upon 
 France ; fo that during the reft of his reign England was upon 
 little more than a province of that kingdom. When 
 the Lady Anne's marriage was projected with the Prince 
 of Denmark, Charles and the Duke of York previoufly 
 
 Appendix to this Book. 
 
 * H s> confulted
 
 60 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. confulted the French King about it, afluring him that 
 v _ r _^__J they wouIJ not proceed if it was difagreeable to him: 
 1683. Lord Sunderland, to pr.y his court, propofed that (he 
 ihould rather be given in marriage to the Prince of 
 Rhode fur Yon, in order to tie Louis and the royal fa- 
 mily fafter together. When Lord Danby was releafed 
 from the Tower, Barillon complained of it, as of an in- 
 jury of which his matter was entitled to complain, and 
 was hardly appeafed, when the Duke of York pointed 
 out to him in excufe the contempt of parliament, which 
 was implied in admitting a perfon to bail who had been 
 imprifoncd by parliament*. In the year 1684 Louis 
 even discontinued the laft term of the fubfidy, which was 
 due to Charles by the private treaty of the year 1681 ; 
 either deeming his friendfhip of no ufe to him any longer, 
 or that a reconciliation between him and the Prince of 
 Orange was become impollible f. 
 Great After the defeat of the exclufion, the banifhment of 
 
 * 
 
 thiTKine Monmouth, the humiliation of the whig?, and the exalt- 
 and Duke, ation of the tories, all eyes were turned to the Duke of 
 *' York, in whofe caufe fo many victories had been ob- 
 tained. The whigs oppofed not his influence, left they 
 might provoke it to fall upon themfelves : The tories 
 naturally fupported it, becaufe^ they had a claim to his 
 gratitude. And, in the attentions which both paid to 
 the Duke, the King was over-fhadowcd. Oates, the 
 informer of the popifti plot, was condemned to pay a 
 hundred thoufa.id pounds for injurious words fpoken 
 againil the Duke ; people forgetting in the vilenefs of 
 the man, that the punifhment was contrary to the cliufe 
 of the great charter, which provided that no man fhould 
 e fined to his utter ruin.' A fimilar fentence for the 
 
 * Vid. Appendix to this Book. 
 f Vid, Appendix to next 3<}gk. 
 
 frma
 
 AND IRELAND. $1 
 
 Time crime was pronounced againft Mr. Dutton, a man PAH T I 
 
 of character, and who had been a member of the late ^ ^ ^ 
 
 parliaments. Some private letters of Sir Samuel Bernar- 168.3.- 
 difton, which reflected upon government, were intercept- 
 ed at the poft-houfe ; and for thefe he was fined 10,000 /. 
 As he had been foreman of the jury which acquitted 
 Shaftefbury, his former, more than his recent fault, was 
 thought to have drawn this punifhment upon him. Men 
 became afraid to indulge their own thoughts, when they 
 found that their converfations in company, and the fe- 
 crets of their private correfpondence, were turned into 
 inftruments of their ruin: And a high- fpirited nation 
 was irritated by the frequency of punishments, which 
 individuals could neither bear to be inflicted upon them- 
 felves, nor to fee inflicted upon others. Jeffreys, in his 
 law circuits through England, gleaned up many of the 
 charters of boroughs which had not been hitherto fur- 
 rendered. When moft of them were in the hands of 
 the crown, Charles published a declaration, in which he 
 thanked his fubjects for the truft they had repofed in him ; 
 and promifed not to abufe it : Thanks and promifes, 
 which were received as mere forms, by the wife, and, 
 to the brave, appeared to be infults. Every thing now 
 marked to the nation, the neglect into which the regu- 
 lations of parliament were fallen : The Duke, notwith- 
 ftanding the teft-act, refumed his office of Lord high 
 Admiral : In contempt of the Houfe of Commons, pro- 
 fccutions were directed againft Williams, the fpeaker of 
 the two late Houfes, for warrants which he had iflued 
 by orders of the Houfe : The popifli Lord?, who had 
 been committed to the Tower by warrant of the Houfe 
 of Peers, were admitted to bail : The three years 
 elapfed, when, by the fecond triennial act, a new par- 
 liament ihould have been called j but the act was dif- 
 regarded. All thefe things were imputed, juftly or 
 
 unjuil'y.
 
 62 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 TAKT I. unjuftly, to the influence of the Duke. And a faying 
 
 1 ___ * _J of the famous Waller was repeated, " That, fince the 
 
 1624.. " parliament would not allow the Duke to aflume the 
 
 " crown after the King's death, the King was refolved 
 
 '* he (hould reign during the King's life." 
 
 Projefl for Charles^ by advice of his brother, took advantage of 
 
 apopjfli t h e prefent fubmiflion to his will, to form a proier, 
 
 army in 11- i_ i 
 
 Ireland. which, had it not been interrupted by the revolution, 
 
 muft have deftroyed for ever the liberties of Britain. 
 The Duke of Ormond kept a regular army in Ireland of 
 10,000 men, and a militia of 20,000, both fupported by 
 the revenues of that kingdom, and commanded by pro- 
 teftant officers. The experience of many centuries in 
 England had difcovered, that all the humiliations of the 
 crown had arifen from the want of a mercenary army 
 attached foleiy to itfelf. It was therefore now refolved, 
 to new-model the lri(h army, and to place popifli in the 
 room of the proteftant officers, in order to rear up a 
 military power, which might be attached to the King by 
 the ties of a military dependence, and to his brother by 
 thofe of a corrmon religion. The Duke of Ormond 
 was recalled from Ireland: Lord Rochefter was ap- 
 pointed to fucceed him. But, in order to difappoint the 
 zeal which Rcc;:eiter was known to entertain for the 
 church of Li. gland, Lord Talbot, afterwards Earl of 
 Tyrconnel, a man who loved bold ends, even for the 
 fake of their boldnefs, not fcrupulous about means, and 
 a Roman Catholic, was intended to act as general, with 
 abfolute and independent power over the army. Yet, 
 hefitating and fearful, and perhaps from refpect to Or- 
 mond and Rochefter alhamcd to open their plan, the 
 King and the Duke only wrote to Ormond, that altera- 
 tions were to be made in many departments of government 
 in Ireland, which made it neceflary for him to quit itj 
 suid informed Rochefter, that the nomination of military 
 10 officers
 
 AND IRELAND. 63 
 
 tfficers was to be no longer any part of the duty of a P A R T I. 
 Lord Lieutenant*. 
 
 The Duke of York, who a&ed continually by fyftem, 
 
 advifed his brother to ftrengthen himfelf alfo in Scot- 
 
 i i i ii- r u 
 
 land j and the modelling or that country was committed 
 
 by Charles to his care. It was one of the Duke's fa- 
 vourite opinions, that the Highlanders were the beft re- 
 fources of the kingdom, both againft rebellion within, 
 and invafion from without : He therefore contrived dif- 
 ferent plans for embodying them, and keeping up their 
 martial fpirit f ; and, by civilities and favours to their 
 chieftains, rivetted many of them to himfelf by an at- 
 tachment which ended only with his life. He alfo dif- 
 mined all men who were fufpe&ed of whig principles 
 from the offices into which many of them had been ad- 
 mitted at the end of Lauderdale's adminiftration; and 
 placed the keeneft tories he could find in their ftead . 
 
 Amidft thefe meafures and projects, Charles was un- , , 
 happy : His ufual gaiety forfook him : Rudenefs to per- unhappy. 
 fons around him fucceeded to the manners of the beft 
 bred man in Europe. The reflection that he had no 
 child to fucceed him ; the court which, even during his 
 life, he faw paid to his fucceffbr ; the abfence of his fa- 
 vourite fon, whom, with all his errors, he ftill loved, 
 tormented him, His knowledge of the Duke's character 
 and intentions, with the confequences which he forefavv 
 from them, added fears for the future to his prefent an- 
 xiety. After fome difference in fentiment between 
 
 * The correfpondence upon this pro;el is fubjoined to Carte's life 
 of the Dukt of Ormond, and is curious. Vid. alio Appendix to 
 this Book. 
 
 t Records of Scottish privy-council. 
 
 + The commifiion which altered the privy-council is in the re- 
 cords of the Scottifh privy-council, 5th July 1684. Charles uie? 
 this expreflion in it, That he had removed thofe who were luke- 
 jnn,"' 
 
 he
 
 *4 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART I. he was one day overheard to fay, " I am too old to 70 
 
 BOOK I. L . r j i 
 
 ^ _^_ _. " to my travels a fecond time; brother, you may, if 
 
 16X4.. *' you will." 
 
 The Duke having at another time advifed him againft 
 frequenting public diverfions fo much as he did, on ac- 
 count of the danger to which his life was expofed at 
 them, he anfwered with a malignant pleafantry, " Pooh, 
 *' brother, do you think any body will kill me, to make 
 " way for you* ?'' He was in miferable ftraits too for 
 money, brought upon him by the careleflhefs and pro- 
 fligacy of all around him, of which himfelf had firft fet 
 the example f- But, above all, he was hurt by a dif- 
 covcry which he made towards the end of his reign, 
 that Louis the XiVth, in whofe caufe he had drawn fo 
 many misfortunes upon himfelf, had been intriguing with 
 his fubjecis againft him, and had even lately, upon a 
 falfe furmife of his intending to call a parliament, formed 
 a defign to publifh the fecret treaty of Dover, in order 
 to make him for ever deteftable in the eyes of his fub- 
 je&s, and of the proteftant part of Europe \. 
 
 Perhaps too, the remembrance of the popularity of his 
 younger days, contrafted with the fituation in which he 
 at prefent flood with regard to a great part of his people, 
 might recur upon his mind. He endeavoured to lofe all 
 reflection among his women ; a habit which only in- 
 creafed his gloom, becaufe it added the uneafmefs which 
 artfes from idlenefs to that which already tormented 
 him. 
 Intrigues l n t hi s ftate of the King's mind, Sunderland took ad- 
 
 /- Q W 
 
 deriaud". vantage of the Dutchefs of Portfmouth's fondnefs for 
 her lover. He perfuaded her that the retreat of the 
 Duke of York into Scotland, whofc unpopularity in- 
 
 * Lord Fountainl-nlT;. mar.ufcript. 
 
 \ Apper. Jix to this Book. \ Ibid. 
 
 jured
 
 AND IRELAND. 65 
 
 jured his brother, and the bringing back into the King's PAR T 1. 
 
 B OOJK. I. 
 prefence a fon whom he loved, were -the only 'means to ^ _j 
 
 reftore him to his ufual tranquillity of mind. Charles 1684, 
 received the laft part of the 1 propofal with pleafure ; becaufe 
 he had fecretly correfponded with Mon mouth through 
 means of Lord Halifax: And he aflented to his brother's 
 removal, becaufe the Dutchefs of Portfmouthj who had 
 always maintained connections with the whig party, flat- 
 tered him, that fuch a meafure would reconcile that 
 party to his government, without injuring the rights of 
 his fucceflbr. Sunderland grafted on thefe changes a prO- 
 je& of bringing about a reconciliation between Charles 
 and the Prince of Orange, which was managed by the 
 Duke of Monmouth in Holland; and the Prince, ano- 
 ther for detaching Charles from his connections with 
 France, which was conducted by Halifax in England *. 
 Whilft thefe things were in agitation, Monmouch came 
 over, and was admitted f privately to an interview by 
 his father. Charles was talcing meafures to recall his 
 fon, and to fend his brother to Scotland, when, by a 
 fudden apoplexy, his intentions were prevented. He 
 recovered: But after an intermiffion of two days, a 
 fecond fit carried him off J. The laft action of his life 
 was to reconcile himfelf to the church of Rome ||. 
 Sufpicions inftantly ran, that he was poifoned by the 
 popifh party, but without any appearance of truth, and 
 merely on account of the critical time of his death, and 
 
 * Carte. D'Avaux. Duke of Monmouth's memorandum in 
 Welwood. 
 
 f Burnet. Carte. Vid. alfo the Duke of York's letter to the 
 Prince of Orange of December 2, 1684, in Appendix to this Book. 
 
 J Declaration of phyficians in the books of privy council, Feb. 3, 4. 
 
 y Father Huddlefton's account of the King's laft hours proves 
 that he was not reconciled to the church of Rome until that period. 
 Vid. alfo a very particular account of his death by Barillon in 
 Appendix. 
 
 VOL. I. * I becaufe,
 
 $6 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN, &c. 
 
 PAR T I. becaufe it was the intercft of that party, that the throne 
 ^ _ ] fhould be filled by a Prince who profefied their religion. 
 The death of Charles was regretted more on account of 
 the hatred which many bore to his fucceflbr, than of the 
 love entertained for himfelf. 
 
 The fame contradiction of report which has thrown 
 obfcurity on moft of the actions of this Prince's life, 
 attended the laft moments of it. For while fome re- 
 ported *, that in anfwer to a meflage from the Queen, 
 who begged his forgivenefs before he died in whatever 
 file had offended him, he faid, " Alas, poor lady ! (he 
 ** never offended me : I have too often injured her." 
 Others believed, that forgetful of his people and family, 
 his laft words were fpent in recommending Nell Gwyn, 
 the play-a&refs, to his brother's protection f. 
 
 Perhaps a review of this agreeable and able, but in- 
 glorious Prince's conduct, may fhow Princes and pri- 
 vate perfons alike the truth of a proverb commonly in 
 the mouths of the vulgar, but which fhould be engraved 
 in the hearts of all, " That honefty is always the beft 
 " policy." 
 
 * Lord FouuuinhaU's manuscript. | Bui net.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 TO 
 
 PARTI. BOOK I. 
 
 UPON the difTolution of King Charles's laft par- 
 liament, and his appeal to the people, which were 
 confidered as total breaches between him and parliaments, 
 the Prince of Orange came over to England ; but he 
 previously fent Mr. Sidney to afk the advice of Sir Wil- 
 liam Temple and Mr. Godolphin about his coming. 
 Their anfwers are in King William's cabinet. 
 
 Sir William Temple to the Prince of Orange.-*- In anfwer to 
 ike Prince's a/king his advice about a vifit to King Charles. 
 
 Sheen, June 28, 1681. 
 
 T DID not think to have met with any thing likely to 
 engage me in any further public thoughts for the reft 
 of my life, after my laft return to my own domeftic 
 here, nor could any thing elfe have done it for fo much 
 as an hour, but an abfuiute command Mr. Sidney 
 brought me from your Highnefe upon his arrival here. 
 He tells me, fome few days before he came away, you 
 fell into fome thoughts whether a journey at this time to 
 our court might contribute any thing towards the redrefs 
 of that ill pofture wherein the public affairs of Chriften?- 
 dom feem to be at prefent, and which your Highnefs 
 apprehends will foon grow more defperate ; and Whether 
 it may not be neceflary to prevent tbe effects of fome ill 
 offices which you think have lately been done between 
 * I 2 his
 
 68 APPENDIX 
 
 his Majefty and your Highnefs ; and that upon this 
 point you aje pleafed to defire my opinion, and that I 
 will write it to you myfelf. I mud tell your Highnefs 
 in the firft place, that fmce I came down hither 
 about the time I left the council, which is near fix 
 months ago, I have never been once at court, and but 
 once in town, upon a domeftic occafton, and that mj 
 converfation here has gone no further than my owi 
 houfe, or fome few common vifits of the neighbourhood, 
 by which your Highnefs will eafily guefs how ill I car 
 judge of a matter that depends upon the difpofition of 
 court, which has been apt to many changes in a fliorter 
 time than I have been abfent from it, though perhaps 
 they may be deceived who in that very point (hall take 
 meafure of what is to come by what is paft. Befid* 
 whatever opinion I fhall be of, I cannot at this diftance 
 give your Highnefs my reafons for it, which muft make it 
 look very kme, perhaps, how well foever it may be 
 grounded. Yet after this, and much more which might 
 ferve to excufe me, fmce Mr. Sidney fays you will abfo- 
 lutely have my opinion upon it, I will tell your Highnef 
 freely, I am not apt to believe you will find at this time 
 what you may propofe to yourfelf by a journey into 
 England, nor that any difcourfes between his Majefty 
 and your Highnefs are likely to end in any mutual fatif- 
 faftion or agreement upon the prefent ftate of public af- 
 fairs. And thofe confiderations will, I doubt, have an 
 influence upon perfonal difpofitions between you. So 
 that all I think can be propofed from your meeting is, to 
 know more certainly what you are to expecl or truft to 
 from one another, in the courfe of future events and re- 
 volutions. 
 
 Jf your Highnefs thinks the knowledge of this, or a 
 trial of the other, be worth your journey, you may I 
 think-make fome judgment of the fuccefs by refolving to 
 
 make
 
 TOPARTI. BOOK I. 69 
 
 make it a thing of perfonal confidence between his Ma- 
 j-sfty and your Highnefs only. You may write to him in 
 a private letter, how fenfible you are of feveral ill offices 
 that you believe have been done you towards his Majefty ; 
 how defirous you are to juftify yourfelf, and preferve his 
 kindnefs and good opinion ; and that you can think of no 
 way towards it, without feeing him, and haying at leaft 
 fome few hours difcourfe in private with him. That 
 though you can be ill fpared in Holland, and have but 
 little time, yet you will not fail to attend him, if he 
 gives you leave, though it be but for an hour : But in. 
 cafe he does, you will owe it wholly to his kindnefs, and 
 beg it may be without communicating it to any perfon 
 about hjm : That to this end you have ordered Mr. Sid- 
 ney to deliver him your letter privately, and to beg his 
 anfwer upon it : That in cafe he approve if, he may 
 pleafe to difpatch Mr. Sidney over in a yacht, as if it 
 were upon the affair of the troops, and you will come 
 away immediately in it, and hope it may be for his Ma- 
 jefty's fatisfaclion as well as your own. 
 
 I confefs I am of opinion that if it be done or at- 
 tempted at this time, it fhould be this way and no other. 
 And whether it fucceed or no, that your Highnefs may 
 in a great meafure judge from his Majefty's anfwer, what 
 jflue you were to have expected from it. From this 
 place your Highnefs can expert nothing elfe befides this 
 bare difcharge of your commands, and the constant 
 \vifhes and prayers for your fafety and health, and the en-r- 
 jcreafe of your honour and your family, wherein no man 
 can be concerned, with a more hearty devotion and truth, 
 fharn your Highnefs's moft obedient, and moft faithful 
 humble feryant.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Ltrd Godolphin to the Prince of Orange upon the fame 
 fubjefl. 
 
 London, June 28, 1681. 
 
 R. Sidney has told me that your Hlghnefs does me 
 ftill the honour to preferve me in your good opi- 
 nion, and are fo juft as to believe me as full of zeal for 
 your fervice, and as much devoted to your interefts, as 
 truly and fincerely from my heart I am, and I hope al- 
 ways fhall continue to be ; but I am not very good at 
 compliments and great expreflions, and if I am not de- 
 ceived your Highnefs cares as little to be troubled with 
 them ; Mr. Sidney has told me farther that your High- 
 nefs had fpoken to him of a thought you have lately had, 
 that it might be of good ufe for you to come over into 
 England at this time, and had given him leave to ac- 
 quaint me with it and to know my opinion of it : I con- 
 fefs I was very well pleafed to hear him fay it was your 
 Highnefs's own thought, and that you feem'd to have an 
 inclination to it ; for my part I have wifh'd for it a great 
 while, and I think it more neceflary now than ever, for 
 I am fatisfied there is nothing that can fo infallibly re- 
 ftore that good understanding between the King and 
 your Highnefs which is fo neceflary for you both, and 
 which every day (to my great trouble) I fee more and 
 more likely to decline, and I am afraid will be quite loft 
 at laft, if your Highnefs will not pleafe to make ufe of 
 all your prudence, and all your temper (and perhaps 
 fome of your addrefs too), to prevent this misfortune. 
 Thus far Mr. Sidney and I were of a mind. We 
 agreed that it muft needs be well for your Highnefs to 
 come over at this time, but we differed a little upon the 
 pretext you were to take for it; he feem'd to think it 
 would be beft for your Highnefs to afk the King's leave 
 
 that
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 that you might come over to wait upon him, as a vific 
 of compliment only, without pretending any bufmefs at- 
 all, which at another time might perhaps be the bell- 
 way : But at this time, confidcring how things ftan'd 
 between the King and your Highness, the difficulties 
 that have rifen about Mr. Skelton's going into Holland, 
 and Mr. Sidney's commanding the troops there, I was 
 of opinion that it would look a great deal better, and I 
 thought be more agreeable to your inclinations, to fpeak 
 out plainly upon this occafion, and to write to the King 
 that you found yourfelf fo much troubled and concerned 
 for the diflatisfaclion which his Majefty feemed to have 
 at your proceedings in the bufmefs of Mr. Skelton, ;and 
 fo apprehenfive left any other occafion might happen to 
 increafe it, that you could have no fatisfaclion in your 
 own mind till you had begg'd his Majefty's leave to come 
 and wait upon him, -ajid endeavour to fet yourfelf right 
 in his good opinion ^ and if your Highnefs would pleafe 
 to add to this, fuch afTurances of your zeal for the King's 
 fervice and his greatnefs as you ihajl think fit; of .your 
 defire to be acquainted with the meafures he propoftfs to 
 take, that you might be able to affift him in them as far 
 as lies in your power j and of your defire iikewife to> 
 eftablifh a good correfpondence with thofe whom the 
 King is pleafed to truft and employ in his bufmefs } upqn 
 thefe advances to the King I am perfuaded your Highnefs 
 might come over hither with great advantage ; and the 
 couqtenance and the kindnefs which the King will.fliew 
 you, finding you in this temper, join'd to the love and 
 efteem and the natural inclination which people hav for 
 you here, would prefently give your Highnefs fuch an in- 
 fluence upon every body (even the minifters the:i;feve&^ 
 that you would .be able to give what turn you pie ...fed to 
 moft of our affairs here that are of the greateft import- 
 ance- : At leaft this is my opinion of the matter, which. 
 
 if
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 if I have given too bluntly or imperfeftly to yolir High- 
 uefs, I do moft humbly beg your pardon for it. I fhould 
 not have prefumed to do it all, but that Mr. Sidney made 
 me underftand it was your Highnefs's exprefs pleafure 
 and command, which fhall always be moft readily obeyed 
 by me with the greateft refpecr, and duty imaginable. 
 
 This vifit gave an alarm to the Duke of York in Scot- 
 land, who fufpecled it might have created a reconcilia- 
 tion between the King and the Prince of Orange at his 
 cxpence. In the Depot at Verfailles, there is the follow- 
 ing letter from him to Monfieur Barillon on this fubjeft. 
 
 Tranfiation. 
 
 Letter from the Duke of York to Mr. Barillon^ without 
 date, 1 68 1 ; received 26 July with Mr. Barillon' s dif- 
 patches. If is joy at the late fecret treaty. His uneaji- 
 nefs on account of the Prince of Orange's coming ts 
 England. 
 
 xrOU will eafily believe it was with a great deal of fa- 
 tisfa&ion I learnt that affairs are fo happily con- 
 cluded between the two Kings ; I hope there will be no 
 mifunderftanding for the future. You may be aflured, I 
 fha'.l always think it my duty to prevent its happening ; 
 and that their friends and mine will be of the fame opi- 
 nion. 
 
 I was much furprifed to learn that the Prince of Orange 
 was upon the eve of his departure for London ; I knew 
 nothing of it, till by the laft poft I received a letter from 
 the King of England, which orders me not to take any 
 umbrage at this journey, becaufe the Prince of Orange 
 {hall not oblige him to change the meafures he hcs taken. 
 13 I have
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 1 have wrote to him afrefh on this fubjeft, as I thought 
 convenient for my intereft, and in the manner you could 
 wifh : I have alfo advifed my friends to be alert ; fo I 
 hope this journey will not occafion any prejudice to us. 
 Be perfuaded that I will always do my duty for your 
 matter's fervice. 
 
 73 
 
 The French court were equally uneafy at this Journey. 
 
 July 21, 1681, Barillon writes that Charles had made 
 an apology to him for confenting to the Prince of Orange's 
 vifit ; adding, that the French court fhould fee it would 
 make no difference upon the meafures he had taken. 
 
 On July 24, Barillon writes, that having exprefled 
 his fears to the King about this vifit, Charles, among 
 other things faid, " I entreat you to be my pledge 
 with the King my brother, and to anfwer for me that I 
 will not enter into any thing which can difpleafe him ; 
 it being always underftood, that he is not to attack the 
 Low Countries j you know that that is the foundation 
 of our union." 
 
 Bsrillon writes Auguft u, 1681, that the Prince of 
 Orange had preiTed the King for a parliament, and that 
 the King and he were on bad terms. 
 
 Auguft 25, 1 68 1 , he writes that the Prince of Orange 
 was often locked up with Lord Ruflel and Sir William, 
 Jones, that he was much in public, and was become very 
 popular by his journey. 
 
 September 25, 1681, he writes, that the Dutchefs of 
 Portfmouth told him, that the Prince of Orange, whilfl 
 in England, had prefled her to help on the exclufion. 
 
 VOL. I. * K Otfober
 
 74 
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 October i, 1681, he writes, that the Prince of Orange* 
 whilft in England, had in vain folicited the King for an 
 union of England and Holland againft France. 
 
 November 19, there is in the Depot, a letter from the 
 Duke of York from Scotland to Barillon, entreating him 
 to prevent the King from calling a parliament. 
 
 The Prince of Orange's vifit could not fail to be un- 
 fuccefsful, not only on account of Charles's connec- 
 tions with France, but on account of private piques be- 
 tween the King and the Prince. The following letter 
 from Mr. Sidney (afterwards Lord Romney) to the 
 Prince, will beft explain thefe. 
 
 Letter Mr, Sidney (afterwards Lord Romney) to the Prince 
 of Orange. State of King Charles's court. Pique* be- 
 tween the King and Prince. 
 
 London, June 28, 1681. 
 
 T WRIT to your Highnefs by the laft poft, but had fo 
 little time to do it in, that I doubt I gave you but an 
 imperfect account of our affairs ; I fhall now fay fome- 
 thing more to your Highnefs, and will begin with what 
 concerns yourfelf. It is very plain, that you have had 
 very ill offices done you to the Kingj they make him 
 believe that your Highnefs is of the party that is moil 
 againft him ; that you have a conftant correfpondence 
 with thofe (they call) his enemies; that you drive a 
 contrary intereft ; in fliort, I believe there are fome in 
 the cabinet council that are defirous enough to fee a 
 breach between the King and your Highnefs, I told my 
 Lord Halifax and my Lord Hide, in plain terms, that I 
 was of that opinion j they anfwered, that they could 
 
 not
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 not imagine there was fuch a villain and fuch a fool too 
 ainongft them, for it would not only deftroy this nation 
 and all the royal family, but all Europe. I am apt to 
 believe that thefe two Lords are not fo inclined, but that 
 they would be glad to fee a good underftanding between 
 the King and your Highnefs, efpecially my Lord Ha- 
 lifax ; who a Saturday morning did to me make great 
 profeffions of his being entirely in your intereft, and 
 faid, you were the only foundation one could build 
 upon : That what he had done laft winter was to carry 
 on your intereft, and for his part he would never think 
 of any other. I told him, I was very glad to hear him 
 fay fo, for that I was fure he could do your Highnefs 
 confiderable fervice if he would ; upon which he fo- 
 lemnly promifed he would do his beft. I then informed 
 him how matters had pafied between your Highnefs and 
 this court within thefe fix months, and left him to judge 
 whether you had reafon to be fatisfied or no, efpecially in 
 their laft proceedings about Mr. Skelton : He faid, as to 
 that matter, all was refolved of before he came to town. 
 I anfwered, all was not yet concluded, and if he had 
 any refpecl: for you, he would do well to fhow it j he 
 anfwered me, he would try what could be done. He 
 and my Lord Hide do both complain of your letters 
 being too high and too /harp, and fay that if you had 
 writ in a more gentle ftile, it would have had a better 
 effeft with the King. I told them that 1 thought your 
 Highnefs was not much to be wondered at, for taking 
 that bufmefs of Mr. Skelton's and feveral others, fome- 
 thing to heart, and if they would fpeak llncerely, I was 
 fure they would be of my mind. Thefe Lords fay, that 
 I am very likely to contribute a great deal towards a 
 breach between the King and the Prince : I told them I 
 had rather be hanged. Their reafon is, that the King is 
 refolved never to give his confent to my having the com- 
 * K 2 mand 
 
 75
 
 76 APPENDIX 
 
 mand of the troops; that if your Highnefs and I diJ 
 perfift in it, his Majefly would take it ill of your High- 
 nefs, and never be kind or reconciled to me. As to the 
 firft, I told him, the King could not be fo unjuft as to be 
 angry with your Highnefs for giving me an employ- 
 ment, when you thought I was in his favour, and being 
 you had given it me, you could not well take it away 
 without my doing fomething to deferve it, which as yet 
 your Highnefs was ignorant of. As to myfelf, I had 
 little reafon to expecl: much kindnefs from the King, 
 being changed as he was in nine months time, without 
 having any reafon for it ; that in September laft, his 
 Majefly told me he had rather have me at the head of the 
 troops than any man in England ; and many other things 
 he promifed towards the advancement of my fortune, 
 which he hath not obfcrved, but hath done much the 
 contrary, and nobody hath yet told me how I have de- 
 ferved it : I added, that I had fpent a great deal of mo- 
 ney and time in his fervice ; had ventured my life as 
 often as moft people had done for him, and now was 
 very ill requited ; therefore I hoped his Majefly would 
 not be difpleafed at my keeping an employment that was 
 an honour to me, and would be a fubfittance, being he 
 did not think of doing any thing for me himfelf. This 
 and a great deal more I told them I would fay to the 
 King, when he would do me the honour to fpeak with 
 me, which he hath not done yet, and I imagine he ftays 
 till he hath an anfwer of his laft letter to your Highnefs, 
 for they think that will prevail much upon you. I fhall 
 be guided and governed in this and in every thing by 
 your Highnefs, as long as I am upon earth, therefore 
 pray let me have your commands. The King and his 
 minifters fcem to be very kind to me, I doubt it is not 
 real ; but they hope by fair words to perfuade me to lay 
 myfelf, and all that I have at the King's feet, which I 
 
 confefs
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. r/ 
 
 confefs I have no mind to do. I hope your Highnefs's 
 kindnefs to me will never be prejudicial to you, for that 
 would be an eternal affliction to me; hitherto I know it 
 hath not, for though the King and his minifters are a 
 little angry for the prefent, yet I can aflure you it hath 
 done you no harm in the nation, but a good deal the 
 contrary; and the King's fending Mr. Skelton, and your 
 oppofmg him, hath done the King more hurt, and your 
 Highnefs more good, than any thing that happened thefe 
 twelve months. 
 
 I will now make your Highnefs a fhort defcription of 
 our court, and of the perfons in it. Mr. Godolphin, 
 Mr. May, and two or three more, are frill very honeft, 
 but have little power with the King; the others are great 
 rogues, and betray their matter every day : They make 
 him believe by their addrefles that his affairs in the kin?- 
 
 . O 
 
 dom are in a very good pofture; which is all wronij, for 
 now 1 underfland them, I find they fignify nothing, and 
 they grow every day more and more ridiculous ; nobody 
 hath any credit but the Duke's creatures, and theyftudy 
 what is good for the Duke and themfelves, but do not 
 confider what is good for the King or the nation, and 
 the affairs abroad never enter into their heads. My Lord 
 Halifax is highly incenfed againft the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, and muft ftick to the court (for he hath not a 
 friend any where elfe), and therefore he is obliged to 
 comply fometimes againft his inclination j my Lord 
 Hide is for what the Duke would have, right or wrong. 
 Mr. Seymour is very violent, defpairs of being well with 
 the King, if he be well with his people ; and therefore 
 does endeavour every day by his counfels to make the 
 breach irreconcilable, and I do verily believe he does all 
 he can to make the King and your Highnefs fall out. AH 
 thefe things I have talked over with Sir William Temple 
 antf Mr. Godolphin, who I am confident are as much 
 
 yours
 
 7 5 APPENDIX 
 
 yours .is ever, and by their letters you will find they are 
 of opinion that your coming over will be of great advan- 
 tage to you; they differ fomething in the manner, but 
 we all agree that there being a mifundei (landing between 
 the King and your Highnefs, and it being likely to grow 
 worfe and worfe, your p red-nee will be ncceflary to fet 
 all things right, which may do great good, and we do 
 pot fee which way it can do you any harm ; we all think 
 that the minifters would not be glad of it, and therefore 
 it will be requifite that this bufinefs pafles only between 
 your Highnefs and the King. My Lord Halifax I be- 
 lieve would not oppofe it, becaufe he faid the other day 
 that he thought your coming over might be of ufe. I 
 took no notice of it, and it quickly pafled over ; it may 
 ^>e he will never think more of it ; b,ut by what he faid 
 you may eafily fuppofe that he would not be againft it if 
 it (hould be propofed to him. I delivered a compliment 
 Crom your Highnefs to the Dutchefs of Portfmouth, 
 which (he took extreamly well, but it will do you little 
 good, for (he hath no more credit with the King, and 
 thefe minifters are perfuading the King to fend her away, 
 and think by it to reconcile themfelves to the people. 
 My Lord Fever(ham hath more of the King's perfonal 
 kindnefs than any body, Mr. Legge hath a great deal ; 
 but which is moft extraordinary is the favour the 
 Queen is in. It was all about the town that the King 
 would not fee me, and was refolved to break the troops 
 if I had the command of them. Mr. Seymour fays, By 
 God, the King muft break them, and the Prince of 
 Orange muft not gain his point ; my Lord Hide fays no. 
 fuch ihing, for he knows the King cannot do it, but he 
 endeavours ftill to pcrfuade me to fubmit to the King; 
 tells me I (hall have great matters done for me ; that it 
 will be unpleafant to me to have this command againft 
 the King's confent, and what is moft to be confidcred, 
 
 it
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 it will be prejudicial to your Highnefs. I cannot make 
 any certain judgment of this affair till the King hath 
 fpoke to me, which I think he does not know how to 
 do ; I have been perpetually at his elbow expecting what 
 he would fay, but he cannot bring it out ; I fancy it goes 
 againft his nature to fay he was very kind to me laft 
 year j but hath changed his mind, he does not know why. 
 
 One of the views of the Prince of Orange's journey 
 was to bring the King to join in an aflbciation with 
 the Dutch, the Emperor, Spain, and many German 
 Princes, to flop the farther encroachments of France. 
 After the Prince was gone, Vanbeuningen the Dutch, 
 and Ronquillo the Spanifti ambafladors renewed the 
 propofal to King Charles. Barillon writes, Nov. 13, 
 1 68 1, that Charles was to concert with him the anfwer 
 he (hould give them. 
 
 The following difpatch will (how what that anfwer 
 was, as well as the crooked ways of Charles's politics, 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 ttxtratl of a letter from Mr. Barillon to Louis the XlVth, 
 Charles's deceiving anfwer to a propofal for an affocia- 
 tion to Jlop the further encroachments of France. In the 
 Depot. 
 
 November 15, 1681. 
 
 1 HAVE had a long conference with my Lord Hyde 
 upon the terms in which his Britannic Majefty's 
 anfwer to Vanbeuning Ihould be conceived. He told me, 
 that though the King of England did not enter into the 
 league, he could not avoid explaining himfelf as if ha 
 intended it hereafter; and for this reafon he thought hifn- 
 
 felf
 
 8o APPENDIX 
 
 felF obliged toanfwer, that when the Emperor, the King 
 of Denmark, and the principal Princes of the empire 
 fhall have entered into the league of aflbciation, he will 
 be ready alfo on his part to enter into it. I infifted that 
 inftcad of the principal Princes of the empire, they fhould 
 fubftitute that when the Emperor and the empire jointly 
 fhall have entered into the league, the King of England 
 would be alfo difpofed to do the fame thing. 
 
 My Lord Hyde anfwered, that the King his matter's 
 intention being always the fame with regard to your 
 Majefty, and he not willing in any manner to enter into 
 the league, nor to aflemble his parliament as Vanbeuning 
 defired, it was neceflary to make choice of terms which 
 did not clearly (hew how far he was from liftcning to 
 fuch propofals, and that what he faid left him at liberty 
 to acT: as he pleafed." 
 
 In the above letter of the I3th of November, 1681, 
 Lai illon writes that Charles had avowed to him, that he 
 had promifed to Spain to call a parliament, and give them, 
 afliftance, but that he intended neither. 
 
 And in another letter of the 22d of December, ibSr, 
 Barillon fays, that Charles in talking of his promife to 
 the Spaniards to call a parliament, ufed thefe words : 
 " I have no intention to call a parliament j thefe are 
 devils who intend my ruin." 
 
 During the fummer of the year 1681, the French 
 were making continual encroachments on the fide of 
 Germany and Flanders. It appears from Barillon's 
 difpatches, that during thefe, the King and Lord Hyde, 
 who alone knew of the late money treaty, were in the 
 moft cruel diftrefs between the Spaniards prefling for the 
 help to which they were entitled by their treaty with 
 
 Charles,
 
 TO PART I. BO O.K I. Si 
 
 Charles, and France threatening that if it was given, 
 (he would withdraw her fubfidy promifed by the late 
 verbal treaty. The difpatches are full of Charles's 
 ftroncr, but fruitlefs remonftrances of the engagement of 
 the French court in the late verbal treaty, that the Low 
 Countries fhould not be touched, and of the difgraceand 
 Unpopularity at home, both with his minifters and peo- 
 ple, which he faid he knew he was drawing upon himfejf 
 by his inactivity. 
 
 The extreme meannefs to which he was reduced, may 
 be fecn in the following difpatch concerning Luxem- 
 burgh, the key to Germany and the Netherlands, which 
 the French refolved to add to their other ufurpations, and 
 to give a new bribe to procure Charles's confent. 
 
 Yranjlation. 
 
 Extrafl of a letter from Mr, Barillon to Louis the XlVtb. 
 A million of llvres to be given to Charles, for allowing 
 France to feize Luxembourg. 
 
 November 17, 1681. 
 
 " T T appears to me that to execute your Majefty's laft 
 orders, what I have principally to do is to engage the 
 King of England not to oppofe your Majefty's defign of 
 having Luxembourg as an equivalent for all your preten- 
 fions on the Low Countries. I have not omitted any of the 
 reafons on which the juftice of your Majefty's pretenfion 
 is founded, any more than thofe which render the acqui- 
 fition of Luxembourg neceflary to the fecurity of your 
 kingdom. I enlarged on the trifling jealoufy which this 
 place, fituated as it is, ought to give to England and the 
 States General. 
 
 1 fpoke yeflcrday to Lord Hyde; thinking the time 
 would not admit of thenegociation being prolonged, and 
 
 VOL. I. * L that
 
 8a APPENDIX 
 
 that I ought to point out to this minifter clearly the ad- 
 vantages the King of England might obtain from your 
 Majefty by favouring his pretenfion ; I alfo reprefented to 
 him that the King of England would have in his own 
 hands the repofe of the Low Countries, and that your 
 Majefly would make him arbitrator of the treaty which 
 fhould be made for that purpofe ; I (hewed him the in- 
 conveniences that would attend an opposition to the de- 
 figns of your Majefty, the execution of which would be 
 difficult to prevent; in fhorf, I fet forth all the inconve- 
 niences of a parliament and a war, and at the fame time 
 the fafety and utility of an union with your Majefly. I 
 have not yet explained myfelf clearly upon the fum that I 
 am impowered to offer ; it feemed to me fufficient to 
 commence the negociation, and to get the King of Eng- 
 land, if I can, to enter into a fecret concert with me 
 upon the affair of Luxembourg. I fhall not let the oc- 
 cafion flip to conclude whenever it prefents ; I know well 
 the importance of it. Lord Hyde fhewed immediately 
 his uneafinefs at what I had faid to him about your Ma- 
 jefty's refolution of having Luxembourg ; he endea- 
 voured to fhew me the confequences of a war in which 
 almoft all Europe would be united againft your Majefty. 
 I faid to him, that I much doubted when your Majefty's 
 intentions fhould be well known, whether the Princes of 
 the empire, the Kings of Sweden and Denmark, or even 
 the States General, would enter into a war to hinder 
 your Majefly from having Luxembourg ; that your re- 
 folution was taken, and that you would not change it ; 
 that there was reafon to believe that if a war was made 
 with your Majefty for this fmgle town, fituated as it is, 
 they would make it although your Majefty had nut at* 
 tempted the acquifition, and that therefore it was better 
 o prevent your enemies defigns. Lord Hyde reprefented 
 to me, that if your Majefty's defign of having Luxem- 
 bourg
 
 TOPARTI. BOOK I. $3 
 
 bourg fliould put the King of England under the neceffity 
 of afiembling the parliament (as he feared it would), it 
 was the mod dangerous thing that could happen to the 
 Duke of York ; and if his ruin followed it, your Ma- 
 jefty would fuffer a much greater lofs than that of the 
 town of Luxembourg. By all Lord Hyde faid, it ap- 
 peared to me to be his opinion, that the King his mailer 
 fliould make a merit to your Majefty of a thing which he 
 would haye a good deal of trouble to hinder; he never- 
 thelefs made a fhew of a great apprehenfion left the ad- 
 vice of Lord Halifax, and the other minifters whom the 
 King of England might confult, mould prevail over 
 his, and put affairs here in a condition, to be without 
 remedy. 
 
 I converfed this day with the King of England at 
 Lady Portfmouth's. I found him prepared by Lord 
 Hyde upon what I had to fay to him; he exprefled a 
 great chagrin to hear that your Majefty had taken the re- 
 folution to have Luxembourg as an equivalent for your 
 pretenfions 5 he told me it would entirely difconcert all 
 the meafures he had taken in his affairs, and that all the 
 inconveniences and embarraflments he could forefee from 
 aflembling the parliament, were lefs than the danger to 
 which he fhould expofe himfelf by not calling it, when 
 it fhould appear that your Majefty had refolved to make 
 the town of Luxembourg fall under your power : That 
 if he did not then refolve to aflemble his parliament, it 
 would be faid he had betrayed the interefts of England, 
 and fold your Majefty the moft important place in the 
 Low Countries. 
 
 I reprefented to this Prince how little reafon they had, 
 who maintained that Luxembourg was fo confiderable a 
 poft, not being on any river, and incapable to ferve as a 
 defence to the reft of the Low Countries, but only fit to 
 hurt your Majefty. I gave him freely and ftrongly my 
 * L 2 opinion
 
 84 APPENDIX 
 
 opinion upon the aflembling the parliament, and that it 
 was not a ;ood means for re-eftablifhing his affairs, or 
 preferving his authority ; that the perfons who were evil 
 intentioned to him, would not lofe the occafion of hav- 
 ing; him in their hands: That if they gave him fome- 
 thing immediately, without impofmg too hard conditions 
 on him, they would impofe them as foon as they could. 
 I (hewed him the advantages he would draw from a ftril 
 union with your Majefty, and how much it would make 
 him be feared and refpeclcd by his enemies. I main- 
 tained they would make a three days wonder only of 
 Luxembourg, as they had done of Strafbourg; and that 
 afterwards, not only England, but the reft of Europe, 
 would fee with pleafure a peace eftabliflied every where ; 
 that he might be arbitrator of the fafety of the Low 
 Countries j and that your Majefty, independent of that, 
 would enter into all the expedients which could be 
 thought of to eftablifti its repofe for the future. What 
 I faid obtained me no- other anfvver, and I retired after 
 having told his Britannic Majefty that I fhould yet fay 
 fomething to my Lord Hyde, upon which he would have 
 reafon to reflect. 
 
 I expected to find a great many difficulties at firfr. I 
 (hall explain myfelf immediately on the offer your Ma- 
 jefty has permitted me to make of a million in addition 
 to the fubfidy for next year; I cannot anfwer for the 
 fuccefs, and I have fo often feen them take wrong fteps 
 he.e, that it would be very imprudent in me to flatter 
 myfeif v. i h being able to perfuade the King of England: 
 What gives me room to hope is, that Lord Hyde has not 
 hid from me, that if his advice is followed, the King his 
 matter will enter into a fecret concert with your Majefty for 
 your having the town of Luxembourg. 1 think I fliould 
 have a great advantage in this negociation, if I could 
 Jet it be known that your Majefty is willing the aug- 
 mentation
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 mentation of two hundred and fifty thoufand livres to 
 each payment fhall commence from the firft of laft 
 Oclober; this would be five hundred thoufand for the 
 two laft payments of this year. If I have the power, I 
 will not make ufe of it till the laft extremity." 
 
 After much haggling, Charles agreed to allow the 
 French to feize Luxembourg, and received a million of 
 livres in return. Barillon writes thus to Louis the XlVth, 
 on the ift of December, 1681: " After many con- 
 ferences which I have had with the King of England 
 and Lord Hyde, the propofals which I made from your 
 Majefty have been accepted." This bargain was alfo 
 unknown to all but Hyde. 
 
 Even private perfons in Britain were prevented by 
 French money at this time from interpofing againft the 
 encroachments of France. Barillon writes, June gth, 
 1681, that Lord Arran, fon to the Duke of Hamilton, 
 had offered to raife a Scotch regiment for the fervice of 
 Spain, but that he had flopped him by the hopes of money 
 from France. 
 
 After the ftric~r. union which was formed between 
 Louis, Charles, and the Duke of York, by the private, 
 verbal treaty of the year 1681, Louis became indifferent 
 about keeping up his connections with the popular party 
 in England, and informed Barillon of it. Barilion in 
 anfwer wrote him the following letter.
 
 $6 APPENDIX 
 
 Tran/Jation. 
 
 Extrafi of a letter from Mr. Barillon to Louis the 
 
 ddvifes Louis not to let the intrigues with the popular 
 party be dropped on account of bis late treaty with Char Us. 
 New propofah fi om Mr. Montagu. In the Depot. 
 
 September 22, 1681. 
 
 " VfOUR Majefty orders me by your laft difpatch of 
 the 1 2th to be very circumfpeft not to give um- 
 brage or miftruft to the King of England by the con- 
 nelion I have with Mr. Montagu and the other fr-iends 
 to the Duke of Monmouth. I (hall take every poffible 
 precaution; but I cannot forbear reprefenting to your 
 Majefty, that in my way of thinking it is very important 
 to your fervice not to put out of humour thofe perfons 
 with whom I have had particular and intimate con- 
 nections. Your Majefty knows of what ufe it may be 
 to you hereafter, and how much the cabals in oppofition 
 to the court are neccflary to keep the affairs of England 
 in a ftate convenient for your Majefty. The cor- 
 refpondence I have with them renders them more diffi- 
 cult with regard to the court; and is perhaps the beft 
 and moft certain means to prevent the King of England 
 changing his conduct to your Majefty; for as long as the 
 reconciliation is filled with difficulties, and the chiefs of 
 the cabals hold themfelves firm, and believe that in the 
 end the King of England muft fubmit himfclf to them, 
 the reconciliation will not be eafy; but if they perceive 
 a connection between your Majefty and his Britannic 
 Majefty, and that at the fame time the King of England 
 may be brought to make conceffions, the reunion is 
 poffible. 'Tis therefore my opinion not to be inactive 
 with regard to them. Befides, inactivity might perfuade 
 
 them
 
 TO PAR T I. BO OK I. 87 
 
 them ftill more, that your Majefty has taken other mea- 
 fures, and has no farther need of them. 
 
 Mr. Montagu two days ago afked a meeting with me; 
 and after a long difcourfe upon the fervice he lays he has 
 done your Majefty, he told me that he was at prefent in 
 a capacity to do you as confiderable a fervice as he had 
 done in accufmg the high Treafurer ; that he would do 
 it with a great deal of zeal, but could not engage in any 
 new affair till the firft was finifhed, and till he law him- 
 felf certain of entire and complete payment. That he 
 would not expofe himfelf to appear frivolous to your Ma- 
 jefty, and what he had to fay to me was to put you in a 
 condition not to be hurt by England for a long time : 
 That he would not capitulate with your Majefty, but 
 refer himfelf to you for fuch a recompence as you might 
 think he deferved for what he had to propofe : But he 
 ftuck faft to having pofitive aflurances of being paid 
 what was due to him, and that without it he could not 
 again hazard his fortune and his head. I prefled him 
 much to open himfelf further, but it was impoffible for 
 me to get any thing more from him, except that when 
 he was fure of his entire payment, your Majefty would 
 find he was not an impofture, and that he would not for 
 any thing in the world lofe your Majefty's eileem and 
 good graces. 
 
 I had at firft fome fufpicion that Mr. Montagu wanted 
 to difcover (from the manner I fhould enter upon matters 
 with him) whether your Majefty had made alliances with 
 the King of England that could hinder him from taking 
 any other meafure; but it has appeared fince to me that 
 he has fomething folid to propofe which might tend to 
 deftroy the cabals and intrigues of the Prince of Orange, 
 and prevent their being in the end powerful enough to 
 give law to the King of England and the Duke of 
 York. 
 
 Your
 
 8* APPENDIX 
 
 Your Majefty will judge what is convenient foryour^ 
 fervicej it is not hazarding much to advance a few 
 months the payment of what remains due to Mr. Mon- 
 tagu. It may be thought that if he fhould be entirely 
 paid, he would be lefs zealous to act, and would not care 
 to expofe himfelf for your Majefty's intereft; but on the 
 other hand, I do not fee a poffibility to make him act 
 without fatisfying him, and I believe he will not find his 
 advantage in abandoning your Majefty's interefts, from 
 whom he will always expect a powerful protection, and 
 new advantages when he does new fervices. 
 
 I could not help entering into Mr. Montagu's pro- 
 pofition, and difcuffing it with him, otherwife he might 
 have believed me entirely engaged with the court : I 
 neverthelefs reprefented to him that what he faid was of 
 too high a nature, and prefled him ftrongly to be more 
 explicit ; but he told me he fhould wait for the orders 
 your Majefty fhould give me, and if he was well treated, 
 I fhould fee what fervice he was capable of doing. 
 
 I endeavoured to penetrate, through Mrs. Hervey* 
 into what Mr. Montagu had to propofe, but by what fhe 
 faid, I find he will not truft her with the matter. I 
 plainly fee it aims at hindering fomething important 
 which the Prince of Orange wants to attempt, when it 
 is the leaft expected, and this may probably be a project 
 of reunion of all the cabals, and a general amneftie, by 
 which the catholic Lords, and Dar.by and Shaftefbury 
 may get out of prifon, and the King of England offer 
 on his part to forget all, provided the parliament on theirs 
 will change their conduct with regard to him. 
 
 I only fufpect this: But I have been informed Lord 
 Halifax has this project in his head, and that he talks on 
 every occafion, like a man who has no other defign than 
 to reconcile the King of England with his people. 
 
 I have
 
 TO PART I. BOOK L 89 
 
 I havejuft received your Majefty's difpatch of the 
 of September, to which was added the extract of a letter 
 from M. d'Avaux ; I (hall direct my conduct agreeably 
 to what your Majefty prefcribes. There is no doubt but 
 the Prince of Orange will ufe all his efforts to eftablifti 
 a ftrict union between England and the States General, 
 which may hereafter ferve as a bafis for a league with 
 other Princes, jealous of your Majefty's greatnefs : As 
 the Prince of Orange is ignorant of what has palled for 
 fome months between your Majefty and the King pf 
 England, he works upon a falfe principle, and believes, 
 that provided the States General enter frrongly into en- 
 gagements againft your Majefty, his Britannic Majefty 
 will have no reafon not to do the fame thing ; and that 
 the beft means of reconciling himfelf to his parliament, 
 will be to make a league agreeable to the whole nation. 
 This it is neceflary to prevent, and for that purpofe it 
 appears to me, that your Majefty having made a treaty 
 with the King of England, or, at leaft, having engaged 
 him by a fupply of money not to feparate himfslf from 
 your interefts, it only remains to manage properly the 
 party which oppofes him, in order that the King of 
 England, and thofe who have his confidence, may not be 
 drawn on, nor find their advantages in failing in the 
 engagements which have been formed. 
 
 1 think what ought at prefent to be done, is to coun- 
 teract every fort of reconciliation between the malecon- 
 tents and the court, and prevent this reunion-which the 
 Prince of Orange has in his head. The people I have 
 dealings with can do much to prevent it. They always 
 receive me well when I enter with them into fuch mea- 
 fures as they defirej for what they principally fear is 
 your Majefty's fupporting the King of England. I 
 {hall act with a great deal of precaution, and know the 
 importance of not furnilhing any pretence to his Bri- 
 
 VOL. I. * M tannic
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 tannic Majefty ; but I alfo think we fhould not at fuch a 
 jun&ure as the prefent remain with folded arms, and let 
 the Prince of Orange attain his ends without opposition. 
 In waiting for the receipt of your Majefty's orders 
 upon what Mr. Montagu faid to me, I fhall endeavour 
 to manage his fpirit, and draw from him fomething more 
 than what he has as yet told me : He is a man who may 
 be of very great help, and by whom I can do more than 
 by many others. To fpeak the truth, he is not con- 
 tented, and thinks he has been neglected ; but all this 
 may be removed, if your Majefty gives orders for the 
 payment of what is due to him." 
 
 Whilft Charles was trafficking with France for yielding 
 to her one of the chief barriers of the Low Countries, 
 one of the heads of the popular party in England was 
 attempting the fame traffic with regard to the fame ob- 
 ject. The following letter from Monfieur Barillon to 
 .Louis the XiVth, on this fubjecl, is in the Depot at 
 Verfailles. 
 
 TranJJation. 
 
 Extraficfa difpatch from M. Barillon to Louis the XlVth^ 
 November 24, 1681. Montagu propofes that France 
 Jbsuld get Luxembourg by means of the popular party in 
 England. 
 
 " T SAW Mr. Montagu two days ago. The anfwer 
 given to Vanbeuning has partly diffipated his fufpi- 
 cions, and he talks to me like one who has a great defire 
 to enter into fome new affair. He told me it appeared, 
 from all the fteps taken for fome time pair, your Majefty 
 had formed a defign of having Luxembourg ; that if it 
 was fo, and I could fpeak confidentially to him, he would 
 
 do
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 do his utmoft with his friends to hinder the parliament from 
 doing any thing againft your Majefty, or giving one 
 farthing to help the Spaniards ; that to this end meafures 
 ought to be taken in good time, and things not delayed 
 till the minifters and the Prince of Orange had formed all 
 their cabals to caufe their defign to fucceed. That I 
 knew how he had aled in the affair of the Treafurer 
 and difbanding the army : That the prefent matter was lefs 
 difficult, provided they took their meafures well. That 
 it was neceilary he fhould connect himfelf with five or 
 fix members of the greateft credit in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, and engage them to oppofe the defigns of the 
 court j but they would not do a thing by halves. That 
 an union fliould be made which would laft, and which 
 might put the parliament in a ftate of not hurting your 
 Majefty for a long time: That this might be done by 
 gaining the principal people in parliament, and doing 
 fomething favourable for the commerce in general of 
 England. The conclufion of his difcourfe was, that 
 your Majefty might take Luxembourg and perhaps fome 
 Other place if it was concerted with thofe who could lead 
 the Houfe of Commons, and hinder the refolutions 
 which the court wifhed fhould be taken there. I told 
 Mr. Montagu that this teftimony of his good will could 
 not but be agreeable to your Majefty ; that I could afTure 
 him a fecret intelligence would be very willingly entered 
 into with him ; that though I believed your Majefty 
 would not be againft receiving Luxembourg as an equi- 
 valent for your pretenfions, I did not know that you had, 
 a formal defign to become mafter of it, nor did I think; 
 you would do it by force : That though I knew by ex- 
 perience what five or fix leading men could do in parlia- 
 ment when they a&ed in concert, I doubted if they could 
 be able to reftrain the impetuofity of the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, when they were animated by the complaints of the 
 * M 2 Spaniards,
 
 $2 APPENDIX 
 
 Spaniards, and by the artifices of thofe who wanted them 
 to take refolutions againft France; that what he laid was 
 very important, and merited much reflection j that he 
 might well believe I would not negle6l the occafion of 
 doing your Majefty a fignal fervice, and entering into an 
 affair which '.night be fo agreeable to you. Mr. Montagu 
 anfwered, that the affairs of this country were never fo 
 fure that one could promife an infallible fuccefs ; that it 
 v, .uld be imprudent in him to engage himfelf lightly, 
 ar.J f.romife things he could not perform ; that he knew 
 the bent of the nation againft France, and the difficulty 
 of retraining the heat of the Lnglifh upon that head, 
 but that the effedl of whatever could be propofed againft 
 France, might be obviated by means almoft certain ; 
 that to this end they might immediately accufe the Duke 
 cf York and the three minifters, and refolve not to give 
 ai)y"money till the parliament had been fatisficd upon that 
 head : That they might demand Lord Danby's con- 
 demnation, and put the King of England in a condition 
 to obtain nothing, and reduce him to the neceffity of dif- 
 folvhr^ the parliament, which would render all the decla- 
 ratirns he might make of no ufe. I did not think, it 
 proper to reject Mr. Montagu's propofal; incidents may 
 to make him ferviceable, to overturn the projects 
 that have been formed againft your interefts. It appears 
 however, that this propoial of engaging himfelf with the 
 principal men in parliament may be fubject to inconve- 
 nience; ana as long as the King of England does not 
 take part with your Majelry's enemies, an alliance with 
 this Prince is more realbiuible and lawful, than an afib- 
 ciation with the malecontents ; but if I find it impoflible 
 to make the King of England enter into the propoial of 
 your Majefty's having Luxembourg, and that he iuffers 
 himfelf to be led by thofe who would unite him to your 
 enemies, I think Mr. Montagu's offers ihould not be 
 i refufed.
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 refufed. But without entering into a connexion too 
 general, I imagine a particular affair like that of Luxem- 
 bourg may be treated of, and I do not think it impoffible 
 to fucceed in the manner Mr. Montagu propofes. I fball 
 keep myfelf ready to execute what your Majefty orders; 
 and think that in the mean time I ought to manage Mr, ) 
 Montagu with care, becaufe he rr,ay in the end be ufeful 
 to your Majefty's fervice. For this purpofe it is neceffary 
 to pay him foon what is due to him ; and I fee no other 
 way to make him ferviceable for the future than to fa- 
 tisfy him for the paft. 
 
 I do not neglect the other perfons with whom I have 
 had commerce. I know the importance of it; for if I 
 ftiould continue too long without faying any thing to 
 them, they will fufpeft a re-union between your Majefty 
 and his Britannic Majefty." 
 
 The French however chofe rather to deal with King 
 Charles than with Mr. Montagu about Luxembourg. 
 Barillon writes on the 25th of December 1681, that 
 Charles had prcpofed to be arbiter in tlic. affair of 
 Luxembourg, in order that he might have an opportunity 
 of giving it to France. 
 
 This probably occafioned the public offer which Louis 
 made to Spain, of referring the difpute about Luxem- 
 bourg to Charles, but which Spain refufed. 
 
 This refufal afforded a pretence to Charles to give 
 himfelf no trouble for the protection of Luxembourg. 
 
 Among Lord Preftcn's difpatches, who was ambaf- j n Mr. 
 fador in France at this time, there are the three follow- Graham of 
 ing letters on this head.
 
 94 A P P : E N B I X 
 
 Letter Lord Prejlon to the Marquis of Halifax. 'Complains 
 of the Spaniards for refufing the arbitration of King 
 Charles. 
 
 My Lord, Paris, Dec. 23, S. N. 82. 
 
 " WOIJR Lordfliip judges very right, that the pro- 
 longation of the term lately obtained by his Ma- 
 jefty, is the likelieft means to preferve the peace of 
 Chriftendom, and the world hath reafon to wonder that 
 the Spaniards and their allies, either do not or will not 
 feem to fee it. I have frequent occafions here of con- 
 verfing with the minifters of Spain, of which there are 
 now three in this court, and in their difcourfes they feem 
 flill to be averfe from accepting the arbitrage of our 
 mafter, and urge the fame things which their envoy at 
 the Hague hath lately offered in a memorial. The ad- 
 vices which they have for fome time given to their court, 
 that France hath no mind to enter into a war, I believe 
 may have been one occafion of its not accepting hitherto 
 what hath been propofed : But though it may be true that 
 a year or two's, repofe would be very advantageous to 
 this kingdom, yet it is as true, that if they will force a 
 war upon this King, he is much better able to fupport 
 it, and to attack them, than they are to defend them- 
 felves ; and J wi/h they may not involve themfelves and 
 their neighbours in blood by their opiniatrete. One of 
 thofe minifters told me the other day, that he could wifh 
 with all his heart, that the King my mafler would find 
 out a temperament for the compofing of thofe differences, 
 I aflced him, if he could propofe any temperament, or 
 any means more likely to produce the effect he intended, 
 than that of his Majefty's accepting the arbitrage pro- 
 pofed : He faid he believed, that if the King would call 
 a parliament, it would put him into a better condition to 
 
 bring
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. gs 
 
 bring this King to reafon, whofe cuftom it is to obferve 
 no treaties longer than they appear to be for his ad- 
 vantage, unlefs he be forced to it. Your Lordfhip I 
 know underftands very well the meaning of this, and I 
 fuppofe they have not failed to offer fomething like this 
 in England already, or at leaft doubtlefs they will do it 
 foon. I anfwered, that his Majefty was in very good 
 circumftances, and in a capacity to undertake the ar- 
 bitrage, and alfo to fee that what was concluded fhould 
 be obferved. That I believed he would not be pleafed 
 that any one fhould prefcribe to him the time of calling 
 his parliament. That he would do it when his affairs 
 required it, and not before. But upon the whole, I 
 find their great hopes are that another delay will not be 
 refufed after the expiration of this term, and they feem 
 to flatter themfelves that the Emperour's affairs will be 
 on a better pofture than they are at prefent ; but for my 
 part, 1 fee no great likelihood of that." 
 
 Lord Prefton to Secretary Jen&ins, to the fame purpofe. 
 
 SIR, Paris, December 26, 1682. 
 
 " COME ftreaks of light begin now to appear, and 
 one of the Spanifh minifters hath of late explained 
 himfelf on the affair of the arbitrage ; for being afked, 
 why it was not accepted in his court, he anfwered, be- 
 caufe they had no mind to part with Luxembourg, which 
 they were fure was to be facrificed if they did accept it ; 
 yet he faid he believed the propofal would be received, if 
 the King of England would call his parliament. Being 
 afked, why they did not declare that now, he anfwered, 
 that they knew well enough that France had no mind to 
 enter into a war at prefent ; but if it fo happened that 
 they came to be much prefled, it would be time enough 
 to declaie it then, I hinted fgmething of this by the Jaft 
 
 poft,
 
 9 6 APPENDIX 
 
 poft, to the Marquis of Halifax ; but what I write now, 
 hath pa{Ted fince. By this you will fee what is aimed at, 
 and how goodly a propofition is likely foon to be made to 
 his Majefty." 
 
 ( 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Secretary Jenkins^ to the fame purpofe.* 
 The great importance of Luxembourg. 
 
 SIR, Paris, February 3, S. N. 1683. 
 
 " \/I ONSIEUR D elval! bein g with me the other day, 
 fell to difcourfe upon the prefent ftate of the 
 Spanifh affairs. He afked me if I had heard any thing 
 out of England concerning a further prolongation of the 
 term (for the report hath been here that Monfieur de Ba- 
 rillon had privately acquainted his Majefty that the King 
 his mafter would accord a delay till the laft day of the laft 
 month). I told him that I had heard nothing of it, nor 
 did expeit to hear any thing, fince Spain feemed to de- 
 fire no fuch thing. He faid that Monfieur de Ronquillos 
 had received a reprimand from the Spanifh court for de- 
 firing one the laft time, he not having orders to do it } 
 and he was fure that it would not be demanded this time, 
 bccaufe it would be a tacit owning of the pretenfions of 
 France. I anfwered, that I wondered the conduct of 
 Monfieur de Ronquilios ftiould be difapproved upon that 
 occafion, finee I thought that it was the moft confider- 
 able piece of fervice that he was capable of doing to his 
 mafter at that time. He fays, that he was fure that the 
 minifters of Spain would willingly hearken to an accom- 
 modation, but that the arbitrage, as it was propofed> 
 could not be accepted. That he could wifh a tempera- 
 ment were found, and that they were willing to facrifice 
 confidcrably for the afluring of a peace ; but that they 
 could not part with Luxembourg, which they were forced, 
 for the importance of it, to maintain at a very great 
 
 charge.
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I, 97 
 
 rnarge. He faid, that four years ftnce a minifter of 
 France, who had been upon feveral embaflies (and he 
 feemed to decypher Monfieur Courtin), had told him 
 that after all the propofals and attempts of France.* as 
 well in the time of peace as war, Luxembourg was the 
 place aimed at, and that no other thing would fuit with 
 this King's defigns ; for being already poflefled of Straf- 
 bourg, if he had that city in his hands, he rendered 
 himfelf matter of the four electors of the Rhine, whom 
 he might foon force to declare him King of the Ro- 
 mans, and fo pofiefs himfelf of the empire. He faid 
 further, that though the houfe of Auftria be low^ yet it 
 was not willing to help on its own ruin by this means, 
 and fince Luxembourg is the thing aimed at, it were 
 better for him to give it up with a good grace, to be 
 thanked for it by France, than to lofe it by an ar- 
 bitrage. 
 
 To all this I replied, that the King, my matter, was 
 induced to offer this arbitrage, by the great defire only 
 which he hath always {hewn to have the peace and repofc 
 of Europe eftablifhed, and that I mould not prefume to 
 dive into the reafons which the minifters of Spain had 
 to refufe fo wholefome and fo feafonable a proportion ; 
 but that I could not think that their procedure was rea- 
 fonable in anticipating the judgment of the King my 
 matter, and in prefuming to advance that it mould be to 
 their difadvantage, fmce the hopes of each party con~ 
 tending ought to be equal from an indifferent arbitrator ; 
 and I did allure him that the King, my matter, was one 
 of thofe." 
 
 The refufal of Spain to fubmit to the arbitration of 
 Charles, furnimed France alfo with a pretence for making 
 more encroachments upon the Spanifh Netherlands. 
 
 VOL. I. * N Among
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Among Lord Prefton's difpatches are the two following 
 on this head. 
 
 Letter Lord Prejlon to Secretary Jenkins, Paris, July 1 5 , 
 1682. France ufes Spain's refufal to accept of Charles's 
 arbitration, as an excufe for further encroachments. 
 
 SIR, 
 
 " T RECEIVED by the laft poft the papers which- 
 were given you by the Spanifli ambafTador, and 
 yefterday I went to Verfailles and delivered them to Mr. 
 de Croifly, and told him that they contained matter of 
 complaint of fome infractions of the treaty of Nimiguen 
 in the neighbourhood of Namur j that they had been de- 
 livered to the King, my mailer, by Don Pedro de Ron- 
 quillos, and by his command tranfmitted to me : That 
 I was alfo further ordered, to intimate the defire of the 
 King, my mafter, to his moft Chriftian Majefty, that 
 he would give his orders, that no fuch infractions as are 
 complained of in thofe papers, nor any other innovations 
 of any kind may be fuffered, much lefs authorifed, to the 
 prejudice of the King of Spain, or of his fubjeifb in 
 thofe countries. Mr. de Croifly told me, that he did not 
 believe that thefe complaints were better founded than 
 many others that the Spaniards had of late made ; that 
 he could fay nothing to the particulars, but that he 
 would acquaint the King, his mafter, with the fubje&of 
 thofe papers, and alfo of the defire of his Majefty of 
 Great Britain j but he believed no other anfwer could at 
 this time be reafonably given than this ; that all matters 
 in difference betwixt France and Spain of all kinds, 
 were referred and fubmitted to the King, my mafter ; 
 that if the Spaniards would accept of his mediation, this 
 and all other things would eafily be ended and compofed ; 
 but if they did not foon declare themfelves upon that 
 
 fubjcft,
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 99 
 
 fubjecl, he believed his matter would think himfelf no 
 way engaged by any thing which he had done or pro- 
 mifed, for the fettling of peace in Europe, which he 
 paffionately defired j but that he fhould be at liberty to 
 takethofe meafures which he fhould think would conduce 
 moft to his advantage." 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Sir Richard BulJirode.*To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 SIR, Paris, November 8, S. N. 1683. 
 
 " JVJ ONSIEUR de Cro'% by order of the King, 
 told me the other day, that the fmall inclination 
 which Spain fhewed to an accommodation, had obliged 
 the King, his mafter, to fend orders to the Marfchal de 
 Humieres to befiege Courtray ; but that as foon as it was 
 taken, he was refolved to fubmit that, and all his pre- 
 tenfions which he might have upon Spain, to the difpo- 
 fition and determination of the King, our mafter; that 
 he had acquainted Monfieur Barillon with this refolu- 
 tion, and the reafons of it, by a courier exprefs, which 
 he was to impart to his Majefty : That he had alfo done 
 the fame to Monfieur d' Avaux, and fent him this King's 
 order to notify it to the States General at the Hague, 
 and to make his great defign which he hath to eftablifh 
 the peace of Chriftendom, appear to the whole world, 
 The King, his mafter, had ordered him further to de- 
 clare to me, that if Spain would give him any equi- 
 valent for the juft pretenfions which he hath upon the 
 Pais d' Aloft and the Vieu bourg de Gand, that he was 
 willing to accept it, and that he would propofe three 
 ways for it j that Spain might choofe that which fhould 
 be moft convenient to itfelf : The firft is, that he will be 
 willing to take Luxembourg with the walls and fortifi- 
 cations razed, with twelve or thirteen villages about it, 
 * N 2
 
 ico APPENDIX 
 
 fuch as he fhall name ; or, in the next place, he will 
 take Courtray and Dixmude, with fome villages which 
 depend upon them j or if the King of Spain be not will- 
 ing to give him an equivalent in Flanders, he will ac- 
 cept of Purcerda in Catalogne, with that part of the 
 county of Cerdaigne which yet remaineth to the Spa- 
 niard. And to make it alfo appear that he hath no de~ 
 fign to attack the empire, when he fhall have adjufted 
 differences with Spain, he is willing to grant a truce to 
 it for thirty, twenty -five, or twenty years, as the matter 
 {hall be regulated by the diet at Ratifbon. This is what 
 Monfieur de Croifly told me, but whether Spain will 
 hearken to it or not, you are better able to judge 
 than I." 
 
 France even prevailed with Charles to interpofc his 
 authority with the Prince of Orange, to prevail with the 
 Dutch to perfuade Spain to make peace with the lofs of 
 Luxembourg. 
 
 A letter from Lord Rochefter to the Prince of Orange 
 on this head, and alfo a copy of the Prince's anfwer to 
 one which Charles had written him, are in King Wil- 
 liam's cabinet as follows : 
 
 Lord Rocbejlcr to the Prince of Orange. Advifis him to 
 peace, and not to differ with France on account of Luxem- 
 bourg. 
 
 ** TT is a great misfortune there fhould be fuch dif- 
 ference in opinion between the King and your 
 Highnefs, in fome affairs relating to the public, on which 
 the peace of Chriftendom fo much depends ; which by 
 the news that is now come of the marching of the 
 French troops into the Pays d' .Aloft, feems to be very 
 
 near
 
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 101 
 
 near broke. I fee by what your Highnefs fays, it would 
 be very hard, if not impoflible, to perfuade you to con- 
 fent that the razing of Luxembourg fhould be a means 
 to preferve it, upon which fubjet Monfieur Bentinck 
 muft have told your Highnefs what the King's opinion 
 is, to which I know not what to fay, but that what 
 hath happened fince in the affairs of the world, hath not 
 contributed any thing to make the condition of the 
 peace more eafy. I wiih your Highnefs could bring your 
 judgment to agree with the King's in this particular; 
 becaufe though I confefs there may be difficulties evea 
 that way, yet without it, they feem to be infurmount- 
 able, at leaft to me, who have not a judgment clear 
 enough to fee the way out of them ; a little time will 
 now (hew what things muft come to, and your Highnefs 
 muft needs know, that it is in peace that the King can 
 be moft ufeful to his allies. I pray God direct your 
 Highnefs and all great perfons concerned in it, to fin4 
 put the means to preferve it." 
 
 St. James's, Auguft 28, 1681. 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Letter from the Prince of Orange to tbe King of England. 
 In anfwer to tbe King's interpofmg with him to get Spain to 
 make peace with the lofs of Luxembourg. Endeavours to 
 wipe off mutual fufpicions. In King IFtlliam's cabinet. 
 
 Saerdyk, November 5, 1682. 
 
 " T HAVE received with the refpecl: that I ought, the 
 letter which your Majefty did me the honour to 
 write to me by Mr. Chudleigh : It will be very eafy for 
 me to obey your orders, and to perfuade the Emperor 
 and Spain to peace, fince I can aflure you from my cer- 
 tain knowledge, that they defire it, as much as any one 
 
 can,
 
 102 APPENDIX 
 
 can, provided it be general : And I do not believe that 
 ywir Majefty would wifli any other, fmce it could not 
 be of any duration ; and I am perfuaded that any other 
 is not the intereft either of your Majefty, nor that of 
 this ftate, which looks at nothing but .1 lure and durable 
 peace, to which they will contribute all that is in their 
 power, as I fhall alfo do. And although I know that 
 France endeavours to make me pafs for one who wifhes 
 for war, I hope your Majefty will do me the ju tice not 
 to credit it, w en you take the pains to confider, there 
 is not a man in Europe who has an intereft more con- 
 trary to it, confidering all the circumftances of things. 
 I was very forry to fre endeavours made to perfuade your 
 Majefty that there were allies, who could have the im- 
 prudence to threaten to force you into a war. I cannot 
 believe that any could be found who would have been 
 impertinent enough to hold fuch language. But af- 
 fureJly, thefe are the artifices of France, which has in- 
 direclly endeavoured to perfuade your Majefty of it, in 
 order to put them in a bad light, with much reafon, in 
 your imagination. I do not believe that there are any of 
 thefe allies who would engage your Majefty, or afk you 
 to do any thing but what is agreeable to the treaties 
 which they have with you. At leaft, I can anfwer with 
 regard to this ftate, which defires nothing more than to 
 do what is agreeable to your Majefty, and to teftify the 
 inviolable attachment they have to your interefts, and 
 that they will never fail to contribute to your Majefty's 
 greatncfs and power, which is alfo their true intereft, 
 and from which they will never depart. With regard to 
 me, one of the greateft mortifications which I have in 
 the world is, that I have never till this time had any oc- 
 caiion to be able to make your Majefty fee my true zeal 
 for your fervice and your interefts. I hope you will 
 never eive credit to perfons who would perfuade you to 
 
 the
 
 TO PART I. BOOK!. 
 
 the contrary, or think they can make me believe that 
 your Majefty does not do me the honour to have any 
 longer a friendfhip for me, as I fee you fufpe& will hap- 
 pen by the letter which you have done me the favour to- 
 write me, fince it is fo long ago that you have aflured 
 me of the contrary. I can never have fuch thoughts, 
 efpecially when I fee the goodnefs which you have lately 
 had to intereft yourfelf in the violences which France 
 hath committed againft me in Orange. And I hope 
 that you will protect me, and get me reparation and fa- 
 tisfaclion for what I have fuffered fo unjuftly there. If 
 the news which I have received be true, that France has 
 taken all the principality of Orange, under pretence of 
 an old pretenfion of the houfe of Longueville, I lhall be 
 entirely ruined if your Majefty does not aflift me with 
 vigour, and caufe to be given back to me what has beea 
 taken with fo much injuftice. I expect this from your 
 goodnefs, and the afiurances which you do me the favour 
 to give me of the continuation of your friendfhip, and 
 becaufe I fhall be all my life, with a profound refpect, 
 your moft humble, and moft obedient nephew, and 
 fervant." 
 
 103 
 
 In the courfe of the difpute with Spain about Luxem- 
 bourg, France feized the principality of Orange under 
 pretence that it belonged to the houfe of Longuevil!e, 
 Charles, as appears by the letter laft cited, had flattered 
 the Prince of Orange with his protection in that matter. 
 However, he never gave it. 
 
 On this head there are the three following letters 
 among Lord Preflon's difpatches, in Mr. Graham of 
 Netherby's pofleflion.
 
 1C4 APPENDIX 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. Has no orders t 
 concur with the Dutch Ambaffadar in ajklng redrefs about 
 the principality of Orange. 
 
 S I R, Paris, Dec. 23, S. N. 1682. 
 
 " T HAVE received two of yours of the 4th inftant, 
 S. V. in one of which you are pleafed to let me 
 know, that his Majefty would be glad to know what 
 offices the Dutch Ambaffador wopld engage me in, 
 in the affair of Orange. I acquainted you fome time 
 fince, by one of the 28th of November laft, that the 
 Dutch Ambaflador had fent to me twice or thrice to 
 know if I had received any orders in that affair; my 
 anfwer was 4 that I had not, which was all that pafled 
 between us. I have feen him feveral times fince, and 
 he never of late hath faid any thing to me of it; but I 
 believe he might have heard from Holland, that the 
 Prince was refolved to make application to his Majeftyi 
 and fo he might imagine that I had received his com- 
 mands in it. I have it from a good hand, that it is re* 
 folved, that Monfieur Heinfius fhall come, but his jour* 
 ney is retarded at the prefent, till they know his Ala- 
 jefty's refolutions, it being hoped there, that I ihall have 
 his commands to aft in concert with him. It is my 
 duty to reprefent all things as truly as I can ; and I mufl 
 tell you, that I believe no manner of fuccefs is to be 
 hoped from any inftances which may be made in that 
 affair ; for befides what is perfonal betwixt this King 
 and the Prince, they do fay that it is a private bufmefs, 
 and that it doth no way regard the affairs of Europe j 
 though in this cafe it may very juftly be allcdged, that 
 fince there is particular care taken of the Prince of 
 Orange and his interefts, by the treaty of Nimiguen, 
 what hath been done againft him of late, and the pro- 
 9 ceeding
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 Ctreding of the French at Orange, can be no other than 
 a formal controvention of that treaty." 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Secretary Jenkins. To the fame purpofe. 
 
 Paris, March 31, S. N. 1683. 
 
 '""pHE Dutch Ambaffador brought Monfieur Heinfius 
 the day after his arrival, to make me a vifit. He 
 afked me if I had received any orders to ad in concert 
 with him in the affair of Orange. I told him I had 
 received none. He told me that his Majefty had pro- 
 mifed that as foon as he had notice of his (Monfieur 
 Heinfius's) arrival here, that I fhould have inftruclions in 
 this affair, and that the States General had written to his 
 Majefty to fignify his departure. If his Majefty doth 
 think of this, I muft beg to have his punctual orders 
 how far I am to engage with Monfieur Heinfius ; and that 
 if I am to join with him, we may prefent no memorials 
 but fuch as are firft feen and approved of by his Ma- 
 jefty. I fee very well that it will be a bufmefs of vo- 
 lume and of trouble enough. Monfieur Spankheim hath 
 orders alfo from the Elector of Brandenbourg to act with 
 Monfieur Heinfius." 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 77;,? Dutch Am- 
 bajjador has no fuccefs. 
 
 SIR, Paris, October 24, S. N. 168?. 
 
 \/lONSIEUR Heinfius finding that he can obtain 
 nothing in this court, in the affair of Orange, did 
 on Tuefday laft demand his audience of Conge, and is 
 preparing to leave this place in a few days." 
 
 105 
 
 ' France had indeed little reafon to-be afraid of the in- 
 
 terpofition of England upon the continent at this time. 
 
 VOL. I. * O Barillon
 
 ic6 APPENDIX 
 
 Barillon writes, April 2, 1682, that having warned 
 Charles not to be drawn into a war againft France, that 
 Prince anfwered, " Leave me to myfelf. I know the 
 danger from which I have efcapcd ; and it will not be 
 eafy to make me run into it again." 
 
 Soon after the fecret treaty of the year 1681, be- 
 tween Charles and Louis, the Duke of York quitted his 
 exile in Scotland, and came to attend his brother. 
 Louis the XlVth, knowing the Duke's attachment to 
 France, and the weight he might have in keeping his 
 brother fteady to the fecret treaty, ordered Barillon to 
 acl: in concert with him, and writ the following letter to 
 the Duke. 
 
 Tr (inflation. 
 
 Letter from Louis the XlVtb to the Duke of York, March 
 20, 1682, upon his return from Scotland. Trujls to his 
 keeping his brother firm to the late fecret treaty. 
 
 ' TV/fY brother, I have learnt by the lafl letters from 
 Mr. Barillon, my AmbafTador in England, that 
 you was to be in a few days at Newmarket with the 
 King, my brother j this news was the more agreeable to 
 me, as befides the intereft I take in all that concerns 
 you, through the fincere and cordial affection I bear you, 
 I fee alfo, that your councils and firmnefs will henceforth 
 be very neceflary to ftrengthen the King of Great Bri- 
 tain in the refolution to avail himfelf of the means I have 
 offered him to confirm the peace, and render immovable 
 the ties of friendfhip, to which you have fo much con- 
 tributed. Mr. Barillon will more fully inform you of 
 my intentions ; and I aflure myfelf you will the more 
 readily believe what he fhall fay on my part, as he can- 
 9 not 

 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 107 
 
 not exprefs fufficiently to what a degree I wifh to procure 
 your fatisfaction.'* 
 
 In King William's box and in Doctor Morton's 
 hands, there are many letters from the Duke of York to 
 the Prince of Orange, in the period between his return 
 from Scotland, and the death of King Charles, concern- 
 ing the difputes of France with Spain, and with the 
 Prince of Orange. I print them, and in the order of 
 time, becaufe by that means the effects of his connexions 
 with France will beft appear. 
 
 The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. If to in- 
 tereft himfelf about the principality of Orange. Wifixs 
 for peace. 
 
 London, December 26, 1682. 
 
 <c 'TpHIS evening I received yours of the firft of Ja- 
 nuary, by which I am very forry to find the ill 
 ufage you have ftill in the affair of Orange, and (hall be 
 fure this night, fo foon as I can fpeak with his Majefty, 
 to (hew him your letter, and to prefs him to do his part, 
 that thofe extraordinary proceedings may have an end ; 
 and {hould be glad all things in Chriftendom might end 
 in peace and quietnefs." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, January 8, 1683. 
 
 " T HAVE now received yours of the I2th, and did 
 
 put his Majefty in mind again of your affair of 
 
 Orange, who told me he would be fure to move in it 
 
 when it {hould be a proper time. I agree with you, 
 
 * O 2 that
 
 
 
 1 
 
 ,o8 APPENDIX 
 
 that no body has more reafon to defire peace than your- 
 felf, and fince you are or that mind, I hope you will 
 take thofe meafures that are neceflary to obtain it ; and 
 though you need not feparate from your allies, you may 
 give them good advice, which I believe the Spaniards 
 would follow, if you gave it them, they being no way 
 prepared to make war ; and I fear the Emperor will have 
 enough to do to defend himfelf from the Turk." 
 
 The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Differs from 
 the Prince as to foreign politics. 
 
 Windfor, Auguft 14, 1683. 
 
 *~pHOUGH we differ in our opinions as to affairs 
 on your fide of the water (which I am forry for), 
 that fhall not alter my kindnefs to you : For people may 
 be very good friends, I think, thpugh they may differ in 
 point of judgment, as well in matter of flate, as re- 
 ligion." 
 
 The Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Blames the 
 Spaniards fcr not accepting Charles's mediation. Bitter- 
 nefs againjl the late conspirators. 
 
 Winchefter, -Sept. 2, 1683. 
 
 " T HAD, before I received yours, heard of the 
 French troops being to march into Flanders ; and 
 fince the Spaniards will not fave all by demolishing of 
 Luxembourg, I do not fee what is to be done. 'Tis 
 what they might have long expected, and I believe it had 
 happened fooner had not the King interpofed ; and if 
 where you are, people had been of this mind, and the 
 arbitration had been accepted of, this invafion' had not 
 been, and all Cru-iftendom ha^d been in peace, and free 
 to have aflifted the Emperor againft the Turk. We 
 
 have
 
 TO PART I. BOOK' I. 
 
 have as great devils to deal with here, for though fome 
 of the confpirators have been taken and executed, yet 
 that party are as malicious and fiery as ever ; fo that we 
 here mud look to ourfelves, and not engage in any war 
 beyond fea." 
 
 >uke of Tork to the Prince of Orange. To the fame fur- 
 pofe about Spain, 
 
 Winchefter, Sept. 9, 1683. 
 
 *' T SEE by yours of the loth, which I received on 
 Friday after I came from Portfmouth, that you 
 were come back to the Hague, upon the news of the 
 march of the French into Flanders, to confider what 
 was to be done upon it. I could have wifhed the Spa- 
 niards would have taken other meafures to have pre- 
 vented it, which they might have done, and not have 
 put fo hard a tafk on their allies to help them, againft fo 
 powerful a Prince as they have now to deal with, with- 
 out hazarding all as they now do." 
 
 Duke of Tork to the Prince of Orange. Anxious for peace 
 with France. 
 
 London, Nov. 9, 1683. 
 
 " T AST night I received yours by Mr. Borflel of the 
 gth, and had before heard of the good news of 
 the taking of Grave ; and am as forry as any body can 
 be that the war is begun in Flanders, and wifh that 
 while the winter lafts, fome means of accommodation, 
 may be found, that all Chriftendom may be in peace." 
 
 109
 
 no APPENDIX 
 
 The Duke of fork to the Prince of Orange. To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 London, April 7, 1684. 
 
 ** T FIND by yours of the nth that you are troubled 
 at the laft anfwer you had from the King con- 
 cerning the propofals had been made to him by Mr. Cit- 
 ters, and we here are troubled that none of the propofals 
 made by the French have been hearkened unto, nor none 
 made to them, which might probably be accepted by 
 them, there being nothing more clefired here, than that 
 all Chriftendom might be in peace, which I fear will 
 hardly be brought about, now that the King of France 
 fets out fo foon for the army." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Anxious for peace 
 with France. Severity againjl the canfpirators. 
 
 Windfor, April 15, 1684. 
 
 " *"lpO-MORROW I am to go to London for two or 
 three days, where one Halloway, one of the 
 confpirators, is to be tryed, though he might have been 
 hanged without that ceremony, having been taken and 
 already outlawed, but this way is chofen to make more 
 public what he has confefTed of that damnable con- 
 fpiracy. I am glad to find by our Flanders letters that 
 the Spaniards begin to hearken to fuch a truce as was 
 propofed by France. I wifh all their allies may be of 
 the fame mind, and then there may be hopes of having 
 a peace, which is very much wiflied for here, and ought 
 to be in my mind every where elfe."
 
 TO PART I.' BOOK I. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. ~P ret ends to It 
 difpleafed with the taking of Luxembourg. 
 
 London, May 30, 1684. 
 
 " T HAD not yours of the 3Oth, which fhould have 
 come to me the poft before, till Tuefciay laft, and 
 that fo late that I could not then anfwer it. I believe, 
 foon after you had written it you had the news of the 
 taking of Luxembourg : Sure it was a great negleft ia 
 the Spaniards to have fo few men in it, efpecially fince 
 they looked on it as a place of fuch confequence. I 
 hope now they will make peace, and not lofe all the 
 reft of Flanders, as they have done that important 
 town." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Approves of the 
 States advances of peace to France. 
 
 London, June 26, 1684. 
 
 " YESTERDAY before l came from Windf o r > I re- 
 ceived yours of the 3Oth, by which I fee you 
 were a-going back to the Hague, and your troops to 
 their feveral garrifons in Holland. I cannot be of your 
 mind as to what the States have done, for I think they 
 had nothing elfe to do, but to agree to what was pro- 
 pofed to them by France, as the only means to have a 
 peace, which I am fure is the true intereft of Holland 
 as well as England, and therefore am glad at what they 
 have done ; and if the Spaniards be wife they ought to 
 be fo too, fince by it Flanders is faved."
 
 in APPENDIX 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Wtjhes France** 
 offer of a twenty years truce to be accepted. 
 
 London, February 15, 1684. 
 
 "AS for matters here, all things go very well and 
 quietly, and his Majefty's authority encreafes 
 every day. I could wifh with all my heart, that where 
 you are, the French propofals of a truce for twenty 
 years were hearkened to, being perfuaded that would be 
 much better for all Chriftendom than a war." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Partial to French 
 terms of peace. 
 
 Newmarket, March ro, 1684. 
 
 "AS for news, this place affords none; and God be 
 thanked all things are very quiet in our country; 
 I am forry they are not fo on your fide of the water. I 
 fee the King's anfwer to the propofals that were given 
 him by Monfieur Citters from the allies, was not thca 
 come to you, but long before this it is ; I could have 
 wifhed they had been more reasonable, that fome good 
 might have come of them." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Anxious for peace 
 with France. Partial to French terms. 
 
 London, March 25, 1684. 
 
 " T HEAR by your letters, that you were making all 
 the preparations for a war, and that you have fent 
 more troops into Flanders, befides thofe you have al- 
 ready there ; but for all that, if what we hear from 
 France be true, of the Emprefs having fent a courier 
 into Spain to advife the acceptance of the truce, I will 
 hope there may yet be a peace. I fee by what you fay, 
 
 - you
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 1,3 
 
 you are not fatisfied with the anfwer his Majefty made to 
 the propofals made by Mr. Citters in the name of the 
 allies ; I am forry for it, fmce his Majefty can give no 
 other anfwer." 
 
 Partly in King William's box, and partly in Door 
 Morton's hands, are many letters from the Duke of York 
 to the Prince of Orange, concerning the invafion of the 
 liberties of the city, v and the Rye-houfe plot. I print all 
 thefe alfo, and in the order of time. 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. The fuccefs in the 
 city mortifying to the Whigs. 
 
 London, Odober 24, 1682. 
 
 " A S for news, all things go very well here, and 
 "^ Pritchards has carried it againft Gold and Cor- 
 nifh ; to-morrow it is to be declared at the common 
 hall, fo that we lhall have a good and loyal Lord Mayor, 
 as well as two Sheriffs of the fame ftamp, which is a 
 mighty mortification to the whigs." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. VerdlR again/I 
 Lord Gray and Pilkinton mortifying to the feditious. 
 
 London, November 28, 1682. 
 
 " A S for the news of this place, you have already 
 heard what has paft as to Lord Gray and Pilkin- 
 ton laft week, that I need not repeat it again to you ; 
 what was done to the laft has mortified very much that 
 feditious and turbulent party which now lofe ground 
 every day." 
 
 VOL. I. * P
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. His opinion of 
 Shaftejbury and Lord Keeper North. 
 
 Windfor, December 18, 1682. 
 
 " T FIND by yours of the 22d, which I had yefterday 
 at London, that Lord Shaftefbury was at Am- 
 fterdam, and do eafily believe that you will have nothing 
 to do with fuch a kind of a man as he, that is fo very 
 great an enemy to all our family in general, as well as a 
 particular one to me. I am told that many of the fa- 
 natic party flock to him, and no doubt, to his power he 
 will do his part to do what harm he can to us. We 
 came from London this morning, where I do not know 
 whether the Lord Chancellor were alive or dead, he 
 being fpeechlefs lajl night ; 'tis believed that Lord Chief 
 Juftice North will fucceed him, who is both able arid 
 bold, as well as very loyal." 
 
 Duke of York to tht Prince of Orange. Monmouib owns 
 the conspiracy. 
 
 London, November 27, 1683. 
 
 " npHOUGH you will hear the news I am going to 
 tell you from other hands, 'tis too confiderable a 
 one for me not to write it to you j 'tis that the Duke of 
 Monmouth on Saturday laft came and delivered himfelf 
 up to the fecretary, and defired he might fpeak with the 
 King and myfelf alone; fo foon as the fecretary had ad- 
 vertifed his Majefty, he went down to the fecretary, 
 taking me along with him ; where the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, after having afked his Majefty's pardon in the 
 humbleft manner imaginable, and owned his knowledge 
 of the whole confpiracy, except that part of the aflafli- 
 ipation, afked pardon of me alfo, and faid as much to me 
 9 upon
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 115 
 
 upon that fubjed as I could expert of him, with all the 
 promifes of his good behaviour for the future, a man 
 could fay : After his Majefty had heard all he had to fay, 
 he ordered the fecretary to put him into the cuftody of a 
 Serjeant at Arms, till further pleafure; the next day his 
 Majefty ordered his releafe, and has ordered his pardon 
 to be prepared, having pardoned him, and permits him, 
 to be at court again." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Algernon Sidney's 
 death and Monmouth'' s confejjion ^viH give the lie to the 
 Whigs. 
 
 London, December 4, 1683. 
 
 *< A S for news here, Algernon Sidney is to be beheaded 
 on Friday next on the Tower-hill, which befides 
 the doing juftice on fo ill a man, will give the lie to the 
 whigs, who reported he was not to fuffer. The Duke 
 of Monmouth, alfo, I am told, will fome way or other 
 give them the lie, by owning in a more public way, than 
 he has done yet, his knowledge of the confpiracy; which 
 that rebellious party, and fome of his dependers, endea- 
 voured to perfuade the world he knew nothing of." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Duke of Monmouth 
 retrofit. Account of Algernon Sidney's death. 
 
 London, December 7, 1683. 
 
 " T BELIEVE you will be as much furprifed with the 
 news of the Duke of Monmouth's being ordered to 
 go out of Whitehall, and not to appear in his Majefty's 
 prefence, as you were at his coming in, and being per- 
 mitted to ftay at court. His Majefty fent this morning 
 the Vice Chamberlain with that meflage to him, being 
 very much difpleafed with his not owning by a letter or 
 paper under his hand, his knowledge of the confpiracy, 
 * P 2 as
 
 u6 APPENDIX 
 
 as he had done it, by word of mouth, to his Majcfly and 
 myfelf ; befidcs which, fome of his fervants and depen- 
 ders reported every where, that what was in the Gazette 
 concerning him was falfe, for that he had never owned 
 any knowledge of the confpiracy, which difingenuous 
 proceeding of his did fo anger his Majefty, that it obliged 
 him to fhew his difpleafure to him, as he has done ; and 
 now 'tis viiible to all the world, that he only defigned by 
 his coming in, to get his pardon, and to keep his credit 
 with his party ftill, both which he has now done ; and 
 though his coming in and being pardoned as he was, has 
 done fome harm ; I hope this good will come of it, that 
 his Majefty will now never believe^ any thing he fays 
 again, and then he can do but little harm. Algernon 
 Sidney was beheaded this day, died very refolutely, and 
 like a true rebel and republican." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Monmouth in 
 difgrace. The Duke of York vexed at war breaking out 
 againji France again. 
 
 London, December 14, 1683. 
 
 " T Received yefterday yours of the i8th, and by it fee 
 you were furprifed with the news of the Duke of 
 Monmouth's being come to court, and believe you were 
 no lefs furprifed with his behaviour fince, and what hap- 
 pened to him upon it, of all which I have already given 
 you an account. On Wednefday his Majefty told the 
 council all that had part in that affair of the Duke of 
 Monmouth, and fhewed them the letter he would have 
 had that Duke have figned, and ordered the letter, and 
 what he had faid, to be regiftered in the council books, 
 to fatisfy the world of the truth of all that paft, and that 
 the Duke of Monmouth had owned to him the know- 
 ledge of all the confpiracy, except the afiaffinating part, 
 
 of
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 117 
 
 of which he faid he knew nothing ; and after the Duke 
 of Monmouth's behaviour, it was neceflary for his A4a- 
 jefty to fay what he did in council. Before I had had 
 ycur laft letter, I had heard of the Spaniards having de- 
 clared war againft France ; I was forry to hear it, being 
 an enemy to war, and fear moft cf you on your fide of 
 the water will be engaged in it. We here fhall keep out 
 on't, I hope, as well as we can, for we will not be 
 drawn into it, having enough to do at home." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. His opinion of' 
 Algernon Sidney** loft fpeech^ and of the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth. 
 
 London, January 4, 1684. 
 
 " f HAVE received yours of the 4th, and by it fee you 
 had read Algernon Sidney's paper, and though it was 
 a very treafonable and infolent one, yet, 'twas thought 
 fit to have it printed, that the world might fee what his 
 principles were, and what both he and the reft of the 
 confpirators drove at, and its being published has really 
 done good. His trial alfo is come out, and I havefent it 
 to my daughter, by one who goes with the pacquet boat. 
 I do very eanly believe you were furprifed at the extraor- 
 dinary carriage of the Duke of Monmouth, and fmce 
 he was no truer a convert, 'twas very well he fhewed 
 himfelf fo foon, for had he flayed and difTembled, he 
 might have done much mifchief ; but now he can do but 
 little, for all the world is now fatisfied, he is never to be 
 trufted, and then he has all his vain fancies in his head. 
 'Tis net now certain where he is ; his wife and fome 
 others of his friends fay, he is gone beyond fea, and by 
 a letter out of Zealand, they give an account of two 
 Englifh gentlemen which landed there, and went for 
 Antwerp, and by the defcription they make of them, 
 one of them- fhould be he; if he be in Flanders, I fup- 
 
 pofe
 
 ii8 APPENDIX 
 
 pofe by that time you have this you will have heard 
 of it." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Complains of 
 bis feeing the Duke of Monmouth. 
 
 Windfor, May 2O, 1684. 
 
 et T FIND by your letter, that the Duke of Monmouth 
 had been to fee you : I do not at all wonder that he 
 did not fend to advertife you of his coming to you, but 
 do think it odd enough for him to prefent himfelf to you, 
 after his having been engaged in fo horrid a confpiracy, 
 for the alteration of the government, and ruin of tne 
 King and our family; and his refufing fince he had his 
 pardon to own that under his hand, which he confefTcd 
 ' to the King, I being by, is fure in its felf, as offenfive 
 to his Majefty and myfelf, as any tiling can be, and 
 ftews he did it to keep up his credit with his rebellious 
 party, and his vain pretenfions to the crown. For what 
 elfe could have made him refufc to fign, what he had 
 owned himfelf to the King and me, which is the greatefl 
 reflection imaginable upon both of us, as if he had not 
 owned that to us, which his Majefty required him to 
 fign ? When I began my letter, I did not think to have 
 faid fo much to you concerning the Dulce of Mon- 
 mouth ; and let him give what reafons he pleafes for the 
 occafion of his being at Bruxelles, I can never truft to 
 what he fays or believe him, and I think you vviil be to 
 blame if you do." 
 
 Duke of York to the Princefs of Orange.* Complains of her 
 hujband for feeing Lord Brandon, and the Duke of 
 
 Monmouth. 
 
 Windfor, June 6, 1684. 
 
 " I HAD not your's of the Qth till WedncfJay, by which 
 
 I find you have received mine. I wrote to you upon 
 
 the fubjecl of Lord Brandon, and I eafily believe, that 
 
 you
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 you might have forgotten for what he had been in the 
 Tower, yet others could not be ignorant of it, nor have 
 fo ftiort memories j and I muft need tell you, it fcan-da- 
 lifes all loyal and monarchical people here, to know hoxv 
 well the Prince lives with, and how civil he is to the 
 Duke of Monmouth, and Lord Brandon ; and it heartens 
 exceedingly the factious party here, which are a fort of 
 people that one would think the Prince fhould not fhew 
 any countenance to ; and in this affair methinks you 
 might talk with the Prince (though you meddle in no 
 others) ; the Duke of Monmouth, Lord Brandon, and 
 the reft of that party, being declaredly my mortal ene- 
 mies. And let the Prince flatter himfelf as he pleafes, 
 the Duke of Monmouth will do his part, to have a pufti 
 with him for the crown, if he, the Duke of Monmouth, 
 outlive the King and me. Some pofts fmce I wrote 
 pretty freely to the Prince upon this fubjedt in general, 
 to which I have yet had no anfwer : However, it will 
 become you very well to fpeak to him of it." 
 
 Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Believes Monmoutb 
 is in England. 
 
 St. James's, Dec. 2, 1684. 
 
 " A S for news, there is little returning amongft us, all 
 things being very quiet here j what is moft talked 
 on is, about the Duke of Monmouth to know where he 
 is ; 'tis believed he is here for feveral reafons, befides that 
 he was neither in Holland nor Flanders when the laft let- 
 ters came from thence." 
 
 Barillon's letter of 19 July, 1683, gives the account 
 which I have given of Louis the XlVth interpofing to 
 fave the life of Lord Ruflel.
 
 120 APPENDIX 
 
 Men who look into the true, becaufe the fecret fourccs 
 cf hiftory to be found in the writings of the aiSlors of the 
 times, will generally find them filled with the animofities 
 of their anceftors againft each other, and upon that ac- 
 count many of thofe who are called prudent men, and 
 who think themfelves fo, are apt to fay that a veil had 
 better be drawn over them. Yet in inquiries of this kind 
 we fhall always find, even amidft the fierceft contentions 
 of party, a degree of private virtue on which the mind 
 of the inquirer repofes itfelf with joy. The defendants 
 of Lord Ruflel will feel pleafure in hearing that Lord 
 Dartmouth, though of all others the moft perfonally at- 
 tached to Charles and James, and the moft interefted in 
 any misfortune which could befal them, begged the life 
 of Lord Ruflel from that fovereign whom he had offended. 
 Strangers to thefe families will read it with pleafure, 
 becaufe it confirms one of the moft pleafina; of all truths, 
 that tendernefs of mind and courage go continually toge- 
 ther. In the manufcript notes upon Bifhop Burnet's 
 Hiftory by the Earl of Dartmouth, fecretary of ftate to 
 Queen Anne, which the prefent Earl of Dartmouth was 
 fo good as to {how me, there is the following paflage: 
 
 " My father told the King, the pardoning cf Lord 
 Ruflel would lay an eternal obligation upon a very great 
 and numerous family, and the taking his life would never 
 Be forgotten ; and his father being alive it would have 
 little effect upon the reft of the family befidcs refent- 
 ments ; and certainly there was fome regard due to Lord 
 Southampton's daughter, and her children. 'I he King 
 anfwered, All that is true; but it is as true, that if I do 
 not take his life he will foon have mine ; which would 
 admit of no reply,"
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 The petitions of the Earl of Bedford and of Lord RuJJel to 
 King Charles, for Lord Ruffel's life^ mentioned In the 
 Memoirs^ are In thefe words. 
 
 To the King's moft excellent Majefty. 
 The humble petition of William Earl of Bedford^ 
 
 Humbly fheweth j 
 
 > TpHAT could your petitioner have been admitted into 
 your prefence, he would have laid himfelf at your 
 royal feet in behalf of his unfortunate fon, himfelf and 
 his diftrefTed and difconfolate family, to implore your 
 royal mercy ; which he never had the prefumption tq 
 think could be obtained by any indirect means. But 
 fhall think himfelf, wife, and children, much happier to 
 be left but with bread and water, than to lofe his dear 
 fbn for fo foul a crime as treafon againft the beft of 
 Princes, for whofe life he ever did, and ever fnall pray 
 more than for his own. 
 
 May God incline your Majefty's heart to the 
 prayers of an affii&ed old father, and no^ 
 bring gray hairs with forrow to my grave. 
 
 To the King's mojl excellent Majefty. 
 The humble petition of William Rujjel t 
 
 Moft humbly (heweth ; 
 
 ^T^HAT your petitioner does once more caft himfelf a 
 your Majefty's feet, and implores, with all humi- 
 lity, your mercy and pardon, ftill avowing that he never 
 had the leaft thought againft your Majefty's life, nor any 
 defign to change the government; but humbly and for- 
 jrowfully confefTes his having been prefent at thofe meet- 
 VOL, I, * Q. ings,
 
 122, APPENDIX 
 
 ings, which he is convinced were unlawful and juftly 
 provoking to your Majefty; but being betrayed by ig- 
 norance and inadvertence, he did not decline them as he 
 ought to have done, for which he is truely and heartily 
 forry; and therefore humbly offers himfelf to your Ma- 
 jefty to be determined to live in any part of the world 
 which you (hall appoint, and never to meddle any more 
 in the affairs of England, but as your Majefty {ball be 
 pleafed to command him. 
 
 May it therefore pleafe your Majefty 
 To extend your royal favour and mercy to your peti- 
 tioner, by which he will be for ever engaged to 
 pray for your Majefty, and to devote his life to 
 your fervice. 
 
 It is probable that Charles was not ignorant of a faft 
 hinted at by Algernon Sidney at his trial ; to wit, that 
 he had been the caufe of preventing a fcheme to aflafii- 
 nate the King in his youth. From two letters of Col- 
 bert to his own court, dated 4th and 25th Auguft 1670, 
 it appears, that the French court gave information to 
 Charles of Sidney's being then at Paris, and defired to 
 know how they fhould act with regard to him ; that Lord 
 Arlington propofed to Charles, that a penfion fhould be 
 given by France to Mr. Sidney, becaufe he was in ftrait? ; 
 and that Charles confented to it. Charles at firft alfo 
 agreed, that he (hould be at liberty to continue at Pnris, 
 but afterwards changed his mind, and defired he might 
 be removed from it. The prefcience which Charles, 
 even in the plenitude of his power at this period, had of 
 the confequence of this man, then an exile, and in want, 
 is fweetly flattering to thofe who enjoy this our Temple 
 of 'Liberty, becaufe it (hows, that the true greatnefs of 
 
 every
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 every individual depends upon himfelf. Upon this head 
 Colbert, in his letter of 4th Auguft 1670, relates Charles's 
 expreffions with regard to Sidney, thus: " The King 
 (Charles) faid to me again, that he did not care whether 
 the faid Sidney lived in Paris, Languedoc, or any other 
 place he pleafed, provided he did not return to England, 
 where, faid he, his pernicious fentiments, fupported with 
 fo great parts and courage, might do much hurt." And 
 in Colbert's letter of 25th Auguft 1670, he fays, Charles 
 faid to him of Sidney, " That it was proper to let him 
 return to Languedoc, and that he could not be too far 
 from England." And in other letters I obferved, that 
 wherever Charles fpoke of Sidney, he called him " un 
 *' homme de coeur et d'efprit :" which may perhaps be 
 tranHated " a man of heart and head." 
 
 123 
 
 In King William's box, there is, in Lord Portland's 
 hand-writing, the following copy of a letter from the 
 Prince of Orange to him, concerning the Prince's hav- 
 ing feen the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Brandon, 
 after the Rye-houfe plot. 
 
 Tr anjiatien. 
 
 Complains ofCkudleigh's infolence. His reafons for feeing the 
 Duke of Monmouth and Lord Brandon. 
 
 Hague, 7th July, 1684. 
 
 " T T is a long time fince I troubled you with my let- 
 ters, having nothing good to write you about public 
 affairs, which have taken the turn you know of; but 
 I cannot help communicating to you an affair which has 
 happened to me. Two days ago, Mr. Chudleigh came 
 to tell me, that he had an order from the King to inform 
 me, that his Majefty took ill my having feen the Duke 
 
 * C 2 Of
 
 i2 4 APPENDIX 1 
 
 of Monmouth and Lord Brandon; and after having 
 given him my rcafons why I did not think I had been in 
 the fault, he gave me a reprimand for the honours of 
 war which I had caufed to be paid to the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, in a manner fo infolent, and at the fame time 
 owning that he had no order for it, that if I had not had 
 confideration for his character, I would not have fuffered 
 it as I did. He has behaved, on many occafions, very 
 impertinently with regard to me, being a very foolifli 
 and impertinent man. But I have not liked to complain 
 of it, not even upon this occafion, knowing well that 
 in the prefent conjuncture I (hould not have been liftened 
 to. I thought it right to inform only you of it, that if 
 vou think it neceflary, and fee fan occafion, you may let 
 his Majefty know of it, as alfo that I do not think I 
 have given any occafion for his being diflatisfied with me 
 for feeing the Duke of Monmouth and Lord Brandon. 
 The firft is his fon, whom he has pardoned for the faults 
 which he may have committed ; and though he has rer 
 moved him from his prefence, I know that in the bottom 
 cf his heart, he has always fome friendship for him, and 
 that the King cannot be angry with him. With regard 
 to the other, it is true he has been in the Tower, but he 
 was fet at liberty without any thing having been proved 
 aeainft him, at leaft fo far as I know. I aflure you tha$ 
 I would never fee, much lefs give any fort of protection 
 to, people who have committed any crime againft his 
 Miijefty. I am too much attached by duty and inclina* 
 tion to his fervice, to do it, for which fervice I will fpare 
 neither my life r.or my fortune. Of which I intreat you 
 to afiure his Majefty when you think proper, and no{ 
 take amifs the trouble which I now give you." 
 
 From Barillon's difpatches in the Depot at Verfailles, 
 it appears, that after the Rye-houfe plot, King Charles 
 
 and
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 125 
 
 and the Duke of York were on the very worft terms with 
 the Prince of Orange j that they even fufpered him of 
 having encouraged that part of it in which the great men 
 were engaged ; that they refufed a vifit which he offered 
 them; and that, when Van Citters was fentby the Prince 
 of Orange in the end of the year 1684, to vindicate his 
 conduct from the different accufations brought againft it, 
 l;e was received with coldnefs. 
 
 The following letters, in King William's cabinet, 
 from the Duke of York at that time to the Prince, cor- 
 refpcnd with Barillon's relations. 
 
 J)uke of York to the Prince of Orange* Much out of 
 humour with him. 
 
 London, October 3, 1684. 
 
 T HAVE had your's of the 2d, and you may be fur 
 that I (hall do my part in what concerns you, but 
 it is neceflary you do your's to fatisfy the King; and 
 pray confider, whether he has had reafon to be fatisfied 
 with feveral things you have djoiie for fome time part. I 
 could fay more to you upon this fubjecl, but am not 
 encouraged to do it, fince 1 have found that you have 
 had fo little confideration for things I have faid to you 
 which I thought of concern to our family, though you 
 did not." 
 
 'the Duke of York to the Prince of Orange. Out of humour 
 with the Prince. 
 
 Whitehall, Jan. 2, 1684. 
 
 T HAD this night after I came from the play your's 
 of the gth, in which you repeat to me what was in, 
 your's of the ad. To both which, all I can fay is, that 
 it is neceflary you do your part, before you can expec^ 
 the Hang can be fatisfied with you." 
 
 si 
 
 j.
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 All true Englishmen were unhappy at the differences 
 between Charles and the Prince of Orange. Among 
 others who wrote to the Prince of Orange on this fub- 
 jecl, Lord Godolphin took the liberty to do it. 
 
 ord Godolphin to the Prince of Orange. Laments hit 
 differences with King Charles. In the Depot. 
 
 Whitehall, April 18, 1684. 
 
 u T T was with abundance of joy and fatisfaclion that I 
 received the honour of your Highnefs's letter, and 
 the afiurance you are pleafed to give me, that you ftill 
 preferve fome remembrance of me, and fome remainder 
 of that goodnefs which you have exprefled to me on fo 
 many occafions, I will not trouble your Highnefs with 
 any compliments, knowing very well how little you care 
 for them. But I imagine your Highnefs will eafily be- 
 lieve, I am extremely and particularly fenfible of our 
 general unhappinefs from the want of that right under- 
 Handing between the King and your Highnefs, which is 
 fo necefTary for both your interefts, that I (hould hope, 
 and moft humbly befeech your Highnefs, that you would 
 never lofe any occafion of endeavouring to reftore your* 
 felf to that kindnefs and affection which the King is fo 
 naturally inclined to have for you. I dare not prefume to 
 enter into particulars, or to trouble your Highnefs with 
 my reafonings upon this fubject : 1 beg only that you 
 will be pk-afed to preferve me fome fmall place in your 
 favourable thoughts, which I (hall ftudy to deferve on 
 all occafions, ?.s becomes your Highnefs's moft obedient, 
 humble, and mofl faithful fervaiu."
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I, 127 
 
 The apathy of the Duke of York's character is ftrongjy 
 marked in the two following letters to one of his friends, 
 on two very interefting fubjefts, to wit, the Earl of 
 Argyle's condemnation, and the Duke of Monmouth's 
 mercy to the Covenanters. With regard to the firft he 
 writes thus : 
 
 " Edinburgh, Dec. 13, 1681. Lord Argyle's trial 
 began yefterday, and their forms in the jufcice court are 
 fo tedious, that they could not make an end of it then, 
 but will as I believe this evening : And have reafon to 
 believe the jury will find the bill and not ignoramus ; and 
 that little Lord will be once again at his Majefty's 
 mercy." 
 
 And with regard to the Duke of Monmouth's mercy 
 to the Covenanters, the Duke of York writes thus from 
 Edinburgh : " I find the generality of the beft men 
 here, much troubled at the indulgence the Duke of 
 Monmouth got for the fanatics here, after they had 
 been beaten j and fay it will encourage them to another 
 rebellion." 
 
 While we form a judgment of James's character from 
 intrinfic evidence, that of his own letters, let us not 
 condemn him by the lies of party. Bifliop Burnet, in 
 giving an account of the Duke's Ihipwreck, in the year 
 1682, imputes the lofs of above one hundred perfons of 
 the nobleft blood in Britain, to the infenfibility of the 
 Duke of York and Lord Dartmouth ; and would have it 
 believed, that while the Duke negleded his friends, he 
 fayed his dogs and his priefts. 
 
 II 
 
 The
 
 128 APPENDIX 
 
 The following letter difproves the imputation : 
 
 Earl of Dartmouth to Erafmus Leiuis, Efq. Account of 
 the Duke's Jhipwreck*In the pojfejjlon of the Earl of 
 Dartmouth. 
 
 SIR, Sandvvell, Jan. 25, 1682. 
 
 " 'T'HIS is only in anfwer to the laft paragraph in 
 yours of the 21 ft. My father was on board the 
 Gloucefter, but fo little deferved to have the drowning of 
 a 150 men (which the biftiop has fo liberally beftowed 
 upon him) laid chiefly to his charge, that it was in great 
 meafure owing to him, that any efcaped after the fhip 
 had ftruck. He feveral times preiTed the Duke to get 
 into the boat, who refufed to do it, telling him, that if 
 he were gone, no body would take care of the {hip, 
 which he had hopes might be faved, if (he were not 
 abandoned. But my father finding (he was ready to fink, 
 told him if he ftayed any longer they fhould be obliged 
 to force him out : Upon which the Duke ordered a ftrong 
 box to be lifted into the boat, which befides being ex- 
 tremely weighty, took up a good deal of time, as well 
 as room. My father afked him with fome warmth, if 
 there was any thing in it worth a man's life. The Duke 
 anfwered that there were things of fo great confequence 
 both to the King and himfelf, that he would hazard his 
 own rather than it fhould be loft. Before he went off 
 he enquired for Lord Roxborough and Lord Obrian, but 
 the confufion and hurry was fo great that they could not 
 be found : When the Duke and as many as flie would 
 hold with fafety were in the boat, my father ftood with 
 his fword drawn to hinder the crowd from overfetting of 
 her, which I fuppofe was what the bifhop efteemed a 
 fault; but the King thanked him publicly for the care he 
 had taken of the Duke j and the Dutchefs, who \vas not 
 
 apt
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 129 
 
 apt to favour him much upon other occafions, faid upon 
 this, that (he thought herfelf more obliged to him than 
 to any man in the world, and mould do fo, as long as me 
 lived. I cannot guefs what induced the bifhop to charge 
 my father with the long-boat's not being Efficiently 
 manned, for if that were true (which I much doubt) it 
 was not under his direction, he being on board in no 
 other capacity, but as a paflenger and the Duke's fer- 
 vant : And I believe the reflection upon the Duke' for 
 his care of the dogs to be as ill grounded ; for I re- 
 member a flory (that was in every body's mouth at that 
 time) of a ftruggle that happened for a plank between 
 Sir Charles Scarborow, and the Duke's dog Mumper, 
 which convinces mej that the dogs were left to take care 
 of themfelves (as he did) if there were any more on 
 board, which I never heard till the bifhop's {lory-book 
 was published. This is all in relation to that affair, that 
 ever came to the knowledge of, Sir, your moil faithful 
 humble fervant." 
 
 The dependence of the two royal brothers upon France 
 Was at this time fo extreme, that Barillon writes, iStri 
 July 1683, that King Charles had 'thoughts of a mar- 
 riage between the Princefs Anne and Prince George of 
 Denmark j but that he and the Duke of York would 
 take no refolution till they knew how far it would be 
 agreeable to Louis; and that Lord Sunderland had pro- 
 pofed flic mould rather marry the Prince of Rhode fur 
 Yon, in order to tie Charles and Louis fader together. 
 
 France at this time meddled in almoft every the moft 
 domeftic affair of England. Barillon, as appears by his 
 letters of the icth and 28th of February, 1684, was 
 
 VOL. I. * R uneafy
 
 , 30 APPENDIX 
 
 uneafy that Lord Danby, however funk in the capacity 
 of hurting France, fhould be releafed from the Tower. 
 But the Duke of York, who faw better the contempt of 
 parliament which was implied in admitting a perfon to 
 bail who had been committed by parliament, exprefied 
 himfelf thus : " The Duke of York told me, on fpeak- 
 ing on that head, that Lord Danby's releafement could 
 give him no fear, becaufe it would be a ftill greater 
 fecurity that there was to be no parliament for a long 
 time." 
 
 Barillon writes on the i3th November 1684, and 8th 
 January 1685, that the fcheme was communicated to him 
 of reforming the Irifli army, by bringing papifts into it, 
 and making it a fecurity for the King to truft to againft 
 his other fubje&s. And at an after-period, to wit, on 
 the id of April 1685, he writes, that King James had 
 given the Duke of Ormond's regiment of cavalry to 
 Talbot (afterwards Lord Tyrconnel, and a p?pift) be- 
 caufe his brother had intended it. 
 
 Between the diflblution of Charles's Jaft parliament 
 and his death, Barillon's difpatches having no great poli- 
 tical objects, are full of the intrigues of the court. They 
 fhow that the Dutchcfs of Portfmouth, after the diflblu- 
 tion of the parliament, changed her conduct intirely, 
 owned to the King fhc had been mifled by the popular 
 party in the affair of the exclufion, believing that it would 
 procure quiet to the King, whereas fhe was now con- 
 vinced that it was he who was aimed at through .his 
 brother, connected her interefts with thofe of the Duke 
 of York, and brought Lord Sunderland again into ad- 
 miniftration on his promife of doing the fame. 
 9
 
 TO PAR T I. BO OK I, 
 
 I was at much pains to find out, whether there was 
 any evidence among Barillon's difpatches of an intrigue, 
 by the Dutchefs of Portfmouth, at the end of Charles's 
 reign, to bring the Duke of Monmouth tr> court at the 
 expence of the Duke of York, who was to be fent away 
 to Scotland j and another by Lord Halifax to bring about 
 a reconciliation of the King with the Prince of Orange 
 at the expence of France. 
 
 Barillon writes on the yth of December 1684, that 
 the Duke of York had then told him, that it was in- 
 tended he fhould go to Scotland foon, to hold a parlia- 
 ment there, He writes on the 141)1 and iSth December 
 of that year, that the Duke of Monmouth was fecietly 
 in London : And a marginal note in Barillon's account 
 of the death of King Charles (hereafter to be printed) 
 fays, that the King had then feen him. Barillon writes 
 on the 8th January 1684, that Halifax was at that time 
 at great pains to perfuade the King to be reconciled to 
 the Prince of Orange and Duke of Monmouth. It 
 appears from Barillon's difpatch of the 26th of July 
 1685 (to be printed in Appendix to Part I. Book II.), 
 that Louis the XlVth had in the year 1684 difcontinued 
 the fubfidy due to Charles by the fecret treaty of the 
 year 1681; the re'afon of which probably was, either 
 becaufe he thought he flood no longer in need of the 
 friendfhip of Charles, or becaufe he thought a reconci- 
 liation between him and the Prince of Orange impof- 
 fible : And perhaps this might have irritated Charles 
 againft France, towards the end of his life. Thefe 
 things make it not impofiible that fome change was in, 
 agitation. But the evidence rather lies that the Dutchefs 
 of Portfmouth, whom Charles often duped as well as he 
 did his minifters, was ignorant at leaft of that part of 
 the intrigue which regarded the intereft of the Duke of 
 * R 2 York,
 
 132 APPENDIX 
 
 York. For on the 3oth of November 1684 Barillon 
 writes, that the Dutchefs of Portfmouth, thinking her- 
 felf dying, had adjured the King to ftand by his brpther, 
 and had made him (wear to do fo ; and that Charles told 
 this to the Duke of York, who defired Barillon to thanlc 
 her. And Barillon in a letter in the next reign fays, 
 that the firft viftt which King James paid after his 
 brother's death, was to the Dutcheis of Portfmouth. 
 
 King Charles, two years before his death, came to 
 know, that Louis the XlVth, in pretending to be his 
 friend, had been intriguing againft him with that part of 
 his fubjecls which oppofed him : And perhaps the confci- 
 oufnefs that he was unpopular at home, diftrufted by fo- 
 reigners, and betrayed by that very Prince in whofe caufe 
 he had fuftcred, brought on the melancholy which was 
 obferved in him towards the end of his reign. 
 
 The following three letters from Lord Prefton, con- 
 cerning the King's indignation at Falifleau, the perfon 
 who had fome years before been fent by the whig party 
 to form meafures with the French court, are in Lord 
 Prefton's copy book of letters. 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. King Charles re- 
 fufes to receive FaliJJeau as envoy, -who bad formerly been 
 fent by the inh'ig party to the French court. In Mr, 
 Gt aham's 
 
 S I R, Paris, December 16, S. N. 1682. 
 
 " Vf () NS. Spanheim, the envoy of Brandenbourg, 
 drawing me afide yefteiday, told me that he had 
 of late been very uneafy, with the apprehenfion that his 
 Maiefty may have an ill opinion of him for the part 
 which he hath feemed to have borne in the buflnefs of 
 Monf. Falifleau, and that the great honour he hath al- 
 
 ways
 
 T O P A R T I. B O O K I. 
 
 ways teftified for him, and the great obligations which 
 he hath to him, do oblige him to endeavour to juftify and 
 clear himfelf from having any defign contrary to his 
 fervice in whatever he hath done in that affair. He faid, 
 that when he was in England, the Elector, his prefent 
 mafter, writ to him to find out a man, who would 
 weekly give him a good account of what pafled there, 
 and that he would allow him a good penfion for it. That 
 accordingly he recommended one Mr. Eglionby, who 
 for fome time continued to write j but his news being 
 generally not very authentic, and often very ftale, he was 
 ordered to difcharge him, and to find out another who 
 might correfpond more exaclly and more faithfully with 
 him. He then caft his eyes upon Monf. Falifleau, as 
 one qualified to give the Elector fatisfa&ion on this mat- 
 ter, he having alfo a year before recommended him to 
 him as one capable of ferving him at home. It is true, 
 he faid, that when he named him, he aflured him he had 
 known him in that employment, but that he had no de- 
 pendance on any one ; and that for himfelf, he had had 
 no manner of habitudes or familiarity ever with any 
 perfon in whofe fervice he had been. Monf. Falifleau; 
 embracing the propofal, continued to write to Berlin for 
 eight months entire, in which time the elector was fo 
 well fatisfied with his advices, that he wrote him word, 
 he was refolved to make him his refident in England, fo 
 far was he from being the firft mover of this thing. It 
 could not then be imagined, he faid, that he fhould be 
 feut thither as an incendiary under the protection of a 
 character, the Elector, his mafter, never having concerned 
 himfelf in the intrigues of any court, it being alfo an 
 inftrution to all his miniilers which he fent abroad, not 
 to be of any cabals, or to countenance any factions in 
 the court where they refide. He faid more, that he 
 found by his letters, that his Majefty would be moved 
 
 again
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 again in this affair, and defined to receive the credentials 
 of Monf. Falifieau. That the Elector was concerned at 
 what had pafled, and thought, that he not being born a 
 fuHje& of England, could not well be refufed as a mi- 
 nifter there, without fome good caufe afiigntd. How- 
 ever, he was very fure, that he being owi.ed once one, if 
 hi? iVhjcfty had the leaft occafion to be diflatisfied with 
 his conduct, upon intimation of it, he would forthwith 
 be recalled. I anfvvered, that I had heard wh.it had 
 pafled concerning that perfon in England, but that I had 
 not much enquired why he was not owned as the Elec- 
 tor's refident; but perhaps the fame reafon that had ob- 
 liged his Majefty to refufe him at firft, might frill be 
 ftrong againit his receiving of him now. He fmd, he 
 hoped not} and that though he had no order to fpeak 
 this to me, yet he was very glad of the opportunity of 
 juftifying himfdf in fome ir.eafure in this matter to me." 
 
 Lord Prcjlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. Charles orders 
 Falijfcau to have the kingdom. 
 
 S I R, Paris, Dec. 23, S. N. 1682. 
 
 ** \'l O^S- Spanheim took an occafion again yefterday 
 to fpeak to me on the affair of Monf. Falifleau, 
 he having received an account from England of his Ma- 
 jefty's laft orders to him to depart the kingdom, as alfo 
 the copies of the letters which pafled betwixt the King 
 and the Elector, which, I fuppofe, were tranfmitted to 
 him from Berlin : Ey the favour of Mr. Blathwayte I 
 was alfo advifed of what had patted, and had alfo the 
 copies of thofe letters which enabled me the better to 
 juftify the reafons which his Majefty had to do what was 
 innocent ; however, he could have wifhed that his Ma- 
 jefty would not have exprefled his refentment fo fuddenly 
 againft Falifleau, upon the receipt of the Elector's 
 
 letter. 
 
 I an-
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 135 
 
 I anfwered, that he had more reafon to be fatisfied with 
 the civility and refpeft which his Majefty had exprefTed 
 to the Elector on the proceeding, becaufe that whilft he 
 bore the character of his refident, he was fuffered to con- 
 tinue in England purely out of that confederation, though 
 the reafons were, at that time, as ftrong for fending him 
 away as now, and was never ordered to depart the king- 
 dom, till the Elector had, by his letter to his Majefty, 
 declared that he had ordered him to defift from prefling 
 to be 'acknowledged as his minifter. He could not fay- 
 much to this, but feemed to lay great blame upon the 
 Imperial and Spanifh minifters, as being the occafion of 
 what had happened." 
 
 Lord Prefton to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. On the fame 
 fubjeft. 
 
 SIR, Paris, February 10, S. N. 1683. 
 
 < TV/TONS. Spanheim yefterday, at Verfailles, told me, 
 that he was commanded by the Elector, his 
 matter, to acquaint me, that he was troubled that he had 
 given a character to Monf. FaluTeau, fince he was a 
 perfon fo unacceptable to his Majefty ; if he had known 
 that he would not have been agreeable to hirr^ he would 
 by no means have fent him ; and he defired me to afl'ure 
 his Maiefty of this. He faid furthe^ that his Electoral 
 Highnefs was troubled and furprifed at one expreflion in 
 his Majefty's laft letter to him, which feemed to intimate 
 that he had held correfpondence with his difaffecled fub- 
 jedte, and given them encouragement to continue in. 
 their difobedience ; and did allure me in his name, and 
 did defire me to do the fame to his Majefty, that he never 
 had had any commerce with them, and that he had 
 given no commiffion to his miniiler to entertain it, nor 
 that ever he would: But that he did not think fit to 
 
 anfwer
 
 136 APPENDIX 
 
 anfwer the letter, becaufe it might occafion new dif- 
 putes, and rather hinder than promote that good intelli- 
 gence which he would endeavour to have with his Ma- 
 jefty. Monf. Spanheim alfo, upon his own account, 
 made profeflions of fervice to his Majefty, having re- 
 ceived great obligations and favours from him. I told 
 him, I fliould not fail to reprefent what he had told me 
 to the King, my matter, who, I doubted not, had the 
 fame defire of living well with his Electoral Highnefs, 
 and that he would be ready, upon any occafion, to make 
 it appear. You will be pleafed to let me know in your 
 next, if his Majefty will have any thing faid in return to 
 Monf. Spanheim." 
 
 Charles was alfo informed by Lord Prefton of the in- 
 trigues of Mr. Hampden, Mr. Montagu, and Dr. Bur- 
 ner,, in France at this time. 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. Mr. Hampden 
 recommended by Barillon tj the Arcbbljhop of Paris. 
 
 SIR, Paris, January 20, S. N. i68r. 
 
 " T HAVE received the honour of two of yours, of 
 January ift, S. V. in anfwer to my letter con- 
 cerning Mr. Hampden, and I moft heartily thank you 
 for it j you may be aflured that I fhall always acquaint 
 you with any thing of confequence which comes within 
 my knowledge, when I can ground my belief well. I 
 own that at firft fight, the circumfrance of Mr. Hamp- 
 den being recommended to the archbifhop of Paris is a 
 little unaccountable ; but if you will confider that there 
 is not a more intriguing man in the world than the arch- 
 bifhop, and alfo that he and father Le Chaife are em- 
 ployed under-hand to carry on all forts of defigns, as 
 
 well
 
 TO PART I. B OOK I. 137 
 
 well temporal as other, by this King's minifters and 
 alfo that there can be nothing of more advantage to their 
 religion, than to keep on foot the difpules amongft the 
 Englifh proteftants, and the divifions in our church, for 
 which no perfons are fitter than thofe of Mr. Hampden's 
 principles ; you will not find it ftrange that he fhould 
 have been addrefled to him : Befides you will imagine that 
 things of this kind being not fo much avowed, yet it 
 would be a little too plain to have given him recommend- 
 ations to Monf. de Louvois or to Monf. de Colbert. 
 Upon the whole matter, I have much reafon to believe 
 that the thing is true." 
 
 Lord Prefton to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. To the fatnt 
 purpofe. 
 
 SIR, Paris, January 2, S. N. 1683. 
 
 " T HAVE been endeavouring for fome time to trace 
 Mr. Hampden the younger in his travels through 
 France, Swiflerland and Germany, in all which places 
 he hath been extremely induftrious to vilify and mifre- 
 prefent our governors and government, both in church 
 and ftate, and here in particular he hath blown up the 
 proteftants, and given them ftrange impreflkms of the 
 King and his minifters. At this, however, I fhould 
 not have wondered much, becaufe I know it is the prin* 
 ciple of his family to hate their Prince, and to endeavour 
 to ruin our monarchy. But I muft confefs I am fur- 
 prifed at this, with which I fhall acquaint you, and 
 which I certainly know to be true, and can prove it by 
 one of undoubted worth, who had it from his own 
 mouth, which is, that he had a letter of recommenda- 
 tion from Monf. de Barillon to the Archbifliop of Paris, 
 and that he was at leaft four or five times with him 
 during his ftay here. This matter got wind amongft 
 VOL. I. * S the
 
 138 APPENDIX 
 
 the proteftants, which made them entertain fome fufpi- 
 cion of him, though before he was looked upon as one 
 fent from heaven to fave them. He hearing of this, 
 was forced to own that he had fuch a letter, but that he 
 did not vifit the archbifhop, but fent it by another hand. 
 I mufl, Sir, fpeak the truth to you, and tell you that it 
 is evident to him, who obferveth the Icaft, that the pha- 
 natic party is highly countenanced from hence, whatever 
 may be pretended to the contrary ; and that though the 
 hand is at prefent invifible that keeps the breach open, 
 yet in time theeffed will fhewitscaufe. I hint this, Sir, 
 only to yourfelf : I confefs I do not know what ufe you 
 can make of it, more than that perhaps you will think 
 fit to have an eye upon that gentleman, and that it may 
 enable you to judge better of the proceedings of fuch 
 men, who pretend to reform fo very throughly as he and 
 his party do, and alfo of their ends." 
 
 Lord Preflon to the Lord M. of Halifax. Former in- 
 trigues of Montagu^ and prefent of Burtiet uiith 
 France. 
 
 My Lord, Paris, Nov. 5, S. N. 1683. 
 
 " oINCE my laft to your Lordfliip, I had fome more 
 lights concerning Mr. Montague, and I have them 
 from an original hand, and I dare allure your Lordfhip 
 of the truth of them. He did twice, during his ftay 
 here, defire to fee this King in private, and twice it was 
 refufed to him, he being told the laft time, that his mofl 
 Chriftian Majefty did not think fit to fee him at this 
 time, when he had fo good a correfpondence with the 
 King, our matter, and when he, Mr. Montague, was fo 
 ill with him. When he could not obtain an audience, 
 he then, by the fame hand, defired to know, if he 
 might not expe& fome money as a gratification, he 
 
 having
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 having at this time occafion for it. He was denied that 
 alfo, which made him make more hafte away than he 
 defigned to do at his arrival here. I am told he intends 
 to leave my Lady Northumberland at Montpellier, and 
 to pafs the winter himfelf in Italy j at leaft he pretends 
 this. I remember I took particular notice of the word 
 gratification, when this thing was told me, and I defired 
 to know if that was his term which he ufed, and the 
 perfon who told me, afTured me a fecond time that it 
 Was. It need not be obferved to your Lordfhip, that 
 gratification pre-fuppofetb fervice. I have, fince I had 
 this account, confidered why Mr. Montague fhould have 
 been treated worfe than Dr. Burnet, and I can only 
 think of thefe reafons for it. Firft, he cannot be fo 
 ufeful at this time as the doctor, who, if he be gone 
 into England, may continue his former practices with 
 the difcontented party. In the next place, if Mr. Mon- 
 tague had had a reception, it could not have been ex- 
 cufed fo to the King, our matter, as that of Dr. Burnet 
 was by his moft Chriftian Majefty, pretending not to 
 know his character and circumftances. Or, perhaps, 
 another reafon might be, the prefent fcarcity of money 
 here, where they are begun to retrench in all forts of ex- 
 pences. It is a queftion now often afked at this court in 
 confidence, whether there has been really any fuch thing 
 as a late confpiracy in England ? Which I take to be 
 one effect: of the dodlor's late converfation here." 
 
 Two years after this, Lord Prefton, in a letter to 
 King James, dated April 28, 1685, to be printed in tho 
 Appendix to the next book, treats it as a thing known, 
 that France had had penfioners in the Houfe of Com- 
 mons, in the reign of Charles the lid, againft the in- 
 tereft of that Prince. 
 
 *S 
 
 *39
 
 14.0 APPENDIX 
 
 Charles received yet a more mortifying ftrokc, for 
 Lord Prefton gave him intelligence that there had been a 
 defign in France, though afterwards (topped, to make 
 his fecret negotiations with the Dutchefs of Orleans 
 public. The circumftances of it are as follow : 
 
 It is known from Englifh hiftory, that Charles had 
 been much preficd by Lord Halifax and Lord Keeper 
 North, to call a parliament after the diflblution of his 
 laft one. In the Depot there is a letter from the Duke 
 of York in Scotland, dated 27 17 November, 1681, 
 to BariMon, lamenting and complaining, that the King, 
 in anfwer to a memorial from Van Beuningen, the 
 Putch Ambafiador, had promifed to call a parliament ; 
 And it appears from Bariljon's difpatchcs, that France, 
 as well as the Duke of York, was alarmed with the fear 
 of Charles's calling a parliament. The power of dif- 
 covering the original fecret treaty, made at Dover in the 
 year 1669! had given Louis a great fuperiority over 
 Charles, becaufe it laid that Prince at his mercy. One 
 of Barillon's letters, dated ^d July 1680, to his own 
 court, mentions tfyat he had got a difcretionary power to 
 threaten Charles with that difcovery, and " to regard 
 this expedient as a ftroke of thunder, which it is proper 
 to make ufe of in extreme neceflity." I did not find in 
 any of the papers at Verfa : lles that the French court 
 gave orders to mafce a difcovery of Charles's fecret ne- 
 gotiations with his fitter. But the three following let- 
 ters from Lord Prefton, in Mr. Graham of Netherby's 
 poflelfion, make it not improbable that they did intend 
 it, at the time when they were afraid of Charles's being 
 pafuaded to call a new parliament,
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 141 
 
 Lord Prejlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. Abbot Primi's 
 book about Charles's fecret negotiations with the Dutchefs 
 of Orleans^ intended to have been publijhed by the French 
 miniflry. 
 
 S I R, Paris, July 22, S. N. 1682. 
 
 *' T 'Abbe Primi, an Italian, having lately written, in 
 his own language, an hiftory of the late wars of 
 this King, did the laft week, at court, begin to prefent 
 fome copies of it, and arr.ongft other perfons did give 
 one to Monf. de CroifTy ; who the fame day taking oc- 
 qafion to look upon the book, fell by chance upon that 
 part of it, in which he fpeaks of the negotiations with 
 England. He carried the book to the council, and 
 having made a report to the King, in what manner Primi 
 had fpoken of thofe negotiations, he feemed to be ex- 
 tremely furprifed, and his Majefty then gave order, that 
 he fhould be immediately arrefted and fent to the Baftile, 
 as he then was, where he now remains, and that his 
 papers fhould be feized, and all the copies of his book 
 fupprefled, which was done accordingly ; but, how- 
 ever, fome of them are difperfed abroad, though I can- 
 not yet, by any means, get one of them to fend to you, 
 but 1 have obtained liberty to tranfcribe a paflage out of 
 it which concerns England moft, which I fend inclofed 
 to you to Ihew his Majefty. The hiftory of this Abb<? 
 Primi (as near as I can inform myfelf), is this : He 
 came to the court fome years fince, upon no other ac- 
 count than to tell fortunes ; he pretending great fkill in 
 phyfiognomy and palmiftry, and under that pretext, he 
 infmuated himfelf much into the company of the ladies, 
 and amongft the reft, he became very particularly ac- 
 quainted with Madame la Comptefie de SouTons. After 
 fome time, he thought that writing the hiftory of this 
 9 King
 
 I 4 2 APPENDIX 
 
 King and his actions would be a very good way of mak- 
 ing his court ; having alfo that profpecl which others of 
 his countrymen have, of fucceeding Monf. 1'Abbe byri 
 in his employ of hiftoriographer in the Italian tongue, 
 for which he hath a penfion of lOOO crowns. But he 
 having no great ftock of learning, nor being well ac- 
 quainted with the elegancies of his own language, be- 
 came acquainted with Monf. de Rofe, fecretary of the 
 cabinet, with Monf. d' Angeau, and with 1'Abbe de 
 Choify, which laft was to tranflate his hiftory into 
 French. Thefe his friends have obtained for him fe- 
 veral gratifications from the King, which have alfo been 
 given him upon account of his work. With thefe fup- 
 plies he was enabled to make an impreffion of this book 
 more than a year fince, and hath fhcwed fome parts of 
 it to his friends, though he hath kept the firft part of the 
 hiftory very clofe till he publifhed it within thefe three 
 days. Upon the firft notice that I had of this book, I 
 was refolved to have fpoken to Monf. de CroifTy about 
 it, but hearing at the fame time that the author was in 
 the Baftile, and that the copies were fupprefTed, I re- 
 folved to fay nothing till I (hould have the commands of 
 the King, my mafter, in it. It is, I am told, reported 
 about this town, that the King, my mafter, having no- 
 tice of this book, fent to the King here an account of 
 ir, and alfo defired that the writer of it might be fe- 
 cured. All that I fay to it is, that I do not believe the 
 King, my mafter, hath yet feen or heard of the book, 
 but that I do not doubt, but when he doth, he will de- 
 mand fatisfaclion againft the writer, finding himfelf fo 
 injurioufly and bafely treated, and fo impudently abufed 
 by a falfe and mercenary fcribbler. If the King will 
 have any thing done in this matter, I ftiall be ready to 
 obey his commands. However, I think it my duty to 
 give you as early notice as I can of any thing which may 
 
 refleft
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. ., 43 
 
 reflect upon my matter or the government, as this doth. 
 (Here follows in cypher) I am afraid this book is written 
 with a defign to difturb us, and if any thing can make fame 
 people madder than they are, this will. 'Tis faid fame copies 
 are gone into England, doubtlefs to be reprinted there ; there* 
 fore it would do well to have an eye upon the prefs. 
 
 Three things are very olfervable in this matter. 
 
 I. He hath had a pen/ion upon the account of writing of 
 hiftory. 
 
 II. He fays he had memoirs from the minifters by order. 
 
 III. The liberty of printing the book was obtained by an 
 extraordinary way ; for the Chancellor ordered the privilege 
 to be expedited at the requejl of the friends of the author , 
 pretending never to have read it.'* 
 
 Lord Preflon to the Earl of Clarendon. To the fame 
 purpofe. 
 
 My Lord, Paris, July 20, 1682. 
 
 " T HAVE fent to your Lordfhip by my brother that 
 infolent book of Abbe Primi's, which though dif- 
 avowed now, was certainly printed with the good leave 
 of this court, but the man had the misfortune to publifh 
 it unfeafonably. For it was calculated for a parliament, 
 and fo came out too foon, which obliged the miniftrv' 
 here to fhew fome fefentment. And I will only defire 
 your Lordmip to perufe the licence at the end of the 
 hiftory, and then I will afk you, if you ever law one 
 more full and ample in your life. I could not get you 
 the Italian one, but have fent you the tranflation, which 
 is not near fo full as the original. I could not get ano- 
 ther in Paris; and when you have done with it, be 
 pleafcd to fhew it to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 
 
 I believe
 
 144 APPENDIX 
 
 1 believe it will be foon printed in Holland ; it was re- 
 printing at Geneva, and 1 got notice of it, and ao 
 quainted Monfieur de CroifTy with it, and defined that 
 orders might be taken to fupprefs it, which 1 hope is 
 done." 
 
 Extraft letter Lord Prejlon to Mr. Secretary Jenkins. 
 
 Paris, December 16, 1682. 
 
 " T 'Abbe Primi is lately fet at liberty, and as I am 
 very fure, hath a penficn fettled upon him* and a 
 fum of ready money given him now." 
 
 The fituation of Kiflg Charles was the more uneafy at 
 the end of his reign, 'on account of the miferable dif- 
 order in which his dqmeftic finances were involved. A 
 pamphlet written by the late Mr. Carte, called An 
 Anfwer to the By/lander^ proves to a demonftration that 
 Charles's revenue, even though it had been managed 
 with ceconomy, was inadequate to the expences of go- 
 vernment ; and it is a very mean as well as falfe policy 
 in an Englifh parliament to ftarve an Englifh King. 
 But befides this, the carelefs character of King Charles, 
 and that of many of thofe around him, who formed 
 their characters on his, prevented this revenue, inadequate 
 as it was, from going fo far as it ought to have done. A 
 Prince who depends upon his people, to be happy muft be 
 frugal. 
 
 
 e 
 
 Among Lord Keeper North's paper?, in the pofTeflion 
 of Doctor North, there is the following account, written 
 by his Lordfhip, of the diforders in the management of 
 King Charles's revenue.
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 An account of divers fignal frauds in the conduft and difpofi~ 
 tion of the public revenues in the time of Charles the Hd y 
 ly reafon of his remijjncfs^ which turned vajlly to the lofs 
 of himfelf and the nation. Written by Lord Keeper 
 North. 
 
 I. In the Treafury. 
 
 It is a true faying, an empty treafury and a rich trea- 
 furer. For when there is a full exchequer, there can bfi 
 no pretences to delay payment, and there will be no ex- 
 traordinary applications ; all things go on even and juft ; 
 and the King buys cheaper than other men, becaufe he 
 buys more ; and if he doth not, officers may be juftly 
 named that buy for him, and are without excufe. 
 
 But when there wants money, and men crowd to be 
 payed firft, give great gratuitys for preference, cannot 
 tell when they are abufed, and fo cannot complain, con- 
 fequently they muft fell dearer, and they who are en- 
 trufted to buy, having a pretence to make a bigger price 
 than the market, do allow greater than needs and take 
 gratuitys, and prefume they fhall excufe themfelves by 
 want of credit. 
 
 The guards folicite for want of pay. The gentleman Sir Ste- 
 who is paymafter offers, if they will allow \id. per P lien * ox 
 pound, he will fave them the trouble of foliciting, and 
 pay them punctually. 
 
 The King wants money to do it. The fame perfon 
 offers, if he may have good fecurity and 8 per cent, he- 
 will fupply the occafion. He borrows money at 6 and 
 5, nay by credit of the cafh is trufted with other men's 
 running cafh without intereft, and fo makes greater ad- 
 vantage than any officer in England. 
 
 Vol. I. * T Another
 
 1*6 APPENDIX 
 
 Richard Another offers to lend a great fum of money to pay off 
 ealhier. clamorous debts that lye upon the cuftoms, fo that they 
 are anticipated for a great time, and no ready money to 
 beexpe&ed. He finds_out the creditors, and gives them 
 his own fecurity at time, or buys their debts beforehand. 
 To fecure him, he is made cafhier of the cuftoms, and 
 only advanceth with one hand to receive with the other. 
 
 Charles The fame device ferves for other branches of the re- 
 
 Duncomb. 
 
 Guy, The clerks and officers know what is likely to be or- 
 
 Lonndes, dered for payment of any great debt, and give out things to 
 
 make it defperate, get the order revoked for that purpofe, 
 
 Earl Dan- or any other way mortify the creditors, then buy the bills 
 
 by, Lonn- at one half per cent. Many times this advantage is got 
 
 Bmyes. * ty intelligence only. Making of debts very bad is very 
 
 profitable, for they may be bought in very cheap, and 
 
 the King may be perfuaded to pay them. The treafurer 
 
 who knows this may find his account in it ; for the 
 
 leeches will pay for favour. 
 
 Earl of - Earl of Southampton's profit lay in difpofing of offices 
 
 South- w hen he was treafurer. The King gives 8000 /. per an- 
 
 num in lieu of it. And afterwards the Lord treafurers 
 
 have the 8000 /. per annum and recommend alfo, and 
 
 it is neceflary they fliould recommend. 
 
 Tin was at il. los. per cent, an endeavour was for a 
 pre-emption by the ad ; 8o,OCO weight of tin was 
 bought. But the acfc did not pafs, then this tin was the 
 King's, and he was fain to fell it for lofs. And before 
 it was the King's, the coinage was flopped to make tin 
 dear; but that not doing it was the King's lofs. 
 
 IL In the Wardrobe. 
 
 It is a way in the wardrobe to get debts allowed as 
 payed without vouchers by extraordinary warrant, and 
 
 before
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 14; 
 
 before the perfons concerned know of it, to buy them at 
 half price, by perfuading them they are defperate. When- 
 ever debts are vendible, the buyers procure or (hew hard 
 ufage to make them cheap. 
 
 The Earl of Southampton, Matter of the Wardrobe, 
 died 30,000 /. in debt to feveral people who gave credit 
 to the office ; for he had received money to pay them. 
 By his great merit his fon gets to be pardoned all accounts, 
 and fo the heir and the lands became free. The creditors 
 petitioned the King to be paid, but could not obtain it, 
 becaufe they had been already provided for by fending 
 money to the office. 
 
 III. In Farms. 
 
 Men will be commiffioners of the revenue, and ma- 
 nage all, that they may farm to advantage. They will take 
 their farms in the name of beggars that the covenants to 
 the King may be invalid, 
 
 IV. By Officers. 
 
 Old officers couzen, and then it is faid to be worth 
 while to check them by having a new officer for the pur- 
 pofe. And in a fhort time he comes into the confederacy. 
 And then it is a new charge without benefit. Or they 
 will fay that if their falary be mended there will 
 be no need. But when that is done, .they cheat 
 again afrefh. 
 
 A man in office fit for employment begs leave to fell 
 his office, and then js difcontent for a new one, being 
 deftitute of employment. 
 
 Men will have employments who will fpend more than 
 their profit, and then make account the King owes them 
 what they fpend as for fervice, and therefore they muft 
 have other employments, fo fea captains, ambafladors, 
 c. and to oblige noblemen, governments muft be made 
 * T 2 very
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 very chargeable, Jamaica, Virginia, &c. ; whereas thy 
 would be better governed when cheaper. 
 
 The great offices of the butlerage and import were paid 
 out of the rent of the prifage duty, and perhaps 500 /. 
 per annum only referved out of which they were paid. 
 But this 500 /. per annum was begged away, and they 
 left in the lurch defervedly. 
 
 Old officers of the houfhold are obfolete ; fo new offi- 
 cers are entrufted for perfonal diligence, and afterwards 
 the place continues. Thus is the treafurer of the houfe- 
 hold and the mafter of the jewel houfe fupplanted by the 
 cofferer and by the treafurer of the chamber, &c. And 
 diverfe others by the bed-chamber men. Thefe changes 
 at court and the reafon of them were worth a hiftory. 
 
 When the King is bent to put in a man for merit againft 
 the liking of his favourites, they will perfuade the Prince 
 it is better to keep the place void j there are enough be- 
 fides ; there needs no filling it j and fo on ; till they can 
 incline the Prince to beftow it as they pleafe. 
 
 When men cannot prevail on good natured Princes to 
 remove commiflioners, their way is to make fupernumera- 
 rys fo many, that of neceflity they muft be reduced, and 
 upon the reducing them they in whofe province it is may 
 put out whom they pleafe. 
 
 If a man be an enemy to the thing for the perfon's 
 fake, and the Prince be for the perfon but will be advifed 
 of the thing ; find a perfon grateful to the oppofer, and 
 that will allay him, and it may be make him promote it, 
 and when he is engaged it may be turned to the old perfon. 
 Never let the merit of the perfon prevail to have a thing 
 done, that ought not to be, for whofet upon fuch proje&s, 
 will never want perfons of intcreft to prefs upon that fcore j 
 and no ftop can ever be put to fuch grants. 
 
 Princes fhould make eftablifhments according to their 
 own occafions, and not keep up ufelefs charges. King 
 
 James
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 James affected hunting and hawking, and had more offi- 
 cers relating to that than needed in another King's reign 5 
 and yet they were kept up. 
 
 If there be an invention of fheathin;r with lead, or neal- I>. Hales, 
 
 C* T K 
 
 ing guns j take in partners, thole who are to contract chiefly 11 
 
 and to pay ; fo you may not only have fourteen years mo- Earl of 
 
 nopoly, but which is much better, the King will ufe It fl^p^ 
 
 for his fleet; and although it be the worfe way, or not Rupert. 60 
 
 worth the cofr, the arts of court and intereft will prevail. P ercei " lt ' 
 
 i 6 rcduc- 
 Pretences to avails and fees grow infenfibly to great e d 
 
 abfurdity, even againfl common fenfe, as that Woodwards 
 fhall have all windfall and dotard trees, and Farrier all 
 incurable horfes, and the like ; and that whatever is pre- 
 fented belongs to them that wait. This difcourages the 
 giver j and the other encourageth knavery, 
 
 V. In Penfions. 
 
 All men are againfl keeping up ufelefs penfions. But 
 when they fall, one or other that hath the power to get 
 his friend into a place, for his fake keeps up the penfion. 
 
 The Lord Chief Juftice of Wales hath a penfion, be- Sir Job 
 
 caufe he doth not pra6tife: After him a man that hath Chadton. 
 
 air Cjcorge 
 interefr, who doth pra&ife, gets the place, and hath the Jeffereys, 
 
 penfion continued, his companion being a favourite. 
 
 George Johnfon gets a penfion likewife, and fells 
 the place with the penfion ; fo the King gives a penfion 
 to be fold, and it mud be continued becaufe it is bought. 
 
 The matters of chancery muft have penfions, that they 
 may be men of worth ; and they buy and fell their places ; 
 fo that the penfion comes but to augment the price, and 
 mends not the quality of the office at all, 
 
 6. By Boons and Grants. 
 
 The King allowed ioo/. per annum out of the cuftoms Mr. Ellef- 
 at Lime in Dorfetfhirej for maintenance of the cobb ell< 
 II (that
 
 156 APPENDIX 
 
 (that is, mole) there. This was begged by Mr. Ellefden 
 a neighbour to the town. 
 
 Sir Robert It was faid that the fee farm rents of the Ifle of Wight, 
 Holmes. an j nece fl* ar y to the. government there, for the fupport of 
 it, muft not be fold. And the governor, Sir Robert 
 Holmes, oppofed the felling them for the fake of the 
 government; and afterwards he begged them himfelf. 
 Sir Robert Sir Robert Carr, the chancellor of the Duchy, begs 
 Sir Tho- 8 or goo /. per annum of the Duchy rents. Then Sir 
 mas Chief- Thomas Chiefly begs all the arrears of the revenue in the 
 name of Mr. Windham, amounting to 3000 /. ; fo the 
 r evenue was to be let run into arrear on purpofe to be 
 begged. He would have been farmer of the whole reve- 
 nue to make it maintain the officers, and thereby have 
 had all the cafualties himfelf, as if the Duchy were only 
 to maintain the officers. Sure it were better to have the 
 revenue annexed to the crown. 
 
 How is it portable for a Prince to be out of debt, when 
 it is the intereft of all about him to have him in debt j 
 and when it is fo natural and eafy to run in debt ; and 
 when it is a crime to perfuade him to be out of debt ? For 
 the parliament builds upon the needs of the crown. 
 
 Sometimes a knave gets to be a receiver, or by fome 
 other means in the King's debt, and gets what he can 
 pd hides ; then, if he be in favour, pleads inability to 
 ?ay. This muft prefently be begged as a defperate debt j 
 and he underhand procures it for an eafy compofition. 
 
 The fure way for debts to be paid, is to have fuch a 
 
 contract, that what he (the receiver) binds himfelf fhall 
 
 be paid before tallies, and then when a debt comes to be 
 
 paid, he can fet it further off at pleafure. This is faiti 
 
 Mr. Kent, to be at the cuftom-houfe. 
 
 It has been an old trick of officers, to pretend to take 
 no care of debts contracted before their own time, which 
 makes applications warm, but is unjufl, and deftroys the 
 
 Prince's 
 
 p 
 
 pa
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 151 
 
 Prince's credit : For the change of officers is at his 
 pleafure and more hazardous than life. 
 
 VII. In the Navy and Stores. 
 
 Chief commanders to the Straits command more ftores 
 out of the ftorefhip than needs; the captain takes lefs, 
 and the mafter of thrilores fells the reft to the King again, 
 and pafleth his account according to bills and acquit- 
 tances, and not according to actual delivery. Quaere, 
 What other ways they have to make fuch advantages ? 
 
 The mafter of the ftores, when there is great confi- Old Mr. 
 dence with others, will give receipts for more than he ejr * 
 actually receives, and the profit is divided. The remedy 
 is beft, by fhifting matters, or frequent inventories, but 
 efpecially by fpies that may betray them, fo as that they 
 may not truft any one. 
 
 The Earl of Eflex would have fold timber to the King: Sir Charlw 
 
 Tj /I /T* 
 
 but the commifTioners of the navy, or Sir Anthony Diar, 
 would not deal with him. But he was fain to fell it to 
 Sir Charles Bickerftaff, who was their cuftomer ; and 
 he fold it after to the King. The reafon is plain why 
 they will not deal with any but acquaintances. 
 
 The King's works muft not be done by the great, but 
 by the day ; and reafons are found for it, that it may be 
 dearer : And therefore, they work lazily, purloin, go by 
 the bell, and leave off at the ftroke of the firft found, as 
 if there was peril in the proceeding. This is not only to 
 the King's lofs, but prejudicial to the neighbourhood, 
 that cannot have labourers diligent ; and this charge alfo 
 becomes the means of contracts by the great. 
 
 VIIl, In the Public Money. 
 
 It hath been a plaufible thing to have the mint go 
 gratis, and fo a great deal of money will be coined ; and 
 as a good effeft of this, lifts of great fums of money 
 
 coined,
 
 i 5 2 APPENDIX 
 
 coined, are produced. But it is a great charge upon the 
 government i for, by fome artifice, carelefs coining is 
 produced of pieces, which, though not equal one with 
 the other, put together in great quantities, (ball anfwer 
 weight. Then do the perfons (not to fay the goldfmiths) 
 who brought in the bullion, take the weighty pieces and 
 melt them down, and return them to the mint totiei 
 quoties, &c. ; whence it becomes a great policy to make 
 the coin pay for the workmanfhip, and more to prevent 
 melting, which will be pra&ifed, if money be cheaper 
 than bullion. 
 
 The people, no queftion, who receive fo much clipped 
 money will endure it. But they who make this unjuft 
 profit, will clamour at any fuch regulation. Collect then 
 the wifdom of antiquity, that went this way to work, 
 and that forbade the taking of any clipped or counterfeit 
 money." 
 
 In the Depot at Verfailles, there is the following difpatch, 
 which gives a very minute account of Charles the 
 Second's behaviour in his laft moments. 
 
 Tranjlation. 
 
 Mr. Barillon to the King. Particular account of tie death 
 of Charles the Second. 
 
 February 18, 1685. 
 'T'HE letter I do myfelf the honour to write to youi 
 Majefty to-day is only to give you an exacl accounl 
 of what happened of moft importance at the death of the 
 King of England. His illnefs, which began on Monday 
 morning the 1 2th of February, had direrfe changes the 
 
 following
 
 TO PART t. BOOK I. I53 
 
 following days ; fometimes he was thought out of danger, 
 and then fomething happened that made it judged his 
 diforder was mortal: In fine, onThurfdayi5 February 
 about noon, I was informed from a good quarter, that 
 there were no hopes, and that the phyficians believed he 
 could not hold out the night. I went immediately to 
 Whitehall : The Duke of York had given orders to the 
 officers who guarded the door of the anti-chamber to let 
 me pafs at any hour : He was continually in the King his 
 brother's room : From time to time he came out to give 
 orders upon what was pafling in the town. The report 
 was more than once fpread that the King was dead. 
 As foon as I arrived, the Duke of York faid to me, 
 " The phyficians think the King in extreme danger : 
 I defire you to allure your mafter, that he (hall always 
 have in me a faithful and grateful fervant." I was five 
 hours in the King's anti-chamber. The Duke of York 
 made me come into the bed-chamber feveral times, and 
 fpoke to me of what was paffing without doors, and of 
 the aflurances given him from every quarter that all was 
 very quiet in the town, and that he fhould be proclaimed 
 King the moment the King his brother was dead. I went 
 out for fome time to go to the Duchefs of Portfmouth's 
 apartment. I found her overwhelmed with grief, the 
 phyficians having taken all hopes from her : However, 
 inftead of fpeaking to me of her afflidion, and the lofs fhe 
 was on the point of fuftaining, flic went into a fmall 
 clofet, and faid to me, " Monfieur the ambaflador, I am 
 going to tell you the greateft fecret in the world, and my 
 head would be in danger if it was known. The King of 
 England at the bottom of his heart is a Catholic ; but he 
 is furrounded with Proteftant bifhops, and nobody tells 
 him his condition, or fpeaks to him of God : I can- 
 not with decency enter the room, befides that the Queen 
 is almoft conftantly there j the Duke of York thinks of 
 Vot, I. * U his
 
 APPENDIX 
 
 his own affairs, and has too many of them to take the 
 care he ought of the King's conscience : Go and tell 
 him I have conjured you to warn him to think of what 
 can be done to fave the King's foul. He commands the 
 room, and can turn out whom he will. Lofe no time ; 
 for if it is deferred ever fo little, it will be too late." 
 
 I returned inftantly to find the Duke of York, and 
 begged him to make a pretence of going to the Queen, 
 who had left the King's room, and who having fainted, 
 was juft blooded. The room communicated with both 
 apartments : I followed him to the Queen's, and told 
 him what the Duchefs of Portfmouth faid to me. He re- 
 covered himfelf as from a deep lethargy, and faid, " You 
 are in the right : There is no time to lofe. I will hazard 
 all rather than not do my duty on this occafion." An 
 hour after, he returned, under the fame pretence of going 
 to the Queen, and told me he had fpoken to the King 
 his brother, and found him refolved not to take the facra- 
 ment, which the Proteftant Bifhops had prefled him to 
 receive ; that this had furprifed them much, but that one or 
 other of them would remain always in the room, if he did 
 not find a pretence to make every body leave it, in order 
 that he might have an opportunity of fpeaking to the 
 King his brother with freedom, and difpofing him to 
 make a formal renunciation of herefy, and confefs himfelf 
 to a Catholic Prieft. 
 
 We thought of various expedients. The Duke of York 
 propofed that I fliould afk leave to fpeak to the King his 
 brother, to tell him fomething in fecret from your Majefty, 
 and that every body fhould go out. I offered to do fo ; 
 but reprefented to him, that befides the great rumour it 
 would make, there was no likelihood of my being allowed 
 to remain in private with the King of England and himfelf 
 long enough for what we had to do. The Duke of York 
 then bethought himfelf of fending for the Queen, as if it 
 
 had
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 155 
 
 had been to take her laft farewel, and afk pardon of the 
 King, if fhe had ever in any thing difobeyed him, who 
 was on his part to return the fame ceremony to her. At 
 laft the Duke of York refolved to fpeak to the King his 
 brother in prefence of the company, yet fo as no perfon 
 might hear what he faid to him ; becaufe this would re- 
 move all fufpicion, and it would be believed that he fpoke 
 to him only of affairs of Mate, and of what he wifhed to 
 be done afer his death. Thus, without any further pre- 
 caution, the Duke of York ftooped down to the King 
 his brother's ear, after having ordered that no one fhould 
 approach. I was in the room, and more than 20 perfons 
 at the door, which was open. What the Duke of York 
 faid was not heard ; but the King of England faid from 
 time to time very loud, Fes t with all my heart. He fome- 
 times -made the Duke of York repeat what he faid, be- 
 caufe he did not eafily hear him. This lafted near a 
 quarter of an hour. The Duke of York again went out 
 as if he had gone to the Queen, and faid to me, c < The 
 King has confented that I (hould bring a prieft to him ; 
 but I dare not bring any of the Duchefs's : They are too 
 well known : Send and find one quickly." I told him 
 I would do it with all my heart, but I believed too much 
 time would be loft j and that I had juft feen all the Queen's 
 priefts in a clofet near the chamber. He faid, You are 
 right. At the fame time he perceived the Earl of Caftle- 
 methor, who with warmth embraced the propofal made 
 him, and undertook to fpeak to the Queen : He came 
 back in an inftant, and faid, " Should 1 hazard my head 
 in this, I would do it with pleafure j but I do not know 
 one of the Queen's priefts who underftands or fpeaks 
 Englifh." On this we refolved to fend to the Venetian, 
 refident for an Englifli prieft j but as the time prefled, 
 the Earl of Caftlemethor went where the Queen's priefts 
 were, and found amongft them one Hudelfton a Scotch- 
 * U 2 man,
 
 156 APPENDIX 
 
 man, who faved the King of England after the battle of 
 Worcefter, and who by al of parliament had been ex- 
 cepted from all the laws made againft the catholics, and 
 againft the pricfts : They put a wig and gown on him 
 to difguife him, and the Earl of Caftlemethor conducted 
 him to the door of an apartment that joined by a fmall 
 flep to the King's chamber. The Duke of York, to 
 whom I had given notice that all was ready, fent Chiffins 
 to receive and bring in Mr. Hudelfton : Soon after, he 
 faid aloud, " The Iving wills that every body fliould re- 
 tire, except the Earls of Bath and Feverfham :" The 
 firft was lord of the bed-chamber, and the other was ir\ 
 waiting. The phyficians went into a clofet, the door of 
 which was immediately fhut, and Chiffins brought Mr. 
 Hudelfton in. The Duke of York, in prefenting him, 
 faid, " Sire, here is a man who faved your life, and is 
 now come to fave your foul." The King anfwered, 
 *' He is welcome." He afterwards confefled himfelf 
 with great fentiments of devotion and repentance. The 
 Earl of Caftlemethor had taken care to have Hudel- 
 fton inftructed by a Portuguefe Monk of the barefooted 
 Carmelites, in what he had to fay to the King on fuch an 
 occafion ; for of himfelf he was no great doctor ; but 
 the Duke of York told me he acquitted himfelf very well 
 in his function, and that he made the King formally pro- 
 mife to declare himfelf openly a Catholic, if he recovered 
 his health. He then received abfolution, the communion, 
 and even the extreme unction : All this lafted about three 
 quarters of an hour. In the anti-chamber, every one 
 looked at another ; but nobody t faid any thing but by their 
 eyes, and in whifpers. The prefence of Lord Bath and 
 Lord Feverfham, who are JVoteftants, has fatisfied the 
 bifliops a little ; but the Queen's women, and the other 
 priefts, faw fo much going and coming, that I do not 
 think the fecret can be long kept. 
 
 After
 
 TO PART I. BOOK I. 157 
 
 After the King of England received the communion, 
 his diforder became a little better : It is certain he fpoke 
 more intelligibly, and had more ftrength. We hoped 
 that God was willing to work a miracle by reftoring 
 him ; but the phyficians judged his illnefs was not abated, 
 and that he could not outlive the night. He neverthelefs 
 appeared much more eafy, and fpoke with more feeling 
 and understanding than he had done, from ten at night to. 
 eight in the morning. He often fpoke quite aloud to the 
 Duke of York, in terms full of tendernefs and friendfhip. 
 He twice recommended to him the Duchefs of Portfmouth 
 and the Duke of Richmond. He recommended to him. 
 alfo all his other children. He made no mention of the jje had 
 Duke of Monmouth good nor bad. He often exprefled fen him a 
 his confidence in the mercy of God. The Bifliop of f or einpri- 
 Bath and Wells, who was his chaplain, read fome vate > a "d 
 prayers, and fpoke to him of God. The King (hewed by returned^o 
 his head that he heard him. The Bifhop was not offi- Holland, 
 cious in faying any thing particular to him, or propofmg 
 that he fliould make a profeflion of his faith. He was 
 apprehenfive of a refufal ; but feared ftill more, as I be- 
 lieve, to irritate the Duke of York. 
 
 The King of England was perfectly fenfible the whole 
 night, and fpoke upon all things with great calmnefs. 
 At fix o'clock in the morning he afked what hour it was, 
 and faid, " Open the curtains, that I may once more 
 fee day." He fuffered great painj and at feven o'clock 
 they bled him, in hopes it might leflen his pain. At half an 
 hour after eight, he began to fpeak with great difficulty : 
 At ten his fenfes were quite gone ; and he died at noon 
 without any ftruggle or convulfion. The new King re- 
 tired to his apartment, was unanimoufly acknowledged, 
 and then proclaimed. 
 
 I thought it my duty to give your Majefty an exact 
 account of what pafletj on this occafion ; and I efteem 
 
 myfelf
 
 APPENDIX TO PART I. BOOK I. 
 
 myfelf happy that God granted me the favour to have 
 fome part in it. I am, &c. 
 
 Notwithftanding that Charles the Second, during more 
 than two thirds of his reign, a<ted againft the general in- 
 clinations of his fubje<5ts, yet he died extremely lamented 
 by them. It is not impoffible that the following ftroke 
 of his character in the manufcript notes of the Earl of 
 Dartmouth upon Bifliop Burnet's Hiftory, may account; 
 for this. 
 
 " I was told by one that was very converfant with 
 him, that he had a conftant maxim, never to fall out 
 with any body, let the provocation be never fo great> 
 which he faid he had found great benefit by all his life. 
 And the reafon he gave for it was, that he did not know 
 how foon it might be neceflary to have them again for 
 bis beft friends.
 
 [ '59 1 
 
 BOOK It 
 
 TEMPER of the Nation. The King's Declaration. * 
 
 His Situation with regard to his former Opponents. 
 Firjl Steps of his Reign. New MiniJIry, Coro- 
 nation. Situation of the King with regard to the 
 
 Prince of Orange. Ar gyle's and Monmouth's Prepa- 
 rations in Holland. -Ar gyle's Expedition. Man- 
 
 mouth's Manifejlo. His fir/1 Movements. Declared 
 
 Xing. His Delays, and Retreat.- His Defeat. 
 
 Account of his Letters to the King. His Interview 
 
 with the King. His Execution. Proceedings of 
 
 Parliament. Proceedings in Scoitijh Parliament. 
 
 Temper of Scotland. Cruelties of Kirk and Jeffreys. 
 
 N 
 
 O Prince ever mounted the throne of England, PAR t \ 
 whofe firft meafures of government ingrofled more ^_* J 
 the public attention than thofe of James the Second. 1684. 
 The influence which he was fuppofed to have had over Temper of 
 the fpirit of the late King j his continual habit of bufi- a t james'g 
 nefs, partly the effe& of his temper, but more of his cceffion. 
 fituation ; the animofity of parties concerning him ; and 
 the various turns of his fortune, who had been twice 
 near excluded from the throne by a party which hated 
 him, and thrice banifhed from his country by a brother 
 who loved him ; had placed him, during many years 
 of the late reign, in a more confpicuous point of 
 view than even the Sovereign himfelf. The exclu- 
 fionifts expe&ed now little mercy from a King to whom 
 they had fliewn none when he was a fubjeft. The 
 
 diflenters
 
 I6o MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PA T I. diflenters had felt the feverity of councils which were 
 
 . * 1 imputed to him. Even fome of the tories watched with 
 
 1684. anxious minds his firft fteps in civil, and ftill more of 
 
 them his firft fteps in religious concerns. Thofe who had 
 
 no fixed principles of party of their own, and who, even 
 
 in nations the moft zealous in politics, make a great part 
 
 of the people, having had their curiofity awakened, and 
 
 their paffions inflamed in the late reign, by reciprocal 
 
 complaints of invafions upon the conftitution, which the 
 
 royal and the popular parties had thrown upon each other, 
 
 *and by the continual rumours of popifh and of proteftant 
 
 plots, ftood full of expectation to fee or hear, and relate 
 
 the earlieft movements of the new reign. 
 
 d- The firft meafures of James after the death of his 
 brother, were calculated to allay thofe ferments in the 
 minds of his fubjefts. Having aflembled the privy coun- 
 cil, he made the following fpeech, magnanimous in its 
 fentiments, fimple in its expreffions : " My Lords, be- 
 " fore I enter upon any other bufmefs, I think fit to fay 
 ** fomething to you. Since it hath pleafed Almighty God 
 " to place me in this ftation, and I am now to fucceed fo 
 " good and gracious a King, as well as fo very kind a 
 " brother, it is proper for me to declare to you, that 
 " I will endeavour to follow his example, and particu- 
 " larly in that of his great clemency and tendernefs to 
 ** bis people. I have been reported to be a man fond of 
 " arbitrary power ; but that is not the only falfehood which 
 " hath been reported of me : And I fhall make it my eri- 
 " deavour to preferve this government both in church 
 " and ftate, as it is now by law eftabliftied. I know 
 * l the principles of the church of England are favourable 
 " to monarchy ; and the members of it have fhown 
 " themfelves good and loyal fubjedls ; therefore I fhall 
 ' always take care to defend and fupport it. I know 
 '* too, that the laws of England are fufficient to make 
 7 " the
 
 AND IRELAND. 161 
 
 C the King as great a monarch as I can wifh : And, as PART I. 
 *' I fhall never depart from the juft rights and preroga- l ' " K IT> 
 t tive of the crown, fo I fhall never invade any man's lefy.' 
 *' property. I have often before ventured my life in de- 
 <c fence of this nation ; and fhall go as far as any man 
 * c in preferving it in all its juft rights and liberties." 
 Thefe popular words were followed by a more popular 
 action. James ordered a new parliament to be fummoned : 
 Another prudent order was ilTued, directing all perfona 
 to continue in their offices j by which the tranfition 
 of government became imperceptible, and the new reign 
 appeared to be no more than a continuation of the for- 
 mer. 
 
 The King's declaration to his council had all the effect Apparent 
 which he intended. The council begged it might be ' e [' 
 publifhed : It was difperfed all over the nation : Com- lames and 
 ir.unities expreiTed their fatisfadion by addrefies, indivi- ls lu 
 duals by mutual congratulations : Even the pulpits re- 
 founded with its praifeSv From the fteadinefs of temper 
 which attached James to his religious principles, an 
 equal attachment to the promifes contained in his declara- 
 tion was inferred. The hearts of men overflowed now 
 fo much the more with love and confidence, becaufe they 
 had before been locked up in fears and jealouftes. Even 
 theexclufionifts crowded to the palace, awkwardly mingling 
 condolence for the lofs of the late King with joy for the ac- 
 ceflion of his fucceflbr. In proportion as any of them re- 
 flected upon the activity of his former oppofition, he endea- 
 voured, by the early court which he paid, to wipe off the 
 remembrance of it in James. The ufual compliments of 
 refpedr. paid to every new fovereign by his fubj eel's of con- 
 dition, with the ufual gracious returns to thofe compli- 
 ments, difrufed an appearance of fatisfa&ion through the 
 court, while the attention to magnificent trifles prepara- 
 tory to a coronation, fpread an air of unconcern and 
 feftivity through the capital. 
 
 Voi,. I. * X Yet,
 
 161 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 FART I. Yet, amidft thefc outward appearances of general fa^ 
 
 ^ tisfa&ion, James could not help behaving to many of the! 
 
 1684. exclufionifts, who came to wait upon him, with a vifible 
 
 Sytrptomt difpleafure. Some of them he refufed to fee; others were 
 
 of mutual 
 
 diflruft. received coldly ; and a few even with frowns : Impotent 
 marks of difgrace to men of independent fortunes, of high 
 birth, and higher fpirits. He refufed to give Montagu 
 his hand to kifs^ faying, he could forgive injuries done 
 to himfelf, but not to his brother. He removed the Duke 
 of Richmond^ fon to the Duchefs of Portsmouth, from 
 his ftation of mafter of the horfe, conferred by his father 
 upon him from his tendereft years. His reception of Lord 
 Halifax was differently jtalked of, according to the dif- 
 ferent humours of men. For, when this Lord, who had 
 oppofed the exclufion with great eloquence, but had alfo 
 oppofed the Duke's influence at the end of the late reign, 
 was making apologies to James for the latter part of his 
 conduct ; that Prince, interrupting him, faid, " I will 
 " forget all your behaviour, except that in the affair of 
 " the exclufion ;" A compliment which difcovered deli- 
 cacy and gratitude; but which alarmed fome, who ob- 
 . ferved that it difcovered remembrance of the event to 
 which it alluded. But James's remembrance of paft in- 
 juries became lefs ambiguous, when he ordered Sprat 
 Bifliop of Rochefter to publifh a relation of the Ryehoufe 
 plot under the royal authority. This relation was written 
 with great virulence of expreflion upon paft heats j and in 
 it an averment was made, that James knew of 20,000 
 perfons who had been engaged in that plot : An implied 
 menace, which, by the ambiguity of its objed, caufed 
 every whig in the nation to think it was levelled at him. 
 James, foon after, in his letter to the Parliament of 
 Scotland, and in an anfwer to the addrefs of the Houfe of 
 Lords in England, fpoke of paft offences in a way which 
 difcovered that the King of England had not forgot the 
 injuries done to the Duke of York. 
 
 James
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. 163 
 
 V 
 
 James behaved ftill more unguardedly with regard to PART I. 
 religion in the very beginning of his reign : He ordered 
 Huddlefton, the prieft who had attended the late King ,(,$4. 
 in his laft moments, to publifli a relation of that Prince's I^pruden- 
 
 cies with 
 
 having taken the laft facrament according to the rites of -regard to 
 the church of Rome. James publiflied, in his own name, reh s ion - 
 two papers written in his brother's hand, in favour of the 
 Roman catholic do&rines ; and was at pains to declare, 
 he had found them in the royal ftrong box. He fhewed 
 them to Bancroft Archbifhop of Canterbury, who faid, 
 " That he did not think the late Kino- had been fo 
 
 o 
 
 " learned in controverfy ; but that the arguments in the 
 ** papers were eafy to refute." James defired him to do 
 fo in writing, if he could. But Bancroft, with a politic 
 compliment, anfwered, " It ill became him to enter into 
 " a controverfy with his fovereigns." James changed 
 his former cuftom of going privately to mafs : For, on 
 the firft Sunday after his acceffion, he went publicly, 
 and with all the enfigns of royalty, to the celebration of 
 a ceremony which the laws of the kingdom had declared 
 to be criminal. Many were offended with the public 
 fpeclacle of the King's religion, who had long heard 
 with indifference of his profeffion. The Duke of Nor- 
 folk, who carried the fword of ftate, flopped at the door 
 of the chapel : The King paffing him, faid, " My Lord, 
 " your father would have gone further." The Duke 
 anfwered, " Your Majefty's father would not have gone 
 * c fo far." Soon after, the King having complained to 
 Kenne Bifhop of Bath and Wells, of a reflection which 
 he was told the Bifhop had made againft popery, in a 
 fermon in the chapel- royal, { Sir," anfwered Kenne, 
 " had you attended your own duty in church, my enemies 
 '* had miffed the opportunity of accufing me falfely." 
 
 The difcontents which the obfervation of thefe things 
 
 produced, were increafed by the firft public ad of ftate. 
 
 * a Thofe
 
 ,64. MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 P A T I. Thofc branches of the revenue which confifUd of the cuf- 
 J^' toms, and of part of the excife, having been granted by 
 16:4. parliament during the life of the late King only, expired 
 at his death. There was little doubt that the next par- 
 liament would renew the grant to his fucceflbr j but ftill^ 
 until that renewal {hould be made, it was againft law to 
 kvy the duties. Many of the London merchants, who 
 at that time had goods on hand, waited on the commif- 
 Concrs of cuftoms, intreating that the duties might be 
 levied as formerly, in order to prevent their being under- 
 fold by thofe who {hould make importations before the 
 parliament could be aflembled. The commiflioners, who 
 faw their own danger in ordering their officers to levy 
 duties without law, waited in a body upon the treafury, 
 to know what conduit they were to follow. The treafury, 
 which faw equal danger in directing that conduct, made 
 anfwer to the commiflioners, " That the laws lay before 
 " them, and they might judge for themfelves." The 
 difficulty was carried to the privy council. Lord Chief 
 Juftice Jeffreys, with the hafte and violence natural to 
 his temper and habits, moved, " That the King fhould 
 " inftantly ifiue a proclamation, commanding the revenue 
 " to be levied, and employed as in the former reign." 
 Lord Keeper North advifed, '* That the duties (hould 
 " be paid in to exchequer, and kept there feparate 
 " from all others, until the next parliament {hould dif- 
 " pofe of them." Others propofed, " That bonds only 
 " {hould be taken for the duties, to {rand in force until 
 " the fame period *." The opinion of Jeffreys was 
 followed. The old remembered the civil wars and mi- 
 fcries brought on the nation by the attempts of the King's 
 father to leyy part of the very fame duties without confent 
 of parliament. The young had heard thefe miferies re- 
 counted by the old. Men of reflection perceived public 
 cunvcniency promoted, but public liberty invaded. 
 
 * Life of Lord North, 254. 
 
 In
 
 AND IRELAND. 165 
 
 In order to cover this meafure from national cenfure a PART I. 
 the court procured addrefles from many public bodies of i _^^__ f * 
 the kingdom approving of it. The barrirters and ftudents 1684. 
 of the Middle Temple, whofe province it is to know the 
 conftitution, but whofe profefiion is dependent, thanked 
 the King, " That he had been gracioufly pleafed to ex- 
 " tend his royal care of the government to the prefervation 
 " of the cuftoms j" and concluded their addrefs with a 
 prayer, " That there might never be wanting millions 
 " as loyal as they, to facrifice their lives and fortunes in 
 " fupport of his Majefty's facred perfon and prerogative, 
 " in its full extent." The univerfity of Oxford declared, 
 " They could never fwerve from the principles of their 
 " inflitution, and their religion by law eftablifhed in the 
 " church of England, which indifpenfably bound them to 
 " bear all faith and obedience to their Sovereign, without 
 " any reftriftions and limitations" Compliments by public 
 bodies to the Sovereign for the breach of the laws, only . 
 ferved to remind the nation that the laws had been 
 broken. 
 
 The fufpicions which James's proteftant fubje&s enter- New mini- 
 tained of his partiality to the Roman catholics, gave roorn ry 
 for Sunderland, in the fettlement of the miniftry, to exert 
 his talents for intrigue. James, remembering ancient 
 injuries, and diftrufting recent fervices, had refolved to 
 fend him abroad upon an embafly. Sunderland got in- 
 telligence of this, and alfo that the king intended to ap- 
 point Hyde, lately created Earl of Rochefter, High 
 Treafurer, partly to oblige the church party, of which 
 that Lord was vain to be accounted the head, and partly 
 on account of decency, becaufe he was uncie to the 
 Princeffes. But Sunderland, concealing from Rochefter 
 what he knew, pretended that he was managing that 
 honour for him with the King, and at the fame time 
 alarmed him with the danger to which their common in- 
 
 tercfls
 
 166 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART T. terefts were expofed from Roman Catholic influence; 
 
 f _'L lf i Rochefter, in return, prevailed upon the King to con- 
 1684. tinue the feals in Sunderland's hands. Rochefter, whofe 
 high principles in church-matters led him to principles 
 equally high in thofe of government, urged that none but 
 rigid tories fhould be admitted into the King's fervice : 
 On this fubjecl, a converfation between him and Lord 
 Keeper North was repeated : North had faid, that he 
 thought people ought to be brought into employments, 
 rather for their abilities and experience, than for their 
 party attachments * : Rochefter, raifmg his voice, an- 
 fwered, " God's wounds ! my Lord, don't you think 
 " that in one month's time I could underftand any bufi- 
 44 nefs in England ?" " Yes, my Lord," replied the 
 other dryly, " but you could underftand ft much better 
 " in two." But Sunderland advifed James to mix dif- 
 ferent humours in his council ; and Ormond having re-? 
 turned from Ireland fooner than the late King had directed, 
 Clarendon, brother to Rochefter, was appointed Lord 
 Lieutenant in his ftead. Halifax, to whom Rochefter 
 was a mortal enemy, becaufe he had been accufed by 
 Halifax of purloining the public treafure, was placed at 
 the head of the council-board. Lord Godolphin was 
 degraded from ftations he had once poflefled, of fecretary 
 of ftate and head of the treafury, to be chamberlain to 
 the Queen. Arlington, notwithstanding the open court 
 he had long paid to the Prince of Orange, was continued 
 Lord Chamberlain. The other great officers remained 
 in their ftations. So that the miniftry was compofe4 
 chiefly of men hating each other, fufpe&ing the K'ng* 
 and fufpeled by him ; fome of whom were partial to the 
 views of the Prince of Orange, and others to his perfon. 
 And indeed, the late King, by changing his minifters fa 
 often, had made it very difficult to find a number of per-, 
 
 ; - 
 
 * Lord North's Life. 
 
 fona 

 
 AND IRELAND. 167 
 
 fons of figure who were attached to each other, and to his PART /r. 
 fucceflbr at the fame time. Ullljj 
 
 During the coronation of James, the crown, not be- 1684. 
 ing properly fitted to his head, tottered. Henry Sidney, Coronation, 
 keeper of the robes, afterwards fo famous for the mifchiefs 
 he brought upon James, kept it once from falling off, 
 and faid with pleafantry to him, " This is not the firft 
 " time our family has fupported the crown." It was 
 reported too, that on the fame day, the window of a 
 church in which the King's arms were painted on glafs, 
 had fallen down without any vilible caufe. Thefe trifles 
 were obferved and talked of at the time ; a fure proof 
 that the minds of the people were under unufual agi- 
 tations. 
 
 While thefe things were paffing in public, James was The King's 
 underhand going on in his old practices with France, His tic 
 firft converfation, the day after his brother's death, to Francc 
 Barillon, was a fure prognoftic of his future fate. He 
 made a formal apology for having called a parliament, 
 alleging in his excufe, that he did it only with a view 
 to get his brother's revenue fettled upon him by fair 
 means, which, if he could not obtain from parliament, he 
 would take from his fubjeis by force. Heexprefled at the 
 fame time his intention of reigning without parliaments, 
 his arbitrary views of government, and his refolutions in 
 favour of popery : And he propofed the ftricleft connec- 
 tion of interefts with France, and that Louis fhould fup- 
 ply him with money to enable him to compafs the ends 
 which he aimed at. Louis the XlVth catched greedily 
 at the hint. He inftantly remitted 500,000 livres to Ba- 
 rillon, to be given to the new King to anfwer the exigen* 
 cies of a new reign j but charged him to make James be- 
 lieve that the money had been fent upon the firft news of 
 his brother's death, and without knowing that he had 
 alked it. James received the prefent with tears in his 
 7 eyes,
 
 168 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 P A T I. eyes, and with thefe words to Barillon : t( It is the part 
 a ^ K Ir it o f th e King your matter alone to act in a manner fo 
 1684. *' noble and fo full of goodnefs to me. I own to you, 
 " that I feel morefenfibly what he has done in this, than 
 " any thing that may happen to me in the courfe of my 
 " life ; for I plainly fee the bottom of his heart, and how 
 " defirous he is that my affairs may profper. He has 
 " even outrun what I could pofllbly have wifhed, and has 
 " prevented my wants. I can never enough acknowledge 
 " fuch a proceeding. Inform him of my gratitude, ,and 
 " be my pledge for the attachment I (hall for ever have 
 " to him." 
 
 Immediately after, the Lords Sunderland, Rochefter, 
 and Godolphin, entered upon a negociation with Barillon ; 
 and Churchill was difpatched to Paris on the fame errand. 
 The terms afked of Louis were, three millions of livres 
 in hand, and a penfion of two millions for two years be- 
 fides; Rochefter urging ftrongly, Godolphin more faintly, 
 the neceflity of the King's having thefe fums for eftablifh- 
 ing his power ; and Sunderland adding, that without 
 them, it was impoffible to eftablifh the Roman catholic 
 religion in England. Sunderland went ftill further; forj 
 to pay court to Louis and his matter, he propofcd a direct 
 junction of England and France, againft the Prince of 
 Orange, the Houfe of Auftria, and the Parliament 
 of England. Louis the XlVth kept the treaty open, 
 gave James from time to time 300,000 livres more than 
 the 500,000 livres which had been fent him at firft, and 
 remitted 1,500,000 livres to England. But Barillon re- 
 ceived orders not to deliver them, unlefs in the event of 
 James's diflblving his parliament, and. proceeding to ex- 
 tremities againft his fubje&s j Louis anticipating thus in 
 imagination, the tranfports which the diffractions of 
 England give always to France. 
 
 Not*
 
 A N D I R E L A N D, ,6 9 
 
 Notwithftanding thefe fecret tranfactions with France, PART I. 
 the new minifters attempted to bring about a reconcilia- BoOK IJ 
 tion between the King and the Prince of Orange. When 
 the late King died, James, to mortify the Prince, had 
 notified the event to him only in a few dry lines, and 
 even excufed himfelf to Barillon for having notified it to the King 
 him at all *. The Prince upon this fent over Overkeique princeof 
 to make apologies for whatever had given offence to the Oran g e 
 late or prefent King, and to promife a flricl: obedience 
 to the King's will for the future. James refufed at firft 
 to receive his fubmiffions, unlefs he would make them 
 alfo to Louis, by altering his conduit with regard to 
 France. However he afterwards foftened his tone ; to 
 which perhaps the malignant fatisfaction of feeing the 
 Prince reduced to ftoop and court him, contributed j and 
 more decent appearances took place on both fides. For^ 
 
 as it was the intereft of James to make the difcontented tw f en th 
 
 part of his fubjeits believe that the Prince of Orange Ptince of 
 
 was attached to his perfon j fo it was equally for the ad- Oran 6 e 
 
 vantage of the Prince to be thought on good terms with 
 
 the King, in orJer to fupport in Holland the reputation 
 
 of his own power, and to raife jealoufies in the mind of 
 
 the French King. The Prince readily complied with 
 
 the dcfire of his father-in-law, to remove Monmouth 
 
 from Holland, to concur in perfuading the Spaniards ta 
 
 refufe him refuge in Flanders, and to difmifs his adher- 
 
 ents from their employment in the Britifh regiments in 
 
 the fervice of the Dutch f ; though, at the fame time, 
 
 he took care to provide for moft of them in the fervice 
 
 of different German Princes. He even fubmitted to the 
 
 recal of Mr. Sidney, afterwards Earl of Romney, whom. 
 
 he loved, from the command of the Britifh forces in the 
 
 Dutch fervice, and to the appointment of Skelton, whcm 
 
 * Vide Appendix. f D'Avaux, 1685. J Ibid. 
 
 VOL. I. * Y he
 
 i-o MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PAT I. he hated, to be envoy in Holland, after remonftrating 
 ^_ _ _ i againft both meafures. But he refufed with fpirit to give 
 1684. the command of the troops to Lord Carlingford, a Roman 
 catholic recommended by the King. James, on the other 
 hand, offended with the delays of Louis in concluding the 
 private money treaty with him, which he had folicited, 
 took * fome high meafures on points of honour with the 
 French, talking in public of taking ftill higher on more 
 material articles, and propofed a defenfive alliance with 
 the Dutch, which he afterwards formed -j-j and a junction 
 of interefts with the Prince : And he even interpofed, 
 though in vain, with France, to reftore the principality 
 of Orange to the Prince. But as in thefe advances 
 James's object was to maintain peace, that he might be 
 independent of parliament for fupplies, encourage com- 
 merce, of which he was fond, and, above all, procure 
 leifure for the converfion of his fubjects, which he was 
 refolved to accomplifli ; and, on the other hand, the 
 Prince's only object was to raife war againft France, 
 the advances ended in nothing. The falvos which the 
 Prince often made with regard to religion , in the af- 
 furances of attachment which he gave, whether the ef- 
 fects of honour, or of the ufe he intended to make of 
 them, James thought had an infidious air. Ancient en- 
 mities are often increafed by attempts to remove them : 
 And, while the King of England's fubjedts flattered 
 themfelves with an alliance of England and Holland 
 againft France, the King difclofcd all his jealoufies of the 
 Prince of Orange to Barillon the French ambaflador J[. 
 Earl of Ar- But appearances of an invafion from Holland foon 
 liuVmouih. ' ncrea kd tne jealoufies of James. Argyle had continued 
 in the Low Countries from the time that the fentence of 
 attainder was obtained againft him by the King, when 
 
 D'Avaux, 168;; and Burner. f D'Avaux, 1685. 
 
 % Ibid. 1684, 16*5. || Ibid. Vide Appendix, No. i. 
 
 Duke
 
 AND IRELAND. 171 
 
 Duke of York. Monmouth had refided in the fame 
 
 countries, after the detection of the Ryehoufe-plot. The 
 
 fimilarity of fate formed a connexion between two per- 1685. 
 
 fons in whofe characters there was but little refemblance. 
 
 Argyle, continually ftung with the remembrance of his 
 
 own injuries, endeavoured to inflame Monmouth with 
 
 fimilar fentiments. He* prefled him to invade England, 
 
 and offered to make an invafion on Scotland at the fame 
 
 time. He gave aflurances, " That as he was himfelf the 
 
 " head of a numerous highland clan, and his father had 
 
 " been head of the covenanters, great numbers of his 
 
 '* countrymen would join him : That the clemency 
 
 " which Monmouth had fhewed to the covenanters after 
 
 " the battle of Bothwell-bridge, had made his name as 
 
 " dear in Scotland, as that of James, who had perfecuted 
 
 " them, was odious ; That in England, the fame great 
 
 " body of exclufionifts, who had joined to prevent the 
 
 " King from mounting the throne, would again join to 
 
 " pull him down : And that though, from the want of 
 
 " parliaments during the laft years of the late reign, 
 
 *' the voice of that party had not for fome time been 
 
 " heard, it would now break forth with violence, in- 
 
 * c creafed by its interruption : That the late difmiffion 
 
 " of his adherents from the Dutch regiments, infured 
 
 " him of a body of officers, ftimulated by the two moft 
 
 ^' powerful of all motives, revenge and want : That a 
 
 " Prince fcarce feated on his throne, whofe fubje&s 
 
 " were divided, and whofe forces muft be feparated to 
 
 " oppofe different infurreclions, could not withftand a 
 
 " double attack from England and Scotland atone time.'* 
 
 He pointed out to the Duke, who was fond of glory, the 
 
 examples of ancient heroes, and the honour of having his 
 
 name handed .own to pofterity as the deliverer of his 
 
 country. He allured him, who was young, and fan- 
 
 * D'Avaux, March u, 1684. 
 
 * Y2 guine
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 guine in his friendfhips and refentmcnts, by the 
 fweets of revenge, and the power he could gain of 
 doing good to thofe who had differed for his fake. He 
 took advantaseof the hatred and competition ufual among 
 relations where friendfhip has ccafed, to revive ancient, to 
 create new animofities. He urged him by motives of his 
 perfonal fafcty : " For that James, implacable in his relent- 
 ** ments, and cruel through fear, had driven him from 
 " England, had prevailed upon the Prince of Orange, 
 " and the court of Spain, to refufe him a refuge in Hol- 
 c * land, or in Flanders, and would never be at reft, until 
 " he had flript him of fortune, rank, and * perhaps of 
 *' life. And, laftly, that every minute he delayed the 
 " attempt, he ftrengthened his enemy, and weakened 
 ** himfelf." The Duke continued long irrefolute : One 
 of his letters f to Spence, fecretary to the Earl of Argyle, 
 fhews, that, difappointed in ambition and dejedted with 
 misfortunes, he had refolved upon retirement. His ten- 
 der paflion for Lady Harriot Wentworth, and which he 
 accounted it honourable to indulge for a woman who had 
 facrifked her all for his love, was ill fuited to call him to 
 the fields of glory and danger. But at length thofe im- 
 portunities, and that eloquence, which, in one of a manly 
 fpirit, who fpeaks in his caufe what he feel?, feldom fails 
 to perfuade, made Monmouth, who all his life was more 
 apt to truft the judgment of others than his own, yield 
 to the intreaties of Argyle. Argyle perfuaded a widow 
 in Holland to lend him io,oool. for his expedition. Mon- 
 moutli, not having the fame powers of perfuaficn, was 
 obliged to pawn his jewels. Each of them bought three 
 veflels, and a quantity of arms : They recalled fome of 
 their friends from the German regiments, in which the 
 Prince of Orange had placed them j and they were join, 
 ed by other difbanded officers, who had not as yet been 
 
 Pert Orleans, lib. xi. p. 562. -J- J n Weiwood. 
 
 provided
 
 AND IRELAND. 173 
 
 provided for *. They fettled a correfpondence in Eng- PART I. 
 land t as well as the fhortnefs of the time would permit, ^^_ 1 ^ 
 with the moft confiderable perfons who had been engaged 1685. 
 in the Ryehoufe-plot, Thefe were all the preparations 
 they made for the conqueft of three kingdoms. It does 
 not appear certain, that they even adjufted between them, 
 what character the Duke fhould aflume, whether that of 
 a King, or of a fubje&. Monmouth poflibly refolved to 
 govern himfelf by incidents according as they fliould 
 prefent themfelves ; and Argyle was too much heated by 
 his own intereft and his country's, to attend to any other. 
 Argyle failed firft, and for Scotland, with about 100 
 companions, of whom the moft remarkable were AylofF 
 the lawyer, and Rumbold the maltfter, men made famous 
 by the parts they had acled in the Ryehoufe-plot. Mon- 
 mouth prepared to follow him, and to land in the Weft of 
 England with 82 officers, and 150 other attendants. Lord 
 Grey, Sir Patrick Hume, and Mr. Fletcher of Salton, 
 were the men of the moft eminence who attended him. 
 Trenchard +, Wild man, and Captain Matthews, fon-in- 
 law to the unfortunate Sir Thomas Armftrong, were to 
 join him the moment he landed. But the perfon in whom 
 the Duke of Monmouth chiefly confided, was Mr. Fletcher 
 of Salton ; in whom all the powers of the foldier, the 
 orator, and the fcholar, were united ; and who, in an- 
 cient Rome, would have been the rival and the friend of 
 Cato||. Fletcher difluaded the Duke from his enterprife. 
 Lord Grey urged him to it . 
 
 Thefe preparations made a confiderable noife even in indifference 
 Holland : But, as rumours increafe by the diftance they "['o^nY* 
 have to run, they made a much greater in England. 
 James, therefore, applied, by Skelton his ambatfador, 
 to the magiftracy of Amfterdam, and afterwards to the 
 
 * D'Avaun, May 17. -j- Lord Grey. 
 
 | He was fecretary of ftate to King William. 
 
 || The (mall volume of Mr, Fletche*'* works, though imperfeflly col- 
 Ufted, is one of 'he very f ew claflkal compositions in tha Englifli languag:. 
 Burnet. Fcrgufon'i narrative. 
 
 States
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 I. States General, to flop the embarkation of Monmouth *. 
 But both, under pretence of the forms of office, con- 
 1685. nived at his efcape ; either from diflike to James, whofe 
 connexion with France they dreaded, or from refpe& to 
 that refuge which they profefs to afford to the unfortunate 
 of all nations. The Prince interfered not, excufing him- 
 felf, becaufe his affiftance was not afked, and perhaps not 
 difpleafed to fee one expofe himfelf to ruin who had been 
 rival to the Princefs for the fucceffion, the Englifh tried 
 in a caufe which was given out to be that of religion and 
 liberty, and difturbances raifcd which he might himfelf 
 be called to compofe. He even pretended to Skelton, that 
 he gave no credit to the reports of the proje&s of Argyle 
 and Monmouth, although he knew that the one was gone, 
 and the other juft ready to go. James then infifted with 
 the Dutch to feize all the Britifh rebels who had at any 
 time taken refuge in their territories. But f Fagel in 
 public, and the Prince in private, oppofed the fuccefs 
 of the application. James, in the laft place, applied to 
 the Prince for the afliftance of the Britifh regiments in 
 the fervice of the Dutch. The Prince $, without giv- 
 ing a refufal, threw difficulties and delays in the way : 
 Soon after, he offered, atone time, to go himfelf to Scot- 
 land, and at another time to England, with hisown guards ; 
 but received this ambiguous anfwer to both offers ; 
 " That it was more for the King's intereft he fhould 
 " remain where he was ||." The reprefentation of 
 thefe things by Skelton, who was perfonally an enemy 
 to the Prince of Orange, becaufe he had once injured 
 that Prince, and ftill more by the French court to James, 
 completed the breach between him and his fon-in-law. 
 
 In the mean time, Argyle had landed in Scotland, in 
 May 1685, and to raiie all his dependants, ere&ed the 
 
 D'Avaux, May 10, IT, 19. June iS. 
 
 f D'Avaux, June 7, 1685. J Ibid. May 34, 31. and appendix to 
 
 this book. || Orleans. This appears ftrongly from hit 
 
 'corrcfpondence from France, in the paper office, 
 
 fiery
 
 AND IRELAND. 175 
 
 fiery crofs in Argylefhire, which is a high crofs of wood PART I. 
 and iron, raifed on the top of a mountain, with a blaZe 
 of fire on the top; a fummons of alarm, ufed by 
 Highlanders on great occafions. He then publifhed two 
 manifeftoes. One of them in his own name, complained 
 of his own injuries, and was intended to roufe his tribe in 
 his caufe. The other was in his name and that of his fol- 
 lowers, and was calculated to bring the covenanters to his 
 ftandard: For it imputed the misfortunes of the nation Co 
 the breach of the national covenant; maintained, that 
 the King, by not complying with it, had forfeited the 
 crown ; and declared, that the chief end of his expedition, 
 was the fuppreflion of prelacy as well as of popery. 
 This enterprife was unfortunate in almoft all its circum- 
 ftances. The firft land he touched at, the Orkneys, was 
 the moft diftant part of the country he intended to invade^ 
 Moft of the people, whom he put on {hore for intelligence, 
 were feized, and gave advice of his arrival before he could 
 land. As the Highlanders were, at that time, believers in 
 what is called the Second Sight, a prophecy, that he 
 fhould have in his cuftody, James Stuart, of the blood royal 
 (by which name the King went among the covenanters), 
 had made an impreflion on his mind. But a prifoner, 
 whom Argyle took in the Orkneys, reminded him of this, 
 and told him that the wizard had deceived him, for that 
 the name of his prifoner was James Stuart, and that he 
 was defcended from the Earl of Orkney, baftard to James 
 the Fifth *. In failing round to the Weft Highlands, tides 
 and winds, even though favourable, confumed time: 
 Government had leifure to make its preparations : And 
 as it was known he would land on the weft coaft, where 
 both his family-ftrength, and that of the covenanters, lay, 
 two fhips of war were ftationed there, to watch his mo- 
 
 * Lord Fountainhall's manufcript memorandums. 
 
 tions :
 
 j;6 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 tions : The whole militia of the kingdom, confiding of 
 22,000 men, was put in arms ; and a third part of it, 
 1685. with 3000 regular forces, was drawn to that fide : Such 
 of his friends as were fufpecled, and could be found, 
 were feized by order of the council : The King, by his 
 proclamations, and more by the known feverity of his 
 temper, deterred, and the parliament, by the authority of 
 its declarations, overawed the covenanters, rebellious, yet 
 not daring to rebel. The Earl, however, was foon joined 
 in his own country by about 2000 of his vaflals and de- 
 pendants, who forefaw the ruin, but, according to the 
 manners of their country, were afhamed that their chief- 
 tain fhould fall alone. About 500 other people joined 
 thefe. Argyle, ignorant of the imprisonment of his 
 friends, and of the terrors of the covenanters, continued, 
 for fome weeks after his arrival, in Argylefhire and its 
 borders, rather buftling than in action. But, perceiving 
 by the movements and ftations of his opponent, that they 
 intended to confine him where he was, and impatient to 
 join the covenanters, or to be joined by them, he pier- 
 ced, in the face of his enemies, into the lower parts of the 
 weft country. But his fhips were taken, in which was 
 his ammunition ; his provifions were cut off by the nu- 
 merous parties which furroundcd him ; fuch of his fol- 
 diers as had joined him from hopes of plunder, or 
 defire of change, dropping away by degrees, difcouraged 
 others ; and, in one of his marches in Renfrewfhire, his 
 guide miftaking the way, led his army into a bog, where 
 the horfes and baggage were loft. In this diftrefs, order 
 ceafed ; all commanded, none obeyed ; every man took 
 his own counfel, andconfulted his own fafety. His army 
 difperfed. The Earl fled alone to conceal his quality, but 
 refolving, if he was known, to die with his arms in his 
 hands. He was met by two peafants, who called to him 
 to furrender : He fired a piftol at one of them ; the othur 
 9 gave
 
 AND IRELAND. *77 
 
 save him a wound in the head, which made him fall from PART I. 
 
 O . D O O K 1I 
 
 his horfe : He recovered himfelf, and ran to a river near ^ I ,. y _,,, < 
 the Clyde to fwim through : A third attacked him there : 1.685. 
 The Earl fnapped his piftol, but it miffed fire : The pea- 
 fant gave him a blow on the head : He falls, and in falling, 
 cries out, " Unfortunate Argyle !" Struck with the re- 
 verfe of fate, one of the peafants wept, and infifted to 
 allow him toefcape: But the others, terrified by the threats 
 which had been publiflied againft thofe who fhould give 
 him harbour, refufed their confent. He was fent to Edin- 
 burgh, and carried up the Canongate to the common 
 prifon on foot, bareheaded, with his hands tied behind his 
 back, and the executioner walking before him. The old 
 remembered that he had looked over a window to fee the 
 enemy of his family, the great Montrofe, pafs through the 
 ftreets in the fame unhappy condition ; and others, that a 
 few years before, he had rode up the ftreets at the riding 
 of the parliament held by the Duke of York, in all the 
 pomp of ftate, carrying the imperial crown of Scotland 
 before the Duke. He was beheaded in purfuance of his 
 former fentence in compliment to the juftice of it *, dying 
 with a courage which his pofterity inherited f. 
 
 A few days before the difafter of Argyle's army, the Men- 
 Duke of Monmouth landed at Lime in Dorfetfhire. In 
 his manifefto, he declared the ends of his enterprife were, 
 that parliaments fhould be annual, and without a power 
 of prorogation in the crown until grievances fhould be 
 redrefled : That fheriffs fhould be chofen annually by the 
 freeholders: That a national militia fhould be eftablifhed, 
 to be commanded by the fheriffs : That no ftanding forces 
 (hould be allowed without confent of parliament : And 
 that the charters of corporations fhould be reftored. Thus, 
 while the Scottifh manifefto made provifion only for a par- 
 ticular mode of the Proteftant religion, the Englifh ma- 
 nifefto was directed to the great interefts of civil liberty. 
 * Lord Fountainball's manufcript. | Gazettes, Wuddrow. 
 
 VOL. I, * Z But
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 But even thefe generous propofals were difagreeable to the 
 friends of monarchy ; becaufe they feemed to impair it tod 
 much. The manifefto, in other refpeds, was imprudent, 
 By complaining to excefs of the proceedings of the par- 
 liament which was then fitting, it provoked the members 
 of that aflembly ; by giving infmuations of Monmouth's 
 fight to the crown, it made the republicans cold in his 
 caufe*; by promifing toleration to all Proteftant dif- 
 fenters, at a time when the church and the diflenters were 
 not, as they afterwards were at the revolution, reconcil- 
 ed to each other, it was difobliging to the church. Mon- 
 mouth, by outrageous invectives, feemed to have forgot 
 both the King's dignity and his own. And his junction 
 of interefts with Argyle, who made the covenant the bafis 
 of his infurrection, alarmed thofe who were friends to 
 the conftitution in church or ftate. 
 M on . The Duke was joined by n,oneof the nobility, or gen- 
 
 mouth'sfira tr y o f condition, in his operations in England. Some of 
 iQovcm.n's. 
 
 his friends, whom the Ryehoufe-plot had eafily marked 
 
 out, were f feized by government ; the reft fled to 
 London, as if their pretence in rebellious places could be 
 accounted rebellion : Trenchsrd even retired into France; 
 All found an excufe for their defection in the faults which 
 they found, or pretended to find, in the terms of Mon- 
 mouth's manifefto. But the common people, whofe fa- 
 vourite he had always been, flocked in fuch multitudes, 
 almoft in an inftant, to his ftandard, that he was obliged 
 to difmifs many of them, for want of arms and pay. At 
 firft he was in ftraits for provifions ; but Fergufon having 
 aflured him, that he would find fubfiftence for one day for 
 the army, if the Duke would give him the command of 
 
 * Lord Fountainhall relates in hi? manufcrip* memorandums, that when 
 Rumbold was taken in Scotland, he fajd, the Duke of Monm. nth had ruin- 
 ed his caufe by afiuming tl-e title of King, which loft him :he republicans, 
 who were his only fure friends, j- Lord Grey.
 
 "AND IRE'LAND. 
 
 It For a minute ; and the Duke having confented ; Fer- PART 
 gufon gave orders, that the foldiers fhould obferve next day 
 as a folemn faft for fuccefs. In the mean timej Colonel 
 Danvers, a republican officer, prepared to make an infur- 
 reclion in the city. Brigadier Hook, the author of the 
 memoirs, who was afterwards pardoned by King James^ 
 followed him into France, and became his fecretary there, 
 when he was feized duringMonmouth's rebellion, inform- 
 ed James, that Danvers and he had engaged to Monmouth 
 to afTaflinate him, if they could not bring about the in- 
 furre&ion they meditated. 
 
 Monmouth intended the command of the foot for him- 
 felf, and that of the horfe for Fletcher and Lord Grey. F *etcher* 
 The third day after his arrival, he detached Lord Grey 
 with 300 men to florm Bridport, and P'letcher, with an- 
 other party, on another expedition. Lord Grey's party 
 ftormed the town with fpirit j but he himfelf deferted his 
 men, fled back to the Duke, and reported they were de- 
 feated. News foon came that they were victorious. The 
 Duke, confounded, faid to Captain Matthews, " What 
 " fhall I do with him *?" Matthews anfwered, " There 
 " is not a General in Europe who would alk fuch a quef- 
 " tion, but yourfelf." Yet, modeft in his nature, and 
 fearful to offend, the Duke continued Grey in his com- 
 mand. Fletcher, who did not efteem times of danger to 
 be times of ceremony, had, in his expedition, feized, 
 for his own riding, the horfe of a country gentleman* 
 which flood ready equipt for its matter. The matter^ 
 hearing this, ran in a paffion to Fletcher, gave him op- 
 probrious language, fhook his cane, and attempted to 
 ftrike, Fletcher, though rigid in the duties of morality^ 
 yet having been accuftomed to foreign fervices both by fei 
 and land, in which he had acquired high ideas of the ho- 
 nour of a foldier and a gentleman, and of the affront of 
 
 * Fergufou's narrative. 
 
 * Z 2
 
 i8o MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 a cane, pulled out his piftol, and (hot him dead on the fpot. 
 The action was unpopular in counties where fuch re- 
 1685. finements were not underftood. A clamour was raifed 
 againft it among the people of the country : In a body 
 they waited on the Duke with their complaints ; and he 
 was forced to defirc the only foldier, and the almofl only 
 man of parts in his army, to abandon him. With Flet- 
 cher, all Monmouth's chances of fuccefs in war left 
 him. 
 
 Monmouth The Duke of Monmouth, being accuftomed to the for- 
 deUys, and m alities obferved by regular troops in time of peace, more 
 
 decUrei _ f 
 
 bimfdf than to actual war, and not pofieHed of genius to lee, 
 Kms * that, in defperate enterprifes, fudden movements ftrike 
 
 with terror, but that by delays, men recollect their fpi- 
 rits, and in the variety of thefe, come to contemn that 
 danger which at firft they dreaded, would not permit his 
 adherents, who were 6000 in number, and keenly affect- 
 ed to his caufe, to fight the militia under the Duke of 
 Abemarle, who were only 4000 in number, and averfe 
 from the intereft which they were called to defend. With 
 a view to form his men to difcipline, his marches were 
 flow, his refts many : Still, as he advanced, he found the 
 numbers encreafe of the commonalty who offered him 
 their fervice. Some of the inferior gentry too joined him. 
 At Taunton, the people ftrewed his way with flowers and 
 herbs ; followed him with acclamations and prayers ; ad- 
 orned their walls with green boughs ; and threw open 
 their houfes to his army. Twenty-fix young maidens, 
 in the name of the town, prelented him, on their knees, 
 with a bible and a banner. Monmouth, whofefenfibilityof 
 temper was too apt to receive impreflions either of exulta- 
 tion or dejection, was touched with thefe demonftrationsof 
 affection : The prefent of the bible he regarded as an omen 
 of his future fortune. Killing the book, he cried out, "He 
 ' came to defend the truths contained in it, or, to feal 
 
 " them 
 *
 
 AND IRE LAND. 181 
 
 " them with his blood." And, in this fympathy of p A R T i. 
 mind, he was prevailed upon to yield to the entreaties of * 
 many of his followers, who were clamorous that he fhould 1 6g 5 . 
 be proclaimed King. The argument made ufe of, and June 20. 
 which it was given out had convinced him, was, that the 
 two parties were not upon a level, if, when the one was 
 declared guilty of rebellion by royal proclamations, the 
 other could not intimidate its opponents with the fame 
 legal weapons. The immediate exertions of his royalty, 
 were imprudent. He proclaimed Albemarle a traitor, if 
 he did not lay down his arms : He proclaimed all the mem- 
 bers of the parliament traitors, if they did not diflblve 
 themfelves. The very generality of the threat defeated 
 his deftgn, by infuring thofe of impunity whom it meant 
 to intimidate. 
 
 While Monmouth was engaged in fuch trifles, the James 
 Generals on the King's fide had orders to avoid fighting, Mo 
 for the fame reafons which fhould have impelled the Duke m uth ' 
 
 delays. 
 
 to force them to battle. And, in the mean while, James 
 got time to reinforce his army, to obtain an order for the 
 Britiih regiments in the Dutch fervice, to increafe his 
 army in England to 15,000 men, to receive the aflu- 
 rances of parliament for his defence, and the more folid 
 effects of them, a grant of 4005000 /. for the fervices 
 of war. 
 
 The Duke of Monmouth marched towards Briftol, a Monmoutii 
 
 i i- /i i i in defuair 
 
 city abounding in money, arms, itores, and in his own he retires, 
 friends, intending to make an attempt upon it, becaufe 
 he was aflured of afliftance within : But the Duke of 
 Beaufort, having declared to the citizens, that he would 
 fet fire to the town, if they made an infurreclion, Mon- 
 mouth is reported to have faid, " God forbid, that I 
 " fhould bring the two calamities of fword and fire to- 
 " gether upon fo noble a city!" and marched towards 
 Bath. Sentiments fuch as thefe, were not the means, in 
 
 times
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 times of war, to make towns open their gates ; and there- 
 fore, when he arrived at Bath, and fummoned it to fur- 
 1685. render, the citizens fhut their gates, killed his herald* 
 and returned a defiance. 
 
 From Bath he returned to Frome, where he received, 
 all at one time, intelligence of Argyle's defeat, of the 
 arrival of the Dutch regiments at Gravefend, and that 
 Lord Feverfham, with 3000 regular forces, and 30 pieces 
 of cannon, was in full march to give battle to him, who 
 was furnifhed with neither. He then, at laft, perceived 
 the error of his former delays, and the delufions of his 
 vifionary monarchy : He hefitated ; now yielding to, and 
 anon ftruggling againft his defpondency ; while, on the 
 one hand, he obferved the defperate ftate of his affairs; 
 end, on the other, confidered the ruin of his friends, and 
 the grievoufnefs of his fall, from the eftate of a King to 
 that of a fugitive. He aflced advice of all perfons who 
 approached him : He called a council of his officers ; and 
 in the mean time, wrote preffingly to Danvers, to haften 
 his operations in the city *. Danvers, pretending to take 
 offence at his afluming the crown, anfwered, " He was 
 " not obliged to keep faith with one who had broken it 
 " with him." But, before this anfwer arrived, it had been 
 refolved in the council to retire to Bridgewater, in order 
 to wait for a return from Danvers, or to get the better op- 
 portunity for a flight beyond feas, if that return fhould 
 prove unfavourable. Feverfham followed him to Bridge, 
 water. In this retreat, the pufillanimous left him ; but 
 moft of his army, and all the brave part of it, remained 
 with him. Many fymptoms they difcovered of feeling 
 for him, what they felt not for themfelves : A generofity 
 which pierced the tender mind of Monmouth. 
 Battle of At Bridgewater, he mounted to the top of a high tower. 
 
 Scdgcmoor. in- i-iirr 
 
 to take the lait view of a country, which he forefaw 
 
 * Lord Grey 
 
 he
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. 183 
 
 he fo foon muft quit, When there, he efpied, by the af- PART I. 
 fiftance of glaffes, at three miles off, that Feverfham's ._-^ _,* 
 horfe and foot at Sedgemoor lay at a diftance from each ?68$. 
 other, and both carelefsly encamped, from over-fecurity 
 with refpeft to a flying enemy. He refolved in an inftant 
 to attack them that night in the dark. The plan he 
 formed was prompt and wife : He referved to himfelf the 
 attack of the foot who lay neareft him ; and ordered Grey, 
 with part of the horfe, to make a circuit to a village in 
 which Feverfham's cavalry lay, and fet fire to the village, 
 in order to diftraft his cavalry, and with the reft to fall on 
 the back of the infantry, while Monmouth was attacking 
 them in front. Captain Matthews reminded him of Grey's 
 behaviour at Bridport ; but, from the eafinefs and over-* 
 delicacy of his nature, he anfwered, "I will not affront my 
 *' Lord ; what I have given him in charge is eafy to be 
 " executed." Grey, by fome mifcondur, for which he 
 never accounted, mifcarried in his attempt againft the 
 horfe, and fled ; fo that the Duke of Monmouth had to 
 maintain the whole attack with his foot. Captain Huc- 
 ker, who had joined him in England, fired a piftol in ad-* 
 vancing, in order to give an alarm to the enemy ; and 
 then rode off to take the benefit of the King's pardon j by 
 which accident Feverfham's army received the charge, not 
 unprepared. The Duke's irregulars found a ditch before 
 the royalifts, which they did not expect ; but forced their 
 way over it, and attacked with intrepidity. Feverfham's 
 troops, as often happens in combats with an irregular 
 army, at firft gave way, all except Lord Dumbarton's com- 
 panies of Scotch : But the Duke, by his care to keep his 
 men in order, and to make them fire with regularity, in- 
 ftead of ruming into the ranks of their enemies with 
 their fwords, the only weapons by which the fuperiority 
 which difcipline gives to regular over irregular armies can 
 be avoided, loft the advantage: The enemy rallied. At 
 
 this
 
 i8* MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PART f. this fight, the Duke's followers loft all regard to the or- 
 L _ f ders of their General. Every man prefled where he 
 1685. thought his prefence was moft needed, but chiefly where he 
 efpied the bravcft of his friends ; ufmg fometimes the 
 muflcet, fometimes the fword, and often, in the fury of 
 civil diflenfion, grappling with the body, when weapons 
 failed. But, finding they made little impreffion, by this 
 defultory engagement, they formed themfelves into a folid 
 body ; and, laying their fhoulders clofe to each other, and 
 every man encouraging his neighbour, they advanced, 
 flopped, fought, and died together. In this various kind 
 of battle, they maintained their attack for three hours ; 
 every foldier and officer behaving as if the fate of the 
 battle depended on his fmgle arm, and not on the army to 
 which he belonged. At length, Feverfham's cannon 
 were brought to bear on one of the Duke's flanks, mak- 
 ing the greater impreflion on account of the thick order 
 into which his men had gathered themfelves ; and, at 
 the fame time, the horfe, wearied with purfuing Grey, 
 returned, and fell on his rear. Yet his foldiers, although 
 one third of them were fallen, bore thofe redoubled dif- 
 advantages, until all their ammunition was fpent ; and 
 even then rather ceafed to fight, than to keep their ground. 
 The Duke fled ; his army only retreated. He gallopped 
 from the field of battle for twenty miles together, not 
 knowing where he was going : And then quitted his 
 horfe, not refolved where to go. Two days after he was 
 Mcwmonth taken without refiftance, near Ringwood in Dorfetfhirc, 
 token. lying in a ditch covered with ferns, in the habit of a pea- 
 fant : Some green peafe, on which he had fupported life, 
 were found in his pocket, together with his George of 
 diamonds. He had not flept for three nights : From ex- 
 hauftion of fpirits, he fainted and wept *. 
 
 * Gazettes. Ralph, with the authorities he refers to. 
 
 When
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. 185 
 
 When Monmouth was taken, he wrote a letter to P A t T I. 
 James, prefiing earneftly to be brought into his prefence ; * 
 and afluring him, that he had a fecret of the utmoft con- 
 fequence to his fafety to communicate, but which could Account of 
 be imparted only to himfelf. This letter has given oc- mouth's 
 cafion for various conjectures. It cannot be doubted, ] " to lhp 
 that the Prince of Orange might have flopped the prepar- 
 ations of Monmouth : And D'Avaux, fo late as the ijth 
 of April, wrote to his court, that he had difcovered a 
 fecret correfpondence of letters between Monmouth and 
 Bentinck the Prince's favourite *. On the contrary, 
 Monmouth' s letter to James f difproves the imputation 
 of any perfonal concert between the Prince of Orange and 
 him : For in that letter he appeals to the Prince and Prin- 
 cefs of Orange, that he had often given them afTurances he 
 would never acl againft the King, and lays his own breach 
 of duty upon the inftigations of others. But there is good 
 reafon to believe, that the fecret to which he alluded, 
 
 * Father Orleans relate?, that Skelton, the EnglUh envoy in Holland, 
 found the correfpondence between Monmouth and Bentinck among Mon- 
 mouth's papers. The, authority of Orleans is in general ambiguous ; for, 
 en the one hand, there is no doubt he got many fafls from King James's 
 mouth ; but, on the other, when that Prince read his book, he faid "Cela 
 " ne vaut pas granges ckofes j" and therefore, in order to try fo capital a 
 fail by the trueft left, that of original papers, I went to the paper office 
 for Jjkelton's correfpondence with Sundtrhnd ; but Skeltrn's letters from 
 Holland at this time have not been fsnt by Sunderland to the fecretary's of- 
 fice. The reafon of which, as well as of fome other chafms in ths foreign 
 correfpondence of that Lord, at an equally critical period, will be feen in a 
 fubte quern part of thefe Memoirs. 
 
 Loid Grey, who had been engaged in a plot to feize Charles II.'s perfoa 
 during the fitting of the Oxford parliament, in the Ryehoufe-plot, and in 
 Monmouth's rebellion, whilft he was a prifoner in the Tower for the laft of 
 thefe crimes, wrote a relation of his treafons by Sunderland's command, for 
 the ufe of King J^rnes. In this relation, he makes no mention of the con- 
 nection between Monmovth and Bentinck. Some perfons impute, to the 
 prudence of this filence, the pardon which Sunderland obtained for him 
 from King James, and the earldom and great offices beftowed on him by 
 King William. } ItisinRaluh, 883, 
 
 VOL* I. * A a was
 
 1 86 
 
 PA*T I. was the correfpondence which Sunderland held with the 
 Prince of Orange, and that he had himfelf been encouraged 
 rtSj. by Sunderland to his fatal enterprife * t Sheldon, of the 
 King's chamber, brother to General Sheldon, related to 
 many, after the revolution, a ftory, the truth of which 
 James alfo vouched : Sheldon having been fent by the 
 King to the army with a meflage to Lord Feverfham 
 concerning his prifoner, which Monmouth thought a 
 kind one, Monmouth defired Sheldon to communicate 
 thofe two fecrets to his matter. While Sheldon was be- 
 ginning to inform James of what had pa/Ted, Sunderland 
 came into the clofet : Sheldon flopped : James bade him 
 go on : Sheldon anfwered, he had a meflage from Mon- 
 mouth, which could be delivered only in private : But 
 James infifting that Sunderland fhould be privy to every 
 thing which pafled between him and the Duke of Mon- 
 mouth, Sheldon obeyed. Sunderland, throwing himfelf 
 upon his knee, cried out with emotion, " Your Majefry 
 " fees to what calumnies I am expofed by my zeal for 
 " your fervice." It is equally certain, that James, dur- 
 ing his exile, believed, that after he had con/ented to fee 
 Monmouth, Sunderland fent Monmouth a private mef- 
 fage, in which he informed him, that the King's confent- 
 ing to fee him arofe from his rcfolution to pardon him, 
 and in which he advifed him not to hurt his own honour 
 by betraying his friends when there was no neceflity for 
 it, but to pretend a defire of changing his religion, to give 
 fatisfailion to the King. 
 
 Thr King The day after Monmouth arrived at the Tower, he was 
 
 July 14.* ""ied by water to the prefence chamber at Whitehall, 
 
 his arms being bound behind with a filken cord, but his 
 
 hands free. He threw himfelf at the King's feet, owned 
 
 * Whit SunJerland's reafors were for advifing Monmouth to fo wild an 
 attempt, may be known in future ages : At prefenc there are no bilk-real 
 light! to clear up ihe n.ul. 
 
 the
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. 187 
 
 the greatnefs of his offence, and, with many tears, begged PART r. 
 
 his life, reminding James, " That in fhedding his ne- BooK IJ - 
 
 " phew's blood, he fhed his own :" A commemoration 
 
 of connexion, which, in the hour of friendship, would 
 
 have given pleafure, now increafed the averfion of the 
 
 King j and he heard and faw his agonies with a ftern. 
 
 infenfibility. The Duke offered to become catholic ; 
 
 a flattery which provoked James, by fuppofing he could 
 
 be the dupe of it. He communicated no fecret ; and 
 
 James believed he had none to communicate. All was 
 
 filence for a while on the King's part. Yet, from that 
 
 Jilence, the Duke derived hopes. Thefe hopes increafed, 
 
 when he was defired to fign a declaration, importing, 
 
 that the late King affured him he was never married to 
 
 his mother. He obeyed. James then defired him to 
 
 name all his accomplices ; and, when he hefitated, loaded 
 
 him with reproaches. The Duke, in a tranfport of 
 
 paffion, ftarts from the ground, and quits the royal pre- 
 
 fence with the air of an equal. 
 
 When he came back to the Tower, the love of life re- . 
 
 turned : He afked for paper, pen and ink, to write again I 1 Sotl er 
 
 r r * . If tters to 
 
 to his unclet Scott, of Dumbarton's regiment, one of the King. 
 
 the officers who guarded him, told him, that he had 
 
 orders not to permit him to write : But upon the Duke's 
 
 repeating earneftly his requeft, Scott, who was of the 
 
 Duchefs of Monmouth's family, confented. Monmouth, 
 
 in this letter, again warned the King againft Sunderland. 
 
 But Blood, who had an office in the Tower, .either the 
 
 fame man who had ftolen the crown in the late reign, or 
 
 his fon, fufpecling Scott from his continuing fo long 
 
 with the Duke, forced him, by menaces, to deliver up 
 
 the letter *, and carried it to Sunderland, who deflroyed 
 
 * Scott was of Mr. Scott of Harden's family. He was af cowards a Colo, 
 nel In ;he French fervice. There are men now living in Scotland, to whom 
 he u-ld this ftory. 
 
 * A a 2 it
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 P A * T 
 
 BOOK 
 
 1685. 
 
 Anecdote* 
 
 it. Orders were given for the Duke's execution next 
 day. Monmouth, rendered impatient by the flatteries of 
 a fortune-teller, who aflured him, that if he outlived that 
 day, he was defigned by Providence for great things^ 
 wrote a third letter to James, to beg a fhort refpite of 
 his execution. This letter was delivered by Sunderland; 
 but the prayer of it was refufed. 
 
 The Duke difcovered compunction for the negleA 
 with which he had treated his lady, who, though not 
 beautiful, was poflefled of wit and tendernefs, and had 
 brought him one of the greateft fortunes in Europe j and 
 he defired to fee her alone. Affe&ing diftance from his 
 treafons, and regard for her children, but in reality flung 
 with flighted love, even in death, (he refufed to fee him 
 un!efs witnefles were prefent. Yet, by the tendernefs of 
 her affection, and her repeated applications for mercy, {he 
 performed every duty of a wife and a friend. It is a 
 family report, that on the morning of her hufband's exe- 
 cution, James fent her a meflage, that he would breakfaft 
 with her. She admitted the vifit, believing that a pardon 
 was to accompany it. James behaved with fondnefs to 
 her children, and delivered her a grant of her hufband's 
 eftate, which had fallen to the crown by his attainder : 
 Strange mixture of indelicacy and generofity * ! 
 
 Monmouth was not condemned by the judges, left the 
 fight of him in a court might excite commiferation. At 
 his execution, the fpec"lators were innumerable. On his 
 firft appearance upon the fcaffbld, he bowed to the people, 
 by whom, he knew, he was tenderly beloved ; but, from 
 regard to the decorum of his rank, addrefled them not. 
 Deep filences fucceeded alternately to murmurs of fighs 
 and groans in the fpedlators, who felt their grief reftrained 
 by refpedt when they looked upon Monmouth j but burft 
 i;ito tears, as oft as they beheld the forrowful looks of 
 each other. Men of rank are more afraid of pain than of 
 
 mouth's 
 execution. 
 Jjtb July 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 * Lord Fountainhall' maaufcript memorandums. 
 
 death,
 
 AND IRELAND. 189 
 
 death, and of fhame than of either. He expreffed anxiety PART I. 
 
 _ . , ii-i-r 11 BOOK II, 
 
 left the executioner fhould not end his life at a blow, ex- ^_ ^ f 
 amining the ax to fatisfy himfelf ; and faid, " He was 1685. 
 ** afraid to die j" yet afked, " Could any one perceive it 
 " by his countenance ?" The executioner, awed by the 
 rank of his victim, after feveral ineffectual ftrokes, threw 
 away the ax, and could with difficulty be prevailed on to 
 complete his duty. The people, in their tears and pray- 
 ers, and the contortions of their bodies, feemed to feel 
 thofe ftrokes which the Duke no longer felt. Thofe, 
 who confidered the various turns of human things, re- 
 flected, that the multitudes who attended his execution 
 would, in a different fituation of his fortune, have been 
 ihouting after the wheels of his chariot. The decent 
 courage with which he died, fhewed how much force 
 the fentiments of perfonal dignity have over thofe of na- 
 ture in men of illuftrious birth. In his pockets, after 
 his death, were found fpells againft danger, fongs, and 
 prayers, in his own hand-writing; papers chara&eriftic 
 of a mind addicted to ambition, pleafure, and fuperftition. 
 The fondnefs of the common people followed Monmouth. 
 even beyond the grave : They believed that one of his 
 friends, refembling him, had confented to lofe his life 
 in public, to fave that of Monmouth. They ftarted at 
 every rumour of his name ; and long expected with im- 
 patience when their favourite fhould again call them 
 to affert his caufe and their own. Lord Dartmouth, by 
 order of James, attended the execution. When he gave 
 an account of it to the King, he faid, " You have got 
 '* rid of one enemy ; but a more dangerous one remains 
 a behind." James pretended not to underftand that his 
 fon-in-law was alluded to j yet the words funk deep into 
 his mind. 
 
 Two relations were printed by the King's authority A relation 
 one of the manner of Monmouth's falling into the hands 
 
 of
 
 j 9 o MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PA T I. of thofe who purfued him, and the other of his execution, 
 *-*~l^ the 1*^ f which was figned by the bifliops who attended 
 1685. him. In thefe was defcribed every thing which Mon- 
 iiflic7by the moutn had faid or done during thofe painful periods. Here 
 King. jt was faid, " He had taken fhelter in a covert fur- 
 " rounded with hedges, but full of outlets to the open 
 " country. Of thefe outlets the guards had taken pof- 
 " feffion ; fo that as often as he approached them, which 
 *' was thirty times, he had been driven back into his 
 " concealments." There it was faid, " The bifhops 
 " had prefled him to repent of his connection with Lady 
 " Harriot Wentworth $ but he had treated his paffion 
 " for that lady as a matter of refpedl ; and the laft 
 " aft of his life was to fend her a love-token. The 
 " bifhops had prefled him to own on the fcaffbld to the 
 " people, the doctrine of non-refiftance j but he an- 
 " fwered, He came there to die, not to make fpeeches. 
 " They urged him to pray for the King j but he kept 
 * filent. They afked him to join in their prayer for the 
 " King : With a carelefs air he faid, Amen." Men 
 were aftonifhed to fee, that the perfon who had the moft 
 intereft in decency to draw a veil over the agonies of his 
 nephew, was the moft anxious to difcover them. Thefe 
 things ftruck the nation with impreflions of the feverity 
 of James's character. A faying of Ayloffe was every- 
 where repeated : AylofFe had ftabbed himfelf in Scotland 
 to efcape puniflimentj but, having recovered, was brought 
 into the royal prefence, in hopes that difcoveries might 
 be drawn from him. James prefled him to a confeffion, 
 faying, " You know, Mr. AylofFe, it. is in my power to 
 " give you a pardon ; therefore fay that which may de- 
 " ferve it." AylofFe anfwered, " Though it is in your 
 *' power, it is not in your nature to pardon." AyiofFe 
 had been reproached by Lord Dumbarton for his intend- 
 ed
 
 AND IRELAND. 191 
 
 ed fuicide. " I am forry for it," faid AylofFe, becaufe P A.R T t. 
 " it is the only cowardly thing I ever did *." . ^_^__^ 
 
 A few days after Argyle had landed in Scotland, the 1685. 
 parliaments of England and Scotland had aflembled. i^^*" 
 From the refpeft naturally paid to a new reign, with the 
 hopes it infpires and the fears it imprefles, moft of the 
 members returned were men who were thought to be 
 agreeable to the court ; yet the anxiety of the people had 
 mingled with them a great number of the popular partyf. 
 Thofe, by their principles, fhould have been inclined to 
 promote, and thefe to oppofe, the views of the King* 
 But this parliament exhibited a ftate of parties which had 
 never before been feen in England. Under proteftant 
 princes, the interefts of the King and of the church having 
 been the fame, the friends of both were united in favour 
 of the crown ; a conneflion which produced the faying 
 of James I. " No Bifhop, no King." But, under a 
 Prince who publicly profefled the popifh religion, many 
 of the tories fmothered their attachment to monarchy, 
 and their antipathy to popular innovations, in their fears 
 for religion : And hence in this parliament, the dif* 
 tinction between a ftate- tory and a church-tory firft ap- 
 peared in public. Many of the whig members, on the 
 other hand, hoped, by making reafonable conceflions to 
 the crown, to gain the king to his people, and reconcile 
 him to themfelves . 
 
 * Lord Fountainhall's manufcript memorandums. 
 
 j- Vide the lift in Eacbard, p. 744. and the Duke of Mor.mou'h's letter 
 in Welwood, p. 378. 
 
 J The Duke of Monmouth's letter to his confident Spence contains thefs 
 \vords : " It's to me a vain argument, that eur enemies are fcarce yet well 
 ' fettled, when you confider, That fear in fome, and ambition in others, 
 * have brought them to comply j and that the parliament being madsup for 
 ' the moft part of members that formerly run our enemy down, they will 
 ' be ready to make their peace as foon as thsy can, richer than hazard 
 ' themfelves upyn an uncertain bouom," 
 
 The
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 I. The ambiguity of James's intentions in the few fteps 
 he had taken ; the hopes raifed by fome of them ; the 
 1685. jealoufics not removed by others ; produced an anxiety 
 
 mcn to near tne 6 r ft words of the 
 
 fovereign from the throne to the great council of the na- 
 tion. James being graceful in figure, and in public 
 though not in private fpeech, all eyes were fixed upon 
 him when he rofe ; but uncertain of his fentiments, 
 his fubje&s checked the natural efr'ufions of favour 
 to dignity and majefty, until they fhould hear what 
 he was to fay. He began with repeating, and patheti- 
 cally, the fame words he had made ufe of on the firft 
 day of his reign in his declaration to his privy council, 
 to maintain the eftablifhed laws and religion : The audi- 
 ence looked with joy and with pride, alternately on their 
 fovereign and on each other. He then urged reafons 
 of ftate for the fettlement of the late King's revenue 
 upon himfelf: Murmurs of afTent were heard through 
 the hall. But when he concluded with hints fo ftrongly 
 marked, that they were in reality threats, of governing 
 by prerogative, and not 'by parliaments, if that revenue 
 was denied, the looks of men, which in popular aflem- 
 blics can never be difguifed, funk at once into dif- 
 app'ointmcnt and dejection. His concluding words were 
 thefe : " There is one popular argument which I forefee 
 *' may be ufed againft what I feek of you, from the in- 
 " clination men have for frequent parliaments, which 
 " foine may think would be the beft fecured, by 
 '* feeding me from time to time by fuch proportions 
 " as they fhall think convenient. And this argument 
 " (it being the firft time I fpeak to you from the 
 " throne) I will anfwer once for all : That this 
 " would be a very improper method to take with me ; 
 " and that the beft way to engage me to meet you 
 " often, is always to ufe me well. I expect, therefore, 
 
 that
 
 AND IRELAND. ig 
 
 ct that you will comply with me in what I Have clefiredj P A ft -f I. 
 * c aWd that you will do it fpeedily, that this may be a fhort * _^j 
 " fe:u:>n, and that we may meet again to all our fat if- ,68{. 
 " fnaions." 
 
 The leaders of the different parties in parliament, how- R ver > u 
 ever, had gone too far in the communication of their 
 fentiments and intentions, to be able to retract. The 
 tories urged the interefts of the crown for the fettlement 
 of the revenue : The whigs perhaps flattered themfelves, 
 that by granting with franknefs what they were not able 
 to with-ho!d, they mould throw the greater odium upon 
 the King, if, in return for parliamentary confidence, he 
 fhould make any invafion upon the civil or religious in- 
 ftkutions eftablifhed by parliament. All were fenfible^ 
 that the necefiities of the late King had obliged him >t<J 
 
 o <^s 
 
 apply to France for relief. Many were pleafed with 
 the report at that time induftrioufly fpread about, that 
 James had detached himfelf from Louis XIV. and joined 
 hiterefts with the Prince of Orange : And fome were 
 afraid left their oppofition might be conftrued into an in- 
 clination to favour the projects of Monrnouth and ArgyieJ 
 which were not then fupprefled; The houfe of commons' 
 therefore voted the fettlement of the late King's revenue, 
 amounting to i,20O,OOO, upon James during life, on 
 the fame day that he aftzed it ; and, foon after, upon his 
 application for a further provifion for public ufes, they 
 revived fome old, granted fome new impofitions, and 
 fettled both upon him for life, By thefc grants, added to 
 his own fettlement as Duke of York, he was poflefled of 
 an annual revenue of two millions a year, befides the re- 
 venues of Scotland and Ireland : A revenue greater than 
 any King of England had pofiefled from the time of 
 William the Conqueror's death. 
 
 But though the commons difcovered fo much confi- repute ^ 
 dence in the King in money matters, fome diftruft of g io n, 
 
 VOL, I * Bb him
 
 I 9 4 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PAT I. him appeared with regard to religion*. A motion was" 
 .,, * * I made for the further fecurity of the proteftant religion : 
 685. It was referred to the grand committee for religion : 
 The committee, when very full, refolved unanimoufly 
 to move the houfe " to ftand by the King in the fupport 
 " and defence of the reformed religion of the church of 
 " England with their lives and fortunes ;" and to addrefs 
 him " to put the laws in execution again/} all dijjenters 
 ** whatfoever from the church of England." The court 
 oppofed the motion : A vehement debate enfued j but the 
 difpute was compromifed by a refolution of the houfe, 
 which, at the fame time that it paid the King the com- 
 pliment of an unbounded confidence, was meant to inti- 
 mate to him the firm attachment of thofe who framed it 
 to the religion of their country. The refolution was in 
 thefe words : " That the houfe relies on his Majefty's 
 " word and repeated declaration, to fupport and defend 
 " the religion of the church of England, as it is now by 
 " law eftablifhed, which is dearer to us than our lives.'* 
 Left the laft words of this refolution fhould not make 
 iufficient impreflion on James, the fpeaker, when he pre- 
 fented the revenue-bill, remarked, that the commons had 
 pafled that bill, without joining any bill to it for the fe- 
 curity of their religion, though that was dearer to them 
 than their lives. James took no notice of thefe words, 
 either in the addrefs of the commons, or in the fpeech 
 of their fpeaker. 
 
 The haifes In the houfe of lords, an attempt was made to pleafe 
 thenmfai ^ King, ' in a wav f a11 others the moft agreeable to 
 of Stafford's him. Oates had lately been pilloried, whipped, and con- 
 
 ..... - ,. 
 
 demned to perpetual impnfonment, m confequence or a 
 clear proof, that he had perjured himfelf in the evidenca 
 which he gave in the late reign, in fupport of the popifh 
 
 * Journ, houfe of commons, May 17. 
 
 plot.
 
 AND IRELAND. 195 
 
 plot. Upon this a motion was made in the houfe of lords PART I. 
 
 to reverfe the attainder of Lord Stafford, becaufe, by the Bo K JIi 
 
 conviction of Gates, it was now become plain, that the 1685. 
 
 evidence on which Stafford had been condemned was 
 
 falfe, and even the popifh plot itfelf a mere fiction. 
 
 The principles of mercy, juftice, and religion, called 
 
 aloud tor reparation to Stafford's memory and family. 
 
 On the other hand, that reparation could not be 
 
 made without throwing difgrace upon four fucceeding 
 
 parliaments, which had profecuted and puniflied the 
 
 plot as a reality, and upon the whole party of the 
 
 whigs, and many of the tories. The debate lafted three 
 
 days in the houfe of lords. Honour prevailed in men of 
 
 noble birth, and they voted to reverfe the attainder. But 
 
 prudential confiderations prevailed among the commons : 
 
 Reflecting, that no popifh victories could with fafety 
 
 be indulged in a popifh reign, they received the bill with 
 
 coldnefs ; and after the firft reading, it was dropped : 
 
 Soon after, the parliament was adjourned until winter. 
 
 But while the members of the Englifh parliament were Excefsof 
 taking delicate and guarded meafures to gain their fove- s^ouik'par. 
 reign, and yet not to lofe their own characters, the par- 
 liament of Scotland, which met a little before that of 
 England, had ruflied into fervility with a promptitude 
 which leffened, even in the King's eyes, the value of the 
 compliment, and with an affectation of zeal which cre- 
 ated in the public a fufpicion of its fincerity. In propor- 
 tion as any man was high in his birth or ftation, or even 
 character, he ftrove for expreflions of flattery and mo- 
 tions of fervility. Men of inferior figure vied with each 
 other, who fhould be the firft to propofe what had not 
 , been thought of by their fuperiors, left they fhould appear 
 to have been only led in the general furrender, which 
 they forefaw was to be made of their country's rights. 
 * B b 2 James,
 
 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 James, in his letter to the parliament, made a diftinciiou 
 between them and his Englifli fubjedts, which could not 
 be pleafing to the latter : For he faid, that he had called 
 them together $' to give them an opportunity, not only 
 ' l of {hewing their duty as formerly to him, but of being 
 '' exemplary to others in their compliance with his defires:'' 
 And, to make his meaning plain to both nations, when 
 he fpoke of the extent of his prerogative, he added thefe 
 words: " Which I am refolved to maintain in its greateft 
 " luftre," The Lord Chancellor Perth concluded his 
 fpeech with exhorting the parliament to advance the greut- 
 nefsofthe King " by all the endeavours of their lives 
 '' without referve." As the terms which men made ufe 
 of in public, when they fpoke of the ftate or prerogative 
 of the crown, were at that time marked, becaufe they 
 Were the tokens of party fentiments, it waso'oferved how 
 fimilar thefe words, without refervf, were to the conclu- 
 fion of the Oxford addrefs, which promifed obedience to 
 the King without any rejirifiions or limitations. 'The fpeeclj 
 of the Duke of Queenfberry, the King's commiffioner, 
 and the tone ef all thofe who could be fupppfed to fpeal{ 
 the language of the court, 'were full of pro.miles to the 
 national interert, and of flattery to the national character 
 of the Scotch. 
 
 The Scotch, in this parliament, renewed the laws 
 againft proteftant difientcrs, and added new feveritics to 
 them : They extended the laws of treafon : They obliged 
 all the fubjedis, under high penalties, to take the oath of 
 allegiance, which maintained the dodtrtneof pafilve obe- 
 dience ; an oath which, in the late reign, had been im- 
 pofed only on perfons in public truft : They fettled the 
 late King's revenue upon the Crown for ever ; and gave 
 James a new one during his own life : They pafifed an adl, 
 in which it was faid, " Theblefiings the nation then cn- 
 ' joyed, were owing to the jo!id abfolutc authority where- 
 
 " with
 
 AND IRELAND. 
 
 *<- with their Kings were inverted, by the firft and fun- PART 
 *' damental laws of their monarchy." In this aft, "They * 
 * c exprefled their abhorrence of all principles which are 
 " contrary or derogatory to the King's facred, fupreme* 
 " abfelute power and authority.' 1 And they refolved '* to 
 *' give entire obedience to the King, without referve."- 
 But the act contained fomething more folid than the 
 expreflion of principles : For it obliged all the men in the 
 nation, from fixteen to fixty, "to be in readinefs to at- 
 " tend the King in arms, where, and as oft as he fhould 
 " require." 
 
 The noife of this excefs of loyalty in the parliament of Sentiment* 
 Scotland foon reached England, creating every where ti<h nation, 
 jealoufies and fear. But thefe proceedings of the Scotch 
 parliament were found, and no more. By the conftitu- 
 tion of that aflembly, it was no reprefentation of thefen- 
 timents of the great body of the nation ; becaufethe com- 
 mons made no feparate aflembly. By the forms in which 
 bufinefs was conducted, its acts were not even reprefenta- 
 tions of its own fentiments ; becaufe the Lords of articles 
 had a negative before debate *. But the fentiments of 
 the Scottish nation were far different from thofe exprefled 
 to the public in the proceedings of this parliament. Many 
 in the higher ranks of the nation, reflected upon the 
 independence of their anceftors, national glories, their 
 own importance loft. The lower orders of the people, 
 which confifted moftly of prefbyterians, cheriflbed in their 
 breafts fecret and deliberate revenge for the punifhmentof 
 their perfons, and the profcription of their religion. The 
 prefbyterian clergy, who alone were popular, opprefled 
 by the government, but fupported by the people, found 
 their pleafure and their intereft in complaining. So that, 
 v/ith the appearance of a whole nation, and a warlike on.e, 
 
 * Vide an account of the conftitution of the Lords of articles in Part ad 
 of thefe Memoirs. 
 
 at
 
 , 9 8 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 p A T I. at James's feet, the only perfons in whom he could confide 
 ' in Scotland, were the perfonal friends he had gained 
 1685. whilft he refided there * ; and thefe indeed were nume- 
 rous and firm ; the Roman Catholics who were few in 
 number j and the fervants of the crown ; and, in many 
 of thefe laft, he could no longer confide, than it was for 
 their intereft to fupport him. Thefe proceedings in Scot- 
 land, therefore, only betrayed to the Englifli the inclina- 
 tions and views of James, but gave no additional ftrength 
 to the monarch. 
 
 Kirk's era- -While the parliaments of both kingdoms were, in the 
 eityinthe capitals, vying with each other, in giving proofs of their 
 affedion to the King, fcenes of a very different nature 
 were paffing in the remoter counties of England. Fever- 
 fham, after Monmouth's defeat, hanged up, without any 
 trial, twenty prifoners ; and Colonel Kirk, nineteen. 
 Kirk, with a favage refinement, made a fport of the 
 murders he committed. Having a gallows erected at his 
 
 * Jimes gained numbers of the Scotch by familiarity. He hid long dif- 
 gufled them by his diftance: The change in his manners was owing to an 
 accident t When ihe Dutchefs of York came f.rft to Scotland, fhe one day 
 cbferved three covers upon the dining table. She afked the Duke for whum 
 the third cover was intended ? He anfwered, For General Dalziel, whom he 
 had afked to dine with him. The Dutchefs tefufed to permit a private gentle- 
 man to fit at table with her. Dalziel, who had been in the Imperial ftrvice, 
 entered the room in the mean time 5 and, bearing the fcruples of the Dut- 
 chefs, told her, he had dined at a table where her father had flood at his back > 
 alluding to the Duke of Modrna's being a vafTal of the Emperor. The Dut- 
 chefs felt the reproof, and advifcd her hufiind not to offend the pride of 
 proud men. 
 
 Dilzicl wa< a fingular character of the laft age. He once ftruck an offi- 
 cer on the parade : The officer waited on him next day, and defired him to 
 leceive hi* commiffion. " 1 underftand you, 1 ' faid Dalziel ; "you are enti- 
 " tied tofatisfa&ion, and you fhall have it." They exchanged fhotj. Th 
 officer fired a fecond lime, and then called to Dalziel to do fo. The Gene- 
 ral anfwered, " It will be to little purpofc : I did not charge with ball : God 
 " forbid I (hould injure you twice." The officer advancing faid, " I have 
 " got too much fatisfa&ion, and 1 beg back my comir.iifiun." 
 
 7 door*
 
 A N D I & E L A N D. 199 
 
 door, he ufed, while drinking with his companions, PART'!* 
 to order the execution of his prifoners to accompany the i __ f _^_^ 
 glafs that was drunk to the health of the King, or the l68 S 
 Queen, or Judge Jeffreys. When he Taw the feet of 
 the dying fhake, in the laft agonies of departing life, he 
 faid, " They fhould have mufic to their dancing ;" and 
 ordered his trumpets to found, and his drums to ftrike up. 
 He let loofe his foldiers to live on free quarter in the coun- 
 try, without diftinction between the innocent and the 
 guilty ; and thefe inftruments of his violence he named> 
 in deriflon, " His lambs." Thefe proceedings were, in 
 the eye of law, robberies and murders ; yet in the vio- 
 lence of civil rage, neither the court nor the officers of 
 the law took notice of them. 
 
 Jeffreys, now ennobled, was the judge who tried the Jeffreys'* 
 prifoners on the weftern circuit : A man cruel in his tem- cruelt y 
 per, brutal in his manner, and a contemner of every thing 
 that is decent. A power was given to him in his com- 
 million, to command the forces in the weft j fo that the 
 terrors both of the law and of the fword were united in 
 hisperfon. In this circuit, he fhed that blood with plea- 
 fure, which the law intends ftiould be fhed with pain. In 
 his preliminary charge to the grand jury at Dorchefter, 
 where he firft opened the trials, he charged them to en- 
 quire after " not only all principals," but " all aiders and 
 " abettors of thofe who had been concerned in the rebel- 
 ** lion :" A charge which moulded the jury~men to his 
 will, by the confideration of their perfonal fafeties j be- 
 caufe there were few of them who had not given refuge 
 to their friends or relations in diftrefs. He preffed the 
 prifoners to confefs, " to fave himfelf trouble," as he ex- 
 preffed it. And fome of thofe who refifted his entreaties, 
 and were found guilty, he ordered to be executed the 
 fame day, in order to intimidate others from following 
 their example. His officers had orders to prevail upon 
 
 the
 
 200 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 P A B T I. the prifoners to confefs, with promifes of pardon : Whcri 
 ^__^_^ the prifoners adhered in court to their confeffion, they 
 1685, were condemned to be hanged : When they retraced, 
 thefe officers were evidences at hand to prove the confef- 
 fion. Bragg, an attorney, having been found guilty, 
 Jeffreys declared with a jeft, " That, if any lawyer or 
 *' parfon came in his way, they fhould not efcape him." 
 One of the prifoners moving an objection to a witnefs* 
 Jeffreys interrupted him with thefe words : " Villain, re- 
 '* be], methinks I fee thee already with a halter round 
 *' thy neck." The evidence againft Mr. Hewling being 
 doubtful, the juftice of peace, who had given informa- 
 tion againft him, remarked it to Jeffreys, and interceded 
 in his behalf. Jeffreys anfwereJ, " You have brought 
 " him on ; if he be innocent, his blood be upon you.'* 
 When this gentleman's fitters* hung on the wheels of 
 his coach, to beg mercy for their brother^ he ordered his 
 coachman to cut their arms and hands with his whip. 
 The mayor of Taunton inierpofcd with Jeffreys for 
 Speke, a gentleman in whofe cafe there were circum- 
 ftances of favour. " No," cried Jeffreys, \vith a vio- 
 lent motion of his arm, " his family owes a life, and he 
 " (hall die for the fake of his name." Yet one of Jef- 
 freys's executions efcaped cenfure. Hucker, who had given 
 the alarm to Feverfham's army, when Monmouth was ad- 
 vancing upon it, pleaded his treachery in alleviation of his 
 rebellion : But Jeffreys told him, " He deferved a double 
 " death ; one for rebelling againft his fovereign, and the 
 " other for betraying his friends f." 
 
 Execution I n the courfe of thefe trials, a fad fpectacle was exhi- 
 Lide and bited : Two women were condemned to be burnt alive, 
 
 Mrt. Gaunt. 
 
 Granger Biog. Hift. . a. p. 543. 
 
 f A Lady interceded on her knees for the life of Mr. Battifon her lover: 
 Jeffrey* anfwered, " When he is quartered, you (hall have that part of hi* 
 " body which I know you like Left," Ralph, with the authorities he 
 <t<iotci. 
 
 fQt
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. ftoi 
 
 6r indulging thefweeteftof female virtues, compafllon PAT I. 
 for the diftrefled. Mrs. Gaunt, a tradefwoman in the t J C l ' m 
 city, had formerly faved the life of one of her neigh- 1685* 
 hours, named Burton, who had been engaged in the Rye- 
 houfe-plot, by getting him conveyed beyond fea. This 
 man having efcaped from the battle in which Monmouth 
 was defeated, fhe prepared a fecond time to fhew him the 
 fame kindnefs, and fupplied him with money befideSi 
 Burton, being afraid that his efcape beyond fea might be 
 prevented, turned upon his benefaclrefs, and became evi- 
 dence againft her. Men of all parties exclaimed, " That 
 " the manners were corrupted by the laws ; for that per* 
 " fidy was protected and generofity punifhed." Lady 
 Lifle had given refuge to Hicks, a diflenting clergymar^ 
 who had begged the protection of her houfe, and trufted 
 his life in her hands. She was widow to Lord Lifle, one 
 of the regicides, who, on that account, had been aflafli- 
 nated in Switzerland. She was taken by Colonel Pen-- 
 ruddock, whofe father had been adjudged to death by 
 Lord Lifle, for his attachment to the royal caufe. With 
 equal fpirit and tendernefs, though above feventy years of 
 age, fhe exclaimed at her trial and execution, "I once 
 " thought as little of being brought to this place as any 
 " one here. The perfon whom I received under my 
 " roof, was convicted by no fentence, was mentioned in 
 *' no proclamation ; how then could I know I was ob- 
 " noxious to the law in receiving him ? My own princi- 
 " pies have ever been loyal. None in England fhed 
 " more tears for the death of the King's father than I 
 " did. If I could have ventured my life for any thing, 
 ." it would have been to ferve the prefentKing : But, al- 
 *' though I could not fight for him, my fon did, againft 
 *' the Duke of Monmouth. I fent the fon to atone for 
 " the ofFences of the father : It was I who bred him up 
 " to fight for his Sovereign : With my laft breath I will 
 VOL. I.' * C c blefs
 
 et MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 PAET I. blefs that life which takes away mine *." Jeffreys, in 
 *_ ' f his charge to the jury, admired the juftice of God, which 
 1685. had made Penruddock the inftrument of fliedding blood 
 for blood. The jury returned into court with doubts, be- 
 caufe there was no proof of her knowing that Hicks had 
 been in the rebel army ; but Jeffreys told them, that her 
 receiving him, after fhe fufpected it, was equivalent ; 
 and, when they found her guilty, he faid f, " If fhe had 
 < been my mother, I would have returned the fame ver- 
 di& againft her." Two tory Peereffes J applied for 
 her pardon, declaring that fhe had done favours to their 
 party, in their greateft extremities : But Jeffreys, who 
 thought that her acquittal would imply his own condemn- 
 ation, had exacled a promife from James not to pardon 
 her, by affuring him, that all her pretenfions to loyalty 
 were falfe : The only favour fhe obtained was to be be- 
 headed, not burnt. One thoufand were condemned to 
 die ; of whom a fourth part fell by the hands of the ex- 
 ecutioner. The other punifhments were numerous and 
 rigid. The marks of vengeance remained, even when 
 it could be exerted no longer : For, in the country vil- 
 lages where Jeffreys paffed, places in which far other 
 fliews ufed to be feen, the heads and limbs of fathers 
 and brothers were expofed upon towers and gibbets, to 
 the view of the inhabitants, who were perhaps them- 
 ftlves the moft humbling fpe&acle of the two : For 
 fear fufpended in them all the duties of nature : In every 
 neighbour they dreaded an informer, and were obli- 
 ged to hide their grief, left their loyalty fhould be doubted. 
 Of all who were brought to trial for Monmouth's rebel- 
 lion, Lord Delamere was the almoft only man who was 
 acquitted, and this only becaufe, being of noble birth > 
 he was tried by a jury of nobles, who fcorned to take 
 
 Lady Lifle" trial and laft fpeech. -f- Stite trials, 513. vol. 3. 
 | Ibid. 514.
 
 A N D I R E L A N D. 203 
 
 their dire&ions from Jeffreys. Though guilty, he efcap- PART!. 
 cd by the crime of Saxton, one of the witnefles agatnft __ _^J 
 him, who, from over-anxiety to reach the prifoner, in- 1685. 
 volved himfelf in perjury. One of the King's letters to 
 the Prince of Orange * concerning this vile perfon, marks 
 the feverityof his temper ; for it exprefies bis intention to 
 get Saxton pilloried by one trial for perjury, and hanged by 
 another for rebellion. Thefe feverities of Jeffreys, fright- 
 ful even to thole to whom he committed their execution, 
 were imputed, at the time, to the barbarity of his tem- 
 per alone. But other caufes of his conduct were brought 
 to light in the next reign. It was then made appear, 
 that he had exaded a prefent of I5,ooo/. for himfelf 
 from Mr. Prideaux, a Devonfhire gentleman, for not 
 bringing him to trial f. 
 
 A hiftorian would chufe to draw a veil over the proceed- 
 ings of Jeffreys, fo painful to recite, did they not ferve to 
 remind the judges of other ages, that the decorum and 
 dignity of princes fhould be mixed with the tendernefs of 
 women, in the expreflion of their manners. 
 
 The furies of Kirk and Jeffreys feemed at this time to 
 have infedled even thofe of milder profeflions : A clergy- 
 man of the church of England, having been entreated to 
 apply for mercy in his brother's behalf, anfwered coldly, 
 <c I cannot fpeak for a fanatic." Yet fome there were 
 who retrieved the national character of humanity ; While 
 
 * Vid. Letter of January 15, 1686, in Appendix to this Book. 
 
 J- Journals houfe of commons, Nov. 30, 1690, Jeffreys carried with 
 him to the circuit a buffoon called Wifeman to amufe him, Wifeman com- 
 plained to him one day in their cups, that though Jeffreys liked his company 
 he took no care of him. Jeffreys happened at the time to have a lift of the 
 condemned perfons in his hand. He threw it acrofs the table, and defired 
 'Wifeman to pick out a perfoo to be pardoned, adding " a word is enough to 
 '< a wife man." Wifeman, it may be well imagined, did not fix upon the 
 pooreft perfon in the lift, and made his fortune. The amiable author of 
 Hermes told me this (lory. His uncle, Colonel Beaumont, was in the com- 
 pany. 
 
 * C c 3 other
 
 204 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 P A * T I. other men of high figure in the church were pouring; 
 
 i ' * ' ^ ort ^ t ' le ' r zea ' a g am ft rebellion at court, Kenne, bifliop 
 4685. of Bath and Wells, though unqueftionable in his attach- 
 ment to the King, and who, in proof of it, quitted his 
 bifliopric in the next reign, continued in his diocefe *, 
 fpending days and nights in prayers with the prifoners, 
 relieving their wants, although he was poor himfelf, and 
 refpecting the principles of others, becaufe he had prin- 
 ciples of his own. 
 
 In Scotland, only two executions followed that of Ar- 
 gyle ; becaufe, as there had been no battle, there were few 
 prifoners ; becaufe the fidelity of the highlanders to each 
 otherprevented informers and their prejudices to the caufe 
 of their chieftain made them proper objedh of pity to go- 
 vernment ; but chiefly becaufe there was no Jeffreys at 
 that time in that country. About 200 were attainted : 
 Moft of thefe took refuge in Holland ; and afterwards 
 returned with the Prince of Orange, at the revolution. 
 
 The exceflive rigour of punifliment deftroyed thofe 
 morals which it was intended to amend. There is a let- 
 ter from Rumbold to Walcot, upon the difcovery of the 
 Ryehoufe-plot, ftill exifting f, in which he thanked 
 Walcot for not betraying him. And yet Rumbold, in 
 his laft fpeech at Edinburgh, denied the fhare he had had 
 in that plot j and his laft words were thefe : " Death is 
 44 terrible indeed ! But to me it has no terrors. With my 
 " God I have made my peace : To no man have I done 
 " injuftice : What then have I to fear J?" 
 
 After fo many trialsf or recent, it was thought hard to 
 begin new ones for former offences : Yet Cornifh, one 
 of the obnoxious fheriffs of the late reign, and Bateman, 
 
 * Life of Biffiop Kenne, p. 16, and 52. 
 
 | This letter is dated Auguft 2, 1683, and it in the Paper-office. It la- 
 ments the bad fuccefs of the confpiracy, thanks Walcot for concealing his 
 none, and contains ihefe words : It is not unknown to any of us, with 
 ' what zeal and finceiity you Ifd us on, whilft there was any hopes of 
 ?' fuccecding." J Woodrow^ 
 
 whq
 
 A N D I R E L A N D; 205 
 
 svho had been furgeon to Shaftefbury, were both exe- PART I. 
 cuted for their acceflion to the Ryehoufe plot ; and Lord * ^ 
 Grey having confented to become evidence againft 1685. 
 his friends, which fupplied a fecond witnefs againft 
 Hampden, Hampden was brought to a new trial, accufed 
 of high treafon, before the fame judge, and for the fame 
 offence, for which, as a mifdemeanour, he had been 
 already tried, convicted, and punifhed. In defpair, he 
 pleaded guilty. It was a fad fpedtacle to the generous of 
 all parties, to fee the grandfon of the great Hampden en- 
 treating the meaneft of mankind to interpofe with the 
 JCing for his life. Satisfied with the humiliation, becaufe 
 it was worfe than death, Jeffreys obtained his pardon 
 from James. Lord Brandon was convicted alfo of being 
 acceffary to the Ryehoufe-plot, but pardoned on account 
 of his want of importance. 
 
 The noife of the rigours of the weftern circuit raifed Jame$* 
 more pity and indignation than fear, in a nation brave, tj?|! g! 
 gnd therefore generous. Thofe who were attached to tiei. 
 the honour of the King, excufed him, by faying, that 
 he knew nothing of them till it was too late. The ex- 
 cufe which James made for himfelf was, that he had fent 
 other judges with Jeffreys, and alfo Pollexfen, a man 
 connected with the whigs, in quality of eounfel for the 
 crown : And at an after-period of his life, he indulged 
 the ftrange fufpicion, that Kirk's (hare of thefe cruelties 
 had been committed with a view to make his mafter 
 odious. It is certain, that when Lord Keeper North 
 made complaints of what Jeffreys was doing *, James 
 gave orders to flop them ; and that he complained until 
 the day of his death f ? of the unpopularity which Kirk 
 and Jeffreys had drawn upon him. It is equally certain, 
 that Jeffreys often followed his own opinion alone in 
 matters within his department : For, when Major Holmes, 
 
 * Life of Lord North, p. z6o. -f Duke of Buckingham. 
 
 ji who
 
 206 MEMOIRS OF GREAT BRITAIN, &c. 
 
 PA T T. who had been engaged in the Ryehoufe-plot, and in tha 
 l ' late rebellion, was carried before James, that Prince> 
 1685. being ftruck with his age, his manly look, and more 
 manly manner, told him, he might make himfelf eafy s 
 no harm fhould befall him. After this, Holmes was 
 often feen in the antichamber at court j but, having been 
 miffed for fome time, it was found, upon inquiry, that 
 Jeffreys had caufed him to be feized fecretly in London, 
 and conveyed to the circuit, where he was put to death. 
 The King's enemies, on the other hand, reported a fadl: 
 but too true *, that he was accuftomed to repeat the cruel- 
 ties of Jeffreys with jocularity to his courtiers in the circle; 
 ?nd that, in the fame ftrain, he called this circuit " Jef- 
 freys's campaign." Soon after the return of Jeffreys to 
 London, he was appointed Lord High Chancellor ; a 
 promotion which difcovered either approbation of his con- 
 , or too great a contempt of popularity in his mafter, 
 
 * Vide two of his letters to the Prince in Appendix to this Book, in ths 
 ptxt Volume. 
 
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