:* ^ 4^3*>* "ir'-rSk mfiffm -, ,^--.'- 'N I L LIFE GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMANDER IN CHIEF THE AMERICAN ARMY THROUGH THK REVOLUTIONARY WAR, THE UNITED STATES. BY AARON j^NCROFT, A. A. S. PASTOR O? A CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN WORCESTER. LONDON PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY 180S. T. Gillet, Printer, Crowu-court. PREFACE. THE following publication originated in the author's wish to place within reach of the great body of his coun- trymen an authentic biography of General Washington. Judge Marshall, in his valuable life of this illustrious patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and ge- neral history of the North American Colonies, but also the political history of the United States. His work is therefore necessarily too expensive to be obtained by all classes of American people. The writer of these me- moirs apprehended, that by publishing the Life of Wash- ington in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should enable those of his fellow citizens, who are not in posses- sion of Marshall, to leave to their posterity the memorial of a man who was pre-eminently distinguished as a sol- dier and statesman. General Washington was from his youth devoted to his country; his character therefore cannot be pourtray- ed, without bringing into view many important public transactions. The plan of the writer has been to notice ' no individual or event further than was necessary to dis- play the principal character. He has made Judge Marshall his leading authority for facts, and has in some measure followed him in the order of events. The histories of the war by Doctors Ramsay and Gordon, and several original writings, have been consulted ; but he trusts that greater liberty has not been taken with any of them than is fair and honourable. The few facts which have not before been IY PREFACE. publisher!, were received immediately from confidential friends of General Washington, or from gentlemen who in respectable official situations, were members of his family during his military command. It has been the endeavour of the author to display the character of (he man who is the subject of the work, by exhibiting in a connected view his actions and his writings; and he has, as far ps possible, made this exhi- bition in the person of General Washington. He has not conceived that he was writing for men of erudition, but for the unlettered portion of the commu- nity; and he has for their benefit more particularly stu- died simplicity of style. Should he be so happy as to obtain their approbation, he will receive an ample re- ward of his labour. He entertains no expectation of acquiring literary fame by this publication, bul he hopes to escape the dis- grace of having written an useless book. Worcctttr, Mastacbuscttty October, 18.07. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. His Birth Education Appointed an Adjutant General of the Militia His Embassy to the Ohio Commissioned as Lieu- tenant Colonel of a regular Regiment Surprises a Detach- ment of French Troops Capitulation of Fort Necessity He is appointed a Volunteer Aid-de-Camp to General Brad- dock His bravery in the action- in which that General fell He is appointed the Colonel of a regiment, and Com- mander in Chief of the Virginia troops His efforts to de- fend the Frontiers His exertions in the expedition under General Forbes to gain possession of Fort du Quesne Re- *igns his commission ... PAGE I CHAPTER II. Colonel Washington's Marriage His management of the Estate of Mount Vernon Appointed a Judge of the County Court, and a Member of the Virginia Legislature Chosen a Member of the First Congress Appointed Commandes in Chief of the American Forces Arrives at Camp Ar- ranges the Army Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition Colonel Arnold detached to Quebec Success of American Cruisers Evils of temporary Inlistments An Attack on the Enemy's Posts meditated Possession taken of the Heights of Dorchester Boston evacuated - -" 38 VI CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. General Washington marches the Army to New York Forti- fications of the City and River Independence declared General Howe lands on Staten Island Interview between General Washington and Colonel Patterson State of the British and American Forces Camp at Brooklyn Battle on Long Island Retreat from it The City and Island of New York evacuated Manoeuvres at White Plains Fort Washington taken General Howe invades New Jersey Depression of the Americans General Washington invested with new Powers Success at Trenton, and at Princeton New Jersey recovered - - f i CHAPTER IV. General Washington disposes his small Force for the IVotec- tion of New Jersey Army inoculated Abuse of Ameri- can Prisoners The Exchange of General Lee refused Stores at Peck's Kill and Danbury destroyed American Army takes Post at Middlebrook Sir William Howe moves towards the Delaware Returns to Staten Island and em- barks his Troops He lands at the Head of Elk General Washington marches to meet him Battle of Brandywine Effect of a Storm British take Possession of Philadelphia Mud Island and Red Bank fortified Obstructions in the River Attack on Mud Island Count Donop defeated British surmount the Fortifications of the River Plan to attack Philadelphia Sir William Howe reconnoitres the American Camp at White Marsh The Army hutted at Vafley Forge The Privations of the Soldiers during the Winter - - . 137 CONTENTS. ti CHAPTER. V. Progress and issue of the Northern Campaign Plan to dis- place General Washington His Correspondence on the Subject Letter of General Gates Remonstrance of the Legislature of Pennsylvania against closing the Campaign Observations of the Commander in Chief upon it Suffer- ings of the army for the want of Provisions and Clothing Measures adopted by the Commander in Chief to obtain Supplies Methods taken to recruit the Army Sir Henry Clinton appointed Commander in Chief of the British Forces. He evacuates Philadelphia, and marches through New Jersey to New York General Washington pursues him Battle of Monmouth Thanks of Congress to the General and Army General Lee censured He demands a Court Martial, and is suspended from his command 'French Fleet appears on the American Coast Expedition against Rhode Island It fails Disaffection between the American and French Offi- cers Measures of the Commander in Chief to prevent the ill consequences of it^-Army goes into Winter Quarters in the High Lands - - ? t * - - ~- 169 CHAPTER VI. Plan formed by Congress and the French Minister for the in- vasion of Canada and Nova Scotia General Washington's objections to it Delinquency of the United States to pre- pare for the approaching campaign The exertions of the General His Letter on the State of the Nation The Re- monstrances of Officers belonging to the New Jersey Bri- gade to the Legislature of that State Letters of the Com- mander in Chief on the Subject Expedition against the Indians under General Sullivan He destroys their Towns The American Army posted for the defence of the High Lands on the North River, and for the protection of the CONTENTS. Country against the incursions of the British Sir Henry Clinton moves up the Hudson, takes possession of Stony and Verplank Points, and fortifies them Arrangements made for assaulting these posts General Wayne carries Stony Point by storm The attack upon Verplank fails Congress vote their thanks to General Washington and to the brave Troops employed in this service They vote Ge- neral Wayne a medal : Evils of short Inlistments Plan of the General's to remedy them The Army in two Divi- sions erect huts for winter quarters, one near West Point, and the other at Morristown in New Jersey The troops suffer through the scarcity of Provisions Colonel Wads, worth resigns his Office Confusion in the Commissary's department The Commander in Chief is necessitated to apportion supplies of Meat and Flour upon the Counties of New Jersey The winter excessively cold, and the waters around New York frozen over j but the Commander in Chief is too weak to avail himself of this opportunity to assail the British Posts Expedition to Staten Island fails - 207 CHAPTER VII. Amount of Paper Emission -Congress destitute of Means to support the War Supplies apportioned upon the States Exertions of the Commander in Chief Mutiny in part of the Army The British make an excursion into New Jersey The American Troops bravely resist them The Court of France promises a Naval and Land Armament to act in America Preparation to co-operate with it A French Squadron arrives on the American Coast Count llocham- beau lands at Newport with five thousand Men The Ame- rican, and French Commanders meet at Hartford to settle the Plan of the Campaign The Second Division of the French Troops fails General Arnold becomes a Traitor- He corresponds with Major Andre Andre comes on shore CONTENTS. il at West Point Attempts to return to New York by land He is taken into custody by three Militia Men A Board of General Officers condemn him He is executed Letter of General Washington on the State of the Army Congress adopts a Military Establishment for the War The Army goes into Winter Quarters - * 235 CHAPTER VIII. Arnold is appointed a Brigadier in the British service, and in- vades Virginia Plan to capture him Mutiny in the Ame- rican Carap Violence of the Pennsylvania Line Order restored Weak state of the Army The French Court grants a Loan to the United States Exertion of the States to enable the General to open the Campaign The French Troops march to the American Camp Plan to surprize the British Post at King's Bridge Expedition to Virginia Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeak Yorktown be- sieged British Redoubts stormed The British make a Sortie Lord Corn wall! s attempts to escape He capitulates and surrenders his Posts Indecisive Action between the French and English Fleets Sir Henry, too late, embarks his Troops for Yorktown Thanks of Congress to the Ame- rican and French Commanders, and to the Army General Saint Clair dispatched to Carolina The other Corps of the Army return to the Neighbourhood of New York, and go into Winter Quarters - - 270 CHAPTER IX. Preparations for another Campaign Sir Guy Carlton arrives at New York, and announces the vote of Parliament to ac- knowledge American Independence Army anxious for their pay Anonymous Address exciting them to a revolt Gene- ral Washington convenes and addresses the Officers Their b CONTENTS. resolutions Preliminary Articles of Peace received Cessa* tion of hostilities proclaimed General Washington addresses a Circular Letter to the Executives of the several States^ Army disbanded New Levies of Pennsylvania revolt The Commander in Chief enters New York Takes leave of his Officers r Resigns his Commission to the President of Con- gress Retires to Mount Vernon - 295 CHAPTER X. General Washington in retirement His pursuits Votes of Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia respecting him His Visitors and Correspondents His Plans to improve the Navigation of the Potowmack and James Rivers De- clines the grant of Virginia His Advice to the Cincinnati- State of Public Affairs National Convention General Washington its President Federal Constitution recom- mended and adopted General Washington requested to consent to administer the Government He is chosen Pre- sident of the United States Sets out for the Seat of Go- vernment Attention shewn him on his Journey His Re- ception at New York 333 CHAPTER XI. Inauguration of the President His Addresses to Congress Answers of the two Houses The Arrangements of his Household His Regulations for Visitors The Reasons of their adoption The Relations of the United States with Foreign Powers Congress establishes the Departments of the Government The President fills them He visits New England His Reception Addresses to him His Answers Negotiations with the Indians Treaty with the Creeks War with the Wabash and Miamis Tribes General Har- CONTENTS. Xt mar's Expedition Saint Clair defeated General Wayne victorious and makes a Treaty with them Second Session of Congress Fiscal Arrangements of the Secretary of the Treasury Indisposition of the President He visits Mount Vernon Meets Congress at Philadelphia His Tour to the Southern States Second Congress The President refuses his Signature to the Representative Bill Contemplates re- tiring to private Life Consents to be a Candidate for the Second Presidency - . - . - 372 CHAPTER XII. General Washington re-elected President State of Parties* Division in the Cabinet The President endeavours to pro- mote union Influence of the French Revolution Mea- sures to secure the Neutrality of the United States in the War between France and England Mr. Genet's illegal practices He insults the Government The Executive re-> stricts him He appeals to the People They support the Administration The President determines to arrest Genet He is recalled Negotiation with Britain Insurrection in Pennsylvania Democratic Societies British Treaty Corn- monication between the French Executive and the Legisla- ture of the United States The President refuses to the House of Representatives the Papers respecting Diplomatic Transactions His interpositions in favour of the Marquis La Fayette Takes the Son of the Marquis under his Pro- tection and Patronage. - 408 CHAPTER XIII. The President calumniated His Letter to Mr. Jefferson Statement of the Secretary of the Treasury The French Directory's attempt to control the American Government Review of the Transactions with France The President Sll CONTENTS. declares his resolution to retire from Public Life Meets Congress for the last time Describes the Letters that had been forged Attends the Inauguration of Mr. Adams Retires to Mount Vernon Threatening attitude of France General Washington appointed Commander in Chief o( the American Forces His opinion of Public Measures His Indisposition and Death Conclusion - - 473 OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. CHAPTER I. Kis Birth Education Appointed an Adjutant General of the militia His embassy to the Ohio Commissioned as Lieute- nant-Colonel of a regular regiment Surprises a detachment of French troops Capitulation of Fort Necessity He is appoint-* ed a volunteer Aid-de-camp to General Braddock His bra- very in the action in which that General fell He is appointed the Colonel of a regiment, and Commander-in-chief of the Vir- ginia troops His efforts to defend the frontiers //is exertions in -the expedition under General Forbes to gain possession of Fort du Quesne Resigns his commission. GEORGE WASHINGTON was born in tne county of Westmoreland, Virginia, on the 22d day of February, 1732. He was the third son of Mr. Augustine Washington, and the great grand- son of Mr. John Washington, a gentleman of a family of some distinction in the north of Eng- land, who emigrated about the year 1657, and took up the estate on which the subject of these memoirs was born. At the age of ten years, bvthe death of his father* JB 2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1747. he was left in the sole care of a solicitous mother. She gave him a private education. A grammatical knowledge of the English language, mathematics, geography, history, natural and moral philosophy, to the exclusion of the learned languages, formed the course of his youthful studies. The candour and manliness of his disposition wercearly displayed among his young companions, and the commanding influence of his character was first discovered by his ascendancy over them. The patrimonial estate of Mr. Washington was small. After the completion of his course with his tutor, he was engaged in useful industry ; and for several years of his minority employed as a coun- ty surveyor. In this employment he distinguish- ed himself by his diligence, and by the neatness and accuracy of his plans. His experience in this business made him well acquainted with the worth of new lands., and aided him afterwards in their selection. The military bias of his mind was early discover- ed. The war between England and France in 1747 kindled in his young breast that spark, which at a subsequent period burst into a flame ; and at his own importunity, the birth of a midshipman, at the age of fifteen, was obtained in the British navv. His views in this instance were defeated d by the anxiety of an affectionate mother. At a time when the militia was to be trained for actual service, at nineteen he was appointed one of the adjutant generals of Virginia, with the rank of major; from the execution of the duties of thi$ 1753.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 commission, honourable to his age, he was soon called to higher employments. France at this period unfolded her ambitious design of connecting Canada with Louisiana, and in this way of enclosing the British colonies in North America. Her officers were directed to establish a line of posts from the lakes to the Ohio. This tract of country, the English held to be within the boundaries of Virginia. Mr. Dinwid- die, then the lieutenant-governor of the province, alarmed by encroachments, which involved the im- portant interests, of the British crown, conceived it proper officially to warn the French to desist from the prosecution of a scheme, deemed a viola- tion of existing treaties between the two countries. It was difficult to select a proper agent to exe- cute this perilous mission. He must pass through an unexplored wilderness, filled by tribes of In- dians ; some of which were doubtful friends, and many the decided enemies of the English. The fatigues and dangers which induced other Vir- ginians to decline the commission of envo;y on this occasion, led Mr. Washington with ardor to seek the appointment.' OCT. 31, 1753.] The very day on which he received his commission he commenced his jour- ney from Williamsburg. At Winchester he pro- cured the necessary provisions, baggage, and horses. On the 14th of November he reached Will's Creek, the frontier of inhabited Virginia ; here he hired a pilot, and four other attendants, to accompany him over the Alleghany mountains; 4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [175S. the passage of which was now attended with diffi- culty and hazard. The weather became inces- santly stormy, and the snow deep ; and he was un- able to arrive at Turtle Creek, on the mouth of the Monongahela, before the 23d. Here he was informed of the death of the French General, and that his troops had retired to winter quarters. With extreme fatigue he pursued his journey ; surveyed the country with the judgment of a sol- dier, and selected the forks of the Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, as a place highly expedient for the English to possess and fortify. On this site the French soon after erected Fort du Quesne, which, when the British General Forbes gained the possession, he called Fort Pitt. In this place he spent a few days to conciliate the affections of the Indians of the vicinity. Some of their chiefs, whose fidelity he took the wisest measures to secure, he engaged as guides, with them, ascended the Alleghany river, and at the mouth of French Creek found the first French post. Proceeding up the creek to another fort, he met Mcasieur le Gardeur de St. Pierre, the commanding officer on the Ohio, and to him he delivered Governor Dinwiddie's letter. Within three or four days he received an official answer to his communication, and immediately left the plare on his return ; but the snow being excessive- ly deep, and his horses growing weak from fatigue, he became impatient at the slowness of his pro- gress. Leaving therefore his horses with necessa- ry directions, in the care of his attendants, he and 1753-3, - ..'; LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 liis pilot wrapt themselves in watch coats., took his important papers, and the necessary provisions in their packs, and with their guns in their hands, prosecuted their journey on foot the nearest way through the woods. The next day, December 26, as he passed a place, called the Murdering town, he fell in with a party of French Indians, which laid in wait for him ; one of them not fifteen steps distant fired, hut without effect. This Indian the major took into custody, and kept him until nine o'clock, then let him go, and walked himself all the remaining part of the night, without making any stop, that he might be out of reach of pursuit next day, supposing that the party would then fol- low his track. The second day he reached the river two miles above the Shannapis, expecting to find it frozen over ; but the ice extended only fifty yards from the shore ; though quantities of it were driving in the channel. A raft was their only means of passing, and they had but one poor hat- chet with which to make it. It cost them a hard day's work to form the raft ; the next day they launched it, went on board, and attempted the pas- sage ; but before they were half way over they were inclosed by masses of ice, and threatened with immediate destruction. Mr. Washington put down his setting pole to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, but the rapidity of the current threw the ice with such force against the pole, that it jerked him out in ten feet water. But fortu- nately he saved himself by seizing one of the raft logs. With, their utmost efforts they were unable 6 1IFE OP TfASHINGTON. [1754. to reach either shore, but with difficulty they landed on an island. The cold was so severe that Mr. Gist, the pilot, had his hands and feet frozen. The next morning, without hazard., they passed the river on the ice, and were received into the lodgings of Mr. Frazier, an Indian trader. Here Major Washington took a horse, and on the 16th January, 1754, reached Williamsburg, and made report of his proceedings. The fatigue and danger of this mission, are not easily conceived by persons in the bosom of civi- lized life. " From the 1st to the 15th of Decem- ber," says Major Washington, " there was but one day in which it did not rain or snow incessant- ly, and through the whole journey there was but one continued series of cold, wet weather." The journal composed for the perusal of Governor Din- widdie, was published, and the enterprise, judg- ment, and perseverance displayed in this mission, exalted Mr. Washington in public opinion, and gave his country an earnest of his future services. The embassy to the Ohio not having induced the French to withdraw from that country, the assembly of Virginia adopted measures to main- tain the claims of the British crown. They em- powered the executive of the Colony to raise a regiment to consist of three hundred men. Mr. Fry, a gentleman acquainted with the western country, was appointed to command it, and the commission of Lieutenant-colonel was given to Major Washington. Enterprising and patriotic, Colonel Washington requested and obtained per- 1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 mission to march first, early in April, 1754, with two companies to the Great Meadows. The mo- tives which led him to this measure, were to be early in active service, to learn the designs of the enemy, to afford protection to the English settle- ments, to cultivate the friendship of the Indians, and to acquire a knowledge of the country, which promised to be the scene of military operations. Scarcely had he taken possession of his ground, when some friendly Indians informed him that the French had driven away a working party, sent by the Ohio company to erect a fort on the south eastern branch of the Ohio, and were themselves building a fortress on the very ground which he had recommended to the Governor for a military post. They also gave the intelligence, that a force was then marching from that place to the Great Meadows. Although hostilities had not yet com- menced, yet it was considered that the French had invaded the English territory; and many cir- cumstances rendered it probable, that a force was approaching with hostile views. It appeared that the party liacj left the direct road, and had en- camped in a valley, a few miles to the west of the Great Meadows, as a place of concealment- Colonel Washington, under the guidance of the Indians, set out in a dark rainy night, and sur- rounded the encampment. At day-break his men fired, and rushed upon the French, being completely surprised, they surrendered. One man only made his escape, and Mr. lumonville, Ihe commander,, alone was killed. 8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [J754' The other companies of the regiment were., at this time, in march to join those in advance ; be- fore these readied the camp, Colonel Fry died, and the command devolved on Lieutenant-colo- nel Washington. Two companies of British troops, one from South Carolina, and the other from New York, also joined the regiment at the Great Meadows, making a force of four hundred effective men. The regular captains reluctantly placed themselves under the command of a provin- cial officer ; but pressing circumstances induced them for the time to wave dispute about rank, and to act under the orders of Colonel Washington. For the security of their stores he erected a small stockade, and then marched towards Fort du Quesne, to dislodge the French. At the foot of Laurel Hill, thirteen miles on the way, he was met by a number of friendly Indians, who informed him that the enemy were hastily approaching with a strong detachment. A confidential chief assured him, that he had seen a reinforcement ar- rive at du Quesne, which place he left two days before, and had learnt that a body consisting of eight hundred French and four hundred Indians, would immediately march to attack the English. The previous information of deserters from the enemy confirmed the Indian's report. The troops had been already six days without bread, and had but a small quantity of meat in store. The French might approach by water carriage, within five miles of their present encampment; and then pass them by a different route and starve them into a 1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 surrender, or fight them with a great superiority of numbers. JUNE 28, 1754J In this critical situation Co?- lonel Washington called a council of war. The unanimous advice of which was, to return to their position at the Great Meadows ; because the two roads at that place united, and the country did not allow an enemy to pass them unperceived ; and at this place they might wait the arrival of a supply of provisions, and reinforcement of men. The Co- lonel approved the advice of his officers, and ira- - mediately carried it into effect. (July 2) His first care was to sink a ditch round the stockade, which he now named Fort Necessity ; but before it was completed, the enemy attacked him, (July 3) un- der the command of Monsieur de Villier, whose force consisted of fifteen hundred men. The as- sault was spiritedly made, and bravely repelled. Part of the garrison fought within the fort, and part in the ditch, which was almost filled with mud and water. Colonel Washington, during the whole action, remained without the fort, by his presence and example animating his men. The attack began at ten in the morning, and was con- tinued without intermission as long as the light of day remained. Early in the evening M. de Vil- lier demanded a parley, and mentioned the terms of capitulation which he was willing to grant. These were rejected ; but in the course of the night articles were agreed upon and signed. By these A the fort was to be surrendered, the garrison ai- p.wed the honours of war, to retain their fire-arms TO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1754. and baggage, and unmolested to march to the in- habited part of Virginia. The capitulation was the work of haste, and written in the French lan- guage, with which neither Colonel Washington nor any of his officers were acquainted, and un- fortunately contained an expression, which the translator, at the time, construed to Colonel Wash- ington to imply, that Mr. lumonville, in the first action, was killed; but which literally would bear the translation, was assassinated. In answer to a publication of 3VI. de Villier, Colonel Washing- ton, soon after the event, made it fully to appear that he did not understand the import of the word ; but during his presidency, an enemy had the audacity to call him, upon the strength of this capitulation, an assassin* The killed and wounded in the Virginia regi ment, on this occasion amounted to fifty-eight. *The enemy were stated to have had about two hundred killed and wounded. The public gave to this brave band merited praise; and the assembly of Virginia expressed their sense of the resolution and judgment display- ed in the above action, by a vote of thanks to Co- lonel Washington and his officers, and by a do- nation of three hundred pistoles to the soldiery. The regiment fell back to Winchester to recruit. At this place the companies from North Carolina and Mary land joined the Virginia force ; the whole commanded by Colonel Junes of North Carolina. * In an infamous publication in the Aurora, under the signa- ture of JASPER DWIGHT. 1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11 Governor Dinwiddie, with advice of council, or- dered the troops to march over the Alleghany mountains ; either to drive the .French from, du Quesne, or to erect a fort in a favourable position. The forces were in number much inferior to those of the enemy, and were totally unprovided with articles of clothing and provisions, essential to a winter's campaign. Orders were also given imme- diately to fill up the regiment; although no money was voted for the recruiting service. Colonel Washington pointedly remonstrated against these measures ; but being adopted, did all in his power to carry them into effect. The legislature soon rose, without providing effectual means for active service, and the troops did not march. During the succeeding winter, regulations from the war office were published in America, which provided that general and field officers of pro- vincial troops, when serving with general and field officers commissioned by the cr6wn, should have no rank ; and, consequently, that senior pro- vincial officers should be commanded by their j u- niors belonging to the regular troops. The military ambition of Colonel Washington had been excited by his experience, and by the applause of his country ; but he possessed the spi- rit of a soldier, and refusing submission to these degrading regulations, he indignantly resigned his commission. At the same time he declared, that with high satisfaction he would obey the com- mands of his country, when her service should be consistent with his honour. 1$ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755. 1755.] Colonel Washington had, at this time, succeeded to the estate of his eldest brother, on the Potomack, called Mount Vernon, in compli- ment to the British Admiral of that name. On this estate he resolved to devote his life to agri- cultural and philosophic pursuits, a resolution that he did not long retain. MARCH, 1755.] In the spring Gen Braddock, who commanded two British regiments, and a few corps of provincials, was making preparation for an expedition to the Ohio. He invited Colo- nel Washington to join his army, as his volunteer aid-de-camp. The opportunity of making a cam- paign with a gentleman of his professional know- ledge and experience was with pleasure embraced. When the General, in April, left Alexandria, Colonel Washington entered his family, and at-> tended him to Will's Creek, where fort Cumber- land was now erected. Here the army remained until the |2th day June, collecting horses, wag- gons, and provisions. Colonel Washington ad- vised the commander-in chief to use, as far as pos- sible, pack horses instead of waggons, on account of the roughness of the country. Little attention was given to his opinion at the moment, but, after the commencement of the march, the measure from necessity was partially adopted. Soon after the army left Cumberland, Colonel Washington was attacked by a violent fever ; re- fusing to be left behind, he was carried forward in a covered waggon. All the difficulties arising from the state of ttie roads, which had been fore- 1755-3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 seen by Colonel Washington, were, on the march, fully realised. General Braddock now advised with him on the most eligible measures to be adopted to secure the success of the expedition. He earnestly recommended that the heavy artillery and baggage should be left under the charge of a subaltern officer ; and that the commander-m- chief, with the flower of his army, should with the utmost dispatch advance to the Ohio, in the expectation of possessing themselves of Fort du Qiiesne, before the French garrison could be re- inforced by the troops that were known to be on their way for that purpose. The general closed with this advice. Twelve hundred men were se^ lected, a few waggons were attached to the light artillery, and necessary provisions were placed on pack horses. Of this body General Braddock himself took the command, leaving Colonel Dun- bar to bring up the other division by slow inarches. Gen. Braddock with his disencumbered troops did not move with the expedition that accorded with the enterprising spirit of his American aid. In a letter written at the moment, he says, ff L found that instead of pushing on with vigor, with- out regarding a little rough road, they were halt- ing to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges over every brook." In four days they advanced only nineteen miles. The indisposition of Colo- nel Washington now became so severe, that his physicians declared that his life would be the sa- crifice of the continued fatigues of the march. The General, therefore, absolutely directed him 14 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1755. to remain at Yohogany with a small guard, until Colonel D unbar came up with him. Colonel Washington at length consented, on the promise that he should be brought up with the advanced corps before its arrival at Fort du Quesne. The day preceding the fatal action, he, in a covered waggon, rejoined the troops, and, in his debili- tated state, entered on his duty. General Braddock was warned of the danger to which the character of his enemy exposed him, and advised to employ the ranging companies of Virginia to scour the woods, and prevent ambus- cades ; but not looking for an enemy capable of serious opposition, he, without caution, moved his army in small columns. [JULY 8, 1755.] With- in seven miles of du Quesne, he was suddenly at- tacked by an invisible foe ; the assaulting party of French and Indians fighting under cover of the thick wood and high grass, with which the country abounded. Early in the action, the aids- de-camp, except Colonel Washington, were killed or disabled, and he performed the whole of the dangerous service of carrying the orders of the commander to his re- spective officers. Of all those, who on this fatal day did duty on horseback, he alone escaped without a wound ; although he had two horses shot under him, and four balls through his coat. Dr. Craik, the physician who attended him in his last sickness, was a witness of this scene ; ff I ex- pected," sajshe, " every moment to see him fall. His duty and situation exposed him to every I 1755.3 UFE OF WASHINGTON. 15 danger. Nothing but the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." After an action of three hours the troops broke, and the efforts of their officers to rally them were fruitless. Colonel Washington assisted to bring General Braddock off the field, who was mortally wounded. He reached fort Cumberland, and there died, and was buried. During the arduous and dangerous conflicts of this hour, Colonel Washington exhibited that self-possession and determined courage, which are essential to the officer. To his quick discernment and sound judgment the preservation of the defeated troops was, in a great measure, attributed ; and had his advice been previously adopted, probably the dis- aster would not have happened. As soon as re- lieved from his attention to his unfortunate Ge- neral, he was dispatched to Cumberland to pro- vide for the retreating army. [AUGUST, 1755.] Colonel Dunbar being joined by them, destroyed the stores he could not remove, and marched his army to Philadelphia into winter quarters. The British troops had not been accustomed to Indian warfare; and, on this occasion, Colonel Washington indignantly witnessed their pusilla- nimity. In an official relation of the engage- ment, to the Executive of Virginia, he observes, " They were struck with such an inconceivable panic, that nothing but confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed among them. The officers, in general, behaved with incomparable bravery, 16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T55 for which they greatly suffered; there being up- wards of sixty killed and wounded ; a large pro- portion of what we had. fe The Virginia companies behaved like men, and died like soldiers ; for I believe of three companies on the ground that day., scarcely thir- ty men were left alive. Captain Peronny and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Poulson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. In short, the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops, so called, ex- posed those who were inclined to do their duty to almost certain death. And, at length, in spite of every effort to the contrary, they broke and ran as sheep before hounds ; leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, in short every thing, a prey to the enemy ; and when we endea voured to rally them, in hopes of regaining the ground, and what we had left upon it, it was with as little success as if we had attempted to stop the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivu- lets with our feet; for they would break by in spite of every effort to prevent it." The assembly of Virginia was in session when the gloomy intelligence was received, that Ge- neral Braddock was defeated and slain, and that Colonel Dunbar had left their frontiers open to the invasion of the enemy. They immediately voted to raise a regiment to consist of sixteen companies. The important transactions in which Colonel Washington had been engaged, developed his 1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 character and his reputation rose by every public trust with which he was invested. He now re- ceived a commission appointing him colonel of this regiment, and commander-in-chief of all the forces, raised and to be raised, in Virginia^ with the privilege to name his field officers. He could, in the existing state of the colony, engage in the military service of his country without an im- peachment of his honour, and with alacrity he accepted the appointment. 1755. A scene now opened to Colonel Wash- ington, trying, indeed, to a commander of his youth and degree of experience, but proving an excellent school in which to form the general of the revolutionary war. With an incompetent force he was to defend a frontier of three hundred and sixty miles. The French on the Ohio, aided by the numerous Indians attached to their inte- rests, embraced every favourable opportunity to invade the northern and western borders of Vir- ginia, spreading terror and desolation in their course ; and having completed their work of slaughter and ruin, they retreated with their plun- der over the Alleghany mountain, before a force could be collected to attack them. Governor Dinwiddie was not himself a soldier, nor did he possess a mind to comprehend the nature of this mode of war. Jealous of his prerogative, and ob- stinate in his temper, his orders were often inade- quate to their object, or impracticable in their na- ture. The military code of the colony was insuf- ficient, which rendered it impossible to bring the militia into the field with the dispatch necessary IS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1753. to repel an Indian invasion; and her martial laws, did not possess vigor to prevent insubordination in officers, or secure discipline in the permanent troops. The colony was at that time too poor or too improvident seasonably to lay up magazines for the use of her little army, or to keep money in the military chest for its regular payment. Under all these embarrassments, Colonel Wash- ington entered on the duties of his commission. Having put the recruiting service in operation, he visited the line of posts on the frontiers, and esta- blished the best regulations their state admitted, to keep the petty garrisons vigilant and alert. He had accomplished this necessary business, and nearly completed a journey to Williamsburg, to settle with the governor the plan of operations ; and to press upon him and other influential cha- racters in the government, the importance of le- gislative interference to conciliate those Indians who were not already attached to the French : and to adopt effectual means and regulations to sup- port and discipline the troops ; when information reached him of an eruption of the French and In- dians on the northern border. In haste he return- ed to Winchester, and found the country in the utmost alarm and confusion. The small garrisons conceived themselves to be in danger in their for- tresses, and were unable to protect the open coun- try. The inhabitants on the extreme frontier, in- stead of uniting their force for mutual safety, fell back, and communicated their fears to more inte- rior places. Orders to call the militia into the field were unavailing ; the solicitude and exertion 1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 of each individual were directed to the immediate preservation of his family and property. The suf- ferings of his countrymen deeply wounded the heart of Colonel Washington. Every measure was adopted, that an enterprising spirit could sug- gest; and all the means he possessed were judi- ciously and strenuously exerted for their protec- tion ; hut all were ineffectual. He was compel- led to be the witness of the calamity of friends, whom he could not relieve ; and of the carnage and ravages of a ferocious enemy,, whom he could not chastise. Before a force from below could be collected, the invading foe, having glutted their appetite for blood and loaded themselves with spoil, recrossed the mountain. Three years service affords little else than a re- petition of scenes of a similar nature ; scenes, which occasioned to these settlements the utmost horror and distress, and fully tested the fortitude and military resources of the commander ; but which, in recital, would swell this work beyond the designed bounds. The regiment never con- sisted of more than one thousand effective men. Colonel Washington, in addition to the appro- priate duty of his commission, was obliged to su- perintend the operations of each subordinate de- partment, and to attend to the wants of the im- poverished inhabitants. During this period, he unremittingly urged upon the executive and legislature of his province, the insufficiency of the mode adopted to prosecute the war. He earnestly advised to offensive opera- tions, as the only measure which would effectually 20 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1756. relieve the colony from the heavy loss of inhabi- tants, and from the expence of money yearly sus- tained ; and prevent the total depopulation of the fertile plains beyond th,e Blue Ridge. If the ne- cessary co-operation of Great Britain to enable the colony to drive the enemy from the Ohio were unattainable, which would prove a radical cure of the evil, he strongly recommended that a regu- lar force of two thousand men should be raised. By this measure he thought the militia, whose services were attended with incalculable expense, and were seldom productive of good, might be re- lieved from temporary draughts. The feelings and views of Colonel Washington on these sub- jects will fully appear by the following extracts from letters which he wrote at the time. In a dis- patch to the lieutenant-governor, he thus paint* the situation of the inhabitants and the troops " I see their situation, I know their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in my power to give them further relief than uncer- tain promises. In short, I see inevitable destruc- tion in so clear a light, that, unless vigorous mea- sures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assist- ance sent from below, the poor inhabitants, now in forts, must unavoidably fall, while the remain- der are flying before the barbarous foe. In fine, the melancholy situation of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is reflecting on me in particular, for suffering mis- conduct of such extraordinary kind, and the dis- tant prospect, if any, of gaining reputation in 1756.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21 the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me at any other time than this of imminent danger, to re- sign, without one hesitating moment, a command from which I never expect to reap either honour or benefit ; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here. " The supplicating tears of the women, and moving petitions of the men, nielt me with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sa- crifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would conduce to the people's ease." The inefficiency of the militia he thus pourtrays. Cf The inhabitants are so sensible of their dan- ger, if left to the protection of these people (mi- litia), that not a man will stay at his place. This I have from their own mouths, and the principal inhabitants of Augusta county. The militia are under such bad order and discipline, that they will come and go when and where they please, without regarding time, their officers, or the safe- ty of the inhabitants. There should be, accord- ing to your honour's orders, one third of the mi- litia of these parts on duty at a time ; instead of that, scarce one thirtieth is out. They are to be relieved every month, and they are a great part of that time marching to and from their stations; and they will not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether relieved or not, however ur- gent the necessity for their continuance may be," 22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l?56 r " I met with Colonel Buchanan, with about thirty men, chiefly officers, to conduct me up Jack- son's river, along the range efforts. With this small company of irregulars, with whom order, regularity, circumspection, and vigilance, were matters of derision and contempt, we set out, and by the protection of providence, reached Augusta court-house in seven days, without meeting the enemy; otherwise we must have been sacrificed by the indiscretion of these hooping, hallooing, gentlemen soldiers. This jaunt afforded me great opportunity of seeing the bad regulation of the militia, the disorderly proceedings of the garri- sons, and the unhappy circumstances of the in- habitants. " We are either insensible of danger until it breaks upon our heads, or else through mistaken notions of economy, evade the expence until the blow is struck, and then run into an extreme of raising the militia. These, after an age, as if were, is spent in assembling them, come up, make a noise for a time, oppress the inhabitants, and then return, leaving the frontiers unguarded as before. This is still our reliance, notwithstanding former experience convinces us, if reason did not, that the French and Indians are watching the op- portunity when we shall be lulled into fatal secu- rity, and unprepared to resist an attack, to invade the country, and by ravaging one part, terrify an- other ; that they retreat when our militia assemble, and repeat the stroke as soon as they are dispersed ; that they send dowu parties in the intermediate time to discover our motions, procure intelligence, and sometimes to divert the troops." 1756.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23 The expediency of an offensive war, he sup- ports by the following observations. " The certainty of advantage by an offensive scheme of action, renders it, beyond any doubt, much preferable to our defensive measures. To prove this to you, Sir, requires, I presume, no ar- guments. Our scattered force, so separated and dispersed in weak parties, avails little to stop the secret incursions of the savages. We can only put them to flight, or frighten them to some other part of the country, which answers not the end proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to invade their lands, and assault their towns, we should restrain them from coming abroad and leaving their families exposed. We then should, remove the principal cause, and have stronger probability of success ; we should be free from the many alarms, mischiefs, and murders that now attend us ; we should inspirit the hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more esteem with them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Mary- land be induced to join us in an expedition of this nature, and to petition his Excellency Lord Lou- daun for a small train of artillery, with some en- gineers, we should then be able, in all human pro- bability, to subdue the terror of Fort du .Quesjie, retrieve our character with the Indians, and re- store peace to our unhappy frontiers/' On condition that the assembly should persist in the scheme of defensive warfare, he presented to the Governor a plan for his opinion. . This was to establish twenty-two forts, reaching from the river Mayo to the Potomack, in a line of three 24 tIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1757. hundred and sixty miles ; and which were to be garrisoned by a regular force, consisting of two thousand men. The pride of Governor Dinwiddie was offended by these frank communications of a gallant and independent officer. In uncourtly language he censured advice, which he could not compre- hend, and reproached this officer with officious- ness and neglect of duty. Colonel Washington felt the reprimand as a patriot, the welfare of whose country ever dwelt on his heart; and, like a soldier, who had an invaluable prize in his own reputation. In the consciousness of having made the highest efforts faithfully to execute the trust reposed in him, he thus spiritedly replied to the charge, in a letter to an influential friend. " Whence it arises, or why, I am ignorant ; but my strongest representations of matters relative to the peace of the frontiers are disregarded as idle and frivolous; my propositions and mea- sures, as partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest endeavours for the fervice of my country, per- verted to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful and uncertain. To-day approved, to-morrow condemned ; left to act and proceed at hazard ; accountable for the consequences, and blamed without the benefit of defence. If you can think my situation capable of exciting the smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain notions very different from the reality of the case. However, I am determined J757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 o bear up under all these embarrassments, some time longer, in the hope of better regulations un- der Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Virginia." To the Governor himself, in answer to a com-r munication from him, which conveyed a censure, lie wrote, ' I must beg leave, before I conclude, to observe, in justification of my own conduct, that it is with pleasure I receive reproof when reproof is due, because no person can be readier to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an er- ror when I have committed it ; nor more de- sirous of atoning for a crime, when I am sen- sible of being guilty of one. But, on the other hand, it is with concern I remark, that my best endeavours lose their reward, and that my con- duct, although I have uniformly studied to make it as unexceptionable as I could, docs not appear to you in a favourable point of light. Other- wise your Honour would not have accused me of 'pose behaviour and remiss-ness of duty, in mat- ters, where I think I have rather exceeded than fdlen short of it. This, I think, is evidently thtcasein speaking of Indian affairs at all, after behg instructed in very express terms, ' Not to have any concern withj or management of, Indian dffai'is.' This ha induced me to forbear men- tioning the Indians in my letters to your Honour pf late, and to leave the misunderstanding which you sp>ak of, between Mr. Alkin and them, to be related by him/' He ha\ been informed by letter of a report com- 26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. [175,7. municated to the Governor, impeaching his ve- racity and honour. A copy of this letter he in- closed to his Honour, earnestly requesting of him the name of the author of this report. " I should take it infinitely kind if yout Honour would please to inform me, whether a report of this nature was ever made to you, and in that case, who was the author of it ? " It is evident, from a variety of circumstances, and especially from the change in your Honour's conduct towards me, that some person as well inclined to detract, but better skilled in the art of detraction than the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free with my character. For I cannot suppose that malice so absurd, so bare- faced, so diametrically opposite to truth, to com- mon policy, and in short to every thing but vil- lainy, as the above is, could impress you with so ill an opinion of my honour and honesty. " If it be possible that Colonel , "for my belief is staggered, not being conscious of having given the least cause to any one, much less to tint gentleman, to reflect so grossly. I say, if it be possible that could descend so low, as t< bo the propagator of this story> he must either be vastly ignorant of the state of affairs in this cunty at that time, or else he must suppose tint the whole body of inhabitants had combinci with me in executing the deceitful fraud. Or, vhy did they, almost to a man, forsake their dweling's in the greatest terror and confusion ? aid while one half of them sought shelter in palry forts. 5757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 of their own building, the other should flee to the adjacent counties for refuge; numbers of them even to Carolina, from whence they have never returned? " These are facts well known; but not better known, than that these wretched people, while they lay pent up ia forts, destitute of the com- mon supports of life, (having, in their precipitate flights, forgotten, or were unable rather, to secure any kind of necessaries) did dispatch messengers, (thinking that I had not represented their mise- ries in the piteous manner they deserved) with addresses of their own to your Honour and the as- sembly, praying relief. And did I ever send any alarming account, without sending also the origi- nal papers, or the copies, which gave rise to it? fr That I have foibles, and perhaps many, I shall not deny. I should esteem myself, as the world also would, vain and empty, were I to ar- rogate perfection. " Knowledge in military matters is to be ac- quired by practice and experience only, and if I have erred, great allowance should be made for my errors for want of them, unless those errors should appear to be wilful; and then I conceive it would be more generous to charge me with my faults, and let me stand qr fall according to evi- dence, than to stigmatize me behind my back. ef It is uncertain in what light my services may have appeared to your Honour ; but this I know, and it is the highest consolation I am capable of feeling, that no man that ever was employed in a public capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the 28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. trnst reposed in him with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest, than I have 4one; hut if there is any person living, who can say with justice, that lliave offered any intentional wrong to the public, I will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious punishment that an injured people ought to inflict. On the other hand, it is hard to have my character arraigned, and my ac-- tions condemned, without a hearing. " I must therefore again beg in more plain, and in very earnest terms to know if has taken the liberty of representing my conduct to your Ho-? nour, with such ungentlemanly freedom as the let- ter implies ? Your condescension herein will be ac^ knowledged a singular favour." Soon after this transaction, Mr. Dinwiddie left the government, and Mr. Blair, the president of the Council, became, for a shert. time, the Exccu^ tive, between whom and Colonel Washington per- fect confidence and free communication existed. 1757.3 This year Lord Loudoun succeeded to the civil government of Virginia, and to the chief command of the British troops in iVorth America. Colonel Washington obtained permission to wait upon him the succeeding winter ; to whom he pre- sented an address from his regiment, and commn- uicated from himself a statement of the military situation of the colony. In this he pointed out the error of the government in the management of the war, and particularly in their depending on the aid of the militia; and demonstrated the superio^ advantages of offensive operations. Colonel Washington was sanguine in the LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 pectation, that Lord Loudoun would adopt his darling scheme of an expedition to dispossess the French of Fort du Quesne ; but his Lordship having determined to direct his force against Ti- conderoga, he was again mortified by a disap- pointment. At the close of the year 1757., General Aber- crombiewas appointed to the supreme command in America, and General Forbes commissioned as the commander of the middle district. To the high gratification of Colonel Washington, the conquest of du Quesne became a principal object. 1758.] Colonel Washington, not expecting to be placed on the establishment, had determined to resign his commission; but he thought the ex- pedition for this purpose presented a fair prospect of distinguished service, and he resolved to engage in it. He warmly recommended an early campaign ; for this, among other reasons, seven hundred In- dians had, in April, assembled at Winchester, whose patience would be exhausted, unless early employed; and in that event, he observes, ** No words can tell how much they will be missed." He was at length ordered to collect the Virginia troops at Winchester, and to hold them in readi- ness for active service. At this late moment, when the duties of the field demanded his attention, he was necessitated to make a journey to Williams- burg, to provide arms, clothing, and money, for his regiment; and to obtain for his soldiers, the same pay which the assembly, in their session, had voted to a regiment raised for the present cam-; paign. 30 tlFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. Early in July the Virginia forces were moved to Cumberland, and through the month employed in opening a road from that place to Raystown. Flying parties of the enemy greatly annoying them in their business, it was contemplated to send a de- tachment over the mountain to restrain the French and Indians from this annoyance; but Col.. Wash- ington objected to the measure, because the de- tachment would be exposed to the whole force of the enemy on the Ohio, and must be defeated. The plan was in consequence given up ; and by his advice frequent scouts, consisting principally of Indians, were substituted. The prediction of Co- lonel Washington, respecting the body of Indian,* at Winchester, was verified ; before the campaign opened, their patience was exhausted, and they re- tired to their homes. It was confidently expected that the army would inarch by Brad dock's road, which needed only slight repairs ; but on the last of this month, Col. Bouquet, by letter, requested an interview with Colonel Washington, to consult with him on open- ing a new route. In reply he wrote, " I shall most cheerfully work on any road, pursue any route, or enter on any service that the General or yourself may think me usefully employed in, or qualified for ; and shall ne\er have a will of my own, when a duty is required of me. But since you desire me to speak my sentiments freely, per- mit me to observe, that after having conversed with all the guides, and having been informed by others acquainted with the country, I am con- vinced that a road to be compared with General Braddock's, or, indeed, that will be fit for trans- 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31 portation, even by pack horses, cannot be made. I own I have no predilection for the route you have in contemplation for me." Notwithstanding every remonstrance, he found Colonel Bouquet determined to open the new road. That nothing in his power might be omit- ted to prevent the adoption of a scheme, which he thought would probably defeat the expedition, he addressed a letter to this officer, with the express design that it should be laid before General Forbes, then indisposed ; in which he gave the fol- lowing reasons for the preference of Braddock'$ road. When individuals of Pennsylvania and Vir- ginia, he said, were about to establish a trade with the natives on the Ohio, they, under Indian guides, explored the country, and adopted the road by Will's Creek as the best route. This road bad been opened by the Ohio company in 1753, and had been. repaired in 1754 by the troops under his command, as far as Gist's plantation, beyond the Great Meadows. In 1755 it had been put in good order by General Braddock, and could with little labour be fitted for use. This road, therefore, must be preferable to a new route over ground not more favourable. In respect to forage there could be no material difference. The hills on both routes were barren, and the vallies between abounded with grass. The objection to Braddock's road, he observed, on account of high waters, was not founded; he had himself passed with a body of men, the Yohogany, the most rapid stream and the soonest filled of any on the road,, after thirty days 32 LIFE OF WASrilNGfdN'. [175$. of almost incessant rain. The Monongahela might be avoided. The defiles on Raystown road were as numerous as on Braddock's, and Ihe saving in distance was inconsiderable. But the insuperable objection to the new route., he observed, was the time that must be expended in opening it. The distance was little short of an hundred miles, over mountains, almost impassable, and covered with woods and rocks. The most that could be expect- ed^ he said, on this route the present season, would be to gain the height of land, there erect fortifications, and wait the return of spring. This delay must be attended with ruinous consequences to the colonies, which had exerted themselves be- yond their strength to drive the French from the Ohio the present campaign. In the same letter, he communicated an order of march on Braddock's road, which would bring the army in sixty-four days before Fortdu Quesne, with provisions for eighty-six days. He also wrote to Major Halket, Aid of General Forbes, to en- gage his good offices to prevent the fatal plan. " I am just returned from a conference held with Co- lonel Bouquet. I find him fixed I think I may say, unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which is to be cut at this advanced season, when we have scarcely time left to tread the beaten track, uni- versally confessed to be the best passage through the mountain. " If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the general, all is lost ! All is lost indeed ! Our enterprise is ruined, and we shall be stopped at lt5S.] LlFE OF WASHINGTON. 33 the Laurel Hill this winterbut not to gather laurels, except of the kind which cover the moun- tains. The southern Indians will turn against u?, and these colonies will be desolated by such an ac- cession to the enemy's strength. These must be the consequences of a miscarriage, and a miscarriage the almost necessary consequence of an attempt to inarch the army by this route." The judgment and advice of* Colonel Washing- ton in this important measure were overruled, and to his extreme mortification, the new route of the army was adopted. The disappointment and gloomy prospect which he entertained, are strong"- ly expressed in the "following letter, written from Cumberland, to the Speaker of the House of Bur- gesses. SEPT. %, 1758.] " We are still encamped here, very sickly and dispirited at the prospect before us. That appearance of glory which we once had in view, even that hope, that laudable ambition of serving our country and meriting its applause, are now no more ; all is dwindled into ease, sloth and fatal inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the ways of men in power, like certain ways of Providence, are not inscrutable. But we, who view the actions of great men at a distance, can only form cpnjec- tures agreeably to a limited perception ; and, being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes which may be in contemplation, mij^ht mistake egregiously in judging of things from appear- ances, or by the lump. Yet every fool will have his notions, will prattle and talk away ; and why may not I? We seem then, in my opinion, to act un- D 3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758. der the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders, is tempered with something I do not care to give a name to. Nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue." Mentioning the arguments he had brought against the new road, be proceeds : f ' But I spoke all unavailingly. The road was immediately be- gun, and since then, from one to two thousand men have constantly wrought on it. By the last ac- counts I have received, they had cut to the foot of Laurel Hill, about thirty five miles, and I suppose by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken post about ten miles further, at a place called Loyal Hanna, where our next fort is to be constructed. " We have certain intelligence, that the French strength at Fort du Quesne did not exceed eight hundred men, the 13th ultimo, including about three or four hundred Indians. See how our time has been mispent Behold how the golden op- portunity is lostj perhaps never more to be regain- ed ! How is it to be accounted for ? Can General Forbes have orders for this ? Impossible Will then our injured country pass by such abuses ? I hope not ; rather let a full representation of the matter go to his Majesty ; let him know how grossly his glory and interests, and the public money have been prostituted." ,, Colonel Grant, with a force of eight hundred men, having been detached to reconnoitre the country, in the neighbourhood of the Ohio, was about this time defeated with loss ; and himself, and Major Lewis of Colonel Washington's regiment, 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 were taken prisoners. Three companies of this regi- ment were on the expedition, and behaved with great bravery. Of eight officers belonging to these com- panies on this service, five were killed, one wound- ed, and one taken prisoner. Captain Bullet, who had charge of the baggage, defended it with great resolution, and did much to protect the defeated troops ; he fortunately came off the field without a wound. This spirited and soldierly conduct the Britons acknowledge to be highly honourable to the troops themselves, and to the Commander, who trained them to the service. General Forbes com- plimented Colonel Washington on the occasion. Colonel Washington was at this time employed on the new road, in the neighbourhood of Rays- town. OCT. 8, 1758.] General Forbes resolved that the main army should move from this place ; and he called upon the commanding officers of regi- ments to lay before him a plan for its march. Co- lonel Washington presented his ; it has been pre- served, and is said to display the soundness of his judgment. Through a road almost impassable, the army at length reached Loyal Hanna, about ten miles from the foot of Laurel Hill, and forty five from Fort Cumberland. At this place Colonel Washington had predicted the expedition would terminate. In a council of war it was actually resolved to be un-> adviseable to proceed further this autumn. To have wintered in this inhospitable wilderness would, perhaps, have been impossible; but before any disposition of the army was made^ intelligence was Sti LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758, brought by some prisoners, that the garrison of Fort du Quesne had not been supported from Ca- nada ; that the Indians had deserted it ; and that it was not in a situation to make resistance. This intelligence induced General Forbes to change his resolution, and to push on to the Ohio. Colo- nel Washington was ordered to the front to su- perintend opening the road for the army; which duty he, with extreme fatigue, executed. [Nov. 25, 1758.] In slow and laborious marches. Ge- neral Forbes reached du Quesne, and found that the French, on the evening preceding his arrival, hafl set fire to this fort, and had passed in their boats down the river. The success of the campaign was wholly to be attributed to the pressure of the English on Canada, which constrained the French commander in chief to call in, or weaken his out posts; but for this circumstance, the gloomy predictions of Colonel "Washington would have been verified, in the fai- lure of the expedition. The fort being repaired, was called Fort Pitt, in compliment to thcpre-eminent British minister, under whose auspices the war\vas now conducted. Colonel Washington furnished two hundred men of his regiment to the garrison, and soon alter returned to Williamsburg to take his seat in the House of Burgesses, of which, in his absence, he bad been chosen a member. His services, while commander of the Virginia forces, were appreciated by his countrymen; and the British officers with whom he served, bore honourable testimony to his military talents. The 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37 soldierly and gallant behaviour of his regiment in the field, exhibited the best evidence of the ad- dress of their commander., in training them to ex- act discipline, and exciting in them a martial spi- rit. His officers expressed the great affection and respect which they entertained for his character, by an unanimous address, presented to him at the close of this campaign ; and the inhabitants of the frontiers placed full confidence in hinT, even at a time when he was unable to defend them from the slaughter and devastation of the enemy. Colonel Washington now saw the great ob- ject attained, to which for years he had directed his whole mind. The enemy was driven from the Ohio, and his country, in a great measure, re- lieved from the carnage and distress of an Indian war. His health was impaired by the arduous services of the campaign ; and his private concerns demanded his attention. He therefore resigned his military commission, and retired to the tranquil scenes of domestic life. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759. CHAPTER II. Colonel Washington's Marriage. His Management of the Rstate of Mount Vtrnon Appointed a Judge of the County Court, and a Member of the Virginia Legislature Chosen a Member of the first Congress Appointed Commander in Chief of the American Forces Arrives at Camp Arranges the Army Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition Colonel Arnold de- tached to Quebec Success of American Cruizers Evils of temporary enlistments An attack on the Enemy's Posts me- ditated- Possession taken 'of the Heights of Dorchester Boston evacuated. 1759 J SOON after the resignation of his mili- tary commission, Colonel Washington married Mrs. Martha Custis, a young and beautiful widow, who possessed an ample fortune, and who was endowed with those amiable and pleasing ac- complishmens of mind and manners, which give the best security for happiness in the married state. With her, he lived in all the confidence, endearment and felicity which this relation can produce. On his estate of Mount Yemen, he extensively engaged in the business of agriculture, and was greatly distinguished for the judgment he display- ed in the improvement of his lands. Every branch of business was conducted upon system, exact method and economy were observed throughout .every department of his household, the accounts of his overseers he weekly inspected, the divi- 1759 74.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39 sions of his farm were numbered, the expense of cultivation, and the produce of each lot were re- gularly registered ; and, at one view, he could determine the profit or loss of any crop, and as- certain the respective advantages of particular modes of husbandry. He became one of the greatest landholders in North America. Besides other great and valuable tracts, his Mount Ver- non estate consisted of nine thousand acres, all under his own management. On which, in one year, he raised seven thousand bushels of wheat, and ten thousand of Indian corn. His domestic and farming establishments were composed of nearly a thousand persons ; and the woollen and linen cloth necessary for their use, was chiefly manufactured on the estate *, Order and industry were carried into all his concerns. The authority he exercised over his slaves was blended with great tenderness and humanity, and their affection and gratitude in- sured a prompt and cheerful obedience to his commands. Mount Vernon was ever the seat of hospitality, and here its rights were liberally ex- ercised. Colonel Washington, although exact in requiring the punctual fulfilment of contracts and engagements, yet was diffusive in offices of humanity and deeds of charity, to those of his vicinity who needed his assistance. From the close of the war on the frontiers of Virginia., to the commencement of the revolu* * See " Legacies ia 18.00. 40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. \ tionary contest, Colonel Washington acted a,s a Judge of a County Court, and represented his district in the House of Burgesses of his pro- vince. Although never distinguished as a popular speaker, yet the soundness of his judgment, the wisdom of his counsels, and the uniform pro- priety of his behaviour, secured him the confi- dence and esteem of a,H who were acquainted with his character. \V hile a legislator of Virginia, he took an ac- tive and influential part in opposition to the prin- ciple assumed by the British Parliament, to tax the American Colonies. When it became expe- dient to train the militia for the defence of those rights, which the country determined never to sa- crifice, the independent companies, in the northern part of Virginia, chose him their commander. He was elected a member of the first Congress, which met in Philadelphia in 1774; in which, body he had a distinguished agency in the ar- rangement of the military resources of the United Provinces. He was the active member of the committees, to which business of this nature was entrusted. JUNB 15, 1775.] At the commencement of hos- tilities, Congress deemed it necessary to appoint a commander in chief of the American forces. The eminent character of Colonel Washington pointed him out as the best qualified to unite the confidence of the public, and successfully to con- duct the arduous conflicts of the war. Congress unanimously elected him " general and comman- der in chief of the United Colonies, and of all the 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 forces now raised, and to be raised by them." \Vhen the President of Congress communicated his election, he thus addressed him. " Mr. President., although 1 am truly sensible of the high honour done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive trust. However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess v ia their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my -most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. " But lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavourable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, tbat I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honoured with. I beg leave, Sir, to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. These, I doubt not, thej will dis- charge, and that is all I desire/' Congress, when his commission was executed, unanimously and solemnly resolved, to support him with their lives and fortunes, as the general of their army, in the defence of their country. General Washington instantly prepared to enter upon the eventful duties of his command. The LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177.7- difficulties which he was to encounter, will clearly appear from a slight view of the state of the country., and of the condition of the army. As a means to repel the encroachments of tho British- Parliament, the American merchants had generally entered into resolutions, not to import articles of merchandise from Great Britain ; and at the commencement of the war, the country was, in a great degree, destitute of ammunition, and of every material necessary to clothe an army,and fur- nish the men with tents. There were no considerable magazines of provisions, and few tools suitable for the work of fortification. The men who com- posed the army were raised by different states, on short inlistments, and on different establishments; and they carried into the camp, the feelings and habits formed by their respective pursuits in pri- vate life. They were animated by the love of liberty, and possessed the resolution and bravery of hardy jeomanry ; but they could not easily bo brought to submit to the rigid rules of military subordination and discipline. The authority of Congress and of different colonies, was blended in all the arrangements of the army. These causes occasioned numerous and complicated embarrass- incuts to th(3 commander in chief. . The appointment, of General Washington was universally approved. On his journey to head quarters, lie met with most affectionate attention, and received the fullest assurances of assistance und support. He was escorted by companies of respectable volunteers ; and, at Springfield, au hundred miles from Boston, a committee of iht 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 Congress of Massachusetts met, and attended him to Cambridge. JULY 2, 1775.] On his arrival, that body pre- sented him a respectful address, in which they expressed their entire satisfaction with his appoint- ment, and pledged the most effectual co-operation with his measures, in their power. His answer \vas well calculated to increase the attachments to his person, and the confidence in his talents, which the public already entertained. fc Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on my appointment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will ever be retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoy- ment of domestic life, for the duties of my pre- sent honourable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, with a firmness and patriotism without an example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in sup- port of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted province again restore^! to peace, liberty and safety." The British army, at this time, commanded by General Gage, was strongly posted in three divi- sions ; on Bunker's Hill, a mile from the ferry of Charles's River, on Cop's Hill, in Boston, and on Roxburyneck. These fortified posts secured the isthmus of Boston, and that of Charlestown, the only avenues by land into those towns. ' Floating batteries and armed ships, stationed in the waters 44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. which surround Boston, supported the positions of the British, and kept open the communication between them. The American army was posted at Roxbury, Cambridge, and on Winter and Prospect Hills, in front of Bunker's Hill. These positions formed a crescent of twelve miles in extent. After recon- noitring the situation of the enemy, and examin- ing the state of his own army, the General at- tempted a better organization of the troops. He formed them into three divisions ; the division at Roxbury formed the right wing of the army, and was commanded by General Ward ; the division on Prospect and Winter Hills, composed the left wing, and was commanded by General Lee ; and the troops at Cambridge formed the centre, and were commanded by General Washington in per- son. The forces were deemed incompetent to de- fend this extended camp, but the situation of the country did not favour a more compact arrange- ment ; nor could the neighbouring country be otherwise defended from the depredations of the enemy. These positions were secured by lines and forts ; and a few companies of men were posted in the towns, around Boston Bay, most exposed to an- noyance by British armed vessels. General Washington found himself embarrass- ed by the total want of system in every depart- ment of the army. In the execution of the duties of his commission, it became necessary to open a correspondence, not only with the Continental Congress, and with most of the governments of 1773.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45 the colonies, but also with the committees of all those towns which furnished supplies for the army, In a letter to Congress on this subject he ob- serves, " I should be extremely deficient of gratitude, as well as justice, if I did not take the first op- portunity to acknowledge the readiness and atten- tion which the Congress, and the different com- mittees have shewn> to make every thing as con- venient and agreeable as possible ; but there is a vital and inherent principle of delay, incompa- tible with military service, in transacting business through such various and different channels. I esteem it my duty, therefore, to represent the inconvenience that must unavoidably ensue from a dependence on a number of persons for supplies, and submit it to the consideration of Congress; O y whether the public service will not be the best promoted by appointing * a commissary general for the purpose." An inquiry into the state of the magazine of powder, was among the first cares of General Washington, and three hundred and three barrels in store was the return made to him. Soon after he discovered that this return embraced the whole quantity brought into camp, without deducting what had been expended : and that there remain- ed on hand only sufficient to furnish the army with nine cartridges a man. While the greatest caution was used to keep this alarming fact a secret, th utmost exertions were employed to obtain a sup- ply of this article of absolute necessity in war, Application was made to all the Colonies, and 46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. measures were adopted to import powder into the country. The immediate danger was soon re- moved by an arrival of a small quantity, sent from Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. Under the per- plexities which arose from the defect of arms, the want of clothing and magazines, from the want of engineers, and from the confused state of the staff department, the mind of General Washing- ton was, in some measure, cheered by a view of the men who composed his troops. fe It requires," says lie, in a letter to the President of Congress, <( no military skill to judge of the difficulty of introducing proper discipline and subordination into an army, while we have the enemy in view, and are daily in expectation of an attack ; but it is of so much importance, that every effort will be made that time and circumstances will admit. In the mean time, I have a sincere pleasure in observ- ing that there are materials for a good army; a great number of able bodied men, active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable courage." The details of the departments of the paymaster, quartermaster and commissary, fell upon General Washington, and he urged Congress to fill them. Being himself authorised to make the appoint- ments, he called to his assistance the general staff, which is necessary for the regular support and ex- peditious movements of an army; and assiduously prosecuted plans to organize and discipline his troops. General Gage had, at his disposal, a force con- sisting of eight thousand men, and, by the aid of his shipping, he was enabled to direct it to any 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 point of the extended lines of the Americans, whose urmy did not amount to more than fourteen thou- sand and five hundred men. General Washington was fully apprized of his danger, and early sum- moned the general officers to deliberate upon the expediency of attempting to support their present position, or of taking one in their rear more com- pact. The council \vith unanimity advised to re- main in their present lines. The reasons in sup- port of this opinion were, the immediate effect which a retrograde movement would have to ani- mate the British, and to depress the American, troops; the unfavourable impression that would be made upon the public mind ; the devastation of the fertile country that must be opered to th enemy, and the difficulty of finding a strong posi- tion in the rear. As a precautionary measure, it was determined that they would not take possession of the heights of Dorchester, nor oppose the at- tempt of General Gage to gain them. In case of an attack and defeat, the Welsh mountains in Cambridge, and the rear of the lines in Roxbury, were appointed as places of rendezvous. The enemy was watched with vigilant attention ; and any movements which threatened a distant inva- sion, were communicated to Congress, and to the executives of the provinces particularly exposed. The enemy had been taught respect for tfcje Ame- rican army by the battle of Breed's Hill, and their plans, from that period through the year, were directed to self defence. With little interruption, both armies were employed in strengthening their respective lines and posts. The few skirmisher 48 tlFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. ^which took place between small parties, neither iii their nature or consequences merit notice. The mere defence of lines, did not satisfy the nterprizing and patriotic mind of General Wash- ington. With extreme anxiety he noticed the ex- pense of the campaign, without possessing the means of diminishing it. He knew that his country was destitute of re- Venue, and apprehended that her resources must soon be exhausted. In a few months the army of course would be disbanded, and the inlistment of another, he conceived to be extremely difficult, if practicable ; powerful reinforcements to the enemy were, in the spring, to be expected from England : and he thought it doubtful, whether proportionate strength could be collected in the colonies to meet them in the field. He conceived it, therefore, of vast importance to the American cause to subdue the army in Boston, before it could be reinforced. An event of this magnitude would unite and animate the colonies, and convince Great Britain, that America was determined in her opposition to the measures of parliament. Un- der these impressions he often reconnoitred the enemy, and collected in formation of their numbers and strength, from every possible source. The at- tempt to dislodge the British, he well knew would be attended with extreme hazard ; but, it was his opinion, that the probability of ultimate success, and the great advantages accruing from it, war- ranted the effort. In a letter to the general offi- cers, he stated the questions, to which he desired them to direct their close attention ; and after suffi- 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49 cient time had been given for deliberation, he call- ed them into council to determine, whether an at- tack on Boston should be made ? The result was an unanimous opinion, cc that for the present, at least, the attempt ought not to be made/' To continue the blockade, and to strengthen their lines, was all that remained in their power. Although the Commander in Chief acquiesced in the decision of the council, yet it was evident, from his letter to Congress, that he himself felt inclined to risk the attack. Probably this incli- nation was increased by the wishes of Congress, previously communicated to him. The scarcity of fresh provisions in Boston, in- duced the enemy to send small parties to collect the stock along the shores of the continent, within protecting distance of their armed vessels. This imposed a heavy burden upon the towns on the sea board, in the defence of their property; and the governors of several 'of the colonies were frequent and importunate in their request to Ge- neral Washington, to detach forces from his army for their protection. He was embarrassed by repeated requisitions of this nature. To make the required detachments, would expose the main army to inevitable destruction ; and to deny the requests, would occasion dissatisfactions, which endangered a cause that could be supported by public opinion only. To relieve him from this embarrassment, Congress passed a resolution, {( That the army before Boston was designed only to oppose the e.iemy in that place, and ought not to be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the country." E 50 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. General Washington early gave an example of the humane manner in which he determined to conduct the war. By the representations of indi- viduals from Nova Scotia, Congress was led to suppose that a small force from the American army, aided by those inhabitants of that province, who were in the American interest, might sur- prise a British garrison at Fort Cumberland, at the head of the Bay of Fundy, and possess them- selves of valuable military stores, if not retain the country ; the measure was, therefore, recom- mended by that body to their General. On exa- mination, he found that the stores were of no magnitude, and that the expedition would ex- pose the friends of America in that province to inevitable ruin, from the prosecutions of their own government, and he discountenanced the scheme. The attempt was, however, eventually made by a few indiscreet individuals, but it failed, and in- volved the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, who en- gaged in it, in the predicted ruin. Some of the American cruisers, acting with- out public orders, brought three of the princi- pal inhabitants of the Island of St. John into General Washington's camp ; he treated them with the greatest tenderness, and permitted them immediately to return to their distressed fa- milies. In the course of the autumn, gradual ap- proaches were made towards the British posts. The army being strengthened by the arrival of Morgan's riflemen, from Virginia, and of a uumber of regiments from Connecticut and . 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51 Rhode-island, General Washington detached Colo- nel Arnold [SEPT. 17753 with a thousand men, by the rivers Kennebeck and St Francis, to co-ope- rate with General Montgomery in Canada ; and, if possible, to surprise Quebec, the capital of that province. Arnold, and about six hundred of his men, actuated by unconquerable resolution with inconceivable fatigue reached Quebec^ The si- tuation of the garrison corresponded with the pre j sumptions, on which the expedition Was founded; but a number of circumstances, not open to Tiu- man foresight, nor controulable by human pru- dence, rendered it unsuccessful. Through the season, the highest endeavours of the Commander in Chief were exerted to procure arms and ammunition for his troops, and partial success attended the measures adopted in every part of the union, to accomplish this important purpose. A successful voyage was also made to Africa, and every pound of gun-^powder for sale in the British factories on that coast, was ob- tained., in exchange for New England rum. Captain Manly, in the privateer Lee, captured a British ordnance ship, laden with military stores, so completely adapted to the wants of the Ame- rican army, that had Congress made out an in- voice, a better assortment could not have been procured. Considerations respecting the rein- listment of the army, lay with immense weight on the mind of General Washington, and he re- peatedly invited the attention of Congress to this ubject. In September, Congress appointed a committee of their pwn body to repair to head 82 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1775. quarters, to consult with the Commander in Chief, and the executives of the New England provinces, " on the most effectual method of con- tinuing, supporting, and regulating a conti- nental army. 1 ' The result of their deliberation was, that the new army should consist of twenty thousand three hundred and seventy-two men ; but unhappily, the men were to be inlisted only for one year. The evils resulting from short in- listments were severely felt at the close of the next campaign, even to the utmost hazard of the independence of the country. Various causes operated to lead Congress to the almost fatal plan of temporary military es- tablishments. Among the most influential of these, was a prospect of accommodation with the parent state. Want of experience in the manage- ment of war upon an extensive scale was another. The revolutionary conflict placed the people of America in a situation, in which all the energies f the human mind are brought into action, and man makes his noblest efforts ; the occasion called upon the public theatre, statesmen and warriors, who, by the wise and honourable execution of the complicated duties of their new characters, surprised the world ; still from them, errors of inexperience were to be expected. The fear of accumulating expense, which the resources of the country could not discharge, had a leading in- fluence to deter the American government from the adoption of permanent military establish- ments ; although the recommendations of Con- gress, and the regulations of state convention^ 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 had, in the day of enthusiasm, the force of law, yet the ruling power thought it inexpedient to at- tempt to raise large sums by direct taxes, at a time when the commerce of the country was an- nihilated, and the cultivators of the ground were subjected to heavy services in the field of war. The only recourse was to a paper medium, with- out funds for its redemption, or for the support of its credit, and therefore of necessity subject to depreciation, and, in its nature, capable of only a temporary currency ; Congress, therefore, wa justly afraid of the expense of a permanent army. Jealousy toward a standing army, had a powerful influence upon the military arrangements of Ame- rica ; this jealous spirit early insinuated itself into the legislative bodies of the colonies, and was displayed in many of their measures. It appears in the address presented by the provincial as- sembly of New York toGeneral Washington, while on his journey to the American camp. " We have the fullest assurance/' say they, . that their measures would operate to relax the ex- ertions of the United States to meet the conflicts of the field. In a private letter to a confidential friend,, as early as May, he lamented the effects of this nature, which had actually been produced. " Many members of Congress/' he wrote, " in short the representatives of whole provinces, are still feeding themselves on the dainty food of re- conciliation; and although they will not allow that the expectation of it has any influence on their judgments, so far as respects preparations for defence, it is but too obvious that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog upon all their proceedings. It is not in the nature of things to be otherwise ; for no man who entertains a hope of seeing this dispute spec* dily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the same expense, and incur the same hazards, to. prepare for the worst event> that he will who believes that he must conquer or submit uncondi- tionally, and take the consequences> such as con- liscation and hanging." AUG. 8.] General Howe commanded a force of twenty-four thousand men, well disciplined, and abundantly supplied with every thing necessary to take the field ; he daily expected to be rein- forced Vy a second detachment of German troops; and he was supported by a fleet judiciously fitted to its destined service. To oppose this formida- ble enemy, General Washington had under his direction seventeen thousand two hundred and t\u>nty-fivc men ; of these three thousand six hun- dred and sixty-eight were in the hospital. His 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81 effective force was disposed in New York, on Long and Governor's Islands, and at Paulus Hook; and he informed Congress, that in case of an attack, he could promise himself only the ad- dition of one small battalion. Some of the posts occupied by the army were fifteen miles distant from others, and navigable waters intervened. " These things," observed the General, " are melancholy, but they are nevertheless true. I hope for better. Under every disadvantage, my utmost exertions shall be employed, to bring about the great end we have in view ; and so far as I can judge from the professions and apparent dis- position of my troops, I shall have their support. The superiority of the enemy, and the expected attack do not seem to have depressed their spirits. These considerations lead me to think, that though the appeal may not terminate so happily as I could wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in their views without considerable loss. Any advan- tage they may gain, will, I trust, cost them dear." Before serious hostilities commenced, the Ame- rican army \vas reinforced by several regiments of permanent troops, and by detachments of militia, which made the whole number amount to twenty seven thousand ; but the men were not accustom- ed to the life of the camp; they were much ex- posed from the want of tents, and one quarter of the whole army were taken from duty by sickness. While waiting the tardy movements of the ene- my, General Washington, apprised of the impres- sions that would be made by the event of the first encounter, exerted himself to the utmost to bring 82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776 liis inexperienced troops under subordination, and to excite in them military ardour, without which he rould have no hope of successful warfare. In general orders,, he called upon officers to he cool in action, and upon the soldier)' to be obedient to orders, and to be firm and courageous. He di- rected, that any soldier, who deserted his ranks in time of battle, should be immediately shot down. He desired commanders of corps to report to him every instance of distinguished bravery in the sol- diery, with promise of honorary reward. He en- deavoured, by the love of liberty, of country, and of posterity, to animate his army to do their duty. " The time," he observed, " is now at hand, which must probably determine whether Americans are to be free men or slaves ; [whether they are to have any property they can call their own ; whe- ther their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and con- duct of this array. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resist- ance, or the most abject submission. We have to resolve to conquer, or to die. Our own, our country's honour call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and on the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hand victory i, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our country- 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 men are now upon us, and we shall have their blessing and praises, if happily we are the instru- ments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and en- courage each other, and shew the whole world, that a freeman, contending for liberty on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth.' 1 JULY 81.] In the communication to his army of the success of the Americans at Fort Moultrie near Charleston, he thus laboured to excite them to emulate the bravery of their countrymen in South Carolina. " This glorious example of our troops, under the like circumstances with ourselves, the General hopes, will animate every officer and soldier to imitate, and even to outdo them, when the enemy shall make the same attempt on us. With such a bright example before us, of what can be done by brave men, fighting in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with a double share of shame and infamy, if we do not acquit ourselves with courage, and manifest a determined resolution to conquer or die. With the hope and confidence that this army will have an equal share of honour and success, the General most earnestly exhorts every officer and soldier to pay the utmost atten- tion to his arms and health ; to have the former in the best order for action, and by cleanliness, and Care to preserve the latter ; to be exact in their discipline, obedient to their superiors, and vigi- lant on duty. With such preparations, and A suitable spirit, there can be no doubt but, by tb.i 84r LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. blessing of Heaven, we shall repel our cruel inva- ders, preserve our country, and gain the greatest honour." In the immediate view of the arduous conflict, the General once more endeavoured to inspire his army with the heroism necessary successfully to sustain it. " The enemy's whole reinforcement is now ar- rived/' said he, " so that an attack must, and soon will be made. The General, therefore, again re- peats his earnest request, that every oflicer and soldier will have his arms and ammunition in good order ; keep within his quarters and encampment as much as possible ; be ready for action at a mo- ment's call ; and when called to it, remember, that liberty, property, life, and honour are all at stake ; that upon their courage and conduct, rest the hopes of their bleeding and insulted country ; that their wives, children, and parents, expect safety from them alone; and that we have every reason to believe that Heaven will crown with suc- cess so just a cause. " The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show and appearance ; but remember, they have been repulsed, on various occasions, by a few brave Americans. Their cause is bad ; their men are conscious of it; and if opposed with firmness and coolness on their first onset, with our advantage of works, and knowledge of the ground, the vic- tory most assuredly is ours. Every good soldier \vill be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution; of this the officers axe to be particularly careful," 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 The possession of Long* Island is essential to the defence of New York. It had been *detei> mined in a council of war, to fortify a camp at Brooklyn^ fronting New York ; and stretching across that end of Long Island, from East river to Gowan's cove. The rear of this encampment was defended by batteries on Red Hook and Go- vernor's Island^ and by woiks on East river, which secured the communication with ilie city. In front of the encampment; ran a range of hills from east to west across the island. These wore covered with wood, and were steep, but could any where be ascended by infantry. Over this range were three passes, leading by three roads, to Brooklyn ferry. A strong detachment of the American army was posted on Long Island, under the command of General Green, who made himself intimately acquainted with the passes on the hills ; but un- fortunately becoming sick, General Sullivan suc- ceeded him in this command, only a few days be- fore active operations commenced. The main body of the American army remained on York Island. A flying camp, composed of militia, was formed at Amboy, to prevent the depredations of the enemy in New Jersey ; and a force was sta^ tioned near New Rochelle, and at East and \Yest Chester on the Sound, to check the progress of the enemy, should they attempt to land above King's- bridge, and inclose the Americans on York Island. The head quarters of General Washington were in the city, but he was daily over at Brooklyn, tq 86 XIFE OE WASHINGTON. [1776. inspect the state of that camp, and to make the best arrangements circumstances would admit. An immediate attack being expected on Long 1 Island, General Sullivan was reinforced, and di- rected carefully to watch the passes. On the 26th, the main body of the British troops, with a large detachment of Germans, land- ed under cover of the ships, on the south-west- ern extremity of Long Island. A regiment of militia stationed on the coast, retreated before them to the heights. A large reinforcement was sent to the camp at Brooklyn, and the command of the post given to General Putnam, who was particularly charged to guard the woods, and to hold himself constantly prepared to meet the as- sault of the enemy. On the same day, the British, in three divisions, took post upon the south skirt of the wood; Ge- neral Grant upon their left, near the coast ; the German General de Heister in the centre at Flat- bush ; and Gen. Clinton upon their right at Flat- land. The range of hills only now separated the two armies,, and the different posts of the British were distant from the American camp, from four to six miles. Upon their left, a road to Brook- lyn lay along the coast by Gowan's cove, before General Grant's division. From Flatbush, a di- rect road ran to the American camp, in which the Germans might proceed. General Clinton might either unite with the Germans, or take a more eastern route, and fall into the Jamaica road by the way of Bedford. These three roads unite 1776.] LIFG OF WASHINGTON. 87 near Brooklyn. On the pass of Flatbush, the Americans had flung* up a small redoubt, mount- ed it with artillery, and manned it with a body of troops. Major-general Sullivan continued to command on the heights. AUG. 26.] In the evening., General Clinton, \vithoutbeat of drum, marched with the infantry of his division, a party of light horse, and fouiv teen field pieces, to gain the defile on the Jamaica road. A few hours before day, he surprised an American party stationed here to give the alarm of an approaching enemy, and undiscovered, seized the pass. At day-light he passed the heights, and descended into the plain on the side of Brook- lyn. Early in the morning, General de Heister, at Flatbush, and General Grant upon the west coast, opened a cannonade upon the American troops, and began to ascend the hill ; but they moved very slowly, as their object was to draw the attention of the American commander from his left, and give General Clinton opportunity to gain the rear of the American troops stationed on the heights. General Putnam, in the appre- hension that the serious attack would be made by de Heister and Grant, sent detachments to rein- force General Sullivan and Lord Sterling at the defiles, through which those divisions of the enemy were approaching. When General Clin- ton had passed the left flank of the Americans, about eight o'clock in the morning of the 27th, de Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the hill ; the troops which opposed them, bravely maintained their ground, until they learned their 88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [!?"<*). perilous situation from the British columns,, which were gaining their rear. As sobn as the American left discovered the progress of General Clinton, they attempted to return to the camp, at Brooklyn ; but their flight was stopped by the front of the British column. In the mean time, the Germans pushed forward from Flatbush, and the troops in the American centre, under the immediate command of General Sullivan, having also discovered,, that their flank was turned., and that the enemy was gaining their rear, in haste retreated towards Brooklyn. Clin- ton's columns continuing to advance, intercepted them, they were attacked in front and rear, and alternately driven by the British on the Germans, and by the Germans on the British. Desperate as their situation was, some regiments broke through the enemy's lines, and regained (he for- tified camp ; but most of the detachments upon the American left and centre were either killed or taken prisoners. The detachment, on the American right, under Lord Sterling, behaved well, and maintained a se- vere conflict with General Grant for six hours, until the van of General Clinton's division, hav- ing crossed the whole island, gained their rear. Lord Sterling perceived his danger, and found that his troops could be saved only by ah imme- diate retreat over a creek near the cove. He gave orders to this purpose ; and to facilitate their exe- cution, he, in person, attacked Lord Cornwallis, who, by this time having gained the coast, had posted a small corps in a house, just above the |?76.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83 placo where the American troops must pass the creek. The attack was bravely made with four hundred men, who, in the opinion of their com- mander, were upon the point of dislodging- Corn- wallis ; hut his lordship being reinforced from hi*^ own column, and Gen. Grant attacking L.ord Ster- ling in the rear, this brave band was overpowered by numbers, and those who survived were impelled to surrender themselves prisoners of war; but this spirited assault gave opportunity for a large proportion of the detachment to fscape. The loss of the Americans on this occasion, for the number engaged, was great ; General Wash- ington stated it at a thousand men; but his returns probably included only the regular regiments. General Howe, in an official letter, made the pri- soners to amount to one thousand and ninety- seven. Among these were Major-general Sulli- van,, and Brigadier-generals Sterling and Wood- htil. The amount of the killed was never with precision ascertained. Numbers were supposed to have been drowned in the creek, and some to have perished in the mud on the marsh. The British loss acknowledged by General Howe, was twenty-one officers, and three hundred and forty- six privates killed, wounded, and taken. General Washington passed over to Brooklyn in the heat of the action; but unable to rescue his men from their perilous situation, was con- strained to be the inactive spectator of the slaugh- ter of his best troops. At the close of the day, the British approach- ed in front of the American works, and it has been 90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. said, that the troops, in their ardour, exhibited a strong inclination tp storm the lines ; but General Howe, remembering: Bunker Hill, prudently re- strained them -from the assault. Determining to carry the American works by regular approaches, the British commander broke ground, on the night of the 28th, within six hun- dred yards of a redoubt. General Washington was fully sensible of the danger that awaited him. The success of the enemy' 1-y regular approaches vyas certain. His troops were without tents, and had already suf- fered extremely by heavy rains. The movements of the British fleet indicated an intention to force a passage into the East river, and cutotfthe re- treat of the troops to the city. Should they ac- complish this, the situation of the army on Long Island would be desperate. An immediate retreat to the city was therefore thought expedient. The measure was happily accomplished, on the night of the 29th, with all the stores, and military ap- paratus, except a few pieces of heavy artillery, which the softness of the groutid rendered it im- possible to move. This important retreat was made with so much silence and address, that the enemy did not per- ceive it, although so near, that the noise of their intrenching tools was distinctly heard by the Ame- ricans. A heavy fog hung over Long Island un- til late in the morning of the 30th, which hid the movements of the American army from General Howe. When it cleared, the rear guard was seen crossing East river, out of reach of the British 1776. '] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 fire. The General, in person, inspected the de- tails of this critical retreat ; and for the forty- eight hours which preceded its completion, in Jiis own language, he was " hardly off his horse, and never closed his eyes." He did not leave the island before the covering party marched from the lines. The attempt to defend Long Island has, bj many, been considered as an error in the military operations of the American General. But before his judgment, in this instance, is condemned, the reasons which led to it oiiffht to be weighed. Its i " O possession was highly important to eil her army ; its situation rendered its defence,, in a good de- gree, probable; the range of hills was favourable to the obstruction of an invading enemy: and a fortified camp in the rear, opening a comunica- tion with the city, and supported by batteries on Governor's Island, and the East river, rendered a vetreat practicable, when circumstances should make it necessary.. There w r as then a fair prospect pf defending the island \ at least of detaining the enemy so long in the effort to gain possession of it, as to waste the campaign in the contention. The disastrous consequences of this measure, are jiot to be attributed to any defect in the original plan, but to the neglect of the comanding officer on the island in guarding the pass on the road from Jamaica to Bedford. Unfortunately this officer was changed at the time when hostilities were about to commence ; and the General, who directed the disposition of the troops on the day of the action, was imperfectly acquainted with D1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. [1776. the passes in the mountains. General Washing- ton, by written instructions, directed this officer " particularly to guard the defiles in the woods, and to render the approach of the enemy through them as difficult as possible/ 5 This order was not fully executed. It appears, that General Sul- livan was not apprised of the march of the British detachment from Fiatbush to Flatland, on the evening of the 26th, and a guard on the Jamaica road did not seasonably discover the approach of the enemy to give information. General Howe, in his official letter, mentioned that an American patroling party w r as taken on this road ; and Ge- neral Washington in a letter to a friend wrote, " This misfortune happened, in a great measure, by two detachments of our people, who were posted in two roads leading through a wood to intercept the enemy in their march, suffering a surprize, and making a precipitate retreat." It should also be recollected, that the plans of the Commander in Chief were laid in the expecta- tion of a much larger force, than in event he re- alised. The regiments were not completed ; and he was absolutely destitute of cavalry. There was not a single company of horse on Long Island to watch the motions of the enemy, and give infor- mation of their movements. This furnishes some apology for the ignorance of the commanding officer respecting the manoeuvre of the enemy. The defeat of the 27th made a most unfavour- able impression upon the army. A great propor- tion of the troops lost their confidence in their officers and in themselves. Before this unfortu- 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 nate event, they met the enemy in the spirit of free- men fighting for their highest interests, and under the persuasion, that their thorough use of arms rendered them equal to the disciplined battalions which they were to oppose. But, on this ecca- sion, by evolutions which they did not compre- hend, they found themselves encompassed with difficulties from which their utmost exertions could not extricate,. and involved in dangers from which their bravery could not deliver them ; and entertaining an high opinion of the adroitness of the enemy, in every movement, they apprehended a fatal snare. These melancholy facts were thus narrated by General Washington, in his letter to Congress. ce Our situation is truly distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the 27th ultimo, has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and de- spair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intract- able, and impatient to return. Great numbers of them have gone off in some instances, almost bv whole regiments, bv half ones, and by companies at a time. This circumstance of itself, indepen- dent of others, when fronted by a well appointed enemy, superior in number to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable. But when their example has infected another part of the army ; when their want of discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and go- vernment, have produced a Ifke conduct, but too 94: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. common (o the \\holc, and an entire disregard of that order and subordination necessary to the well . doing of an army, and which had heen inculcated before, as \vell as the nature of our military esta- blishment would admit of, our condition is still more alarming ; and with the deepest concern I am obliged to confess my want of confidence in the generality of the troops." > The British General being in possession of Long Island, prepared to attack New York. The body of the fleet lay at anchor near Governor's Island; hut particular ships passed up the East river, without sustaining injury from the Ameri- can batteries ; others, sailing round Long Island into the Sound, passed up to the higher part of York Island. ; By these movements, the situation of the American array became critical. It was uncertain whether the attack would be made upon the lines, or whether General Howe would land his troops above King's-bridge, and inclose the Americans. *To guard against the danger which threatened him, the Commander in Chief ordered the stores, that were not of present necessity, to be removed above King's-bridgc, and assembled a council to determine upon the expediency of re- treating from the city. [SEPT. 7.] Thejnajorif y of his general officers voted against the immediate evacuation of New York. The plan recommend- ed was to station the army in the best manner,, to defend the points menaced with attack, that the enemy might waste the residue of the season in the struggle to possess the island. The belief that Congress desired that New York should be 1776.] LIFE Of WASHINGTON. 95 maintained to extremity, probably had influence on this council. In communicating the adopted plan to that body, General Washington clearly indicated an opinion, that an immediate evacua- tion of New York was expedient. Speaking of the enemy, he observed, ce It is now extremely obvious, from all intelli- gence, from'their movements, and ever} 7 other cir- cumstance, that having landed their whole army on Long Island, (except about four thoimud on Staten Island) they mean to inclose us on the Is- land of New York, by taking post in our rear, while^the shipping effectually secure the- front; and thus, either by cutting off our communica- tion with the country, oblige us to fight them on their own terms, or surrender at discretion; or, by a brilliant stroke, endeavour to cut this army in pieces, and secure the collection of arms and stores, which they well know we shall not be able soon to replace. {C Having, therefore, their system unfolded to us, it became on important consideration, how it would be most successfully opposed. On every side there is a choice of difficulties; and every measure, on our part (however painful the re- flection be from experience) to be formed with some apprehension that all our troops will not do heir duty. In deliberating on this great ques- tion, it was impossible to forget, that history, our own experience, the advice of our ablest friends in Europe, the fears of the enemy, and even the declarations of Congress, demonstrate, that on our side, the war should be defensive (it has ever 96 LIFE OF WASHISGTOV. been called a war of posts.) that we should on all occasions avoid a general action., nor put any to the risk, unless compelled hy a necessity into which We ought never to be drawn. tc It was concluded to arrange the army under three divisions; five thousand to remain for the defence of the city ; nine thousand to King's-bridge and its dependencies, as well to possess and secure those posts, as to be ready to attack the enemy who are moving eastward on Long Island, if they should attempt to land on this side; -the remain- der to occupy the intermediate space, and support either; that the sick should be immediately remov- ed to Orange-town, and barracks prepared at King's-bridge, with all possible expedition, to cover the troops. " There were some general officers, in whose judgment and opinion much confidence is to be reposed, that were for a total and immediate re- moval from the city, urging the great danger of one part of the army being cut off before the other can support it, the extremities being at least six- teen miles apart ; that our army, when collected, is inferior to the enemy ; that they can move with their whole force to any point of attack, and consequently must succeed by weight of number** if they have only a part to oppose them ; that, by removing from hence, we deprive the enemy of the advantage of their ships, which will make at least one half of the force to attack the town; that we should keep the enemy at bay, put nothing to the hazard, but at all events, keep the army together, which may be recruited another year ; that the 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97 unspent stores will also be preserved ; and, in this case, the heavy artillery can also be se- cured." In the full expectation that a retreat from York Island would soon become necessary, the general assiduously continued the removal of the stores and heavy beggage to a place of safety. SEPT. 12.] The general officers became alarm- ed at the danger of the army, and, in a second council, determined to remove it from New York. On the fourteenth, several ships passed up the East river, and large bodies of troops were moved to Montezore's Island with the apparent intention to land, either upon the continent above King's- bridge, and wholly to inclose the Americans, or upon the plains of Haerlem on York Island, to break the line of communication between the dif- ferent divisions of their army, and attack them in situations, in which they would be unable to sup- port each other. The next morning General Clin- ton landed under cover of five men of war, with four thousand men, three miles above the city of New York. SEPT. 14.] The American lines at this place were capable of defence, but the men posted in them, on the firing of the ships, without waiting for the attack of the enemy, abandoned them. As soon as the cannonading began, two brigades were detached from the main body to support the troops in the breast works, the fugitives communicated to them their panic, and General Washington., in H 98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776, riding to the scene of action, met his troops retreat- ing in the utmost confusion, disregarding the ef- forts of their generals to stop them. While the Commander in Chief was, witii some effect exert- ing himself to rally them, a very small body of the enemy appeared in sight, on which the men again broke, and a most dastardly route ensued. At {his unfortunate moment, and only at this moment through his whole life, General Washington ap- pears to have lost his fortitude. All the shameful and disastrous consequences of the defection of hi* army, rushed upon his mind, and bore down his spirits. In a paroxism of despair, he turned his horse towards the enemy, seemingly with the in- tention to avoid the disgrace of the day by the sa- crifice of his life : His aids seized the horse's bri- dle, and, with friendly violence, rescued him from the destruction that awaited him. In consequence of the failure of the troops upon the lines, the evacuation of New York was necessarily made in haste. In was happily ac- complished with the loss of very few men ; but most of the heavy artillery, many of the tents, and a great part of the stores, which had not been previously removed, were unavoidably left be- hind. The American army having been driven from New York, the British general stationed a detach- ment to guard the city; and posted his main army in front of the American lines on the north end of York Island. Their right extended to the East, nd their left to the North river; and both their 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99 flanks were covered by ships of war. The Island at Bloomingdale, the place of the British encamp- ment, is two miles wide. The strongest post of the Americans was at King's-bridge, which secured their communica- tion with the country. M'Gowan's pass., and Morn's heights were also rendered defensible ; and within a mile and an half of the enemy, a detach- ment was posted in a fortified camp, on the heights of Haerlem. The Commander in Chief was pleased with this disposition of his army; he thought it must lead to those frequent skirmishes, which would insen- sibly wear off the depression occasioned by the late defeat, and restore to his men confidence in themselves. He indulged the hope that by these services, the discipline would be introduced into the army, absolutely necessary to successful war, when every individual does his appropriate duty, confiding for his security in the skill of his ge- neral, and in the united efforts of his fellow sol- diers. SEPT. 16.] The very day after the retreat from the city, a party of the enemy appeared in the plain between the two hostile camps. The Gene- ral rode to the outpost to embrace the opportu- nity to attack them. Lieutenant Colonel Knowl- ton, of Connecticut, a brave officer, who had been skirmishing with the party, stated their number at three hundred. The General detached Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, of Virginia, to gain their rear,, while he occupied their attention by movements indicating a design to attack them in 100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776, front. Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, after leading their corps into action in a most soldier like manner, were both soon brought off the field mortally wounded ; yet the men under their cap- tains, bravely continued the attack, and drove an enemy, superior in numbers, from their position. The Americans had fifty men killed and wounded, and the British twice that number. This skirmish, trifling in itself, was improved to valuable purposes. The Commander in Chief in general orders, applauded the bravery of officers and men; contrasted it with the cowardly beha- viour of the troops the day before; called upon the whole arrav to emulate this honourable example; / * and from the issue of this conflict, pointed out what brave men might effect, when fighting in the best of causes. The parole next day was Leitch. In filling the vacancy occasioned by the death of the colonel, the General mentioned, that the officer succeeded ff the gallant and brave Colonel Knowl- ton, who would have been an honour to any country, and who had fallen gloriously fighting at his post." The success of this rencounter had a general effect upon the spirits of the army. In addition to the arduous duties of this cam- paign, which were sufficient to employ the time, and test the talents of the greatest military cha- racter ; the state of the army furnished a weighty subject of attention to General Washington. He dwelt upon the gloomy prospects of the succeed- ing winter. The clothing of the men was suited only to the warm season, and their time of inlist- mcnt expired with the year. The consequent dis- 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101 tresses in all their magnitude, rose to his mind, and in the following letter, he endeavoured to impress Congress with a lively sense of the situation of the army ; and to call forth their highest endeavours to arrest the approaching evils. " From the hours allotted to sleep, I will bor- row a few moments to convey my thoughts, on sundry important matters, to Congress. I shall offer them with the sincerity which ought to cha- racterize a man of -candour ; and with the free- dom which may be used in giving useful in- formation, without incurring the imputation of presumption, fe We are now, as it were, upon the eve of an- ether dissolution of our army. The remembrance of the difficulties which happened upon that oc- casion last year ; the consequences which might have followed the change, if proper advantage had been taken by the enemy ; added to a know- ledge of the present temper and situation of the troops, reflect but a very gloomy prospect upon the appearance of things now, and satisfy me, beyond the possibility of doubt, that unless ome speedy and effectual measures are adopted by Congress, our cause will be lost " It is in vain to expect that any, or more than a trifling part, of this army will engage again in the service, on the encouragement offered by Congress. When men find that their townsmen and companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and more dollars, for a few months' service (which is truly the case) this cannot be expected without jising compulsion ; and to force them into tjie 102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. service would answer no valuable purpose. When men are irritated, and their passions inflamed, they fly hastily and cheerfully to arms ; but after the first emotions are over, to expect among such people as compose the bulk of an army, that they are influenced by any other principles than those of interest, is to look for what never did, and I fear never will happen ; the Congress will de- ceive themselves, therefore, if they expect it. " A soldier, reasoned with uponlhe goodness of the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable rights he is contending for, hears you with pa- tience, and acknowledges the truth of your obser- vations ; but adds, that it is of no more conse- quence to him than to others. The officer makes you the same reply, with this further remark, that his pay will not support him, and he cannot {uin himself and family to serve his country, when every member in the community is equally benefited and interested by his labours. The few, therefore, who act upon principles of disinterestedness, are, comparatively speaking, no more than a drop in the ocean. It becomes evidently clear then, that, as this contest is not likely to be the work of a day; as the war must be carried on systematic cally, and to do it you must have good officers ; there is, in my judgment, no other possible means to obtain them, but by establishing your army upon a permanent footing, and giving your offi- cers good pay ; this will induce gentlemen, and men of character to engage, and until the bulk of your officers are composed of such persons as are actuated by principles of honour and a spirit of 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 enterprize, you have little to expect from them. They ought to have such allowances, as will en- able them to live like, and support the characters of gentlemen ; and not to be driven by a scanty pittance to the low and dirty arts, which many of them practice, to filch the public of more than the difference of pay would amount to, upon an ample allowance. Besides, something is due to the man who puts his life in your hands, hazards his health, and forsakes the sweets of domestic enjoyments. Why a captain in the continen- tal service should receive no .more than five shillings currency per day, for performing the same duties that an officer of the same rank in the British service receives ten shillings sterling for, J never could conceive; especially when the latter Is provided with every thing necessary he requires upon the best terms, and the former can scarcely procure them at any rate. There is nothing that gives a man consequence, and renders him fit for command, like a support that renders him independent of every body but the state he .serves. f< With respect to the men, nothing but a good bounty can obtain them upon a permanent estab- lishment, and for no shorter time than the con- tinuance of the war, ought they to be engaged ; as facts incontestibly prove, that the difficulty and cost of inlistments increase with time. When the army was first raised at Cambridge, I am per- suaded the men might have been got without a bounty for the war ; after that, they began to 'see the contest was not likely to end so speedily 104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776- as was imagined, and to feel their consequence by remarking, that to get their militia in, in the course of last year, many towns were induced to give them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils result- ing from this, and the destructive consequences which would unavoidably follow short inlist- ments, I took the liberty in a long letter, to re- commend the inlistments for and during the war, assigning such reasons for it, as experience has since convinced me were well founded. At that time, twenty dollars would, I am persuaded, have engaged the men for this term : but it will not do to look back, and if the present opportunity be slipped, I am persuaded that twelve months more will increase our difficulties four fold. I shall therefore take the liberty of giving it as my opi- nion, that a good bounty be immediately offered^ aided by the proffer of at least a hundred, or a hun- dred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes, and a blanket to each non commissioned officer and soldier, as I have good authority for saying, that however high the men's pay may appear, it is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in clothes, much less to afford support to their fa- milies. If this encouragement then be given to the men, and such pay allowed to the officers, as will induce gentlemen of liberal character and liberal sentiments to engage, and proper care and caution be used in the nomination (having more regard to the character of persons, than the num- ber of men they can inlistj we should in a little time have an army able to cope with any that can 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103 be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials to form one out of; but while the only merit an officer possesses is his ability to raise men ; while those men consider and treat him as an equal, and in the character of an officer, regard him no more than a broomstick, being mixed together as one common herd ; no order nor discipline can pre- vail, nor will the officer ever meet with that re- spect which is essentially necessary to due subor- dination. ( To place any dependence upon militia, is as- suredly resting upon a broken staff. Men just dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life ; unaccustomed to the din of arms ; totally unac- quainted with every kind of military skill ; which, being followed by a want of confidence in them- selves, when opposed to troops regularly trained, disciplined and appointed, superior in knowledge, and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sud- den change in their manner of living, particularly in their lodging., brings on sickness in many, im- patience in all; and such an unconquerable de- sire of returning to their respective homes, that it not only produces shameful and scandalous de- sertions among themselves, but infuses the like spirit in others. Again, men accustomed to un- bounded freedom, and no controul, cannot brook the restraint which is indispensably necessary to the good order and government of an army ; without which, licentiousness and every kind of disorder triumphantly reign. To bring men to a uroper degree of subordination, is not the work 106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. of a day, a month, or a year; and unhappily for us, and the cause we are engaged in, the little discipline I have been labouring to establish in the array under my immediate command, is in a manner done away by having such a mixture of troops, as have been called together within these few months. " Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regula- tions of war are for the government of an army, the militia (those properly so called, for of these we hav two sorts, the six months men, and those sent in, as a temporary aid), do not think themselves subject to them, and thefore take liberties which the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy, jealousy begets dissatisfaction, and these by de- grees ripen into mutiny; keeping the whole army in a confused and disordered state ; rendering the lime of those, who wish to see regularity and good order prevail, more unhappy than words Can de-r scribe ; besides this, such repeated changes take place, that all arrangement is set at nought ; and the constant fluctuation of things deranges every plan, as fast as it is adopted. " These, Sir, Congress may be assured are but a small part of the inconveniences which might be enumerated and attributed to militia : but there is one which merits particular attention, and that is, the expense. Certain I am, that it would be cheaper to keep- fifty, or an hundred thousand men in constant pay, than to depend upon half the number, and supply the other half occasionally by militia. The time the latter is in pay, before and after they are in camp, assembling and marching, 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107 the waste of ammunition ; the consumption of stores which, in spite of every resolution and re- quisition of Congress, they must be furnished with, or sent home ; added to other incidental expenses consequent upon their coming, and con- duct in camp, surpass all idea ; and destroy every kind of regularity and economy, which you could establish among fixed and settled troops ; and will, in my opinion prove (if the same be adhered to) the ruin of our cause. ff The jeasousies of a standing army, and the evils to be apprehended from one, are remote ; and in my judgment, situated and circumstanced as we are, not all to be dreaded ; but the conse- quence of wanting one, according to my ideas, formed upon the present view of things, is certain, and inevitable ruin ; for if I were called upon to /declare upon oath, whether the militia have been, more serviceable or hurtful on the whole, I should subscribe to the latter. I do not mean by this, however, to arraign the conduct of Congress ; in so doing, I should equally condemn my own mea- sures, if not my judgment ; but experience which js the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly and decisively, reprobates the practice of trusting to militia, that no man who regards order, regu- larity, and economy, or who has any regard for his own honour, character, or peace of mind, will risk them upon militia." ff Before I knew of the late resolutions of Con- gress, which you did me the honour to inclose in 108 LI1E OF WASHINGTON 1776. your Idler of the 24th, and before I was favoured with the visit of your committee, I took the li- berty of giving you my sentiments on several points which seemed to be of importance, " I have do doubt but that the committee will make such report of the state and condition of the army as will induce Congress to believe that no- thing but the most vigorous exertions can put matters upon such a footing, as to give this con- tinent a fair prospect of success. Give me leave to say, Sir, I say it with due deference and re- spect, ( and my knowledge of the facts, added to the importance of the cause, and the stake I hold in it, must justify the freedom) that your affairs arc in a more unpropitious way than you seem to apprehend. " Your army, as mentioned in my last, is upon the ever of its political dissolution. True it is, you have voted a larger one in lieu of it ; but the season is late, and there is a material difference between voting battalions and raising men. In the latter there are more diffculties than Congress seem aware of, which makes it my duty ( as I have been inform- ed of the prevailing sentiments of this arm;, ) to inform them, that, unless the pay of the officers, (especially that of the field officers) be raised, the chief part of those that are worth retaining will leave the service at the expiration of the present term; as the soldiers will also, if some greater en- couragement be not offered them, than twenty dollars, and one hundred acres of land, " Nothing less, in my opinion, than a suit of clothes annually given to each lion comuiisssoned 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 109 officer and soldier, in addition to the pay and bounty, will avail; and I question whether that will do, as the enenvy from the information of one John Marsh, who, with six others, was taken by our guards, are giving ten pounds bounty for re- cruits, and have got a battalion under Major Rodgers, nearly completed upon Long Island. " Nor will less pay, according to my judgment, than I have taken the liberty of mentioning in the enclosed estimate, retain such officers as we could wish to have continued ; the difference per month in each battalion would amount to better than one hundred pounds ; to this may be added the pay of the staff officers ; for it is presumable they will also require an augmentation, but being few in number, the sum will not be greatly increased by them, and consequently is a matter of no great moment ; but it is a matter of no small importance to make the several offices desirable. When the pay and establishment of an officer once become objects of interested attention, the sloth, negli- gence, and' even disobedience of orders, which at this time but too generally prevail, will be purged off. But while the service is viewed with indif- ference ; while the officer conceives that he is ra- ther conferring than receiving an obligation ; there will be a total relaxation of all order and disci- pline, and every thing will move heavily on, to the great detriment of the service, and inexpres- sible trouble and vexation to the General. (< The critical situation of our affairs at this time will justify my saying, that no time is to be lost in making fruitless experiments. An unvailing 110 tlFE OF WAStilfrGfON. trial of a month, to get an army, upon the terms proposed, may render it impracticable to do it at all, and prove fatal to our cause, as I am not sure whe- ther any rubs in the way of our inlistments or un- favourable turn in our affairs, may not prove the means of the enemy's recruiting men faster than we do. To this may be added the inextricable difficulty of forming one.corps out of another, and arranging matters with any degree of order, in the face of an enemy who are watching for ad- vantages. " At Cambridge last year, where the officers (and more than a sufficieney of them) were all upon the spot, we found it a work of such extreme difficulty to know their sentiments (each having some terms to propose) that I despaired, once, of getting the arrangement completed, and do sup- pose that at least a hundred alterations took place before matters were finally adjusted ; what must it be then under the present regulation, where the officer is to negotiate this matter with the state he comes from, distant, perhaps, two or three hun- dred miles; some of whom, without any licence from me, set out to make personal application, the moment the resolution got to their hands ? What kind of officers these arc, I leave Congress to judge. " If an officer of reputation ( for none other should be applied to ) be asked to stay, what an- swer can he give ? But in the first place, that he does not know whether it be at his option to do so; no provision being made in the resolution of Con- gress, even recommendatory, of this measure, consequently, that it rests v.'ith the state he comes 1??6.;] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ill from, (surrounded,, perhaps, with a variety of ap- plications,, and influenced perhaps with local at- tachments ) to determine whether he can be pro- vided for, or not. In the next place, if he be an officer of merit., and knows that the state he comes from is to furnish more battalions than it at present has in the service, he will scarcely, after two years faithful services, think of continuing in the rank he now bears, when new creations are to be made and men appointed to offices (no ways superior in merit, and ignorant of service perhaps) over hi* head. " A committee sent to the army from each state may, upon the spot, fix things with a degree of propriety and certainty, and is the only method I can see, of bringing measures to a decision with respect to- the officers of the army; but what can be done in the mean time towards the arrangement in the country, I know not. In the one case, you run the hazard of losing your officers ; in the other of encountering delay ; unless some method could be devised of forwarding both at the same in- stant. . ment from the city. This additional force reach- ed him on the afternoon of the 30th, and prepa- rations were made for the attack next morning ; but a violent rain prevented the execution of the design. Nov. 1J The movements of the enemy mani- festing the design to turn the right flank of the Americans, and gain possession of the high ground in their rear, General Washington, having secur- ed his heavy baggage and stores, at night with<- drew his army from its present position, and formed it upon the heights of Newcastle, about five miles from the White Plains, and secured the bridge over Croton river. General Howe deemed the new encampment too strong to be foxced, and marched off his army to other operations. Nov. 5.] The immediate object of General Howe in leaving the White Plains, was to invest Forts Washington and Lee. The possession of these fortresses would secure the free navigation of the North river, and facilitate the invasion of New Jersey. The American commander con- formed his movements to those of his enemy. He ordered all the troops raised on the west side of the Hudson to cross that river under the command of General Green, intending himself to cross, as soon as the plans of General Howe should be more fully disclosed. General Lee remained with the troops raised east ef the Hudson, who wag or- dered to join Green's division, whenever the ene- my should enter New Jersey. General Washing- ton informing Congress of his new arrangements, 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117 observed, " I cannot indulge the idea that Gene- ral Howe, supposing him to be going to New York, means to close the campaign, and to sit down without attempting something more. I think it highly probable and almost certain, that he will make a descent with a part of his troops into the Jerseys, and as soon as I am satisfied that the present manoeuvre is real, and not a feint, I shall use all the means in my power to forward a part of our force to counteract his designs. I shall keep close upon their heels, and will do every thing in my power to make the project fatal to them." " But besides the argument in favour of their intending, in the first place, a stroke at this army, drawn from the policy of thd measure, every ap- pearance contributes to confirm the opinion. Had their design been for the Delaware, in the first instance, they would probably have made a secret, rapid march for it, and not have halted so as to awaken our attention, and give MS time to prepare for obstructing them. Instead of that, they have only advanced to a position necessary to facilitate an attack on our right, the part in which we. are most exposed. In addition to this circumstance, they have come out as light as possible ; leaving all their baggage, provisions, boats, and bridges, at Brunswick. This plainly contradicts the idea of their intending to push for the Delaware." When the British army was collected at Bruns- wick, General Washington knowing that the high lands on the Hudson were not exposed while the enemy held that position, ordered a large detachment from Peck's Kill to Middle- brook, and he determined to defend himself in this post. ^ Finding that his opponent could not be ma- 148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177T- nceuvred out of his fortified camp, the British commander drew back his troops to Staten Island, with the design to embark them for the Delaware or the Chesapeak. While these manoeuvres were displaying in. New Jersey, intelligence was received, that Ge- neral Burgoyne, with a powerful body of troops, was on the Lakes, approaching Ticonderoga. General Washington immediately forwarded large reinforcements to the northern army. Soon after the British transports sailed out of the harbour of New York, an intercepted letter from General Howe to General Burgoyue w as put into the hands of the Commander in Chief, which contained the information, that " he was exhibit- ing the appearance of moving to the southward, while his real intent was against Boston, from whence he would co-operate with the army of Canada." General Washington vie wing this letter as a finesse, paid no regard to it. The policy of co-operating on the North river with the army of Canada, was so evident to the military mind of the General, that he conceived the movement of Howe to be a feint, designed to draw away the American army, that the British forces might suddenly ascend the Hudson, and seize the passes in the mountains; he therefore moved his troops to the neighbourhood of those 'heights, and there waited the issue of Sir Wil- liam's manoeuvre. When the apprehension of a 'sudden attack upon the American works on the North river was removed, by the length of time Sir William Howe 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. had been ~at sea, General Washington marched his army, by divisions, to places which he thought the most favourable to defend points the enemy might attack. While waiting the evolution of the enemy's plan of the campaign, General Washington sur- veyed the ground in the neighbourhood of Phila- delphia, that he might be thoroughly acquainted with the probable scene of approaching military Operations. On a critical examination of the for- tifications on the Delaware, he advised Congress to confine the defence of the river to Mud Island and Red Bank, because the force for defence, collected at these points, would produce more effect than it could, divided upon different parts of the river. The American army remained quietly in its position until the 21st of August. By this time General Washington apprehended that General Howe had proceeded to Charleston, South Caro- lina, and he knew that the attempt to follow him to that place would be useless. He therefore re- solved to move his army to the North river, to assail the enemy at New York, or to join the northern army and oppose Burgoync. But on the very day on which orders to this purpose were issued, intelligence reached him that Sir William had entered the Chesapeak, and was approaching its head. He had spent more than twenty days in his passage, and on the 25th of August, landed without opposition at Turkey Point, in Maryland. His force amounted to eighteen thousand men, abundantly furnished with every article of warfare, 150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. As soon as General Washington was apprized of the destination of the British General, he put his army in motion to meet him. He marched through Philadelphia, that a sight of his forces might make impressions on the minds of those citizens who were hostile to the American cause. The effective force of General Washington did not exceed eleven thousand men. The militia, on this occasion, turned out in considerable numbers, but the want of arms rendered the services of many of them useless. On the 3d of September, th,e hostile armies ap- proached each other. General Washington, not being in force to contend with his foe in the open field, could only harass his line of march, with light troops and cavalry, and pick up stragglers from his camp. As the royal troops advanced, Sir William manoeuvred to gain the right wing of the American army. General \Yashington, to counteract his design, continued to fall back, until he crossed the Brandywine river at Chadd's ford. Here he made a stand to dispute its pas- sage by the British. The opinion of Congress, and the general sen- timent of the country, imposed on the General the necessity of hazarding a general action at this place, for the defence of Philadelphia. SEPT. 1 1 .~] Early in the morning, information was brought to the Commander in Chief, that the British army was advancing in the road to Chadd's ford, and he immediately prepared to dispute the passage of the river. By ten o'clock, the light troops were driven over the river to the main 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151 body of the American army, and it was every moment expected that the German General Knyp- hausen would attempt to force a passage. About noon, intelligence was communicated to the Ge- o neral, that a large column of the enemy, with a number of field pieces, had marched up the country, and fallen into the road which crosses the Brandy wine above its foVks. Satisfied of the correctness of this intelligence, he detached the right wing of his army to attack the left of this column, as it marched down the north side of the Brandywine, intending himself, with the centre and left wing, to recross the river, and attack the division of the enemy at .Chadd's fbrd. While issuing orders for the execution of this daring plan, the first intelligence was contra- dicted, and the general was informed, that the movement of the column tovvards'the forks was a feint, and that instead of crossing the river at that place, it had rejoined the German troops at Chadd's fbrd. Under the uncertainty, which this contradictory intelligence produced, the General prudently relinquished his design. About two o'clock, it was ascertained that Sir William Howe in person had crossed the Brandy- wine at tli6 forks, and was rapidly marching down the north side of the river, to attack the American army. The Commander in Chief now ordered General Sullivan to form the right wing to oppose the column of Sir William. General Wayne was directed to remain at Chadd's ford with the left wing, to dispute the passage of the river with JCnyphausen. General Green, with his division, LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. was posted as a reserve in the centre between Sul- livan and Wayne, to reinforce either, as circum- stances might require. General Sullivan marched up the river, until he found favourable ground on which to form his men ; his left was near the Brandywine, and both flanks were covered with thick wood. At half past four o'clock, when his line was scarcely formed, the British, under Lord Cornwallis, commenced a spirited attack. The action was for some time severe ; but the Ameri- can right, which was not properly in order when the assault began, at length gave way, and ex- posed the flank of the troops that maintained their ground to a destructive fire, and continuing to break from the right, the whole line finally gavo As soon as the firing began, General Washing- ton, with General Green's division, hastened to- wards the scene of action, but before his arrival, Sullivan was routed, and the Commander in Chief could only check the pursuit of the enemy, and cover the retreat of the beaten troops. During these transactions, General Knyphauscn assaulted the works erected for the defence of Chadd's ford, and soon carried them. General Wayne, by this time learning the fate of the other divisions, drew off his troops. General Washing- ton retreated with his whole force that night to Chester. The American loss in this battle was about three hundred killed, and six hundred wounded. Four hundred were made prisoners, but these chiefly of the wounded. Many of the regiments of infantry, and the 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153 whole corps of artillery, on this occasion, exhi- bited the firmness and persevering courage that would have honoured veteran troops. A few corps gave way as soon as pressed by the enemy, and their deficiency exposed those who bravely did their duty. General Howe stated his loss, in this action, at one hundred killed and four hun- dred wounded. The defeat of Brandy wine produced no de- pression of spirits upon Congress, the army, or the country. Measures were immediately taken to reinforce the army. Fifteen hundred men were marched from Peck's Kill, and large detachments of militia ordered into the field. The Comman- der in Chief was empowered to impress all horses, waggons, and provisions necessary for the army. In orders, the General expressed his high satis- faction at the behaviour of the body of his army in the late engagement. Having allowed his troops a short repose, he faced about to meet the enemy, fully resolved to try his fortune in a gene- ral action, before he resigned Philadelphia to the royal commander. SEPT. 15.] General Washington, perceiving that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster road, towards the city, took possession of ground near the Warren tavern, on the left of the British, and twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. The protection of his stores at Reading was one ob- ject of this movement. The next morning he was informed of the approach of the British a my, He immediately put his troops in motion to engage the enemy, The advance of the two 154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. hostile armies met and began to skirmish, when rain fell, and soon increased to a violent storm. This providentially prevented a general engage- ment, and rendered the retreat of the Americans absolutely necessary. The inferiority of the mus- kets in the hands of the American soldiery, which had been verified in every action, was strikingly illustrated in/his retreat. The gun locks were badly made, and the cartridge boxes imperfectly constructed ; and this storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use ; and all the ammunition was damaged. The army was of consequence ex- tremely exposed, and their danger became the greater, as many of the soldiers were destitute of bayonets. Fortunately the tempest, which pro- duced such serious mischief to the Americans, prevented the pursuit of the British. General Washington, finding his troops un- fitted for action, relinquished, from necessity, the immediate intention of a battle, and continued his retreat through the day, and most of the night, amidst a cold and tempestuous rain, and in very deep roads. On a full discovery of the extent of the damage to the arms and ammunition, the Ge- neral ascended the Schuylkil, and crossed it at Warwick furnace, to obtain a fresh supply of am- munition, and to refit or replace the defective muskets. He still resolved to risk a general en- gagement, for the safety of the capital. jjSEpT. 19.]] He recrossed the Schuylkill at Parker's ferry, and encamped east of that river, on both sides of Par- kyomy creek, and detachments were posted at the different fore}*, at which the enemy might attempt 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155 to force a passage. As the British army ap- proached the river, General Washington posted his army in their front ; but, instead of forcing a passage, Sir William moved rapidly up the road towards Reading. The American Commander, supposing that his object was to destroy the mili- tary stores at that place, and to turn the right flank of the American army, marched up the river to Pottsgrove, leaving the lower road to the city open to his antagonist. Sir William Howe awailed himself of the opportunity, and on the I6th, entered Philadelphia in triumph. General Washington had seasonably taken the precaution to remove the public stores from the city, and to secure for the use of the army, those articles of merchandize, which their wants ren- dered of primary necessity. Colonel Hamilton, then one of General Washington's aids, had been sent.into the city on this important business. By liis instructions, he was directed to proceed in his requisitions upon the stores and shops of Phila- delphia, cautiously but effectually. " Your own prudence will point out the least exceptionable means to be pursued, but remember delicacy, and a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of applica- tion, must give place to our necessities. We must, if possible, accomodate the soldiers with such articles as they stand in need of; or we shall have just reason to apprehend the most injurious and alarming consequences from the approaching season/* From the landing of the British army at the head of the Elk, on the 25th of August, to the 156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777 26th of September, when they entered Philadel- phia, the American troops had encountered a con- tinued series of active operations, and the duty of the General was complicated and arduous. Dur- ing this time, the soldiers were destitute of bag- gage, insufficiently supplied with provisions, and deprived of the comforts that administer to the support of the human frame under severe fatigue. Without covering, they were exposed to heavy rains, and obliged to march, many of them with- out shoes, in deep roads, and to ford considerable streams. The best British writers, who have given us an history of the revolutionary war, highly applaud the generalship of Sir William Howe in this part of the campaign. Can they then withhold ap- plause from the American Commander, who manoeuvred an inferior army in the face of the British General, and detained him thirty days, in inarching sixty miles, from the head of Elk river to Philadelphia, in a country in which there was not one fortified post, nor a stream that might not, at this season be every where forded ; who fought one battle, and although beaten, in five days again faced his enemy with the intention to risk a general engage- ment; who, when in the moment of action, was providentially necessitated to retreat, with muskets and ammunition unfit for use, extricated himself from his perilous situation, and once more placed himself in front of the invading foe; who at last was induced to open the Philadelphia road to the British General, not because he was beaten in the field, but through the influence of circunv 1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 157 stances, which no military address could counter- act. Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in Philadelphia, and the other corps of the British army were cantoned at Germantown. The first object of Sir William was to subdue the defences and remove the impediments of the Delaware, that a communication might be opened with the British shipping. General Washington made every effort to prevent the execution of the ene- my's design, in the hope of forcing General Howe out of Philadelphia,, by preventing supplies of provisions from reaching him. Of the attainment of this important object he had no doubt, could the passage of the Delaware be rendered imprac- ticable. To this purpose works had been erected on a bank of mud and sand in the river, near the confluence of the Schuylkill, and about seveii miles below Philadelphia. The place, from these works, was denominated Fort Island, and tite works themselves Fort Mifflin. On a neck of land on the opposite shore of New Jersey, called Red Bank, a fort was constructed and mounted with heavy artillery, and called Fort Mercer. Fort Island and Red Bank were distant from each other half a mile. In the channel of the Dela- ware, which ran between them, two ranges of che- vaux de frize were sunk. These consisted of large pieces of timber, strongly framed together, and pointed with iron; and they completely ob- structed the passage of ships. These works were covered by several gallies, floating batteries, and armed ships. 158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. , f 1777- Sir William Howe having detached a consider- able force from Germantown to operate against the works on the Delaware, General Washington thought this a favourable opportunity to attack the British army in their cantonments. The line of (he British encampment crossed the village of Germantown at right angles, near its centre; and its flanks were strongly covered. General Washington now commanded a force consisting of about eight thousand continental troops and three thousand militia. The General's plan was to attack both wings of the enemy in front and rear at the same time. The arrange- ments having been made, the army was moved near the scene of action on the evening of the 4th of October. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's brigade, were to enter Ger- mantown by the way of Chesnut Hill, and attack the left wing of the British. General Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was ordered to fall down the Manatawny road, and turning the Bri- tish left flank, attack its rear. The divisions of Green and Stephen, flanked by M'Dougal's bri- gade, were to take a circuit by the way of the Limekiln road, and entering at the market house, attack the right wing. The militia of Maryland and New Jersey, under General Small wood and General Forman, were to march down the old York road, and fall upon the rear of the British right. The division of Lord Sterling, and the brigades of Nash and Maxwell, were to form a corps de reserve. OCT. 8.] About sunrise the next morning, the 1777.] LJj^E OF WASHINGTON. 159 front of General Sullivan's column, which the Commander in Chief accompanied, drove in the British picket at Mount Airy. The main body of the division soon engaged the British light infantry and the fortieth regiment of foot, and obliged them to give way, leaving all their bag- gage behind. General Green, in half an hour af- ter Sullivan reached the ground of action, attack- ed and drove in the troops in fron^cf the right wing of the enemy. Several brigades of Sulli- van's and of Green's divisions penetrated the town. The enemy appeared to be surprised, and a fair prospect of eventual success in the assault presented itself to the mind of the American Ge neral. The flattering expectations, which the success ful commencement of the enterprise excited, were soon succeeded by disappointment and mortifica tion. As the British retreated before General Sullivan's division, Colonel Musgrave took post with six companies of light troops in a stone house, from which he severely galled the Ameri- cans in their advance. Attempts were made to dislodge him, but they proved ineffectual, and the American line was checked and flung info disor- der. The morning being extremely foggy, the Americans could neither perceive the situation of the enemy, nor take advantage of their own suc- cess. The ground to which some of the British corps were pursued had many inclosures, which broke the American line of march, and some of, the regiments in their ardour to push forward, separated from their brigades, were surrounded 160 LIFE OE WASHTNGTO. [1777. and taken prisoners. In the moment of supposed victory, the troops retreated, and the efforts of their Generals to rally them \vere fruitless. The militia were never seriously brought into action. General Washington, perceiving that victory, had on this occasion eluded his grasp, contented himself with a safe and honourable retreat. In this bold assault, two hundred Americans \vere killed, six hundred wounded, and four hun- dred taken prisoners. Among the killed was Brigadier General Nash. The British loss was one hundred killed and four hundred wounded. Among the killed were Brigadier Agnew and Colonel Bird. This enterprise, as far as the Commander in Chief was concerned in it, was honourable. Its ultimate failure must be attri- buted to the want of discipline and experience in his men. Congress fully approved of the plan of this assault, and applauded the courage displayed in its execution. They voted their thanks to the General, and to the army. The works in the Delaware now engaged the attention of the British and American Generals. Sir William Howe broke up his encampment at Germantown, and moved his whole army into Philadelphia. General Washington placed con- fidential garrisons in Fort Mercer at Red Bank, and iu Fort Mifflin on Mud Island, but he had not a force equal to their complete defence. He appointed detachments to intercept the transporta- tion of provisions from the British ships below the American works to Philadelphia. He called upon the government of New Jersey to turnout 1777.] tIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161 the militia of that state, to form a camp in the rear of Red Bank ; and he set patroles of militia on the roads leading to Philadelphia, both itt Pennsylvania and New Jersey, to prevent the dis- affected inhabitants from carrying their articles into the market of Philadelphia. To avail him- self of any favourable opportunity to annoy the enemy, he moved his army to White Marsh, dis- tant only fifteen miles from the city. Lord Howe, by continued exertion, having overcome the obstructions which the Americans had placed in the river at Billingsport, a joint at- tack by sea and land Was planned against Red Bank and Fort Island. The Augusta, a sixty- four gun ship, the Merlin frigate, and several small armed vessels, moved up the Delaware to assault the works on Fort or Mud Island. Count Donop crossed into New Jersey with twelve hun- dred Germans, and in the evening of the 22d of October appeared before Fort Mercer, on Red Bank. His assault was highly spirited, and the defence intrepid and obstinate. Colonel Green, the commandant, whose garrison did not exceed five hundred men, was unable to man the out- works. From these he galled the Germans in their advance, and on their near approach he quitted them, and retired within the inner in- trenchments. The enemy pressed forward with undaunted bravery, and the Americans poured upon them a deadly fire. Count Donop was him- self mortally wounded at the head of his gallant corps ; the second in command soon after fell, and the third immediately drew off his forces M 162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17?? The assailants had four hundred men killed and wounded. The garrison, fighting under cover, had only thirty killed and wounded. Had the camp of militia been formed in the rear of Red Bank, agreeable to General Washington's desire, this whole corps w.ould probably have been made prisoners. In the mean time, Fort Mifflin was attacked bj the shipping, and by batteries erected on th Pennsylvania shore. Incessant vollies of bombs and cannon-balls were discharged upon it ; but at ebb tide the Augusta and Merlin grounded, and were burnt. The garrison supported this tre- mendous fire without material injury. The resistance of the forts on the Delaware far exceeding the expectations of the Britiih com- manders, they adopted measures to overcome it, without the hazard of a second assault. They erected batteries upon Province Island, within five hundred yards of the American fort. They also brought up their shipping, gun-boats, &c. and from the 10th to the 16th of November, bat- tered the American works. By this time the de*- fences were entirely beat down, every piece of cannon was dismounted, and one of the ships ap- proached so near Fort Mifflin as to throw hand grenades from her tops into it, which killed men upon the platform. The brave garrison received orders to quit the post. Red Bank being no longer useful, its garrison and stores were also withdrawn on the approach of Lord Cornvvallij with five thousand men to invest it. \\ bile these transactions were going on, the ea- 1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 163 terprising spirit of the Commander in Chief, was employed to explore an opening through which to attack Jris adversary. He clearly saw the import- ance of driving the British from Province Island ; but fifteen hundred men,, in the opinion of his general officers., were necessary to effect this ob- ject. This detachment could reach the place of assault only by marching down a neck of land six miles in length, almost in sight of the British Ge- neral, who might easily cut off the retreat of the American detachment,, unless it should be pro- tected by a strong covering party. To furnish this party, General Washington must expose his army, with all his stores and artillery, to Sir Wil- liam ; or, if he moved his whole army over the Schuylkill, all the magazines and hospitals in his rear, might, without opposition, be seized. Red Bank would also be exposed,, through which re- inforcements of men, and supplies of ammunition, and provisions, passed to Fort Island. He was therefore constrained to watch the progress of his enemy, without making efficient attempts to check him, The fortifications of the Delaware being sur- mounted, the impediments in the channel of the river were, without great difficulty, removed. la six weeks of incessant effort, the British comman- ders gained the free navigation of the Delaware, and opened the communication bet ween their fleet and army. During the excursion of Lord Cornwallis into ffew Jersey, with a design to invest Fort Mercer, general Washington was urged to attack Phila- LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.. elnJ$ja. The wishes of Congress, and -the ex- jattatipn of the public, gave weight to the pro- d measure. TKe plan was, that General Green uld silently fallxlown the Delaware, at a spe- ed time, attack the rear of General Howe, and D possession of the bridge over the Schuylkill ; that a powerful force should march down on the west side of that river, and from the heights en- filade the British works on that side, while the Commander in Chief, with the main body of the army, should attack fourteen redoubts, and the lines of the enemy extending from the Delaware to the Schuylkill; which constituted their defence in front. The sound mind of General Washington was not so much dazzled by a prospect of the brilliance and fame which the success of this enterprise would throw around himself, and his armv, as to / * engage in the desperate attempt ; nor was he dis- posed to sacrifice the safety of his country upon the altar of public opinion. He gave the follow- ing reasons for rejecting the plan ; that the army in Philadelphia was in number at least equal to his own ; it could not reasonably be expected that the several corps engaged could co-operate in that joint and prompt manner which was neces- sary to success ; in all probability the movement of General Green could not be made in the face of a Vigilant enemy without discovery, which was essential ; if the several divisions were in the on- set successful, th"e redoubts taken, the lines sur- mounted, and the British army driven within the city, the assault then must be extremely hazard- 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J65 ous ; an artillery superior to their own, would be planted to play upon the front of the assailing columns, and the brick houses would be lined with a formidable infantry to thin their flanks ; a defeat, which, calculating upon the scale of pro- bability, must be expected, would ruin the army, and open the country to the depredation of the enemy ; the hardy enterprises and stubborn con- flicts of two campaigns, had given the British general only the command of two or three towns, protected in a great measure by the shipping, why then forego the advantage of confining the British army in narrow quarters, to place the stores in camp, and the very independence of America at risk upon this forlorn hope ? The General was supported in his opinion by those officers in whose judgment he placed the most confidence, and he disregarded the clamours of ignorance and rash- ness. On the 4th of December, Sir William Howe marched his whole army out of Philadelphia to White Marsh, the encampment of General Wash- ington. He took a position on Chesnut Hill, in front of the American right wing. Mr. Stedman, a British historian of the revolutionary w^r, who at this time was with Sir William, states his force at fourteen thousand men. The continental troops at White Marsh amounted to about twelve thou- sand, and the militia to three. The ground of the Americans was strong, but o fortifications had been erected. Never before had General Washington met his enemy in this manner, with a superiority of numbers. He wished to be at- 166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. tacked, but was not disposed to relinquish the ad- vantage of ground. The British Commander spent the 6th in re- connoitring the American right. At night he inarched to their left on the hill, which here ap- proached nearer to their camp, and took a good position within a mile of it. The next day he advanced further to the American left, and in doing it approached still nearer this wing. Ge- neral Washington made some changes in the dis- position of his troops, to oppose, with a greater force, the attack he confidently expected on his left. Momentarily expecting the assault, he rode through each brigade of the army with perfect composure, giving his orders, animating his men to do their duty to their country, and exhorting them to depend principally on the bayonet. Dur- ing these manoeuvres, some sharp skirmishing took place. At evening the disposition of General Howe indicated the design to attack the next morning. The American Commander impatiently waited the assault, promising himself some com- pensation for the disasters of the campaign in the issue of this battle ; but his hopes were disap- pointed. On the afternoon of the 8th, Sir Wil- liam returned to Philadelphia with such rapidity, as not to be overtaken by the American light troops, which were sent out to harass his rear. Sir William Howe moved out of Philadelphia with a professed design to attack General Wash- ington, and to drive him over the mountain. He must have felt mortification in receding from this intention, and by it acknowledging, in the face of 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167 the world, the respect he entertained for the mi- litary talents of his opponent, and proclaiming his reluctance to engage an American army of equal numbers, unless he could command the ground of action. The ; American troops were badly clothed,, and were generally destitute of blankets. The winter setting in with severity, it became necessary to lodge them in winter quarters. The General had revolved the subject in his mind, and weighed all its difficulties. Should he quarter his army in villages, his men would be exposed to the destruc- tive enterprises of paitizan British corps, and a large district of country would be opened to the forage of the enemy. To remedy these dangers and inconveniences, the General resolved to march his army to Valley Forge, a strong position be- hind Philadelphia, covered with wood, and there shelter them. On the march to the place, for the first time, the disposition for the winter was an- nounced. He applauded the past fortitude of the army, and exhorted them to bear their approach- ing hardships with the resolution of soldiers, as- suring them that the public good, and not his in- clination, imposed them. The men bore their temporary sufferings with patience. They felled trees, and of logs built themselves huts, closing their crevices with mortar, and soon assumed the form and order of an encampment. Light troops were stationed around Philadelphia to straiten the enemy's quarters, and to cut off their communica-~ tion with those of the country who were disposed to supply them with provision. 168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. On the 22d of December the commissary an- nounced the alarming fact, that the last rations in store had been served to the troops. A small numher of the men discovered a disposition to mutiny at a privation for which they could not account, but in the criminal inattention of their country ; but the majority of the army submitted to the scarcity without a murmur. General Washington ordered the country to be scoured, and provisions to be seized wherever they could be found. At the same time he stated the situa- tion of the army to Congress, and warned that body of the dangerous consequences of this mode of obtaining supplies. It was calculated, he said, to ruin the discipline of the soldiers, and to raise in them a disposition for plunder and licen-r tiousness. It must create in the minds of the in?- habitants jealousy and dissatisfaction. " I regret the occasion which compelled me to the measure the other day, and shall consider it among the greatest of our misfortunes to be under the neces- sity of practising it again. I am now obliged to keep several parties from the army threshing grain, that our supplies may not fail, but this will not do." During the whole winter, the sufferings of the troops at Valley Forge were extreme. 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 169 CHAPTER V, Progress and Issue of the Northern Campaign Plan to displace General Washington iiis Correspondence on the Subject Letter of General Gates Remonstrance of the Legislature of Pennsylvania against closing the Campaign Observation* of the Commander in Chief upon it, Sufferings of the Army fur the want of Provmon-s and Clothing Measures adopted by the Commander in Chief to obtain Supplies Methods taken to recruit the Army Sir Henry Clinton appointed Commander in Chief of the British Forces He evacuates Philadelphia, and marches through New Jersey to New York General Wash- ington pursues him Battle of Monmouth Thanks of Con-r gress to the General and Army General Lee censured ffe demands a Court Martial, and is suspended from his Command French Fleet appears on the American Coast Expedition against Rhode Island It fails Disaffection between the Ame- rican and French Officers Measures of the Commander in Chief to prevent the ill Consequences of it Army goes into Winter Quarters in the High Lands. 1777.] DURING these transactions in the middle States., the northern campaign had issued in the capture of General Burgoyne and army. That department had ever heen considered as a separate command, and more particularly under the direction of Congress; but the opinion of the Commander in Chief had been consulted in many of its transactions, and most of its details had passed through his hands. Through, him that 170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. army had been supplied with the greater part of its artillery, ammunition, and provisions. Upon the loss of Ticonderoga, and the disas- trous events which followed it, he exerted himself to stop the career of General Burgoyne, although by this exertion, he weakened himself in his con- flicts with Sir William Howe. Without waiting for the order of Congress, in his own name he called out the militia of New England, and di- rected General Lincoln to command them. Strong detachments were sent to the northward from his own army. General Arnold, who had already greatly distinguished himself in the field, was sent at the head of these reinforcements, in the expec- tation that his influence would do much to reani- mate that army, and inspirit them lo noble exertions. Soon after Colonel Morgan, with his regiment, the best partisan corps in the American army, was also detached to that service. General Washing- ton encouraged General Schuyler to look forward to brighter fortune. " The evacuation of Ticon- deroga and Mount Independence," said he, in a letter to that General, " is an event of chagrin and surprise, not apprehended, nor within the compass of my reasoning. This stroke is severe indeed, and has distressed us much. But not- withstanding things at present wear a dark and gloomy aspect, I hope a spirited opposition will check the progress of General Burgoyne's arms, and that the confidence derived from success will hurry him into measures that will, in their conse- quences, be favourable to us. We should never despair. Our situation has before been unpro- 1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 171 raising, and lias changed for the better, so I trust it -will again. If new difficulties arise, we must only put forth new exertions, and proportion our efforts to the exigency of the times." When in- formed by General Schuyler, that Burgoyne had divided his force to act in different quarters., Ge- neral Washington foresaw the consequences, and advised to the measures that proved fatal to that commander. fc Although our affairs/' replied he to General Schuyler, " have some days past worn a dark and gloomy aspect, I yet look forward to a fortunate and happy issue. I trust General Bur- goyne's army will, sooner or later, experience an effectual check ; and, as I suggested before, that the success he had will precipitate his ruin. From your account he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct, which of all others is most favourable to us ; I mean acting by detachments. This con- duct will certainly give room for enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred men, it would inspirit the people, and do away much of their present anxiety. In such an event, they would lose sight of past misfortunes; and, urged at the same time by a regard to their own security, they would fly to arms, and afford every aid in their power/' The community was not intimately acquainted with the state of things in the northern depart- ment. In consequence, strong prejudices were excited against General Schuyler. On account of this popular prejudice, Congress conceived it pru*. 172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777. dent to change the general of this army, and the Commander in Chief was requested to nornu ate a successor to General Schuyler. Through delicacy he declined this nomination ; but never and ordered to annoy him in every pos- sible way. General Cadwallader, with Jackson's regiment, and a small corps of militia, was or- dered to harass his rear. The British army by this time was calculated at ten thousand men, and the American army con- sisted of between ten and eleven thousand. Al- though the late council decided, by a large ma- jority against a general engagement, yet General Washington inclined to the measure. He again summoned his officers, and took their opinion, and since which (except small sums that I had occasion to apply to private uses) were all expended in the public service; through hurry I suppose, and the perplexity of business (for I know not how else to ac- count for the deficiency) I have omitted to charge the same, v/hilst every debit against me is here credited. July 1, 1/83.'* 1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329 4? fore them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. . te Happy in the confirmation of our independ- ence and sovereignty, and pleased with the op- portunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by acon.- fidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the pa- tronage of Heaven. " The successful termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations; and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assistance I have received from my country- men, increase 'with every review of the momentous contest. .~* " While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feel- ings not to acknowledge, in this place, the pecu- liar services and distinguished merits of the gen- tlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to recommend in particular, those who have con- tinued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of Congress. " I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life, by com- 330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. mending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendance of them to his holj keeping. " Having now finished the work assigned me, J retire from the great theatre of action, and bid- ding an affectionate farewel to; this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life/ 5 Having advanced to the chair and delivered the President his commission, he received from him the following reply : " SIR, " The United States in Congress assembled, re- ceive, with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops with success, through a perilous and a doubtful war. " Called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formed alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a government to support you. " You have conducted the great military con- test with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regard- ing the rights of the civil power, through all dis- asters and changes. You have, by the love and confidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. You have persevered till these United States, aided by a magnanimous king and nation, have been enabled under a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independ- 1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 331 ence; on which happy event, we sincerely join you in congratulations. " Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world : having taught a lesson useful to those who inflict, and to those who feel oppres- sion, you retire from the great theatre of action, with the blessings of your fellow citizens; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages. ' We feel, with you, our obligations to the ?u*my in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential officers, who have attended your person to this Affecting moment. " We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens, to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respect- able nation. And for you,' we address to him our earnest prayers, that a life so beloved, may be fos- tered with all his care ; that your days may be happy as they have been illustrious; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give." The General immediately retired from the hall of Congress. The minds of the spectators were deeply impressed by the scene. The recollection of the circumstances of the country at the time the commission was accepted, the events that had since taken place, and the glorious issue of the 332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. conflict conspired to give the scene the most lively interest. His country being exalted to the dignity of a sovereign and independent nation, General Wash- ington with great satisfaction resigned the arduous duties and high responsibility of his military com- mand. He repaired to Mount Vernon, in the delightful prospect of spending the residue of his days in the bosom of domestic life. With an immaculate character he had passed through all the complicated transactions of a re- volutionary war ; and had established an immortal reputation as a soldier and a patriot, throughout the civilized world. To his retirement he carried the profound veneration and most lively affection of his grateful countrymen. In the estimation ef his friends, the measure of his honour was full. The extent of their wishes was, that no unpropi- tious event might take place to tarnish the lustre of his reputation ; but that in peace he might de- scend into the grave, with his laurel crown unfad- ed'on his head. 1784.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 333 CHAPTER X. General Washington in Retirement His Pursuits Votes of Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia respecting him His Visitors and Correspondents His Plans to improve the A r a- vigation of the Potomack and James' Rivers Declines the grant of Virginia His Advice to the Cincinnati State of Public Affairs National Convention General Washington its Pre- sident Federal Constitution recommended and adopted General Washington requested to consent to administer the Government He is chosen President of the United States Sets out for the Seat of Government Attention shown him on his Journey His Reception at New York. 1784.] PEACE being restored to his countrr upon the broad basis of independence, General Washington with supreme delight retired to the pursuits of private life. In a letter to Governor Clinton, written three days after his arrival at Mount Vernon, he thus expressed the grateful feelings of his heart on being relieved from the weight of hii public station. for were I to indulge my inclinations, every moment that I could with- draw from the fatigues of my station, should be spent in retirement. That they are not> proceeds from the sense I entertain of the propriety of giv- ing to every one as free access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of govern- ment ; and that respect, I conceive, is neither to be acquired nor preserved, but by maintaining a just medium between much state, and too great familiarity. " Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable kind, are the visits of every Friday afternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I always am. These public meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my table will hold, with the references to and from the different departments of state, and other communications with all parts of the union, is as much, if not more, than I am able to undergo ; for I have already had, within less than a year, two severe attacks ; the last worse c c 386 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1789, than the first ; a third, it is more than probable, will put me to sleep with my fathers ; at what distance this may be/ I know not." At the commencement of the presidency of General Washington, a variety of circumstances combined to create anxiety and apprehension re- specting the operations of the government. The relation of the country with foreign powers was critical and embarrassing. Spain discovered jealousies of the American people., and manifested a disposition to check their progress to national wealth and strength. She had refused negotiation with the American government, and denied to its subjects the navigation of the Mississippi south of the boundary of the United States. Between Great Britain and the United States, great causes of altercation existed. Just com- plaints of the non-execution of essential articles of the treaty of peace were mutually made, and an irritable state of mind appeared in both na- tions, which rendered the adjustment of the con- troversy the more difficult. France early discovered a disposition to take advantage of the partiality of the American people, to gain an influence in their councils, and to acquire the control of their destiny. The Indians, through the whole extent of the western frontier, manifested great inquietude. Their jealousies of the United States were sup- posed to have been excited by the intrigues of Spanish and British partisans, and most of the tribes assumed a very threatening attitude. In addition to these foreign difficulties, there 1789.']' LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S7 were considerations of a domestic nature, pecu- liarly calculated to excite apprehension. The whole plan of the federal government was new. In no branch of it was there a precedent; but first principles and general rules were to be established in every department. The United States were without funds or revenue, and were destitute of public credit. Many influential characters, in different parts of the union, were from the first opposed to the federal constitution. Debates in state conven- tions on its principles had enkindled no inconsi- derable degree of animosity. It had been ratified in them generally by small majorities, and in some instances this majority had been obtained by annexing provisional amendments to the rati- fication. It was therefore to be apprehended that many of the members of the Legislature were hostile to the constitution, and would, under the idea of amending, sacrifice its spirit, or by their opposition to every salutary measure, prevent an experiment of a republican form of government, auspiciously begun, from being fairly completed. Happily the American people retained their confidence in those distinguished statesmen, who had been their leaders in the controversy with Great Britain, which terminated in national inde- pendence ; and these statesmen, imitating at this crisis, the public spirit of the General of the revo- lutionary war, consented to forego the pleasures and emoluments of private life, for the service of their country. Many of them were the successful candidates for popular suffrage to compose the LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. Legislature of the nation, and the first Congress consisted of men eminent for their talents and political information, and venerahle for their pa- triotism and virtue. A decided majority of these were the friends of the constitution, and were disposed to make every exertion to carry it into execution upon a liberal and efficient plan. One of the first acts of the Legislature was to establish those departments which were necessary to aid the Executive in the administration of the government. In filling these departments, the President was to perform an important and delicate duty. Ap- plications for office had been numerous, and the following extract of a letter written to a friend, who had applied even before General Washington accepted the presidency, will shew the disposition with which he executed this trust. f Should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the station in which your letter pre- supposes me", I have determined to go into it, per* fectly free from all engagements of every nature whatsoever. A conduct, in conformity to this resolution, would enable me, in balancing the various pretensions of different candidates fof appointments, to act with a sole reference to jus- tice and the public good. This is, in substance, the answer that I have given to all applications (and they are not few) which have already been made. Among the places sought after in these applications, I must not conceal that the office to which you particularly allude, is comprehend- ed. This fact, I. tell you merely as a matter of 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389 information. My general manner of thinking, as to the propriety of holding myself totally dis- engaged,, will apologize for my not enlarging fur- ther on the subject, f( Though I am sensible that the public suf- frage which places a man in office should pre- vent him from being swayed in the execution of it, by his private inclinations, yet he may assur- edly, without violating his duty, be indulged ia the continuance of his former attachments." His consequent nominations fully proved the purity of these declarations, and attested that his selection of characters, for the respective offices to be filled, was made with great judgment and pru~ deuce. Removed from the influence of local and family considerations, he directed his attention to the public interest. Where qualifications were equal, the candidate who could claim the merit of public service had the preference in his appoint- ment. His cabinet was composed of Mr. Jefferson, Secretary of State, Colonel Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, General Kiiox, Secretary of War, and Mr. Edmund Randolph, Attorney Ge neral. The session of Congress continued to Septem- ber, perfect harmony subsisted through this pe- riod between the Executive and the Legislature, and no circumstance threatened to interrupt it. At the adjournment of Congress, the President made preparations for a tour through New Engr Jand, to view the improvements of the country, to judge of the disposition of the people tQ- 390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. wards the newly established government. Ac- cordingly, on the 15th of October he began his journey, and passing through Connecticut and Massachusetts, went as far as Portsmouth in New Hampshire ; returning by a di fie rent route, he arrived on the 13th of November at New York. Many circumstances were combined during this visit to excite his sensibility, and to render it grateful to his best feelings. His journey carried him through the most populous and cultivated part of the United States, and gave him a fa- vourable opportunity to notice the progress of the country in those improvements, which con- stitute the strength, the wealth, and ornament of society. He visited the scene of his first cam- paign, and must have experienced elevated re- flections in contrasting the present situation of himself and his country, with his and their condi- tion at the commencement of the revolutionary war. Every where he remarked a steady attach- ment to tjie federal government, and received the most grateful evidence of unqualified approbation of the measures of the administration. In every place through which he passed, business was sus- pended, and all classes of citizens were eagerly employed to obtain a sight of the father of thcit country, and to join in the common expressions of veneration and attachment. Military parade, processions, and triumphal arches, awaited him in those populous towns at which he stopped, and so fully was the public curiosity engrossed by bis journey, that the newspapers of the day were fill- ed with narratives of its progress and termination. 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391 At Cambridge,, the lieutenant governor and council of Massachusetts waited upon him, and accompanied him to Boston, escorted by a nume- rous collection of citizens, under the direction of the marshal of the district, and the sheriff 'of Suf- folk. The selectmen received him at the entrance of the town, and from it a procession of the in- habitants was formed, which extended to the state house. An interesting part of this proces- sion, and which engaged the Special attention of the President, was the male children of the town, under their respective literary instructors. This procession opened to the right and left, and he on horseback, preceded by companies of artillery and infantry, by the lieutenant governor and council, the marshal and sheriff, passed to the state-house. Here a triumphal arch was erected from the state house across Cornhill to the opposite houses. On the top of the arch was a gallery, in which were placed a select choir of singers of both sexes. In the middle of the gallery a pyramid was erected. On one side of this over the arch was the inscrip- tion, TO THE MAN WHO UNITES ALL HEARTS/' and on the opposite side, " TO COLUMBIA'S FAVOURITE SON." At the end of the arch next the state-house, in a large ground, was this inscription, f< BOSTON RELIEVED MARCH 17, 1776." The Presi- dent was introduced through the state-house to a handsome gallery at the west end of that build- ing, erected near the arch on seven pillars. As soon as he appeardd in view, loud acclamations fcrojte from the concourse below. He bowed to 392 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. them, on which the choir sang an appropriate ode. He was then conducted to a house pro- vided for his use, and elegantly furnished from the families of individual gentlemen. Addresses were presented to him from civil, literary, and religious corporations, and from all Other societies of any distinction. In these, grate- ful notice was taken of his public services, and particularly of the sacrifice he made of private happiness in accepting the presidency. In his answers, the President reciprocated the benevolent wishes of his countrymen, in language calculated to confirm their confidence and affec- tion. He thus replied to a respectful address from the inhabitants of Boston. " I rejoice with you, my fellow citizens, in every circumstance that declares your prosperity j and I do so most cordially because you have well deserved to be happy. " Your love of liberty, your respect for the laws, your habits of industry, and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual hap- piness. And they will, I tiust, be firmly and last- ingly established." In the renewal of direct intercourse between General Washington and the companions of his toils and glory in the tented field, we perceive the most interesting effusions of the refined feelings of the human heart. " Amidst the various gratulations," says the society of Cincinnati of Massachusetts, ff which your arrival in this metropolis has occasioned, 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 393 permit us, the members of the society of tho Cincinnati in this commonwealth, most respect" fully to assure you of the ardour of esteem and affection you have so indelibly fixed in our hearts, as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious ex- ample in peace. " After the solemn and endearing farewel oa the hanks of the Hudson, which our anxiety pre- saged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unexpected meeting. On this occasion we cannot avoid the recollection of the various Scenes of toil and danger through which you conducted us-; and while we contemplate various frying periods of the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the unanimous Voice of your country, entering upon Other trials, and other services, alike important, and in some points of view equally hazardous. For the completion of the great purposes which a grateful country has assigned you, long, very Jong may your invaluable life be preserved. And as the admiring world, while considering you as a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may your virtues and talents as a statesman leave them without a parallel. fe It is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. We can only say, that when soldiers, our greatest pride was $ promptitude of obedience to your orders ; as citizens, our su- preme ambition is to maintain the character pf firm supporters of that nol?le fabric of federal government over which you preside. '? As members of the society of the Cincinnati, 394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. it will be our endeavour to cherish those sacred principles of charity and paternal attachment which our institution inculcates. And while our conduct is thus regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots and the best of men/' To which the President thus replied. *' In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity, the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my fellow citizens of this commonwealth,, they will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can be dearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you have expressed. Dear in- deed is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my faithful associates in prosperous and ad- verse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of peace participated with those whose virtue and valour so largely contributed to procure them. To that virtue and valour your country has con- fessed her obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add the testimony of a connexion which it was my pride to own in the field., and is now my hap- piness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and freedom. " Regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore governed your actions as men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to posterity an example that must command their admiration and grateful praise. Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments of paternal attachment, and the heart-felt happi- ness of reflecting that you have faithfully dong your duty, I 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^ 303 NGTON. [1790-5. destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. The Savages avoided an engagement with the main body of the American army, but with great spirit attacked a strong detachment which had pursued them, and killed several valuable officers. Ilarmer destroyed their settlements, but afforded no protection to the frontiers. Several smaller expe- ditions, with various success, were msftle, into the Indian country, and in the autumn of 1791, Major-General St. Clair marched a forre of near two thousand effective men into their territories, and on the fourth of November was attacked and totally defeated by them. The President, apprehending that the success of the Indians, and the booty they had gained, would have influence to bring other tribes into the war, conceived that the honour of the nation was concerned to retrieve the American losses, and to afford protection to the frontiers. St. Clair resigning his commission, General Wayne was appointed his successor. The President lost no time in laying before Congress an estimate of such a .--military force as he thought would be ade- quate to the object, and they at length acceded to his proposal. While these preparations were ripening, much complaint, was made of the war, and the President was induced, rather from a de- sire to convince the country that successful war- fare was the only means of peace, than from uny expectation of success in the mission, to send Colonel Harden and Major Trueman, two valu- able officers and worthv men, into the Indian 1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399 country, to attempt negotiation., but they were both niurdered. On the 20th of August, 1794, General Wayne brought the Indians to an en- gagement,, totally defeated them, and destroyed their country on the Miamis. This action was decisive: it deterred other tribes from entering into the war, and, induced the Miamis themselves to treat for peace. On the 3d of August, a treaty was entered into by General Wayne with the Indians north-west of ' the Ohio, which ended all hostilities, quieted the fears of the frontiers, and gave universal satisfac- tion. As early as 1789, the President received au- thentic intelligence, that Spanish agents were in- triguing with the inhabitants of the western coun- try, to seduce them from their allegiance to the United States. Representations were made them in the name of the government of Spain, that while they were connected with v the Atlantic States, the navigation of the Mississippi would be denied them ; but if they would assume an inde- pendent government, the river should be opened, and their independence supported. In 1794, Spain, suffering herself the evils -of war, was inclined to treat with the United States. She intimated by her ministers that the etiquette of her court forbid her to treat with Mr. Short, the American resident at Madrid, yet a higher diplo- matic character would be accredited, and nego- tiations immediately opened with him. The President placed full confidence in Mr. Short, but lie thought jt policy to meet the friendly pro- 400 MFE dF WASHINdfON. [1790-5. positions of Spain, and in November nominated Mr. Pinckney to be the American minister at that court. In the course of the next summer, Mr. Pinckney repaired to Madrid ; and on the 20th of October, 1795, a treaty was signed be- tween him and the Spanish commissioners, which happily terminated the controversy respecting boundary lines, and the navigation of the Missis- sippi, to the satisfaction of the nation. On the 8th of January, 1790, the President met Congress at their second session. In his speech he congratulated them on the success of their measures, and recommended a variety of national objects to their serious atten- tion. Among these, the following are the prin- cipal. Provision for national defence; the means of holding intercourse with foreign nations; es- stablishing a rule of naturalization ; uniformity in the currency, weights and measures of the United States ; and the promotion of science and litera- ture. " Knowledge/* he observed, " is in every country the surest basis of public happiness. In one, in which the measures of government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is proportionably essential." And he concluded with the following assurances. " I shall derive great satisfaction in co-operat- ing with you in the pleasing, though ardous task, of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient aud equal government." 1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401 The answers of the Senate and the House of Representatives were cordial and respectful, and promised a continuance of harmony between the Executive and the Legislature. In this session of Congress,, the Secretary of the Treasury first reported those fiscal arrangements in support of public credit, which, in their pro- gress to establishment, were the occasion of warm and animated debates in the Legislature, fully dis- played the discordance of political opinion among the members, and excited that party spirit which has since convulsed the United States. The President readily gave his sanction to these fiscal establishments of the Legislature, yet by this act he seemed not to lose the good opinion of the opposition; the blame and odium fell upon the Secretary of the Treasury, and upon the northern federal members of Congress. The incessant application to business had a vi- sible effect upon the constitution of the President, and at this period he was for a second time attack- ed with a violent disease, which put his life in imminent danger. At the close of the session, therefore, he determined to give himself a short relaxation in a visit to Mount Vernon. He first made a tour to Rhode Island, which not being then in the Union, had not been included in his visit to New England ; and at Newport and Pro- vidence received every attention which affection and respect could dictate. This retirement was of essential service to his health, and at the close of autumn he returned to Philadelphia to meet the Legislature ; to which 402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5, place Congress had adjourned, at the close of the year 1T90. At this time the President noticed the rising disturbances in Europe, and advised those precautionary measures., which had a ten- dency to secure to the United States the benefit of their commerce. Mentioning to the House the sufficiency of the established revenue to the pur- poses to which it was appropriated, he expressed liis hope " that it would be a favourite policy with them not merely to secure the interest of the debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principal itself." The address was closed in the following impressive manner. " In pursuing the various and weighty 'business of the present session, I indulge the fullest per- suasion that your consultations will be marked with wisdom, and animated by the love of coun- try. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall hive all the co-operation which an undiminished zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the established government more and more instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confidence." The respect and confidence of the Legislature in the Executive appeared ou this occasion with- out diminution; although one of the measures of the President was for the first time condemned. A member from Georgia pronounced the treaty with the Creek Indians to be a violation of right* of that state. I790-5>] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 403 In this session of Congress, the Bank of the United States was established. Its constitution- ality had been deeply argued in the legislative body, and came before the Executive as a ques- tion involving the highest national interest. It was reviewed in the Cabinet with the delibera- tion it merited. The Council, on this occasion> as on most others, were divided. Messrs. Jefferson and Randolph were decided that the law was un- constitutional. Messrs. Hamilton and Knox were fully convinced of its constitutionality. The President called upon each member of his council for the reasons of his opinion in writing. These he maturely weighed, and being convinced him- self that the law was constitutional, put his sig- nature to it. With the 3d of March, 1791, terminated the period of the first Congress. President Washington having made the neces- sary arrangements, and appointed an Executive Council to attend to the business of the govern- ment, soon after the close of the session, com- menced a journey to the southern states. On his way he stopped at the Potomack, and pursuant to the powers with which Congress had vested him, marked out the site of the federal city, de- signed as the permanent seat of government. In the course of this tour, he received the same ge- neral expressions of love and veneration for his character, and of confidence in his government, which he had experienced in his northern circuit. And he derived great satisfaction in contemplating tiie improvements of the country 4 and remarking 404 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-J. the evidences of attachment to the federal govern- ment. The feelings excited bj this journey are fully expressed in the following letter, written after his return- to Philadelphia. " In my late tour through the Southern States., I experienced great satisfaction in seeing the good effects of the general government in that part of the union. The people at large have felt the se- curity which it gives,, and the equal justice which it administers to them. The farmer, the merchant, and the mechanic, have seen their several inter- ests attended to, and from thence they unite in placing a confidence in their representatives, as well as in those in whose hands the execution of the laws is placed. Industry has there taken place of idleness, and economy of dissipation. Two or three years of good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands, have put every one in good humour; and in some instances, they even impute to the government what is due only to the goodness of Providence. " The establishment of public credit is an im- mense point gained in our national concerns. This I believe exceeds the expectation of the most san- guine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled in this country, has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, by the rapidity with which the subscriptions to the bank of the United States were filled. In two hours after the books were opened by the commissioners, the whole number of shares were taken up, and four thou- sand more applied for, than were allowed by the Jbslitutioii, This circumstance was not only pleas- 1790-5.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 405 ing as it related to the confidence in government, but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of our citizens." The hearts of all Americans were with General Washington at this period ; but notwithstanding these public appearances, there was in fact much hostility to the government at the Southward. On the 24th of October, 1791, the President met the second Congress in the established form. During this session a great national question came before the Legislature which the President was necessitated ultimately to decide. The constitution provides that there shall not be more than one representative to thirty thou- sand inhabitants. An enumeration having been made, the House of Representatives passed a bill providing for each state to send one representative for every thirty thousand of its population. This ratio in several instances leaving a large fraction, operated hardly on the small states. The Senate, to cure the evil, assumed a new principle of ap- portionment. They found the ^whole population of the United States; and dividing this aggregate number by thirty thousand, took the quotient as the number of representatives, and then appor- tioned this number upon the several states ac- cording to their population ; to which the House concurred. When the President had the bill before him for his signature, he took the opinion of his cabinet upon the constitutionality of the arrangement. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph thought the bill unconstitutional. General Knox was undeci^ 406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5. sive. and Colonel Hamilton conceived that the expression of the constitution might be ap lied to the United States, or to the several states, and thought it best to coincide with the construction of the Legislature. After due deliberation, the President thought the bill unconstitutional, and not hesitating to do his duty, he returned it with the following objections. )v critical ** * 414- 11 fE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. occasions he derived singular advantage. In de- liberating upon national subjects submitted to him as the Supreme Executive, he appeared to be raised above the influence of passions, preju- dice, and every personal and local considera- tion ; and having given every circumstance its weight, to decide from the dictates of pure intel- ligence. This was the political situation of the United States, when the French Revolution had made such progress as to acquire an influence over the feel- ings and the sentiments of the American people, and to render the diplomatic concerns of the go- vernment with that country critical and embar- rassing. Mr. Morris, the American Minister at Paris, with much discrimination noticed the surprising events that were daily taking place in France, and transmitted a minute account of them to the Pre- sident; but while waiting for instructions, he cau- tiously avoided committing the government of his own country. On the deposition of the monarch, with all the bloody and ferocious deeds which accompanied it, the President gave Mr. Morris the following in- formation for the direction of his ministerial con- duct. The existing administration in France was to be acknowledged ; as every nation possesses an inherent right to settle the frame of its own go- vernment^ and to manage its internal concerns ; that the United States would punctually pay the debt due to France, and would furnish any sup- plies to St. Domingo that the parent country might 1703-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 415 desire. Mr. Morris was directed to assure France of the friendly disposition of the United States, and that every opportunity would be embraced to promote her welfare. Attached to republican principles., the Presi- dent fondly hoped that the struggle in France would terminate in a free government; but his partiality towards the new order of things in that country, was not so great as to render him for- getful that the aid given to America was afforded by the fallen king, or unmindful that he was the head of his own nation, whose independence and prosperity he ought to hold in higher estimation than the interest of a foreign people. The prejudices and partialities of the American people towards England and France, excited by the revolutionary contest, had not at this period wholly subsided, and the commencement of war between regenerated France and the monarchs of Europe, operated upon their feelings like a shock of electricity. Reason and judgment seemed to be laid aside, and nothing was heard but the lan- guage of passion. Without inquiring which na- tion was the first aggressor, Americans saw a number of despots combined against a sister Re- public, virtuously struggling to establish her li- berty. Their national vanity was flattered by the persuasion that the spark which lit the flame of liberty in France, was taken from their altar, or, in the language of Dr. Franklin, (< the French having served an apprenticeship in America, set up for themselves in Europe." If a few individuals more cool, doubted thten- 416 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1793-7. dency, and dreaded the issue of the commotions in France, they were generally denominated aris- tocrats, the enemies of equal liberty, and the ene- mies of their own country. Although there was no intention in the body of American citizens to involve the United States in a war, yet they generally discovered an ardent inclination to grant those favours to France, which must inevitably lead to a state of hostility. The President was at Mount Vernon on some urgent private business, when the intelligence of the declaration of war between France and Eng- land reached the United States. Perceiving the importance of the crisis, he with haste returned to the seat of government. On the day which succeeded that of his arrival, April 17, 1793, he addressed the following letter to the members of his cabinet, for their solemn deliberation. " The posture of affairs in Europe, particularly between France and Great Britain, places the United States in a delicate situation, and requires much consideration of the measures which will be proper for them to observe in the war between those powers. With a view to forming a general plan of conduct for the Executive, I have stated and enclosed sundry questions to be considered, 'preparatory to a meeting at my house to-morrow, where I shall expect to see you at 9 o'clock, and to receive the result of your reflections thereon. ef Question I. Shall a Proclamation issue for the purpose of preventing interferences of the ci- tizens of the United States in the war between France and Great Britain, &c. ? Shall it contain 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41? a declaration of neutrality or not ? What shall it contain ? " Question II. Shall a minister from the Re public of France be received ? " Question HI. If received, shall it be abso- lutely, or with qualifications, and if with qualifi- cations, of what kind ? ' e Question IV. Are the United States obliged by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with France, as applying to the present si- tuation of the parties ? May they either re- nounce them, or hold them suspended, until the government of France shall be established ? fc Question V. If they have the right, is it expedient to do either ? And which ? cc Question VI. If they have an option, would it be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaty still in operation ? " Question VII. If the treaties are to be con- sidered as now in operation, is the guarantee in the treaty of alliance applicable to the defensive war only, or to war either offensive or defensive? " Question VIII. Does the war in which France is engaged appear to be offensive or de- fensive on her part ? Or of a mixed and equi- vocal character ? ' ' Question IX. If of a mixed and equivocal character, does the guarantee in any event apply to such a war ? ff Question X. What is the effect of a guaran- tee, such as that to be found in the treaty of alliance between the United States and France ? E E 418 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7, " Question XI. Does any article in either of the treaties prevent ships of war,, other than priva- teers., of the powers opposed to France, from com- ing into the ports of the United States, to act as convoys to their own merchantmen ? Or does it lay any other restraint upon them more than would apply to the ships of war of France ? " Question XII. Should the future Regent of France send a minister to the United States ? ought he to he received ? " Question XIII. Is it necessary or advisable to call together the two Houses of Congress, with a view to the present posture of European aftairs? If it is, what should be the particular objects of Euch a call ?" On some of these questions he had already made up his mind, as appears from his communications to Mr. Morris, but he thought it expedient to take a view of the whole subject. At the proposed meeting, the Cabinet unani- mously recommended to the President to issue a proclamation of neutrality, forbidding the citizens of the United States to engage in any act. of hos- tility against either of the belligerent powers, or to carry to either of them articles, contraband of war, and requiring them to refrain from all acts, unfriendly towards nations with whom the United States were at peace. This proclamation, the Executive immediately issued. It was unanimously recommended to the Presi- dent to receive a minister from the French Re- public. The Cabinet was also united in the opi- 1793-7.] fclFE OF WASHINGTON. 419 riion, that it was inexpedient to call Congress to- gether. On the other questions the usual difference of sentiment existed. The Secretary of State and the Attorney General conceived that the changes in the government of France made no essential difference in the relation of the two nations ; but that in all respects the intercourse should proceed on principles established with the monarchy. The Secretaries of the Treasury and of War, admitted the right of a nation to change the form of its go- vernment at wilL but denied its right to involve other nations in all the consequences of altera- tions they might be disposed to make. The con- vulsions of France they thought threatened dan- gers to nations in alliance with her, and they main- tained that the United States were at liberty to sus- pend the operation of treaties with that country, when it was necessary for their own safety. Messrs. Jefferson and Randoph also contended that it was inexpedient to come to any decision re- specting the application of the article of the gua- rantee to the present government. Messrs. Hamil- ton and Knox were of opinion that France being the aggressor, the war on her part was offensive, that the guarantee respecting only defensive war, did not apply to the present state of things. The President again required the reasons in writing of each opinion, and after due investiga- tion, established those maxims for the support of neutral rights, which he firmly, but temperately maintained through the succeeding period of his administration ; and which, amidst conflicts that prostrated the stablest pillars of old European go- 420 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. vernments, preserved his country from the mi- series of war. In the state of the public sentiment which we have noticed, Mr. Genet landed April 8th, at Charleston, South Carolina, as the Minister of republican France. Ardent in the constitutional temperament of his mind, inflamed with the zeal of a new convert to the doctrine of liberty and equality, he conceived that the enlightened world felt an high interest in the revolution of his country, and that every man of virtue was disposed to es- pouse her cause. His reception at Charleston was calculated to increase his most sanguine views. From the Supreme Magistrate of the state, and from every class of citizens, he received warm ex- pressions of enthusiastic devotion to the new Re- public. Taking these *as evidence of the general disposition of the American people, he did not wait to present his official letter to the Executive, and to be accredited by him ; but availing himself ef the favourable situation of Charleston to fit out privateers against the West Indian trade, he pre- sumed to authorise the arming of ships in that port, and to give commissions to cruise against the commerce of a nation with whom the United States were at amity. Prizes taken by these pri- vateers were brought into American harbours, and French consuls were opening courts of admiralty to condemn them. From Charleston Mr. Genet travelled by land to Philadelphia, receiving in every part of his way, the same ardent declarations of attachment to France Although the unwarrantable conduct . 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. of Mr. Genet at Charleston was well known in Philadelphia, yet his entrance into the city was rendered pompous and triumphal, and tf crowds flocked from every avenue of the city, to meet the republican Ambassador of an allied nation." On the day after his arrival, addresses were presented to him from particular societies, and from indi- vidual citizens, in which they expressed their exultation at ths victories of France, and declared that in their opinion her success was essential to the safety of the American States. On the 18th of May he presented his creden- tials to the President. These contained respectful sentiments towards the government of the United States, and abounded with devotions to the Ame- rican people. The President received him in an open and ingenuous manner, and with sincerity expressed his regard for the French nation. In this conference, Mr. Genet declared that his government had no desire to engage the United States in the European war, but wished them to pursue their own interest ; yet he persisted in the exercise of his assumed power, and a French pri- vateer captured an English merchantman within the Capes of the Delaware, while on her way to the ocean. This prize being taken in the waters of the United States, and therefore under the control of the government, the British minister complain- ed of this illicit proceeding, and demanded resti- tution of the property unlawfully taken from his countrymen. The Cabinet unanimously agreed that the pro- ceedings of Mr. Genet were not warranted by any 422 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. existing treaties between the two nations, were therefore violations of neutral rights, and that the government ought to prevent the repetition of them. They also agreed that restitution ought to be made of the prize taken within the waters of the Delaware. Respecting prizes taken upon the high seas, in virtue of commissions issued by Genet, and brought into the American ports, the Cabinet were di- vided. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph held that the government was under no obligation to restore them to their original owners. Colonel Hamilton and General Knox contended that, to maintain an honest neutrality, the United States were bound to restore the prizes. The President took time to deliberate on those points on which his council were not agreed. Principles in which they were united, he estab- lished ; and directed the Secretary of State to give the necessary information to the Ministers of France and Britain. Mr. Genet complained heavily of these rules of the American government, as a violation of neu- tral right, and as a breach of existing treaties be- tween the two nations. In his comments upon these treaties, he claimed for France every thing which the two nations had bound themselves not to grant to other countries, converting negative stipulations which respected other nations, into grants of positive privileges to the contracting parties. He was informed, that out of respect to him, (he subject had been reviewed ia the Cabinet; 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 423 but that the President saw no reason to change his opinion. Mr. Genet still refused acquiescence, and seemed to have entertained the expectation,, that he should be able so far to avail himself of the partiality of the Americans for Fiance, as to bend the administration to his own purposes, or to overthrow it. Prosecutions having been commenced against two of the American citizens,, whom Genet en<- gaged at Charleston, to cruise in the service of France, he demanded these men of the civil ma- gistrate who had arrested them, in the following very extraordinary language. " I have this moment been informed that two officers in the service of the republic of France, citizens Gideon Henfield and John Singletary, have been arrested on board the privateer of the French republic, the Citizen Genet, and con- ducted to prison. The crime laid to their charge, i\ie crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state, is the serv- ing of France, and defending with' her children the common glorious cause of liberty. fe Being ignorant of any positive law, or treaty which deprives Americans of this privilege, and authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of France from on board their vessels, I call upon your intervention, Sir, and that of the President of the United States, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the abovementioned officers, who have acquired by the sentiments animating them, and by the act of their engagement., anterior to every act to the 424 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. contrary., the right of French citizens, if they have lost that of American citizens." The President considered this insolent demand as an attack upon the honour and independence of the United States ; but without noticing the in- temperate language of the French Minister, he steadly pursued the public interest. The influential individuals of that portion of the American people who had been opposed to the adoption of the national constitution, and were opposed to the measures of the administration under it, in the partialities and prejudices mani- fested throughout the union towards France and Great Britain, saw the probable means to weaken the confidence, and alienate the affection Avhich the citizens of the United States manifested to- wards the President ; and in this way to bring about a revolution in the national government. In pursuance of this plan, the resentment and the enthusiastic sympathies of the people were fos- tered ; and democratic societies, in imitation of the Jacobin Club in Paris, were formed. The victories of France were celebrated by feasts, bon- fires, and other public rejoicings. The measures adopted by the Executive to pre- serve the peace of the nation, were vilified in the newspapers devoted to the opposition ; the procla- mation of neutrality was declared to be an exer- cise of power with which the constitution did not invest the President; and the measures of the administration generally were pronounced to be unfriendly to France, and to carry evidence of their intention to break with that republic and to 1793-7.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 425 join in the royal crusade against liberty. Mr. Genet was justified in the construction of the existing treaties between the two nations, and he was urged to persist in his opposition to the mea- sures of the American government. The President deeply felt the insult offered to the nation, by the attempt of the French Minister to continue the exercise of an usurped authority within the United States; but he knew the im- portance of yielding to the feelings of his coun- trymen, as far as consisted with the dignity of his station, and[ with the independence., the peace, and welfare of his country. He contented himself with confuting in a cool and dispassionate man- ner, the extravagant positions of Mr. Genet, and inflexibly adhered to his system. Private business called him to Mount Vernon, and he was absent from the seat of government from the 24th of June to the 1 1th of July. During his absence, the heads of departments superintend- ed the execution of the measures that had been agreed upon in the Cabinet. At this time an event took place, which fully exhibits the rashness of the French Minister, and shews the difficulty to which he subjected the administration. A French privateer brought an English mer- chantman, the Little Sarah, into Philadelphia. This vessel Genet equipped as a privateer. Having mounted fourteen iron cannon, and six swivels, and taken on board one hundred and twenty men, a number of whom were Americans, she was about to sail under the name of La Petite Democrat. In this situation the Secretary of the Treasury re- 11 FE OF WASHINGTON. [1793 7. ported her case to the Secretaries of State and of War. Governor Mifflin was in consequence re- quested to make examination, and on the 14th of July he reported that she was to sail, next day. By desire of the heads of departments, the gover- nor sent Mr. Dallas, Secretary of State for Penn- sylvania, to request Mr. Genet to relieve them from the disagreeable necessity of preventing by force the sailing of a privateer equipped in their ports. This request excited in that minister the most violent passion, which he vented in very in- temperate and abusive language, declared that La Petite Democrat would repel force by force, and threatened to appeal from the Executive to the people. Mr. Jefferson in person waited upon him to renew the request, that he would order the privateer not to sail until the pleasure of the President could be known ; Mr. Jefferson report- ed, that after an ebullition of passion, and some equivocation, he understood Mr. Genet to pro- mise, that the privateer should fall down be- low Chester, and there wait the will of the Presi- dent. Colonel Hamilton and General Knox were for taking measures to prevent her sailing, but Mr. Jefferson, professing his confidence in the promise of Mr. Genet, opposed them, and they were not put in execution. These proceedings were immediately reported to the President, on his return to the seat of go- vernment. Mr. Jefferson had then retired, indis- posed, to his country house, and the President wrote him as follows : " What is to be done in the case of the Little 1 793-7. J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 427 Sarah, now at Chester ? Is the Minister of th French republic to set the acts of this govern- ment at defiance., with impunity? And threaten the Executive with an appeal to the people? What must the world think of such conduct? And of the United States in submitting to it? " These are serious questions. Circumstances press for decision ; and as you have had time to consider them, upon me they come unexpectedly, I wish to know your opinion upon them even be- fore to-morrow, for the vessel may then be gone." In answer to this letter, the Secretary of State informed the President, that Mr. Genet had as- sured him that the vessel should not sail before the decision of the Executive respecting it should be known ; and coercive measures were therefore suspended. In council next day, it was determin- ed to detain the armed vessels of belligerents in port, This determination was made known to Genet, but in contempt of it the privateer sailed. The opposition applauded even this act of resist- ance in the French Minister. The unwearied endeavour of the administration by a faithful ob- servance of treaties, and an impartial treatment towards belligerent powers, to secure the bless- ings of peace, and the rights of neutrality to the United States, was construed into a violation of those treaties, and into an insidious scheme to force the country into a war against France. The French Minister persisted in his exposition of the treaty, and in repeated letters, written in abusive and insulting language, to the Secretary JLIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. of State, demanded reparation of injuries his country had sustained. The President was at length convinced of the necessity of taking effectual measures with Genet, and on the 25th of July he wrote the following letter to Mr. Jefferson. f As the official conduct of Mr. Genet, relati- vely to the affairs of this government, will have to undergo a very serious consideration, so soon as the special court at which the Attorney General is now engaged^ will allow him to attend with convenience, in order to decide upon measure* proper to he taken thereupon, it is my desire that all the letters to and from that Minister may be ready to be laid before me, the heads of depart- ments, and the Attorney General, wliom I shall advise with on the occasion, together with the minutes of such oral communications as you ihay nave had with him on the subject of these let- ters, &c. And as the memorials from the Bri- tish Minister, and answers thereto, are materially connected therewith, it w ill be proper, I conceive, to have these ready also." The Executive proceeded with the unanimous consent of the Cabinet, to establish a system by which to regulate the intercourse with nations at war. The rules adopted, evidence the unalter- able purpose of the President, sacredly to observe all national engagements, and honestly to perform every duty due to belligerent powers; and to in- sist upon the uninterrupted exercise of the rights of neutrality for his own country. It was also 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 429 agreed that pfizes brought into American ports, by privateers equipped in them, should be re- stored, or compensation be made for them, and that armed vessels of this description should not be permitted to remain in American harbours. These regulations were communicate4 to the ministers of the belligerent nations, and in the same letter, the privileges stipulated by treaty for France were stated, and a solicitude was ex- pressed for their security. After deliberate attention to the conduct and correspondence of the French Minister, it was- agreed that a letter should be written to Mr. Morris, American Minister at Paris, stating the reasons on which the measures of the administra- tion with belligerent nations were founded, giv- ing information of the disagreement of Mr. Ge- net with the government, and requesting his recal. The communication to the French go- vernment on this subject, concluded in the fol- lowing manner. " After independence and self government, there was nothing America more sincerely wished than perpetual friendship with them." The threat of Mr. Genet to appeal from the President to the people being. reported on most respectable authority, made a deep impression on the public mind. That portion of the American people, which were originally in favour of* adopt- ing the national constitution of government, generally approved the measures of the adminis- tration ; and although they thought favourably cf the revolution of France, and wished well to 430 LIFE OF \TASHINGT05. 1793-7. her cause, yet they were indignant at the insult ottered by her minister to the Chief Magistrate of the United States. The appeal having been made to them, they felt themselves constrained by every feeling of patriotism to support their own govern- ment in measures they deemed to be fair, just and impartial. In every part of the United States, the people assembled in their towns and districts, to express their opinions on public measures. The contest was warm, but the great majority of voices \vas found on the side of the administration; its measures were approved, and it fully appeared that the affection and confidence of the American people in the President, existed in their force and efficacy. Yet at the moment that public indig- nation was expressed at the attempt to exercise a foreign influence over the American councils, it was evident that those who expressed it, felt a strong partiality in favour of France in her con- tention with England. In the spirit of conciliation, General Washing- ton determined not to take violent measures with Genet, until the result of the complaint lodged against him with his own government, should be known, and with magnanimity he bore his abuses. But at length patience and forebearance were out- raged. In 1794 the French Minister deliberately plan- ned two expeditions against Spain, to be carried on from the United States, and granted commis- sions to American citizens to be officers in them, who privately inlisted men for the purpose. The $on({uest of the Floridas was the object of one of 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. these expeditions,, and Georgia was the place of rendezvous for the troops destined to this service. The other was designed for the invasion of Louis- iana, and was to be prosecuttd from Kentucky down the Ohio and Mississippi. The arrange- ments were all made; but before the plan was ripe for execution., the government interposed, and some of the principal agents were arrested. No government, the President conceived, which had any pretentious to independence, could submit to insults of this nature. Having consulted with the Vice President, the heads of departments, and other leading charac- ters in the government, he determined to suspend the ministerial functions, and to confine the person of Genet. Messages to the two houses of the Legislature on this subject were prepared, and orders were given to the Marshal to take the French Minister into custody. But the evening preceding the day on which these orders \vere to have been carried into execution, official letters from Mr. Morris informed the President, that Mr. Genet was recalled, which prevented the ne- cessity of carrying the measure to extremity. One instance, among many, of the independence, the firmness and the good fortune of President Wash- ington. Mr. Fauchet, the successor of Mr. Genet, brought assurances that his government disap- proved of the conduct of his predecessor, and made warm declarations of his own disposition to consult the peace and honour of the government of LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-T. the United States ; and his practices for a lime cor- responded with his language. About this period, the Executive of the French government made known to the President their wishes that Mr. Morris might be recalled. He immediately complied with their request, and nominated Colonel Monroe of Virginia as his suc- cessor ; an appointment peculiarly pleasing.to the friends of France. The task of the Executive was rendered still more delicate, arduous and difficult, by the con- duct of Great Britain. The court of London had declined a treaty with Congress under the old confederation. At the commencement of the federal government, the administration was disposed to negotiate with Great Britain, without committing the honour of the nation. Mr. Governeur Morris, who was in England on private business, was directed to open an informal conference with members of the Bri- tish cabinet on the subject of American affairs. With much address he executed this commission, but to little purpose. He informed the President, that the Duke of Leeds and Mr. Pitt manifested a disposition to live on terms of amity and friend- ship with the United States ; but discovered no inclination to enter into a commercial treaty with them ; that they complained of the neglect of the American government to execute the stipulations of the treaty of peace, for which neglect they jus- tified their retention of the Western Posts. In this situation the French revolution found 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 433 Great Britain and the United States. At the commencement of the war between France. and England, various circumstances indicated the probability that America would be brought into the contention with Britain. The warm and animated expressions of frater- nity made by the American people towards France, the festivals in celebration of French victories, and the manifest partiality which many discover- ed for her in the management of the war, proba- bly led the British cabinet to think that the United States were disposed to become parties in the war, and induced them to adopt measures to meet this hostile spirit. On the other hand, the unfriendly indications of the English court, and the impressments of American seamen in the Bri- tish ports, in addition to the common vexation of neutrals on the high seas, and the attempt to starve France by carrying American provision vessels into English ports, was so much' fuel to feed the passions of the Americans already in a blaze. In this state of national affairs, the President met Congress on the 4th of December 1793. In the speech delivered on this interesting occasion, he thus noticed his re-election to the presidency. " Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called into oiHce, no fit occasion* has arisen for expressing to my fellow citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense which I feel of the renewed testimony of public approbation. While, on the one hand, itawak- ned my gratitude for all those instances of affec- F P LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. tionate partiality with which I have been honour- ed by my country ; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief that my conduct would De estimated according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions, having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to re- sume the executive power; and I humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of nations de- pends, to crown with success our mutual endea- vours for the general happiness." He then made the following communications respecting the mea- sures of the administration. :r As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn in question, by suspicions too often enter- tained by belligerent nations. It seemed there- fore to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequence of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties, and to obtain by a de- claration of the existing state of things, an easier .admission of our rights to the immunities belong- ing to our situation. Under these impressions the proclamation was issued. "In this posture of affairs, both new and deli- cate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform to the treaties, and assert the 1703-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 435 vileges of the United States* These were re- duced into a system, which shall be communicated to you.*' After noticing those legislative provisions which his experience dictated as necessary, he proceeded: cc I cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again pressing upon you the ne- cessity of placing yourselves in a situation of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations which will be with- held, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our pro- sperity, it must be known that we are at all times ready for war/' After advising the greatest appropriations for the redemption of the publie debt, which the resources of the country would permit, he in the following manner concluded the address. vhich have characterized your adminis- tration,. As the grateful confidence of the ci- 508 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. tizens in the virtues of their Chief Magistrate has essentially contributed to that success, we per- suade ourselves that the millions whom we repre- sent participate with us in the anxious solicitude of the present occasion. " Yet we cannot be unmindful that your mo- deration and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford exam- ples no less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to a republic. " Although we are sensible that this event, of itself, completes the lustre of a character already conspicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success, and public estimation, jet we conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still more emphatically to ourselves and to our nation ( of the language of whose hearts we presume to think ourselves, at this moment, the faithful inter- preters), to express the sentiments with which it is contemplated. v The spectacle of a free and enlightened na- tion, offering by its representatives the tribute of unfeigned approbation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its lustre, a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish, from the transcendant merit, of which it is the voluntary testimony. " May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear. May your own virtue, and a nation's prayers, obtain the happiest sunshine for the de- cline of your days, and the choicest of future. 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 509 blessings. For our country's sake, and for the sake of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be the guide of your suc- cessors ; and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patri- mony of our descendants." President Washington now, with supreme de- light, anticipated the time when he should quit the storms and agitations of public life for the retirement of Mount Vernon ; and on the day which terminated his presidential course, he di- rected the following letter to the Secretary of State. te DEAR SIR, " At the conclusion of my public employments, I have thought it expedient to notice the publica- tion of certain forged letters which first appeared in the year 1776, and were obtruded upon the public as mine. They are said by the editor to have been found in a small portmanteau that I had left in the care of my mulatto servant, named Billy, who it is pretended was taken prisoner at Fort Lee, in 1776. The period when these let- ters were first printed will be recollected, and what were the impressions they were intended to produce on the public mind. It was then sup- posed to be of some consequence to strike at the integrity of the motives of the American Com- mander in Chief, and to paint his inclinations as at variance with his professions and his duty another crisis in the affairs of America having occurred, the same weapon has been resorted to, to wound my character and deceit e the people. 510 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. " The letters in question have the dates, ad- dresses, and signatures here following/' " New York, June 12, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington, at Mount Ver- non, Fairfax County, Virginia. G. W. "June 18, 1776. " To John Park Custis, Esq. at the Hon. Be- nedict Calvert's Esq. Mount Airy, Maryland. G. W, " New York, July 8, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington, Mount Vernon, Fairfax County, Virginia. G. W. " New York, July 16, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. " New York, July 15, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. " New York, July 22, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. " June 24, 1773. " To Mrs. Washington. G. W. " At the time when these letters first appeared, it was notorious to the army immediately under my command, and particularly to the gentlemen attached to my person, that my mulatto man Billy had never been one moment in the power of the enemy. It is also a fact, that no part of my bag- gage, or any of my attendants, were captured during the whole course of the war. These well known facts made it unnecessary, during the war, to call the public attention to the forgery, by any express declaration of mine; and a linn reliance on my fellow citizens, and the abundant proofs 1796-9 .] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 511 they gave of their confidence in me, rendered it alike unnecessary to tajke any formal notice of the revival of the imposition, during my civil admi- nistration. But as I cannot know how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which will this day take place, I have thought it a duty that I owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above re- cited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the letters herein described are a base forgery, and that I never saw or heard of them until they ap- peared in print. The present letter I commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to poste- rity." On the 4th of March, 1797, he attended the inauguration of his successor in office. Great sensibility was manifested by the members of the legislature, and other distinguished characters, when he entered the senate chamber, and much admiration expressed at the complacence and de- light he manifested, at seeing another clothed with the authority witty which he had himself been invested. Having paid his affectionate compliments to Mr. Adams, as President of the United States, he bid adieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the delights of domestic life. He intended that his journey should- have been private, but the attempt was vain ; the same affectionate and re- jspectful attentions were on this occasion paid him which he had received during his presidency. 512 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1796-9 At the adoption of the federal constitution, foreign powers refused all negotiation with Con- gress, public credit was lost, nor was any function of a living government performed Under his own auspices, General Washington saw a national government firmly established, and the country rise to a state of strength and respectability ; con- troversies with foreign nations, which had long existed, and which involved the best interests of the United States settled ; the resources of the country explored and brought into action ; the debts of the war funded, and credit restored, thcpugh all the ramifications of public and private concerns ; the agriculture and commerce of his country flourishing beyond example, and its ca- pital doubled. 'One cloud only at this time obscured the poli- tical horizon of the United States. France had assumed a threatening attitude ; but for the peace i^aml safety of the country, the General confided in the patriotism of his fellow citizens, under the providence of Heaven. In the rejection of the American envoys by the court of France, in their menaces to the United States, and in the measures adopted under the administration of Mr. Adams, his feelings were deeply interested. When the indignities of the Directory exceeded endurance, and the spirit of the American nation was roused to resistance, every eye was directed to him as the military leader. He might without jealousy be placed at the head of a powerful army, and could bring 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 513 into the field all the military strength and talents of the country. Colonel Hamilton, in May 1798, intimated to him this universal expectation, to whom General Washington thus replied. . cc You may be assured that my mind is deeply impressed with the present situation of public affairs, and not a little agitated by the outrageous conduct of France towards the United States, and at the inimical conduct of those partisans who aid and abet her measures. You may believe further, from assurances equally sincere, that if there was anything in my power to be done consistently, avert or lessen the danger of the crisis, it should rendered with hand and heart. " But, my dear Sir, dark as matters appear at present, and expedient as it is to be prepared for the worst that can happen (and no man is more disposed to this measure than I am ) t l cannot raa up my mind yet, for the expectation-of open war; or, in other words, for a formidable invasion by France. I cannot believe, although I think her capable of any thing, that she will attempt to do more than she has done. When she perceives the spirit and policy of this country rising into re- sistance, and that she has falsely calculated upon support from a large part of the people ^to promote her views and influence in it, she will desist even from these practices, unless unexpected events in Europe, or the acquisition of Louisiana and the Floridas should induce her to continue them. And I believe further, that although the leaders of their party in this country will not change their 514 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179G-9. sentiments,, they will be obliged to change their plan, or the mode of carrying it on. The effer- vescence which is appearing in all quarters, and the desertion of their followers will frown them into silence, at least for a while. " If I did not view things in this light, my mind would be infinitely more disquieted than it is : for if a crisis should arrive when a sense of duty, or a call from my country, should become so imperious as to leave me no choice, I should prepare for relinquishment, and go with as much reluctance from my present peaceful abode, as I should go to the tombs of my ancestors.'* In June, President Adams wrote General Wash- ington a letter, in which he thus alluded to his again appearing in a public character. "".In forming an army, whenever I must come io that extremity, I am at an immense loss whe- ther to call out all the old generals, or to appoint a young set. If (Re French come here, we must learn to march with a quick step, and to attack, for in that way only they are said to be vulnera- ble. I must tax you sometimes for advice. We must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." Four days after, the Secretary of War addressed him in the following manner on the same subject. " May we Hatter ourselves, that in a crisis so awful and important, you will accept the com- mand of all our armies ? I hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united." 1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 515 To the President be thus replied. " At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these states by an European power, or even the probability of such an event in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me, that I had no conception either that or any other occurrence would arise in so short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. But this seems to be the age of wonders. And it is reserved for intoxicated and lawless France (for purposes of Providence far beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. From a view of the past, from the prospect of the pre- sent, and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part it might best become me to act. In case of ac- tual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly should not entrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country, to assist in repelling it. And if there be good cause to expect such an event, which certainly must be better known to the go- vernment than to private citizens, delay in pre- paring for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty however- of the latter, in my mind, creates my embarrassment ; for 1 cannot bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of treaties, and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such an uniform and unequivocal expression of L i. 2 51$ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. the determination of the people in all parts to op- pose them with their lives and fortunes. That they have been led to believe., by their agents and partizans among us, that we are a divided people, that the latter are opposed to their own govern- ment, and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, I have no doubt ; and how far these men, grown desperate, will further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. Without that, the folly of the Directory in such an attempt would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wickedness. " Having with candour made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only for me to add r that to those who know me best, it is best .>* . . known, that should imperious circumstances in- duce me to exchange once more the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at a period too when repose is 'more congenial to nature; that it would be productive of sensations which can be more easily conceived than ex- pressed." To the question of the Secretary at War, this was his answer : ef It cannot be necessary for me to premise to you, or others, who know my sentiments, that to quit the tranquillity of retirement, and enter the boundless field of responsibility, would be produc- tive of sensations which a better pen than I pos- sess would find it difficult to describe. Neverthe- less, the principle by which my conduct has been actuated through life, would not suffer me, in any 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 517 great emergency, to withhold any services I could render when required by my country, especially in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and ' intoxicated power, in con- tempt of every principle of justice, and in viola- tion of solemn compacts, and of laws which go- vern all civilized nations; and this too with the obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion, for the purpose of subjugating our government, and destroying our independence and happiness. ff Under circumstances like these, accompanied by an actual invasion of our territory, it would Be difficult for me at any time to remain an idle spec- tator, under the plea of age or retirement. With sorrow, it is true, I should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness I now enjoy, Jo encounter anew the turmoils of war, to which f possibly my strength and powers might be found incompetent. These, however, should not be stumbling blocks in my own way. But there are other things highly important for me to ascertain and settle, before I could give a defini- tive answer to your question. ce First, The propriety in the opinion of the public., so far as that opinion has been expressed in conversation, of my appearing again on the public theatre, after declaring the sentiments I did in my valedictory address of September, 1796. ft Secondly, A conviction in my own breast, from the best information that can be obtained, that it is the wish of my country that its military force ihould be committed to my charge ; and " Thirdly, That the army now to be formed 518 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. should be so appointed as to afford a well ground- ed hope of its doing honour to the country, and credit to him who commands it in the field." Before these letters had reached the seat of government, the President had nominated to the Senate, "General Washington to he Lieutenant- general and Commander in Chief of the armies raised and to be raised." The Secretary of War waited upon him with his commission, and with the following letter from the President. , deceased, (my wife's brother) and which amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to four hundred and twenty five pounds, (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son' John Dandridge,. who was the acting exe- cutor of his father's will), I release and acquit from the payment thereof and the negroes (then thirty three in number, for- merly belonging to the laid estate, who were taken in execu- tion, soldjimd purchased in- on my account, in the year (blank,) and ever since have remained in the possession, and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge, with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession," without paying hire, or making compensation for the same, for the time past or to come, during her natural life j at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them .who are forty years old and upwards shall receive their freedom ; and all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer 3 - and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty five years of age, and then be free and to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they nre to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise con- cerning the same And I further direct that the heirs of the APPENDIX. 547 said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negroes, according to the tenor of this devise, upon the decease of their mother. Item. If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece, Betty Lewis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and desire that my Executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. Item. To my nephew, William Augustine Washington, aud his heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects worth pro- secuting) a lot in the town of Manchester (opposite to Rich- mond) No. 205, drawn on my sole account,. and also the tenth of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or three half acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in partner- ship with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased Wil- liam Byrd, are given ; as is also a lot which I purchased of John Hood, conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon, trustees of the said John Hood, numbered 13p, in the town of Edinburgh, in the county of Prince George, Sta.te of Virginia. Item. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, I give and bequeath all the papers in my possession, which relate ,to my civil and military administration of the affairs of this country. I leave to him also, such of my private papers as- are worth preserving ; and at the decease of my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind. Item. Having sold lands which I possessed in the State of Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late Governour of Newyork, in the State of Newyork, my share of land and interest, in the Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the County of Gloucester withholding the legal titles thereto, until the con- sideration money should be paid rand having moreover leased and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases) all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract upon Difficult Run, in the county of Loudoun, it is my will and 548 APPENDIX. direction, that whensoever the contracts are fully and re- spectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made, agreeable to the terms of the said contracts, and" the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock ; the dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, is to inure to my said wife during her life, but the stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general distribu- tion hereafter directed. Item. To the Earl of Buchan I recommit the " box made of the oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wallace, after the battle of Falkirk,' 1 presented to me by h j s Lordship in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request " to pass it, on the event. of my decease, to the man in my country, who should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." Whether easy or not to select the man who might comport with his Lordship's opi- nion in this respect, is not for me to say j but conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the Goldsmiths' Company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, and at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me I do give and bequeath the same to his Lordship; and in case of his decease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honour of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favourable sentiments with which he accompanied it. Itt in. To my brother Charles Washington, I give and be- queath the gold headed cane, left me by Dr. Franklin in his will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his issue. To the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, Lawrence Washington and Robert Wash- ington, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold headed canes, having my arms engraved on them; and to each, as they will be useful where they live, I leave one of the spyglasses, which APPENDIX. 549 constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend Dr. Craik, I give my bureau, (or, as the cabinet makers call it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stuart, I give my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. To the Rev., now Bryan, Lord Fairfax, I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, present- ed to me by the Rt. Rev. T. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man. To General De La Fayette, I give a pair of finely wrought steel pistol s, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary war. To my sisters-in-law Hannah Washington and Mildred Washing- tonto my friends Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington, of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These be- quests are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as me- mentos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear, I give the use of the farm which he now holds, in virtue of a lease from me to him and his deceased wife, (for and during their natural lives) free from rent during his life ; at the expiration of which, it is to be disposed of as is herein after directed. To Sally B. Haynie, (a distant relation of mine) I give and bequeath three hundred dollars. To Sarah Green, daughter of the deceased Tho. Bishop, and to Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to mej each of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my Ne- phews, William Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George Steptoe Washington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Wash- ington, I give one of the swords, or cutteaux, of which I may die possessed ; and they are to choose in the order they are named These swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except k be for self defence, or in defence of their country and its rights j and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof. And now, having gone through these specific devises, with 550 APPENDIX. explanations for the more correct understanding of the meaning and design of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more important parts of my estate, in manner following : First. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, and his heirs, partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were bachelors, and he had kindly undertaken to superintend my estate during my military services, in the former war between Great Britain and France, that if I should fall therein, Mount Vernon, (then less extensive in domain than at present, should become his property) I give and bequeath all that part thereof, which is comprehended within the following limits, viz. Beginning at the ford of Dogue Run, near my mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of Little Hunting Creek, at the Gnm Spring, until it comes to a knowl, opposite to an old road which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy Hole Farm ; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed ** thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back line or outer boundary of .the tract between Thompson Mason and myself thence with that line easterly (now double ditch- ing, with a post and rail fence thereon) to the run of Little Hunting Creek thence with the run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late Humphrey Peake and me, to the tide water of the said Creek thence by that water to Potow-. mack River thence with the river to the mouth-of Dogue Creek and thence with the said Dogue Creek to the place of beginning at the aforesaid ford, containing upwards of four thousand acres, be the same more or less, together with the mansion house, and all other buildirgs and improvements thereon. Second, In consideration of the consanguinity be- tween them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself; as, on account of the affection I had for, and the obli- gation I was under to, their father when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my APPENDIX. 5S1 fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late 'revolution, after- wards devoting his time to the superintendance of my private concerns for many years, whilst my public employments ren- dered it impracticable for me to do k myself, thereby affording me essential services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful : for these reasons, 1 say, I give and bequeath to George Fayette Washington, and Lawrence Augustine Washington, and their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting Creek, lying on the river Potowraack, including tho farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias Lear, as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by deed, 'two thousand and twenty-seven acres, be it more or less ; which said estate, it is my will and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided between them, accordipg to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, whan the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, by three judicious and disinterested men ; one to be chosen by each of the bro- thers, and the third by these two. In the mean time, if the termination of my wife's interest therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. Third. And whereas it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grand-children of my wife in the same light as I do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them, more especially by the two whom we have raised from their earliest infancy, namely, Eleanor Park Custis, and George Washington Park Custis, and whereas the former of these hath lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis, a son of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to pro- vide for them both has been increased. Wherefore, I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis, and Eleanor Park Lewis, his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon Estate, not already devised to my nephew, Bushrod Washington, comprehended within the following description, viz. all the laud north of the road leading from the ford of Dogue Run to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of 532 APPENDIX. the other part of the tract, to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the know], thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between Mr. Mason and me) thence with that line westerly along the new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling dam of my mill ; thence with the said run to the ford aforementioned. To which I add all the land I possess west of the said Dogue Run and Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby, together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and im- provements on the premises, making together about two thou- sand acres, be it more or less. Fourth. Actuated by the prin- ciple already mentioned, I give and bequeath to George Wash- ington Park Custis, the grandson of my wife, and my .ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile Run, in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Washington. Fifth. All the rest and residue of my estate, real and personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in what- soever consisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found, a schedule of which, as far as is recollected, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed, I desire may be sold by my executors, at such times, in such manner, and on such credits, (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribution of the specific property cannot be made w ithout) as in their judgment shall be most conducive to the interest of the parties concerned, and the monies arising therefrom to be divided into twenty- three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. to William Augustine Washington, Elizabeth Spotswood, Jane Thornton, and the heirs of Ann Ashton, sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath four parts ; that is, one part to each of them. To Fielding Lewis, George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell Lewis, and Betty Carter, sons and daughters of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, I give and bequeath five other parts, one to each of them. To George Steptoe Washington, Lawrence Augustine Washing- ton, Harriott Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington, APPENDIX. 553 sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Samuel Washing- ton, I give and bequeath other four parts, one to each of them. To Corbin Washington, and the heirs of Jane Washington, son and daughter of my deceased brother, John Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath two parts, one to each of them. To Samuel Washington, Frances Ball, and Mildred Hammond, son and daughters of my brother, Charles Wash- ington, I give and bequeath three parts, one part to each of them. And to George Fayette Washington, Charles Augus- tine Washington, and Maria Washington, sons and daughter* of my deceased nephew, George Augustine Washington, I give one other part, that is, to each a third of that part. To Eliza- beth Park Law, Martha Park Peters, and Eleanor Park Lewis, I give and bequeath three other parts, that is, a part to each of them. And to my nephews, Bushrod 'Washington and Law- rence Lewis, and to my ward, the grandson of my wife I give and bequeath one other part, that is, a third thereof to each of them. And if it should so happen, that any of the persons whose names are here enumerated, (unknown to. me) should now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, the heirs of such deceased person shall, notwithstanding, derive all the benefits of the bequest in -the same manner, as if he or she was actually living at the time. And by way of ad- vice, I recommend > it to my executors not to be precipitate of disposing of the landed property (herein directed to be sold) if from temporary causes the sale should be dull, experience having fully evinced, that the price of land (especially above the falls of the river, and on the western waters) have been pro- gressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the lega- tees (under this clause of my will) as can make it convenient, to take each a share ofmy ; stock in the Potowmack Company, in preference to the amount of what it might sell for ; being thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the mo- ney can be applied will be so productive as the tolls arising this navigation when in full operation, and thus, from the 554 APPENDIX. nature of things, it must be, ere long, and more especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. The farhily vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being improperly situated besides, I desire, that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Inclosure, on the ground which is marked out ; in which my remains, with those , of my deceased relations, now in the old vault, and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be de- posited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without parade, or funeral ora- tion. Lastly, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington, my nephew William Augustine Wash- ington, Bushrod Washington, George Steptoe Washington, Samuel Washington, and Lawrence Lewis, and my ward, George Washington Park Custis, when he shall have arrived at the age of, twenty-one years, executrix and executors of this will and te$a.ment : in the construction of which it will be rea- dily perceited, that no professional character has been consult- ed, or has had any kgency in the draught ; and that although it has occupied- many of rny leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form,, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude and incorrect j but, having en'deavoured to be plain and explicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I hope and trust that no disputes will arise' concern- ing them. But if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise, from want of legal expressions, or the usual tech- nical terms, r because too much or too little -has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with law, my will and di- rection expressly is, that all disputes, (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three inlpartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and good understanding} tv , to be' chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those two, which three men, thus chosen, shall, unfettered by law, or legal constructions, declare their sense of APPENDIX. 5 jj 5 the testator's intention j and such decision is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the supreme court of the United States. In witness of all, and in each of the things herein contained, I have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the year One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety,* and the Independence of the United States the Twenty-fourth. GEORGE WASHINGTON./CT.) A SCHEDULE OF PROPERTY Comprehended in the foregoing Will, which is directed to be sold ; and some of it is conditionally sold; with descriptive and explanatory notes relative thereto. IN VIRGINIA. Acres. Prices. Dollars. Loudoun County, Difficult Run, 300 Dolls. O',0'66 a Loudoun and Fauquier, Ashby's Bent, 2481 10:' 24,810, Chattin's Run, 885 8 7,08O Berkly, South Fork of Bullskin, 1 600 Head of Evans's M. 453 ' , In Wormley's Line 1 83 2236 20 44,720 c Frederick, brought from Mercer 571 20 11,420 d Hampshire, on Potow mack River, above B 240 15 3,600 e Gloucester, on North River 400 about 3,600 / Nansemond, near Suffolk, one third 1 0>TO of 11 19 acres j 373 Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend! ^ GQQ } thereof j Ohio River, round bottom 587 Little Kenhawa 2314 Sixteen miles lower down 2448 Opposite Big Bent ,4395 9744 10 97,440 i * It appears the word " Nine" was emitted by the testator. 556 APPENDIX. Great Kenhawa Near the mouth, west East side above Mouth of Cole River Opposite there to Burning Spring 29507 125J Acres. Price*. Dollars, 10990 7276 20OO MARYLAND. Charles County Montgomery County Great Meadows Mohawk River, about 3075 600 6 519 12 PENNSYLVANIA. 234 NEWYORK. On Little Miami Ditto Ditto NORTHWEST TERRITORY. 839 977 1235 KENTUCKY. Kough Creek Ditto adjoining LOTS, viz. CITY OF WASHINGTON. Two near the capitol square, 634, cost") 963 dollars, and with buildings 3 No 5, 12, 13, and 14, the last three water lots on the eastern branch, square 667, containing togethei 34,438 square feet, at 12 cents ALEXANDRIA. Comer of Pitt and Prince street, half an acre laid out into buildings, 4 of which are let on ground rent 3 dollars per foot 5 3 iree ^ ), inf therf .uRIA. t, half) >, 3 or f p ent at f 200,000 3,600 I 6,228 i 1,4O4 n 1000 6 6,000 o 3051 5 15,251 p 3OOO 2OOO 5000 2 10,000 q 1 5,OOO r 4132 * 4000 t APPENDIX. 557 WINCHESTER. A lot in the town, of half an .acre, and! another on the commons, of about > 6 acres, supposed, J Dollar*. 4000 BATH Or WARM SPRINGS. Two well situated and handsome build- ings, to the amount of 150J. 800 * STOCK. m United States 6 per cents 3746 ") Ditto, deferred, 1 873 Ditto, 3 per cents 2946 Potowmack Company, 24 shares cost IOOJ. sterling James River Company, 5 shares, each" cost 100 dollars Bank of Columbia, 170 shares 40 dols. each Bank of Alexandria, besides 20 in the" free school ") j STOCK LIVING, &C. One covering horse, five carriage horses, four riding horses, six brood mares, twenty work- ing horses and mares, two covering jacks, and three young ones, ten she asses, forty-two working mules, fifteen younger ones, three hundred and twenty-nine head of horned cat- tle, six hundred and forty head of sheep, and a large stock of hogs, the precise number un- known. My manager has estimated this live stock at 7000Z. but I shall set down, in order to make a round sum, at 6246 w 10,666 x 500 y 6800 1000 2 15,653 Aggregate amount Dolls. 530,000 555 APPENDIX. NOTES. i . (a) This tract, for the size of it, is valuable, more for its situation than the quality of its soil, though that is good for farming, with a consider- able proportion of ground that might very easily be improved into meadow. It lies on the great road from the city of Washington, Alex- andria, and Georgetown, to Leesburgh and Winchester. At Difficult Bridge, nineteen miles, from Alexandria, less from the city of George- town, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the Great Falls of Potomnack there is a valuable seat on the premises, and the whole is conditionally sold for the jum annexed in the schedule. (4) What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracts are I know not, but compared with those above the rid^e, and others below them, the value annexed will appear moderate; a less one would not obtain them from me. (c) The surrounding land, not superior in soil, situation, or propertiet of any sort, sell currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. The lowest price is affixed to these. () The quality of these lands and their situations may be known by the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along with the patents. They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; one tract near the mouth of the Little Miami ; another seven, and the third ten miles up the same. I have been informed that they will command more than they axe estimated at. (51) For the description of these tracts in detail, see General Spots- wood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Besides the general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore thereon, which, when the settlement becomes more populous, and set- tlers are moving that way very fast, will be found very valuable ; as the Rough Creek, a branch of Green River, affords ample water for furnaces and forges. LOTS, viz. CITY OF WASHINGTON. (r) The two lots near the capitol, in square 634, cost me 963 dollars only. But in this price I was favoured, on condition that I should two brick houses, three stories high each; without this reduction, the selling prices of those lots would have cost me about 1S50* dollars. These lots, with the buildings thereon, when completed, will stand me in 15,000 dollars at least. (/) Lots No. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the eastern branch, are advanta- geously situated on the water, and al'.hough many lots, much less con- venient, have sold a great deal higher, I will rate these at 12 cents the square foot only. ALEXANDRIA. (/) For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused 2500 dollars. It has since been laid out into proper sized lots for building on ; three or 5(50 APPENDIX. four of which are let on ground rent for ever, at three dollars a foot on the street, and this price is asked for both fronts on Pitt and Princew Streets. WINCHESTER. (i/) As neither the lot in the town or common have any improvements on them, it is not easy to fix a price, but as both are well situated, it is presumed that the price annexed to them in the schedule is a reasonable valuation. BATH. (v) The lots in Bath (two adjoining) cost me, to the best of my recol- lection, between fifty and sixty pounds twenty years ago, and the build- ings thereon one hundred and fifty pounds more. Whether property there has increased or decreased in its value, and in what condition the kouses are, lam ignorant, but suppose they are not valued too high. (w) These are the sums which are actually funded, and though no more in the aggregate than 7566 dollars, stand me in at least ten thou- and pounds, Virgina' money, being the amount of bonded and other debts due tome, and discharged during the war, whrn money had de- preciated in that rate, and was so settled by public authority. (*) The value annexed to these shares is what they have actually cost me, and is the price affixed by law; and although die present sell- * ing price is under par, my advice to the legatees, for whose benefit they are intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money, is that each should take and hold one, there being a moral certainty of a great and increasing prolit arising from them in the course of a few years. (y) It is supposed that the shares in the James River Company mutt be productive. But of this I can give no decided opinion, for want of -more accurate information. (z) These are the nominal prices of the shares in the Bank* of Alex- aftdria and Columbia; the selling prices vary according to circum- stances; but as the stock usually divide from ejght to ten per cent, per annum, they must be worth the former, at least so long as the banks are conceived to be secure, although, from circumstances, they may some- times be below it. The value of the live stock depends more upon the quality than quantity of the different species of it, and this again upon the demand and judgment, or fancy, of purchasers. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Mount Vernon, July 9, 1799. VIRGINIA, FAIRFAX, ss. I Goor-L- Deneale, Clerk of Fairfax County Court, do here- rtifv, that the foregoing copy of the last Will and :n:e:it of George Washington, deceased, late Presi- oi'the United States of America, with the schedule annexed, is a true copy from the original recorded in my office. In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, thi$ twenty- third day of January, 180O. GEORGE DENEALE, Clerk of Fairfax County. T. Gillet, Printer, Crown- court. \; THE LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara THIS BOOK IS DUE ON THE LAST DATE STAMPED BELOW. St-rics v AA 000917162 o 3 1205 00429 0936 ve- ^c t" I ^.