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LIFE
GEORGE WASHINGTON,
COMMANDER IN CHIEF
THE AMERICAN ARMY
THROUGH THK
REVOLUTIONARY WAR,
THE UNITED STATES.
BY AARON j^NCROFT, A. A. S.
PASTOR O? A CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH IN WORCESTER.
LONDON
PRINTED FOR JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY
180S.
T. Gillet, Printer, Crowu-court.
PREFACE.
THE following publication originated in the author's
wish to place within reach of the great body of his coun-
trymen an authentic biography of General Washington.
Judge Marshall, in his valuable life of this illustrious
patriot, has embraced not only the settlement and ge-
neral history of the North American Colonies, but also
the political history of the United States. His work is
therefore necessarily too expensive to be obtained by all
classes of American people. The writer of these me-
moirs apprehended, that by publishing the Life of Wash-
ington in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should
enable those of his fellow citizens, who are not in posses-
sion of Marshall, to leave to their posterity the memorial
of a man who was pre-eminently distinguished as a sol-
dier and statesman.
General Washington was from his youth devoted to
his country; his character therefore cannot be pourtray-
ed, without bringing into view many important public
transactions. The plan of the writer has been to notice '
no individual or event further than was necessary to dis-
play the principal character.
He has made Judge Marshall his leading authority
for facts, and has in some measure followed him in the
order of events. The histories of the war by Doctors
Ramsay and Gordon, and several original writings,
have been consulted ; but he trusts that greater liberty
has not been taken with any of them than is fair and
honourable. The few facts which have not before been
IY PREFACE.
publisher!, were received immediately from confidential
friends of General Washington, or from gentlemen who
in respectable official situations, were members of his
family during his military command.
It has been the endeavour of the author to display the
character of (he man who is the subject of the work,
by exhibiting in a connected view his actions and his
writings; and he has, as far ps possible, made this exhi-
bition in the person of General Washington.
He has not conceived that he was writing for men of
erudition, but for the unlettered portion of the commu-
nity; and he has for their benefit more particularly stu-
died simplicity of style. Should he be so happy as to
obtain their approbation, he will receive an ample re-
ward of his labour.
He entertains no expectation of acquiring literary
fame by this publication, bul he hopes to escape the dis-
grace of having written an useless book.
Worcctttr, Mastacbuscttty
October, 18.07.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
His Birth Education Appointed an Adjutant General of the
Militia His Embassy to the Ohio Commissioned as Lieu-
tenant Colonel of a regular Regiment Surprises a Detach-
ment of French Troops Capitulation of Fort Necessity
He is appointed a Volunteer Aid-de-Camp to General Brad-
dock His bravery in the action- in which that General fell
He is appointed the Colonel of a regiment, and Com-
mander in Chief of the Virginia troops His efforts to de-
fend the Frontiers His exertions in the expedition under
General Forbes to gain possession of Fort du Quesne Re-
*igns his commission ... PAGE I
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Washington's Marriage His management of the
Estate of Mount Vernon Appointed a Judge of the County
Court, and a Member of the Virginia Legislature Chosen
a Member of the First Congress Appointed Commandes
in Chief of the American Forces Arrives at Camp Ar-
ranges the Army Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition
Colonel Arnold detached to Quebec Success of American
Cruisers Evils of temporary Inlistments An Attack on the
Enemy's Posts meditated Possession taken of the Heights
of Dorchester Boston evacuated - -" 38
VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
General Washington marches the Army to New York Forti-
fications of the City and River Independence declared
General Howe lands on Staten Island Interview between
General Washington and Colonel Patterson State of the
British and American Forces Camp at Brooklyn Battle
on Long Island Retreat from it The City and Island of
New York evacuated Manoeuvres at White Plains Fort
Washington taken General Howe invades New Jersey
Depression of the Americans General Washington invested
with new Powers Success at Trenton, and at Princeton
New Jersey recovered - - f i
CHAPTER IV.
General Washington disposes his small Force for the IVotec-
tion of New Jersey Army inoculated Abuse of Ameri-
can Prisoners The Exchange of General Lee refused
Stores at Peck's Kill and Danbury destroyed American
Army takes Post at Middlebrook Sir William Howe moves
towards the Delaware Returns to Staten Island and em-
barks his Troops He lands at the Head of Elk General
Washington marches to meet him Battle of Brandywine
Effect of a Storm British take Possession of Philadelphia
Mud Island and Red Bank fortified Obstructions in the
River Attack on Mud Island Count Donop defeated
British surmount the Fortifications of the River Plan to
attack Philadelphia Sir William Howe reconnoitres the
American Camp at White Marsh The Army hutted at
Vafley Forge The Privations of the Soldiers during the
Winter - - . 137
CONTENTS. ti
CHAPTER. V.
Progress and issue of the Northern Campaign Plan to dis-
place General Washington His Correspondence on the
Subject Letter of General Gates Remonstrance of the
Legislature of Pennsylvania against closing the Campaign
Observations of the Commander in Chief upon it Suffer-
ings of the army for the want of Provisions and Clothing
Measures adopted by the Commander in Chief to obtain
Supplies Methods taken to recruit the Army Sir Henry
Clinton appointed Commander in Chief of the British Forces.
He evacuates Philadelphia, and marches through New Jersey
to New York General Washington pursues him Battle of
Monmouth Thanks of Congress to the General and Army
General Lee censured He demands a Court Martial, and
is suspended from his command 'French Fleet appears on
the American Coast Expedition against Rhode Island It
fails Disaffection between the American and French Offi-
cers Measures of the Commander in Chief to prevent the
ill consequences of it^-Army goes into Winter Quarters in
the High Lands - - ? t * - - ~- 169
CHAPTER VI.
Plan formed by Congress and the French Minister for the in-
vasion of Canada and Nova Scotia General Washington's
objections to it Delinquency of the United States to pre-
pare for the approaching campaign The exertions of the
General His Letter on the State of the Nation The Re-
monstrances of Officers belonging to the New Jersey Bri-
gade to the Legislature of that State Letters of the Com-
mander in Chief on the Subject Expedition against the
Indians under General Sullivan He destroys their Towns
The American Army posted for the defence of the High
Lands on the North River, and for the protection of the
CONTENTS.
Country against the incursions of the British Sir Henry
Clinton moves up the Hudson, takes possession of Stony
and Verplank Points, and fortifies them Arrangements
made for assaulting these posts General Wayne carries
Stony Point by storm The attack upon Verplank fails
Congress vote their thanks to General Washington and to
the brave Troops employed in this service They vote Ge-
neral Wayne a medal : Evils of short Inlistments Plan of
the General's to remedy them The Army in two Divi-
sions erect huts for winter quarters, one near West Point,
and the other at Morristown in New Jersey The troops
suffer through the scarcity of Provisions Colonel Wads,
worth resigns his Office Confusion in the Commissary's
department The Commander in Chief is necessitated to
apportion supplies of Meat and Flour upon the Counties of
New Jersey The winter excessively cold, and the waters
around New York frozen over j but the Commander in Chief
is too weak to avail himself of this opportunity to assail the
British Posts Expedition to Staten Island fails - 207
CHAPTER VII.
Amount of Paper Emission -Congress destitute of Means to
support the War Supplies apportioned upon the States
Exertions of the Commander in Chief Mutiny in part of
the Army The British make an excursion into New Jersey
The American Troops bravely resist them The Court of
France promises a Naval and Land Armament to act in
America Preparation to co-operate with it A French
Squadron arrives on the American Coast Count llocham-
beau lands at Newport with five thousand Men The Ame-
rican, and French Commanders meet at Hartford to settle
the Plan of the Campaign The Second Division of the
French Troops fails General Arnold becomes a Traitor-
He corresponds with Major Andre Andre comes on shore
CONTENTS. il
at West Point Attempts to return to New York by land
He is taken into custody by three Militia Men A Board of
General Officers condemn him He is executed Letter of
General Washington on the State of the Army Congress
adopts a Military Establishment for the War The Army
goes into Winter Quarters - * 235
CHAPTER VIII.
Arnold is appointed a Brigadier in the British service, and in-
vades Virginia Plan to capture him Mutiny in the Ame-
rican Carap Violence of the Pennsylvania Line Order
restored Weak state of the Army The French Court
grants a Loan to the United States Exertion of the States
to enable the General to open the Campaign The French
Troops march to the American Camp Plan to surprize the
British Post at King's Bridge Expedition to Virginia
Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeak Yorktown be-
sieged British Redoubts stormed The British make a
Sortie Lord Corn wall! s attempts to escape He capitulates
and surrenders his Posts Indecisive Action between the
French and English Fleets Sir Henry, too late, embarks
his Troops for Yorktown Thanks of Congress to the Ame-
rican and French Commanders, and to the Army General
Saint Clair dispatched to Carolina The other Corps of the
Army return to the Neighbourhood of New York, and go
into Winter Quarters - - 270
CHAPTER IX.
Preparations for another Campaign Sir Guy Carlton arrives at
New York, and announces the vote of Parliament to ac-
knowledge American Independence Army anxious for their
pay Anonymous Address exciting them to a revolt Gene-
ral Washington convenes and addresses the Officers Their
b
CONTENTS.
resolutions Preliminary Articles of Peace received Cessa*
tion of hostilities proclaimed General Washington addresses
a Circular Letter to the Executives of the several States^
Army disbanded New Levies of Pennsylvania revolt The
Commander in Chief enters New York Takes leave of his
Officers r Resigns his Commission to the President of Con-
gress Retires to Mount Vernon - 295
CHAPTER X.
General Washington in retirement His pursuits Votes of
Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia respecting him
His Visitors and Correspondents His Plans to improve
the Navigation of the Potowmack and James Rivers De-
clines the grant of Virginia His Advice to the Cincinnati-
State of Public Affairs National Convention General
Washington its President Federal Constitution recom-
mended and adopted General Washington requested to
consent to administer the Government He is chosen Pre-
sident of the United States Sets out for the Seat of Go-
vernment Attention shewn him on his Journey His Re-
ception at New York 333
CHAPTER XI.
Inauguration of the President His Addresses to Congress
Answers of the two Houses The Arrangements of his
Household His Regulations for Visitors The Reasons of
their adoption The Relations of the United States with
Foreign Powers Congress establishes the Departments of
the Government The President fills them He visits New
England His Reception Addresses to him His Answers
Negotiations with the Indians Treaty with the Creeks
War with the Wabash and Miamis Tribes General Har-
CONTENTS. Xt
mar's Expedition Saint Clair defeated General Wayne
victorious and makes a Treaty with them Second Session
of Congress Fiscal Arrangements of the Secretary of the
Treasury Indisposition of the President He visits Mount
Vernon Meets Congress at Philadelphia His Tour to the
Southern States Second Congress The President refuses
his Signature to the Representative Bill Contemplates re-
tiring to private Life Consents to be a Candidate for the
Second Presidency - . - . - 372
CHAPTER XII.
General Washington re-elected President State of Parties*
Division in the Cabinet The President endeavours to pro-
mote union Influence of the French Revolution Mea-
sures to secure the Neutrality of the United States in the
War between France and England Mr. Genet's illegal
practices He insults the Government The Executive re->
stricts him He appeals to the People They support the
Administration The President determines to arrest Genet
He is recalled Negotiation with Britain Insurrection in
Pennsylvania Democratic Societies British Treaty Corn-
monication between the French Executive and the Legisla-
ture of the United States The President refuses to the
House of Representatives the Papers respecting Diplomatic
Transactions His interpositions in favour of the Marquis
La Fayette Takes the Son of the Marquis under his Pro-
tection and Patronage. - 408
CHAPTER XIII.
The President calumniated His Letter to Mr. Jefferson
Statement of the Secretary of the Treasury The French
Directory's attempt to control the American Government
Review of the Transactions with France The President
Sll CONTENTS.
declares his resolution to retire from Public Life Meets
Congress for the last time Describes the Letters that had
been forged Attends the Inauguration of Mr. Adams
Retires to Mount Vernon Threatening attitude of France
General Washington appointed Commander in Chief o( the
American Forces His opinion of Public Measures His
Indisposition and Death Conclusion - - 473
OF
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
CHAPTER I.
Kis Birth Education Appointed an Adjutant General of the
militia His embassy to the Ohio Commissioned as Lieute-
nant-Colonel of a regular regiment Surprises a detachment of
French troops Capitulation of Fort Necessity He is appoint-*
ed a volunteer Aid-de-camp to General Braddock His bra-
very in the action in which that General fell He is appointed
the Colonel of a regiment, and Commander-in-chief of the Vir-
ginia troops His efforts to defend the frontiers //is exertions
in -the expedition under General Forbes to gain possession of
Fort du Quesne Resigns his commission.
GEORGE WASHINGTON was born in tne
county of Westmoreland, Virginia, on the 22d
day of February, 1732. He was the third son of
Mr. Augustine Washington, and the great grand-
son of Mr. John Washington, a gentleman of a
family of some distinction in the north of Eng-
land, who emigrated about the year 1657, and
took up the estate on which the subject of these
memoirs was born.
At the age of ten years, bvthe death of his father*
JB
2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1747.
he was left in the sole care of a solicitous mother.
She gave him a private education. A grammatical
knowledge of the English language, mathematics,
geography, history, natural and moral philosophy,
to the exclusion of the learned languages, formed
the course of his youthful studies.
The candour and manliness of his disposition
wercearly displayed among his young companions,
and the commanding influence of his character
was first discovered by his ascendancy over them.
The patrimonial estate of Mr. Washington was
small. After the completion of his course with his
tutor, he was engaged in useful industry ; and for
several years of his minority employed as a coun-
ty surveyor. In this employment he distinguish-
ed himself by his diligence, and by the neatness
and accuracy of his plans. His experience in this
business made him well acquainted with the worth
of new lands., and aided him afterwards in their
selection.
The military bias of his mind was early discover-
ed. The war between England and France in
1747 kindled in his young breast that spark, which
at a subsequent period burst into a flame ; and at
his own importunity, the birth of a midshipman,
at the age of fifteen, was obtained in the British
navv. His views in this instance were defeated
d
by the anxiety of an affectionate mother.
At a time when the militia was to be trained for
actual service, at nineteen he was appointed one of
the adjutant generals of Virginia, with the rank
of major; from the execution of the duties of thi$
1753.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3
commission, honourable to his age, he was soon
called to higher employments.
France at this period unfolded her ambitious
design of connecting Canada with Louisiana, and
in this way of enclosing the British colonies in
North America. Her officers were directed to
establish a line of posts from the lakes to the Ohio.
This tract of country, the English held to be
within the boundaries of Virginia. Mr. Dinwid-
die, then the lieutenant-governor of the province,
alarmed by encroachments, which involved the im-
portant interests, of the British crown, conceived
it proper officially to warn the French to desist
from the prosecution of a scheme, deemed a viola-
tion of existing treaties between the two countries.
It was difficult to select a proper agent to exe-
cute this perilous mission. He must pass through
an unexplored wilderness, filled by tribes of In-
dians ; some of which were doubtful friends, and
many the decided enemies of the English. The
fatigues and dangers which induced other Vir-
ginians to decline the commission of envo;y on this
occasion, led Mr. Washington with ardor to
seek the appointment.'
OCT. 31, 1753.] The very day on which he
received his commission he commenced his jour-
ney from Williamsburg. At Winchester he pro-
cured the necessary provisions, baggage, and
horses. On the 14th of November he reached
Will's Creek, the frontier of inhabited Virginia ;
here he hired a pilot, and four other attendants,
to accompany him over the Alleghany mountains;
4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [175S.
the passage of which was now attended with diffi-
culty and hazard. The weather became inces-
santly stormy, and the snow deep ; and he was un-
able to arrive at Turtle Creek, on the mouth of
the Monongahela, before the 23d. Here he was
informed of the death of the French General, and
that his troops had retired to winter quarters.
With extreme fatigue he pursued his journey ;
surveyed the country with the judgment of a sol-
dier, and selected the forks of the Monongahela
and Alleghany rivers, as a place highly expedient
for the English to possess and fortify. On this
site the French soon after erected Fort du Quesne,
which, when the British General Forbes gained
the possession, he called Fort Pitt.
In this place he spent a few days to conciliate
the affections of the Indians of the vicinity. Some
of their chiefs, whose fidelity he took the wisest
measures to secure, he engaged as guides, with
them, ascended the Alleghany river, and at the
mouth of French Creek found the first French
post. Proceeding up the creek to another fort,
he met Mcasieur le Gardeur de St. Pierre, the
commanding officer on the Ohio, and to him he
delivered Governor Dinwiddie's letter. Within
three or four days he received an official answer
to his communication, and immediately left the
plare on his return ; but the snow being excessive-
ly deep, and his horses growing weak from fatigue,
he became impatient at the slowness of his pro-
gress. Leaving therefore his horses with necessa-
ry directions, in the care of his attendants, he and
1753-3, - ..'; LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5
liis pilot wrapt themselves in watch coats., took his
important papers, and the necessary provisions in
their packs, and with their guns in their hands,
prosecuted their journey on foot the nearest way
through the woods. The next day, December 26,
as he passed a place, called the Murdering town,
he fell in with a party of French Indians, which
laid in wait for him ; one of them not fifteen steps
distant fired, hut without effect. This Indian the
major took into custody, and kept him until nine
o'clock, then let him go, and walked himself all
the remaining part of the night, without making
any stop, that he might be out of reach of pursuit
next day, supposing that the party would then fol-
low his track. The second day he reached the
river two miles above the Shannapis, expecting to
find it frozen over ; but the ice extended only fifty
yards from the shore ; though quantities of it were
driving in the channel. A raft was their only
means of passing, and they had but one poor hat-
chet with which to make it. It cost them a hard
day's work to form the raft ; the next day they
launched it, went on board, and attempted the pas-
sage ; but before they were half way over they
were inclosed by masses of ice, and threatened
with immediate destruction. Mr. Washington
put down his setting pole to stop the raft, that the
ice might pass by, but the rapidity of the current
threw the ice with such force against the pole, that
it jerked him out in ten feet water. But fortu-
nately he saved himself by seizing one of the raft
logs. With, their utmost efforts they were unable
6 1IFE OP TfASHINGTON. [1754.
to reach either shore, but with difficulty they
landed on an island. The cold was so severe that
Mr. Gist, the pilot, had his hands and feet frozen.
The next morning, without hazard., they passed
the river on the ice, and were received into the
lodgings of Mr. Frazier, an Indian trader. Here
Major Washington took a horse, and on the
16th January, 1754, reached Williamsburg, and
made report of his proceedings.
The fatigue and danger of this mission, are not
easily conceived by persons in the bosom of civi-
lized life. " From the 1st to the 15th of Decem-
ber," says Major Washington, " there was but
one day in which it did not rain or snow incessant-
ly, and through the whole journey there was but
one continued series of cold, wet weather." The
journal composed for the perusal of Governor Din-
widdie, was published, and the enterprise, judg-
ment, and perseverance displayed in this mission,
exalted Mr. Washington in public opinion, and
gave his country an earnest of his future services.
The embassy to the Ohio not having induced
the French to withdraw from that country, the
assembly of Virginia adopted measures to main-
tain the claims of the British crown. They em-
powered the executive of the Colony to raise a
regiment to consist of three hundred men. Mr.
Fry, a gentleman acquainted with the western
country, was appointed to command it, and the
commission of Lieutenant-colonel was given to
Major Washington. Enterprising and patriotic,
Colonel Washington requested and obtained per-
1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7
mission to march first, early in April, 1754, with
two companies to the Great Meadows. The mo-
tives which led him to this measure, were to be
early in active service, to learn the designs of the
enemy, to afford protection to the English settle-
ments, to cultivate the friendship of the Indians,
and to acquire a knowledge of the country, which
promised to be the scene of military operations.
Scarcely had he taken possession of his ground,
when some friendly Indians informed him that the
French had driven away a working party, sent
by the Ohio company to erect a fort on the south
eastern branch of the Ohio, and were themselves
building a fortress on the very ground which he
had recommended to the Governor for a military
post. They also gave the intelligence, that a force
was then marching from that place to the Great
Meadows. Although hostilities had not yet com-
menced, yet it was considered that the French
had invaded the English territory; and many cir-
cumstances rendered it probable, that a force was
approaching with hostile views. It appeared that
the party liacj left the direct road, and had en-
camped in a valley, a few miles to the west of the
Great Meadows, as a place of concealment-
Colonel Washington, under the guidance of the
Indians, set out in a dark rainy night, and sur-
rounded the encampment. At day-break his
men fired, and rushed upon the French, being
completely surprised, they surrendered. One
man only made his escape, and Mr. lumonville,
Ihe commander,, alone was killed.
8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [J754'
The other companies of the regiment were., at
this time, in march to join those in advance ; be-
fore these readied the camp, Colonel Fry died,
and the command devolved on Lieutenant-colo-
nel Washington. Two companies of British
troops, one from South Carolina, and the other
from New York, also joined the regiment at the
Great Meadows, making a force of four hundred
effective men. The regular captains reluctantly
placed themselves under the command of a provin-
cial officer ; but pressing circumstances induced
them for the time to wave dispute about rank, and
to act under the orders of Colonel Washington.
For the security of their stores he erected a
small stockade, and then marched towards Fort du
Quesne, to dislodge the French. At the foot of
Laurel Hill, thirteen miles on the way, he was met
by a number of friendly Indians, who informed
him that the enemy were hastily approaching
with a strong detachment. A confidential chief
assured him, that he had seen a reinforcement ar-
rive at du Quesne, which place he left two days
before, and had learnt that a body consisting of
eight hundred French and four hundred Indians,
would immediately march to attack the English.
The previous information of deserters from the
enemy confirmed the Indian's report. The troops
had been already six days without bread, and had
but a small quantity of meat in store. The French
might approach by water carriage, within five
miles of their present encampment; and then pass
them by a different route and starve them into a
1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9
surrender, or fight them with a great superiority
of numbers.
JUNE 28, 1754J In this critical situation Co?-
lonel Washington called a council of war. The
unanimous advice of which was, to return to their
position at the Great Meadows ; because the two
roads at that place united, and the country did not
allow an enemy to pass them unperceived ; and at
this place they might wait the arrival of a supply
of provisions, and reinforcement of men. The Co-
lonel approved the advice of his officers, and ira- -
mediately carried it into effect. (July 2) His first
care was to sink a ditch round the stockade, which
he now named Fort Necessity ; but before it was
completed, the enemy attacked him, (July 3) un-
der the command of Monsieur de Villier, whose
force consisted of fifteen hundred men. The as-
sault was spiritedly made, and bravely repelled.
Part of the garrison fought within the fort, and
part in the ditch, which was almost filled with mud
and water. Colonel Washington, during the
whole action, remained without the fort, by his
presence and example animating his men. The
attack began at ten in the morning, and was con-
tinued without intermission as long as the light of
day remained. Early in the evening M. de Vil-
lier demanded a parley, and mentioned the terms
of capitulation which he was willing to grant.
These were rejected ; but in the course of the night
articles were agreed upon and signed. By these A
the fort was to be surrendered, the garrison ai-
p.wed the honours of war, to retain their fire-arms
TO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1754.
and baggage, and unmolested to march to the in-
habited part of Virginia. The capitulation was
the work of haste, and written in the French lan-
guage, with which neither Colonel Washington
nor any of his officers were acquainted, and un-
fortunately contained an expression, which the
translator, at the time, construed to Colonel Wash-
ington to imply, that Mr. lumonville, in the first
action, was killed; but which literally would bear
the translation, was assassinated. In answer to a
publication of 3VI. de Villier, Colonel Washing-
ton, soon after the event, made it fully to appear
that he did not understand the import of the
word ; but during his presidency, an enemy had
the audacity to call him, upon the strength of this
capitulation, an assassin*
The killed and wounded in the Virginia regi
ment, on this occasion amounted to fifty-eight.
*The enemy were stated to have had about two
hundred killed and wounded.
The public gave to this brave band merited
praise; and the assembly of Virginia expressed
their sense of the resolution and judgment display-
ed in the above action, by a vote of thanks to Co-
lonel Washington and his officers, and by a do-
nation of three hundred pistoles to the soldiery.
The regiment fell back to Winchester to recruit.
At this place the companies from North Carolina
and Mary land joined the Virginia force ; the whole
commanded by Colonel Junes of North Carolina.
* In an infamous publication in the Aurora, under the signa-
ture of JASPER DWIGHT.
1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 11
Governor Dinwiddie, with advice of council, or-
dered the troops to march over the Alleghany
mountains ; either to drive the .French from, du
Quesne, or to erect a fort in a favourable position.
The forces were in number much inferior to those
of the enemy, and were totally unprovided with
articles of clothing and provisions, essential to a
winter's campaign. Orders were also given imme-
diately to fill up the regiment; although no money
was voted for the recruiting service. Colonel
Washington pointedly remonstrated against these
measures ; but being adopted, did all in his power
to carry them into effect. The legislature soon
rose, without providing effectual means for active
service, and the troops did not march.
During the succeeding winter, regulations from
the war office were published in America, which
provided that general and field officers of pro-
vincial troops, when serving with general and
field officers commissioned by the cr6wn, should
have no rank ; and, consequently, that senior pro-
vincial officers should be commanded by their j u-
niors belonging to the regular troops.
The military ambition of Colonel Washington
had been excited by his experience, and by the
applause of his country ; but he possessed the spi-
rit of a soldier, and refusing submission to these
degrading regulations, he indignantly resigned his
commission. At the same time he declared, that
with high satisfaction he would obey the com-
mands of his country, when her service should be
consistent with his honour.
1$ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755.
1755.] Colonel Washington had, at this time,
succeeded to the estate of his eldest brother, on
the Potomack, called Mount Vernon, in compli-
ment to the British Admiral of that name. On
this estate he resolved to devote his life to agri-
cultural and philosophic pursuits, a resolution
that he did not long retain.
MARCH, 1755.] In the spring Gen Braddock,
who commanded two British regiments, and a
few corps of provincials, was making preparation
for an expedition to the Ohio. He invited Colo-
nel Washington to join his army, as his volunteer
aid-de-camp. The opportunity of making a cam-
paign with a gentleman of his professional know-
ledge and experience was with pleasure embraced.
When the General, in April, left Alexandria,
Colonel Washington entered his family, and at->
tended him to Will's Creek, where fort Cumber-
land was now erected. Here the army remained
until the |2th day June, collecting horses, wag-
gons, and provisions. Colonel Washington ad-
vised the commander-in chief to use, as far as pos-
sible, pack horses instead of waggons, on account
of the roughness of the country. Little attention
was given to his opinion at the moment, but, after
the commencement of the march, the measure
from necessity was partially adopted.
Soon after the army left Cumberland, Colonel
Washington was attacked by a violent fever ; re-
fusing to be left behind, he was carried forward in
a covered waggon. All the difficulties arising
from the state of ttie roads, which had been fore-
1755-3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13
seen by Colonel Washington, were, on the march,
fully realised. General Braddock now advised
with him on the most eligible measures to be
adopted to secure the success of the expedition. He
earnestly recommended that the heavy artillery
and baggage should be left under the charge of a
subaltern officer ; and that the commander-m-
chief, with the flower of his army, should with
the utmost dispatch advance to the Ohio, in the
expectation of possessing themselves of Fort du
Qiiesne, before the French garrison could be re-
inforced by the troops that were known to be on
their way for that purpose. The general closed
with this advice. Twelve hundred men were se^
lected, a few waggons were attached to the light
artillery, and necessary provisions were placed on
pack horses. Of this body General Braddock
himself took the command, leaving Colonel Dun-
bar to bring up the other division by slow inarches.
Gen. Braddock with his disencumbered troops
did not move with the expedition that accorded
with the enterprising spirit of his American aid.
In a letter written at the moment, he says, ff L
found that instead of pushing on with vigor, with-
out regarding a little rough road, they were halt-
ing to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges
over every brook." In four days they advanced
only nineteen miles. The indisposition of Colo-
nel Washington now became so severe, that his
physicians declared that his life would be the sa-
crifice of the continued fatigues of the march.
The General, therefore, absolutely directed him
14 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1755.
to remain at Yohogany with a small guard, until
Colonel D unbar came up with him. Colonel
Washington at length consented, on the promise
that he should be brought up with the advanced
corps before its arrival at Fort du Quesne. The
day preceding the fatal action, he, in a covered
waggon, rejoined the troops, and, in his debili-
tated state, entered on his duty.
General Braddock was warned of the danger
to which the character of his enemy exposed him,
and advised to employ the ranging companies of
Virginia to scour the woods, and prevent ambus-
cades ; but not looking for an enemy capable of
serious opposition, he, without caution, moved his
army in small columns. [JULY 8, 1755.] With-
in seven miles of du Quesne, he was suddenly at-
tacked by an invisible foe ; the assaulting party
of French and Indians fighting under cover of
the thick wood and high grass, with which the
country abounded.
Early in the action, the aids- de-camp, except
Colonel Washington, were killed or disabled, and
he performed the whole of the dangerous service
of carrying the orders of the commander to his re-
spective officers. Of all those, who on this fatal
day did duty on horseback, he alone escaped
without a wound ; although he had two horses
shot under him, and four balls through his coat.
Dr. Craik, the physician who attended him in his
last sickness, was a witness of this scene ; ff I ex-
pected," sajshe, " every moment to see him fall.
His duty and situation exposed him to every
I
1755.3 UFE OF WASHINGTON. 15
danger. Nothing but the superintending care of
Providence could have saved him from the fate
of all around him."
After an action of three hours the troops broke,
and the efforts of their officers to rally them were
fruitless. Colonel Washington assisted to bring
General Braddock off the field, who was mortally
wounded. He reached fort Cumberland, and
there died, and was buried. During the arduous
and dangerous conflicts of this hour, Colonel
Washington exhibited that self-possession and
determined courage, which are essential to the
officer. To his quick discernment and sound
judgment the preservation of the defeated troops
was, in a great measure, attributed ; and had his
advice been previously adopted, probably the dis-
aster would not have happened. As soon as re-
lieved from his attention to his unfortunate Ge-
neral, he was dispatched to Cumberland to pro-
vide for the retreating army. [AUGUST, 1755.]
Colonel Dunbar being joined by them, destroyed
the stores he could not remove, and marched his
army to Philadelphia into winter quarters.
The British troops had not been accustomed
to Indian warfare; and, on this occasion, Colonel
Washington indignantly witnessed their pusilla-
nimity. In an official relation of the engage-
ment, to the Executive of Virginia, he observes,
" They were struck with such an inconceivable
panic, that nothing but confusion and disobedience
of orders prevailed among them. The officers,
in general, behaved with incomparable bravery,
16 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1T55
for which they greatly suffered; there being up-
wards of sixty killed and wounded ; a large pro-
portion of what we had.
fe The Virginia companies behaved like men,
and died like soldiers ; for I believe of three
companies on the ground that day., scarcely thir-
ty men were left alive. Captain Peronny and
all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed.
Captain Poulson had almost as hard a fate, for
only one of his escaped. In short, the dastardly
behaviour of the regular troops, so called, ex-
posed those who were inclined to do their duty to
almost certain death. And, at length, in spite of
every effort to the contrary, they broke and ran
as sheep before hounds ; leaving the artillery,
ammunition, provisions, baggage, in short every
thing, a prey to the enemy ; and when we endea
voured to rally them, in hopes of regaining the
ground, and what we had left upon it, it was
with as little success as if we had attempted to
stop the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivu-
lets with our feet; for they would break by in
spite of every effort to prevent it."
The assembly of Virginia was in session when
the gloomy intelligence was received, that Ge-
neral Braddock was defeated and slain, and that
Colonel Dunbar had left their frontiers open to
the invasion of the enemy. They immediately
voted to raise a regiment to consist of sixteen
companies.
The important transactions in which Colonel
Washington had been engaged, developed his
1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17
character and his reputation rose by every public
trust with which he was invested. He now re-
ceived a commission appointing him colonel of
this regiment, and commander-in-chief of all the
forces, raised and to be raised, in Virginia^ with
the privilege to name his field officers. He could,
in the existing state of the colony, engage in the
military service of his country without an im-
peachment of his honour, and with alacrity he
accepted the appointment.
1755. A scene now opened to Colonel Wash-
ington, trying, indeed, to a commander of his
youth and degree of experience, but proving an
excellent school in which to form the general of
the revolutionary war. With an incompetent
force he was to defend a frontier of three hundred
and sixty miles. The French on the Ohio, aided
by the numerous Indians attached to their inte-
rests, embraced every favourable opportunity to
invade the northern and western borders of Vir-
ginia, spreading terror and desolation in their
course ; and having completed their work of
slaughter and ruin, they retreated with their plun-
der over the Alleghany mountain, before a force
could be collected to attack them. Governor
Dinwiddie was not himself a soldier, nor did he
possess a mind to comprehend the nature of this
mode of war. Jealous of his prerogative, and ob-
stinate in his temper, his orders were often inade-
quate to their object, or impracticable in their na-
ture. The military code of the colony was insuf-
ficient, which rendered it impossible to bring the
militia into the field with the dispatch necessary
IS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1753.
to repel an Indian invasion; and her martial laws,
did not possess vigor to prevent insubordination
in officers, or secure discipline in the permanent
troops. The colony was at that time too poor or
too improvident seasonably to lay up magazines
for the use of her little army, or to keep money in
the military chest for its regular payment.
Under all these embarrassments, Colonel Wash-
ington entered on the duties of his commission.
Having put the recruiting service in operation, he
visited the line of posts on the frontiers, and esta-
blished the best regulations their state admitted,
to keep the petty garrisons vigilant and alert.
He had accomplished this necessary business,
and nearly completed a journey to Williamsburg,
to settle with the governor the plan of operations ;
and to press upon him and other influential cha-
racters in the government, the importance of le-
gislative interference to conciliate those Indians
who were not already attached to the French : and
to adopt effectual means and regulations to sup-
port and discipline the troops ; when information
reached him of an eruption of the French and In-
dians on the northern border. In haste he return-
ed to Winchester, and found the country in the
utmost alarm and confusion. The small garrisons
conceived themselves to be in danger in their for-
tresses, and were unable to protect the open coun-
try. The inhabitants on the extreme frontier, in-
stead of uniting their force for mutual safety, fell
back, and communicated their fears to more inte-
rior places. Orders to call the militia into the
field were unavailing ; the solicitude and exertion
1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19
of each individual were directed to the immediate
preservation of his family and property. The suf-
ferings of his countrymen deeply wounded the
heart of Colonel Washington. Every measure
was adopted, that an enterprising spirit could sug-
gest; and all the means he possessed were judi-
ciously and strenuously exerted for their protec-
tion ; hut all were ineffectual. He was compel-
led to be the witness of the calamity of friends,
whom he could not relieve ; and of the carnage
and ravages of a ferocious enemy,, whom he could
not chastise. Before a force from below could
be collected, the invading foe, having glutted their
appetite for blood and loaded themselves with
spoil, recrossed the mountain.
Three years service affords little else than a re-
petition of scenes of a similar nature ; scenes,
which occasioned to these settlements the utmost
horror and distress, and fully tested the fortitude
and military resources of the commander ; but
which, in recital, would swell this work beyond
the designed bounds. The regiment never con-
sisted of more than one thousand effective men.
Colonel Washington, in addition to the appro-
priate duty of his commission, was obliged to su-
perintend the operations of each subordinate de-
partment, and to attend to the wants of the im-
poverished inhabitants.
During this period, he unremittingly urged
upon the executive and legislature of his province,
the insufficiency of the mode adopted to prosecute
the war. He earnestly advised to offensive opera-
tions, as the only measure which would effectually
20 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1756.
relieve the colony from the heavy loss of inhabi-
tants, and from the expence of money yearly sus-
tained ; and prevent the total depopulation of the
fertile plains beyond th,e Blue Ridge. If the ne-
cessary co-operation of Great Britain to enable
the colony to drive the enemy from the Ohio were
unattainable, which would prove a radical cure
of the evil, he strongly recommended that a regu-
lar force of two thousand men should be raised.
By this measure he thought the militia, whose
services were attended with incalculable expense,
and were seldom productive of good, might be re-
lieved from temporary draughts. The feelings
and views of Colonel Washington on these sub-
jects will fully appear by the following extracts
from letters which he wrote at the time. In a dis-
patch to the lieutenant-governor, he thus paint*
the situation of the inhabitants and the troops
" I see their situation, I know their danger, and
participate their sufferings, without having it in
my power to give them further relief than uncer-
tain promises. In short, I see inevitable destruc-
tion in so clear a light, that, unless vigorous mea-
sures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assist-
ance sent from below, the poor inhabitants, now
in forts, must unavoidably fall, while the remain-
der are flying before the barbarous foe. In fine,
the melancholy situation of the people, the little
prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous
abuses cast upon the officers in general, which is
reflecting on me in particular, for suffering mis-
conduct of such extraordinary kind, and the dis-
tant prospect, if any, of gaining reputation in
1756.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 21
the service, cause me to lament the hour that gave
me a commission, and would induce me at any
other time than this of imminent danger, to re-
sign, without one hesitating moment, a command
from which I never expect to reap either honour
or benefit ; but, on the contrary, have almost an
absolute certainty of incurring displeasure below,
while the murder of helpless families may be laid
to my account here.
" The supplicating tears of the women, and
moving petitions of the men, nielt me with such
deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know
my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sa-
crifice to the butchering enemy, provided that
would conduce to the people's ease."
The inefficiency of the militia he thus pourtrays.
Cf The inhabitants are so sensible of their dan-
ger, if left to the protection of these people (mi-
litia), that not a man will stay at his place. This
I have from their own mouths, and the principal
inhabitants of Augusta county. The militia are
under such bad order and discipline, that they
will come and go when and where they please,
without regarding time, their officers, or the safe-
ty of the inhabitants. There should be, accord-
ing to your honour's orders, one third of the mi-
litia of these parts on duty at a time ; instead of
that, scarce one thirtieth is out. They are to be
relieved every month, and they are a great part
of that time marching to and from their stations;
and they will not wait one day longer than the
limited time, whether relieved or not, however ur-
gent the necessity for their continuance may be,"
22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l?56 r
" I met with Colonel Buchanan, with about
thirty men, chiefly officers, to conduct me up Jack-
son's river, along the range efforts. With this
small company of irregulars, with whom order,
regularity, circumspection, and vigilance, were
matters of derision and contempt, we set out, and
by the protection of providence, reached Augusta
court-house in seven days, without meeting the
enemy; otherwise we must have been sacrificed
by the indiscretion of these hooping, hallooing,
gentlemen soldiers. This jaunt afforded me great
opportunity of seeing the bad regulation of the
militia, the disorderly proceedings of the garri-
sons, and the unhappy circumstances of the in-
habitants.
" We are either insensible of danger until it
breaks upon our heads, or else through mistaken
notions of economy, evade the expence until the
blow is struck, and then run into an extreme of
raising the militia. These, after an age, as if
were, is spent in assembling them, come up, make
a noise for a time, oppress the inhabitants, and
then return, leaving the frontiers unguarded as
before. This is still our reliance, notwithstanding
former experience convinces us, if reason did not,
that the French and Indians are watching the op-
portunity when we shall be lulled into fatal secu-
rity, and unprepared to resist an attack, to invade
the country, and by ravaging one part, terrify an-
other ; that they retreat when our militia assemble,
and repeat the stroke as soon as they are dispersed ;
that they send dowu parties in the intermediate
time to discover our motions, procure intelligence,
and sometimes to divert the troops."
1756.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 23
The expediency of an offensive war, he sup-
ports by the following observations.
" The certainty of advantage by an offensive
scheme of action, renders it, beyond any doubt,
much preferable to our defensive measures. To
prove this to you, Sir, requires, I presume, no ar-
guments. Our scattered force, so separated and
dispersed in weak parties, avails little to stop the
secret incursions of the savages. We can only
put them to flight, or frighten them to some other
part of the country, which answers not the end
proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to
invade their lands, and assault their towns, we
should restrain them from coming abroad and
leaving their families exposed. We then should,
remove the principal cause, and have stronger
probability of success ; we should be free from
the many alarms, mischiefs, and murders that now
attend us ; we should inspirit the hearts of our
few Indian friends, and gain more esteem with
them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Mary-
land be induced to join us in an expedition of this
nature, and to petition his Excellency Lord Lou-
daun for a small train of artillery, with some en-
gineers, we should then be able, in all human pro-
bability, to subdue the terror of Fort du .Quesjie,
retrieve our character with the Indians, and re-
store peace to our unhappy frontiers/'
On condition that the assembly should persist
in the scheme of defensive warfare, he presented
to the Governor a plan for his opinion. . This was
to establish twenty-two forts, reaching from the
river Mayo to the Potomack, in a line of three
24 tIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1757.
hundred and sixty miles ; and which were to be
garrisoned by a regular force, consisting of two
thousand men.
The pride of Governor Dinwiddie was offended
by these frank communications of a gallant and
independent officer. In uncourtly language he
censured advice, which he could not compre-
hend, and reproached this officer with officious-
ness and neglect of duty. Colonel Washington
felt the reprimand as a patriot, the welfare of
whose country ever dwelt on his heart; and,
like a soldier, who had an invaluable prize in his
own reputation. In the consciousness of having
made the highest efforts faithfully to execute the
trust reposed in him, he thus spiritedly replied to
the charge, in a letter to an influential friend.
" Whence it arises, or why, I am ignorant ; but
my strongest representations of matters relative
to the peace of the frontiers are disregarded as
idle and frivolous; my propositions and mea-
sures, as partial and selfish ; and all my sincerest
endeavours for the fervice of my country, per-
verted to the worst purposes. My orders are
dark, doubtful and uncertain. To-day approved,
to-morrow condemned ; left to act and proceed at
hazard ; accountable for the consequences, and
blamed without the benefit of defence. If you
can think my situation capable of exciting the
smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least
satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from you, and
you entertain notions very different from the
reality of the case. However, I am determined
J757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83
o bear up under all these embarrassments, some
time longer, in the hope of better regulations un-
der Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future
fate of Virginia."
To the Governor himself, in answer to a com-r
munication from him, which conveyed a censure,
lie wrote, ' I must beg leave, before I conclude,
to observe, in justification of my own conduct,
that it is with pleasure I receive reproof when
reproof is due, because no person can be readier
to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an er-
ror when I have committed it ; nor more de-
sirous of atoning for a crime, when I am sen-
sible of being guilty of one. But, on the other
hand, it is with concern I remark, that my best
endeavours lose their reward, and that my con-
duct, although I have uniformly studied to make
it as unexceptionable as I could, docs not appear
to you in a favourable point of light. Other-
wise your Honour would not have accused me of
'pose behaviour and remiss-ness of duty, in mat-
ters, where I think I have rather exceeded than
fdlen short of it. This, I think, is evidently
thtcasein speaking of Indian affairs at all, after
behg instructed in very express terms, ' Not to
have any concern withj or management of, Indian
dffai'is.' This ha induced me to forbear men-
tioning the Indians in my letters to your Honour
pf late, and to leave the misunderstanding which
you sp>ak of, between Mr. Alkin and them, to
be related by him/'
He ha\ been informed by letter of a report com-
26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. [175,7.
municated to the Governor, impeaching his ve-
racity and honour. A copy of this letter he in-
closed to his Honour, earnestly requesting of him
the name of the author of this report. " I should
take it infinitely kind if yout Honour would
please to inform me, whether a report of this
nature was ever made to you, and in that case,
who was the author of it ?
" It is evident, from a variety of circumstances,
and especially from the change in your Honour's
conduct towards me, that some person as well
inclined to detract, but better skilled in the art
of detraction than the author of the above stupid
scandal, has made free with my character. For
I cannot suppose that malice so absurd, so bare-
faced, so diametrically opposite to truth, to com-
mon policy, and in short to every thing but vil-
lainy, as the above is, could impress you with so
ill an opinion of my honour and honesty.
" If it be possible that Colonel , "for my
belief is staggered, not being conscious of having
given the least cause to any one, much less to tint
gentleman, to reflect so grossly. I say, if it be
possible that could descend so low, as t< bo
the propagator of this story> he must either be
vastly ignorant of the state of affairs in this cunty
at that time, or else he must suppose tint the
whole body of inhabitants had combinci with
me in executing the deceitful fraud. Or, vhy did
they, almost to a man, forsake their dweling's in
the greatest terror and confusion ? aid while
one half of them sought shelter in palry forts.
5757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27
of their own building, the other should flee to the
adjacent counties for refuge; numbers of them
even to Carolina, from whence they have never
returned?
" These are facts well known; but not better
known, than that these wretched people, while
they lay pent up ia forts, destitute of the com-
mon supports of life, (having, in their precipitate
flights, forgotten, or were unable rather, to secure
any kind of necessaries) did dispatch messengers,
(thinking that I had not represented their mise-
ries in the piteous manner they deserved) with
addresses of their own to your Honour and the as-
sembly, praying relief. And did I ever send any
alarming account, without sending also the origi-
nal papers, or the copies, which gave rise to it?
fr That I have foibles, and perhaps many, I
shall not deny. I should esteem myself, as the
world also would, vain and empty, were I to ar-
rogate perfection.
" Knowledge in military matters is to be ac-
quired by practice and experience only, and if I
have erred, great allowance should be made for
my errors for want of them, unless those errors
should appear to be wilful; and then I conceive
it would be more generous to charge me with my
faults, and let me stand qr fall according to evi-
dence, than to stigmatize me behind my back.
ef It is uncertain in what light my services may
have appeared to your Honour ; but this I know,
and it is the highest consolation I am capable of
feeling, that no man that ever was employed in a
public capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the
28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757.
trnst reposed in him with greater honesty, and
more zeal for the country's interest, than I have
4one; hut if there is any person living, who can
say with justice, that lliave offered any intentional
wrong to the public, I will cheerfully submit to
the most ignominious punishment that an injured
people ought to inflict. On the other hand, it is
hard to have my character arraigned, and my ac--
tions condemned, without a hearing.
" I must therefore again beg in more plain, and
in very earnest terms to know if has taken the
liberty of representing my conduct to your Ho-?
nour, with such ungentlemanly freedom as the let-
ter implies ? Your condescension herein will be ac^
knowledged a singular favour."
Soon after this transaction, Mr. Dinwiddie left
the government, and Mr. Blair, the president of
the Council, became, for a shert. time, the Exccu^
tive, between whom and Colonel Washington per-
fect confidence and free communication existed.
1757.3 This year Lord Loudoun succeeded to
the civil government of Virginia, and to the chief
command of the British troops in iVorth America.
Colonel Washington obtained permission to wait
upon him the succeeding winter ; to whom he pre-
sented an address from his regiment, and commn-
uicated from himself a statement of the military
situation of the colony. In this he pointed out the
error of the government in the management of
the war, and particularly in their depending on the
aid of the militia; and demonstrated the superio^
advantages of offensive operations.
Colonel Washington was sanguine in the
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29
pectation, that Lord Loudoun would adopt his
darling scheme of an expedition to dispossess the
French of Fort du Quesne ; but his Lordship
having determined to direct his force against Ti-
conderoga, he was again mortified by a disap-
pointment.
At the close of the year 1757., General Aber-
crombiewas appointed to the supreme command
in America, and General Forbes commissioned as
the commander of the middle district. To the high
gratification of Colonel Washington, the conquest
of du Quesne became a principal object.
1758.] Colonel Washington, not expecting
to be placed on the establishment, had determined
to resign his commission; but he thought the ex-
pedition for this purpose presented a fair prospect
of distinguished service, and he resolved to engage
in it.
He warmly recommended an early campaign ;
for this, among other reasons, seven hundred In-
dians had, in April, assembled at Winchester,
whose patience would be exhausted, unless early
employed; and in that event, he observes, ** No
words can tell how much they will be missed."
He was at length ordered to collect the Virginia
troops at Winchester, and to hold them in readi-
ness for active service. At this late moment, when
the duties of the field demanded his attention, he
was necessitated to make a journey to Williams-
burg, to provide arms, clothing, and money, for
his regiment; and to obtain for his soldiers,
the same pay which the assembly, in their session,
had voted to a regiment raised for the present cam-;
paign.
30 tlFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758.
Early in July the Virginia forces were moved
to Cumberland, and through the month employed
in opening a road from that place to Raystown.
Flying parties of the enemy greatly annoying them
in their business, it was contemplated to send a de-
tachment over the mountain to restrain the French
and Indians from this annoyance; but Col.. Wash-
ington objected to the measure, because the de-
tachment would be exposed to the whole force of
the enemy on the Ohio, and must be defeated.
The plan was in consequence given up ; and by his
advice frequent scouts, consisting principally of
Indians, were substituted. The prediction of Co-
lonel Washington, respecting the body of Indian,*
at Winchester, was verified ; before the campaign
opened, their patience was exhausted, and they re-
tired to their homes.
It was confidently expected that the army would
inarch by Brad dock's road, which needed only
slight repairs ; but on the last of this month, Col.
Bouquet, by letter, requested an interview with
Colonel Washington, to consult with him on open-
ing a new route. In reply he wrote, " I shall
most cheerfully work on any road, pursue any
route, or enter on any service that the General
or yourself may think me usefully employed in, or
qualified for ; and shall ne\er have a will of my
own, when a duty is required of me. But since
you desire me to speak my sentiments freely, per-
mit me to observe, that after having conversed
with all the guides, and having been informed by
others acquainted with the country, I am con-
vinced that a road to be compared with General
Braddock's, or, indeed, that will be fit for trans-
1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 31
portation, even by pack horses, cannot be made. I
own I have no predilection for the route you have
in contemplation for me."
Notwithstanding every remonstrance, he found
Colonel Bouquet determined to open the new
road. That nothing in his power might be omit-
ted to prevent the adoption of a scheme, which he
thought would probably defeat the expedition, he
addressed a letter to this officer, with the express
design that it should be laid before General
Forbes, then indisposed ; in which he gave the fol-
lowing reasons for the preference of Braddock'$
road.
When individuals of Pennsylvania and Vir-
ginia, he said, were about to establish a trade with
the natives on the Ohio, they, under Indian guides,
explored the country, and adopted the road by
Will's Creek as the best route. This road bad been
opened by the Ohio company in 1753, and had
been. repaired in 1754 by the troops under his
command, as far as Gist's plantation, beyond the
Great Meadows. In 1755 it had been put in good
order by General Braddock, and could with little
labour be fitted for use. This road, therefore,
must be preferable to a new route over ground not
more favourable. In respect to forage there could
be no material difference. The hills on both routes
were barren, and the vallies between abounded
with grass. The objection to Braddock's road, he
observed, on account of high waters, was not
founded; he had himself passed with a body of
men, the Yohogany, the most rapid stream and the
soonest filled of any on the road,, after thirty days
32 LIFE OF WASrilNGfdN'. [175$.
of almost incessant rain. The Monongahela might
be avoided. The defiles on Raystown road were
as numerous as on Braddock's, and Ihe saving in
distance was inconsiderable. But the insuperable
objection to the new route., he observed, was the
time that must be expended in opening it. The
distance was little short of an hundred miles, over
mountains, almost impassable, and covered with
woods and rocks. The most that could be expect-
ed^ he said, on this route the present season,
would be to gain the height of land, there erect
fortifications, and wait the return of spring. This
delay must be attended with ruinous consequences
to the colonies, which had exerted themselves be-
yond their strength to drive the French from the
Ohio the present campaign.
In the same letter, he communicated an order
of march on Braddock's road, which would bring
the army in sixty-four days before Fortdu Quesne,
with provisions for eighty-six days. He also wrote
to Major Halket, Aid of General Forbes, to en-
gage his good offices to prevent the fatal plan. " I
am just returned from a conference held with Co-
lonel Bouquet. I find him fixed I think I may
say, unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to
the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which is
to be cut at this advanced season, when we have
scarcely time left to tread the beaten track, uni-
versally confessed to be the best passage through
the mountain.
" If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with
the general, all is lost ! All is lost indeed ! Our
enterprise is ruined, and we shall be stopped at
lt5S.] LlFE OF WASHINGTON. 33
the Laurel Hill this winterbut not to gather
laurels, except of the kind which cover the moun-
tains. The southern Indians will turn against u?,
and these colonies will be desolated by such an ac-
cession to the enemy's strength. These must be the
consequences of a miscarriage, and a miscarriage
the almost necessary consequence of an attempt to
inarch the army by this route."
The judgment and advice of* Colonel Washing-
ton in this important measure were overruled, and
to his extreme mortification, the new route of
the army was adopted. The disappointment and
gloomy prospect which he entertained, are strong"-
ly expressed in the "following letter, written from
Cumberland, to the Speaker of the House of Bur-
gesses.
SEPT. %, 1758.] " We are still encamped here,
very sickly and dispirited at the prospect before
us. That appearance of glory which we once had
in view, even that hope, that laudable ambition of
serving our country and meriting its applause, are
now no more ; all is dwindled into ease, sloth and
fatal inactivity. In a word, all is lost, if the ways
of men in power, like certain ways of Providence,
are not inscrutable. But we, who view the actions
of great men at a distance, can only form cpnjec-
tures agreeably to a limited perception ; and,
being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes
which may be in contemplation, mij^ht mistake
egregiously in judging of things from appear-
ances, or by the lump. Yet every fool will have his
notions, will prattle and talk away ; and why may
not I? We seem then, in my opinion, to act un-
D
3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758.
der the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct
of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders,
is tempered with something I do not care to
give a name to. Nothing now but a miracle can
bring this campaign to a happy issue."
Mentioning the arguments he had brought
against the new road, be proceeds : f ' But I spoke
all unavailingly. The road was immediately be-
gun, and since then, from one to two thousand men
have constantly wrought on it. By the last ac-
counts I have received, they had cut to the foot of
Laurel Hill, about thirty five miles, and I suppose
by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken post
about ten miles further, at a place called Loyal
Hanna, where our next fort is to be constructed.
" We have certain intelligence, that the French
strength at Fort du Quesne did not exceed eight
hundred men, the 13th ultimo, including about
three or four hundred Indians. See how our time
has been mispent Behold how the golden op-
portunity is lostj perhaps never more to be regain-
ed ! How is it to be accounted for ? Can General
Forbes have orders for this ? Impossible Will
then our injured country pass by such abuses ? I
hope not ; rather let a full representation of the
matter go to his Majesty ; let him know how
grossly his glory and interests, and the public
money have been prostituted." ,,
Colonel Grant, with a force of eight hundred
men, having been detached to reconnoitre the
country, in the neighbourhood of the Ohio, was
about this time defeated with loss ; and himself, and
Major Lewis of Colonel Washington's regiment,
1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35
were taken prisoners. Three companies of this regi-
ment were on the expedition, and behaved with great
bravery. Of eight officers belonging to these com-
panies on this service, five were killed, one wound-
ed, and one taken prisoner. Captain Bullet, who
had charge of the baggage, defended it with great
resolution, and did much to protect the defeated
troops ; he fortunately came off the field without
a wound. This spirited and soldierly conduct the
Britons acknowledge to be highly honourable to
the troops themselves, and to the Commander, who
trained them to the service. General Forbes com-
plimented Colonel Washington on the occasion.
Colonel Washington was at this time employed
on the new road, in the neighbourhood of Rays-
town.
OCT. 8, 1758.] General Forbes resolved that
the main army should move from this place ; and
he called upon the commanding officers of regi-
ments to lay before him a plan for its march. Co-
lonel Washington presented his ; it has been pre-
served, and is said to display the soundness of his
judgment.
Through a road almost impassable, the army at
length reached Loyal Hanna, about ten miles from
the foot of Laurel Hill, and forty five from Fort
Cumberland. At this place Colonel Washington
had predicted the expedition would terminate. In
a council of war it was actually resolved to be un->
adviseable to proceed further this autumn. To
have wintered in this inhospitable wilderness would,
perhaps, have been impossible; but before any
disposition of the army was made^ intelligence was
Sti LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1758,
brought by some prisoners, that the garrison of
Fort du Quesne had not been supported from Ca-
nada ; that the Indians had deserted it ; and that
it was not in a situation to make resistance. This
intelligence induced General Forbes to change
his resolution, and to push on to the Ohio. Colo-
nel Washington was ordered to the front to su-
perintend opening the road for the army; which
duty he, with extreme fatigue, executed. [Nov.
25, 1758.] In slow and laborious marches. Ge-
neral Forbes reached du Quesne, and found that
the French, on the evening preceding his arrival,
hafl set fire to this fort, and had passed in their
boats down the river.
The success of the campaign was wholly to be
attributed to the pressure of the English on Canada,
which constrained the French commander in chief
to call in, or weaken his out posts; but for this
circumstance, the gloomy predictions of Colonel
"Washington would have been verified, in the fai-
lure of the expedition.
The fort being repaired, was called Fort Pitt,
in compliment to thcpre-eminent British minister,
under whose auspices the war\vas now conducted.
Colonel Washington furnished two hundred
men of his regiment to the garrison, and soon alter
returned to Williamsburg to take his seat in the
House of Burgesses, of which, in his absence, he
bad been chosen a member.
His services, while commander of the Virginia
forces, were appreciated by his countrymen; and
the British officers with whom he served, bore
honourable testimony to his military talents. The
1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 37
soldierly and gallant behaviour of his regiment in
the field, exhibited the best evidence of the ad-
dress of their commander., in training them to ex-
act discipline, and exciting in them a martial spi-
rit. His officers expressed the great affection and
respect which they entertained for his character,
by an unanimous address, presented to him at the
close of this campaign ; and the inhabitants of the
frontiers placed full confidence in hinT, even at a
time when he was unable to defend them from the
slaughter and devastation of the enemy.
Colonel Washington now saw the great ob-
ject attained, to which for years he had directed
his whole mind. The enemy was driven from
the Ohio, and his country, in a great measure, re-
lieved from the carnage and distress of an Indian
war. His health was impaired by the arduous
services of the campaign ; and his private concerns
demanded his attention. He therefore resigned his
military commission, and retired to the tranquil
scenes of domestic life.
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759.
CHAPTER II.
Colonel Washington's Marriage. His Management of the Rstate
of Mount Vtrnon Appointed a Judge of the County Court,
and a Member of the Virginia Legislature Chosen a Member
of the first Congress Appointed Commander in Chief of the
American Forces Arrives at Camp Arranges the Army
Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition Colonel Arnold de-
tached to Quebec Success of American Cruizers Evils of
temporary enlistments An attack on the Enemy's Posts me-
ditated- Possession taken 'of the Heights of Dorchester
Boston evacuated.
1759 J SOON after the resignation of his mili-
tary commission, Colonel Washington married
Mrs. Martha Custis, a young and beautiful
widow, who possessed an ample fortune, and who
was endowed with those amiable and pleasing ac-
complishmens of mind and manners, which give
the best security for happiness in the married
state. With her, he lived in all the confidence,
endearment and felicity which this relation can
produce.
On his estate of Mount Yemen, he extensively
engaged in the business of agriculture, and was
greatly distinguished for the judgment he display-
ed in the improvement of his lands. Every branch
of business was conducted upon system, exact
method and economy were observed throughout
.every department of his household, the accounts
of his overseers he weekly inspected, the divi-
1759 74.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39
sions of his farm were numbered, the expense of
cultivation, and the produce of each lot were re-
gularly registered ; and, at one view, he could
determine the profit or loss of any crop, and as-
certain the respective advantages of particular
modes of husbandry. He became one of the
greatest landholders in North America. Besides
other great and valuable tracts, his Mount Ver-
non estate consisted of nine thousand acres, all
under his own management. On which, in one
year, he raised seven thousand bushels of wheat,
and ten thousand of Indian corn. His domestic
and farming establishments were composed of
nearly a thousand persons ; and the woollen and
linen cloth necessary for their use, was chiefly
manufactured on the estate *,
Order and industry were carried into all his
concerns. The authority he exercised over his
slaves was blended with great tenderness and
humanity, and their affection and gratitude in-
sured a prompt and cheerful obedience to his
commands. Mount Vernon was ever the seat of
hospitality, and here its rights were liberally ex-
ercised. Colonel Washington, although exact
in requiring the punctual fulfilment of contracts
and engagements, yet was diffusive in offices of
humanity and deeds of charity, to those of his
vicinity who needed his assistance.
From the close of the war on the frontiers of
Virginia., to the commencement of the revolu*
* See " Legacies <?f Washington," printed at Treuton > ia
18.00.
40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. \
tionary contest, Colonel Washington acted a,s a
Judge of a County Court, and represented his
district in the House of Burgesses of his pro-
vince. Although never distinguished as a popular
speaker, yet the soundness of his judgment, the
wisdom of his counsels, and the uniform pro-
priety of his behaviour, secured him the confi-
dence and esteem of a,H who were acquainted with
his character.
\V hile a legislator of Virginia, he took an ac-
tive and influential part in opposition to the prin-
ciple assumed by the British Parliament, to tax
the American Colonies. When it became expe-
dient to train the militia for the defence of those
rights, which the country determined never to sa-
crifice, the independent companies, in the northern
part of Virginia, chose him their commander.
He was elected a member of the first Congress,
which met in Philadelphia in 1774; in which,
body he had a distinguished agency in the ar-
rangement of the military resources of the United
Provinces. He was the active member of the
committees, to which business of this nature was
entrusted.
JUNB 15, 1775.] At the commencement of hos-
tilities, Congress deemed it necessary to appoint
a commander in chief of the American forces.
The eminent character of Colonel Washington
pointed him out as the best qualified to unite the
confidence of the public, and successfully to con-
duct the arduous conflicts of the war. Congress
unanimously elected him " general and comman-
der in chief of the United Colonies, and of all the
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41
forces now raised, and to be raised by them."
\Vhen the President of Congress communicated
his election, he thus addressed him.
" Mr. President., although 1 am truly sensible of
the high honour done me in this appointment, yet
I feel great distress from a consciousness that my
abilities and military experience may not be equal
to the extensive trust. However, as the Congress
desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty,
and exert every power I possess v ia their service,
and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg
they will accept my -most cordial thanks for this
distinguished testimony of their approbation.
" But lest some unlucky event should happen,
unfavourable to my reputation, I beg it may be
remembered by every gentleman in the room, tbat
I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I
do not think myself equal to the command I am
honoured with. I beg leave, Sir, to assure the
Congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration
could have tempted me to accept this arduous
employment, at the expense of my domestic ease
and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit
from it. I will keep an exact account of my
expenses. These, I doubt not, thej will dis-
charge, and that is all I desire/'
Congress, when his commission was executed,
unanimously and solemnly resolved, to support
him with their lives and fortunes, as the general
of their army, in the defence of their country.
General Washington instantly prepared to enter
upon the eventful duties of his command. The
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177.7-
difficulties which he was to encounter, will clearly
appear from a slight view of the state of the
country., and of the condition of the army.
As a means to repel the encroachments of tho
British- Parliament, the American merchants had
generally entered into resolutions, not to import
articles of merchandise from Great Britain ; and
at the commencement of the war, the country was,
in a great degree, destitute of ammunition, and of
every material necessary to clothe an army,and fur-
nish the men with tents. There were no considerable
magazines of provisions, and few tools suitable
for the work of fortification. The men who com-
posed the army were raised by different states, on
short inlistments, and on different establishments;
and they carried into the camp, the feelings and
habits formed by their respective pursuits in pri-
vate life. They were animated by the love of
liberty, and possessed the resolution and bravery
of hardy jeomanry ; but they could not easily bo
brought to submit to the rigid rules of military
subordination and discipline. The authority of
Congress and of different colonies, was blended in
all the arrangements of the army. These causes
occasioned numerous and complicated embarrass-
incuts to th(3 commander in chief.
. The appointment, of General Washington was
universally approved. On his journey to head
quarters, lie met with most affectionate attention,
and received the fullest assurances of assistance
und support. He was escorted by companies of
respectable volunteers ; and, at Springfield, au
hundred miles from Boston, a committee of iht
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43
Congress of Massachusetts met, and attended him
to Cambridge.
JULY 2, 1775.] On his arrival, that body pre-
sented him a respectful address, in which they
expressed their entire satisfaction with his appoint-
ment, and pledged the most effectual co-operation
with his measures, in their power. His answer
\vas well calculated to increase the attachments
to his person, and the confidence in his talents,
which the public already entertained.
fc Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on my
appointment and arrival, demand my warmest
acknowledgments, and will ever be retained in
grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoy-
ment of domestic life, for the duties of my pre-
sent honourable, but arduous situation, I only
emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole
province of Massachusetts, which, with a firmness
and patriotism without an example, has sacrificed
all the comforts of social and political life, in sup-
port of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of
our common country. My highest ambition is to
be the happy instrument of vindicating these
rights, and to see this devoted province again
restore^! to peace, liberty and safety."
The British army, at this time, commanded by
General Gage, was strongly posted in three divi-
sions ; on Bunker's Hill, a mile from the ferry of
Charles's River, on Cop's Hill, in Boston, and on
Roxburyneck. These fortified posts secured the
isthmus of Boston, and that of Charlestown, the
only avenues by land into those towns. ' Floating
batteries and armed ships, stationed in the waters
44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775.
which surround Boston, supported the positions
of the British, and kept open the communication
between them.
The American army was posted at Roxbury,
Cambridge, and on Winter and Prospect Hills, in
front of Bunker's Hill. These positions formed a
crescent of twelve miles in extent. After recon-
noitring the situation of the enemy, and examin-
ing the state of his own army, the General at-
tempted a better organization of the troops. He
formed them into three divisions ; the division at
Roxbury formed the right wing of the army, and
was commanded by General Ward ; the division
on Prospect and Winter Hills, composed the left
wing, and was commanded by General Lee ; and
the troops at Cambridge formed the centre, and
were commanded by General Washington in per-
son. The forces were deemed incompetent to de-
fend this extended camp, but the situation of the
country did not favour a more compact arrange-
ment ; nor could the neighbouring country be
otherwise defended from the depredations of the
enemy.
These positions were secured by lines and forts ;
and a few companies of men were posted in the
towns, around Boston Bay, most exposed to an-
noyance by British armed vessels.
General Washington found himself embarrass-
ed by the total want of system in every depart-
ment of the army. In the execution of the duties
of his commission, it became necessary to open a
correspondence, not only with the Continental
Congress, and with most of the governments of
1773.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 45
the colonies, but also with the committees of all
those towns which furnished supplies for the army,
In a letter to Congress on this subject he ob-
serves,
" I should be extremely deficient of gratitude,
as well as justice, if I did not take the first op-
portunity to acknowledge the readiness and atten-
tion which the Congress, and the different com-
mittees have shewn> to make every thing as con-
venient and agreeable as possible ; but there is a
vital and inherent principle of delay, incompa-
tible with military service, in transacting business
through such various and different channels. I
esteem it my duty, therefore, to represent the
inconvenience that must unavoidably ensue from
a dependence on a number of persons for supplies,
and submit it to the consideration of Congress;
O y
whether the public service will not be the best
promoted by appointing * a commissary general
for the purpose."
An inquiry into the state of the magazine of
powder, was among the first cares of General
Washington, and three hundred and three barrels
in store was the return made to him. Soon after
he discovered that this return embraced the whole
quantity brought into camp, without deducting
what had been expended : and that there remain-
ed on hand only sufficient to furnish the army with
nine cartridges a man. While the greatest caution
was used to keep this alarming fact a secret, th
utmost exertions were employed to obtain a sup-
ply of this article of absolute necessity in war,
Application was made to all the Colonies, and
46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775.
measures were adopted to import powder into
the country. The immediate danger was soon re-
moved by an arrival of a small quantity, sent from
Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. Under the per-
plexities which arose from the defect of arms, the
want of clothing and magazines, from the want
of engineers, and from the confused state of the
staff department, the mind of General Washing-
ton was, in some measure, cheered by a view of
the men who composed his troops. fe It requires,"
says lie, in a letter to the President of Congress,
<( no military skill to judge of the difficulty of
introducing proper discipline and subordination
into an army, while we have the enemy in view,
and are daily in expectation of an attack ; but it
is of so much importance, that every effort will be
made that time and circumstances will admit. In
the mean time, I have a sincere pleasure in observ-
ing that there are materials for a good army; a
great number of able bodied men, active, zealous
in the cause, and of unquestionable courage."
The details of the departments of the paymaster,
quartermaster and commissary, fell upon General
Washington, and he urged Congress to fill them.
Being himself authorised to make the appoint-
ments, he called to his assistance the general staff,
which is necessary for the regular support and ex-
peditious movements of an army; and assiduously
prosecuted plans to organize and discipline his
troops.
General Gage had, at his disposal, a force con-
sisting of eight thousand men, and, by the aid of
his shipping, he was enabled to direct it to any
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47
point of the extended lines of the Americans, whose
urmy did not amount to more than fourteen thou-
sand and five hundred men. General Washington
was fully apprized of his danger, and early sum-
moned the general officers to deliberate upon the
expediency of attempting to support their present
position, or of taking one in their rear more com-
pact. The council \vith unanimity advised to re-
main in their present lines. The reasons in sup-
port of this opinion were, the immediate effect
which a retrograde movement would have to ani-
mate the British, and to depress the American,
troops; the unfavourable impression that would
be made upon the public mind ; the devastation of
the fertile country that must be opered to th
enemy, and the difficulty of finding a strong posi-
tion in the rear. As a precautionary measure, it
was determined that they would not take possession
of the heights of Dorchester, nor oppose the at-
tempt of General Gage to gain them. In case of
an attack and defeat, the Welsh mountains in
Cambridge, and the rear of the lines in Roxbury,
were appointed as places of rendezvous. The
enemy was watched with vigilant attention ; and
any movements which threatened a distant inva-
sion, were communicated to Congress, and to the
executives of the provinces particularly exposed.
The enemy had been taught respect for tfcje Ame-
rican army by the battle of Breed's Hill, and their
plans, from that period through the year, were
directed to self defence. With little interruption,
both armies were employed in strengthening their
respective lines and posts. The few skirmisher
48 tlFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775.
^which took place between small parties, neither
iii their nature or consequences merit notice.
The mere defence of lines, did not satisfy the
nterprizing and patriotic mind of General Wash-
ington. With extreme anxiety he noticed the ex-
pense of the campaign, without possessing the
means of diminishing it.
He knew that his country was destitute of re-
Venue, and apprehended that her resources must
soon be exhausted. In a few months the army of
course would be disbanded, and the inlistment of
another, he conceived to be extremely difficult,
if practicable ; powerful reinforcements to the
enemy were, in the spring, to be expected from
England : and he thought it doubtful, whether
proportionate strength could be collected in the
colonies to meet them in the field. He conceived
it, therefore, of vast importance to the American
cause to subdue the army in Boston, before it could
be reinforced. An event of this magnitude would
unite and animate the colonies, and convince
Great Britain, that America was determined in
her opposition to the measures of parliament. Un-
der these impressions he often reconnoitred the
enemy, and collected in formation of their numbers
and strength, from every possible source. The at-
tempt to dislodge the British, he well knew would
be attended with extreme hazard ; but, it was his
opinion, that the probability of ultimate success,
and the great advantages accruing from it, war-
ranted the effort. In a letter to the general offi-
cers, he stated the questions, to which he desired
them to direct their close attention ; and after suffi-
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49
cient time had been given for deliberation, he call-
ed them into council to determine, whether an at-
tack on Boston should be made ? The result was
an unanimous opinion, cc that for the present, at
least, the attempt ought not to be made/' To
continue the blockade, and to strengthen their
lines, was all that remained in their power.
Although the Commander in Chief acquiesced
in the decision of the council, yet it was evident,
from his letter to Congress, that he himself felt
inclined to risk the attack. Probably this incli-
nation was increased by the wishes of Congress,
previously communicated to him.
The scarcity of fresh provisions in Boston, in-
duced the enemy to send small parties to collect
the stock along the shores of the continent, within
protecting distance of their armed vessels. This
imposed a heavy burden upon the towns on the
sea board, in the defence of their property; and
the governors of several 'of the colonies were
frequent and importunate in their request to Ge-
neral Washington, to detach forces from his
army for their protection. He was embarrassed
by repeated requisitions of this nature. To make
the required detachments, would expose the main
army to inevitable destruction ; and to deny the
requests, would occasion dissatisfactions, which
endangered a cause that could be supported by
public opinion only. To relieve him from this
embarrassment, Congress passed a resolution,
{( That the army before Boston was designed
only to oppose the e.iemy in that place, and
ought not to be weakened by detachments for the
security of other parts of the country."
E
50 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775.
General Washington early gave an example of
the humane manner in which he determined to
conduct the war. By the representations of indi-
viduals from Nova Scotia, Congress was led to
suppose that a small force from the American
army, aided by those inhabitants of that province,
who were in the American interest, might sur-
prise a British garrison at Fort Cumberland, at
the head of the Bay of Fundy, and possess them-
selves of valuable military stores, if not retain
the country ; the measure was, therefore, recom-
mended by that body to their General. On exa-
mination, he found that the stores were of no
magnitude, and that the expedition would ex-
pose the friends of America in that province to
inevitable ruin, from the prosecutions of their own
government, and he discountenanced the scheme.
The attempt was, however, eventually made by
a few indiscreet individuals, but it failed, and in-
volved the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, who en-
gaged in it, in the predicted ruin.
Some of the American cruisers, acting with-
out public orders, brought three of the princi-
pal inhabitants of the Island of St. John into
General Washington's camp ; he treated them
with the greatest tenderness, and permitted them
immediately to return to their distressed fa-
milies.
In the course of the autumn, gradual ap-
proaches were made towards the British posts.
The army being strengthened by the arrival of
Morgan's riflemen, from Virginia, and of a
uumber of regiments from Connecticut and .
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 51
Rhode-island, General Washington detached Colo-
nel Arnold [SEPT. 17753 with a thousand men, by
the rivers Kennebeck and St Francis, to co-ope-
rate with General Montgomery in Canada ; and,
if possible, to surprise Quebec, the capital of that
province. Arnold, and about six hundred of his
men, actuated by unconquerable resolution with
inconceivable fatigue reached Quebec^ The si-
tuation of the garrison corresponded with the pre j
sumptions, on which the expedition Was founded;
but a number of circumstances, not open to Tiu-
man foresight, nor controulable by human pru-
dence, rendered it unsuccessful.
Through the season, the highest endeavours of
the Commander in Chief were exerted to procure
arms and ammunition for his troops, and partial
success attended the measures adopted in every
part of the union, to accomplish this important
purpose. A successful voyage was also made to
Africa, and every pound of gun-^powder for sale
in the British factories on that coast, was ob-
tained., in exchange for New England rum.
Captain Manly, in the privateer Lee, captured a
British ordnance ship, laden with military stores,
so completely adapted to the wants of the Ame-
rican army, that had Congress made out an in-
voice, a better assortment could not have been
procured. Considerations respecting the rein-
listment of the army, lay with immense weight
on the mind of General Washington, and he re-
peatedly invited the attention of Congress to this
ubject. In September, Congress appointed a
committee of their pwn body to repair to head
82 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1775.
quarters, to consult with the Commander in
Chief, and the executives of the New England
provinces, " on the most effectual method of con-
tinuing, supporting, and regulating a conti-
nental army. 1 ' The result of their deliberation
was, that the new army should consist of twenty
thousand three hundred and seventy-two men ;
but unhappily, the men were to be inlisted only
for one year. The evils resulting from short in-
listments were severely felt at the close of the
next campaign, even to the utmost hazard of the
independence of the country.
Various causes operated to lead Congress to
the almost fatal plan of temporary military es-
tablishments. Among the most influential of
these, was a prospect of accommodation with the
parent state. Want of experience in the manage-
ment of war upon an extensive scale was another.
The revolutionary conflict placed the people of
America in a situation, in which all the energies
f the human mind are brought into action, and
man makes his noblest efforts ; the occasion called
upon the public theatre, statesmen and warriors,
who, by the wise and honourable execution of
the complicated duties of their new characters,
surprised the world ; still from them, errors of
inexperience were to be expected. The fear of
accumulating expense, which the resources of the
country could not discharge, had a leading in-
fluence to deter the American government from
the adoption of permanent military establish-
ments ; although the recommendations of Con-
gress, and the regulations of state convention^
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53
had, in the day of enthusiasm, the force of law,
yet the ruling power thought it inexpedient to at-
tempt to raise large sums by direct taxes, at a
time when the commerce of the country was an-
nihilated, and the cultivators of the ground were
subjected to heavy services in the field of war.
The only recourse was to a paper medium, with-
out funds for its redemption, or for the support
of its credit, and therefore of necessity subject to
depreciation, and, in its nature, capable of only
a temporary currency ; Congress, therefore, wa
justly afraid of the expense of a permanent army.
Jealousy toward a standing army, had a powerful
influence upon the military arrangements of Ame-
rica ; this jealous spirit early insinuated itself into
the legislative bodies of the colonies, and was
displayed in many of their measures. It appears
in the address presented by the provincial as-
sembly of New York toGeneral Washington, while
on his journey to the American camp. " We
have the fullest assurance/' say they, <c that when-
ever this important contest shall be decided, by
that fondest wish of each American soul, an ac-
commodation with our mother country, you will
cheerfully resign the important deposit commit-,
ted into your hands, and reassume the character
of our worthiest citizen." Congress, as a body,
unquestionably felt this jealousy, and was afraid
to trust a standing army with the power neces-
sary to conduct the war, lest at its' successful ter-
mination, this army should become the master of
the country for whose liberties it had fought.
The plan of temporary inlistments was adopted
54 LIFE Of WASHINGTON. [1775.
by Congress, in the confident persuasion, that
draughts on every occasion might be made from
the militia, to oppose any force Britain could
bring into the field ; and that the native patri-
otism and bravery of the Americans would prove
superior to the mechanical movements of disci-
plined troops.
There being no magazines of arms in the coun-
try, the soldiers of the first campaign were of
necessity permitted to bring their, own muskets
into service, although their different length and
size occasioned much inconvenience. By the re-
gulation of. Congress for the new inlistment, the
soldiers, who chose not to serve another cam-
paign, were not permitted to carry home their
arms ; but they were to receive payment for them
by appraisement. Every soldier who inlisted was
to find a gun, or pay a dollar to the government
for the use of one during the campaign. Every
soldier, who found himself a blanket was to re-
ceive two dollars. As it was impracticable to
clothe the array in uniforms, clothes of different
colours were provided, the price of which was to
be deducted from the wages of the men.
As soon as the plan of the new army was set-
tled, General Washington adopted measures to
carry it into execution. In general orders he di-
rected, that all officers, who intended to decline
the service of their country at the expiration of
their present engagements, should in writing
make known their intention to their respective
colonels ; which was to be communicated to the
general officers commanding brigades. " Those
1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 55
brave men, and true patriots, who resolved to
continue, to serve and defend their brethren, pri-
vileges and property/' were called upon in the
same manner to make known their intentions, and
to consider themselves as engaged to the last of
December, 1776, 'unless sooner discharged by
Congress.
The period of patriotic enthusiasm had, in
some measure, passed away ; numbers of officers
consented conditionally to remain in the army,
and many made no communication on the subject.
Immediate decision was necessary ; and, in new
orders, [OCT. 30.] the Commander in Chief
solemnly called upon them for a direct and un-
conditional answer to his inquiry. " The times,"
he observed, " and the importance of the great
cause we are engaged in, allow no room for hesi-
tation and delay. When life, liberty and pro-
perty are at stake ; when our country is in dan-
ger of being a melancholy scene of bloodshed
and desolation ; when our towns are laid in
ashes ; innocent women and children driven from
their peaceful habitations, exposed to the rigours
of an inclement season, to depend, perhaps, on
the hand of charity for support ; when calamities
like these are staring us in the face, and a brutal
enemy are threatening us, and every thing we
hold dear, with destruction from foreign troops ;
it little becomes the character of a. soldier to
shrink from danger, and condition for new terms.
It is the General's intention to indulge both offi-
cers and soldiers, who compose the new army,
with furloughs for a reasonable time; but this must
56 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775.
be done in such a manner as not to injure the ser-
vice or weaken the army too much at once."
The troops were assured that clothes, on rea-
sonable terms, were provided " for those brave
solJiers, who intended to continue in the army
another jear." With great difficulty the arrange-
ment of officers was completed, and recruiting
orders v* ere immediately issued. [Nov. 12.] Re-
cruiting officers were directed to " be careful not
to inlist any person suspected of being unfriendly
to the liberties of America, or any abandoned
vagabond, to \\hom all causes and countries are
equal, and alike indifferent. The rights of man-
kind, and the freedom of America would have
numbers sufficient to support them, without re-
sorting to such wretched assistance. Let those,
"who wish to put shackles upon freemen, fill their
ranks with, and place their confidence in, such
miscreants." To aid the cause, popular song*
were composed and circulated through the camp,
calculated to inspire. the soldiery with the love
of country, and to induce them to engage anew
in the public service. But unfortunately, the
army at this time was badly supplied with cloth-
ing, provisions, and fuel, and the consequent
sufferings of the soldiers, operating upon their
strong desire to visit their homes, prevented their
inlistment in the expected numbers. On the last
day of December, when the first term of service
expired, only nine thousand six hundred and
fifty men had inlisted for the new army, and many
of these were of necessity permitted to be absent
on furlough. It was found impossible to retain
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 57
the old troops a single day after their times ex-
pired. General Washington called upon the go-
vernments of the neighbouring provinces for de-r
taclitnents of militia to man his lines, and he was
highly gratified by the prompt compliance with
bis demand. In a letter to Congress he writes,
" The militia that are come in, both from this
province and New Hampshire, are very fine look-
ing men, and go through their duty with great
alacrity. The dispatch made, both by the people
in marching, and by the legislative powers in
complying with my requisition, has given me in-
finite satisfaction."
In the space of time, between that of disband-
ing the old army, and of an effective force from
the new recruits, the lines were often in a de-
fenceless state ; the enemy must have known the
fact ; and no adequate reason ca be assigned,
\vhy an attack was not made.
JAN. 4, 1776.] " It is not/' says General
Washington, in his communications to Con-
gress, " in the pages of history to furnish a case
like ours. To maintain a post, within musket
shot of the enemy, for six months together, with-
out ammunition, and at the same time, to dis-
band one army and recruit another, within that
distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more,
probably," than ever was attempted. But if we
succeed as well in the last, as we have heretofore
in the first, I shall think it the most fortunate
event of my whole life."
To defend the American lines with an incom-
58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
petent number of troops, with defective arras,
and without an adequate supply of ammunition ;
to disband one army and recruit another in the
face of eight thousand British soldiers, will be
viewed as a hazardous measure, and will be sup-
posed, with the organization and discipline of
the men, to have employed every active power of
the General ; yet this did not satisfy his mind.
He knew that Congress with solicitude con-
templated more decisive measures, and that the
country looked for events of greater magnitude
The public was ignorant of his actual situation,
and conceived his means for offensive operations,
*o be much greater than in reality they were;
and from him expected the capture or expulsion
of the British army in Boston. He felt the im-
portance of securing the confidence of his coun~
trymen by some brilliant action, and was fully
sensible that his own reputation was liable to suf-
fer, if he confined himself solely to measures of
defence. To publiih to his anxious country, in
his vindication, the state of his army, would be
to acquaint the enemy with his weakness, and to
involve his destruction.
The firmness and patriotism of General Wash-
ington were displayed, in making the good of
his country an object of higher consideration
than the applause of those, who were incapable
of forming a correct opinion of the propriety of
his measures. On this, and on many other occa-
sions during the war, he withstood the voice of
the populace, rejected the entreaties of the san-
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 59
guine, and refused to adopt the plans of the rash,
that he might ultimately secure the great object
of contention.
While he resolutely rejected every measure,
that in his calm and deliberate judgment he did
not approve, he daily pondered upon the practi-
cability of a successful attack upon Boston. As
a preparatory step, he took possession of Plowed
Hill, Cobble Hill, and Lechmere's Point, and
upon them erected fortifications. These posts
brought him within half a mile of the enemy's
works on Bunker's Hill ,* and, by his artillery,
he drove the British floating batteries from their
stations in Charles's River. He erected floating:
o
batteries, to watch the movements of his enemy,
and to aid in any offensive operations, that cir-
cumstances might warrant. He took the opinion
of his general officers a second time respecting
the meditated attack ; they again unanimously
gave their opinion in opposition to the measure,
and this opinion was immediately communicated
to Congress. Congress appeared still to favour
the attempt, and, that an apprehension of danger
to the town of Boston might not have an undue
influence upon the operations of the army, had
resolved, in Dec. 1775, " That if General Wash-
ington and his council of war should be of opi-
nion, that a successful attack might be made on
the troops in Boston, he should make it in any
manner he might thaik expedient, notwithstand-
ing the town, and property therein, might thereby
be destroyed."
General Howe had, in October, succeeded Ge-
60 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
jicral Gage in the command of the British army,
and through the winter confined himself to mea-
sures of defence.
The inability of the American General to ac-
complish the great object of the campaign, re-
peatedly pointed out by Congress, was a source
of extreme mortification ; but he indulged the
hope of success in some military operations dur-
ing the winter, that would correspond with th
high expectations of his country, and procure
him honour in his exalted station of Commander
in Chief of the American armies. In his reply
[JAN, 6, 1776-3 to the presideutof Congress, on the
reception of the resolution, authorizing an attack on
the fortified posts in Boston, he observed, " The
resolution relative to the troops in Boston, I beg
the favour of you, Sir, to assure Congress, shall
be attempted to be put in execution the first
moment I see a probability of success, and in
such a way as a council of officers shall think
most likely to produce it ; but if this should not
happen as soon as you may expect, or my wishes
prompt to, I request that Congress will be pleas-
ed to revert to my situation, and do me the justice
to believe that circumstances, and not want of
inclination, are the cause of delay."
Early in January, he accordingly summoned a
council of war, at which Mr. John Adams, then
a member of Congress, and Mr. James War-
ren, president of the Provincial Congress of Mas-
sachusetts, were present ; in which it was re-
solved, " That *a vigorous attempt ought to be
made on the ministerial troops in Boston, before
1776.] . 1IFE OF WASHINGTON. 61
they can be reinforced in the spring, if the means
can be provided, and a favourable opportunity
shall offer." It was also advised, " That thir-
teen regiments of militia should be asked for,
from Massachusetts and the neighbouring colo-
nies, in order to put them in a condition to make
the attempt. The militia to assemble the first of
February, and to continue., if necessary, until
the first of March." The reinforcements thus
obtained, amounted to between four and five
thousand men ; but thus far the winter proved
unusually mild, and the waters about Boston
were not frozen. The General, in his official
communication to the national legislature, says,
tf Congress in my last would discover my mo-
tives for strengthening these lines with the militia;
but whether, as the weather turns out exceeding
mild, insomuch as to promise nothing favourable
from ice, and there is no appearance of powder,
I shall be able to attempt any thing decisive, time
only can determine. No person on earth wishes
more earnestly to destroy the nest in Boston than
I do ; no person would be willing to go greater
lengths than I shall to accomplish it, if it shall be
thought adviseable; but if we have neither powder
to bombard with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in
no better situation than we have been in all the
year : we shall be worse, because their works
are stronger."
While anxiously waiting to embrace any fa-
vourable opportunity that might present to annoy
the enemy, General .Washington seriously me-
ditated upon the importance of establishing a per-
63 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
manent army. His experience enabled him to
anticipate the evils that must ensue at the expira-
tion of the period for which the present troops
were engaged, and he bent the whole force of
his mind to induce Congress seasonably to adopt
measures to prevent them. In a letter to the Pre-
sident of Congress., dated Feb. 9, he entered thui
fully into the subject.
ec The disadvantages attending the limited in-
listment of troops, are too apparent to those who
are eye witnesses of them, to render any animad-
versions necessary; but to gentlemen at a distance,
whose attention is engrossed by a thousand im-
portant objects, the case may be otherwise.
" That this cause precipitated the fate of the
brave, and much to be lamented General Montgo-
mery, and brought on the defeat which followed
thereupon, I have not the most distant doubt :
For, had he not been apprehensive of the troop*
leaving him at so important a crisis, but continued
the blockade of Quebec, a capitulation (from the
best accounts I have been able to collect) must
inevitably have followed. And, that we were
not at one time obliged to dispute these lines,
under disadvantageous circumstances ( proceeding
from the same cause, to wit, the troops disband-
ing themselves before the militia could be got in)
is to me a matter of wonder and astonishment ;
and proves that General Howe was either unac-
quainted with our situation, or restrained by his
instructions from putting any thing to a hazard
till his reinforcements should arrive.
f( Th instance of General Montgomery (I
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63
mention itbecause it is a striking one; for a number
of others might be adduced) proves., that instead
of having men to take advantage of circum-
stances, you are in a manner compelled, right or
wrong, to make circumstances yield to a second-
ary consideration. Since the first of December, I
have been devising every means in my power to
secure these encampments ; and though I am sen-
sible that we never have, since that period, been,
able to act upon the offensive, and at times not
in a condition to defend, yet the cost of marching
home one set of men, bringing in another, the
havoc and waste occasioned by the first, the re-
pairs necessary for the second, with a thousand
incidental charges and inconveniences which have
arisen, and which it is scarce possible to recollect
or describe, amount to near as much as the keep-
ing up a respectable body of troops the whole
time, ready for any emergency, would have done.
To this may be added, that you never can have a
well disciplined army.
" To bring men well acquainted with the du-
ties of a soldier, requires time. To bring them
under proper discipline and subordination, not
only requires time, but is a^ work of great diffi-
culty ; and in this army, where there is so little
distinction between the officers and soldiers, re-
quires an uncommon degree of attention. To ex-
pect then, the same service from raw and undis-
ciplined recruits, as from veteran soldiers, is to
expect what never did, and perhaps never will
happen. Men who are familiarized to danger,
meet it without shrinking ; whereas those who
64 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
have never seen service,, often apprehend danger
where no danger is. Three things prompt men to
a regular discharge of their duty in time of ac-
tion natural bravery, hope of reward, and fear
of punishment. The two first are common to the
untutored and the disciplined soldier; but the lat-
ter most obviously distinguishes the one from the
other. A coward, when taught to believe that
if he break his ranks and abandon his colours, he
will be punished with death by his own party, will
take his chance against the enemy ; but a man
who thinks little of the one, and is fearful of the
other, acts from present feelings, regardless of
consequences.
te Again, men of a day's standing will not look
forward ; and, from experience we find, that as
the time approaches for their discharge, they grow
careless of their arms, ammunition, camp uten-
sils, &c. Nay, even the barracks themselves, lay
us under additional expense in providing for every
fresh set, when we find it next to impossible to
procure such articles as are absolutely necessary
in the first instance. To this may be added, the
seasoning which new recruits must have to a
camp, and the losSjCor.sequent thereupon. But
this is not all : Men, engaged for a. short, limited
time only, have the officers too much in their
power : For to obtain a degree- of popularity, in
order to induce a second inlistment, a kind of fa-
miliarity takes place, which brings on a relaxa-
tion of discipline, unlicensed furloughs, and other
indulgences, incompatible with order and good
government ; by which means, the latter part of
1776.] LIfrfc Of* WASHINGTON. 65
the time for which .the soldier was engaged, is
spent in undoing, what you were aiming to incul-
cate in the first.
" To go into a/i enumeration of all the evils we
have experienced in this late great change of the
army, and the expenses incidental to it- to say
nothing of the hazard we have run, and must run,
between the discharging of one army and the in-
listment of another, unless an enormous expense
of militia be incurred would greatly exceed the
bounds of a letter. What I have already taken
the liberty of saying, will serve to convey a ge-
neral idea of the matter ; and therefore I shall,
with all due deference, take the liberty to give it
as my opinion, that if the Congress, have any rea ;
son to believe that there will be occasion for
troops another year, and consequently of another
inlistment, they would save money, and have in-
finitely better troops, if they were, even at a
bounty of twenty, thirty, or more dollars, to en-
gage the men already inlisted, till January next ;
and such others as may be wanted to complete the
establishment, for, and dnring the war. I will
not undertake to say, that the men can be had on
these terms ; but I am satisfied that it will never
do to let the matter alone, as it was last year, till
the time of service was near expiring. The ha-
zard is too great in the first place; in the next,
the trouble and perplexity of disbanding one
army, and raising another at the same instant, and
in such a critical situation as the last was, . is
scarcely in the power of words to describe, and
F
66 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
such as no man, who has experienced it once, will
ever undergo again."
Unhappily, the reasons which first induced
Congress to adopt the plan of short inlistments,
still had influence on that body, and on many of
the general officers of the army ; nor were they
convinced of their error, but by the most distress-
ing experience.
FEB. 14.] The ice now became sufficiently strong
for General Washington to march his forces upon
it, into Boston ; and he was himself inclined to risk
a general assault upon the British posts, although
he had not powder to make any extensive use of
his artillery; but his general officers in council
voted against the attempt, with whose decision he
reluctantly acquiesced. In his communication of
their opinion to Congress, he observed, " Perhaps
the irksomeness of my situation may have given
different ideas to me, from those which influence
the judgment of the gentlemen whom I consulted,
and might have inclined me to put more to hazard
than was consistent with prudence. If it had this
effect, I am nof sensible of it, as I endeavoured to
give the subject all tlie consideration a matter of
such importance required. True it is, and I can-
not help acknowledging, that I have many dis-
agreeable sensations on account of my situation ;
for, to have the eyes of the whole continent fixed
on me, with anxious expectation of hearing of
some great event, and to be restrained in every
military operation, for the want of the necessary
naeans to carry it on, is not very pleasing* ; espe-
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 67
cially, as the means ussd to conceal my weakness
from the enemy,, conceal it also from my friends,
and add to their wonder."
By the last of February., the stock of powder
was considerably increased., and the regular army
amounted to 14,000 men, which was reinforced by
6,000 of the militia of Massachusetts. General
Washington n6w resolved to take possession of
the heights of Dorchester, in the prospect that this
movement would bring on a general engagement
with the enemy, under favourable circumstances;
or, should this expectation fail, from this position
he would be enabled to annoy the ships in the har-
bour, and the troops in the town. Possessing these
heights, he might erect works upon the points of
land nearest to the southerly part of Boston, which
would command the harbour and a great part of
the town, as well as the beach from which an em^
barkation must be made, in case the enemy was
disposed to evacuate the place.
To mask the design, a severe cannonade* and
bombardment were opened on the British works
and lines, for several nights in succession. As soon
as the firing began on the. night of the 4th of
March, a strong detachment marched from Rox-
bury, over the neck, and, without discovery, took
possession of the heights. General Ward, who
commanded the division of the army in Roxbury,
had, fortunately, provided fascines, before the re-
solution passed to fortify the place; these were
of great use, as the ground Was deeply frozen ; and,
in the course of the night, the party by great ex-
ertions erected works that defended them against
(58 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1776
the shot of the enemy. On the next morning, the
British manifested surprise and consternation at
sight of the American fortifications. Mutual
firings took place, but with little effect ; and the
Americans laboured indefatigably to complete their
works.
On the contingence of an attack upon Dorches-
ter Heights, by a strong force, it had been resolv-
ed, that four thousand of the American troops, in
boats, should cross Charles river, protected by
three floating batteries, and attempt to carry the
British posts in Boston, and open the commu-
nication by the neck to the American forces in
Roxbury.
Admiral Shuldham informed General Howe,
that the Americans must be dislodged, or he could
not remain with his fleet in Boston harbour. In
pursuance of this intimation, on the afternoon of
the 5th, a detachment consisting of three thousand
men fell down to Castle Island, now Fort Inde-
pendence, a position which would facilitate the
attack on the next morning; but a violent storm,
during the night, deranged the plan, and before
the British were again in readiness to make the at-
tempt, the American works became too formid-
able to be assaulted.
General Washington, on this occasion, indulg-
ed a confident expectation of the success of his
plans ; and wished the meditated attack upon Dor-
chester to be made, in the sanguine hope, that the
complete conquest of the British troops in Boston
would be its ultimate effect ; but the storm frus-
trated his prospects.
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69
The safety of the British fleet and army, ren-
dered the evacuation of Boston a necessary mea-
sure; and the arrangements of the enemy for this
purpose, were soon communicated to General
Washington. A paper, under the signature of
four of the select-men, was sent out by a flag, con-
taining a proposal, purporting to be made by Ge-
neral Howe, that en condition the army was permit-
ted to embark without molestation, the town should
be left without injury. The letter was directed to
the Commander in Chief, but it did not bear the
signature of General Howe, nor bind him to the
observance of the condition. General Washington
did not, therefore, officially notice it; but he di-
rected the American officer, to whom it was deli-
vered, to return an answer to the select-men, in-
forming them that their letter had been communi-
cated to his general, and assigning the reasons why
it had not been officially noticed ; but both the
commanders appear to have tacitly complied with
the conditions. The British army was not annoyed
in the preparations to leave their post, nor was
Nook's point fortified. On the 17th, the town
was evacuated, and left in a better state than was
expected ; the houses were not damaged in any
great degree ; but the British left few public stores
of value.
Although Halifax was mentioned, as the destin-.
ed place of the British armament, yet General
Washington apprehended that New York was.
their object : On this supposition, he detached ser
veral brigades of his aririy to that city, before the
evacuation of Boston.
70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177(5
General Ho\*e remained a number of days in
Nantafeket Road, and the Commander in Chief,
when he entered Boston, as a measure of security,
fortified Fort Hill.
The issue of the campaign was highly gratify-
ing (o all classes; and the gratulations of his fel-
low citizens upon the repossession of the metro-
polis of Massachusetts, was more pleasing to the
Commander in Chief than would have been the
honoi.is of a triumph. Congress, to express the
puMic approbation of the military achievements
of iheir general, resolved, <c That the thanks of
Congress, in their own name, and in the name of
the thirteen United Colonies, be presented to his
Excellency General Washington, and the officers
and soldiers under his commanc}, for their wise and
spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of
Boston ; and that a medal of gold he struck, in
cona^emoration of this great event, and presented
to his Excellency."
In his letter, informing Congress that he had
executed their order, and communicated to the
arm} the vote of thanks, he observes, " They were
indeed, at first, a band of undisciplined husband-
men, but it is, under God, to their bravery and at-
tention to their duty, that I am indebted for that
success which has procured me the only reward I
wish to receive, the affection and esteem of my
countrymen."
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
CHAPTER III.
General Washington marches the Army to New Y^rk Fortifica-
tions of the City and River Independence declared General
Howe lands on Staten Island Interview betweenGeneral Wash-
ington and Colonel Patterson State of the British and Ame-
rican Forces Camp at Brooklyn Battle on Long Island
Retreat from it The City and Island of New York evacuated
Manoeuvres at White Plains Fort Washington taken
General Howe invades New Jersey Depression of the Ame-
ricans-^-General Washington invested with new Powers Suc-
cess at Trenton, and at Princeton New Jersey recovered.
1776.] As soon as the necessary arrangements
were made in Boston, in the persuasion that the
Hudson would be the scene of the next campaign,
General Washington marched the jmain body of
his army to New York, where he arrived himself
the 14th of April.
The situation of New York was highly favour-
able for an invading array, supported by a- supe-
rior naval force. The Sound, the North and
East rivers, opened a direct access to any point
on Long Island, York Island, or on the continent
bordering upon those waters. To the effectual
defence of the city, the passage up the rivers must
be obstructed by forts and other impediments ;
and an army was necessary, of force sufficient to
man the posts and lines of defence, and to meet
the invading foe in the field. Aware of these
facts, General Washington doubted the practica-
72 LlfE OF WASHINGTON. [1776-
bility of a successful defence of New York. But
the importance of the place, and the difficulty
which he had already experienced in dislodging
an army from a fortified town, open to the pro-
tection and supplies of a fleet, inclined him to
make the attempt. His own disposition to the
measure was strengthened by the wishes of Con-
gress, the opinion of his general officers, and by
the expectation of his country. The resolution
being formed, he called into action all the re-
sources in his power to effect it. His first care
was to put an end to the intercourse, which to this
time had been continued, between the town and
the British ships m the harbour, by which they
were supplied with every necessary; and Tryon,
the British governor, enjoyed the most favourable
opportunity to concert his plans with the nume-
rous disaffected inhabitants of the city and its vi-
cinity ; and by the aid of the committee of safe-
ty, this dangerous communication was effectually
stopped. The general, with unremitted diligence,
pushed on his works of defence. Hulks were sunk
in the North and East rivers ; forts were erected
on the most commanding situations on their banks ;
and works were flung up to defend the narrow
passage between Long and York Islands.
The passes in the high lands, bordering on the
Hudson, .became an object of early and solicitous
attention. The command of this river was equally
important to the American and the British general.
By its possession, the Americans easily conve^d
supplies of provision and ammunition to the north-
ern army, and secured an intercourse between the
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 73
southern and northern colonies, an intercourse
essential to the success of the war. In the hands
of the British, this necessary communication was
interrupted., and an intercourse between the At-r
lantic and Canada was opened to them. General
Washington ordered these passes to be fortified,
and made their security an object of primary im-
portance, through every period of his command.
In these defensive preparations., the American
army incessantly laboured until Lord and General
How arrived at Sandy Hook with the British fleet
and army. In the near prospect of active warfare,
the mind of the Commander in Chief was agitated
by innumerable embarrassments. He found him-
self destitute of the means to give his country the
protection it expected from him ; the colonies had
not filled up their respective regiments ; his force
had been weakened by large detachments sent to
reinforce the army in Canada ; he was greatly de-
ficient in arms, tents, clothing, and all military
stores ; and notwithstanding his urgent entreaties
on this subject, such was the destitute state of
America, that Congress with all their exertions
were unable to supply him. Two thousand men
}ii camp were at this time without arms ; and no
confidence could be placed in many of the muskets
which were in the hands of the soldiery. In this
weak and deficient condition, General Wash-
ington was to oppose a powerful and well ap-
pointed army, and to guard against the intrigues
of those in New York and its neighbourhood, who
were disaffected to the American cause: these
were numerous, influential and enterprising. A
74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
plan was laid by Governor Try on, through the
agency of the mayor of the city, to aid the enemy
in landing, and to seize the person of General
Washington. The defection reached the Ame-
rican army, and even some of the General's guard
engaged in the conspiracy ; but it was seasonably
discovered, and a number oif those concerned in it
were executed.
The permanent troops being found incompetent
to defend the country, it became necessary to call
detachments of the militia into the field ; and"
Congress, placing implicit confidence in the judg-
ment and patriotism of their General, invested
him with discretionary powers, to call on the go-
vernments of the neighbouring colonies, for such
numbers as circumstances should require ; and
they empowered him to form those magazines of
military stores, which he might deem to be ne-
cessary. In pursuance of the measure recom-
mended by Congress, a requisition was made for
thirteen thousand and eight hundred of the mi-
litia from Massachusetts., Connecticut, NewVork
and New Jersey.
\Vhile these defensive preparations were going
forward in the camp, Congress was ripening mea-
sures to declare the Colonies independent of Great
Britain. The free exercise of their constitutional
rights was the extent of the American claim at the
commencement of the controversy, and a recon-
ciliation with the parent state, by a redress of
grievances, was the ardent desire of the great body
of the American people ; but the operations of
war produced other feelings and views : a general
1776.] UFE OF WASHINGTON. 75
alienation of affection from the British govern-
ment took place, and it was thought,, that the
mutual confidence of the two countries could ne-
ver be restored. In the common apprehension,,
it hecame an absurdity, that one country should
maintain authority over another, distant from it
three thousand miles : the restrictions of Great
Britain upon the colonial trade, in the course of
investigation, appeared as a heavy burden, and
the commerce of tu.e world was viewed as a high
reward of independence : common sense dictated,
that the ability successfully to contend for the
liberty formerly enjoyed as British colonies, stre-
nuously exerted, would secure to the country the
more honourable and permanent blessings, of an
independent and sovereign nation. The declara-
tion of independence was supposed to be the most
effectual means to secure the aid of foreign powers;
because the great kingdoms of Europe would be
disposed to assist the efforts of the colonies to
establish an independent government., although
they would not interfere with their struggles to
regain the liberties of British subjects. By rea-
sonings of this nature, the minds of the American
people were ripened to renounce their allegiance
to Britain, and to assume a place among indepen-
dent nations ; and the representatives of most of
the colonies, were instructed to support in Con-
gress measures for this important purpose.
Early in June, the following resolution was
moved in Congress by Richard Henry Lee, and
seconded by John Adams, " Resolved that these
United Colonies are, and of right ought to be,
76 UFE OF WASHINGTON [1776.
free and independent States ; and that all political
connection between them and the state of Great
Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved/*
This resolution was solemnly debated for several
days, and finally [JULY 4.] passed Congress, in
the affirmative, by the unanimous suffrage of iti
members.
The duties of the field, precluded General
Washington from a primary agency in this impor-
tant, national measure ; but it met his full appro-*
bation. On the reception of the instrument, he
wrote as follows to the President of Congress.
'< I perceive that Congress have been employed
in deliberating on measures of the most important
nature. It is certain that it is not with us to de-
termine in many instances, what consequences will
flow from our counsels ; but yet it behoves us to
adopt such, as, under the smiles of a gracious and
all kind Providence, will be most likely to promote
our happiness. I trust the late decisive part they
have taken, is calculated for that end, and will se-
cure us that freedom, and those privileges, which
have been, and are, refused us, contrary to the
voice of nature, and the British Constitution.
" Agreeable to the request of Congress, I caused
The Declaration to be proclaimed before all the
army, under my immediate command ; and have
the pleasure to inform them, that the measure
seemed to have their most hearty consent ; the
expressions and behaviour of both officers and
men, testifying their warmest approbation of it.'*
General Howe had sailed from Halifax in June A
1776.] LIFE OP WASHINdTOS, W
and early in July landed his army, without serious
opposition, on Staten Island; and on the twelfth
of that month, he was joined by Lord Howe, with
the reinforcements for the army. Lord Howe had
been appointed to command the naval force on the
American station ; and he and the general were in-
vested with the powers of commissioners to treat
with individuals, and with corporate bodies in the
colonies, upon terms of reconciliation with Bri-
tain, Although independence was already declar-
ed, yet they were anxious to commence negotia-
tion; and though unwilling to recognize the
official capacity of Congress, or of General Wash-
ington, yet they desired to open with them a
correspondence. His lordship sent a letter by a
flag, directed to "George Washington, Esq." This
the general refused to receive, as " it did not
acknowledge the public character with which he
was invested by Congress, and in no other cha-
racter could he have my intercourse with his lord-
ship." Congress, by a formal resolution, approv-
ed the dignified conduct of their general, and
directed, " That no letter or message be received
on any occasion whatever from the enemy, by the
Commander in Chief, or others, the commanders of
the American army, but such as shall be directed
to them in the character they respectively sus-
tain."
An intercourse betsveen the British commander
and General Washington, was greatly desired
for political reasons, as well as for purposes grow-
ing out of the war. Not yet disposed to adopt his
military address, they sent Colonel Patterson, ad-
78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776
jutant general of the British army, to the Ame-
rican head quarters, with a letter directed to
" George Washington, &c. &c. &c." When the
colonel was introduced to the general, he addres-
sed him by the title of Excellency, and said, ' ' that
General Howe greatly regretted the difficulty that
had arisen respecting the address of the letter;
that the manner of direction had been common
with ambassadors and plenipotentiaries, in cases
of dispute about rank and precedency; that Ge-
neral Washingson had himself, the last year,
directed a letter in the following manner, " The
honourable William Howe ;" that Lord and Ge-
neral Howe held his person and character in the
highest respect, and did not mean to derogate from
his rank; and that the et ceteras implied every
thing which ought to follow." He then laid the
letter which had been before sent, on the table.
The General, declining its reception, observed,
" that a letter, directed to a public character,
should have an address descriptive of that cha-
racter,, or it might be considered as a private letter.
It was true that the et ceteras implied everything,
they also implied any thing. The letter alluded
to, was in answer to one received from General
Howe, under the like address, which being receiv-
ed by the officer on duty, he did not think proper
to return ; and therefore answered in the same mode
of address; and that he should absolutely decline
any letter relating to his public station, directed to
him as a private person."
Colonel Patterson then said, that General Howe
would not urge his delicacy, further, and repeated
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79
his assertion, that no failure of respect was intend-
ed. Some general conversation then passed, re-
specting the treatment of prisoners, when the Co-
lonel proceeded to observe, that the goodness of
the King had induced him to appoint Lord and
General Howe his commissioners, to accommodate
the dispute that had unhappily arisen ; that their
powers were very extensive, and they would be
highly gratified in effecting the accommodation ;
and he wished his visit might be considered as the
introduction to negotiation.
General Washington replied, that Congress had
not invested him with powers to negotiate; but
he would observe, that from what had transpired,
it appeared that Lord and General Howe were only
empowered to grant pardons : That they who had
committed no faults, wanted no pardon ; and that
the Americans were only defending what they
thought their indubitable rights. Colonel Patter-
son rejoined, that this would open a wide field of
argument, and after expressing his fears, that an
adherence to forms might obstruct business of the
greatest moment, took his leave. The highest
courtesy was observed in this conference: 'The ad-
dress of Colonel Patterson was manly and polish-
ed ; the American General fully supported the
dignity of his character and station ; and the scene
was highly interesting to spectators.
The Commander in Chief expected no salutary
consequences to result from the agency of the Bri-
tish commissioners. He apprehended, that their
attempts at negotiation were calculated only to
divide and weaken the continent; and he feared,
80 LtfrE OF WASHINGTON*. l77(>.
that their measures would operate to relax the ex-
ertions of the United States to meet the conflicts
of the field. In a private letter to a confidential
friend,, as early as May, he lamented the effects of
this nature, which had actually been produced.
" Many members of Congress/' he wrote, " in
short the representatives of whole provinces, are
still feeding themselves on the dainty food of re-
conciliation; and although they will not allow
that the expectation of it has any influence on
their judgments, so far as respects preparations
for defence, it is but too obvious that it has an
operation upon every part of their conduct, and
is a clog upon all their proceedings. It is not in
the nature of things to be otherwise ; for no man
who entertains a hope of seeing this dispute spec*
dily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will
go to the same expense, and incur the same hazards,
to. prepare for the worst event> that he will who
believes that he must conquer or submit uncondi-
tionally, and take the consequences> such as con-
liscation and hanging."
AUG. 8.] General Howe commanded a force of
twenty-four thousand men, well disciplined, and
abundantly supplied with every thing necessary
to take the field ; he daily expected to be rein-
forced Vy a second detachment of German troops;
and he was supported by a fleet judiciously fitted
to its destined service. To oppose this formida-
ble enemy, General Washington had under his
direction seventeen thousand two hundred and
t\u>nty-fivc men ; of these three thousand six hun-
dred and sixty-eight were in the hospital. His
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 81
effective force was disposed in New York, on
Long and Governor's Islands, and at Paulus
Hook; and he informed Congress, that in case of
an attack, he could promise himself only the ad-
dition of one small battalion. Some of the posts
occupied by the army were fifteen miles distant
from others, and navigable waters intervened.
" These things," observed the General, " are
melancholy, but they are nevertheless true. I
hope for better. Under every disadvantage, my
utmost exertions shall be employed, to bring about
the great end we have in view ; and so far as I
can judge from the professions and apparent dis-
position of my troops, I shall have their support.
The superiority of the enemy, and the expected
attack do not seem to have depressed their spirits.
These considerations lead me to think, that though
the appeal may not terminate so happily as I
could wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in
their views without considerable loss. Any advan-
tage they may gain, will, I trust, cost them dear."
Before serious hostilities commenced, the Ame-
rican army \vas reinforced by several regiments of
permanent troops, and by detachments of militia,
which made the whole number amount to twenty
seven thousand ; but the men were not accustom-
ed to the life of the camp; they were much ex-
posed from the want of tents, and one quarter of
the whole army were taken from duty by sickness.
While waiting the tardy movements of the ene-
my, General Washington, apprised of the impres-
sions that would be made by the event of the first
encounter, exerted himself to the utmost to bring
82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776
liis inexperienced troops under subordination, and
to excite in them military ardour, without which
he rould have no hope of successful warfare. In
general orders,, he called upon officers to he cool
in action, and upon the soldier)' to be obedient to
orders, and to be firm and courageous. He di-
rected, that any soldier, who deserted his ranks in
time of battle, should be immediately shot down.
He desired commanders of corps to report to him
every instance of distinguished bravery in the sol-
diery, with promise of honorary reward. He en-
deavoured, by the love of liberty, of country, and
of posterity, to animate his army to do their duty.
" The time," he observed, " is now at hand, which
must probably determine whether Americans are
to be free men or slaves ; [whether they are to
have any property they can call their own ; whe-
ther their houses and farms are to be pillaged and
destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of
wretchedness, from which no human efforts will
deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will
now depend, under God, on the courage and con-
duct of this array. Our cruel and unrelenting
enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resist-
ance, or the most abject submission. We have to
resolve to conquer, or to die. Our own, our
country's honour call upon us for a vigorous and
manly exertion ; and if we now shamefully fail,
we shall become infamous to the whole world.
Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and
on the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hand
victory i, to animate and encourage us to great
and noble actions. The eyes of all our country-
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83
men are now upon us, and we shall have their
blessing and praises, if happily we are the instru-
ments of saving them from the tyranny meditated
against them. Let us therefore animate and en-
courage each other, and shew the whole world,
that a freeman, contending for liberty on his own
ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on
earth.' 1
JULY 81.] In the communication to his army of
the success of the Americans at Fort Moultrie
near Charleston, he thus laboured to excite them
to emulate the bravery of their countrymen in
South Carolina.
" This glorious example of our troops, under
the like circumstances with ourselves, the General
hopes, will animate every officer and soldier to
imitate, and even to outdo them, when the enemy
shall make the same attempt on us. With such a
bright example before us, of what can be done by
brave men, fighting in defence of their country,
we shall be loaded with a double share of shame
and infamy, if we do not acquit ourselves with
courage, and manifest a determined resolution to
conquer or die. With the hope and confidence
that this army will have an equal share of honour
and success, the General most earnestly exhorts
every officer and soldier to pay the utmost atten-
tion to his arms and health ; to have the former in
the best order for action, and by cleanliness, and
Care to preserve the latter ; to be exact in their
discipline, obedient to their superiors, and vigi-
lant on duty. With such preparations, and A
suitable spirit, there can be no doubt but, by tb.i
84r LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
blessing of Heaven, we shall repel our cruel inva-
ders, preserve our country, and gain the greatest
honour."
In the immediate view of the arduous conflict,
the General once more endeavoured to inspire
his army with the heroism necessary successfully
to sustain it.
" The enemy's whole reinforcement is now ar-
rived/' said he, " so that an attack must, and soon
will be made. The General, therefore, again re-
peats his earnest request, that every oflicer and
soldier will have his arms and ammunition in good
order ; keep within his quarters and encampment
as much as possible ; be ready for action at a mo-
ment's call ; and when called to it, remember, that
liberty, property, life, and honour are all at stake ;
that upon their courage and conduct, rest the
hopes of their bleeding and insulted country ;
that their wives, children, and parents, expect
safety from them alone; and that we have every
reason to believe that Heaven will crown with suc-
cess so just a cause.
" The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by
show and appearance ; but remember, they have
been repulsed, on various occasions, by a few brave
Americans. Their cause is bad ; their men are
conscious of it; and if opposed with firmness and
coolness on their first onset, with our advantage
of works, and knowledge of the ground, the vic-
tory most assuredly is ours. Every good soldier
\vill be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and
reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution;
of this the officers axe to be particularly careful,"
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85
The possession of Long* Island is essential to
the defence of New York. It had been *detei>
mined in a council of war, to fortify a camp at
Brooklyn^ fronting New York ; and stretching
across that end of Long Island, from East river
to Gowan's cove. The rear of this encampment
was defended by batteries on Red Hook and Go-
vernor's Island^ and by woiks on East river, which
secured the communication with ilie city. In
front of the encampment; ran a range of hills
from east to west across the island. These wore
covered with wood, and were steep, but could any
where be ascended by infantry. Over this range
were three passes, leading by three roads, to
Brooklyn ferry.
A strong detachment of the American army
was posted on Long Island, under the command
of General Green, who made himself intimately
acquainted with the passes on the hills ; but un-
fortunately becoming sick, General Sullivan suc-
ceeded him in this command, only a few days be-
fore active operations commenced. The main
body of the American army remained on York
Island. A flying camp, composed of militia, was
formed at Amboy, to prevent the depredations of
the enemy in New Jersey ; and a force was sta^
tioned near New Rochelle, and at East and \Yest
Chester on the Sound, to check the progress of the
enemy, should they attempt to land above King's-
bridge, and inclose the Americans on York Island.
The head quarters of General Washington were
in the city, but he was daily over at Brooklyn, tq
86 XIFE OE WASHINGTON. [1776.
inspect the state of that camp, and to make the
best arrangements circumstances would admit.
An immediate attack being expected on Long 1
Island, General Sullivan was reinforced, and di-
rected carefully to watch the passes.
On the 26th, the main body of the British
troops, with a large detachment of Germans, land-
ed under cover of the ships, on the south-west-
ern extremity of Long Island. A regiment of
militia stationed on the coast, retreated before
them to the heights. A large reinforcement was
sent to the camp at Brooklyn, and the command
of the post given to General Putnam, who was
particularly charged to guard the woods, and to
hold himself constantly prepared to meet the as-
sault of the enemy.
On the same day, the British, in three divisions,
took post upon the south skirt of the wood; Ge-
neral Grant upon their left, near the coast ; the
German General de Heister in the centre at Flat-
bush ; and Gen. Clinton upon their right at Flat-
land. The range of hills only now separated the
two armies,, and the different posts of the British
were distant from the American camp, from four
to six miles. Upon their left, a road to Brook-
lyn lay along the coast by Gowan's cove, before
General Grant's division. From Flatbush, a di-
rect road ran to the American camp, in which
the Germans might proceed. General Clinton
might either unite with the Germans, or take a
more eastern route, and fall into the Jamaica road
by the way of Bedford. These three roads unite
1776.] LIFG OF WASHINGTON. 87
near Brooklyn. On the pass of Flatbush, the
Americans had flung* up a small redoubt, mount-
ed it with artillery, and manned it with a body of
troops. Major-general Sullivan continued to
command on the heights.
AUG. 26.] In the evening., General Clinton,
\vithoutbeat of drum, marched with the infantry
of his division, a party of light horse, and fouiv
teen field pieces, to gain the defile on the Jamaica
road. A few hours before day, he surprised an
American party stationed here to give the alarm
of an approaching enemy, and undiscovered, seized
the pass. At day-light he passed the heights,
and descended into the plain on the side of Brook-
lyn. Early in the morning, General de Heister,
at Flatbush, and General Grant upon the west
coast, opened a cannonade upon the American
troops, and began to ascend the hill ; but they
moved very slowly, as their object was to draw
the attention of the American commander from
his left, and give General Clinton opportunity
to gain the rear of the American troops stationed
on the heights. General Putnam, in the appre-
hension that the serious attack would be made by
de Heister and Grant, sent detachments to rein-
force General Sullivan and Lord Sterling at the
defiles, through which those divisions of the
enemy were approaching. When General Clin-
ton had passed the left flank of the Americans,
about eight o'clock in the morning of the 27th,
de Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the
hill ; the troops which opposed them, bravely
maintained their ground, until they learned their
88 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [!?"<*).
perilous situation from the British columns,, which
were gaining their rear.
As sobn as the American left discovered the
progress of General Clinton, they attempted to
return to the camp, at Brooklyn ; but their flight
was stopped by the front of the British column.
In the mean time, the Germans pushed forward
from Flatbush, and the troops in the American
centre, under the immediate command of General
Sullivan, having also discovered,, that their flank
was turned., and that the enemy was gaining their
rear, in haste retreated towards Brooklyn. Clin-
ton's columns continuing to advance, intercepted
them, they were attacked in front and rear, and
alternately driven by the British on the Germans,
and by the Germans on the British. Desperate
as their situation was, some regiments broke
through the enemy's lines, and regained (he for-
tified camp ; but most of the detachments upon
the American left and centre were either killed or
taken prisoners.
The detachment, on the American right, under
Lord Sterling, behaved well, and maintained a se-
vere conflict with General Grant for six hours,
until the van of General Clinton's division, hav-
ing crossed the whole island, gained their rear.
Lord Sterling perceived his danger, and found
that his troops could be saved only by ah imme-
diate retreat over a creek near the cove. He gave
orders to this purpose ; and to facilitate their exe-
cution, he, in person, attacked Lord Cornwallis,
who, by this time having gained the coast, had
posted a small corps in a house, just above the
|?76.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 83
placo where the American troops must pass the
creek. The attack was bravely made with four
hundred men, who, in the opinion of their com-
mander, were upon the point of dislodging- Corn-
wallis ; hut his lordship being reinforced from hi*^
own column, and Gen. Grant attacking L.ord Ster-
ling in the rear, this brave band was overpowered
by numbers, and those who survived were impelled
to surrender themselves prisoners of war; but
this spirited assault gave opportunity for a large
proportion of the detachment to fscape.
The loss of the Americans on this occasion, for
the number engaged, was great ; General Wash-
ington stated it at a thousand men; but his returns
probably included only the regular regiments.
General Howe, in an official letter, made the pri-
soners to amount to one thousand and ninety-
seven. Among these were Major-general Sulli-
van,, and Brigadier-generals Sterling and Wood-
htil. The amount of the killed was never with
precision ascertained. Numbers were supposed
to have been drowned in the creek, and some to
have perished in the mud on the marsh. The
British loss acknowledged by General Howe, was
twenty-one officers, and three hundred and forty-
six privates killed, wounded, and taken.
General Washington passed over to Brooklyn
in the heat of the action; but unable to rescue
his men from their perilous situation, was con-
strained to be the inactive spectator of the slaugh-
ter of his best troops.
At the close of the day, the British approach-
ed in front of the American works, and it has been
90 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
said, that the troops, in their ardour, exhibited a
strong inclination tp storm the lines ; but General
Howe, remembering: Bunker Hill, prudently re-
strained them -from the assault.
Determining to carry the American works by
regular approaches, the British commander broke
ground, on the night of the 28th, within six hun-
dred yards of a redoubt.
General Washington was fully sensible of the
danger that awaited him. The success of the
enemy' 1-y regular approaches vyas certain. His
troops were without tents, and had already suf-
fered extremely by heavy rains. The movements
of the British fleet indicated an intention to force
a passage into the East river, and cutotfthe re-
treat of the troops to the city. Should they ac-
complish this, the situation of the army on Long
Island would be desperate. An immediate retreat
to the city was therefore thought expedient. The
measure was happily accomplished, on the night
of the 29th, with all the stores, and military ap-
paratus, except a few pieces of heavy artillery,
which the softness of the groutid rendered it im-
possible to move.
This important retreat was made with so much
silence and address, that the enemy did not per-
ceive it, although so near, that the noise of their
intrenching tools was distinctly heard by the Ame-
ricans. A heavy fog hung over Long Island un-
til late in the morning of the 30th, which hid the
movements of the American army from General
Howe. When it cleared, the rear guard was seen
crossing East river, out of reach of the British
1776. '] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91
fire. The General, in person, inspected the de-
tails of this critical retreat ; and for the forty-
eight hours which preceded its completion, in
Jiis own language, he was " hardly off his horse,
and never closed his eyes." He did not leave the
island before the covering party marched from
the lines.
The attempt to defend Long Island has, bj
many, been considered as an error in the military
operations of the American General. But before
his judgment, in this instance, is condemned, the
reasons which led to it oiiffht to be weighed. Its
i " O
possession was highly important to eil her army ;
its situation rendered its defence,, in a good de-
gree, probable; the range of hills was favourable
to the obstruction of an invading enemy: and a
fortified camp in the rear, opening a comunica-
tion with the city, and supported by batteries on
Governor's Island, and the East river, rendered a
vetreat practicable, when circumstances should
make it necessary.. There w r as then a fair prospect
pf defending the island \ at least of detaining the
enemy so long in the effort to gain possession of
it, as to waste the campaign in the contention.
The disastrous consequences of this measure, are
jiot to be attributed to any defect in the original
plan, but to the neglect of the comanding officer
on the island in guarding the pass on the road
from Jamaica to Bedford. Unfortunately this
officer was changed at the time when hostilities
were about to commence ; and the General, who
directed the disposition of the troops on the day
of the action, was imperfectly acquainted with
D1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. [1776.
the passes in the mountains. General Washing-
ton, by written instructions, directed this officer
" particularly to guard the defiles in the woods,
and to render the approach of the enemy through
them as difficult as possible/ 5 This order was
not fully executed. It appears, that General Sul-
livan was not apprised of the march of the British
detachment from Fiatbush to Flatland, on the
evening of the 26th, and a guard on the Jamaica
road did not seasonably discover the approach of
the enemy to give information. General Howe,
in his official letter, mentioned that an American
patroling party w r as taken on this road ; and Ge-
neral Washington in a letter to a friend wrote,
" This misfortune happened, in a great measure,
by two detachments of our people, who were
posted in two roads leading through a wood to
intercept the enemy in their march, suffering a
surprize, and making a precipitate retreat."
It should also be recollected, that the plans of
the Commander in Chief were laid in the expecta-
tion of a much larger force, than in event he re-
alised. The regiments were not completed ; and
he was absolutely destitute of cavalry. There
was not a single company of horse on Long Island
to watch the motions of the enemy, and give infor-
mation of their movements. This furnishes some
apology for the ignorance of the commanding
officer respecting the manoeuvre of the enemy.
The defeat of the 27th made a most unfavour-
able impression upon the army. A great propor-
tion of the troops lost their confidence in their
officers and in themselves. Before this unfortu-
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93
nate event, they met the enemy in the spirit of free-
men fighting for their highest interests, and under
the persuasion, that their thorough use of arms
rendered them equal to the disciplined battalions
which they were to oppose. But, on this ecca-
sion, by evolutions which they did not compre-
hend, they found themselves encompassed with
difficulties from which their utmost exertions
could not extricate,. and involved in dangers from
which their bravery could not deliver them ; and
entertaining an high opinion of the adroitness of
the enemy, in every movement, they apprehended
a fatal snare.
These melancholy facts were thus narrated by
General Washington, in his letter to Congress.
ce Our situation is truly distressing. The check
our detachment sustained on the 27th ultimo, has
dispirited too great a proportion of our troops,
and filled their minds with apprehension and de-
spair. The militia, instead of calling forth their
utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition,
in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intract-
able, and impatient to return. Great numbers of
them have gone off in some instances, almost bv
whole regiments, bv half ones, and by companies
at a time. This circumstance of itself, indepen-
dent of others, when fronted by a well appointed
enemy, superior in number to our whole collected
force, would be sufficiently disagreeable. But
when their example has infected another part of
the army ; when their want of discipline, and
refusal of almost every kind of restraint and go-
vernment, have produced a Ifke conduct, but too
94: LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
common (o the \\holc, and an entire disregard of
that order and subordination necessary to the well .
doing of an army, and which had heen inculcated
before, as \vell as the nature of our military esta-
blishment would admit of, our condition is still
more alarming ; and with the deepest concern I
am obliged to confess my want of confidence in
the generality of the troops."
> The British General being in possession of
Long Island, prepared to attack New York. The
body of the fleet lay at anchor near Governor's
Island; hut particular ships passed up the East
river, without sustaining injury from the Ameri-
can batteries ; others, sailing round Long Island
into the Sound, passed up to the higher part of
York Island. ; By these movements, the situation
of the American array became critical. It was
uncertain whether the attack would be made upon
the lines, or whether General Howe would land
his troops above King's-bridge, and inclose the
Americans. *To guard against the danger which
threatened him, the Commander in Chief ordered
the stores, that were not of present necessity, to
be removed above King's-bridgc, and assembled a
council to determine upon the expediency of re-
treating from the city. [SEPT. 7.] Thejnajorif y
of his general officers voted against the immediate
evacuation of New York. The plan recommend-
ed was to station the army in the best manner,, to
defend the points menaced with attack, that the
enemy might waste the residue of the season in
the struggle to possess the island. The belief
that Congress desired that New York should be
1776.] LIFE Of WASHINGTON. 95
maintained to extremity, probably had influence
on this council. In communicating the adopted
plan to that body, General Washington clearly
indicated an opinion, that an immediate evacua-
tion of New York was expedient. Speaking of
the enemy, he observed,
ce It is now extremely obvious, from all intelli-
gence, from'their movements, and ever} 7 other cir-
cumstance, that having landed their whole army
on Long Island, (except about four thoimud on
Staten Island) they mean to inclose us on the Is-
land of New York, by taking post in our rear,
while^the shipping effectually secure the- front;
and thus, either by cutting off our communica-
tion with the country, oblige us to fight them on
their own terms, or surrender at discretion; or, by
a brilliant stroke, endeavour to cut this army in
pieces, and secure the collection of arms and stores,
which they well know we shall not be able soon
to replace.
{C Having, therefore, their system unfolded to
us, it became on important consideration, how it
would be most successfully opposed. On every
side there is a choice of difficulties; and every
measure, on our part (however painful the re-
flection be from experience) to be formed with
some apprehension that all our troops will not do
heir duty. In deliberating on this great ques-
tion, it was impossible to forget, that history, our
own experience, the advice of our ablest friends
in Europe, the fears of the enemy, and even the
declarations of Congress, demonstrate, that on our
side, the war should be defensive (it has ever
96 LIFE OF WASHISGTOV.
been called a war of posts.) that we should on
all occasions avoid a general action., nor put any
to the risk, unless compelled hy a necessity
into which We ought never to be drawn.
tc It was concluded to arrange the army under
three divisions; five thousand to remain for the
defence of the city ; nine thousand to King's-bridge
and its dependencies, as well to possess and secure
those posts, as to be ready to attack the enemy who
are moving eastward on Long Island, if they
should attempt to land on this side; -the remain-
der to occupy the intermediate space, and support
either; that the sick should be immediately remov-
ed to Orange-town, and barracks prepared at
King's-bridge, with all possible expedition, to
cover the troops.
" There were some general officers, in whose
judgment and opinion much confidence is to be
reposed, that were for a total and immediate re-
moval from the city, urging the great danger of
one part of the army being cut off before the other
can support it, the extremities being at least six-
teen miles apart ; that our army, when collected,
is inferior to the enemy ; that they can move
with their whole force to any point of attack, and
consequently must succeed by weight of number**
if they have only a part to oppose them ; that, by
removing from hence, we deprive the enemy of the
advantage of their ships, which will make at least
one half of the force to attack the town; that we
should keep the enemy at bay, put nothing to the
hazard, but at all events, keep the army together,
which may be recruited another year ; that the
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97
unspent stores will also be preserved ; and, in
this case, the heavy artillery can also be se-
cured."
In the full expectation that a retreat from York
Island would soon become necessary, the general
assiduously continued the removal of the stores and
heavy beggage to a place of safety.
SEPT. 12.] The general officers became alarm-
ed at the danger of the army, and, in a second
council, determined to remove it from New
York.
On the fourteenth, several ships passed up the
East river, and large bodies of troops were moved
to Montezore's Island with the apparent intention
to land, either upon the continent above King's-
bridge, and wholly to inclose the Americans, or
upon the plains of Haerlem on York Island, to
break the line of communication between the dif-
ferent divisions of their army, and attack them in
situations, in which they would be unable to sup-
port each other. The next morning General Clin-
ton landed under cover of five men of war, with
four thousand men, three miles above the city of
New York.
SEPT. 14.] The American lines at this place
were capable of defence, but the men posted in
them, on the firing of the ships, without waiting
for the attack of the enemy, abandoned them. As
soon as the cannonading began, two brigades were
detached from the main body to support the troops
in the breast works, the fugitives communicated to
them their panic, and General Washington., in
H
98 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776,
riding to the scene of action, met his troops retreat-
ing in the utmost confusion, disregarding the ef-
forts of their generals to stop them. While the
Commander in Chief was, witii some effect exert-
ing himself to rally them, a very small body of the
enemy appeared in sight, on which the men again
broke, and a most dastardly route ensued. At {his
unfortunate moment, and only at this moment
through his whole life, General Washington ap-
pears to have lost his fortitude. All the shameful
and disastrous consequences of the defection of hi*
army, rushed upon his mind, and bore down his
spirits. In a paroxism of despair, he turned his
horse towards the enemy, seemingly with the in-
tention to avoid the disgrace of the day by the sa-
crifice of his life : His aids seized the horse's bri-
dle, and, with friendly violence, rescued him from
the destruction that awaited him.
In consequence of the failure of the troops
upon the lines, the evacuation of New York was
necessarily made in haste. In was happily ac-
complished with the loss of very few men ; but
most of the heavy artillery, many of the tents, and
a great part of the stores, which had not been
previously removed, were unavoidably left be-
hind.
The American army having been driven from
New York, the British general stationed a detach-
ment to guard the city; and posted his main army
in front of the American lines on the north end of
York Island. Their right extended to the East,
nd their left to the North river; and both their
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 99
flanks were covered by ships of war. The Island
at Bloomingdale, the place of the British encamp-
ment, is two miles wide.
The strongest post of the Americans was at
King's-bridge, which secured their communica-
tion with the country. M'Gowan's pass., and
Morn's heights were also rendered defensible ; and
within a mile and an half of the enemy, a detach-
ment was posted in a fortified camp, on the heights
of Haerlem.
The Commander in Chief was pleased with this
disposition of his army; he thought it must lead
to those frequent skirmishes, which would insen-
sibly wear off the depression occasioned by the
late defeat, and restore to his men confidence in
themselves. He indulged the hope that by these
services, the discipline would be introduced into
the army, absolutely necessary to successful war,
when every individual does his appropriate duty,
confiding for his security in the skill of his ge-
neral, and in the united efforts of his fellow sol-
diers.
SEPT. 16.] The very day after the retreat from
the city, a party of the enemy appeared in the
plain between the two hostile camps. The Gene-
ral rode to the outpost to embrace the opportu-
nity to attack them. Lieutenant Colonel Knowl-
ton, of Connecticut, a brave officer, who had been
skirmishing with the party, stated their number
at three hundred. The General detached Colonel
Knowlton and Major Leitch, of Virginia, to gain
their rear,, while he occupied their attention by
movements indicating a design to attack them in
100 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776,
front. Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, after
leading their corps into action in a most soldier
like manner, were both soon brought off the field
mortally wounded ; yet the men under their cap-
tains, bravely continued the attack, and drove an
enemy, superior in numbers, from their position.
The Americans had fifty men killed and wounded,
and the British twice that number.
This skirmish, trifling in itself, was improved to
valuable purposes. The Commander in Chief in
general orders, applauded the bravery of officers
and men; contrasted it with the cowardly beha-
viour of the troops the day before; called upon the
whole arrav to emulate this honourable example;
/ *
and from the issue of this conflict, pointed out
what brave men might effect, when fighting in the
best of causes. The parole next day was Leitch. In
filling the vacancy occasioned by the death of the
colonel, the General mentioned, that the officer
succeeded ff the gallant and brave Colonel Knowl-
ton, who would have been an honour to any
country, and who had fallen gloriously fighting
at his post." The success of this rencounter had
a general effect upon the spirits of the army.
In addition to the arduous duties of this cam-
paign, which were sufficient to employ the time,
and test the talents of the greatest military cha-
racter ; the state of the army furnished a weighty
subject of attention to General Washington. He
dwelt upon the gloomy prospects of the succeed-
ing winter. The clothing of the men was suited
only to the warm season, and their time of inlist-
mcnt expired with the year. The consequent dis-
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 101
tresses in all their magnitude, rose to his mind, and
in the following letter, he endeavoured to impress
Congress with a lively sense of the situation of the
army ; and to call forth their highest endeavours to
arrest the approaching evils.
" From the hours allotted to sleep, I will bor-
row a few moments to convey my thoughts, on
sundry important matters, to Congress. I shall
offer them with the sincerity which ought to cha-
racterize a man of -candour ; and with the free-
dom which may be used in giving useful in-
formation, without incurring the imputation of
presumption,
fe We are now, as it were, upon the eve of an-
ether dissolution of our army. The remembrance
of the difficulties which happened upon that oc-
casion last year ; the consequences which might
have followed the change, if proper advantage
had been taken by the enemy ; added to a know-
ledge of the present temper and situation of the
troops, reflect but a very gloomy prospect upon
the appearance of things now, and satisfy me,
beyond the possibility of doubt, that unless ome
speedy and effectual measures are adopted by
Congress, our cause will be lost
" It is in vain to expect that any, or more than
a trifling part, of this army will engage again in
the service, on the encouragement offered by
Congress. When men find that their townsmen
and companions are receiving twenty, thirty, and
more dollars, for a few months' service (which is
truly the case) this cannot be expected without
jising compulsion ; and to force them into tjie
102 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
service would answer no valuable purpose. When
men are irritated, and their passions inflamed,
they fly hastily and cheerfully to arms ; but after
the first emotions are over, to expect among such
people as compose the bulk of an army, that they
are influenced by any other principles than those
of interest, is to look for what never did, and I
fear never will happen ; the Congress will de-
ceive themselves, therefore, if they expect it.
" A soldier, reasoned with uponlhe goodness of
the cause he is engaged in, and the inestimable
rights he is contending for, hears you with pa-
tience, and acknowledges the truth of your obser-
vations ; but adds, that it is of no more conse-
quence to him than to others. The officer makes
you the same reply, with this further remark, that
his pay will not support him, and he cannot {uin
himself and family to serve his country, when every
member in the community is equally benefited
and interested by his labours. The few, therefore,
who act upon principles of disinterestedness, are,
comparatively speaking, no more than a drop in
the ocean. It becomes evidently clear then, that,
as this contest is not likely to be the work of a
day; as the war must be carried on systematic
cally, and to do it you must have good officers ;
there is, in my judgment, no other possible means
to obtain them, but by establishing your army
upon a permanent footing, and giving your offi-
cers good pay ; this will induce gentlemen, and
men of character to engage, and until the bulk of
your officers are composed of such persons as are
actuated by principles of honour and a spirit of
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103
enterprize, you have little to expect from them.
They ought to have such allowances, as will en-
able them to live like, and support the characters
of gentlemen ; and not to be driven by a scanty
pittance to the low and dirty arts, which many of
them practice, to filch the public of more than
the difference of pay would amount to, upon an
ample allowance. Besides, something is due to
the man who puts his life in your hands, hazards
his health, and forsakes the sweets of domestic
enjoyments. Why a captain in the continen-
tal service should receive no .more than five
shillings currency per day, for performing the
same duties that an officer of the same rank in the
British service receives ten shillings sterling for,
J never could conceive; especially when the latter
Is provided with every thing necessary he requires
upon the best terms, and the former can scarcely
procure them at any rate. There is nothing that
gives a man consequence, and renders him
fit for command, like a support that renders
him independent of every body but the state he
.serves.
f< With respect to the men, nothing but a good
bounty can obtain them upon a permanent estab-
lishment, and for no shorter time than the con-
tinuance of the war, ought they to be engaged ;
as facts incontestibly prove, that the difficulty and
cost of inlistments increase with time. When the
army was first raised at Cambridge, I am per-
suaded the men might have been got without a
bounty for the war ; after that, they began to 'see
the contest was not likely to end so speedily
104 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776-
as was imagined, and to feel their consequence
by remarking, that to get their militia in, in the
course of last year, many towns were induced to
give them a bounty. Foreseeing the evils result-
ing from this, and the destructive consequences
which would unavoidably follow short inlist-
ments, I took the liberty in a long letter, to re-
commend the inlistments for and during the war,
assigning such reasons for it, as experience has
since convinced me were well founded. At that
time, twenty dollars would, I am persuaded, have
engaged the men for this term : but it will not do
to look back, and if the present opportunity be
slipped, I am persuaded that twelve months more
will increase our difficulties four fold. I shall
therefore take the liberty of giving it as my opi-
nion, that a good bounty be immediately offered^
aided by the proffer of at least a hundred, or a hun-
dred and fifty acres of land, and a suit of clothes,
and a blanket to each non commissioned officer
and soldier, as I have good authority for saying,
that however high the men's pay may appear, it
is barely sufficient, in the present scarcity and
dearness of all kinds of goods, to keep them in
clothes, much less to afford support to their fa-
milies. If this encouragement then be given to
the men, and such pay allowed to the officers, as
will induce gentlemen of liberal character and
liberal sentiments to engage, and proper care and
caution be used in the nomination (having more
regard to the character of persons, than the num-
ber of men they can inlistj we should in a little
time have an army able to cope with any that can
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 103
be opposed to it, as there are excellent materials
to form one out of; but while the only merit an
officer possesses is his ability to raise men ; while
those men consider and treat him as an equal, and
in the character of an officer, regard him no more
than a broomstick, being mixed together as one
common herd ; no order nor discipline can pre-
vail, nor will the officer ever meet with that re-
spect which is essentially necessary to due subor-
dination.
( To place any dependence upon militia, is as-
suredly resting upon a broken staff. Men just
dragged from the tender scenes of domestic life ;
unaccustomed to the din of arms ; totally unac-
quainted with every kind of military skill ; which,
being followed by a want of confidence in them-
selves, when opposed to troops regularly trained,
disciplined and appointed, superior in knowledge,
and superior in arms, makes them timid and ready
to fly from their own shadows. Besides, the sud-
den change in their manner of living, particularly
in their lodging., brings on sickness in many, im-
patience in all; and such an unconquerable de-
sire of returning to their respective homes, that it
not only produces shameful and scandalous de-
sertions among themselves, but infuses the like
spirit in others. Again, men accustomed to un-
bounded freedom, and no controul, cannot brook
the restraint which is indispensably necessary to
the good order and government of an army ;
without which, licentiousness and every kind of
disorder triumphantly reign. To bring men to a
uroper degree of subordination, is not the work
106 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
of a day, a month, or a year; and unhappily for
us, and the cause we are engaged in, the little
discipline I have been labouring to establish in
the array under my immediate command, is in a
manner done away by having such a mixture of
troops, as have been called together within these
few months.
" Relaxed and unfit as our rules and regula-
tions of war are for the government of an army,
the militia (those properly so called, for of these we
hav two sorts, the six months men, and those sent
in, as a temporary aid), do not think themselves
subject to them, and thefore take liberties which
the soldier is punished for. This creates jealousy,
jealousy begets dissatisfaction, and these by de-
grees ripen into mutiny; keeping the whole army
in a confused and disordered state ; rendering the
lime of those, who wish to see regularity and good
order prevail, more unhappy than words Can de-r
scribe ; besides this, such repeated changes take
place, that all arrangement is set at nought ; and
the constant fluctuation of things deranges every
plan, as fast as it is adopted.
" These, Sir, Congress may be assured are but
a small part of the inconveniences which might
be enumerated and attributed to militia : but
there is one which merits particular attention, and
that is, the expense. Certain I am, that it would be
cheaper to keep- fifty, or an hundred thousand
men in constant pay, than to depend upon half
the number, and supply the other half occasionally
by militia. The time the latter is in pay, before and
after they are in camp, assembling and marching,
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 107
the waste of ammunition ; the consumption of
stores which, in spite of every resolution and re-
quisition of Congress, they must be furnished
with, or sent home ; added to other incidental
expenses consequent upon their coming, and con-
duct in camp, surpass all idea ; and destroy every
kind of regularity and economy, which you could
establish among fixed and settled troops ; and
will, in my opinion prove (if the same be adhered
to) the ruin of our cause.
ff The jeasousies of a standing army, and the
evils to be apprehended from one, are remote ;
and in my judgment, situated and circumstanced
as we are, not all to be dreaded ; but the conse-
quence of wanting one, according to my ideas,
formed upon the present view of things, is certain,
and inevitable ruin ; for if I were called upon to
/declare upon oath, whether the militia have been,
more serviceable or hurtful on the whole, I should
subscribe to the latter. I do not mean by this,
however, to arraign the conduct of Congress ; in
so doing, I should equally condemn my own mea-
sures, if not my judgment ; but experience which
js the best criterion to work by, so fully, clearly
and decisively, reprobates the practice of trusting
to militia, that no man who regards order, regu-
larity, and economy, or who has any regard for
his own honour, character, or peace of mind, will
risk them upon militia."
ff Before I knew of the late resolutions of Con-
gress, which you did me the honour to inclose in
108 LI1E OF WASHINGTON 1776.
your Idler of the 24th, and before I was favoured
with the visit of your committee, I took the li-
berty of giving you my sentiments on several points
which seemed to be of importance,
" I have do doubt but that the committee will
make such report of the state and condition of the
army as will induce Congress to believe that no-
thing but the most vigorous exertions can put
matters upon such a footing, as to give this con-
tinent a fair prospect of success. Give me leave
to say, Sir, I say it with due deference and re-
spect, ( and my knowledge of the facts, added to
the importance of the cause, and the stake I hold
in it, must justify the freedom) that your affairs
arc in a more unpropitious way than you seem to
apprehend.
" Your army, as mentioned in my last, is upon
the ever of its political dissolution. True it is, you
have voted a larger one in lieu of it ; but the season
is late, and there is a material difference between
voting battalions and raising men. In the latter
there are more diffculties than Congress seem aware
of, which makes it my duty ( as I have been inform-
ed of the prevailing sentiments of this arm;, ) to
inform them, that, unless the pay of the officers,
(especially that of the field officers) be raised, the
chief part of those that are worth retaining will
leave the service at the expiration of the present
term; as the soldiers will also, if some greater en-
couragement be not offered them, than twenty
dollars, and one hundred acres of land,
" Nothing less, in my opinion, than a suit of
clothes annually given to each lion comuiisssoned
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 109
officer and soldier, in addition to the pay and
bounty, will avail; and I question whether that
will do, as the enenvy from the information of one
John Marsh, who, with six others, was taken by
our guards, are giving ten pounds bounty for re-
cruits, and have got a battalion under Major
Rodgers, nearly completed upon Long Island.
" Nor will less pay, according to my judgment,
than I have taken the liberty of mentioning in the
enclosed estimate, retain such officers as we could
wish to have continued ; the difference per month
in each battalion would amount to better than one
hundred pounds ; to this may be added the pay of
the staff officers ; for it is presumable they will
also require an augmentation, but being few in
number, the sum will not be greatly increased by
them, and consequently is a matter of no great
moment ; but it is a matter of no small importance
to make the several offices desirable. When the
pay and establishment of an officer once become
objects of interested attention, the sloth, negli-
gence, and' even disobedience of orders, which at
this time but too generally prevail, will be purged
off. But while the service is viewed with indif-
ference ; while the officer conceives that he is ra-
ther conferring than receiving an obligation ; there
will be a total relaxation of all order and disci-
pline, and every thing will move heavily on, to
the great detriment of the service, and inexpres-
sible trouble and vexation to the General.
(< The critical situation of our affairs at this time
will justify my saying, that no time is to be lost
in making fruitless experiments. An unvailing
110 tlFE OF WAStilfrGfON.
trial of a month, to get an army, upon the terms
proposed, may render it impracticable to do it at all,
and prove fatal to our cause, as I am not sure whe-
ther any rubs in the way of our inlistments or un-
favourable turn in our affairs, may not prove the
means of the enemy's recruiting men faster than
we do. To this may be added the inextricable
difficulty of forming one.corps out of another, and
arranging matters with any degree of order, in
the face of an enemy who are watching for ad-
vantages.
" At Cambridge last year, where the officers
(and more than a sufficieney of them) were all
upon the spot, we found it a work of such extreme
difficulty to know their sentiments (each having
some terms to propose) that I despaired, once, of
getting the arrangement completed, and do sup-
pose that at least a hundred alterations took place
before matters were finally adjusted ; what must
it be then under the present regulation, where the
officer is to negotiate this matter with the state he
comes from, distant, perhaps, two or three hun-
dred miles; some of whom, without any licence
from me, set out to make personal application, the
moment the resolution got to their hands ? What
kind of officers these arc, I leave Congress to judge.
" If an officer of reputation ( for none other
should be applied to ) be asked to stay, what an-
swer can he give ? But in the first place, that he
does not know whether it be at his option to do so;
no provision being made in the resolution of Con-
gress, even recommendatory, of this measure,
consequently, that it rests v.'ith the state he comes
1??6.;] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Ill
from, (surrounded,, perhaps, with a variety of ap-
plications,, and influenced perhaps with local at-
tachments ) to determine whether he can be pro-
vided for, or not. In the next place, if he be an
officer of merit., and knows that the state he comes
from is to furnish more battalions than it at present
has in the service, he will scarcely, after two years
faithful services, think of continuing in the rank he
now bears, when new creations are to be made and
men appointed to offices (no ways superior in
merit, and ignorant of service perhaps) over hi*
head.
" A committee sent to the army from each state
may, upon the spot, fix things with a degree of
propriety and certainty, and is the only method I
can see, of bringing measures to a decision with
respect to- the officers of the army; but what can
be done in the mean time towards the arrangement
in the country, I know not. In the one case, you
run the hazard of losing your officers ; in the other
of encountering delay ; unless some method could
be devised of forwarding both at the same in-
stant.
<c Upon the present plan, I plainly foresee an
intervention of time between the old and new
army, which must be filled with militia, if to be
had, with whom no man, who has any regard for
his own reputation, can undertake to be answerablo
for consequences. I shall also be mistaken in my
conjectures, if we do not lose the most valuable
officers in this army, under the present mode of
appointing them; consequently, if we have an
army at all., it will be composed of materials not
112 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1776.]
only entirely raw,, but if uncommon pains be not
taken, entirely unfit; and I see such a distrust and
jealousy of military power, that the Commander
in Chief has not an opportunity,, even by recom-
mendation, to give the least assurances of reward
for the most essential services.
" In a word, such a cloud of perplexing cir-
cumstances appears before me, without one flat-
tering hope, that I am thoroughly convinced, un-
less the most vigorous and decisive exertions be
immediately adopted to remedy these evils, that
the certain and absolute loss of our liberties will
be the inevitable consequence ; as one unhappy
stroke will throw a powerful weight into the scale
against us, and enable General Howe io recruit
his army as fast as we shall ours; numbers being
disposed, and many actually doing so already.
Some of the most probable remedies, and such as
experience has brought to my more intimate know-
ledge, I have taken the liberty to point out ; the
rest I beg leave to submit to the consideration of
Congress.
" I ask pardon for taking up so much of their
time with my opinions, but I should betray that
trust, which they and my country have reposed in
me, were I to be silent upon matters so extremely
interesting."
General Howe too well understood the duty of
a commander to attempt to storm the strong camp
of his opponent. He adopted the plan of trans-
porting his army above King's bridge and forming
an encampment from the North river along the
rear of General Washington's lines. This man-
1776.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 113
eeuvre, he expected, would either occassion the
American Commander hastily to abandon his en-
campment,, or oblige him to hazard a general en-
gagement under circumstances which would render
a defeat absolute ruin. To facilitate this design, he
fortified M'Gowan's hill for the defence of the city.
Three frigates passed up the North river without
injury from the fire of forts Washington and Lee,
and without impediment from the chevaux-de-
frise, that had been sunk in the river. [OcT. 12.J
The troops were conveyed in flat bottomed boats
through Hell gate into the Sound, and landed at
Frog's neck, near West Chester.
General Washington fully comprehended the
plan of the British commander, and immediately
adopted measures to defeat it. The bridges were
removed from the only road, in which the British
columns could march from Frog's neck to the
American encampment, the ground being rough
and in many places intersected by stone walls.
The road itself was broken up, guns were mount-
ed upon heights the most favourable to annoy ap-
proaching troops, and detachments were sent out
to act in front of the enemy, and to check their
progress. As Gen. Howe prosecuted his scheme,
it became evident to the American general officers
that a change of position was necessary to save
their army from destruction. General Lee about
this time joined this army, and urged the imme-
diate execution of the measure. The advice of
his officers according with his own judgment, the
Commander in Chief moved the army from York
Island, and stretched it along the North river to-
i
114: LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
wards the White Plains, until its left was extend-
ed above the enemy's right. It was, however,
determined to maintain forts Washington and Lee.
The resolution of Congress of the 1 1th of Octo-
ber, requesting General Washington in every pos-
sible way to obstruct tfce navigation of the river,
had great influence on this decision. The remo-
val of the stores was a heavy task to the men from
the want of teams.
OCT. 18.] General Howe moved his whole
army to New Rochelle. Several sharp skirmishes
ensued, in which the American troops behaved
well. Both armies manosuvred for several days
to obtain possession of the high grounds of the
White Plains. General Washington narrowly
watched the movements of hig enemy, and to se-
cure a communication with the country, and to
cover the removal of his heavy baggage, he dis-
posed his army upon the different heights from
Voluntine's Hill, near King's-bridge, to the
White Plains, forming a chain of fortified posts
twelve or thirteen miles in extent. He now
fronted the British line of march, the river Brunx
running between the two armies. During these
operations, severe skirmishes took place between
advanced corps, and a bold attempt was made to
cut off a British regiment, which partially suc-
ceeded. The enterprise of the American com-
mander rendered General Howe extremely cau-
tious; his movements were made in close order,
and in his encampments every corps was strongly
secured.
OCT. 25.] The sick and the stores having been
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. H5
removed to places of safety, General Washington
drew in his out posts, and took possession of the
hills on the east side of the Brunx, in front of the
British array. A detachment was posted on a
hill. a mile from the main body, on the west side
of the river, to - cover the right wing ; and en-
trenchments were flung up, as time permitted, to
render the lines more defensible.
OCT. 28.] The mamEuvres of General Howe
indicated the intention to attack the American
camp ; he reconnoitred the position, and with lit-
tle effect opened a heavy cannonade upon it. He
detached a large corps over the Brunx to drive
the Americans from the hill on their right, and
thereby open the way for an assault upon the right
and centre of the main body. The charge was
sustained with spirit ; but finally the Americans
were overpowered by numbers, and driven from
their position. The loss of the Americans in this
gallant conflict, in killed, wounded, and taken,
was between three and four hundred ; that of the
British was not less. The day was so far spent
in the struggle, that General Howe deferred the
attack upon the lines until next morning, and the
whole British army lay through the night upon,
their arms, in face of the American encampment.
General Washington spent the time in making
preparation for the expected assault; he drew
his right wing back into stronger ground, and
strengthened his left in its former position. The
next morning the cautious Howe again recon-
noitred the American camp, and determined to
suspend the attack until the arrival of a reinforce-
116 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177(>.
ment from the city. This additional force reach-
ed him on the afternoon of the 30th, and prepa-
rations were made for the attack next morning ;
but a violent rain prevented the execution of the
design.
Nov. 1J The movements of the enemy mani-
festing the design to turn the right flank of the
Americans, and gain possession of the high ground
in their rear, General Washington, having secur-
ed his heavy baggage and stores, at night with<-
drew his army from its present position, and
formed it upon the heights of Newcastle, about
five miles from the White Plains, and secured
the bridge over Croton river.
General Howe deemed the new encampment
too strong to be foxced, and marched off his army
to other operations.
Nov. 5.] The immediate object of General
Howe in leaving the White Plains, was to invest
Forts Washington and Lee. The possession of
these fortresses would secure the free navigation
of the North river, and facilitate the invasion of
New Jersey. The American commander con-
formed his movements to those of his enemy. He
ordered all the troops raised on the west side of
the Hudson to cross that river under the command
of General Green, intending himself to cross, as
soon as the plans of General Howe should be
more fully disclosed. General Lee remained with
the troops raised east ef the Hudson, who wag or-
dered to join Green's division, whenever the ene-
my should enter New Jersey. General Washing-
ton informing Congress of his new arrangements,
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 117
observed, " I cannot indulge the idea that Gene-
ral Howe, supposing him to be going to New
York, means to close the campaign, and to sit
down without attempting something more. I
think it highly probable and almost certain, that
he will make a descent with a part of his troops
into the Jerseys, and as soon as I am satisfied that
the present manoeuvre is real, and not a feint, I
shall use all the means in my power to forward a
part of our force to counteract his designs.
<e I expect the enemy will bend their force
against Fort Washington, and invest it imme-
diately. From some advice, it is an object that
will attract their earliest attention."
He wrote to Governor Livingston, informing
him of the movements of the enemy, and advising
him to hold the militia in their full strength, in
constant readiness to defend their country. He
also urged him to remove or destroy the stock and
provisions On the sea coast, lest these should fall
into the hands of the British. He directed Ge-^
neral Green to keep his eye on Mount Washing-?
ton, to send off from his division all stores not of
immediate necessity, and to establish his maga-
zines at Princeton, or some distant place of safety.
While the British forces were marching to
King's-bridge, three ships of war sailed up the
Hudson, without injury from the American bat^
teries, or from the obstructions that had been sunk
in the channel of the river. This fact convinced
the General, that it was inexpedient longer to
attempt the defence of Mount Washington. He
accordingly again wrote to Gen* Green, [Nov. 8,]
118 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776-
" If we cannot prevent vessels from passing up,
and the enemy are possessed of the surrounding
country, what valuable purpose can it answer to
attempt to hold a post, from which the expected
benefit cannot be derived ? I am, therefore, in-
clined to think it will not be prudent to hazard
the men and stores at Mount Washington; but
as you are on the spot, I leave it to you to give
such orders respecting the evacuation of the
place, as you may think most advisable, and so
far revoke the orders given Colonel Magaw to
defend it to the last." In the presumption, that
the works were too strong to be carried by storm,
and that regular approaches by artillery would
give opportunity to draw off the garrison, when
their circumstances should become desperate, Ge-
neral Green did not carry these discretionary or-
ders into effect. He was induced to this delay,
that he might, as long as possible, retain the pas-
sage of the river, and prevent the depression,
which the evacuation of an important post might
produce on the army and on the country.
Nov. 15.] General Howe being in readiness
for the assault, summoned the garrison to surren-
der. Colonel Magaw, the commanding officer,
in spirited language, replied, that lie should de-
fend his works to extremity. He immediately
communicated the summons to General Green,
and through him to the Commander in Chief,
then at Hackensack. The General rode to Fort
Lee, at which place he took boat, late at night,
for Mount Washington ; but, on the river met
Generals Putaam and Green returning from a
1776.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 119
visit to the garrison, who informed him that the
men were in high spirifs, and would make a brave
defence, and he returned with them to Fort Lee.
On the succeeding morning, the enemy made
the assault in four separate divisions. The Hes-
sians, commanded by General Knyphausen, moved
down from King's-bridge to attack the north side
of the fort ; they were gallantly opposed, and re-
peatedly repulsed by Colonel Rawlings's regi-
ment of riflemen, posted on a hill behind the
works. Lord Percy, accompanied by General
Howe, assaulted the works on the south : Gene-
ral Mathews crossed the East river, and landed
within the second line of defence, while a con-
siderable part of the garrison were in the first,
fighting with Lord Percy. Colonel Cadwallader,
the commander at this post, fearing an attack on
his rear, retreated in confusion towards the fort ;
but the fourth British column crossing the East
river at this moment, within the lines* intercepted
a part of Cadwallader's troops, and made them
prisoners. In the mean time, Knyphausen had
overcome the obstinate resistance of Colonel Raw-
lings, and gained the summit of the hill. The
whole garrison now entered the fort, or retreated
under its guns.
The enemy having surmounted the outworks,
again summoned the garrison to surrender. His
ammunition being nearly expended, and his force
incompetent to repel the numbers, which were
ready on every side to assail him, Colonel Magaw
surrendered himself and his garrison, consisting
of two thousand men, prisoners of war. The
120 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1776.
enemy lost in the assault about eight hundred
men, mostly Germans. Soon after the second
summons, General Washington found means to
send a billet lo Colonel Magaw, requesting him
to defend himself until the evening, and he would
take measures to bring him off; but the situa-
tion of the garrison was too desperate, and the
negotiation had proceeded too far to make the
attempt.
The conquest of Mount Washington made the
evacuation of Fort Lee necessary. Orders were
therefore issued to remove the ammunition and
stores in it ; but before much progress had been
made in this business, Lord Cornw r allis crossed
the Hudson [Nov. 18.] with a number of bat-
talions, with the intention to inclose the garri
son between the Hackensack and North Rivers.
This movement made a precipitate retreat indis-
pensable, which wag happily effected with little
loss of men ; but a greater part of the artillery,
stores, and baggage, was left for the enemy.
The loss at Mount Washington was heavy.
The regiments captured in it were some of the
best troops in the army. The tents, camp-kettles,
and stores lost at this place, and at Fort Lee,
could not during the campaign be replaced, and
for the want of them the men suffered extremely.
This loss was unnecessarily sustained Those
posts ought, unquestionably, to have been eva-
cuated before General Howe was in a situation
to invest them. When the British General gain-
ed possession of the country above those positions,
they became in a great degree useless to the
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Americans. This opinion is clearly expressed in
the letter of General Washington to General
Green. The error to be attributed to the Com-
mander in Chief, consisted in submitting the mea-
sure of evacuation to the discretion of a sub-
altern officer, instead of absolutely directing it,
in the exercise of powers vested in him. After
the disastrous event had taken place, he pos-
sessed too much magnanimity to exculpate him-
self by criminating General Green.
The American force was daily diminished by
the expiration of the soldiers' term of inlistment,
and by the desertion of the militia.
Nov. 29,] When General Howe in force cross-
ed into New Jersey, General Washington posted
the army, under his immediate command, con-
sisting of only three thousand men, along the
Hackensack ; but was unable seriously to oppose
the enemy in its passage. The country behind
him was level ; he was without entrenching tools,
and without tents; his troops were miserably
clothed, and the season- was becoming inclement.
The firm mind of General Washington sunk not
under these depressing circumstances. Although
no bright prospect presented itself to his contem-
plation, yet he exerted himself to increase his
effective force, and to make the best disposal of
that under his direction. He ordered General
Schuyler to send to his aid the troops belonging
to Pennsylvania and Jersey, which had been at-
tached to the northern army ; but their term of
service expired before they reached his encamp
ment, and they brought him no effectual support,
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
He ordered General Lee^to cross the Hudson, and
join him with those of his troops whose time of
service was not expiring ; but General Lee loi-
tered upon the east side of the river, and disco-
vered an ardent inclination to retain a separate
command in the rear of the enemy. He in re-
peated messages informed Lee, that his joining
was of absolute necessity, that the people of
Jersey expected security from the American
army ; and if disappointed, they would yield no
support to a force that did not protect them, and
cautioned him to take his route so high in the
country, as to avoid the danger of being inter-
cepted by the enemy. These orders General Lee
executed in a reluctant and tardy manner, and
soon after he entered New Jersey, carelessly
taking his quarters for a night in a house three
miles from his force, he was surprized and taken
prisoner by a detachment of British dragoons.
General Washington also renewed his letters to
Congress, and to the executives of the neighbour-
ing states, urging them to bring the whole
strength of the militia into the field, to enable
him to check the progress of the invading foe.
To back these requests, he directed General MifF-
lin to repair to Philadelphia, General Armstrong
to the interior of Pennsylvania, and Colonel Reed,
his adjutant general, to the distant counties of
New Jersey. The known influence of these
gentlemen in those places, united to the exertions
. of the constituted authorities, would, the Gene-
ral hoped, bring a powerful reinforcement to his
army. All these efforts were for the present time
ineffectual.
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 123
As General Howe advanced, the American army
retreated towards the Delaware. It frequently
happened, that the front guard of the British en-
tered one end of a village, as the rear of 'the Ame-
ricans quitted the other. Whenever it could be
done with safety, General Washington made a
stand, to shew the semblance of an army, and to
retard the progress of the enemy.
At Brunswick, Lord and General Howe, com-
missioners, issued a proclamation, commanding
all persons in arms against the King, peaceably
to return to their homes, and all civil officers to
desist from their treasonable practices ; and offer-
ing a full pardon to all persons, who should in
sixty days appear before appointed officers of the
crown, and subscribe a declaration of their sub-
mission to royal authority.
DEC.] This was the' most gloomy .period of
the revolutionary war. It was the crisis of the
struggle of the United States for independence.
The American army, reduced in numbers, de-
pressed by defeat and exhausted by fatigue, naked,
barefoot, and destitute of tents, and even of uten-
sils, with which to dress their scanty provisions,
was fleeing before a triumphant army, well ap-
pointed and abundantly supplied. A general
spirit of despondency through New Jersey was
the consequence of this disastrous state of pub-
lic affairs. No city or town indeed, in its incor-
porate capacity, submitted to the British govern-
ment. A few characters of distinction maintain-
ed their political integrity ; and nearly a thousand
of the militia of the state bravely kept the field
124 LIFE OF .WASHINGTON. [1776.
in defence of their country. But most of the
families of fortune and influence., discovered an
inclination to return to their allegiance to the
King. Many of the yeomanry claimed the be-
nefits of the commissioners' proclamation; and
the great body of them were too much taken up
with the security of their families and their pro-
perty, to make any exertion in the public cause.
In this worst of times Congress stood unmoved.
Their measures exhibited no symptoms of confu-
sion or dismay, the public danger only roused
them to more vigorous exertions, that they might
give a firmer tone to the public mind, and ani-
mate the citizens of United America to a manly
defence of their independence.
Beneath this cloud of adversity, General Wash-
ington shone, perhaps, with a brighter lustre than
in the day of his highest prosperity. Not dis-
mayed by all the difficulties which encompassed
him, he accommodated his measures to his situa-
tion, and still made the good of his country the
object of his unwearied pursuit. He ever wore
the countenance of composure and confidence;
by his own example inspiring his little band with
firmness to struggle with adverse fortune.
DEC. 8.] As the British advanced upon him
he retreated ; and having previously broken down
the bridges on the Jersey shore, he crossed the
Delaware, and secured the boats upon the river"
for a distance of seventy miles. The van of the
enemy appeared upon the left bank of the Dela-
ware, while the rear of the American army was
upon its passage.
1776.3 tIFE OF WASHINGTON.
After an unsuccessful attempt to procure boats
to pass the Delaware, General Howe cantoned
his army in New Jersey, intending to wait until
the frost of winter should furnish him with an
easy passage upon the ice to Philadelphia. He
stationed four thousand men along the Delaware
at Trenton, Bordentown, the White Horse, and
Burlington ; and the residue of his force he post*
ed between the Delaware and the Hackensack.
General Washington ordered the American
gallies to keep the river, narrowly to watch the
enemy, and to give the earliest notice of their
movements. He posted his troops upon the south
side of the Delaware, in situations the most fa-
vourable to guard the fords and ferries ; and
he gave written instructions to the commanding
officer of each detachment, directing what passes
he should defend, if driven from his post, on his
retreat to the heights of Germantown. While
waiting for reinforcements, he kept a steady eye
on the enemy, and used every means in his power
to gain correct information of their plans. This
moment of inaction he also embraced, to lay be-
fore Congress his reiterated remonstrancesagainst
the fatal system of short inlistments. He hoped
that experience, by its severe chastisement, would
produce the conviction upon that body, which his
arguments and persuasions had not fully effected.
DEC. 20.] He urged Congress to establish
corps of cavalry, artillerists, and engineers, and
pressed upon them the necessity of establishing
additional regiments of infantry. He knew that
objections to these measures would arise on ac-
126 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1776.
count of the expence, and from the consideration
that the old battalions were not yet filled; these
he obviated, by observing, that " more men would
in this way on the whole be raised, and that our
fund's were not the only object now to be taken
into consideration. We find," he added, " that
the enemy are daily gathering strength from the
disaffected. This strength, like a snowball, by
rolling will increase, unless some means can be
devised to check, effectually, the progress of the
enemy's arms : militia may possibly do it for a
little while ; but in a little while also, the militia
of these states, which have frequently been called
upon, will not turn out at call ; or if they do, it
will be with so much reluctance and sloth, as to
amount to the same thing : instance New Jersey 1
Witness Pennsylvania ! Could any thing but the
river Delaware have saved Philadelphia ? Could
any thing (the exigency of the case indeed may
justify it) be more destructive to the recruiting
service, than giving ten dollars bounty for six
weeks' service of the militia, who come in, you
cannot tell how, go you cannot tell when, and act,
you cannot tell where consume your provisions,
exhaust your stores, and leave you at last at a
critical moment. These are the men I am to de-
pend upon ten days hence. This is the basis on
which your cause will, and must for ever depend,
till you get a iarge standing army, sufficient of it-
self to oppose the enemy."
With deference, ( he suggested to Congress the
expediency of enlarging his own powers, that he
might execute important measures without con-
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 127
suiting with them, and possibly, by the delay,
missing the favourable moment of action. ." It
may be said/' he observed, " that this is an ap-
plication for powers that are too dangerous to be
entrusted. I can only add, that desperate diseases
require desperate remedies, and with truth declare,
that I have no lust after power, but wish with as
much fervency, as any man upon the wide ex-
tended continent, for an opportunity of turning
the sword into a ploughshare. But my feelings,
as an officer and a man, have been such as to force
me to say, that no person ever had a greater choice
of difficulties to contend with than I have." Hav-
ing recommended sundry other measures, and
mentioned several arrangements which he had
adopted beyond the spirit of his commission, he
concluded with the following observations.
" It may be thought that I am going a good
deal out of the line of my duty to adopt these
measures, or to advise thus freely. A character
to lose, an estate to forfeit, the inestimable bless-
ings of liberty at stake, ajnd a life devoted, must
be my apology."
DEC. 27.]] These weighty representations were
not fruitless. Congress, by a resolution, invested
their General with almost unlimited powers to
manage the war.
The united exertions of civil and military offi-
cers had by this time brought a considerable body
of militia into the field. General Sullivan, too,
on whom the command of General Lee's division
devolved upon his capture, promptly obeyed the
orders of the Commander in Cfcief, and at this
128 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
period joined him; and General Heath was march-
ing a detachment from Peck's Kill. The army,
with these reinforcements, amounted to seven
thousand men, and General Washington deter-
mined to recommence active operations.
General Maxwell had already been sent into
New Jersey, to take the command of three regi-
ments of regular forces, and about eight hundred
of the miiitia. His orders were, to give the in-
habitants all possible support, and to prevent'the
disaffected from going into the British lines to
make their submission, to harass the marches of
the enemy, to give early intelligence of their
movements, particularly of these towards Prince-
ton and Trenton.
These measures were preparatory to more en-
terprising and bold operations. General Wash-
ington had noticed the loose and uncovered state
of the winter quarters of the British army ; and
lie contemplated the preservation of Philadelphia,
and the recovery of New Jersey, by sweeping, at
one stroke, all the British cantonments upon the
Delaware. The present position of his forces fa-
voured the execution of his plan.
The troops under the immediate command of
General Washington, consisting of about two
thousand four hundred men, were ordered to cross
the river at M'Konkey's ferry, nine miles above
Trenton, to attack that post. General Irvine was
directed to cross with his division at Trenton
ferry, to secure the bridge below the town, and
prevent the retreat of the enemy that way. Ge-
neral Cadwallader received orders to pass the river
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
at Bristol ferry, and assault the post at Burlington.
The night of the twenty-fifth was assigned for
the execution of this daring scheme. It proved
to be severely cold, and so much ice was made in
the river, that General Irvine and General Cad-
wallader, after having strenuously exerted them-
selves, found it impracticable to pass their divi-
sions, and their part of the plan totally failed.
The Commander in Chief was more fortunate.
With difficulty he crossed the river, but was de-
layed in point of time. He expected to have
reached Trenton at the dawn of day, and it was
three o'clock in the morning before he had passed
the troops and artillery over the river, and four
before he commenced his line of march. Being
now distant nine miles from the British encamp-
ment,, the attempt to surprize it was given up.
He formed his little army into two divisions, one
of which was directed to proceed by the river
road into the west end of Trenton, and the other
by the Pennington road which leads into the north
end of the town. The distance being equal, the
General supposed that each division would arrive
at the scene of action about the same time ; and
therefore he ordered each to attack the moment of
its arrival, and driving in the picket guard, to
press after it into the town. The General, accom-
panying the division on the Pennington road,
reached the out post of the enemy precisely at
eight o'clock, and in three minutes ufter, had the
satisfaction to hear the firing of his men on the
other road.
The brave Colonel Rawle, the commanding
ML
ISO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
officer, paraded his forces for the defence of his
post. He was by the first fire mortally wounded,
and his men, in apparent dismay, attempted to
file off towards Princeton. General Washington
perceiving their intention, moved a part of his
troops into this road in their front, and defeated
the design. Their artillery being seized, and the
Americans pressing upon them, they surrendered.
Twenty of the Germans were killed, and one thou-
sand made prisoners. By the failure of General
Irvine, a small body of the enemy, stationed in
the lower part of the town, escaped over the
bridge to Bordenton. Of the American troops,
two privates were killed, and two frozen to death,
one officer and three or four privates were wounded.
Could the other division's have crossed the De-
laware, General Washington's plan, in its full
extent, would probably have succeeded. Not
thinking it prudent to hazard the fruits of this
gallant stroke by more daring attempts, the Ge-
neral the same day recrossed the Delaware with
his prisoners, with six pieces of artillery, a thou-
sand stand of arms, and some military stores.
General Howe was astonished at this display of
enterprise and vigour. He found the American
Commander a formidable enemy under circum-
stances of the greatest depression, and although
in the depth of winter, determined to recommence
active operations. In pursuance of this resolu-
tion, he called in his out posts, and assembled a
powerful force at Princeton.
Having allowed his men two or three days rest,
General Washington again passed into New Jer-
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 131
sey, and concentered his forces, amounting to five
thousand, at Trenton, He pushed a small de-
tachment to Maidenhead, about half way between
Trenton and Princeton, to watch the movement
of the enemy, and delay their march, should they
advance upon him. [JAN. 2, 1777.] On the next
morning, Lord Cornwallis moved towards the
American General with a superior force, and
reached Trenton at four o'clock of the afternoon.
General Washington drew up his men behind
Assumpinck creek, which runs through the town.
A cannonade was opened on both sides. His
Lordship attempted at several places to cross the
creek ; but finding the passes guarded, he halted
his troops, and kindled his fires.
Early in the evening General Washington as-
sembled his officers in council, and stated to them
the critical situation of the army. " In the morn-
ing," he observed, " we certainly shall be attack-
ed by a superior force, defeat must operate our
absolute destruction, a retreat across the Dela-
ware is extremely hazardous, if practicable, on
account of the ice. In either case, the advantages
of our late success will be sacrificed. New Jersey
must again be resigned to the enemy, and a train
of depressing and disastrous consequences will
ensue." He then proposed to their consideration
the expediency of the following measure. " Shall
we silently quit our present position by a cir-
cuitous route, gain the rear of the enemy at
Princeton, and there avail ourselves of favourable
circumstances ? By this measure we shall avoid
the appearance of a retreat, we shall assume the
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [f?77.
aspect of vigorous operation, inspirit the public
wind, and subserve tbe interests of our country/'
The plan was unanimously approved, and mea-
sures were instantly adopted for its execution;
the baggage was silently removed to Burlington ;
the fires were renewed., and ordered to be kept up
through tbe night; guards were posted at the
bridge and fords of the creek,, and directed to go
the usual rounds. At one o'clock in the morning,
the army moved upon the left flank of the enemy,
and unperceived gained their rear. The weather,
which for several days had been warm, suddenly
shifted to a severe frost ; and the roads, which
had been deep and muddy, immediately became
hard and marching upon them easy.
About sunrise the American van met the ad-
vance of three British regiments, which had the
preceding night encamped at Princeton, and were
on their way to join Lord Cornwallis. A severe
skirmish took place between this advanced corps
and General Mercer, who commanded the mi-
litia, in front of the American line. The militia
at length gave way, and in the effort to rally
them, General Mercer was. mortally wounded.
General Washington advanced at the head of
those troops which had signalized themselves at
Trenton, and exposed himself to the hottest fire
of the enemy. His men bravely supported him,
and the British in their turn were repulsed, and
the different regiments separated : that in the rear
retreated with little loss to Brunswick. Colonel
Mawhood in the van, with a part of his men,
forced his way through the Americans, and reach- 1
1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 133
ed Trenton. More than an hundred of the Bri-
tish were left on the field of battle, and three
hundred of them were made prisoners. Besides
General Mercer, whose death was greatly la-
mented, the Americans iii this action lost two co-
lonels, two captains, five other officers, and nearly
an hundred privates:
On the return of day, Lord Cornwallis found
that he had been out generated. Comprehend-
ing the design of Washington, he broke up his
encampment, and with the utmost expedition trod
back his own steps, for the preservation of the
stores in his rear ; and he was close upon the Ame-
ricans as they marched out of Princeton.
It had been the intention of General Washing-
ton to proceed to Brunswick, where the British
had large magazines, and where Was their mili-
tary chest, which at this time, as it afterwajds ap-
peared, contained seventy thousand pounds ster-
ling. But many of his soldiers had not slept for
forty-eight hours, none of them for the last twen-
ty-four, and they were exhausted by excessive
duty. They were closely pursued by a superior
force, which must be up with them before the
stores at Brunswick could be destroyed, should
they meet with serious opposition at that place.
General Washington therefore relinquished this
part of his plan, and prudently led his army to
a place of security, to give them the rest which
they greatly needed.
The successes of the American arms at Tren-
ton and at Princeton, were followed by important
consequences. The affairs of the United States,
134 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777-
before these events, appeared to be desperate.
Two thousand of the regular troops had a right,
on the first of January, to demand their discharge.
The recruiting service was at an end, and general
despondency prevailed. The triumphs of the
British through the previous parts of the cam-
paign, produced a common apprehension, in the
citizens of the middle states, that any further
struggle would be useless ; and that America
must eventually return te her allegiance to Great
Britain. Many individuals made their peace
with the commissioners, and took protection from
the officers of the crown ; and more discovered
the inclination to do it when opportunity should
present. General Howe supposed New Jersey
restored to the British government, and thought
the war drawing to a close. But these successes
were considered as great victories, and produced,
consequent effects upon the public mind. The
character of the Commander in Chief propor-
tionably rose in the estimation of the great mass
of American people, who now respected them-
selves, and confided in their persevering efforts to
secure the great object of contention, the inde-
pendence of their country.
Other causes had a powerful operation upon
the minds of the yeomanry of New Jersey. The
British commanders tolerated, or at least neglect-
ed to restrain, gross licentiousness in their army.
The inhabitants of the state, which they boasted
was restored to the bosom of the parent country,
were treated not as reclaimed friends, but as con-
quered enemies. The soldiery were guilty of every
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 135
species of rapine, and with little discrimination
of those who had opposed, or supported the mea-
sures of Britain. The abuse was not limited to
the plundering of property. Every indignity
was offered to the persons of the inhabitants, not
excepting those outrages to the female sex, which
are felt by ingenuous minds with the keenest
anguish, and excite noble spirits to desperate re-
sistance. These aggravated abuses roused the
people of New Jersey to repel that army, to which
they had voluntarily submitted in the expecta-
tion of protection and security. At the dawn of
success upon the American arms, they rose in
small bands to oppose their invaders. They scour-
ed the country, cut off every soldier who straggled
from his corps ; and in many instances repelled
the foraging parties of the enemy.
The enterprising manoeuvres of the American
General, and the returning spirit of the Jersey
yeomanry, rendered General Howe, now Sir Wil-
liam, very cautious and circumspect. He con-
tracted his cantonments for winter quarters, and
concentrated his whole force in the Jersey, at
Brunswick and Amboy.
By this time, the period of service of the con-
tinental battalions had expired, and the recruits
for the new army were not yet in camp. Offen-
sive operations, therefore, were of necessity sus-
pended by the American General ; but, with the
small force at his disposal, he straitened the ene-
my's quarters, and circumscribed their foraging
excursion!.
At Christmas the power of the British was ex-
136 LIKE OF WASHINGTON. [1777
tended over the whole of New Jersey, and their
commanders boasted, that a corporal's guard
might in safety parade in every part of the pro-
vince. . Before the expiration of January, they
possessed but two posts in the state, and these
were in the neighbourhood of their shipping.
The power of their arms extended not beyond the
reach of the guns of their fortifications. Every
load of forage, and every pound of provision,
obtained from the inhabitants, were procured by
the bayonets of large detachments, and at the
price of blood.
1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 137
CHAPTER IV.
General Washington disposes his small forces for the protection
of New Jersey Army Inoculated Abuse of American pri-
soners The exchange of General Lee refused Stores at Peck's
Kill and Danbury destroyed American army takes post at
Middlebrook Sir William Howe moves towards the Delaware
Returns to Staten Island and embarks his troops He lands
at the Head of Elk General Washington marches to meet him
Battle of Brandywine Effects of a . Storm British take
possession of Philadelphia Mudflsland and Red Bank forti-
fied Obstructions in the River Attack on Mud Island
Count Donop defeated British surmount the Fortiftcations'of
the River Plan to attack Philadelphia Sir William Howe
reconnoitres the American camp at White Marsh The army
posted at Valley Forge The Privations of the Soldiers during
the Winter.
1777.3 General Washington indulged the
hope, that the brilliant success, at the close of the
last campaign, would stimulate his country to
bring a force into the field, which would enable
him in the course of the winter, to drive the ene-
my into New York, to straiten their quarters,
and prevent their obtaining any supplies from the
neighbouring counties. Being disappointed in
this hope, he disposed his small "force in the best
manner to protect New Jersey, and exerted him-
self to prepare for the approaching season of ac-
tion.
The most popular officers were sent into the
states in which they had the greatest influence.
138 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776.
to aid the recruiting service, and to push the re-
cruits forward to camp, in small bodies, as they
could be made ready.
The arory having suffered extremely from the
small pox, the General resolved that they should
be relieved from the scourge and terror of this
disease. Orders were accordingly given to ino-
culate the continental soldiers in their winter
quarters; and places were assigned at which the
recruits were to go through the operation, as they
successively approached the camp. The business
successfully issued, and Sir William did not avail
himself of the temporary debility of the American
army.
Congress had also admitted the expectation of
splendid events, during the winter. In answer-to
a letter, expressing this expectation, the Com-
mander in Chief gave the following account of
the state of his army.
MARCH 4.] " Could I accomplish the impor-
tant abject so eagerly wished by Congress, confin-
ing the enemy in their present quarters, prevent-
ing their gathering sup plies from the country, and
totally subduing them before they are reinforced,
I should be happy indeed. But what prospect
or hope can there be, of my effecting so desirable
a work at this time ? The enclosed return, to
which I solicit the most serious attention of Con-
gress, comprehends the whole force I have in the
Jersey. It is but an handful, and bears no pro-
portion, in the scale of numbers, to that of the
enemy. Added to this, the major part is made
up of militia. The most sanguine in speculation.
1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 139
cannot deem it more than adequate to the least
valuable purposes of war." The whole number
capable of duty was short of three thousand.
Two-thirds of these were militia., whose time of
service would expire with the month.
During the winter General Spencer planned an
expedition against the British troops on Rhode
Island. The Commander in Chief advised, that
the attempt should not be made without the
strongest probability of success. The scheme
was relinquished, and the General fully expressed
his approbation of it. " It is right not to risk a
miscarriage. Until we get our new army pro-
perly established, it is our business to play a cer-
tain game, and not to depend on the militia for
any thing capital." The weakness of General
Washington was concealed from his friends
and from his foes, and he was not molested at head
quarters by Sir William Howe.
The remonstrances of the Commander in Chief
upon the state of the army, had in some degree
produced their effect upon Congress. The corps
of artillerists was increased to three regiments,
and the command of it given to Colonel Knox,
who at this time was promoted to be a Brigadier-
general. A resolution also passed Congress, to
raise three thousand cavalry*: and General Wash-
ington was empowered to establish a corps of en-
gineers. Few, if any, native Americans having
been systematically educated to this branch of
war, the corps was principally formed of foreign-
ers, and General Du Portail, an officer of distin^
guished merit, was placed at its head.
140 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1777.
The arrangement of the army gave the Com-
mander in Chief inconceivable trouble. Con-
gress, as the head of the Union, regulated the ge-
neral military system ; *but the governments of
the several states were in their respective depart-
ments sovereign. Indeed the states only possess-
ed coercive power. These raised tbeir propor-
tion of troops, and their agency was blended with
that of Congress, in the clothing and support of
the men. The state regulations respecting bounty
and pay were different, and occasioned jealousies
in the army vexatious to the General, and destruc-
tive of subordination and discipline. The states
which conceived themselves exposed to the rava-
sion of the enemy, discovered an inclination to
direct a jiart of the general force to their secu-
rity, or to raise state battalions for their defence,
and to be at their disposal. General Washing-
ton, in his correspondence with Congress, and
with the state governments, represented the evils
that must ensue, should any discrimination of pay
or treatment be made among soldiers of the same
army. He also stated, that if the force of the
country should be placed under different heads,
sufficient strength could not be collected to de-.
fend any one point ; and while the general defence
was weakened, it would be impossible, by any dis-
position of the army, to prevent the partial de-
predations of the enemy. These embarrassments
were happily overruled by the personal influence
of the General ; and before the campaign open-
ed, the arrangements of the army were brought
into order and method.
1777.]' LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 141
The treatment of American prisoners by the
British commanders was another source of vexa-
W
tion and difficulty. At the commencement of
hostilities,, General Gage did not view the Ame?
ricans as a community contending for their con-
stitutional rights., but as the revolted subjects of
his royal master, and the unhappy men, whom
the fortune of war placed in his hands, he, with-
out regard to military rank, confined in prison a
rebels with common felons. Against a practice
militating with common usage, and calculated to
increase the miseries of war, General Washington
forcibly remonstrated. In a letter to General
Gage, he mentioned, that in his apprehension the
obligations of humanity, and the claims of rank,
are universally binding, except in the case of re-
taliation. He expressed " the hope he had en-
tertained, that they would have induced, on the
part of the British General, a conduct more con-
formable to the rights they gave. While he
claimed the benefit of these rights, he declared
his determination to be regulated entirely in his
conduct towards the prisoners who should fall
into his hands, by the treatment which those in
the power of the British General should receive."
To this letter a very haughty and insolent answer
was given, in which General Gage retorted the
charge of abuse towards prisoners, and stated, as
a mark of British clemency, that the cord was not
applied to those of whose imprisonment complaint
was made. To this abusive communication, Ge-
neral Washington replied in a manner worthy his
character, and which reply, he observed, was
142 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
" to close their correspondence, perhaps for ever."
He concluded with saying, ee if your officers,
our prisoners, receive from me a treatment dif-
ferent from what I wished to shew them, they and
you will remember the occasion of it." Accord-
ingly all the British officers in his power were
put into close jail, and the soldiers were confined
in places of security. Directions were particu-
larly given to subaltern agents, to explain to the
sufferers the causes which led to this severity of
treatment.
When Howe succeeded to the command of the
British army, he admitted American officers to
their parole, and consented to an exchange of pri-
soners ; and General Washington gladly resumed
his former humane treatment of captives.
The capture of General Lee furnished another
cause of irritation on this subject. He had been
a British officer, and had engaged in the American
service before the acceptance of the resignation of
his commission. Sir William Howe for this rea-
son pretended to view him as a traitor, and at
first refused to admit him to his parole, or to
consider him as a subject of exchange. Congress
directed the Commander in Chief, to propose to
Sir W r illiam Howe to exchange six field officers
for General Lee. In case the proposal was re-
jected, that body resolved, that these officers
should be closely confined, and in every respect
receive the treatment that General Lee did. The
proposition not being acceded to, the resolution
of Congress was carried into effect, by the execu-
tives of the states, in whose custody the selected
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 14S
field officers were, with a degree of severity which
the treatment of General Lee did not warrant.
The general plan of retaliation, adopted by
Congress for abuses offered to Americans in the
power of the British, the sound judgment of Ge-
neral Washington conceived to be unjust and im-
politic, and his humane heart relucted to execute
it. Some of the resolutions of that honourable x
body on this subject, he thought exposed his own
honour to impeachment by Sir William Howe.
Against those resolutions he pointedly remon-
strated, and detailed the evils they were calculated
to produce to the nation, and to the Americans,
prisoners with the British. His representations,
through a long period, .had not their due effect;
but eventually Congress was constrained to adopt
the measures he recommended.
Resolving never himself to aggravate the mise-
ries of war by wanton deeds of cruelty, General
Washington was disposed to adopt and execute
those laws of retaliation, which would constrain
the enemy to conduct their military operations in
the spirit of humanity. Repeated and heavy
complaints were made of the cruel treatment
which the American prisoners received in New
York ; and the sickly and debilitated state of
those who were sent out to be exchanged, con-
firmed the truth of the charge. Many of them
fainted and died before they reached head quar-
ters. General Howe demanded that all prisoners,
delivered at the lines to an American officer,
should be accounted for in the cartel, and British
oldiers returned to the full amount. General
144 1IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
Washington absolutely refused to reckon those
who died on their way to the American camp ;
and he unweariedly exerted himself to correct
the abuse to American prisoners. In the begin-
ning of April this year, he wrote Sir William
Howo, " It is a fact not to be questioned, that
the usage of our prisoners, while in your posses-
sion, the privates at least, was such as could not
be justified. This was proclaimed by the con-
current testimony of all who came out, their ap-
pearance sanctified the assertion, and melancholy
experience, in the speedy death of a large part of
them, stamped it with infallible certainty." These
measures induced the enemy to a more humane
treatment of their prisoners ; but disputes on the
subject prevented the establishment of a regular
cartel until a late period of the war.
In March the enemy sent out two detachments
to destroy the American stores at Peck's Kill on
the North River, and at Danbury in Connecticut.
Both succeeded in their attempt ; and although
the stores destroyed did not equal in quantity the
report on which the expeditions were planned,
yet their loss was sensibly felt by the Americana
in the active season of tfie campaign.
In the near approach of active operations, Con-
gress resolved that a camp should be formed oa
the western side of Philadelphia. General Wash-
ington had already adopted his plan for the cam-
paign, and requested that this camp, if formed,
should consist wholly of militia. In the expecta-
tion that Sir William Howe would either attempt
to gain possession of the high lands on North
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 145
river, and co-operate with General Burgoyne
from Canada ; or renew the plan of the last cam-
paign, to march through New Jersey for Phila-
delphia, the General determined to post his army
upon the strong ground in New Jersey, north of
the road through Brunswick, to Philadelphia. In
this position he might protect Philadelphia, and
a great part of New Jersey. The situation was
also favourable to defend the passes and forts on
the North river. To this post he wished to col-
lect a force sufficient to repel an assault from Ge-
neral Howe. In the location of his army, the
General had another object of magnitude upon
his mind. In his opinion it was uncertain whe-
ther General Burgoyne would by sea join Sir
William Howe, or, retaining a separate command,
attempt the conquest of Ticonderoga, and an im-
pression upon the Hudson: which of these mea-
sures would be pursued, he could not determine,
until the plans of the enemy were unfolded. To
guard against both, he ordered the troops raised
north of the Hudson to be divided between Ti-
conderoga and Peck's Kill ; and those south, in-
cluding North Carolina, to be stationed in New
Jersey. The troops of South Carolina and Geor-
gia were left for their own defence. By this dis-
position of his forces, the General was in a situa-
tion to reinforce Ticonderoga from Peck's Kill,
should Burgoyne attack that post, or reinforce his
own army from those posts, should Burgoyne join
Sir William Howe.
In pursuance of this plan, on the last of May,
the winter encampment at Morristown was broken
146 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
up, and a camp formed at Middlebrook, about ten
miles from Brunswick. The position, naturally
strong, was strengthened by entrenchments. The
weajt state of the American army required for its
safety every advantage of ground, as well as the
utmost caution of the General. On the 20th of
May, the troops in New Jersey, exclusive of ca-
valry and artillery, amounted only to eight thou-
sand three hundred and seventy-eight men, of
whom more than two thousand were sick. The
troops of North Carolina had not then joined the
army, and about five hundred of the militia of
Jersey were not included in the estimate. This
force was in numbers much inferior to the army
commanded by Sir William Howe, and many of
the Americans were recruits, who had never faced
dn enemy.
Sir William having collected his force at Bruns-
wick about the middle of June, marched in two
columns towards the Delaware. By this move-
ment, he expected to induce General Washington
to quit his fortified camp, to oppose the enemy's
passage of the river, and that a general engage-
ment would, in consequence, take place on ground
favourable to the British commander. General
Washington was not ensnared by this stratagem.
In a letter Written at. the moment, his apprehen-
sions of this manoeuvre are thus conveyed. " The
views of the enemy must be to destroy this army,
and get possession of Philadelphia. I am, how-
ever, clearly of opinion, that they will not move
that way, until they have endeavoured to give a
severe blow to this army. The risk would be too
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON! 147
great to attempt to cross a river, when they must
expect to meet a formidable opposition in front,
and would have such a force as ours in the rear.
They might possibly be successful, but the pro-
bability would be infinitely against them. Should
they be imprudent enough to make the attempt>
I shall keep close upon their heels, and will do
every thing in my power to make the project fatal
to them."
" But besides the argument in favour of their
intending, in the first place, a stroke at this army,
drawn from the policy of thd measure, every ap-
pearance contributes to confirm the opinion. Had
their design been for the Delaware, in the first
instance, they would probably have made a secret,
rapid march for it, and not have halted so as to
awaken our attention, and give MS time to prepare
for obstructing them. Instead of that, they have
only advanced to a position necessary to facilitate
an attack on our right, the part in which we. are
most exposed. In addition to this circumstance,
they have come out as light as possible ; leaving
all their baggage, provisions, boats, and bridges,
at Brunswick. This plainly contradicts the idea
of their intending to push for the Delaware."
When the British army was collected at Bruns-
wick, General Washington knowing that the
high lands on the Hudson were not exposed
while the enemy held that position, ordered a
large detachment from Peck's Kill to Middle-
brook, and he determined to defend himself in
this post. ^
Finding that his opponent could not be ma-
148 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [177T-
nceuvred out of his fortified camp, the British
commander drew back his troops to Staten Island,
with the design to embark them for the Delaware
or the Chesapeak.
While these manoeuvres were displaying in.
New Jersey, intelligence was received, that Ge-
neral Burgoyne, with a powerful body of troops,
was on the Lakes, approaching Ticonderoga.
General Washington immediately forwarded large
reinforcements to the northern army.
Soon after the British transports sailed out of
the harbour of New York, an intercepted letter
from General Howe to General Burgoyue w as put
into the hands of the Commander in Chief, which
contained the information, that " he was exhibit-
ing the appearance of moving to the southward,
while his real intent was against Boston, from
whence he would co-operate with the army of
Canada." General Washington vie wing this letter
as a finesse, paid no regard to it.
The policy of co-operating on the North river
with the army of Canada, was so evident to the
military mind of the General, that he conceived
the movement of Howe to be a feint, designed to
draw away the American army, that the British
forces might suddenly ascend the Hudson, and
seize the passes in the mountains; he therefore
moved his troops to the neighbourhood of those
'heights, and there waited the issue of Sir Wil-
liam's manoeuvre.
When the apprehension of a 'sudden attack
upon the American works on the North river was
removed, by the length of time Sir William Howe
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
had been ~at sea, General Washington marched
his army, by divisions, to places which he thought
the most favourable to defend points the enemy
might attack.
While waiting the evolution of the enemy's
plan of the campaign, General Washington sur-
veyed the ground in the neighbourhood of Phila-
delphia, that he might be thoroughly acquainted
with the probable scene of approaching military
Operations. On a critical examination of the for-
tifications on the Delaware, he advised Congress
to confine the defence of the river to Mud Island
and Red Bank, because the force for defence,
collected at these points, would produce more
effect than it could, divided upon different parts
of the river.
The American army remained quietly in its
position until the 21st of August. By this time
General Washington apprehended that General
Howe had proceeded to Charleston, South Caro-
lina, and he knew that the attempt to follow him
to that place would be useless. He therefore re-
solved to move his army to the North river, to
assail the enemy at New York, or to join the
northern army and oppose Burgoync. But on
the very day on which orders to this purpose were
issued, intelligence reached him that Sir William
had entered the Chesapeak, and was approaching
its head. He had spent more than twenty days
in his passage, and on the 25th of August, landed
without opposition at Turkey Point, in Maryland.
His force amounted to eighteen thousand men,
abundantly furnished with every article of warfare,
150 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
As soon as General Washington was apprized
of the destination of the British General, he put
his army in motion to meet him. He marched
through Philadelphia, that a sight of his forces
might make impressions on the minds of those
citizens who were hostile to the American cause.
The effective force of General Washington did
not exceed eleven thousand men. The militia, on
this occasion, turned out in considerable numbers,
but the want of arms rendered the services of
many of them useless.
On the 3d of September, th,e hostile armies ap-
proached each other. General Washington, not
being in force to contend with his foe in the open
field, could only harass his line of march, with
light troops and cavalry, and pick up stragglers
from his camp. As the royal troops advanced,
Sir William manoeuvred to gain the right wing of
the American army. General \Yashington, to
counteract his design, continued to fall back,
until he crossed the Brandywine river at Chadd's
ford. Here he made a stand to dispute its pas-
sage by the British.
The opinion of Congress, and the general sen-
timent of the country, imposed on the General
the necessity of hazarding a general action at this
place, for the defence of Philadelphia.
SEPT. 1 1 .~] Early in the morning, information
was brought to the Commander in Chief, that the
British army was advancing in the road to Chadd's
ford, and he immediately prepared to dispute the
passage of the river. By ten o'clock, the light
troops were driven over the river to the main
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 151
body of the American army, and it was every
moment expected that the German General Knyp-
hausen would attempt to force a passage. About
noon, intelligence was communicated to the Ge-
o
neral, that a large column of the enemy, with a
number of field pieces, had marched up the
country, and fallen into the road which crosses
the Brandy wine above its foVks.
Satisfied of the correctness of this intelligence,
he detached the right wing of his army to attack
the left of this column, as it marched down the
north side of the Brandywine, intending himself,
with the centre and left wing, to recross the river,
and attack the division of the enemy at .Chadd's
fbrd. While issuing orders for the execution of
this daring plan, the first intelligence was contra-
dicted, and the general was informed, that the
movement of the column tovvards'the forks was a
feint, and that instead of crossing the river at that
place, it had rejoined the German troops at
Chadd's fbrd. Under the uncertainty, which this
contradictory intelligence produced, the General
prudently relinquished his design.
About two o'clock, it was ascertained that Sir
William Howe in person had crossed the Brandy-
wine at tli6 forks, and was rapidly marching down
the north side of the river, to attack the American
army. The Commander in Chief now ordered
General Sullivan to form the right wing to oppose
the column of Sir William. General Wayne was
directed to remain at Chadd's ford with the left
wing, to dispute the passage of the river with
JCnyphausen. General Green, with his division,
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
was posted as a reserve in the centre between Sul-
livan and Wayne, to reinforce either, as circum-
stances might require. General Sullivan marched
up the river, until he found favourable ground
on which to form his men ; his left was near the
Brandywine, and both flanks were covered with
thick wood. At half past four o'clock, when his
line was scarcely formed, the British, under Lord
Cornwallis, commenced a spirited attack. The
action was for some time severe ; but the Ameri-
can right, which was not properly in order when
the assault began, at length gave way, and ex-
posed the flank of the troops that maintained their
ground to a destructive fire, and continuing to
break from the right, the whole line finally gavo
As soon as the firing began, General Washing-
ton, with General Green's division, hastened to-
wards the scene of action, but before his arrival,
Sullivan was routed, and the Commander in Chief
could only check the pursuit of the enemy, and
cover the retreat of the beaten troops.
During these transactions, General Knyphauscn
assaulted the works erected for the defence of
Chadd's ford, and soon carried them. General
Wayne, by this time learning the fate of the other
divisions, drew off his troops. General Washing-
ton retreated with his whole force that night to
Chester. The American loss in this battle was
about three hundred killed, and six hundred
wounded. Four hundred were made prisoners,
but these chiefly of the wounded.
Many of the regiments of infantry, and the
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 153
whole corps of artillery, on this occasion, exhi-
bited the firmness and persevering courage that
would have honoured veteran troops. A few
corps gave way as soon as pressed by the enemy,
and their deficiency exposed those who bravely
did their duty. General Howe stated his loss, in
this action, at one hundred killed and four hun-
dred wounded.
The defeat of Brandy wine produced no de-
pression of spirits upon Congress, the army, or the
country. Measures were immediately taken to
reinforce the army. Fifteen hundred men were
marched from Peck's Kill, and large detachments
of militia ordered into the field. The Comman-
der in Chief was empowered to impress all horses,
waggons, and provisions necessary for the army.
In orders, the General expressed his high satis-
faction at the behaviour of the body of his army
in the late engagement. Having allowed his
troops a short repose, he faced about to meet the
enemy, fully resolved to try his fortune in a gene-
ral action, before he resigned Philadelphia to the
royal commander.
SEPT. 15.] General Washington, perceiving
that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster
road, towards the city, took possession of ground
near the Warren tavern, on the left of the British,
and twenty-three miles from Philadelphia. The
protection of his stores at Reading was one ob-
ject of this movement. The next morning he
was informed of the approach of the British
a my, He immediately put his troops in motion
to engage the enemy, The advance of the two
154 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
hostile armies met and began to skirmish, when
rain fell, and soon increased to a violent storm.
This providentially prevented a general engage-
ment, and rendered the retreat of the Americans
absolutely necessary. The inferiority of the mus-
kets in the hands of the American soldiery, which
had been verified in every action, was strikingly
illustrated in/his retreat. The gun locks were
badly made, and the cartridge boxes imperfectly
constructed ; and this storm rendered most of the
arms unfit for use ; and all the ammunition was
damaged. The army was of consequence ex-
tremely exposed, and their danger became the
greater, as many of the soldiers were destitute of
bayonets. Fortunately the tempest, which pro-
duced such serious mischief to the Americans,
prevented the pursuit of the British.
General Washington, finding his troops un-
fitted for action, relinquished, from necessity, the
immediate intention of a battle, and continued his
retreat through the day, and most of the night,
amidst a cold and tempestuous rain, and in very
deep roads. On a full discovery of the extent of
the damage to the arms and ammunition, the Ge-
neral ascended the Schuylkil, and crossed it at
Warwick furnace, to obtain a fresh supply of am-
munition, and to refit or replace the defective
muskets. He still resolved to risk a general en-
gagement, for the safety of the capital. jjSEpT. 19.]]
He recrossed the Schuylkill at Parker's ferry, and
encamped east of that river, on both sides of Par-
kyomy creek, and detachments were posted at the
different fore}*, at which the enemy might attempt
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 155
to force a passage. As the British army ap-
proached the river, General Washington posted
his army in their front ; but, instead of forcing a
passage, Sir William moved rapidly up the road
towards Reading. The American Commander,
supposing that his object was to destroy the mili-
tary stores at that place, and to turn the right
flank of the American army, marched up the
river to Pottsgrove, leaving the lower road to the
city open to his antagonist. Sir William Howe
awailed himself of the opportunity, and on the
I6th, entered Philadelphia in triumph.
General Washington had seasonably taken the
precaution to remove the public stores from the
city, and to secure for the use of the army, those
articles of merchandize, which their wants ren-
dered of primary necessity. Colonel Hamilton,
then one of General Washington's aids, had been
sent.into the city on this important business. By
liis instructions, he was directed to proceed in his
requisitions upon the stores and shops of Phila-
delphia, cautiously but effectually. " Your own
prudence will point out the least exceptionable
means to be pursued, but remember delicacy, and
a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of applica-
tion, must give place to our necessities. We
must, if possible, accomodate the soldiers with
such articles as they stand in need of; or we shall
have just reason to apprehend the most injurious
and alarming consequences from the approaching
season/*
From the landing of the British army at the
head of the Elk, on the 25th of August, to the
156 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777
26th of September, when they entered Philadel-
phia, the American troops had encountered a con-
tinued series of active operations, and the duty of
the General was complicated and arduous. Dur-
ing this time, the soldiers were destitute of bag-
gage, insufficiently supplied with provisions, and
deprived of the comforts that administer to the
support of the human frame under severe fatigue.
Without covering, they were exposed to heavy
rains, and obliged to march, many of them with-
out shoes, in deep roads, and to ford considerable
streams.
The best British writers, who have given us an
history of the revolutionary war, highly applaud
the generalship of Sir William Howe in this part
of the campaign. Can they then withhold ap-
plause from the American Commander, who
manoeuvred an inferior army in the face of the
British General, and detained him thirty days, in
inarching sixty miles, from the head of Elk river
to Philadelphia, in a country in which there
was not one fortified post, nor a stream that
might not, at this season be every where
forded ; who fought one battle, and although
beaten, in five days again faced his enemy
with the intention to risk a general engage-
ment; who, when in the moment of action,
was providentially necessitated to retreat, with
muskets and ammunition unfit for use, extricated
himself from his perilous situation, and once more
placed himself in front of the invading foe; who
at last was induced to open the Philadelphia road
to the British General, not because he was beaten
in the field, but through the influence of circunv
1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 157
stances, which no military address could counter-
act.
Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in
Philadelphia, and the other corps of the British
army were cantoned at Germantown. The first
object of Sir William was to subdue the defences
and remove the impediments of the Delaware,
that a communication might be opened with the
British shipping. General Washington made
every effort to prevent the execution of the ene-
my's design, in the hope of forcing General Howe
out of Philadelphia,, by preventing supplies of
provisions from reaching him. Of the attainment
of this important object he had no doubt, could
the passage of the Delaware be rendered imprac-
ticable. To this purpose works had been erected
on a bank of mud and sand in the river, near the
confluence of the Schuylkill, and about seveii
miles below Philadelphia. The place, from these
works, was denominated Fort Island, and tite
works themselves Fort Mifflin. On a neck of
land on the opposite shore of New Jersey, called
Red Bank, a fort was constructed and mounted
with heavy artillery, and called Fort Mercer.
Fort Island and Red Bank were distant from
each other half a mile. In the channel of the Dela-
ware, which ran between them, two ranges of che-
vaux de frize were sunk. These consisted of
large pieces of timber, strongly framed together,
and pointed with iron; and they completely ob-
structed the passage of ships. These works were
covered by several gallies, floating batteries, and
armed ships.
158 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. , f 1777-
Sir William Howe having detached a consider-
able force from Germantown to operate against
the works on the Delaware, General Washington
thought this a favourable opportunity to attack
the British army in their cantonments. The line
of (he British encampment crossed the village of
Germantown at right angles, near its centre; and
its flanks were strongly covered.
General Washington now commanded a force
consisting of about eight thousand continental
troops and three thousand militia. The General's
plan was to attack both wings of the enemy in
front and rear at the same time. The arrange-
ments having been made, the army was moved
near the scene of action on the evening of the 4th
of October. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne,
flanked by Conway's brigade, were to enter Ger-
mantown by the way of Chesnut Hill, and attack
the left wing of the British. General Armstrong,
with the Pennsylvania militia, was ordered to fall
down the Manatawny road, and turning the Bri-
tish left flank, attack its rear. The divisions of
Green and Stephen, flanked by M'Dougal's bri-
gade, were to take a circuit by the way of the
Limekiln road, and entering at the market house,
attack the right wing. The militia of Maryland
and New Jersey, under General Small wood and
General Forman, were to march down the old
York road, and fall upon the rear of the British
right. The division of Lord Sterling, and the
brigades of Nash and Maxwell, were to form a
corps de reserve.
OCT. 8.] About sunrise the next morning, the
1777.] LJj^E OF WASHINGTON. 159
front of General Sullivan's column, which the
Commander in Chief accompanied, drove in the
British picket at Mount Airy. The main body
of the division soon engaged the British light
infantry and the fortieth regiment of foot, and
obliged them to give way, leaving all their bag-
gage behind. General Green, in half an hour af-
ter Sullivan reached the ground of action, attack-
ed and drove in the troops in fron^cf the right
wing of the enemy. Several brigades of Sulli-
van's and of Green's divisions penetrated the
town. The enemy appeared to be surprised, and
a fair prospect of eventual success in the assault
presented itself to the mind of the American Ge
neral.
The flattering expectations, which the success
ful commencement of the enterprise excited, were
soon succeeded by disappointment and mortifica
tion. As the British retreated before General
Sullivan's division, Colonel Musgrave took post
with six companies of light troops in a stone
house, from which he severely galled the Ameri-
cans in their advance. Attempts were made to
dislodge him, but they proved ineffectual, and the
American line was checked and flung info disor-
der. The morning being extremely foggy, the
Americans could neither perceive the situation of
the enemy, nor take advantage of their own suc-
cess. The ground to which some of the British
corps were pursued had many inclosures, which
broke the American line of march, and some of,
the regiments in their ardour to push forward,
separated from their brigades, were surrounded
160 LIFE OE WASHTNGTO. [1777.
and taken prisoners. In the moment of supposed
victory, the troops retreated, and the efforts of
their Generals to rally them \vere fruitless. The
militia were never seriously brought into action.
General Washington, perceiving that victory,
had on this occasion eluded his grasp, contented
himself with a safe and honourable retreat.
In this bold assault, two hundred Americans
\vere killed, six hundred wounded, and four hun-
dred taken prisoners. Among the killed was
Brigadier General Nash. The British loss was one
hundred killed and four hundred wounded.
Among the killed were Brigadier Agnew and
Colonel Bird. This enterprise, as far as the
Commander in Chief was concerned in it, was
honourable. Its ultimate failure must be attri-
buted to the want of discipline and experience in
his men. Congress fully approved of the plan of
this assault, and applauded the courage displayed
in its execution. They voted their thanks to the
General, and to the army.
The works in the Delaware now engaged the
attention of the British and American Generals.
Sir William Howe broke up his encampment at
Germantown, and moved his whole army into
Philadelphia. General Washington placed con-
fidential garrisons in Fort Mercer at Red Bank,
and iu Fort Mifflin on Mud Island, but he had
not a force equal to their complete defence. He
appointed detachments to intercept the transporta-
tion of provisions from the British ships below
the American works to Philadelphia. He called
upon the government of New Jersey to turnout
1777.] tIFE OF WASHINGTON. 161
the militia of that state, to form a camp in the
rear of Red Bank ; and he set patroles of militia
on the roads leading to Philadelphia, both itt
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, to prevent the dis-
affected inhabitants from carrying their articles
into the market of Philadelphia. To avail him-
self of any favourable opportunity to annoy the
enemy, he moved his army to White Marsh, dis-
tant only fifteen miles from the city.
Lord Howe, by continued exertion, having
overcome the obstructions which the Americans
had placed in the river at Billingsport, a joint at-
tack by sea and land Was planned against Red
Bank and Fort Island. The Augusta, a sixty-
four gun ship, the Merlin frigate, and several
small armed vessels, moved up the Delaware to
assault the works on Fort or Mud Island. Count
Donop crossed into New Jersey with twelve hun-
dred Germans, and in the evening of the 22d of
October appeared before Fort Mercer, on Red
Bank. His assault was highly spirited, and the
defence intrepid and obstinate. Colonel Green,
the commandant, whose garrison did not exceed
five hundred men, was unable to man the out-
works. From these he galled the Germans in
their advance, and on their near approach he
quitted them, and retired within the inner in-
trenchments. The enemy pressed forward with
undaunted bravery, and the Americans poured
upon them a deadly fire. Count Donop was him-
self mortally wounded at the head of his gallant
corps ; the second in command soon after fell,
and the third immediately drew off his forces
M
162 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17??
The assailants had four hundred men killed and
wounded. The garrison, fighting under cover,
had only thirty killed and wounded. Had the
camp of militia been formed in the rear of Red
Bank, agreeable to General Washington's desire,
this whole corps w.ould probably have been made
prisoners.
In the mean time, Fort Mifflin was attacked bj
the shipping, and by batteries erected on th
Pennsylvania shore. Incessant vollies of bombs
and cannon-balls were discharged upon it ; but at
ebb tide the Augusta and Merlin grounded, and
were burnt. The garrison supported this tre-
mendous fire without material injury.
The resistance of the forts on the Delaware far
exceeding the expectations of the Britiih com-
manders, they adopted measures to overcome it,
without the hazard of a second assault. They
erected batteries upon Province Island, within
five hundred yards of the American fort. They
also brought up their shipping, gun-boats, &c.
and from the 10th to the 16th of November, bat-
tered the American works. By this time the de*-
fences were entirely beat down, every piece of
cannon was dismounted, and one of the ships ap-
proached so near Fort Mifflin as to throw hand
grenades from her tops into it, which killed men
upon the platform. The brave garrison received
orders to quit the post. Red Bank being no
longer useful, its garrison and stores were also
withdrawn on the approach of Lord Cornvvallij
with five thousand men to invest it.
\\ bile these transactions were going on, the ea-
1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 163
terprising spirit of the Commander in Chief, was
employed to explore an opening through which to
attack Jris adversary. He clearly saw the import-
ance of driving the British from Province Island ;
but fifteen hundred men,, in the opinion of his
general officers., were necessary to effect this ob-
ject. This detachment could reach the place of
assault only by marching down a neck of land six
miles in length, almost in sight of the British Ge-
neral, who might easily cut off the retreat of the
American detachment,, unless it should be pro-
tected by a strong covering party. To furnish
this party, General Washington must expose his
army, with all his stores and artillery, to Sir Wil-
liam ; or, if he moved his whole army over the
Schuylkill, all the magazines and hospitals in his
rear, might, without opposition, be seized. Red
Bank would also be exposed,, through which re-
inforcements of men, and supplies of ammunition,
and provisions, passed to Fort Island. He was
therefore constrained to watch the progress of his
enemy, without making efficient attempts to check
him,
The fortifications of the Delaware being sur-
mounted, the impediments in the channel of the
river were, without great difficulty, removed. la
six weeks of incessant effort, the British comman-
ders gained the free navigation of the Delaware,
and opened the communication bet ween their fleet
and army.
During the excursion of Lord Cornwallis into
ffew Jersey, with a design to invest Fort Mercer,
general Washington was urged to attack Phila-
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777..
elnJ$ja. The wishes of Congress, and -the ex-
jattatipn of the public, gave weight to the pro-
d measure. TKe plan was, that General Green
uld silently fallxlown the Delaware, at a spe-
ed time, attack the rear of General Howe, and
D possession of the bridge over the Schuylkill ;
that a powerful force should march down on the
west side of that river, and from the heights en-
filade the British works on that side, while the
Commander in Chief, with the main body of the
army, should attack fourteen redoubts, and the
lines of the enemy extending from the Delaware
to the Schuylkill; which constituted their defence
in front.
The sound mind of General Washington was
not so much dazzled by a prospect of the brilliance
and fame which the success of this enterprise
would throw around himself, and his armv, as to
/ *
engage in the desperate attempt ; nor was he dis-
posed to sacrifice the safety of his country upon
the altar of public opinion. He gave the follow-
ing reasons for rejecting the plan ; that the army
in Philadelphia was in number at least equal to
his own ; it could not reasonably be expected that
the several corps engaged could co-operate in
that joint and prompt manner which was neces-
sary to success ; in all probability the movement
of General Green could not be made in the face
of a Vigilant enemy without discovery, which was
essential ; if the several divisions were in the on-
set successful, th"e redoubts taken, the lines sur-
mounted, and the British army driven within the
city, the assault then must be extremely hazard-
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. J65
ous ; an artillery superior to their own, would be
planted to play upon the front of the assailing
columns, and the brick houses would be lined
with a formidable infantry to thin their flanks ; a
defeat, which, calculating upon the scale of pro-
bability, must be expected, would ruin the army,
and open the country to the depredation of the
enemy ; the hardy enterprises and stubborn con-
flicts of two campaigns, had given the British
general only the command of two or three towns,
protected in a great measure by the shipping, why
then forego the advantage of confining the British
army in narrow quarters, to place the stores in
camp, and the very independence of America at
risk upon this forlorn hope ? The General was
supported in his opinion by those officers in whose
judgment he placed the most confidence, and he
disregarded the clamours of ignorance and rash-
ness.
On the 4th of December, Sir William Howe
marched his whole army out of Philadelphia to
White Marsh, the encampment of General Wash-
ington. He took a position on Chesnut Hill, in
front of the American right wing. Mr. Stedman,
a British historian of the revolutionary w^r, who
at this time was with Sir William, states his force
at fourteen thousand men. The continental troops
at White Marsh amounted to about twelve thou-
sand, and the militia to three. The ground of
the Americans was strong, but o fortifications
had been erected. Never before had General
Washington met his enemy in this manner, with
a superiority of numbers. He wished to be at-
166 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
tacked, but was not disposed to relinquish the ad-
vantage of ground.
The British Commander spent the 6th in re-
connoitring the American right. At night he
inarched to their left on the hill, which here ap-
proached nearer to their camp, and took a good
position within a mile of it. The next day he
advanced further to the American left, and in
doing it approached still nearer this wing. Ge-
neral Washington made some changes in the dis-
position of his troops, to oppose, with a greater
force, the attack he confidently expected on his
left. Momentarily expecting the assault, he rode
through each brigade of the army with perfect
composure, giving his orders, animating his men
to do their duty to their country, and exhorting
them to depend principally on the bayonet. Dur-
ing these manoeuvres, some sharp skirmishing took
place. At evening the disposition of General
Howe indicated the design to attack the next
morning. The American Commander impatiently
waited the assault, promising himself some com-
pensation for the disasters of the campaign in the
issue of this battle ; but his hopes were disap-
pointed. On the afternoon of the 8th, Sir Wil-
liam returned to Philadelphia with such rapidity,
as not to be overtaken by the American light
troops, which were sent out to harass his rear.
Sir William Howe moved out of Philadelphia
with a professed design to attack General Wash-
ington, and to drive him over the mountain. He
must have felt mortification in receding from this
intention, and by it acknowledging, in the face of
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 167
the world, the respect he entertained for the mi-
litary talents of his opponent, and proclaiming
his reluctance to engage an American army of
equal numbers, unless he could command the
ground of action.
The ; American troops were badly clothed,, and
were generally destitute of blankets. The winter
setting in with severity, it became necessary to
lodge them in winter quarters. The General had
revolved the subject in his mind, and weighed all
its difficulties. Should he quarter his army in
villages, his men would be exposed to the destruc-
tive enterprises of paitizan British corps, and a
large district of country would be opened to the
forage of the enemy. To remedy these dangers
and inconveniences, the General resolved to march
his army to Valley Forge, a strong position be-
hind Philadelphia, covered with wood, and there
shelter them. On the march to the place, for the
first time, the disposition for the winter was an-
nounced. He applauded the past fortitude of the
army, and exhorted them to bear their approach-
ing hardships with the resolution of soldiers, as-
suring them that the public good, and not his in-
clination, imposed them. The men bore their
temporary sufferings with patience. They felled
trees, and of logs built themselves huts, closing
their crevices with mortar, and soon assumed the
form and order of an encampment. Light troops
were stationed around Philadelphia to straiten the
enemy's quarters, and to cut off their communica-~
tion with those of the country who were disposed
to supply them with provision.
168 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
On the 22d of December the commissary an-
nounced the alarming fact, that the last rations
in store had been served to the troops. A small
numher of the men discovered a disposition to
mutiny at a privation for which they could not
account, but in the criminal inattention of their
country ; but the majority of the army submitted
to the scarcity without a murmur. General
Washington ordered the country to be scoured,
and provisions to be seized wherever they could
be found. At the same time he stated the situa-
tion of the army to Congress, and warned that
body of the dangerous consequences of this mode
of obtaining supplies. It was calculated, he
said, to ruin the discipline of the soldiers, and to
raise in them a disposition for plunder and licen-r
tiousness. It must create in the minds of the in?-
habitants jealousy and dissatisfaction. " I regret
the occasion which compelled me to the measure
the other day, and shall consider it among the
greatest of our misfortunes to be under the neces-
sity of practising it again. I am now obliged to
keep several parties from the army threshing grain,
that our supplies may not fail, but this will not
do." During the whole winter, the sufferings of
the troops at Valley Forge were extreme.
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 169
CHAPTER V,
Progress and Issue of the Northern Campaign Plan to displace
General Washington iiis Correspondence on the Subject
Letter of General Gates Remonstrance of the Legislature of
Pennsylvania against closing the Campaign Observation* of
the Commander in Chief upon it, Sufferings of the Army fur
the want of Provmon-s and Clothing Measures adopted by
the Commander in Chief to obtain Supplies Methods taken
to recruit the Army Sir Henry Clinton appointed Commander
in Chief of the British Forces He evacuates Philadelphia, and
marches through New Jersey to New York General Wash-
ington pursues him Battle of Monmouth Thanks of Con-r
gress to the General and Army General Lee censured ffe
demands a Court Martial, and is suspended from his Command
French Fleet appears on the American Coast Expedition
against Rhode Island It fails Disaffection between the Ame-
rican and French Officers Measures of the Commander in
Chief to prevent the ill Consequences of it Army goes into
Winter Quarters in the High Lands.
1777.] DURING these transactions in the
middle States., the northern campaign had issued
in the capture of General Burgoyne and army.
That department had ever heen considered as a
separate command, and more particularly under
the direction of Congress; but the opinion of the
Commander in Chief had been consulted in many
of its transactions, and most of its details had
passed through his hands. Through, him that
170 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
army had been supplied with the greater part of
its artillery, ammunition, and provisions.
Upon the loss of Ticonderoga, and the disas-
trous events which followed it, he exerted himself
to stop the career of General Burgoyne, although
by this exertion, he weakened himself in his con-
flicts with Sir William Howe. Without waiting
for the order of Congress, in his own name he
called out the militia of New England, and di-
rected General Lincoln to command them. Strong
detachments were sent to the northward from his
own army. General Arnold, who had already
greatly distinguished himself in the field, was sent
at the head of these reinforcements, in the expec-
tation that his influence would do much to reani-
mate that army, and inspirit them lo noble exertions.
Soon after Colonel Morgan, with his regiment,
the best partisan corps in the American army, was
also detached to that service. General Washing-
ton encouraged General Schuyler to look forward
to brighter fortune. " The evacuation of Ticon-
deroga and Mount Independence," said he, in a
letter to that General, " is an event of chagrin
and surprise, not apprehended, nor within the
compass of my reasoning. This stroke is severe
indeed, and has distressed us much. But not-
withstanding things at present wear a dark and
gloomy aspect, I hope a spirited opposition will
check the progress of General Burgoyne's arms,
and that the confidence derived from success will
hurry him into measures that will, in their conse-
quences, be favourable to us. We should never
despair. Our situation has before been unpro-
1777.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 171
raising, and lias changed for the better, so I trust
it -will again. If new difficulties arise, we must
only put forth new exertions, and proportion our
efforts to the exigency of the times." When in-
formed by General Schuyler, that Burgoyne had
divided his force to act in different quarters., Ge-
neral Washington foresaw the consequences, and
advised to the measures that proved fatal to that
commander. fc Although our affairs/' replied he
to General Schuyler, " have some days past worn
a dark and gloomy aspect, I yet look forward to a
fortunate and happy issue. I trust General Bur-
goyne's army will, sooner or later, experience an
effectual check ; and, as I suggested before, that
the success he had will precipitate his ruin. From
your account he appears to be pursuing that line
of conduct, which of all others is most favourable
to us ; I mean acting by detachments. This con-
duct will certainly give room for enterprise on our
part, and expose his parties to great hazard. Could
we be so happy as to cut one of them off, though
it should not exceed four, five, or six hundred
men, it would inspirit the people, and do away
much of their present anxiety. In such an event,
they would lose sight of past misfortunes; and,
urged at the same time by a regard to their own
security, they would fly to arms, and afford every
aid in their power/'
The community was not intimately acquainted
with the state of things in the northern depart-
ment. In consequence, strong prejudices were
excited against General Schuyler. On account of
this popular prejudice, Congress conceived it pru*.
172 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
dent to change the general of this army, and the
Commander in Chief was requested to nornu ate a
successor to General Schuyler. Through delicacy
he declined this nomination ; but never <a?l the
emhlance of envy at the good fortune of Geaeral
Gates, whom Congress appointed, appear in any
part of General Washington's conduct. His pa-*
1 1 UK. .MM induced him to aid this subordinate Ge-
neral by every means in his power, and the suc-
cesses of the northern army filled his heart with
undisscmbled joy.
This magnanimity was not in every instance re-
paid. The brilliant issue of the northern cam-
paign in 1777, cast a glory around General Gates,
and exalted his military reputation. During his
separate command, some parts of his conduct did
not correspond with the ingenuousness and deli-
cacy with \vhich he had been treated by the Com-
mander in Chief. After the action of the 1 9th of
September, when it was ascertained that General
Gates 's force was superior to that of the British
General, and was increasing, General Washington
apprehended that General Gates might return him
Colonel Morgan's corps., whose services he greatly
needed While the enemy was marching through
Pennsylvania : but unwilling absolutely to order
the return of Morgan, he stated that General
Howe was pressing him with a superior force,
and left General Gates to act in the concern ac-
cording to his discretion. General Gates retained
the corps, and mentioned as his reason, Cf Since
the action of the 19th, the enemy have kept the
ground they occupied on the morning of that day
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 173
and fortified the camp. The advance sentries of
my pickets are posted within shot, and opposite
those of the enemy. Neither side has given
ground an inch. In this situation your Excel-
lency would not wish me to part wkh the corps
the army of General Burgoyneis most afraid of."
He neglected to inform the Commander in Chief
of his subsequent successes over trie enemy.
When the intelligence of the surrender of the
British army reached head quarters, the Com-
mander in Chief dispatched Colonel Hamilton,
one of his aids, to General Gates, to state his own
critical situation, and make known his earnest
wishes, that reinforcements should be forwarded
to him with the utmost expedition. Colonel Ha-
milton found that General Gates had retained
four brigades at Albany, with a design to attack
Ticonderoga in the course of the next winter.
With difficulty and delay he obtained an order to
move three brigades.
Colonel Hamilton was also charged with a si-
milar message to General Putnam in the high-
lands, and directed to accelerate the movement of
reinforcements from that post ; but General Put-
nam, in view of an attempt upon New York, dis-
covered a disposition to retain under his command
that portion of the northern army which had been
sent to the highlands. Colonel Hamilton was ne-
cessitated to borrow money of General Clinton,
Governor of the state of New York, to fit the
troops of General Putman to begin their march.
These obstructions and delays in the execution
of General Washington's orders, prevented his
174 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777,
being reinforced in season to attack Lord Corn-
wallis while in New Jersey, and probably occa-
sioned the loss of Fort Miffliii and Red Bank.
The different termination of the campaigns of
1777 at the north and in the middle States, fur-
nished the ignorant and factious part of the com-
munity with an opportunity to clamour against
the Commander in Chief. Their murmurs em-
boldened several members of Congress, and indi-
vidual gentlemen in different parts of the United
States, to adopt measures to supplant General
Washington, and to raise General Gates to the
supreme command of the American armies.
In prosecution of tlr's scheme, pieces artfully
^written were published in newspapers in different
places, tending to lessen the military character of
General Washington, and to prepare the public
for the contemplated change in the head of the
military department. Generals Gates and Mifflin,
and Brigadier Conway, entered into the intrigue.
Conway was an Irishman, who had been in the
service of France, and on the recommendation of
Mr. Silas Deaue was commissioned by Congress.
The influence of the party in Congress opposed to
General Washington, appears by a number of the
public transactions of that body. A board of war
was instituted, and General Gates placed at its
head ; Conway was raised over every other briga-
dier, and appointed inspector of the army.
These machinations to tarnish the character of
the Commander in Chief were known to him, but
be silently noticed their operation. The good of
his country was with him paramount to all other
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 175
considerations, and he stifled his just indignation,
and left his reputation to rest on its own merits,
lest the open dissension of the civil and military
ministers of the revolution should endanger the
public interest.
At length the presumption of his enemies
forced him into an expression of his feelings on
the subject. The following correspondences give
a general view of the progress of their measures.
Mr. Lawrens, President of Congress, in a private
letter, communicated to the General information
of an anonymous complaint laid before him,, in his
official capacity, containing high charges against
General Washington, to which he replied :
tc I cannot sufficiently express the obligation I
feel towards you, for your friendship and polite-
ness upon an occasion in which I am so deeply in~
terested. I was not unapprised that a malignant
faction had been for some time forming to my pre-
judice, which, conscious as I am of having ever
done all in my power to answer the important
purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but
give me some pain on a personal account ; but mj
chief concern arises from an apprehension of the
dangerous consequences which intestine dissen-
sions may produce to the common cause.
ff As I have no other view than to promote the
public good, and am unambitious of honours not
founded on the approbation of my country, I
\\ould not desire in the least degree to suppress a
free spirit of inquiry into any part of my con-
duct, that even faction itself may deem reprehen-
sible. The anonymous paper handed you, exhibits
176 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
many serious charges, and it is my wish that it
may be submitted to Congress. This I am more
inclined to, as the suppression, or concealment,
may possibly involve you in embarrassments here-
after, since it is uncertain how many, or who, may
be privy to the contents.
" My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of
me. They know the delicacy of my situation,
and that motives of policy deprive me of the de-
fence I might otherwise make against their insidi-
ous attacks. They know I cannot combat their
insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing
secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal.
But why should I expect to be exempt from cen-
sure, the unfailing lot of an elevate/1 station?
Merit and talents, which I cannot pretend to rival,
liave ev,er been subject to it. My heart tells me
it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which
circumstances would permit; yet I may have
been very often mistaken in my judgment of the
means, and may, in many instances, deserve the
imputation of error."
To a friend in New England, who expressed, by
letter, his anxiety in consequence of a report that
he was about to resign his commission, he wrote :
" I can assure you that no person ever heard me
drop an expression that had a tendency to resig-
nation. The same principles that led me to em-
bark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of
Great Britain, operate with additional force at
this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my ser-
vices while they are considered of importance in
the present contest; but to report a design of this
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 177
kind, is among the arts which those who are en-
deavouring to effect a change, are practising to
bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say,
that there is not an officer in the service of the
United States, that would return to the sweets of
domestic life with more heartfelt joy than I should.
But I would have this declaration accompanied
by these sentiments, that while the public are sa-
tisfied with my endeavours, I mean not to shrink
from the cause; but the moment her voice, not
that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do
it with as much pleasure as ever the wearied tra-
veller retired to rest."
His friend, Mr. Patrick Henry, then Governor
of Virginia, informed him of the intrigues that
were going on in his native state. To which he
replied :
" The anonymous letter with which you were
pleased to favour me, was written by ******** so
far as I can judge from the similitude of hands.
**************
' ( My caution to avoid any thing that could in-
jure the service, prevented me from communi-
cating, except to a very few of my friends, the
intrigues of a faction which I knew was formed
against me, since it might serve to publish our in-
ternal dissensions ; but their own restless zeal to
advance their views has too clearly betrayed them,
and made concealment on my part fruitless. I
cannot precisely mark the extent of their views,
but it appeared in general that General Gates was
to be exalted on the ruin of my reputation and
influence. This I am authorized to say from un-
N
ITS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1???.
deniable tacts in my possession, from publications.,
the evident scope of which could not be mistaken,
and from private detractions industriously circu-
lated. ***' **, it is commonly supposed, bore
the second part in the cabal ; and General Con-
way, I know, was a very active and malignant
partizan ; but I have good reason to believe that
their machinations have recoiled most sensibly
upon themselves."
General Gates learning that a passage in a letter
from Brigadier Conway to him had been commu-
.nicated to the Commander in Chief, wrote the fol-
lowing letter, as extraordinary for the manner of
its conveyance, as for the matter it contains.
" I shall not attempt to describe what, as a pri-
vate gentleman, I cannot help feeling, on repre-
senting to my mind the disagreeable situation
which confidential letters, when exposed to public
inspection, may place an unsuspecting correspon-
dent in ; but, as a public officer, I conjure your
Excellency to give me all the assistance you can,
in tracing out the author of the infidelity which
piit extracts from General Conway 's letters to me
into your hands. Those letters have been steal-
ingly copied ; but which of them, when, or by
whom, is to me as yet an unfathomable secret.
" There is not one officer in mv suite, or
m
amongst those who have a free access to me, upon
whom I could, with the least justification to my-
self, fix the suspicion; and yet my uneasiness may
deprive me of the usefulness of the worthiest
men. It is, I believe, in your Excellency's power
to do me, and the United States, a very important
1777,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 179
Service, by detecting a wretch who may betray
me, and capitally injure the very operations un-
der your immediate direction; for this reason,
sir, I beg your Excellency would favour me with
the proofs you can procure to that effect. But
the crime being eventually so important, that the
least loss of time may be attended with the worst
consequences ; and it being unknown to me whe-
ther the letter came to you from a member of Con-
gress, or from an officer, I shall have the honour
of transmitting a copy of this to the President,
that Congress may, in concert with your Excel-
lency, obtain, as soon as possible, a discovery
which so deeply affects the safety of the States.
Crimes of that magnitude ought not to remain
unpunished."
To which the General with dignity replied :
" Your letter of the 18th ultimo, came to my
hands a few days ago, and to my great surprise in-
formed me, that a copy of it had been sent to
Congress, for what reason I find myself unable to
account ; but as some end doubtless was intended
to be answered by it, I am laid under the disagree-
able necessity of returning my answer through the
same channel, lest any member of that honourable
body should harbour an unfavourable suspicion
of my having practised some indirect means to
come at the contents of the confidential letters
between you and General Con way.
f< I am to inform you, then, that ********* f
on his way to Congress, in the month of October
last, fell in with Lord Sterling at Reading ; and,
not in confidence that lever understood, informed
N2
180 LIFE OF WASHINGTON [1777.
his aid-de-camp, Major M'Williams, that Gene-
ral Conway had written thus to you, ' Heaven
has been determined to save your county or a
weajt general and bad counsellors would have
ruined it/ Lord Sterling, from motives of friend-
ship, transmitted the account with this remark.
'The enclosed was communicated by ******** to
Major M'Williams ; such wicked duplicity of
conduct, I shall always think it my duty to detect.'
" In consequence of this information, and with-
out having any thing more in view, than merely
to show that gentleman that I was not unapprised
of his intriguing disposition, I wrote him a letter
in these words.
" Sir, a letter which I received last night con-
tained the following paragraph :
" In a letter from General Conway to General
Gates, he says, ' Heaven has been determined to
lave your country, or a weak general and bad
counsellors would have ruined it; I am, sir, &c/
" Neither the letter, nor the information which
occasioned it, was ever directly, or indirectly, com-
municated by me to a single officer in this army
(out of my own family ) excepting the Marquis de
la Fayette, who having beeu spoken to on the sub-
ject by General Conway, applied for, and saw,
under injunctions of secrecy, the letter which
contained this information ; so desirous was I of
concealing every matier that could, in its conse-
quences, give the smallest interruption to the tran-
quillity of this army, or afford a gleam of hope
to the enemy by disseniious therein.
" Thus, sir, with an opeuuess and candour.
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 181
which I hope will ever characterize and mark my
conduct, have I complied with your request.
" The only concern I feel upon the occasion,
finding how matters stand, is, that., in doing this,
I have necessarily been obliged to name a gentle-
man, who, lam persuaded (although I never ex-
changed a word with him upon the subject),
thought he was rather doing an act of justice,
than committing an act of infidelity ; and sure I
am, that until Lord Sterling's letter came to my
hands, I never knew that General Conway (whom
I viewed in the light of a stranger to you ) was a
correspondent of yours, much less did I suspect
that I was the subject of your confidential letters.
Pardon me then for adding, that, so far from con-
ceiving that the safety of the States can be af-
fected, or in the smallest degree injured, by a dis-
covery of this kind, or that I should be called
upon in such solemn terms to point out the author,
that I considered the information as coming from
yourself, and given with a friendly view to fore-
warn, and consequently forearm me, against a
secret enemy, or in other words, a dangerous in-
cendiary, in w r hich character, sooner or later, this
country will know General Conway ; but in this,
as well as other matters of late, I have found my-
self mistaken."
In the active period of the last campaign, the
Pennsylvanians had been deficient in the support
given to General Washington, yet sore at the loss
of their capital, and at the depredation of the
enemy in their towns, they murmured that he had
jipt defended them against Sir William Howe, al-
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
though his force was greatl y inferior to that of the
enemy. General Mittiin was then a member of
the legislature of that State. This legislature be-
ing informed that the American army was moving
into winter- quarters, presented a remonstrance to
Congress against the measure, in which unequi-
vocal complaints were contained against the Com-
mander in Chief. This remonstrance was pre-
sented at the very time the discovery was made,
tfcat the last rations in the commissary's stores
were issued to the soldiery. General \V ashington
expressed the feelings of his patriotic and noble
mind on this complaint, in a letter addressed to
the President of Congress, and written in language
which he used on no other occasion.
' Full as I was in my representations of the
matters in the commissary's department yesterday,
fresh and more powerful reasons oblige me to add,
that I am now convinced beyond a doubt, that
unless some great and capital change suddenly
takes place in that line, this army must inevitably
be reduced to one or other of these three things, to
starve, dissolve, or disperse, in order to obtain
subsistence. Rest assured, sir, that this is not an
exaggerated picture, and that I have abundant
reason to suppose what I say.
fe Saturday afternoon, receiving information
that the enemy, in force, had left the city, and were
advancing towards Derby with apparent design
to forage, and draw subsistence from that part of
the country, I ordered the troops to be in readi-
ness that I might give every opposition in my
power ; when, to my great mortification, I was
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 183
not only informed, but convinced, that the men
were unable to stir on account of a want of pro-
visions ; and that a dangerous mutiny, begun the
night before, and which with difficulty was sup-
pressed by the spirited exertions of some officers,
*va$ still much to be apprehended from the want
of this article.
" This brought forth the only commissary in
the purchasing line in this camp, and with him,
this melancholy and alarming truth, that he had
not a single hoof of any kind to slaughter, and
not more than twenty-five barrels of flour ! From
hence, form an opinion of our situation, when I
add, that he could not tell when to expect any.
" All I could do under these circumstances, was
to send out a few light parties to watch and harass
the enemy, whilst other parties were instantly de-
tached different ways to collect, if possible, as much
provision as would satisfy the present pressing
wants of the soldiery ; but will this answer ? No,
sir, three or four days of bad weathfer would prove
our destruction. What then is to become of the
army this winter ? And if we are now as often
without provisions as with them, what is to be-
come of us in the spring, when our force will be
collected with the aid, perhaps, of militia, to take
advantage of an early campaign before the enemy
can be reinforced ? These are considerations of
great magnitude, meriting the closest attention,
and will, when my own reputation is so intimately
connected with, and to be affected by the event,
justify my saying, that the present commissaries
are by no means equal to the execution of their
184 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [I?"/ 7.
office, or that the disaffection of the people is past
all belief. The misfortune, however, does in my
opinion, proceed from both causes, and though I
have been tender heretofore of giving any opinion,
or of lodging complaints, as the change in that
department took place contrary to my judgment,
and the consequences thereof were predicted; yet
finding that the inactivity of the army, whether
for want of provisions, clothes, or other essentials,
is charged to my account, not only by the com-
mon vulgar, but by those in power, it is time
to speak plain, in exculpation of myself. \V ith
,truth then I can declare, that no man, in my opi-
nion, ever had his measures more impeded than I
have, by every department of the army. Since the
month of July, we have had no assistance from the
quarter master general; and to want of assistance
from this department, the commissary general
charges great part of his deficiency. To this I am
to add, that notwithstanding it is a standing order
(and often repeated) that the troops shall always
have two days provision by them, that they might
be ready at any sudden call; yet scarcely any op-
portunity has ever offered of taking advantage of
the enemy, that has not been either totally ob-
structed, or greatly impeded on this account.
And this, the great and crying evil, is not all; soap,
vinegar and other articles allowed by Congress,
we see none of, nor have we seen them, I believe,
since the battle of Brand ywine. The first, indeed,
we have now little occasion for; few men having
more than one shirt, many, only the moiety of one,
and some, none at all. In addition to which, as
1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 185
a proof of the little benefit from a Clothier Gene-
ral, and, at the same time, as a further proof of
the inability of an army under the circumstances
of this, to perfom the common duties of soldiers
( besides a number of men confined to hospitals for
want of shoes, and others in farmers' houses on
the same account) we have, by a field return this
day made, no less than two thousand eight hun-
dred and ninety-eight men, now in camp, unfit
for duty, because they are barefoot, and otherwise
naked. By the same return, it appears, that our
whole strength in continental troops (including
the eastern brigades which have joined us since
the surrender of General Burgoyne) exclusive of
the Maryland troops sent to Wilmington, amounts
to no more than eight thousand two hundred in
camp, fit for duty ; notwithstanding which, and
that since the fourth instant, our number fit for
duty, from the hardships and exposures they have
undergone, particularly from the want of blankets,
have decreased near two thousand men, we find
gentlemen, without knowing whether the army-
was really going into winter quarters or not, (for
I am sure no resolution of mine would warrant
the remonstrance) reprobating the measure as
much as if they thought the soldiers were made
of stocks, or stones, and equally insensible of
frost and snow; and moreover, as if they con-
ceived it easily practicable for an inferior
army, under the disadvantages I have describ-
ed ours to be, which is by no means exagge-
rated, to confine a superior one, in all respects
well appointed, and provided for a winter's cam-
186 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777.
paign, within the city of Philadelphia, and to
cover from depredation and waste, the states of
Pennsylvania, Jersey, &c. But what makes this
matter still more extraordinary in my eyes is, that
these very gentlemen, who were well apprized of
the nakedness of the troops, from ocular demon-
stration, who thought their own soldiers worse
clad than ours, and advised me, near a month ago,
to postpone the execution of a plan I was about
to adopt, in consequence of a resolve of Congress,
for seizing clothes, under strong assurances, that
an ample supply would be collected in ten days,
agreeably to a decree of the state, not one article
of which by the by, is yet come to hand, should
think a winter's campaign, and the covering these
states from the invasion of an enemy, so easy and
practicable a business. I can assure those gen-
tlemen, that it is a much easier and less distres-
sing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable
room, by a good fire side, than to occupy a cold
bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow with-
out clothes or blankets : However, although they
seem to have little feeling for the naked and dis-
tressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them,
and from my soul pity those miseries which it
is not in my power either to relieve or to pre-
vent."
All these efforts to displace the Commander in
Chief were unavailing, and served only to expose
their authors to the resentment of the community.
He was too well established in the confidence of
the army, and of the great body of the nation, to
be moved from his elevated, but arduous trust.
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. IS?
Even the victorious troops, which served under
General Gates, indignantly noticed the attempt to
raise him to the place of their beloved General.
The resentment of the main army against those,
who were known to be the active enemies of Ge-
neral Washington was so great, that none of them
dared appear in camp : General Conway found
it necessary to resign his commission. He after-
wards fought a duel with General Cadwallader,
and thinking himself to be mortally wounded
wrote General Washington the following letter.
ec I find myself just able to hold the pen during
a few minutes, and take this opportunity to ex-
press my sincere grief for having done, written,
or said any thing disagreeable to your Excellency.
My career will soon be over ; therefore justice
and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments.
You are, in iny eyes, the great and good man.
May you long enjoy the love, veneration and es-
teem of these states; whose liberties you have as-
serted by your virtues."
1778.] The sufferings of the army during this
winter for provision "and clothing were extreme.
The departments of the commissary general and
quarter master general were not yet w r ell arrang-
ed. The depreciation of the paper currency em-
barrassed all purchases, and this embarrassment
was increased by the injudicious attempt to re-
gulate by law the prices of articles of consumption
aiid traffic. The enemy possessed a number of
the trading towns of the United States, and the
commerce of the others was interrupted by their
ships of war. These causes combined, produced
~188 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17'?8.
a famine in camp, and rendered a great part of
the army incapable of service for the want of
clothing. Although the Commander in Chief ap-
plied all the means in his power to remedy these
evils, yet from them he apprehended the dissolu-
tion of the arjny. In December he issued a pro-
clamation., calling upon all the farmers within
seventy miles of head quarters, to thresh out one
half of their grain by the first of February ; and
the other half by the first of March, on penalty
of having it all seized as straw. Detachments
were also sent out to collect all animals fit for
slaughter, leaving only a competence for the use
of the inhabitants. But notwithstanding all this
vigilance and exertion, the supplies were ina-
dequate. Early in February, the country in
the neighbourhood of camp became exhausted,
and the commissaries communicated to the ge-
neral, that it would be impossible for them
,to supply the army beyond the first of March.
General Washington looked towards New Eng-
land as the only effectual source of necessary sup-
plies. He accordingly addressed letters to the
executives of these states, painting in glowing
colours, the condition of the army, and urging
these constituted authorities, by every motive, of
patriotism and honour, to forward provisions to
his camp. These applications were ultimately
successful ; but before relief in this way could be
afforded, the scarcity was so great, as to threaten
the total destruction of the army. The soldiers
were at times without meat, for two, three, and in
one instance, for five days.
The distress of the army for the want of clothing
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 189
was almost as great as that for want of provisions.
Of more than seventeen thousand men in camp,
the effectives amounted to only five thousand and
twelve. In February, three thousand nine hun-
dred and eighty nine were unfit for duty by
nakedness. The insufficiency of the clothes of
those, who were called effectives, exposed them
to colds and other consequent indispositions, and
the hospitals were filled with the sick.
General Washington happily possessed those
commanding and conciliatory talents, which
strongly attached the soldiery to his person, and
by the influence of his character he stifled every
appearance of mutiny. In general orders he
soothed the minds of his troops, and in their ima-
ginations lessened those evils, which in his ad-
dresses to Congres and to the state governments,
he was labouring to remove. Very few of the
native Americans deserted from the army during
this winter; but many of the foreigners left their
standards, and some of them fled with their arms
to the British camp.
Had Sir William Howe marched out of his win-
ter quarters and assaulted the American camp, the
want of provision and clothing, would have com-
pelled the army, without serious contention, to
disperse. But that cautious commander was res-
trained from the enterprise, from a regard to the
health and safety of his own troops. Perhaps he
did not fully know the condition of the American
soldiery.
While General Washington was actively em-
ployed in supplying his troops, his mind was deep-
190 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1778,
ly engaged on a plan to recruit the army for the
approaching campaign.
From jealousy of a standing army, or in the
prospect of redress of grievances by the British
government, Congress depending on annual inli&t-
ments, and on the aid of the militia., had neglected
to inlist men for the war, until the depreciation of
the paper currency, the hardships and privations
of the soldiers, and the high bounty paid for short
periods of service, rendered the measure imprac-
ticable. General Washington importuned Con-
gress and the governments of the respective states,
not to rely on foreign aid, but depending on the
strength and resources of the country, to make the
necessary exertions seasonably to meet 'the ope-
rations of the British General.
He gave an exact account to each state of its
troops on the continental establishment, and urged
them respectively to supply their deficiency.
The serious difficulties respecting the army in-
duced Congress to depute a committee of their
own body to the camp, to consult with the Gene-
ral, and report to them such plans as the public
interest required. This committee repaired to
head quarters in January. The General, having
taken the advice of his officers, presented to them
a memorial stating the difficulties that existed in
the army, and pointing out the remedies. In
these remedies was included that honourable pro-
vision for officers, which would make their com-
missions valuable, and secure the prompt execu-?
tion of duty, through fear of censure, and from
an apprehension of the loss of employment.
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 191
The representations of General Washington
produced, in a good degree, their effect. The
division of power in the subordinate departments
of the army which had destroyed all reponsibility,
and created endless confusion, was removed. Ge-
neral Green was appointed quarter master gene-
ral, and Colonel Wadsworth commissary general.
These officers had a controuling power over their
deputies, and under their management these de-
partments were greatly improved. The move-
ments of the army were from this period made
with facility, and the soldiers never afterwards
suffered privations like those of this winter.
The alliance of France with America, and the
subsequent co-operation of that power with the
United States rendered Philadelphia a dangerous
post for the British. [MAY 20.] Before the
campaign opened, Sir William Howe resigned the
command of the British army, and Sir Henry
Clinton with his commission as commander in
chief, received orders to evacuate that city. Ge-
neral Washington early penetrated this intention,
and made his arrangements to meet it. He was
uncertain whether the evacuation would be made
by water, or whether Sir Henry would march his
army through Jersey to New York. As circum-
stances strengthened the probability that the Bri-
tish commander would attempt a passage through
New Jersey., General Washington detached Ge-
neral Maxwell with the Jersey brigade over the
Delaware, to take post on Mount Holly, and with
the assistance of the Jersey militia, to obstruct the
progress of the enemy. He was directed to fell
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778'
trees, io break up bridges, and to bang upon the
flanks of tbe Britisb array.
JUNE 17.] When it was fully ascertained that
Sir Henry Clinton was crossing tbe Delaware,
General Washington required the opinion of his
officers respecting measures proper to be pursued.
General Lee, who, having been exchanged, had
now joined the army, was decidedly against a ge-
neral action, and he discountenanced a partial
attack, on the supposition that it would probably
bring on a general engagement. In this opinion,
the officers almost unanimously concurred. Of
seventeen generals, who composed the military
council, on this occasion, General Wayne and
General Cadwallader only were decidedly in fa-
vour of an engagement. General Green gave it
as his opinion that the country should be defend-
ed, and that if this led to an engagement, he
would not shun it.
Although many of their stores were taken down
the river in the shipping, yet the British army
was encumbered with an immense quantity of
baggage ; and their line of march extended
twelve miles. The weather being intensely hot,
their movements were very slow ; in seven days,
they marched only forty miles. On the 24th,
General Clinton reached Allenton, and it was
yet uncertain whether he would take the road to
Amboy, or to Sandy Hook. General Washington
therefore kept upon the high lands of New
Jersey, above the enemy. In this situation, he
had it in his power to fight or not, as circum-
stances should dictate. By the slow movement
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 193
of the enemy,, he was inclined to think that Sit
Henry wished for an engagement. Colonel Mor-
gan, with his regiment consisting of six hundred
men, was detached to gain the right flank of the
enemy> and ordered to annoy him in every pos-
sible way. General Cadwallader, with Jackson's
regiment, and a small corps of militia, was or-
dered to harass his rear.
The British army by this time was calculated at
ten thousand men, and the American army con-
sisted of between ten and eleven thousand. Al-
though the late council decided, by a large ma-
jority against a general engagement, yet General
Washington inclined to the measure. He again
summoned his officers, and took their opinion,
<f whether it was advisable to seek a general ac-
tion ? If advisable, is it best to attack with the
whole army, to bring on a general engagement,
by a partial attack, or to take a position that
shall oblige the enemy to make an assault upon
us ?" The council again determined against a
general engagement : but advised to strengthen
the detachments on the wings of the enemy. Ge-
neral Scott was, in consequence, detached with
fifteen hundred men to this service.
Having a force rather superior to the British,
General Washington conceived that the favour-
able opportunity to attack the enemy, ought not
to be lost, and on his own responsibility, resolved
to hazard a general engagement.
JUNE 25.] Having learned that Sir Henry
Clinton was moving towards Monmouth Court
House, he detached Brigadier Wayne with a thou-
194 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778.
sand men to reinforce the troops in advance. He
offered the command of the whole force in front
to General Lee ; but he, being opposed even to
partial actions with the enemy, declined the ser-
vice. The Marquis La Fayette joyfully accept-
ed the command, which his senior major general
had declined. The orders given to the Marquis
were similar to those which had before been given
to the officers on the lines, to gain the rear and
right flank of the enemy, and give him all possi-
ble annoyance. The Commander in Chief put
the main army in motion, that he might be in a
situation to support his parties in advance. By
these movements General Lee perceived, that
more importance than he had imagined was given
to the division in front, and he now importunately
requested the command, which before he had de-
clined. To gratify him without mortifying the
Marquis, he was detached with two additional
brigades to act in front, and the command of the
whole, consisting of five thousand men, of course
devolved on him. He was ordered to keep his de-
tachments constantly on their arms and ever in a
situation to attack.
Sir Henry Clinton perceiving the approach of
a powerful force, changed the position of his army,
and plated his best troops in the rear. On th*
27th, he encamped in a secure manner on the
heights about Monmouth Court House. He could
not be attacked in this position with the proba-
bility of success, and he was within twelve miles
of strong ground, where he could not be assailed.
General Washington therefore resolved to attack
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 195
him as soon as he should move from his present
encampment.
JUNE 28.] About five in the morning, the
Commander in Chief was informed that the front
of the British army was in motion ; he imme-
diately dispatched -an aid de camp to General
Lee with orders to move on and attack the rear
of the enemy, ff unless there should be power-
ful reasons to the contrary," assuring him that
the main body should seasonably move to sup-
port him.
From the movements of the American army,
Sir Henry expected an attack. Early on the
morning of the 28th, General Knyphausen march-
ed with all the baggage of the British army. The
grenadiers, light infaijtry and chasseurs, unincum-
bered, remained on the ground under the com-
mand of Lord Cornwallis, and with this division
was Sir Henry.
Having allowed time for General Knyphausen
to move out of his way, Lord Cornvvallis about
eight o'clock took up his line of march, and de-
scended from the heights of Freehold into a plain
of about three miles extent. General Lee made
his disposition to execute the orders of the Com-
mander in Chief. Passing the heights of ^Free-
hold, he entered the plain, and ordered General
Wayne to attack th rear of the covering party of
the enemy in such a manner as to halt them ;
while he himself by a shorter road should gain
their front, with the design to cut them off from
Hie main body of their army.
196 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1718.
In the mean time General Clinton perceiving
that strong columns of Americans were hanging
upon his flanks, and supposing that their object
Was to attack his baggage now passing through
defiles,, resolved to halt Lord Cornwallis's division
and attack the Americans in his rear, with, the
expectation, that General Washington by this
manoeuvre would be induced to recall [his detach-
ments in advance. This movement was made at
the moment Lee was reconnoitring their covering
party. He found this corps much stronger than
he had supposed it to be, and the ground he
thought unfavourable for an attack. In his rear
was a rnorass which could be passed only by a
neck of hard landj which rendered it difficult for
reinforcements to reach him, and would impede
his retreat should he be repulsed. He was finally
induced by a movement of General Scott, to cross
the ravine and regain the heights of Freehold.
During these manoeuvres, some skirmishing
took place. As soon as General Washington
heard the firing, he directed the troops under hit
immediate command, to throw off their packs
and march rapidly to the support of the division
in the front. General Lee gave no information of
his retrogade manoeuvre to the Commander in
Chief. As General Washington was approaching
the scene of action in advance of his troops, he
met, to his surprise and mortification, the corps
of General Lee retreating before the enemy, with-
out having made any serious efforts to maintain
their ground. He found General Lee in the rear
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 197
of his division., whom he addressed with warmth,
and in a language disapproving his retreat. He
immediately ordered two regiments to form on
ground favourable to check the advancing enemy.
He asked General Lee, will you command on this
ground ? Consenting, he was ordered to arrange
the remainder of his division and to take measures
to stop the advance of the British. cc Your or-
ders/' Lee replied, ef shall be obeyed, and I will
not be the first to leave the field." The Com-
mander in Chief returned to the main body and
formed it for action. The divison of Lee now
bravely sustained a severe conflict with the van of
the British, ancl when forced from the ground.
Lee brought his troops off in order, and formed
them in the rear of English Town,
The check the enemy received, enabled Ge-
ral Washington to form the left wing and second
line of the army on an eminence. Lord Sterling,
who commanded this wing, planted a battery of
cannon and played with effect upon the British
column, which had passed the morass and was
pressing on to charge the Americans. At the
same time a body of infantry was brought into
action. The advance of the enemy was by these
measures stopped.
General Green who on this day commanded the
right wing of the American army, had left the
direct road near English Town and moved upon
the right, as a security to this flank of the army,
and had rather passed the ground on which the
action began. Learning the situation of General
198 MFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778.
Washington, he brought up his division, and
took an advantageous position on the right.
The enemy now attempted to turn the left flank
of the Americans, but were repulsed by parties of
infantry. They then assailed the right wing, and
here too they failed. General Green had posted
a body of troops with artillery on commanding
ground in his front, which severely galled the
enemy. At this period General Wayne advanced
with a strong corps of infantry, and in a close and
T?ell directed fire attacked them in front. They
gave way, and fell behind the ravine to the ground
on which the Commander in Chief met General
Lee in the morning. On this ground the British
formed in a strong position. Both flanks were
covered by woods and morasses, and their front
could be attacked only through a narrow pass.
General Washington, even under these circum-
stances, determined to renew the engagement. In
pursuance of this resolution, he ordered Brigadier
Poor to gain the right flank of the British, and
Brigadier Woodford their left. The artillery was
directed to play upon them in front. Before these
orders could be effectually carried in-to execution,
the day was fully spent. The General therefore
determined to defer the attack until the next
morning. He Ordered the troops to retain their
respective positions, and to lay on their arms.
The General in the course of day had shunned no
danger, and he slept in his cloak amidst his sol-
diers on the field of battle.
At midnight, the British moved off their ground
1778-3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 199
with sueh silence, that General Poor although}
very near did not perceive it. General Wash-
ington knew that the British army would reach
high and unassailable ground before he could
come up with them, and therefore discontinued
the pursuit. He dispatched small parties of light
troops to protect the country from depredation
and to encourage desertion. The main body of
his army he marched to cover the important
passes in the high lands on the Hudson.
General Washington was satisfied with the be-
haviour of his army on this day. In his official
communication to Congress he mentioned that
after the troops had recovered from the surprise
of the unexpected retreat of the morning, their
conduct could not have been surpassed. General
Wayne was noticed with great commendation,
and the artillery corps was said to have highly
distinguished itself.
In the battle of Mbnmouth, ei^ht officers and
* o
sixty-one privates of the Americans were killed ;
and about one hundred and sixty wounded*
Among the killed were Lieutenant Colonel Bon-
ner of Pennsylvania and Major Dickinson of Vir-
ginia, officers of merit, whose fall was much
lamented. The Americans buried about three
hundred of the British, who had been found on
the field ; although Sir Henry Clinton, in his
official letter, stated his loss in killed and missing
at four officers and one hundred and eighty-four
privates, and his wounded at sixteen officers and
one hundred and fifty-four privates. Among the
slain was the Honourable Colonel Monckton, aa
200 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778.
officer of celebrity. The day bad been exces-
sively hot, and numbers, both British and Ame-
ricans were found among the dead without
wounds, who had fallen victims to the beat.
The Americans made about an hundred pri-
soners ,; and nearly a thousand privates, mostly
Germans, deserted the British standard, on the
inarch through New Jersey.
Congress highly approved of the conduct of
the Commander in Chief in bringing on the action
of the 28th, and was gratified wkb its issue. In
a resolution, which passed that body unanimously,
their thanks were given to General Washington
<e for the activity with which he moved from the
camp at Valley Forge, in pursuit of the enemy ;
for his distinguished exertions in forming the line
of battle ; and for his great good conduct in the
action." He was requested " to signify the thanks
of Congress to the officers and men under his com-
mand, who distinguished themselves by their con-
duct and valour in the battle."
Although the Commander in Chief disapprov-
ed of the retreat, yet could the proud spirit of
General Lee have patiently borne what he consi-
dered as a reprimand on the field of battle, it is
probable that an explanation mutually satisfactory
might have takea place. General Washington
continued him in command on the day of action,
after bis retreat, and discovered no disposition to
take public notice of it. But the irritable and
lofty spirit of Lee urged him to write the next
day two offensive letters to General Washington,
in which, assuming the language of a superior,
1778.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 201
he demanded satisfaction for the insult offered him
on the field of battle. On deliberation, the Com-
mander in Chief informed him cc that he should
have an opportunity to justify himself to the
army, to America and the world, or of convincing
them, that he had been guilty of breach of orders
and misconduct before the enemy/' General
Lee, expressing his desire for a court martial in
preference to a court of inquiry, was arrested
upon the following charges,
1 . For disobedience of orders in not attacking the
enemy on the 28th of June agreeably to repeat-
ed instructions.
2. For misbehaviour before the enemy on the same
day, by making an unnecessary, disorderly and
shameful retreat.
3. For disrespect to the Commander in Chie in
two letters.
The high colouring of the second charge was
in consequence of complaints entered by Generals
Wayne and Scott, against General Lee, which on
investigation appeared to have been founded in
their misapprehending his movements. Lord
Sterling presided at the court, which found him
guilty of all the charges, but softened the lan-
guage of the second, and found him gnilty of
misbehaviour, by making an unnecessary, and in
some few instances a disorderly retreat. The
court sentenced him to be suspended from his
command for one year.
Congress, with some hesitation, almost unani-
mously approved the sentence.
The suspension of General Lee was highly satis-
202 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
factory to the array. They keenly resented hig
abuse to the Commander in Chief, and his continu-
ance in commission probably would have produc-
ed great inconvenience.
Scarcely had Sir Henry Clinton reached New
York, when a French fleet appeared off* the Che-
sapcak, under the command of Count d'Estaing.
He had been eighty-seven days in crossing the
Atlantic. Had his passage been an ordinary one,
he would have found Lord Howe in the Dela-
ware., and the capture or destruction of the Bri
tish fleet in that river, and probably of the army
in Philadelphia, must have beeu the consequence.
Count d'Estaing being disappointed at the Dela-
ware, sailed along the coast to Sandy Hook. Ge-
neral Washington moved his army to the White
Plains, that he might be in a situation to co-
operate with the French Admiral against New
York.
In the mean time, Sir Henry Clinton employ-
ed his whole force to strengthen his lines. The
French Admiral finding ai attack upon New York
impracticable, a conjoint expedition was planned
against Rhode Island.
At the critical moment when the success of the
united action of the French and American army
was reduced to a moral certainty, Count d'Es-
taing sailed out of the harbour of Newport to
fight Lord Howe. Being overtaken by a vio-
lent storm, his fleet was greatly damaged, and he
though it advisable to repair to Boston harbour,
to retit.
In consequence of the harbour of Newport be-
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 203
ing opened to the British, General Sullivan, the
commanding officer upon Rhode Island, was com-
pelled to retreat. He and his general officers had
remonstrated against Count d'Estaing leaving
Newport, and 'in the moment of disappointment
and irritation at the failure of the expedition, Ge-
neral Sullivan in orders, used expressions, which
were construed into a severe reflection upon the
French Admiral and other marine officers, and
which they resented.
General Washington, alafmed at the probable
consequences of a misunderstanding and jealousy
between the French and Americans, so soon after
the alliance was formed, and in the very com-
mencement of their united operations, imme-
diately adopted measures to prevent them. In
letters to Generals Heath and Sullivan, he com-
municated the mode of conduct which he wished
might in this delicate transaction be pursued.
To Heath, who commanded in Boston, he ex-
pressed his apprehension that resentment of -the
conduct of the Count might prevent the proper
exertion to repair and victual the French fleet,
and he urged Heath to counteract such pre-
judices.
" It will certainly be sound policy to combat
the effects, and whatever private opinions may be
entertained, to give the best construction of what
has happened to the public; and at the same
time, to exert ourselves to put the French fleet,
as soon as possible, in a condition to defend itself
and be useful to us. The departure of the fleet
from Rhode Island is not yet publicly announced
204 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778.
here; but when it is, I intend to ascribe it to
necessity produced by the damage received in the
late storm. This, it appears to me, is the idea
which ought to be generally propagated. As
I doubt not, the force of these reasons will
strike you equally -with myself, I would recom-
mend to you to use your utmost influence to pal-
Hate and soften matters, and to induce those,,
whose business it is to provide succours of every
kind for the fleet, to employ their utmost zeal and
activity in doing it. It is our duty to make the
best of our misfortunes, and not suffer passion to
interfere with our interest and the public good."
To General Sullivan he mentioned " his appre-
hension that should the expedition fail, in conse-
quence of being abandoned by the French fleet,
loud complaints might be made by the officers
employed on it. Prudence," he said " dictated
the propriety of giving this affair the best ap-
pearance, and of attributing the withdrawing the
fleet from Rhode Island, to absolute necessity.
The reasons/' he added, " for this line of con-
dnct, were too obvious to need explanation. That
of most importance was that their enemies, both
internal and external, would seize the first cause
of disgust between the allies, and endeavour to
convert it into a serious rupture."
When the General received the resolution of
Congress, directing him to take every measure in
his power to prevent the publication of the pro-
test entered into by General Sullivan and his offi-
cers, he communicated the resolution, and with it
the following letter. " The disagreement between
1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205
the army under your command, and the fleet, has
given me very singular uneasiness. The conti-
nent at large is concerned in our cordiality, and
it should be kept up by all possible means con-
sistent with our honour and policy. First impreB-
ions, you know, are generally longest retained,
and will serve to fix, in a great degree, our na-
tional character with the French. In our con-
duct towards them, we should remember, that
they are a people old in war, very strict in military
etiquette, and apt to take fire when others scarcely
seemed warmed. Permit me to recommend, in
the most particular manner, the cultivation of har-
mony and good agreement, and your endeavours
to destroy that ill humour which may have found
its way among the officers. It is of the utmost
importance too, that the soldiers and the people
should know nothing of this misunderstanding*,
or, if it has reached them, that means may be used
to stop its progress and prevent its effects/'
In a correspondeilce with Count d'Estaing, Ge-
neral Washington strove to soften his resentments,
to sooth the chagrin of disappointment, and to
conciliate his good affections towards the United
States.
These prudent measures were attended with th*
most salutary effects.
With the battle of Monmouth, active ope-
rations for the campaign closed in the Middle
States. On the approach of winter, the Ame-
rican army went into quarters in the neighbour-
hood of the High Lands. Being better clothed
and fed than in the preceding winter, their si-
_ w
206 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1778.
tuation was greatly ameliorated, and their suffer-
ings were comparatively nothing.
At the close of the campaign of 1778, the local
situation of the hostile armies did not greatly dif-
fer from that of the commencement of the cam-
paign of 1776, except the possession of New York
by the British.
This fact is impressively stated by General
Washington, in a letter written to a friend. " It
is not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to con-
template, that after two years manoeuvring, and
undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, both armies
are brought back to the very point they set out
from, and the offending party in the beginning is
now reduced to the use of the pickaxe and the
spade for defence. The hand of Providence has
been so conspicuous in all this, that he must b
worse than an infidel, that lacks faith, and more
than wicked, that has act gratitude to acknowledge
fcis obligations/' *
1779. J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. SOT
CHAPTER VL
Plan formed by Congress and the French Minister for the ini-ct-
sion of Canada and Nova Scotia General Washington's
objections to it-, Delinquency of the United States te prepare
for the approaching Campaign The exertions of the General
His Letter on the State of the Nation TJie Remonstrance
of Officers belonging to the New Jersey Brigade to l/*e Legis-
lature of that State Letters of the Commander in Chief on
the Subject Expedition against the Indians tinder General
Sullivan He destroys their Towns The American Army
posted for the Defence of the High Lands on the North River,
4tndfor the protection of the Country against the Incursions
of the British Sir Henry Clinton moves iip the Hudson, takes
Possession of Stony and Verplank Points, and Fortifies them
Arrangements made for assaulting these Posts General
Wayne carries Stony Point by storm The attack upon Vtr-
plank fails Congress vote their Thanks to General Wash-
ington and to the brave Troops employed i?i this service They
vote General Wayne a Medal Evils of short Inlistments
Plan of the Generals to remedy them The Army in two
Divisions erect Huts for Winter Quarters, one near West
Point, and tlie other at Morristown in New Jersey. The
Troops suffer through the scarcity of Provisions Colonel
Wads-worth resigns his Office Confusion in the Commissary's
Department The Commander in Chief is necessitated. to ap-
portion supplies of Meat and Flour iipon the Counties of-Neto
Jersey The Winter excessively cold, and the Waters around
New York frozen over; but the Commander in Chief is too
weak to avail himself of this opportunity to assail the British
Posts Expedition to Staten Island fails,
1779.'] THE emancipation of Canada had ever
been an important object with Congress. By
its incorporation with the revolted colonies., the
208 LIfE Of TTASHIN6TON. [1779.
boundaries of the United States would be greatly
enlarged, and the country delivered from the
destruction and terror of war from the northern
tribes of Indians.
In the winter of 1777-8, an expedition for
this purpose had been settled with the Marquis
de la Fayette, and in its prosecution he repaired
to Ticonderoga. Wanting then the means to ac-
complish the design, it was relinquished. During
the succeeding autumn the scheme was resumed
under the auspices of the French minister. The
plan embraced the conquest of Canada, Nova
Scotia and all their dependencies. It was to be
carried into effect by the joint operations of dis-
tinct detachments of Americans, acting in differ-
ent points, and all co-operating with a French
fleet and army on the river Saint Lawrence.
This lofty scheme of military operations had
been adopted in Congress without consulting with
the Commander in Chief, or any American officer.
It was to be communicated to the French court
by the Marquis de la Fayette, and his influence,
with that of the French Minister, was to be em-
ployed to induce his government to adopt their
part of the expedition, In October the plan was
communicated to General Washington, he was
desired to give Congress his opinion upon it, and
to enclose it with big comments to the Marquis.
The General had already revolved in his mind
an expedition against the British posts in Upper
Canada, with the intention to be prosecuted the
next season, on the contingence that the British
army should be withdrawn from the United Stales.
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 209
Struck with the extravagance of the plan of Con-
gress, instead of complying with their requisi-
tion,, he wrote to them, stating in strong terms
his objections to the scheme. He mentioned the
impolicy of entering into any engagements with
the court of France to execute a combined
system of operation, without a moral certainty
of being able to execute the part assigned to
America.
It was, the General observed, morally certaia
in his mind, that if the English should maintain
their posts on the continent, it would be imprac-
ticable to furnish the men, or the necessary stores
and provisions for the expedition. " If I rightly
understand the plan," he remarked, " it requires
for its execution, twelve thousand and six hun-
dred rank and file. Besides these, to open pas-
sages through a wilderness, for the march of the
several bodies of troops, to provide the means of
long and difficult transportation by land and wa-
ter, to establish posts of communication for the se-
curity of our convoys, to build and man vessels
of force necessary for acquiring a superiority on,
the lakes ; these and many other purposes pecu-
liar to these enterprises, will require a much
larger proportion of artificers, and persons to be
employed in manual and laborious offices than,
are usual in military operations." The aggre-
gate number, he observed, requisite for the con-
templated expedition, added to the force neces-
ary to be kept in the field to restrain depredation
from the British posts at New York, would make
nearly double the men necessary, to any number
p
210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
which, with all their efforts, the United States
- were ever yet able to raise.
The experience of the General taught him, that
it would be as difficult to furnish the necessary
supplies of provisions as to raise the men. " The
scene of our operations has hitherto been in the
heart of the country furnishing our resources,
which of course facilitated the drawing them out.
We shall then be carrying on the war at an im-
mense distance, in a country wild and unculti-
vated, incapable of affording any aid, and great
part of it hostile. We cannot, in this case, de-
pend on temporary and occasional supplies as we
have been accustomed ; but must have ample ma-
gazines laid up before hand. The labour and
expense in forming these, and transporting the
necessary stores of every kind for the use of the
troops, will be increased to a degree that can be
more easily conceived than described. The trans-
portation must be a great part of the w r ay through
deserts affording no other forage than herbage ;
and from this circumstance our principal provi-
sions of the flesh kind, must be salted, which
greatly increase the difficulty, both of providing
and transporting/' Supplies upon this scale, he
conceived, greatly exceeded the resources of the
country, and in policy and honour, Congress could
not promise to furnish them.
Serious doubts rested upon the mind of the Ge-
neral, whether France would execute the part of
the Canada expedition assigned to her. The su-
periority of the British fleet was evident. The
court of London would be made acquainted with
1779,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON,
the scheme,, and a superior British fleet might
prevent the French squadron detached on this
service, from entering the river St. Lawrence, or
destroy it after its entrance, or the British garri-
sons in Canada might be reinforced, and rendered
superior to the assailing armament.
In an expedition consisting of several distinct
parts. General Washington thought it unreason-
able to expect that exact co-operation among the
different detachments which would be necessary
for mutual support ; of consequence, the divi-
sions might be defeated in detail, and after all
the expense, the expedition miscarry. The con-
sequences of a failure, which were much to be
deprecated, would be the misapplication of the
French force ; the ruin of the detachments em-
ployed in the expedition, and jealousy and dis-
affection between France and the United States.
The letter of the Commander in Chief, Con-
gress referred to a committee. In their report,
this committee admit his objections to be weighty,
but still advise to the prosecution of the plan.
Congress accepted the report, and again request-
ed the General to write fully on the subject to
the Marquis, and to Dr. Franklin, then the Ame-
rican Minister at the court of Versailles. Con-
gress probably felt themselves already pledged
by their conversation with the Marquis and the
French Minister, and possibly they thought that
measures had already been adopted in France to
carry the plan into execution.
General Washington was greatly perplexed by
the perseverance of Congress in this measure. All
LIFE OF WASHINGTON*. [177$.
his objections to the plan remained in full force,
and he found himself called upon to use his in-
fluence to bring the French government to adopt
a scheme, of which he himself wholly disapprov-
ed, and to promise the co-operation of the Ame-
rican arms in a manner that he thought imprac-
ticable. To this request he thus replied :
" I have attentively taken up the report of the
committee of the fifth, (approved by Congress)
on the subject of my letter of the llth ultimo, on
the proposed expedition into Canada. I have
considered it in several lights, and sincerely regret
that I should feel myself under any embarrass-
ment in carrying it into execution. Still I remain,
of opinion, from a general review of things, and
the state of our resources, that no extensive
system of co-operation with the French for the
complete emancipation of Canada, can be posi-
tively decided on for the ensuing year. To pro-
pose a plan of perfect co-operation with a foreign
power, without amoral certainty in our supplies;
and to have that plan actually ratified with the
court of Versailles, might be attended, in case of
failure in the conditions, on our part, with verj
fatal effects.
" If I should seem unwilling to transmit the,
plan as prepared by Congress, with my observa-
tions, it is because I find myself under a necessity
(in order to give our minister sufficient ground
to found an application on) to propose something
more than a vague and indecisive plan : which,
even in the event of a total evacuation of the
itates by the enemy, may be rendered impracti-
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
cable in the execution by a variety of insurmount-
able obstacles ; or if I retain my present senti-
ments,, and act consistently, I must point out
the difficulties., as they appear to me, which must
embarrass his negociatious, and may disappoint
the views of Congress.
' ' But proceeding on the idea of the enemy's
leaving these states, before the active part of the
ensuing campaign, I should fear to hazard a mis-
take, as to the precise aim and extent of the
views of Congress. The conduct I am to observe
in writing to our minister at the court of France,
does not appear sufficiently delineated. Were I
to undertake it, I should be much afraid of erring
through misconception. In this dilemma, I would
esteem it a particular favour to be excused from
writing at all on the subject, especially as it is the
part of candour in me to acknowledge, that I do
not see my way clear enough to point out such a
plan for co-operation, as I conceive to be consist-
ent with the ideas of Congress, and as will be
sufficiently explanatory, with respect to time and
circumstances, to give efficacy to the measure.
fc But if Congress still think it necessary for me
to proceed in the business, I must request their
more definite and explicit instructions, and that
they will permit me, previous to transmitting the
intended dispatches, to submit them to their de-
termination.
' c I could wish to lay before Congress more mi-
nutely, the state of the army, the condition of
supplies, and the requisites necessary for carry-
ing into execution an undertaking that may in-
214 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1779.
volve the most serious events. If Congress think
this can be done more satisfactorily in a personal
conference, I hope to have the army in such a
situation before I can receive their answer, as
to afford me an opportunity of giving my attend-
ance."
Congress indulged the General with the pro-
posed interview,, and a committee of their body
was chosen to confer with him on this business
and on the state of the army. His objections
were found to be unanswerable, and the Canada
expedition was laid aside.
To the magnificent schemes of Congress upon
Canada, succeeded through United America a
state of supineness and inaction. An alliance with
France was received as a security for independ-
ence. In the expectation that Great Britain
would relinquish the American war, that she
might with her united force contend with her an-
cient enemy in Europe, Congress appeared not
disposed to encounter the expense necessary to
prepare for another active campaign. The delu-
sive supposition that the war was over prevailed
through the country, and palsied the spirit of the
community. General Washington perpetually
stimulated his countrymen to exertion. Unin-
fected with the common delusion, he believed
that Great Britain would continue the American
war, and in every possible way exerted himself
seasonably to be prepared for the conflicts of the
field. But Congress was slowly roused to atten-
tion to this important business. Their resolution
empowering the Commander in Chief to recruit
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
the army did not pass until the 23d of January
1 779, and the requisition upon the several states
was not made until the 9th of March.
The dissensions which at this time existed in
Congress,, the speculations that prevailed through
the country in consequence of the depreciation of
paper money, and the apparent reluctance among
all classes of citizens to make sacrifices for the
public interest, greatly alarmed General Wash-
ington. His apprehensions are fully disclosed in
the annexed letter written at the time to a confi-
dential friend of distinguished reputation in the
political world.
<c I am particularly desirous of a free commu-
nication of sentiments with you at this time, be-
cause I view things very differently, I fear, from
what people in general do, who seem to think
the contest at an end, and that to make money,
and get places, are the only things now remaining
to be done. I have seen without despondency,
even for a moment, the hours which America has
styled her gloomy ones ; but I have beheld no day
since the commencement of hostilities, when I
have thought her liberties in such imminent danger
as at present. Friends and foes seem now to
combine to pull down the goodly fabric we have
hitherto been raising, at the expense of so much
time, blood and treasure ; and unless the bodies
politic will exert themselves to bring things back
to first principles, correct abuses, and punish our
internal foes, inevitable ruin must follow. Indeed
we seem to be verging so fast to destruction, that
216 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
I am filled with sensations to which I have been
a stranger until within these three months. Our
enemies behold with exultation and joy how effec-
tually we labour for their benefit ; and from being
in a state of absolute despair and on the point of
evacuating America, are now on tiptoe. No-
thing, therefore, in my judgment, can save us
but a total reformation in our own conduct, or
some decisive turn of affairs in Europe. The
former, alas ! to our shame be it spoken, is less
likely to happen than the latter, as it is now con-
sistent with the views of the speculators, various
tribes of money makers, and stock jobbers of all
denominations, to continue the war, for their
own private emolument, without considering that
this avarice and thirst for gain must plunge every
thing, including themselves, in a common ruin.
ie Were I to indulge my present feelings, and
give a loose to that freedom of expression which
my unreserved friendship would prompt to, I
should say a great deal on this subject. But let-
ters are liable to so many accidents, and the sen-
timents of men in office are sought after by tbe
enemy with so much avidity, and besides con-
veying useful knowledge fif they get into their
hands) for the superstructure of their plans, are
so often perverted to the worst of purposes, that
I shall be somewhat reserved, notwithstanding
this letter goes by a private hand to Mount Ver-
non. I cannot refrain lamenting, however, in
the most poignant terms, the fatal policy too pre-
valent in most of the states, of employing their
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 217
ablest men at home, in posts of honour or profit,
before the great national interest is fixed upon a
solid basis.
" To me it appears no unjust simile, to com-
pare the affairs of this great continent to the me-
chanism of a clock, each state representing some
one or other of the small parts of it, which they
are endeavouring to put in fine order, without
considering how useless and unavailing their la-
bour is, unless the great wheel, or spring, which
is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended
to and kept in good order. I allude to no par-
ticular state, nor do I mean to cast reflections
upon any one of them, nor ought I, as it may be
said, to do so upon their representatives ; but as
it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that
Congress is rent by party ; that much business of
a trifling nature and personal concernment, with-
draws their attention from matters of great na-
tional moment, at this critical period ; when it is
also known that idleness and dissipation take place
of close attention and application; no man who
wishes well to the liberties of his country, and
desires to see its rights established, can avoid cry-
ing out : Where are our men of abilities? Why
do they not come forth to save their country? Let
this voice, my dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson
and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion
that we are to sit down under our vine and our
own fig tree, let our hitherto noble struggle end
in ignominy. Believe me when I tell you there
is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons for
thinking that administration, a little while ago,
218 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1779
had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate
a peace with us upon almost any terms ; but I
shall be much mistaken if they do not now, from
the present state of our currency, dissentions and
other circumstances, push matters to the utmost
extremity. Nothing I am sure will prevent it but
the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed
hope from Prussia."
The depreciation of the paper currency had re-
duced the pay of the American officers to a pit-
tance, and the effects were severely felt. At the
moment the campaign was to open, the dissatis-
faction of a part of the sufferers broke out into
acts of violence, which threatened the safety of
the whole army. Early in May, the Jersey bri-
gade was ordered to march as part of a force des-
tined on an expedition into the Indian country.
On the reception of this order, the officers of the
first regiment presented to their colonel a remon-
strance, addressed to the legislature of the state,
in which they professed the determination, unless
that body immediately attended to their pay and
support, within three days to resign {heir com-
missions.
This resolution greatly disturbed the Comman-
der in Chief. He foresaw its evil consequences,
and on this important occasion determined to exert
his personal influence. In a letter to General
Maxwell, to be communicated to the dissatisfied
officers, he dissuaded them, by a sense of honour
and by the love of country, from the prosecution
of the rash measure they had adopted.
" There is nothing/' proceeds the letter,
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 219
fc which has happened in the course of the war,
that has given me so much .pain as the remon-
strance you mention from the officers of the first
Jersey regiment. I cannot but consider it as a
hasty and imprudent step, which on more cool
consideration they will themselves condemn. I am
very sensible of the inconveniences under w r hich
the officers of the army labour, and I hope thej
do me the justice to believe, ttiat my endeavours
to procure them relief are incessant. There is
more difficulty, however, in satisfying their wishes
than perhaps they are aware of. Our resources
have been hitherto very limited. The situation
of our money is no small embarrassment; for
which, though there are remedies, they cannot be
the work of a moment. Government is not in-
sensible of the merits and sacrifices of the officers,
nor, I am persuaded, unwilling to make a compen-
sation; but it is a truth, of which a little observa-
tion must convince us, that it is very much strait-
ened in the means. Great allowances ought to
be made on this account, for any delay, and seem-
ing backwardness which may appear. Some of
the states indeed have done as generously as it is
at this juncture in their power, and if others have
been less expeditious, it ought to be ascribed to
some peculiar cause, which a little time, aided by
example, will remove. The patience and per-
severance of the army have been, under every dis-
advantage, such as to do them the highest ho-
nour, both at home and abroad, and have inspired
me with an unlimited confidence in their virtue,
which has consoled me amidst every perplexity
220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
and reverse of fortune, to which our affairs, in a
struggle of this nature, were necessarily exposed.
Now that we have made so great a progress to the
attainment of the end we have in view, so that we
cannot fail without a most shameful desertion of
our own interests, any thing like a change of con-
duct would imply a. very unhappy change of prin-
ciples, and a forgetfulness as well of what we owe
to ourselves as to our country. Did I suppose it
possible this could be the case, even in a single
regiment of the army, I should be mortified and
chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as
a wound given to my own honour, which I con-
sider as embarked with that of the army at large.
J5ut this I believe to be impossible. Any corps
that was about to set an example of the kind,
would weigh well the consequences ; and no officer
of common discernment and sensibility would ha-
zard them. If they should stand alone in it, in*
dependent of other consequences, w hat would be
their feelings on reflecting that they had held
themselves out to the world in a point of light in-
ferior to the rest of the army ? Or if their exam-
ple should be followed, and become general, how
could they console themselves for having been the
foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their
country ? They would remember that the army
would share a double portion of the general in-
famy and distress, and that the character of an
American officer wquld become as despicable, as
it is now glorious.
" I confess the appearances in the present in-
itance are disagreeable ; but I am convinced they
1779 ] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
seem to mean more than they really do. The
Jersey officers have not been outdone by any others
in the qualities either of citizens or soldiers; and
1 am confident no part of them would seriously in-
tend any thing that would be a stain on their former
reputation. The gentlemen cannot be in earnest;
they have only reasoned wrong about the means of
obtaining a good end., and on consideration, I hope
and flatter myself, they will renounce what must
appear improper. At the opening of a campaign,
when under marching orders for an important
service., their own honour, duty to the public, and
to themselves, and a regard to military propriety,
will not suffer them to persist in a measure, which
would be a violation of them all. It will even
wound their delicacy, coolly to reflect, that they
have hazarded a step which has an air of dictating"
terms to their country, by taking advantage of the
necessity of the moment.
" The declaration they have made to the state,
at so critical a time, that unless they obtain relief
in the short period of three days, they must be
considered out of the service, has very much that
apect ; and the seeming relaxation of continuing
until the state can have a reasonable time to pro-
vide other officers, will be thought only a super-
ficial veil. I am now to request that you will
convey my sentiments to the gentlemen concern-
ed, and endeavour to make them sensible that
that they are in an error. The service for which
the regiment was intended will not admit of de-
lay, it must at all events march on Monday
morning, in the first place to this cainp, and fu^
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
tlier directions will be given when it arrives. I
am sure I shall not be mistaken in expecting ^a
prompt and cheerful obedience."
This letter made a deep impression upon the
minds of the officers, but did not fully produce
the desired effect. In an address to the Commander
in Chief, they expressed their unhappiness, that
any act of theirs should occasion him pain ; but
in justification of the measure they had adopted,
they pleaded that their state government had paid
ne attention to their repeated petitions, that they
were themselves loaded with debts, and that their
families were starving. ef At length," said they,
" we have lost all confidence in our Legislature.
Reason and experience forbid that we should have
any. Few of us have private fortunes ; many have
families who are already suffering every thing that
can be received from an ungrateful country. Are
we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues
and dangers of a military life, while our wives
and our children are perishing for want of com-
mon necessaries at home ; and that without the
most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is
only nominal ? We are sensible that your Excel-
lency cannot wish nor desire this from us.
" We are sorry that you should imagine we
meant to disobey orders. It was and still is our
determination to march with our regiment, and to
do the duty of officers, until the Legislature shall
have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no
longer.
" We beg leave to assure your Excellency that
we have the highest sense of your ability and vir-
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
tue, that executing your orders has ever given us
pleasure ; we love the service, and we love our
country; but when that country gets so lost to
virtue and justice as to forget to support its ser-
vants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its
service."
This attempt in the officers to justify their con-
duct placed General Washington in a very critical
and delicate situation. Severe measures, he ap-
prehended, would probably drive the whole Jersey
brigade from the service; and to assume the exer-
cise of the powers of Commander in Chief, and
then recede without producing the effect, must
hazard his own authority, and injure the disci
pline of the army. Under these embarrassing
circumstances, he prudently resolved to take n,
further notice of this address, than to notify to th
officers, through General Maxwell, that wh.*
they continued to do their duty, he should on^
regret the step they had taken, and hope that the,
themselves would perceive its impropriety.
This alarming transaction, the General commu-
nicated to Congress, and at the same time remind-
ed them of his repeated and urgent intreaties in
behalf of his officers. Some general provision
for them he now recommended as a measure of
absolute necessity. " The distresses in some
corps/' he observed, " are so great, either where
they were not until lately attached to any parti*
cular state, or where the state has been less pro-
vident, that officers have solicited even to be sup-
plied with the clothing destined for the common
224 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
soldiers, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had
not power to comply with the request.
" The patience of men animated by a sense of
duty and honour, will support them to a certain
point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not
Congress will be sensible of the danger of an ex-
treme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety
to obviate it."
The regiment marched agreeably to orders, and
the' officers withdrew their remonstrance. The
Legislature took measures for their relief, and they
continued in the service.
The situation of the hostile armies not favour-
ing active operations, General Washington plan-
; ed an expedition into the Indian country. His
xperience while he commanded the troops of
/irginia in the French war, convinced him, that
the only effectual method to defend the frontiers
from the destructive invasion of Indian foes, is to
carry the war into their own country. To re-
taliate in some measure, the cruelties the Indians
had inflicted on the Americans, and to deter them
from their repetition, General Sullivan, the com-
manding officer, was ordered, on this occasion,
to exercise a degree of severity which, in the usual
operations of war, was abhorrent to the humane
disposition of the Commander in Chief. In the
course of the summer months, General Sullivan
successfully prosecuted the plan, and destroyed
the Indian towns upon the northern boundary of
Ihe state of New York.
The disposable force of Sir Henry Clinton thig
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
year consisted of between sixteen and seventeen
thousand men. The troops under the immediate
command of General Washington amounted to
about sixteen thousand. A view of the numbers
of the two hostile armies is sufficient to shew, that
offensive operations against the strong posts of
the British, were not in the power of GeneVal
Washington. The marine force, by which these
posts were supported, facilitated the designs of
the British commander in predatory expeditions
upon the American shores and rivers ; but in the
middle states, the campaign passed away without
any military operations upon a large scale. The
American General posted his troops in a situation
the most favourable to protect the country from
the excursions of the enemy, and to guard the
high lands on the north river. These high lands
were the object of the principal manosuvres of the
opposing generals, and the scefce of some brilliant
military achievements.
West Point was now the chief post of the
Americans on the Hudson. Here was their prin-
cipal magazine of provisions and military stores.
It was situated upon the western side of the river,
in the bosom of the mountain, was difficult of
approach, and its natural strength had been in-
creased by fortifications, although they were not
completed. Lower down at the foot of the moun-
tain is King's ferry, over which passes the great
road from the eastern to the middle states. This
ferry is commanded by the points of land on the
two shores. The point on the west side is high,
rough ground, and is called Stony Point, That
. _
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
on the east side is a low neck of land projecting
into the river and denominated Verplank's Point.
On each shore General Washington had erected
fortifications, and a small garrison under the
command of a captain was placed in Verplank.
-Sir Henry Clinton, on the last of May, moved
with the greater part of his force up the river to-
wards these posts. On his approach Stony Point
was evacuated ; but the celerity of his movements
obliged the garrison at Verplank to surrender
themselves prisoners of war. The possession of
King's ferry could not have been the sole object
of Sir Henry's movement, his force was much
greater than this purpose required. The posses-
sion of West Point was probably the ultimate
design of the expedition ; but the excellent dis-
position of the American troops defeated this
intention of the British Commander. Having
fortified the positions of Stony Point and V er-
pltink. and placed garrisons in them, Sir Henry
returned with his armv to New York.
*
The Americans were subjected to great incon-
venience by the loss of King's ferry. To pass the
North river, they were necessitated to take a route
by the way of Fish Kill, through a rough and
mountainous country, and the transportation of
heavy articles for the army by this circuitous
road became very tedious.
General Washington was induced by a varietyof
motives to attempt the recovery of Stony and Ver-
plank points. The very attempt would recal the
British detachments that were out on predatory
expeditions. Success in the plan would give re-
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 227
putation to the American arms, reconcile the
public mind to the plan of the campaign, and
restore to the Americans the convenient road
across King's ferry. In pursuance of this inten-
tion, he reconnoitred the posts, and, as far as
possible, gained information of the situation of
the works, and of the strength of the garrisons.
The result was a plan to carry the posts by storm.
The assault upon Stony Point was committed to
General Wayne, and that no alarm might be
given, his force was to consist only of the light
infantry of the army, which corps was already on
the lines. The night of the 15th of July was as-
signed for the attack. The works were strong,
and could be approached only by a narrow pas-
sage over a piece of marshy ground, and the gar-
rison consisted of six hundred men. About mid-
night the troops moved up to the works through
a heavy fire of artillery and musketry, and with-
out the discharge of a single gun, carried them
at the point of the bayonet. The Americans on
this occasion displayed their usual humanity;
they put not an individual to the sword after re-
sistance ceased.
The loss of the Americans in the assault was in-
considerable, compared with the nature of the ser-
vice. Their killed and wounded did not exceed
one hundred men. General Wayne received a
wound on the head, which, for a short time
stunned him; but he insisted upon entering
the fort, which by the support of his aids he
accomplished. Sixty three of the garrison were
killed and sixty eight wounded, and five hundred
LtFfc OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
and fort y three made prisoners. Military stores to
some amount were found in the fort.
General Howe was intrusted with the execution
of the design against Verplank ; but through a
number of unfortunate incidents, to which mili-
tary operations are always liable, it miscarried.
Stony Point alone did not give the Americans
the use of King's ferry. Sir Henry Clinton im-
mediately moved up the North river with a large
force to recover the post, and General Wash-
ington, not thinking it expedient to take from his
army the number of troops necessary to garrison
it, destroyed the works and retired to the high
lands. General Clinton erected the fort anew
with superior fortifications, and placed a re-
spectable garrison in it, under the command ef a
brigadier general.
Congress embraced this occasion, by an unani-
mous resolve, to thank Generel Washington for
the wisdom, vigilance and magnanimity with
which he conducted the military operations of
the nation, and particularly for the enterprise
upon Stony Point. They also unanimously voted
their thanks to General Wayne for his brave and
soldierlike attack, and presented him with a gold
medal emblematical of the action ; and they highly
commended the coolness, discipline and persever-
ing bravery of the officers and men in the spirited
assault.
. During this summer, Spain joined France in
the war against England. General Washington
expecting substantial aid from these powers, and
unwilling to waste any part of his small force in
partial actions, contented himself with the defence
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 229
of the country from the depredations of the enemy,
that he might be in readiness with the greatest
possible numbers,, to co-operate with the allies
of America in an attack upon the British posts.
But the fond hope of effective aid from France
proved delusive; and the expectation that the
war would this season terminate, as a dream pass-
ed awav.
j
Effectual measures were not yet adopted by
Congress to establish a, permanent army. The
officers generally remained in service., but a great
proportion of the privates were annually to be re-
cruited. By the delays of the general and state
governments, the recruits were never seasonably
brought into the field. At different periods they
joined the army; and frequently men totally un-
acquainted with every branch of military service,
were introduced in the most critical part of an
active campaign.
At the close of this year, General Washington,
not discouraged by all his former unavailing en-
deavours, once more addressed Congress on this
subject, which he deemed essential to the welfare
of the union. In October he forwarded to that body
a minute report of the state of the army, by which
it appeared, that between that time and the last
of June the next year, the time of service of one
half the privates would expire.
.With the report he submitted a plan, by which
the recruits of all the states were to be raised and
brought to head quarters by the middle of Ja-
nuary of each year, that time might be given in,
230 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
sortie measure to discipline them before the cam-
paign opened.
" The plan I would propose/' says the General
in the address, " is that each state be informed by
Congress annually of the real deficiency of its
troops, and called upon to make it up, or such
less specific number as Congress may think proper,
by a draught. That the men draughted join the
army by the first of January the succeeding year.
That from the time the draughts join the army,
the officers of the states from which they come, be
authorised and directed to use their endeavours
to inlist them for the war, under the bounties
granted to the officers themselves and the recruits,
by the act of the 23d of January last, viz. ten
dollars to the officer for each recruit, and two
hundred to the recruits themselves. That all
state, county and town bounties to draughts, if
practicable, be intirely abolished, on account of
the uneasiness and disorders they create among
the soldiery, the desertions they produce, and for
other reasons which will readily occur. That on
or before the first of October annually, an abstract
or return similar to the present one be transmitt-
ed to Congress, to enable them to make their re-
quisitions to each state with certainty and preci-
sion. This I would propose as a general plan, to
be pursued ; and I am persuaded that this or one
nearly similar to it, will be found the best now
in our power, as it will be attended with least
expense to the public, will place the service on
the footing of order and certainty, and will be the
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 231
only one that can advance the general interest to
any great extent."
This judicious plan was never carried into ef-
fect, Congress did not make the requisition until
February, and the states, were not called upon to
bring their recruits into the field before the first
of April. Thirteen foreign states exercising their
respective independent authorities to form a fe-
deral army, were always tardy in time and defi-
cient in the number of men.
On the approach of the inclement season, the
army again built themselves huts for winter quar-
ters. Positions were chosen the most favourable
for the defence of the American posts, and for co-
vering the country. The army was formed into
two divisions. One of these erected huts near
West Point, and the other at Morristown in New
Jersey. The head quarters of the Commander in
Chief were with tfte last division.
Great distress was felt this winter on account
of the deranged state of the American finances.
General Green and Colonel Wadsworth, gentle-
men in every respect qualified for the duties of
their respective stations, were yet at the head of
the quarter master and commissary departments ;
but the credit of the country was fallen, they had
not the means to make prompt payment for arti-
cles of supply, and they found it impossible to
lay up large magazines of provisions, and ex-
tremely difficult to obtain supplies to satisfy the
temporary wants of the army.
The evil was increased by a new arrangement
introduced by Congress into the commissary de-
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779.
partment. - A fixed salary in the depreciated cur-
rency of the country was given to the commissary
general,, and he was authorised to appoint a cer-
tain number of deputies, whose stipends were also
established, and no emolument of office was al-
lowed. Deputies competent to the business could
not be obtained upon the terms established by
Congress, confusion and derangement ensued
through the whole department, and in conse-
quence Colonel Wadsworth was constrained to
resign his office.
'Before the month of January expired, the sol-
diers were put upon allowance, and before its
close, the whole stock of provision in store was
exhausted, and there was neither meat nor flour
to be distributed to the troops. .To prevent the
dissolution of the army, the Commander in Chief
was reluctantly driven to very vigorous measures.
He apportioned upon each coilnty in the state of
New Jersey a quantity of meat and flour, accord-
ing to the ability of each, to be brought into camp
in the course of six days. At the same time he
wrote to the magistrates, stating the absolute ne-
cessity of the measure, and informing them, that
unless the inhabitants voluntarily complied with
the requisition, the exigency of the case would
force him to obtain it by military exaction.
To the honour of the inhabitants of New
Jersey, harassed as their country had been, the
full quantity of provision required was cheerfully
and seasonably afforded.
To Congress General Washington expressed his
sense of the heroic patience with which the
1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233
troops bore the privations of clothing and provi-
sions through this winter of unusual severity. The
extent of these ^privations will be seen in an ex-
tract of a letter written by the Commander in
Chief to his friend General Schuyler.
' c Since the date of my last we have had the vir-
tue and patience of the army put to the severest
trial. Sometimes it has been five or six days to-
gether without bread; at other times, as many
days without meat; and once 'or twice, two or
three days, without either. I hardly thought it
possible at one period,, that we should be able to
keep it together, nor could it have been done, but
for the exertions of the magistrates in the several
counties of this state, on \yhom I was obliged to
call, expose our situation to them, and in plain
terms declare that we were reduced to the alter-
native of disbanding or catering for ourselves,
unless the inhabitants would afford us their aid.
I allotted to each county a certain proportion of
flour or grain, and a certain number of cattle, to
be delivered on certain days, and for the honour
of the magistrates, and good disposition of the
people, I must add, that my requisitions w r ere
punctually complied with, and in many counties
exceeded. Nothing but this great exertion could
have saved the army from dissolution or starving,
as we were bereft of every hope from the com-
missaries. At one time, the soldiers eat every
kind of horse food but hay. Buckwheat, com-
mon wheat, rye, and Indian corn composed the
meal which made their bread. As an army they
bore it with the most heroic patience ; but suffer-
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1770.
ings like these, accompanied with the want of
clothes, blankets, &c. will produce frequent de-
sertion in all armies, and so it happened with us,
though it did not excite a single mutiny."
The frost of this winter was excessive. For six
weeks together, the waters about New York were
covered with ice, of sufficient thickness to admit
the passage of large armies with waggons and the
heaviest pieces of artillery. The city, of conse-
quence, in many places, became assailable. The
vigilant and active mind of General Washington,
with mortification, saw an opportunity to attack
his enemy which he was unable to embrace. The
British force in New York, in numbers, exceeded
his own, and the want of clothing and provision
rendered it impossible to move his troops upon
an extensive enterprise. An attempt to surprise
a post on Staten Island failed.
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 235
CHAPTER VII.
Amount of Paper Emission Congress destitute of Means to sup-
port the War Supplies apportioned upon the States Exer-
tions of the Commander in Chief Mutiny in a part of the
Army The British make an Excursion into Neio Jersey The
American Troops bravely resist them The Court of France
promises a Naval and Land Armament to act in America Pre-
paration to co-operate with it A French Squadron arrives on
the American Coast Count Rochambeau lands at Newport
with Jive thousand Men The American and French Com-
manders meet at Hartford to settle the Plan of the Campaign
The Second Divison of the French Troops fails General
Arnold becomes a Traitor He Corresponds with Major Andre
Andre comes on Shore at West Point Attemps to return
to New York by land He is taken into Custody by three Mi-
litia Men A Board of General Officers condemn him He is
executed Letter of General Washington on the State of the
Army Congress adopts a Military Establishment for the War
: The Army goes into Winter Quarters.
1780.] TWO hundred millions of dollars in
paper currency were at this time in circulation,
upon the credit of the United States. Congress
had the preceding year solemnly pledged the faith
of government not to emit more than this sum.
The national treasury was empty. The requisi-
tions of Congress for money by taxes, assessed by
the authority of the states, were slowly complied
with, and supplies of money, in this way obtained,
bore no proportion to the expenses of the war.
2oG LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780.
A novel state of things was in consequence in-
troduced. Congress, the head of the nation, had
no command of the resources of the country. The
power of taxation, and of every coercive measure
of government, rested with the state sovereign-
ties. The only power left with the national coun-
cil was, to apportion supplies of provision for the
army, as well as recruits of men, upon the several
states.
The military establishment for 1780, consisted
of thirty- five thousand, two hundred and eleven
men. No portion of these was to be raised by the
authority of Congress, but in the whole transac-
tion an absolute dependence was placed on the
agency of the states. Upon the states also spe-
cific articles of provision, spirits and forage were
apportioned for the subsistence of the army.
Congress gave assurances that accurate accounts
should be kept, and resolved, " That any state
which shall have taken the necessary measures for
furnishing its quota, and have given notice there-
of to Congress, shall be authorised to prohibit
any continental quarter master, or commissary
from purchasing within its limits."
General Washington greatly lamented the ne-
cessity of managing the war by state authorities.
He freely suggested to Congress the defects of
their system, defects which would prevent the at-
tainment of competent and seasonable supplies for
the troops. The estimate, he observed, in all
articles was below the ordinary demand, the time
of reception was left in a vague manner ; and no
provision was made for extraordinary exigencies.
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 237
No means were adopted to obtain for the use of
the army any surplus of produce, which a parti-
cular state might conveniently supply, beyond
its apportionment; but a state under this pre-
dicament was authorised to prohibit the national
commissary from purchasing such surplusage,
whatever might be the public wants. To a friend
in Congress, he in a private letter thus freely ex-
pressed his opinion.
cc Certain I am, that unless Congress speaks in
a more decisive tone ; unless they are vested with
powers by the several states, competent to the great
purposes of the war, or assume them as matter
of right, and they, and the states respectively act
with more energy than they hitherto have done ;
that our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge
on in the old way. By ill timing the adoption of
measures, by delays in the execution of them, or
by unwarrantable jealousies, we incur enormous
expenses, and derive no benefit from them. One
state will comply with a requisition from Congress,
another neglects to do it, and a third executes it
by halves ; and all differ in the manner, the mat-
ter, or so much in point of time, that we are
always working up hill ; and, while such a sys-
tem as the present one, or rather want of one,
prevails, we ever shall be unable to apply our
strength or resources to any advantage.
(C This, my dear sir, is plain language to a
member of Congress, but it is the language of
truth and friendship. It is the result of long
thinking, close application, and strict observa-
tion. I see one head gradually changing into
238 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1TSO.
thirteen. I see one army branching into thirteen ;
and instead of looking up to Congress as the
supreme controling power of the United States,
considering themselves as dependent on their re-
spective states. In a word, I see the power of
Congress declining too fast for the consequence
and respect which are due to them as the great
representative body of America, and am fearful
of the consequences."
Although General Washington had weighty
objections to the plan of Congress, he exerted
himself to carry it into effect. His personal in-
fluence was greater than that of any other man in
the union, and this new order of things required
its full exercise. He wrote to the executives and
legislatures of the several states, stating the cri-
tical situation of public affairs, pointing out the
fatal consequences that must flow from the inat-
tention and neglect of those who alone possessed
the power of coertion, and urging them by all
the motives of patriotism and self-interest to com-
ply with the requisitions of Congress. But each
of the states felt its own burdens, and was dila-
tory in its efforts to promote a general interest.
A system, which in its execution required the
conjoint agency of thirteen sovereignties, was too
complex for the prompt operations of a military
body.
In the course of the winter forage had failed,
and many of the horses attached to the army had
died, or were rendered unfit for use. General
Washington therefore struggled with almost in-
superable difficulties in supplying the army. He
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239
possessed no means to transport provisions from a
distance but by impressment, and to this painful
and oppressive mode, he was obliged frequently
to recur. The unbounded confidence placed in
his patriotism, wisdom and prudence, enabled
him to carry these measures into effect, among a
people tenacious of individual rights, and jealous
of the encroachment of power.
The pay of the officers of the army had scarcely
more than a nominal value. They were unable to
support the appearance of gentlemen, or to fur-
nish themselves with the conveniences which their
situation required. The pride essential to the
soldier was deeply wounded, general dissatisfac-
tion manifested itself, and increased the per-
plexities of the Commander in Chief. The offi-
cers of whole lines belonging to some of the states
in a body, gaye notice that on a certain day, they
should resign their commisions, unless provision
was made for their honourable support. The
animated representation of the danger of this
rash measure to that country in whose service
they had heroically suffered, induced them to
proffer their services as volunteers until their suc-
cessors should be appointed. This their General
without hesitation rejected, and the officers re-
luctantly consented to remain in the army.
A statement of the great difficulties which the
General encountered, led Congress to depute a
committee of their body to camp to consult with
him upon measures necessary to be adopted to re-
move the grievances of the army. This commitee
reported, " That the army was unpaid for five
240 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
months ; that it seldom had more than six days
provision in advance, and was on several occa-
sions for several successive days., without meat;
that the army was destitute of forage ; that the
medical department had neither sugar, tea, cho-
colate, wine or spirituous liquors of any kind;
hat every department of the army was without
money., and had not even the shadow of credit
left ; that the patience of the soldiers, borne
down with the pressure of complicated sufferings,
was on the point of heing exhausted."
Congress possessed not the means to apply ade-
quate remedies to these threatening evils. They
passed^ a resolution, which was all they could do,
" That Congress will make good to the line of the
army, and to the independent corps thereof, the
deficiencies of their original pay, which had been
occasioned by the depreciation of the continental
currency ; and that money or other articles hereto-
fore received, should be considered as advanced
on account, to be comprehended in the settle-
ment finally to be made." This resolution was
published in general orders, and produced a good
effect ; but did not remove the complaints of ofli-
cers or men. The promise of future compen-
sation from a country, whose neglect was con-
ceived to be the source of all their sufferings,
they deemed a feeble basis of dependence, at the
moment they were severely pressed by privations
of every kind.
MARCH 25.] Murmurs at length broke out
into actual mutiny. Two of the Connecticut re*
gimeuts paraded under arms, announcing the in-
1780.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON.
tention to return home,, or by their arras to ob-
tain subsistence. The other regiments from Con-
necticut,, although they did not join in the revolt,,
exhibited no inclination to aid in suppressing the
mutineers, but by the spirited and prudent exer-
tions of the officers, the ringleaders were secured,
and the regiments brought back to their duty.
The perplexities of a general, who commands
an army in this situation, are not to be described.
When the officers represented to the soldiery the
greatness of the cause in which they were engag-
ed, and stated the late resolution of Congress in
their favour, they answered, that for five months
they had received no pay, and that the depreciated
state of the currency would render their pay of
no value when received : they wanted present re-
lief, and not promises of distant compensation ;
their sufferings were too great to be supported ;
and they must have immediate and substantial
recompense for their services. To the complaints
of the army were joined murmurs of the inha-
bitants of New Jersey, on account of the frequent
requisitions unavoidably made upon them.
These disaffections were carried to New York
with the customary exaggerations of rumour. Ge-
neral Knyphausen, the commanding officer at that
post, supposing the American citizens and soldiers
ripe for revolt, passed over into New Jersey with
five thousand men, [JUNE 6.]] to avail himself of
favourable events, and probably with the inten^
tion to drive General Washington from his camp
at Morristown. He took the road to Springfield,
and the behaviour of the Americans soon cou-
R
242 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780.
vinced him he had been deceived in the report of
then disaffected and mutinous disposition. The
troops detached from the army to oppose his pro-
gress, fought with obstinate bravery ; and the in-
habitants seizing their arms with alacrity, emu-
lated tlie spirit and persevering courage of the
regular soldier. The enemy finding he must en-
counter serious opposition, halted at Connecticut
farms, consigned most of the buildings of that vil-
lage to the flames, and then retreated to Elizabeth
Point, opposite to Staten Island.
While General Knyphausen lay at Elizabeth
point, Sir Henry Clinton, with four thousand
men, returned from the conquest of Charlestown,
South Carolina, and joined him at that place. On
the 23d of June, Sir Henry moved, by different
routes, five thousand infantry, and a large body
of cavalry, with twenty pieces of artillery, to-
wards Springfield. General Washington sup-
posed that his determined object was the destruc-
tion of (lie American camp and stores at Morris-
town. The effective force at this time under his
immediate command amounted to little more than
three thousand men. Not being able to contend
with the enemy, but with the advantage of
.ground, he made the best disposition of his small
force to defend his post, and detached General
Green with a thousand men to guard the defiles
on the road, and particularly to dispute the ene-
my's passage of the bridge near Springfield. This
service was performed with great military judg-
ment, and with the spirit and efficacy of disci-
plined courage. When overpowered by uum-
1780.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 243
bers, General Green drew up his brave band on
the heights behind Springfield. Sir Henry Clin-
ton was not disposed to attack him in his strong
position, nor to encounter the danger of proceed-
ing to Morristown, and leaving Green in his rear;
he therefore relinquished the object of his expe-
dition, and burning the town of Springfield, re-
turned to JNew York.
General Washington keenly felt this -insult of-
fered to his country, and was deeply mortified at
his inability to repel it. In a letter to a friend
he observed, " You but too well know, ajid will
regret with me, the cause which justifies this in-
sulting manoeuvre on the part of the enemy. It
deeply affects the honour of the States, a vindica-
tion of which could not be attempted in our pre-
sent circumstances, without most imminently ha-
zarding their security; at least so far as it may
depend on the security of the army. Their cha-
racter, their interest, their all that is dear, call
upon them, in the most pressing manner, to place
the army immediately on a respectable footing."
Late in the spring, the Marquis La Fayette
returned from France, with the pleasing intelli-
gence that his government had resolved to assist
the United States, by employing this year a re-
spectable land and naval force in America.
This grateful information reanimated the pub-
lic mind, and gave a new stimulus to the agency
of Congress, and of the governments of the several
states; that preparation might be made to co-
operate with the French armament on its arrivai.
This event excited anew in the breast of ths
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780,
Commander in Chief, the mingled emotions of
ambition and patriotism. His country having
solicited foreign aid, he felt the disgrace she must
suffer, should the allies find her in a situation not
to second their friendly assistance. He anticipated
the deep wound that would be inflicted on his own
feelings, should the French commanders find him
the nominal head of a naked, destitute, and ineffi-
cient army. To prevent the evils that were ap-
prehended, he addressed a circular letter to the
goverrnents of the states, urging them to exer-
tions proportionate to the present prospect of
their country; and painting to their view the pic-
ture of dishonour and ruin that must arise from
the neglect to improve this prosperous tide in
their affairs.
Vigorous measures were in consequence adopt-
ed by Congress and by the states to recruit the
army, to lay up magazines, and to enable their
General to comply with the reasonable expecta-
tions of their allies. But the agency of different
bodies was necessary to carry these public mea-
sures into effect, and their operation was dilatory.
On the 20th of June, General Washington v in-
formed Congress that the' army was yet destitute
of many essential articles of clothing. " For the
troops," he observed, "to be without clothing at
any time, is highly injurious to the service, and
distressing to our feelings; but the want will be
more peculiarly mortifying, when they come to
act with our allies. If it be possible, I have no
doubt immediate measures will be taken to relieve
their distresses.
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 245
cc It is also most sincerely to be wished, that
there could be some supplies of clothing furnished
to the officers. There are a great many whose
condition is still miserable. This is, in some in-
stances, the case with the whole lines of states.
Jt would be well, for their own sakes, and for the
public good, if they could be furnished. They
will not be able, when our friends come to co-
operate with us, to go on a common routine of
duty ; and if they should, they must, from their
appearance, be held in low estimation. "
In the near prospect of the arrival of the French
armaments, the embarrassments of General Wash-
ington increased. His army was not yet in a
situation to co-operate with the allies, and he be-
came extremely anxious to know the force on
which he might absolutely depend. He wished
to attack New York, if the means were in his
power. But to concert an attack upon this post
with the French commanders, and in the event be
unable to execute his part of the engagement, he
knew would dishonour the American arms, and
expose the French marine force employed in the
service to destruction. Should prudence forbid
an attempt upon New York, his force might be
competent to assail some other British post, and
it was highly expedient that the plan should be
ripened, and all measures prepared for imme-
diate action, the moment the French detach-
ments should reach the continent. The anxiety
of the Commander in Chief on this subject was
disclosed in the following letter to Congress.
f The season is come when we have every rea-
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780.
so^to expect the arrival of the fleet, and yet for
want of this point of primary consequence, it is
impossible for me to form a system of co-opera-
tion. I have no basis to at upon; and of course,
were this generous succour of our ally now to ar-
rive, I should find myself in the most awkward^
embarrassing, and painful situation. The ge-
neral and the admiral, from the relation in which
I stand, as soon as they approach our coast, will
require of me apian of the measures to be pur-
sued, and there ought of right to be one prepared;
but circumstanced as I am, I cannot even give
them conjectures. From these considerations, I
have suggested to the committee, by a letter I had
the honour of addressing them yesterday, the in-
dispensable necessity of their writing again to the
states/urging them to give immediate and precise
. information of the measures they have taken, and
of the result. The interest of the states, the ho-
nour and reputation of our councils, the justice
and gratitude due to our allies, all require that I
should, without delay, be enabled to ascertain
and inform them what we can or cannot under-
take. There is a point which ought now to be
determined, on the success of which all our future
operations may depend, on which, for want of
knowing our prospects, I can make no decision,
for fear of involving the fleet and army of our
allies in circumstances which would expose them,
if not seconded by us, to material inconvenience
and hazard. I shall be compelled to suspend it,
and the delay may be fatal to our hopes."
Congress had assured the French minister, that
1780.] HFE OF WASHINGTON.
they would bring this campaign twenty-five
thousand men into the field : that to these such
detachments of militia should be added as to make
a force competent, when supported by a naval
armament, to attack any of the British posts.
They had also engaged to lay up magazines of
provisions adequate to the demands of the armies
of the United States, and of any division of
French troops acting in concert with them. On
this account, the deficiencies of the army lay with
the more galling weight upon the mind of Ge-
neral Washington.
While he was revolving this important subject,
Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot re-
turned from South Carolina to New York, whose
garrison now consisted of eleven thousand regular
troops. The prospect of successful operations
against this post was by the event greatly dimi-
nished. In the absence of the British armament,
it had been proposed by the American Com-
mander, that the French fleet should, as soon as
it reached the American coast, block * up the har-
bour of New York, and co-operate with the army
in the attack upon that place. But in this change
of circumstances, he conceived it advisable that
the French squadron should enter the harbour of
Newport, land their troops, and there wait until
a plan of joint operation should be formed.
JULY 10.]] At length the first division of
French troops reached the American shore, con-
sisting of between five and six thousand men,
with a large train of battering and field artillery.
These forces were commanded by Count de
248 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780.
Rochambeau,, \vhose government had placed him
unoer the command of General Washington. The
Count brought information that a second division
would follow him as soon as transports could be w
fitted to bring them.
. The principal French and American officers
assiduously cultivated a mutual affection between
I
the two armies ; and the Commander in Chief
recommended to the officers of the United States
to ingraft on the American cockade a white relief,
as an emblem of the alliance of the two powers.
At the arrival of the French, the Americans
were unprepared to act ^ with them ; nor did the
American General know what force would ulti-
mately be brought into the field. But it became
necessary for him to make arrangements with the
French commanders for offensive operations
agpinst the enemy, on the arrival of the reinforce-
ments. In this weighty transaction, he consulted
the honour and interest of the United States, ra-
ther than the existing condition of his army. Con-
fiding in the successful efforts that his country-
men would on this' occasion make, he communi-
cated to Count de Rochambeau his intention to
comply with the engagements into which Con-
gress had entered with the Court of Versailles.
The solicitude of the General on this subject
appears in the following communication, which
at the time he made to the President of Congress.
" Pressed'on all sides by a choice of difficulties,
in a moment which required decision, I have
adopted that line of conduct which comported
with the dignity and faith of Congress, the repu-
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 249
tation of these states, and the honour of our arms.
I have sent on definitive proposals of co-operation
to the French General and Admiral. Neither the
period -of the season, nor a regard to decency,
would permit delay. The die is cast: and it re-
mains with the states either to fulfil their engage-
ments, preserve their credit, and support their
independence, or to involve us in disgrace and de-
feat. Notwithstanding the failure pointed out
by the committee, I shall proceed, on the suppo-
sition that they will ultimately consult their own
interest and honour, and not to suffer us to fail
for the want of means which it is evidently in
their power to afford. What has been done, and
is doing, by some of the states, confirms the opi-
nion I have entertained of sufficient resources in
the country. Of the disposition of the people to
submit to any arrangements for bringing them
forth, I see no reasonable ground to doubt. If w6
fail for the want of proper exertions in any of the
governments, I trust the responsibility will fall
where it ought, and that I shall stand justified to
Congress, my country, and the world."
The plan of joint operation was formed upon
the presumption that the French would maintain
a naval superiority in the American sea. But
soon after the arrival of the French, the British
on this station were reinforced by a squadron su-
perior to that which convoyed the troops of his
most Christian Majesty. Sir Henry Clinton and
Admiral Greaves contemplated an attack upon
the French in their new station, and after great
delay, six thousand troops of the flower of their
250 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780-
army were embarked, and, supported, by the fleet,
sailed to Huntingdon Bay. But the commanders
here learning the improved state of the fortifica-
tions at Newport, laid aside the expedition. Dur-
ing these movements, General Washington col-
lected his force, and crossed Ihe North River,
with the intention to attack New York, should
the British General proceed in his attempt against
the French. He confidently expected in this case ,
to establish himself in some commanding position,
which would not only compel General Ciintoft to
abandon his enterprise, but also facilitate the suc-
cess of his operations against the city. The re-
turn of Sir Henry induced the American General
to recross into New Jersey, and to post his army
at Orangetown. To expedite the meditated ope-
ration against New York, he also took possession
of ground about Dobb's Ferry, ten miles above
King's Bridge, and erected works to command
the river.
The offensive measures to by pursued by the
allies were suspended upon the event of the
French naval force in America being' reinforced.
General Washington exerted himself to be in the
best state of preparation, to embrace any oppor-
tunity that might present to annoy the enemy.
At this critical moment,. Congress, against the
remonstrance of the Commander in Chief, and all
the general officers, introduced those essential
changes in the quarter master general's depart-
ment, which induced General Green to resign the
office of quarter master. Colonel Pickering was
appointed his successor, who, in the full exercise
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25f
of a mind, judicious, active, and indefatigable,
found it impossible to execute the business of the
department on the plan of Congress.
The stores of the commissary failing, General
Washington was necessitated to open and exhaust
the magazines of West Point, and to forage upon
the already distressed inhabitants of the country
in the neighbourhood of his camp. These defi-
ciencies, at the moment that brilliant achieve-
ments were generally expected, gave a presage of
disappointment.
The secbnd French armament was daily ex-
pected, and General Washington had ordered a
large body of militia into the field; but the diffi-
culty of procuring subsistence led him to counter-
mand the order for their march to camp, although
their aid would be essential in the event of active
operations,
SEPT. 21.] The American and French Com-
manders met at Hartford to complete the general
system of subsequent operations, and they agreed
to direct their offensive measures against the Bri-
tish post in New York.
While expectations of immediate and effectual
aid from France were entertained through the
United States, information was brought that the
second armament destined for America was block-
ed up in the harbour of Brest, and would not this
season reach the American continent. The flat-
tering prospect of terminating the war by the
conquest of the 'British posts, in a moment va-
nished, and elevated views of brilliant success were
succeeded by disappointment and chagrin. Ge-
252 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780-
neral Washington himself had admitted the per-
suasion that the campaign would end in v decisive
manner, and he felt the deepest mortification at
its failure. te We are/' he observed in a letter to
a friend, f( now drawing to a close an inactive
campaign, the beginning of which appeared
pregnant with events of a very favourable com-
plexion. X hoped, but I hoped in vain, that a
prospect was opening which would enable me to
fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore
me to domestic life. The favourable disposition
of Spain, the promised succour from France, the
combined force in the West Indies, the declaration
of Russia (acceded to by other powers of Europe,
humiliating to the naval pride and power of
Great Britain) the superiority of France and
Spain by sea in Europe, the Irish claims and
English disturbances, formed in the aggregate, an
opinion in my breast, which is not very suscep-r
tible of peaceful dreams, that the k hour of deli-
verance was not far distant; for that however
unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the
point, it would not be in her power to continue
the contest. But alas ! these prospects, flattering
as they were, have proved delusory, and I see no-
thing before us but accumulating distress. We
have been hal( of our time without provisions,
and are likelv to continue so. We have no ma-
*/
gazines, nor money to form them. We have
lived upon expedients until we can live no longer.
In a word, the history of the war is a history of
false hopes and temporary devices, instead of sys-
tem and economy, It is in vain, however, to look
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 253
back, nor is it our business to do so. Our case is
not desperate, if virtue exists in the people., and
there is wisdom among our rulers. But to sup-
pose that this great revolution can be accom-
plished by a temporary army, that this army will be
subsisted by state supplies, and that taxation alone
is adequate to our wants, is, in my opinion, ab-
surd, and as unreasonable as to expect an inver-
sion of the order of nature to accommodate itself
to our views. If it were necessary, it would be
easilv proved to any person of a moderate under-
standing, that an annual army, or any army raised
on the spur, of the occasion, besides being unqua-
lified for the end designed, is in various ways,
which could be enumerated, ten times more ex-
pensive than a permanent body of men under
good organization and military discipline, which
never was, nor ever will be the case with new
troops. A thousand arguments, resulting from
experience and the nature of things, might also
be adduced to prove that the army, if it is to de-
pend on state supplies, must disband or starve ;
and that taxation aione, especially at this late
hour, cannot furnish the means to carry on the
war. Is it not time to retract from error, and
benefit from experience ? or do we want further
proof of the ruinous system we have pertinaci-
ously adhered to ?"
At the time the country was exhausting its re-
sources, and General Washington, under innu-
merable embarrassments, exerting every power to
obtaia an honourable peace, treason entered the
strong hold of independence, and planned the de-
254 IIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780.
struction of the infant states of America. Ge-
neral Arnold early and warmly embraced the
American cause. His enterprising spirit, his in
vincible fortitude, his heroic and persevering ar-
dour in battle, had exalted his military character
in his own country and in Europe. Being inca-
pacitated for the duties of the field by the wounds
he received before Quebec and at Saratoga, he
was appointed commandant in Philadelphia, when
the British evacuated that city. In this flattering
command, he adopted a style of living above his
means, and soon found himself loaded with debt.
He entered into various schemes of speculation,
and was unsuccessful in all. Hollow at heart, he
had recourse to fraud and peculation. These
practices rendered him odious to the citizens, and
gave offence to government. At length formal
complaints were lodged against him ; and Con-
gress ordered his trial by a court martial. By this
court he was found guilty, and sentenced to be
reprimanded by the Commander in Chief. The
sentence was approved by Congress, and carried
into execution by General Washington. In the
gold that was to reward his treason, Arnold ex-
pected relief from his pecuniary embarrassments ;
and his implacable spirit sought its revenge of
his country by betraying into the hand of her
enemy the post that had been called the Gibraltar
of America.
West Point was the first post in importance
within the United States. Its great natural
strength had been increased by every expense
and labour of fortification ; and it was an object
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 255
on which General Washington perpetually kept
his eye. This fortress Arnold selected to give
consequence to his apostacy. By the surrender
of this into the hands of the British commander,
he expected to insure a high price for his trea-
son, and, at the same moment, to inflict a
mortal wound upon his country. His measures
were artfully adopted to accomplish his per-
fidious purpose. He obtained a letter from a
member of Congress to General Washington,
recommending him to the command of this im-
portant post. He induced General Schuyler to
mention to the Commander in Chief his desire
to rejoin the army, and his inclination to do gar-
rison duty.
At the time General Washington was moving
down to New York, when Sir Henry Clinton had
embarked a large body of troops, with the design
to attack the French at Newport, he offered the
command of the left wing of the army to General
Arnold, who declined on the plea that his wound
unfitted him for the active duties of the field ;
but he intimated a desire to command at West
Point. Knowing his ambition for military fame,
the General was surprised that Arnold declined
this favourable opportunity to distinguish him-
self; but the purity of his own mind forbid him
to suspect an officer of treason, whose blood had
been freely shed in the cause of his country, and
he gratified him with the solicited command.
Under fictitious names, and in the disguise of
mercantile business, Arnold had already opened
a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton through
256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780,
Major Andre, Adjutant General of th< British
army. To him the British General committed
the maturing of Arnold's treason, and to facilitate
measures for its execution, the Vulture sloop of
war conveyed him up the North river. Under a
pass for John Anderson, Andre came on shore in
the night, and had a personal interview with
Arnold without the American works. The morn-
ing opened upon them before their business was
accomplished. Arnold told Andre that his return
on board the Vulture by day-light was imprac-.
ticable, and that he must be concealed until the
next night. For thw purpose he was conducted
within an American post, and spent the day with
Arnold. In the course of the day a gun was
brought to bear on the Vulture, which obliged
her to shift her station ; and at night the boatmen
on this account, refused to carry Andre on board
the sloop.
The return to New York by land, was the only
alternative left. To render the attempt the more
safe, Major Andre laid aside his uniform, which
he had yet worn under a surtout, and in a plain
coat, on horseback, began his journey. He was
furnished with a passport signed by Arnold, in
which permission was granted to John Anderson
" to go to the lines, of White Plains, or lower if
he thought proper, .he being on public service."
Alone, and without having excited suspicion, he
passed the American ^guards, and was silently
congratulating himself that he had passed all
danger, when his imaginary security was disturb- /
ed by three militia men, who were scouring the
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57
country between the outposts of the hostile
armies. They suddenly seized the bridle of his
horse, and challenged his business in that place.
The surprise of the moment put him off his guard,
and instead of shewing his pass, he hastily asked
the men, rc where do you belong ?" they an-
swered " to below/' meaning New York. The
Major instantly replied, " so do I." He declared
himself to be a British officer, and pressed for
permission to proceed on the urgent business on
which he was employed.
The mistake was soon apparent, and he offered
the men a purse of gold and a valuable gold
watch, for permission to pass ; and on condition
that they would accompany him to the city, he
promised them present reward and future promo-
tion. But the patriotism of these yeomen could
not be bribed.
They proceeded to search Andre, and found
secreted in his boots, in the hand writing of Ar-
nold, exact returns of the state of the forces, ord-
nance and defences of West Point, with critical
remarks on the works, and other important pa-
pers. They conducted their prisoner. to Lieu-
tenant Colonel Jameson, who commanded the
troops on the lines. Their names were John
Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Vert.
Congress eventually settled on each of them an
annual pension of two hundred dollars during
life; and presented each with a silver medal, on
one side of which was a shield with- the inscription
" Fidelity ;" and on the other the motto " Amor
Patri."
258 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780,
Andre still passed as John Anderson, and re-
quested permission to write to General Arnold to
inform him that Anderson was detained. The
Colonel thoughtlessly permitted the letter to be
sent. Colonel Jameson forwarded to General
Washington the papers found on the prisoner,
and a statement of the manner in which he was
taken. The General was then on his return from
Hartford, and the express unfortunately took a
road different from that on which he was travel-
ling, and passed him. This occasioned so great
loss of time, that Arnold having received Andre's
letter, made his escape on board the Vulture, be-
fore the order for his arrest arrived at West
Point.
As soon as Andre thought that time had been
given for Arnold to make his escape, he flung off
the disguise which was abhorrent to his nature,
and assumed his appropriate character of inge-
nuousness and honour. The express which con-
veyed the intelligence of his capture, was charged
with a letter from him to General Washington,
in which he declared his name and rank, stated
that he had, by order of his Sir Henry Clinton,
corresponded with Arnold, that his intention was
to have met on neutral ground, and that against
his stipulation he had been brought within an
American post. Attempting to make his escape
from it he had been betrayed into the vile con-
dition of an enemy in disguise, and he requested
tkat, " whatever his fate might be, a decency of
treatment might be observed, which would mark,
that though unfortunate he was branded with no-
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 59
thing that was dishonourable, and that he was in-
voluntarily an impostor. The decorous and manly
deportment of Andre greatly interested in his fa-
vour the American army and nation. He was
endowed with properties to conciliate general
esteem. His character is thus beautifully paint-
ed by the late General Hamilton, who without
envy might have contemplated his eminent quali-
ties, for they were not equal -to his own. " There
was something singularly interesting in the cha-
racter of Andre. To an excellent understanding,
well improved by education and travel, he united
a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the
advantages of a pleasing person. It is said that
he possessed a pretty taste for the fine arts, and
had himself attained some proficiency in poetry,
music and painting. His knowledge appeared
without ostentation, and embellished by a diffi-
dence that rarely accompanies so many talents and
accomplishments, which left you to suppose more
than appeared. His sentiments were elevated and
inspired esteem, they had a softness that conci-
liated affection. His elocution was handsome, his
address easy, polite and insinuating. By his merit
he had acquired the unlimited confidence of his
general, and was making rapid progress in mili-
tary rank and reputation. But in the height of
his career, flushed with new hopes from the exe-
cution of a project the most beneficial to his party
that could be devised, he is at once precipitated
from the summit of prosperity, sees all the expec-
tations of his ambition blasted, and himself ruin-
ed. The character I have given of him is drawn
i 2
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780
partly from what I saw of him myself, and partly
from information. I am aware that a man of
real merit is never seen in so favourable a light as
through the medium of adversity. The clouds
that surround him are so many shades that set off
his good qualities. Misfortune cuts down little
vanities, that in prosperous times serve as so many
spots in his virtues ; and gives atone to humanity
that makes his worth more amiable.
" His spectators, who enjoy a happier lot, are
less prone to detract from it through envy ; and
are much disposed by compassion to give the cre^
dit he deserves, and perhaps even to magnify it."
General Washington referred the case of Ma-
jor Andre to a board of fourteen general officers.
Of this board General Green was President, and
the foreign generals La Fayette and Steubcn were
members. They were to determine in what cha-
racter he was to be considered, and what punish-
ment ought to be inflicted. This board treated
their prisoner with the utmost delicacy and ten-
derness. They desired him to answer no question
that embarrassed his feelings. But, concerned
only for his honour, he frankly confessed that he
did not come on shore under the sanction of a
flag, and stated so fully all facts respecting him-
self, that it became unnecessary to examine a
single witness ; but he cautiously guarded against
communications that would involve the guilt of
others.
The board reported the important facts in the^
case, and gave it as their opinion that Andre waf
a Spy, and that agreeably to the laws and usage*,
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
of nations/ he ought to suffer death. His execu-
tion took place next day.
Andre was reconciled to death, but not to the
mode of dying,, which the laws of war had assign-
ed to persons in his situation. He wished to die
as a soldier, not as a criminal. In language,, that
proved him possessed of the nicest feelings of he-
roism and honour, he wrote to General Washing-
ton, soliciting that he might not die on a gibbet :
But the stern maxims of justice forbade a com-
pliance with the request, although the sensibility
of the General was wounded by a refusal.
.Major Andre walked with composure to the
place of execution between two American officers.
When he beheld the instrument of his fate, he
asked with some emotion, ' e must I die in this man-
ner ?" Cf It is unavoidable," was the answer. He
replied, " I am reconciled to my fate, but not to
the mode;'" but immediately added, " it will be
but a momentary, pang." With a countenance of
serenity and magnanimity that melted the heart of
every spectator, he mounted the cart. Being asked
at the fatal moment if he wished to say any thing;
only that ec you will witness to the world, that I
die like a brave man."
Never, perhaps, did an execution of this kind
more deeply interest the finer feelings of human
nature. The General officers, who reported his
case, lamented the necessity they were under to
advise that as a spy he should be hung, and the
heart of General Washington was wrung with an-
guish when he signed his death warrant. But the
fatal wound that would have been inflicted on
262 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17SO.
the country, had Arnold's treason succeeded, made
the sacrifice necessary for the public safety. The
American officers universally discovered a sym-
pathy for the unfortunate sufferer, and the sensi-
bility of the public was greatly excited on the
occasion.
Great, but unavailing endeavours had been used
by Sir Henry Clinton to save Major Andre. Even
Arnold had the presumption to write a threaten-
ing letter to General Washington on the subject.
The General deigned not to answer his letter, but
. he conveyed to him his wife and his baggage.
The merits and the fate of Andre gave a darker
shade to the baseness and treachery of Arnold, and
he became an object of public detestation and ab-
horrence. <f Andre/' observed General Wash-
ington in a letter to a friend, " has met his fate
with that fortitude which was to be expected from
an accomplished man and gallant officer; but I
am mistaken if at tins time Arnold is undergoing
the torments of a mental hell. He wants feeling:
From some traits of his character, which have
lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have
been so hackneyed in crime, so lost to all sense of
honour and shame, that while his faculties still
enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there
will be no time for remorse."*
* Colonel Hamilton in a private letter to a friend unfolded the
practices to which General Washington here alludes. " This
man (Arnold) is in every sense despicable. In addition to the
scene of knavery and prostitution during his command in Phila-
delphia, which the late seizure of his papers has unfolded, the
history of his command at West Point is a history of little ai
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Arnold published at New York, an address to
the inhabitants of America, and a proclamation to
the officers and soldiers of the American army. In
these publications, he attempted to sow the seeds
of disaffection to the government among the citi-
zens,, and to allure, by the prospect of emolument
and promotion, numbers from the army to the
British standard; but these publications met with
universal indignation and contempt. During the
whole period of the revolutionary war, the infa-
mous Arnold was the only American officer who
deserted his banners, and turned his sword against
the bosom of his country.
On the discovery of the defection of Arnold,
General Washington strengthened the garrison of
West Point, and moved the army to a position to
support it, should Sir Henry Clinton make an at-
tempt to carry the post. But although he had
acquired a correct knowledge of its works, and
was assisted by the advice of Arnold, he was not
inclined to hazard the assault unaided by plot and
stratagem.
The state of the army lay perpetually upon the
mind of the Commander in Chief. Not wholly
discouraged by former unsuccessful attempts to
persuade Congress to adopt a permanent military
establishment, he embraced the inactive period of
this campaign once more to address that honour-
able body on this important subject.
well as great villainies. He practised every dirty art of pecu-
lation, and even stooped to connexions with the settlers of th*
garrison to defraud the public."
264 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780.
His letter was dated as early as August, while
exerting himself to be in readiness to co-operate
with the French troops, and he observed,
rc But while we are meditating offensive ope-
rations which may either not be undertaken at all,
or being undertaken may fail, I am persuaded
Congress are not inattentive to the present state of
the army, and will view in the same light with me
the necessity of providing in time against a pe-
riod (the first of January) when one half of our
present force will dissolve. The shadow of an
army that will remain, will have every motive,
except mere patriotism, to abandon the service,
without the hope which has hitherto supported
them of a change for the better. This is almost
extinguished now, and certainly will not outlive
the campaign, unless it finds something more to
rest upon. This is a truth of which every spec-
tator of the distress of the army cannot help be-
ing convinced. Those at a distance may specu-
late differently; but on the spot an opinion to
the contrary, judging human nature on the usual
scale, would be chimerical,
" The honourable the committee of Congress,
who have seen and heard for themselves, will add
their testimony to mine ; and the wisdom and jus-
tice of Congress cannot fail to give it the most
serious attention. To me it will appear miracu-
lous, if our affairs can maintain themselves much
longer in their present train. If either the temper
or resources of the country will not admit of an
alteration, we may expect soon to be reduced to
the humiliating condition of seeing the cause of
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 265
America, in America, upheld by foreign arms.
The generosity of our allies has a claim to all our
confidence, and all our gratitude ; but it is neither
for the honour of America, nor for the interest of
the common cause, to leave the work entirely to
them."
After assigning his reasons for the opinion that
Great Britain would continue the war, he pro-
ceeds,
" The inference from these reflections is, that
we cannot count upon a speedy end to the war ;
and that it is the true policy of America not to
content herself with temporary expedients, but to
endeavour, if possible, to give consistency and va-
lidity to her measures. An essential step to this
will be immediately to devise a plan and put it in
execution, for providing men in time to replace
those who will leave us at the end of the year,
and for subsisting and making a reasonable allow-
ance to the officers and soldiers.
" The plan for this purpose ought to be of
general operation, and such as will execute it-
self. Experience has shewn that a peremptory
draught will be the only effectual one. If a
draught for the war or for three years can be ef-
fected, it ought to be made, on every account ; a
shorter period than a year is inadmissible.
" To one who has been witness to the evils
brought upon us by short inlistments, the system
appears to have been pernicious beyond descrip-
tion ; and a crowd of motives present themselves
to dictate a change. It might easily be shown
that all the misfortunes we have met with in the
military line are to be attributed to this cause.
LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [17SO.
" Had we formed a permanent army in the be-
ginning, which,, by the continuance of the same
men in service, had been capable of discipline,
we never should have had to retreat with a hand-
ful of men across the Delaware, in 1776, trem-
bling for the state of America, which nothing but
the infatuation of the enemy could have saved ;
we should not have remained all the succeeding
winter at their mercy, with sometimes scarcely a
sufficient body of men to mount the ordinary
guards, liable at every moment to be dissipated,
if they had only thought proper to march against
us ; we should not have been under the necessity
of fighting at Brandywine, with an unequal num-
ber of raw troops, and afterwards of seeing Phi-
ladelphia fall a prey to a victorious army ; we
. should not have been at Valley Forge with less
than half the force of the enemy, destitute of
every thing, in a situation neither to resist nor to
reKre ; we should not have seen New York left
with a handful of men, yet an overmatch for the
main army of these states, while the principal part
of their force was detached for the reduction of two
of them ; we should not have found ourselves this
spring so weak, as to be insulted by five thousand
men, unable to protect our baggage and maga-
zines, their security depending on a good coun-
tenance, and a want of enterprise in the enemy ;
we should not have been the greatest part of the
war inferior to tbe enemy, indebted for our safety
to their inactivity, enduring frequently the mor-
tification of seeing inviting opportunities to ruin
1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
them pass unimproved, for want of a force which
the country was completely able to afford ; to see
the country ravaged, our towns burnt, the inha-
bitants plundered, abused, murdered with impu-
nity from the same cause.
" There is every reason to believe the war has
been protracted on this account. Our opposi-
tion being less, made the successes of the enemy
greater. The fluctuation of the army kept alive
their hopes ; and at every period of the dissolu-
tion of a considerable part of it, they have flattered
themselves with some decisive advantages. Had
we kept a permanent army on foot, they enemy
could have had nothing to hope for, and would,
in all probability, have listened to terms long
since. If the army is left in its present situation,
it must continue an encouragement to the efforts
of the enemy; if it is put in a respectable one, it
must have a contrary effect, and nothing I be-
lieve will tend more to give us peace the ensuing
winter. It will be an interesting winter. Many
circumstances will contribute to a negotiation.
An army on foot, not only for another campaign,
but for many campaigns, would determine the
enemy to pacific measures, and enable us to insist
upon favourable terms in forcible language. An
army insignificant in numbers, dissatisfied, crum-
bling to pieces, would be the strongest tempta-
tion they could have to try the experiment a little
longer. It is an old maxim, that the surest way
to make a good peace, is to be prepared for war."
Congress having at length resolved to new mo-
del the army, determined upon the number of
268 LIFE OF WASH1NCTOM. [1780.
regiments of infantry and cavalry, which should
compose their military establishment, and appor-
tioned upon the several states their respsective
quotas. The states were required to raise their
men for the war, and to have them in the field by
the first of the -next January : but provision was
made, that if any state should find it impracti-
cable to raise its quota by the first of December,
this state might supply the deficiency by men
engaged to serve for a period not short of one
rear.
w
This arrangement of Congress was submitted
to the Commander in Chief, and his opinion de-
sired upon it. He in a respectful manner stated
his objections to the plan. The number of men
contemplated was, he conceived, too small, and
be proposed that the number of privates in each
regiment should be encreased. Instead of distinct
regiments of cavalry, he recommended legionary
corps, that the horse might always be supported
by the infantry attached to them. He deplored
the necessity, of a dependence on state agency
to recruit and support the army, and lamented
that Congress had made provision for the defi-
ciency of any state to procure men for the war,
to be supplied by temporary draughts ; because,
he conceived that the states, upon the urgent re-
quisition of Congress, would have brought their
respective quotas into the field for the war ; but
the provision for the deficiency being made, their
exertions would be weak, and the alternative
generally embraced. He warmly recommended
honourable provision for the officers.
1/80.^] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The repeated remonstrances of General Wash-
ington, supported by the chastisements of expe-
rience, finally induced Congress to lay aside their
jealousy of a standing army, and to adopt a mi-
litary establishment for the war.
The expected superiority of the French at sea
failing, the residue of the campaign passed away
without any remarkable event. The hostile armies
merely watched each other's motions, until the
inclemency of the season forced them into winter
quarters. The Pennsylvania line wintered at
Morristown ; the Jersey line about Pompton on
the confines of New York and New Jersey ; and
the troops belonging to the New England States
at West Point and its vicinity, on both sides of
the North river. The New York line had pre-
viously been stationed at Albany, to oppose any
invasion that might be made from Canada, and
here it remained through the winter.
270 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
CHAPTER VIII.
Arnold is appointed a Brigadier in the British Service and in-
vades Virginia Plan to capture him Mutiny in the American
Camp Violence of the Pennsylvania Line, Order restored^
Weak State of the Army. The French Court grants a Loan
to the United States Exertion of the States to enable the
General to open the Campaign The French Troops march to
the American Camp Plan to surprise the British Pst at
King's Bridge Expedition to Virginia. 'Count de Grasse
arrives in the Chesapcak Yorktown besieged British Re-
doubts stormed The British majce a Sortie Lord Cornwallis
attempts to escape He capitulates and surrenders his Posts
Indecisive Action between the French and English Fleets Sir
Henry, too late, embarks his Troops for Yurktown Thanks of
Congress to the American and French Commanders, and to the
Army General St. dair dispatched to Carolina The other
Corps of the Army return to the Neighbourhood of New York,
and go into Winter Quarters.
1781.] ARNOLD, having been appointed a
brigadier general in the British army, \vas with
about sixteen hundred men detached to invade
Virginia. With his armed ships, he sailed up
James' river, and at Richmond and other places
destroyed public and private property to a great
amount. He at length indicated a design to es-
tablish a permanent post at Portsmouth.
The French fleet since its arrival on the Ame-
rican coast had been .blocked up in the harbour
of New Port, and the land forces had remained
inactive in the town. But about this time the
1781.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
British blockading squadron suffered by a violent
storm, and a temporary superiority was given to
the French.
General Washington thought that a fair op-
portunity presented to strike a decisive blow at
the British detachment* in Virginia, and to ob-
tain the person of Arnold. In pursuance of this
scheme, the General detached the Marquis La
Fayette to Virginia with twelve hundred of the
American infantry : at the same time he request-
ed the co-operation of the French from Rhode
Island. The commanding officers gladly em-
braced the opportunity to engage in active ser-
vices, that might prove advantageous to their
American allies.
On the death of Admiral de Turney, at New
Port, the command of the fleet devolved on
D'Estanches. In compliance with the request
of General Washington, he sailed with the whole
squadron for the Chesapeak, having eleven hun-
dred troops onboard. [March 8.] The British
Admiral Arbuthnot having repaired the damages
sustained by the storm, immediately followed the
French, and on the 25th an action took place be-
tween the two hostile fleets. The battle ended
without loss to either fleet, but the ft i; its of vic-
tory were on the side of the English. The joint
expedition was frustrated, the French returned
to New Port, and Arnold was rescued from the
fate which he merited.
The winter of 1781 in a degree renewed the
privations and sufferings of the American army.
The men were badly clothed aod scantily fed ;
272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781.
and they had served almost a year without pay.
Without murmuring they long endured their ac-
cumulated distresses. But the fortitude of the
firmest men may be worn down. Disheartened
by their sufferings, despairing of relief, and dis-
satisfied, that their country did not make more
effectual exertions for their support, the spirit of
mutiny broke out with alarming appearances.
The Pennsylvania line stationed at Morristown,
with the exception of three regiments revolted.
On a concerted signal, the non-commissioned
officers and privates turned out with their arms,
and announced the design of marching to the seat
of Congress, there to demand a redress of their
intolerable grievances. The mutiny defied op-
position. In the attempt to quell it, one officer
was killed, and several dangerously wounded.
General Wayne, in a .threatening attitude, drew
his pistol, the mutineers presented their bayonets
to his breast and said, " General, we love and
respect you, but if you fire, you are a dead man.
We are not going to the enemy, on the contrary
if they were now to come out, you should see us
fight under your orders with as much alacrity as
ever ; but we will no longer be amused,, we are
determined on obtaining what is our just due."
Thirteen hundred of them, under officers of their
own election, marched in order for Princeton
with their arms and six field pieces. They com-
mitted no other act of violence, than to demand
of the inhabitants provisions for their necessary
support.
Congress sent a committee of their own body
1781.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 273
to confer with them. They demanded the redress
of their grievances as the basis of accommodation.
Sir Henry Clinton sent out agents to invite them
to his standard, promising them more advanta-
geous terms than those demanded of Congress.
They with indignation rejected his proposals, and
delivered over his emissaries to General Wayne,
who hanged them as spies. President Reed offer-
ed the mutineers a purse of an hundred guineas
as a reward for the surrender of the British emis-
saries. This they refused, declaring that cc what
they had done was only a duty they owed their
country, and they neither desired, nor would re-
ceive any reward but the approbation of that
country, for which they had so often fought and
bled."
The Council of Pennsylvania appointed Mr.
Reed, their President, and General Potter, a com-
mittee to compromise with the soldiery, to whom
the gentlemen from Congress transferred their
powers. The committee felt themselves compel-
led to yield more to the demands of these soldiers
in a state of mutiny, than would have retained
them quietly in their ranks, had the government
of Pennsylvania seasonably attended to their press-
ing wants. Most of the artillerists, and many of
the infantry were discharged., because their time
of service was vaguely expressed in the orders
under which they had inlisted. The residue re-
ceived furloughs for forty days ; and the whole
line was, for this period, absolutely dissolved.
The evil did not rest with the troops of Penn-
sylvania. Some of the Jersey brigade at Pompton.
274 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781.
caught their complaining spirit, and imitated
their mutinous example. The mutineers were
mostly foreigners., and they made the same claims
upon the country, which had been granted to
the Pennsylvania line.
The former instance of mutiny had taken place
at a distance from head quarters, and General
Washington, upon serious deliberation, had re-
solved, not to hazard his authority as Commander
in Chief, in the attempt to bring the revolters to
order by the influence of his personal character ;
but to leave the delicate transaction withtlie civil
government of the state ; and he was satisfied
with the issue. But he perceived the import-
ance of arresting the progress of a spirit, which
threatened the dissolution of his army. Rely-
ing on the firmness and patriotism of the New
England battalions, which were composed almost
exclusively of native Americans, he determined
to reduce the Jersey revolters to unconditional
subjection. General Howe was detached on this
service, which he promptly performed. Two or
three of the ring leaders were executed on the
spot, and complete subordination was restored in
the brigade.
The mutiny was suppressed, but causes of un-
easines remained, and these were not confined to
the army. The money received into the national
treasury from taxes imposed by state authorities,
bore no proportion to the public expense. The
magazines were exhausted, and the states were so
deficient in furnishing provisions for the army,
that supplies of every description were of neces-
1781,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 273
sity obtained by impressment. Public credit be-
ing gone, the certificates of property in this man-
ner taken, were considered of little value, and
general uneasiness and murmuring ensued. These
evils threatened the destruction of the army, and
the loss of the American cause, unless a vital re-
medy was speedily applied to the public disease.
The Court of London became intimately ac-
quainted with the interior situation of the United
States, and in consequence entertained sanguine
expectations of a complete conquest of the States
south of the Hudson. The letters of Lord George
Germaine, to Sir Henry Clinton, which were writ-
ten at this period, urged him in the strongest
language, to embrace the favourable opportunity
to disperse the remnant of General Washington's
army, and to push his conquest of the revolted
colonies.
The spring of 1781 opened a gloomy prospect
to the Commander in Chief. Congress had made
a requisition upon the several states for an army
consisting of thirty-seven thousand men. In May,
the states, from New Jersey to New Hampshire
inclusive, had not hi the field more than seven
thousand infantry. The men were generally new
recruits, and time had not been given to discipline
them. The cavalry and artillery, at no period
during the campaign, amounted to one thousand
men. Supplies of provisions were greatly defi-
cient, and the soldiers were almost naked, the
clothing for the army, expected from Europe, not
having" arrived. The quarter master's depart-
276 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Q781.
merit had neither funds nor credit, and the trans*
portation of stores could be made only by im-
pressments, aided by a military force. Measures
of this violent nature excited great uneasiness
among the inhabitants ; and General Washington
expected that actual resistance would be made to
them. These difficulties had been foreseen by the
Commander in Chief, and he had made every pos-
sible exertion to obviate them. He had repeatedly
made known the urgent wants of the army to Con-
gress and to the states, and had sent officers of the
greatest influence into the respective governments
to enforce his statements.
The mind of General Washington sunk not
under his embarrassments. He had fully reflect-
ed upon the dangers incident to his situation, and
his resolution rose to meet them. While ponder-
ing upon his desperate prospects, he received the
grateful intelligence, that the government of
France had loaned the United States six millions
of livres, a part of which sum was advanced in
arms and clothing for the army ; and a part paid
to the draughts of General Washington. Infor-
mation was also given, that this government had
resolved to employ a respectable fleet in the Ame-
rican seas the next summer.
The plan of vigorous operations was resumed,
and it was determined by General Washington
and the French commanders, that New York
should be the first object of their attack. On this
occasion the Commander in Chief addressed let-
ters to the executives of the New England states,
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 277
and of New Jersey, earnestly calling upon them to
fill up their battalions,, and to furnish their quota*
of provision.
The near prospect of terminating the war ani-
mated these States to unusual exertions. The
number of men indeed fell short of the requisition
of Congress ; but effectual measures were adopted
to supply the army with provisions. Under the
system of state requisition, meat, spirit and salt
were drawn from New England. A convention
of delegates from these states met at Providence
and adopted a system of monthly supplies, through
the campaign. As soon as this plan could be
carried into operation, the supplies of those ar-
ticles were regular and competent.
Requisitions of flour were made from New
York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. New York
and New Jersey, having been much exhausted by
the depredations of the enemy, and by the neces-
sary impressments of the American army, the chief
dependence for this essential article was placed on
Pennsylvania. The Legislature of the state was
not vigorous in its measures, and a scarcity of
flour was apprehended.
At this period, Mr. Robert Morris of Phila-
delphia, a member of Congress from that state, a
merchant of much intelligence and enterprise, was
entrusted with the management of the finances of
the United Slates. To him the Legislature of
Pennsylvania transferred the taxes appropriated
to furnish the requisitions of Congress upon that
state ; and he in consequence contracted to supply
the national requisition. By his personal agency
278 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781
and credit, he established temporary funds, am-
ply supplied the army with flour, and furnished
the quarter master general with the means eflec-
'tually to execute the duties of his department.
Through the campaign the movements of the
army were made with facility and expedition.
In June, the French troops marched from New-
port to the head quarters of the American army.
As they approached the North river, General
'Washington laid a plan to surprise the British
works at King's bridge. On the night of the 2d
of July, the plan was to be earned into execution.
At this time it was expected Count Rochambeau
would reach the scene of action, to assist in main-
taining the ground, which the American troops
might gain. To secure his co-operation, the Com-
mander in Chief sent an Aid to the count request-
ing him to direct his route to King's bridge, and
to regulate his march in such a manner as to be
at that place by the specified time.
To mask the design, and to give a reason for
the movement of the American army, whic T i might
not excite the suspicion of the British com-
mander, General Washington, in orders on the
30th June mentioned that a junction with the
French troops might soon be expected. He, in
subsequent orders, gave information " that the
French army would not c^me to that ground, and
as the General was desirous of shewing all the res-
pect in his power to those generous allies, who
were hastening with the zeal of friends, and the
ardour f soldiers, to share the fatigues and
dangers of the campaign, he proposed to receive,
1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 279
them at some other, more convenient place; and
for this purpose would march the whole line of
the American army at three in the morning."
General Lincoln was appointed to command
the detachment, which was to assail the works at
King's bridge, and on the night of the first of
July, he embarked in boats at Teller's Point, and
with muffled oars passed down the Noith river,
undiscovered, to Dobb's ferry. At this place
his boats and his men were concealed. He re-
connoitred the works to be attacked, and found,
that a British detachment which had been some
time in New Jersey, had returned, and was en-
camped in force on the north end of York Island,
and that an armed ship was in such a manner
stationed in the river, as -to render it impossible
for the American boats, without discovery, to
approach the landing place. The attempt upon
the enemy was of course relinquished.
General Washington extended his orders to an
enterprise, to be carried into effect, should the at-
tempt on King's bridge fail. This was to bear off
a corps of emigrants which, under the command
of Colonel Delancy, was posted above the British.
The execution of this plan .was left principally
with theFrench, and General Lincoln was direct-*
cd to take a position that would prevent the re~
treat of Delancy, and protect the flanks of. the
"French from the British reinforcements from the
Island. But the French troops did not in season
reach the scene of action, and this scheme also
failed. At day light a sharp skirmish took place
between General Lincoln and a party of
280 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781
light troops. These retreated to York Island as
General Washington approached, who had moved
the army to support his detachments, and to fol-
low up any advantage they might gain. On the
sixth of July, Count Rochambeau joined the
American army at Dobb's ferry.
Early in August Count de Barrass, who had
succeeded to the command of the French fleet at
Rhode Island, informed General Washington, that
the Count de Grasse was to have sailed from the
"West Indies the third of that month for the Che-
sapeak, with twenty-five ships of the line, and
three thousand lanii troops.
It became necessary to determine absolutely on
the plan of operation. The battalions in the army,
under the immediate command of General Wash-
ington were not full, it was known that the garri-
son at New York had received a very consider-
able reinforcement; and the French marine offi-
cers appeared not ardent in the plan to attack the
harbour of this city.
For these considerations General Washington
determined to relinquish the attempt on New
York, and to march to Virginia to lay siege
to the post of Lord Corn wall is at Yorktown.
Having resolved on this plan, he in a private
manner adopted measures for its execution.
The defence of West Point and of the other
posts on the Hudson vas committed to General
Heath, and a large portion of the troops raised in
the Northern States was for this service left under
his command. General Washington resolved in
person to conduct the Virginia expedition. The
1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
troops under Count Rochambeau, and strong de-
tachments from the American army, amounting
to more than two thousand men, and consisting
of the light infantry, Lamb's artillery and several
other corps were destined for this expedition. By
the 25th of August the whole body, American
and French, had crossed the North river.
An intercepted letter of General Washington's,
in which he communicated, as the result of a
consultation with the French commanders, the de-
sign to attack New York, had excited the appre-
hensions of the British General for the safety of
that city. This apprehension was kept alive, and
the real object of the Americans concealed, by
preparations for an encampment in New Jersey
opposite to Staten Island, by the route of the Ame-
rican army, and other appearances indicating an
intention to besiege New York; and the troops
had passed the Delaware out of reach of annoy-
ance, before Sir Henry suspected the destination.
General Washington pressed forward with the
utmost expedition, and at Chester he received
[SEPT. 3.] the important intelligence, that Count
de Grasse had arrived with his fleet in the Chesa-
peak; and that the Marquis St. Simon had with a
body of three thousand land forces, joined the Mar-
quis LaFayette. Having directed the route of his
army from the head of Elk, he, accompanied by
Rochambeau, Chatelleux, Du Portail and Knox,
proceeded to Virginia. They reached Williams-
burg the I4th O; September, and immediately re-
paired on board the Ville de Paris, to settle with
Copnt de Grasse the plan of operation.
2S2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781.
[SEPT. 15.] The Count afterwards wrote Ge-
neral Washington, that, judging his confined si-
tuation to be unfavourable for a naval engage-
ment, he should sail to meet the English at sea or
to block them up in the harbour of New York.
General Washington apprehending that the suc-
cessful issue of the expedition, which he had con-
ceived morally certain, might by this measure be
defeated, sent a dispatch by the Marquis La
Fayette to the Count, to dissuade him from it.
The Count consented to conform himself to the
wishes of the American General, and remained at
anchor in the bay of the Chesapeak.
The whole body of American and French troops
reached Williamsburg by the 25th of September.
At this place, the allied forces were joined by a
detachment of the militia of Virginia, under the
command of Governor Nelson. Preparations
were soon made to besiege Yorktown.
The rivers York and James form a long and
narrow peninsula", and Lord Cornwallis had oho-
scn a position on the south side of York river as
a military post, and had strongly fortified it. Op-
posite to Yorktown on the north shore is Glou-
cester Point, which projects into the river, and at
this place reduces its width to one mile. This
point his Lordship also possessed, and fortified.
Between these posts the river is deep, and ships
of the line may here ride in safety. The com-
munication between Yorktown and Gloucester
Point was defended by batteries on shore, and by
several armed ships in the river. The body of the
British ariuy was encamped about Yorktown
1781.]. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 283
within a range of redoubts and field works, erect-
ed to command the peninsula, which at this place
is not more than eight miles wide, and to impede
the approach of an assaulting enemy. Colonel
Tarleton with six or seven hundred men defended
Gloucester.
On the 28th,, the main body of the allied army
moved down towards Yorktown, driving before
them troops of horse, and the pickets of the
enemy. The columns, as .they reached the ground
assigned them, encamped for the night and lay
upon their arms. The next day was employed in
reconnoitring the enemy's position, in which ser-
vice Colonel Scammel, an officer of merit, was
mortally wounded, and taken prisoner. A force
consisting of about two thousand French and
Americans, under the command of the French
General de Choise, was stationed on the north side
of the river, to watch and restrain the enemy in
Gloucester.
The French and Americans w r ere employed un-
till the sixth of October, in conveying their artil^
lery and stores from the landing place to camp.
On the night of that day, they broke ground with-
in six hundred yards of the British lines ; and the
first parallel was completed with little loss. On
the 9th and 10th, guns were mounted on the
works, and the batteries began to play, with vi-
siljle effect, on the lines of the enemy. Many of
their guns were soon silenced, arid their works
damaged. By the llth, the enemy scarcely re-
turned a shot. The shells, and red hot balls of
the besiegers reached the British shipping in the
284 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781
river, and set the Charon frigate of forty four
gnus, and several large transports on fire, which
were entirely consumed. A spirit of emulation
animated the troops of both nations, and the siege
was prosecuted with vigour and effect. On the
night of the llth, the second parallel was begun
within three hundred yards of the British lines.
The working parties were not discovered until
day-light, when the trenches were in a situation
to cover the men. Three days were spent in com-
pleting the batteries of this parallel, which time
the British indefatigably employed upon their
lines. They opened new embrasures, and their
fire was more destructive than at any previous
period of the siege. Two redoubts in particular,
advanced in front of the British lines, and which
flanked the second parallel of the Americans, gave
great annoyance; and it was deemed necessary
to carry them by storm.
To prevent national jealousy, and to keep alive
the spirit of emulation, the attack of one was as*-
signed to the American troops, and that of the
other to the French. The Marquis La Fayette
commanded the American detachment consisting
of light infantry, which was designed to act
against the redoubt near the river, and the Baron
de Viominel, with the grenadiers and chasseurs of
his nation, was ordered to storm the redoubt
nearer to the British right, Colonel Hamilton,
who through this campaign commanded a batta-
lion of light infantry, led the advanced corps of
J.he Americans to the assault, while Colonel Lau-
reus turned the redoubt and attacked in the rear.
1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 285
to prevent the retreat of the garrison. Without
giving time for the abattis to be removed, and
without firing a gun, the Americans gallantly as-
saulted, and instantly carried the works. Their
loss was one sergeant and eight privates killed ;
and six officers, and twenty six rank and file
wounded. The garrison was commanded by a
Major, and consisted of about fifty men. Of
these, eight privates were killed, a few indivi-
viduals escaped, and the residue were made pri-
soners. *
The redoubt attacked by the French was gar-
risoned by one hundred and twenty men, it made
more resistance and was overcome at the loss of
near one hundred men. Of the garrison eighteen
were killed, and three officers and about forty
privates were made prisoners.
The Commander in Chief was highly pleased
* This event took place soon after the wanton slaughter
of the men in Fort Griswold in Connecticut by the British.
ft The irritation of this recent carnage had not so far sub-
dued the humanity of the American character as to induce
retaliation. Not a man was killed except in action. ' In-
capable,' said Colonel Hamilton in his report, ' of imitating
examples of barbarity, and forgetting recent provocation, the
soldiery spared every man that ceased to resist.' Mr. Gordon,
in his History of the American War, states, the orders given by
La Fayette, with the approbation of Washington, to have di-
rected, that every man in the redoubt, after its surrender, should
be put to the sword. These sanguinary ordeis, so repugnant
to the character of the Commander in Chief, and of La Fayette,
were never given. There is no trace of them among the papers
of General Washington j and Colonel Hamilton, who took a
part in the enterprize, which assures his perfect knowledge of
every material occurrence, has publicly contradicted the state-
ment." JUDGE MARSHALL.
286 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ("17S1
' \ L
with the gallantry of the attacking troops on this
occasion. In general orders he congratulated the
army on the success of the enterprise, and thanked
the .troops for their cool and intrepid conduct.
"TheGeneral reflects/' conclude the orders/' with
the highest degree of pleasure, on the confidence
\vhich the troops of the two nations must here-
after have in each other. Assured of mutual sup-
port, he is convinced there is no danger which
they will not cheerfully encounter, no difficulty
which they will not bravely overcome." The re-
doubts were the same night included within the
second parallel.
Lord Cornwallis well knew that the fire of the
second parallel would soon render his works un-
tenable, and he determined to attempt to destroy
it. The sortie appointed for this service consist-
ed of three hundred and fifty men, and was com-
manded by Lieutenant Colonel Abercrombie.
With great impetuosity, he attacked two batteries
that were in the greatest forwardness and car-
ried them ; [OcT. 15.] but the guards from the
trenches advancing, he was compelled to retreat
without having effected his purpose. A few
pieces of cannon were hastily spiked ; but they
were soon again rendered fit for use. The service
was honourable for the officers and men engaged,
but the siege was not protracted.
By the afternoon of the 16th the British works
sunk under the fire of the batteries of the second
parallel ; in the whole front attacked, they could
not show a single gun, and their shells were
nearly expended. In this extremity his Lordship
1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 287
adopted the desperate resolution to attempt an
escape. Leaving the sick and wounded in his v
posts, he determined with his efficient force to
cross over to Gloucester, disperse the troops under
De Choise, mount his troops upon horses that
might be found in the country, direct his course
to the fords of the Great rivers, and make
his way to New York. For this purpose boats
were collected, and other necessary measures
taken. On the night of the 16th the first em-
barkation arrived in safety at Gloucester, but at
the moment the boats were returning, a violent
storm arose, which forced them down the river.
At day light the storm subsided, and the boats
were sent to bring back the soldiers to Yorktown,
which with little loss, was accomplished in the
course of the forenoon.
On the morning of the 17th, the fire of the
American batteries become intolerable, which
soon, by its reiterated effects, rendered the Bri
tish post untenable. Lord Cornwallis, perceiv-
ing further resistance to be unavailing, about ten
o'clock beat a parley, and proposed a cessation
of hostilities for twenty four hours, that commis-
sioners might meet to settle the terms oh which
the posts of York and Gloucester should be sur-
rendered. General Washington, in his answer,
declared his cf ardent desire to spare the effusion
of blood, and his readiness to listen to such terms
as were admissible;" but to prevent loss of time,
he desired ec that, previous to the meeting of the
commissioners, the proposals of his Lordship might
be transmitted in writing, for which purpose a
288 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1781.
suspension of hostilities for two hours should be
granted." The terms proposed by his Lordship,
were such as led the General to suppose that ar-
ticles of capitulation might easily be adjusted,
and he continued the cessation of hostilities until
the next day. To expedite the business, he sum-
marily stated the terms he was willing to grant,
and informed Earl Cornwallis, that if he admitted
these as the basis of a treaty, commissioners might
meet to put them into form. Accordingly Vis-
count de Noailles, and Lieutenant Colonel Lau-
rens on the part of the allies, and Colonel Dundas
and Major Ross, on the part of the English, met
the next day and adjusted articles of capitulation,
which were to be submited to the consideration
of the British General. Resolving not to expose
himself to any accident that might be the conse-
quence of unnecessary delay, General Washington
ordered the rough draught of the commissioners
to be fairly transcribed, and sent to Lord Corn-
wallis early next morning, with a letter, expres-
sing his expectation that the garrison would march
out by two o'clock in the afternoon. Hopeless
of more favourable terms, his Lordship signed the
capitulation, and surrendered the posts of York
and Gloucester with their garrisons to General
Washington ; and the shipping in the harbour,
with the seamen to Count de Grasse.
The prisoners, exclusive of, seamen, amounted
to more than seven thousand, of which, between
four and five thousand were fit for duty. The
garrison lost during the siege, six officers and five
hundred and forty eight privates in killed and
1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 289
wounded. The privates with a competent num-
ber of officers were to remain in Virginia,, Mary-
land or Pennsylvania. The officers not required
for this service., were permitted on parole to re-
turn to Europe or to any of the maritime posts
of the English on the American continent. Lord
Cornwallis attempted to introduce into the treaty
an article in favour of those Americans who had
joined his standard : but General Washington re-
ferred their case to the civil authority. Permis-
sion however was granted to his Lordship to send
the Bonetta sloop of war, unsearched, to New
York to carry his dispatches to Sir Henry Clinton,
and in her those Americans went passengers, who
had in the highest degree incurred the resentment
of their countrymen. The terms granted to Earl
Cornwallis were., in general., the terms which had
been granted to the Americans at the surrender
of Charleston ; and General Lincoln, who on that
occasion resigned his sword to Cornwallis., was
appointed to receive the submission of the royal
army.
The allied army, to which Lord Cornwallis
surrendered, amounted to sixteen thousand; se-
ven thousand French, five thousand five hun-
dred continental troops, and three thousand five
hundred militia. In the course of the iiege they
lost in killed and wounded about three hundred.
The siege was prosecuted with so much military
judgment and ardour, that the treaty was opened
the 1 1th, and the capitulation signed the 13th day
after ground was broken before the British lines.
The whole army received the unreserved appro-
u
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781.
bation of the General. But the peculiar services
of particular corps entitled them to special notice.
The artillqrists and the engineers greatly distin-
guished themselves." Brigadiers Du Portal and
Knox were promoted to be major generals. Major
Generals Lincoln and the Marquis La Fayette
\vere mentioned with high commendations, and
Governor Nelson, who commanded the milit ia, was
thanked for his effectual exertions in the field, and
in furnishing the army with such articles as his
state afforded. To Count Rocbambcau, to the
French officers and troops, General Washington
expressed his acknowledgments in flattering lan-
guage.
The British General and Admiral at New York
had not been inattentive to the perilous situation of
Lord Cornwallis. Admiral Rodney in the West
Indies had early been apprized of the intention of
Count de Grasse to visit the American coast; but
not supposing that the whole of the French fleet
on that station would be employed on this service,
Rodney detached Sir Samuel Hood to the conti-
nent with fourteen sail of line of battle ships. Sir
Samuel reached the mouth of the Chesapeak be-
fore de Grasse, and finding no enemy there, sail-
ed along the coast to Sandy Hook. Admiral
Greaves then lay in the harbour of New York
with seven ships of the line. Immediately after
the arrival of Hood, intelligence was received that
Count de Barrass had sailed from Newport. Ad-
miral Greaves with the whole British squadron
without loss of time sailed in pursuit of him, and
on the 24th of September he discovered the French
1781.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON.
fleet under de Grasse, consisting of twenty four
ships of the line, riding at anchor in the Chesa-
peak and extending across its entrance. Count
de Grasse ordered his ships to slip their cables
and form the line of battle. A partial engage-
ment took place, in which some of the English
ships were considerably damaged. The hostile
fleets manoeuvered for four or five days in sight of
each other, and Count de Grasse then returned to
his anchorage ground. Here he found Count de
Barras who had taken a wide circuit to avoid the
English, and had, while the hostile fleets were at
sea, entered the Chesapeak with the squadron from
Newport, consisting of five ships and fourteen
transports, laden with heavy artillery and military
stores for the siege. Admiral Greaves returned
to New York to repair.
In the course of a few days, the British squa-
dron was augmented to twenty five ships of the
line, and Sir Henry Clinton determined to en-
counter every hazard in the attempt to relieve
Earl' Cornwallis. He embarked seven thousand
of his best troops, and convoyed by the fleet,
sailed on the very day of the capitulation, for
Virginia. At the entrance of the Chesapeak, on
the 24th of October, he received information of
the surrender of his Lordship, and he returned to
New York. r .
The capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army
excited universal joy through the United States.
In a circuitous route from Charleston to York-
town, this army had marched eleven hundred
miles, and had spread terror and distress through
292 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [H81.
the whole extent. From this dread the country
was delivered. The surrender of a second royal
army, the' Americans deemed an event decisive of
the independence of the United States, and which
would speedily terminate the war.
The day after the capitulation General Wash-
ington ordered, " that those who were under ar-
rest should be pardoned and set at liberty;" and
announced, that cc Divine service shall be per-
formed to-morrow in the different brigades and
divisions. The Commander in Chief recommends,
that all the troops that are not upon duty do as-
sist at it with a serious deportment, and that sen-
sibility of heart, which the recollection of the
surprising and particular interposition of Provi-
dence in our favour claims." Congress as soon as
they received General Washington's official letter
giving information of the event, resolved to go in
procession to the Dutch Lutheran Church, and
return thanks to Almighty God for the signal
success of the American arms ; and they issued a
proclamation, recommending to the citizens of
the United States to observe the thirteenth of
December as a day of public thanksgiving and
prayer. The news of the capture of Earl Corn-
wallis was everv where received with exultation
and public rejoicing.
Congress for this achievement vot^d the thanks
of the United States to General Washington, to
Count Rochambeau, to Count de Grasse, to the
officers of the allied army generally, and to the
corps of artillery and engineers in particular.
They also resolved that a marble column should
1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293
be erected at Yorktown in Virginia, bearing em-
blems of the alliance between the United States
and his Most Christian Majesty, inscribed with
a succinct narrative of the surrender of the Bri-
tish army under the command of Earl Cornwallis,
Two stands of colours taken from the royal troops ?
were presented to General Washington, two field
pieces to Count Rochambeau ; and application
was made to the French Court that Count de
Grasse might be permitted to accept a testimonial
of the approbation of Congress, similar to that
which Rochambeau had received.
To the Commander in Chief the most affec-
tionate and respectful addresses were presented by
the governments of the states, by the authorities
of cities, and by d the corporations of literary insti-
tutions.
The decided superiority of the allies in naval
and land force, General V\ ashington wished to
direct to the conquest of the British posts at Ca-
rolina and Georgia. He addressed a letter to
Count de Grasse on this subject, requesting his
co-operation in measures directed to these objects.
But the Count declined, declaring that the service
of his King demanded his immediate return to
the West Indies.
Orders were of course issued for the disposition
of the allied armies for the approaching winter.
Major General St. Clair was detached with two
brigades to South Carolina to reinforce General
Green. The French forces remained in Virginia.
The Eastern troops embarked early in November
294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781.
for the Head o Elk, under the command of Ge-
neral Lincoln, who was ordered to march them
from the place of their landing into New Jersey
and New York, and to canton them for the winter
in those states. Count de Grasse with his fleet
jailed for the West Indies, and General Washing-
ton proceeded to Philadelphia.
1TS1.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 295
CHAPTER IX.
Preparations for another Campaign Sir Guy Carlton arrives
at New York and announces the vote of Parliament to ac-
knowledge American Independence Army anxious for their
Pay Anonymous Address exciting them to a Revolt General
Washington convenes and addresses the Officers Their reso-
lutions Preliminary Articles of Peace received Cessation of
Hostilities proclaimed General Washington addresses a Cir-
cular Letter to the Executives of the Several States Army dis-
banded New Levies of Pennsylvania revolt The Commander
in Chief enters Neiv York Takes leaves of his Officers Resigns
his Commission to the President of Congress Retires to Mount
Vernon,
- ^ ^
1781.] THE brilliant issue of the last cam-
paign did not relax the vigilance of General Wash-
ington. He deemed it true policy to call forth
all the resources of the country, that the United
States might be prepared for the conflicts of an-
other year, or might take a commanding attitude
in a negotiation for peace. From Mount Vernon,
on his way to the seat of government, he wrote
General Green., " i shall attempt to stimulate Con^-
gress to the best improvement of our success, by
taking: the most vigorous and effectual measures
o ~
to be ready for an early and decisive campaign
the next year. My greatest fear is that, viewing
this stroke in a point of light which may too much
inagnify its importance, they may think our
296 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782.
"too nearly closed, and fall into a state of languor
and relaxation. To prevent this error, I shall
employ every means in my power, and, if un-
happily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part
of the blame shall be mine."
He reached Philadelphia the 27th of November,
and on the next day had an audience of Congress.
The President informed him that a committee was
appointed to arrange the military establishment of
the next year, and that he was requested to re-
main in Philadelphia to assist in this important
business. At the consultations of this committee,
the secretary at war, the minister of finance, and
the secretary for foreign affairs assisted. The ar-
rangements were made with dispatch, and on the
10th of December, Congress passed the resolves
for the requisitions of men and money for the year
1782 upon the several states ; and the personal
influence of the Commander in Chief was on this
occasion used, to persuade the state governments
seasonably to comply with the resolutions of Con-
gress.
1782.J The first intelligence from the British
government, after the surrender of Earl Corn-
wallis, indicated a design to continue the Ame-
rican war ; but early in May, Sir Guy Caflton
arrived at New York, to supercede Sir Henry
Clinton as Commander in Chief of the British
army ; and he and Admiral Digby were appoint-
ed commissioners to treat with the United States
upon terms of peace. He communicated to Ge-
neral Washington a vote of the British Parliament
against the prosecution of the American war ;
1782.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 2D7
and a bill authorizing the King to conclude a*
peace o.v truce with the revolted provinces of North
America. Sir Guy professed his pacific disposi-
tion, and proposed that hostilities should cease,
as these would produce individual distress with-
out national advantage. This bill, when Sir Guy
left England had not passed into a law., and there-
fore was not a proper basis of negotiation ; and
the Commander in Chief continued his defensive
preparations.
In August Sir Guy officially informed General
Washington, that negotiations for a general peace
had commenced at Paris ; and that his Britannic
Majesty had directed his Minister to propose the
Independence of the United States as a preli-
minary.
The deficiency of the states in paying their re-
spective requisitions 'of money into the national
treasury subjected the minister of finance to ex-
treme difficulty ; but by anticipating the public
revenue., and by exerting to the utmost his per-
sonal influence,, he was enabled barely to subsist
the army. Neither officers nor men received any
pay. In September Congress contemplated the
reduction of their military establishment. By
this measure many of the officers would be dis-
charged. In a confidential letter to the secretary
of war,, the Commander in Chief expressed a full
persuasion, that the gentlemen would gladly re-
tire to private life, could they be reinstated in a
situation as favourable as that which they quitted
for the service of their country ; but added he,
" I cannot help fearing the result of the mea-
298 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782.
sure, when I see such a number of men goaded by
a thousand stings of reflection on -the past, and
of anticipation on the future, about to be turned
into the world, soured by penury, and what they
call the ingratitude of the public ; involved in
debts without one farthing of money to carry them
home, after having spent the flower of their days,
and many of them their patrimonies, in establish-
ing the freedom and independence of their country;
and having suffered every thing which human na-
ture is capable of enduring on this side of death.
I repeat it, when I reflect on these irritable cir-
cumstances, unattended by one thing to soothe
their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect,
I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of
evils will follow of a very serious and distress-
ing nature.
" I wish not to heighten the shades of the pic-
ture so far as the real life would justify me in
doing, or I would give anecdotes of patriotism and
distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled,
never surpassed in the history of mankind. But
you may rely upon it, the patience and long suf-
fering of this army are almost exhausted, and
there never was so great a spirit of discontent as
at this instant. While in the field, I think it may
be kept from breaking out into acts of outrage ;
but when we retire into winter quarters, (unless
ihe storm be previously dissipated) I cannot be at
ease respecting the consequences. It is high time
for a peace."
Although the military services of the field did
not require the presence of the Commander in
1782.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 299
Chief, jet he was induced, on account of the irri-
table state of the army., to remain the whole season
in camp.
The disquietude of the army arose more from
an apprehension that their country would ulti-
mately fail in the compensation promised them,
than from the deficiency of prompt payment.
In October 1780, Congress had passed a reso-
lution, granting half-pay to the officers for life ;
but they had no funds to pledge for the fulfil-
ment of these engagements. Public opinion seem-
ed to be opposed to the measure, and the pointed
opposition by a number of the members of the
National Legislature, rendered it doubtful whe-
ther a future Congress would feel themselves
bound by that resolution. This doubt was
strengthened by the consideration, that since the
passage of the resolution, the articles of confede-
ration had been adopted, and by these the con-
currence of nine states, in Congress assembled, is
necessary to the appropriation of public money.
Could absolute confidence be placed in the ho-
nour and faith of the National Council, still they
must depend on state sovereignties for the ways
and means to execute their promises. The coun-
try had been greatly deficient to the army in the
time of war, when their services were absolutely
necessary. Would this country, amidst the secu-
rity and tranquillity of peace, be more just? As
the prospects of immediate peace brightened, the
attention of the officers became the more engaged
to secure a compensation for those services which
were the means to establish the independence of\
300 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
their country. In December they presented a
memorial to Congress, stating that many of them
had expended their private fortunes, and most of
them the prime of life in the service of their coun-
try, and petitioning that a gross sum might be
granted them for the money actually due, and as
a commutation for half-pay. They chose a com-
mittee of officers to present their petition to Con-
gress, and to attend its passage through that
honourable body.
At this period, Congress was much divided in
opinion upon the most important public questions.
State jealousies and interests arose in opposition
to the engagements of the nation ; and although
part of Congress, respectable for number and
weight of character, acknowledged the merit of
. the military, and were inclined to do them justice,
yet in March, [1783] the committee at the seat
of government wrote the officers in camp, that
no decisive measures were taken upon their peti-
tion. At this time, the intelligence arrived that
the provisional articles of peace between the
United States and Great Britain were signed.
The army viewed the moment as the crisis of their
destiny: they recollected their past sacrifices,
they felt their present wants, and anticipated fu-
ture sufferings. Resenting the ingratitude of their
country, and apprehending that it would ulti-
mately be unjust, an irritable state of mind en-
sued, which threatened violences that would tar-
nish the glory of their own services, and commit
the peace of their country.
On the 10th of March an anonymous paper
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 301
was circulated, requesting a 'meeting at eleven
o'clock on the next day, at the public building, of
the general and field officers, of an officer from
each company, and a delegate from the medical
staff, to " consider their late letter from their re-
presentatives in Philadelphia, and what measures
(if any) should be adopted to obtain that redress
of grievances which they seemed to have solicited
in vain."
On the same day, the following publication,
artfully addressed to the passions of the officers,
and admirably calculated to stimulate them to
adopt the desperate measure it recommended, was
circulated through the camp.
" To the Officers of the Army."
t( GENTLEMEN,
ee A fellow soldier, whose interest and affections
bind him strongly to you, whose past sufferings
have been as great, and whose future fortune may
be as desperate as yours, would beg leave to ad-
dress you.
e{ Age has its claims, and rank is not without
its pretensions to advise; but though unsupport-
ed by both, he flatters himself, that the plain lan-
guage of sincerity and experience will neither be
unheard nor unregarded.
ff Like many of you, he loved private life, and
left it with regret : he left it, determined to retire
from the field, with the necessity that called him
to it, and not until then not until the enemies of
his country, the slaves of power, and the hirelings
of injustice, were compelled to abandon their
30*2 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1783*
schemes, and acknowledge America as terrible in
arms, as she had been humble in remonstrance.
With this object in view, he has long shared in
your toils and mingled in your dangers. He has
felt the cold hand of poverty without a murmur,
and has seen the insolence of wealth without a
sigh; but, too much under the direction of his
wishes, and sometimes weak enough to mistake
desire for opinion, he has until lately, very lately,
believed in the justice of his country. He hoped,
that as the clouds of adversity scattered, and as
the sunshine of peace and better fortune broke
in upon us, the coldness and severity of govern-
ment would relax, and that more than justice,
that gratitude would blaze forth upon those hands
which had upheld her in the darkest stages of her
passage from impending servitude, to acknow-
ledged independence. But faith has its limits as
well as temper, and there are points beyond which
neither can be stretched, without sinking into
cowardice, or plunging into credulity. This,
my friends, I conceive to be your situation. Hur-
ried to the very verge of both, another step would
ruin you forever. . To be tame and unprovoked
when injuries press hard upon you, is more than
weakness ; but to look up for kinder usage, with-
out one manly effort of your own, would fix your
character, and shew the world how richly you
deserve those chains you broke. To guard against
this evil, let us take a review of the ground upon
which we now sfand, and from thence carry our
thoughts forward for a moment, into the unex-
plored field of expedient.
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 303
" After a pursuit of seven long years, the object
for which we set out is at length brought within
our reach. Yes, my friends, that suffering cou-
rage of yours was active once; it has conducted
the United States of America through a doubtful
and a bloody war. It has placed her in the chair
of independency, and peace returns, again to bless
whom ? A country willing to redress your
wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your
services ? A country courting your return to pri-
vate life, with tears of gratitude and smiles of
admiration, longing to divide with you that inde-
pendency which your gallantry has given, and
those riches which your wounds have preserved?
Is this the case ? Or is it rather a country that
tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries,
and insults your distresses? Have you not more
than once suggested your wishes, and made known
your wants to Congress ? wants and wishes which
gratitude and policy should have anticipated ra-
ther than evaded ; and have you not lately, in the
meek language of entreating memorials, begged
from their justice what you could no longer ex-
pect from their favour ? How have you been an-
swered ? Let the letter which you are called to
consider to-morrow reply.
" If this then be your treatment, while the
swords you wear are necessary for the defence of
America, what have you to expect from peace,
when your voice shall sink, and your strength
dissipate by division ? When those very swords,
the instruments and companions of your glory,
shall be taken from your sides, and no remaining
304 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
mark of military distinction left but. jour wants,
infirmities,, and scars ? Can you then consent to
be the only sufferers by this revolution, and re-
tiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretch-
edness, and contempt ? Can you consent to wade
through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the
miserable remnant of that life to charity, which
has hitherto been spent in honour ? If you can -
go and carry with you the jest of tories and the
scorn of whigs, the ridicule, and what is worse,
the pity of the world. Go, starve, and be for-
gotten ! But if your spirit should revolt at this ;
if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit
enough to oppose tyranny, under whatever garb
it may assume, whether it be the plain coat of
republicanism, or the splendid robe of royalty ;
if you have not yet learned to discriminate be-
tween a people and a cause, between men and
principles ; awake, attend to your situation, and
redress yourselves. If the present moment be lost,
every future effort is in vain, and your threats then
will be as empty as your entreaties now.
<( I would advise vou, therefore, to come to
some final opinion upon what you can bear and
what you will suffer. If your determination
be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry
your appeal from the justice to the fears of
government. Change the milk-and-water style
of your last memorial; assume a bolder tone;
decent, but lively, spirited, and determined,
and suspect the man who would advise to
more moderation and longer forbearance. Let
two or three men, who can feel as well as write,
1783.^ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 305
be appointed to draw up your last remonstrance;
for I would no longer give it the sueing, soft,
unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it be re-
presented in language that will neither dishonour
you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fearSj
what has been promised by Congress, and what
has has been performed how long and how pa-
tiently you have suffered, how little you have
asked, and how much of that little has been de-
nied. Tell them, that though you were the first,
and would wish to be the last, to encounter
danger, though despair itself can never drive you
into dishonour, it may drive you from the field ;
that the wound often irritated, and never healed,
may at length become incurable ; and that the
slightest mark of indignity from Congress must
now operate like the grave, and part you for ever.
That in any political event, the army has its alter-
native. If peace, that nothing shall separate you
from your arms but death; if war, that courting
the auspices, and inviting the direction of your
illustrious leader, you will retire to some unset-
tled country, smile in your turn, and mock when
their fear cometh on. But let it represent also,
that should they comply with the request of your
late memorial, it would make you more happy,
and them more respectable. That while war should
continue, you would follow their standard into
the field, and when it came to an end, you would
withdraw into the shade of private life, and give
the world another subject of wonder and ap-
plause an army victorious over its enemies,, vie ]
torious over itself."
x
306 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
The reluctance which Congress manifested to
compensate the army for seven years glorious
service, excited a temper too favourable to the
purposes of the writer of this intemperate address.
Probably the influence of General Washington
alone could have arrested the rising tempest, and
his firmness and prudence were equal to the occa-
sion. Silence in him would have encouraged the
desperate to the prosecution of the most rash de-
sign; and strong and violent measures would have
enkindled the smothered spark into a destructive
flame. Noticing in general orders the anony-
mous publication, he expressed his confidence that
the judgment and patriotism of the army would
forbid their " attention to such an irregular in-
vitation, but his own duty." he added, "as well
as the reputation and the true interest of the army
required his disapprobation of such disorderly
proceedings. At the same time, he requested the
general and field officers, with one officer from
each company, and a proper representation from
the staff of the army, to assemble at twelve on
Saturday the 15th, at the new building, to hear
the report of the committee deputed by the armv
to Congress. After mature deliberation, they
will devise what further measures ought to be
adopted as most rational, and best calculated to
obtain the just and important object in view."
The senior officer in rank was directed to preside,
and to report the result of their deliberations to
the Commander in Chief.
The next day a second anonymous address was
published. The writer affected to consider the
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 307
orders of the General as countenancing the con-
vention recommended in the first publication.
On the 15th the officers met agreeably to or-
ders, and General Gates took the chair. The
Commander in Chief then addressed them.
fe GENTLEMEN,
" By an anonymous summons, an attempt has
been made to convene you together. How incon-
sistent with the rules of propriety, how unmili-
tary, and how subversive of all order and disci-
pline, let the good sense of the army decide.
" In the moment of this summons, another ano-
nymous production was sent into circulation, ad-
dressed more to the feelings and passions than to
the judgment of the army. The author of the
piece is entitled to much credit for the goodness
of his pen ; and I could wish he had as much
credit for the rectitude of his heart ; for, as men
see through different optics, and are induced by
the reflecting faculties of the mind to use different
means to attain the same end, the author of the
address should have had more charity than to
mark for suspicion the man who should recom-
mend moderation and longer forbearance; or, in
other words, who should not think as bethinks,
and act as he advises. But he had another plan
in view, in which candour and liberality of senti-
ment, regard to justice and love of country, have
no part ; and he was right to insinuate the darkest
suspicion to effect the blackest design. That the
address was drawn with great art, and is designed
to answer the most insidious purposes ; that it is
calculated to impress the mind with an idea pf
308 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783
premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of
the United States, and rouse all those resentments
which must unavoidably flow from such a belief;
that the secret mover of this scheme, whoever he
may be, intended to take advantage of the pas-
sions, while they were warmed by the recollection
of past distresses, without giving time for cool,
deliberative thinking, and that composure of mind
which is so necessary to give dignity and stability
to measures, is rendered too obvious by the mode
of conducting the business, to need other proof
than a reference to the proceedings.
" Thus much, gentlemen, I have thought it
incumbent on me to observe to you, to show upon
what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty
meeting which was proposed to have been held on
Tuesday last, and not because I wanted a dispo-
sition to give you every opportunity, consistent
with your own honour, and the dignity of the
army, to make known your own grievances. If
my conduct heretofore has not evinced to you
that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my
declaration of it at this time would be equally
unavailing and improper. But as I was among
the first who embarked in the cause of our com-
mon country ; as I have never left your side one
moment, but when called from you on public
duty ; as I have been the constant companion and
witness of your distresses, and not among the last
to feel and acknowledge your merits ; as I have
ever considered my own military reputation as
inseparably connected with that of the army ; as
my heart has ever expanded with joy when I have
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 309
heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen
when the mouth of detraction has been opened
against it; it can scarcely be supposed, at this last
stage of the war, that I am indifferent to its inte-
rests. Bnt how are they to be promoted ? The
way is plain, says the anonymous addresser. If
war continues, remove into the unsettled country,
there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful
country to defend itself. But who are they to
defend ? Our wives, our children, our farms and
other property which we leave behind us ? Or, in
this state of hostile separation, are we to take the
two first (the latter cannot be removed) to perish
in a wilderness with hunger, cold, and nakedness ?
" If peace takes place, never sheath your
swords," says fre, " until you have obtained full
and ample justice/' This dreadful alternative of
either deserting our country in the extremest
hour of her distress, or turning our arms against
it, which is the apparent object, unless Congress
can be compelled into instant compliance, has
something so shocking in it, that humanity re-
volts at the idea. My God ! What can this writer
have in view, by recommending such measures ?
Can he be a friend to the armv ? Can he be a
v
friend to this country ? Rather is he not an in-
sidious foe, some emissary perhaps from New
York, plotting the ruin of both., by sowing the
seeds of discord and separation between the civil
and military powers of the continent ? And what
a compliment does he pay to our understandings,
when he recommends measures, in either alterna-
tive, impracticable in their nature ? But here,
310 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1783.
gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it
would be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons
for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your
conception to suppose you stood in need of them.
A moment's reflection will convince every dispas-
sionate mind of the physical impossibility of car-
ry ing either proposal into execution. There might,
gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice,
in this address to you, of an anonymous produc-
tion; but the manner in which that performance
has been introduced to the army ; the effect it was
intended to have, together with some other cir-
cumstances, will amply justify my observation on
the tendency of that writing.
" With respect to the advice given by the au-
thor, to suspect the man who shall recommend
moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn
it, as every man who regards that liberty and re-
veres that justice for which we contend, un-
doubtedly must ; for if men are to be precluded
from offering their sentiments on a matter which
may involve the most serious and alarming con-
sequences that can invite the consideration of
mankind, reason is of no use to us. The freedom
of speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent
we may be led, like sheep to the slaughter. I can-
not, in justice to my own belief, and what I have
great reason to conceive is the intention of Con-
gress., conclude this address, without giving it as
my decided opinion, that that honourable body
entertain exalted sentiments of the services of the
army, and from a full conviction of its merits and
sufferings, will do it complete justice. That their
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 311
endeavours to discover and establish funds for this
purpose have been unwearied, and will not cease
until they have succeeded, I have not a doubt.
f ' But like all other large bodies, where there is
a variety of different interests to reconcile, their
determinations are slow. Why then should we
distrust them ? And in consequence of that dis-
trust, adopt measures which may cast a shade
over that glory which has been so justly acquired,
and tarnish the reputation of an army which is
celebrated through all Europe for its fortitude
and patriotism ? And for what is this done ? To
bring the object we seek nearer ? No ; most cer-
tainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater
distance. For myself, and I take no merit in giving
the assurance, being induced to it from principles
of gratitude, veracity, and justice, and a gratful
sense of the confidence you have ever placed
in me, a recollection of the cheerful assistance
and prompt obedience I have experienced from
you, under every vicissitude of fortune, and the
sincere affection I feel for an army I have so long
had the honour to command, will oblige me to
declare, in this public and solemn manner, that in
the attainment of complete justice for all your
toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every
wish, so far as may be done consistently with the
gre,at duty I owe my country, and those powers
we are bound to respect, you may freely com-
mand my services to the utmost extent of my abi-
lities.
te While I give you these assurances, and pledge
myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert
312 LIFE OF WASHINGTON*. [1783.
whatever abilities I am possessed of in your fa-
Your, let me intreat you, gentlemen, on your
part, not to take any measures, which, viewed in
the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity,
and sully the glory, you have hitherto maintained.
Let me request you to rely on the p lighted faith
of your country, and place a full confidence in
the purity of the intentions of Congress, that pre-
vious to your dissolution as an army, they will
cause all your accounts to he fairly liquidated, as
directed in the resolutions which were published
to you two days ago ; and that they will adopt the
most effectual measures in their power to render
ample justice to you for your faithful and meri-
torious services. And let me conjure you, in the
name of our common country, as you value your
own sacred honour, as you respect the rights of
humanity, and as you regard the military and
national character of America, to express your
utmost horror and detestation of the man who
wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn
the liberties of our country; and who wickedly
attempts to open the floodgates of civil discord,
and deluge our rising empire in blood.
" By thus determining, and thus acting, you will
pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment
of your wishes ; you will defeat the insidious de-
signs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort
from open force to secret artifice. You will give
one more distinguished proof of unexampled pa-
triotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the
pressure of the most complicated sufferings ; and
you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 313
occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of
the glorious example you have exhibited to man-
kind,, had this day been wanting, the world had
never seen the last stage of perfection to which
human nature is capable of attaining."
In the judgment, honour, and friendship of
their General, the officers placed unbounded con-
fidence ; and his recommendations carried irre-
sistible weight. The most desperate had not the
hardihood to oppose his advice. General Knox
moved, and Brigadier-General Putnam seconded
a resolution, (e assuring him that the officers re-
ciprocated his affectionate expressions with the
greatest sincerity of which the human heart is
capable/' which passed unanimously. On motion
of General Putnam a committee was then chosen,
consisting of General Knox, Colonel Brooks, and
Captain Heywood, to prepare resolutions on the
business before them. They reported the follow-
ing resolutions, which, on mature deliberation,
passed unanimously.
' c Resolved unanimously, that at the commence-
ment of the present war, the officers of the Ame-
rican army engaged in the service of their coun-
try from the purest love and attachment to the
rights and liberties of human nature, which mo-
tives still exist in the highest degree, and that no
circumstances of distress or danger shall induce a
conduct that may tend to sully the reputation and
glory which they have acquired, at the price of
their blood and eight years faithful services.
" Resolved unanimously, that the army con-
tinue to have an unshaken confidence in the jus-
314 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ' [1783.
tice of Congress and their country, and are fully
convinced that the representatives of America will
not disband or disperse the army until their ac-
counts are liquidated, the balances accurately
ascertained, and adequate funds established for
payment; and in this arrangement, the officers
expect that the half pay, or a commutation for
it, should be efficaciously comprehended.
e< Resolved unanimously, that his Excellency
the Commander in Chief be requested to write to
his Excellency the President of Congress, ear-
nestly entreating the most speedy decision of that
honourable body upon the subject of our late
address, which was forwarded by a committee of
the army, some of whom are waiting upon Con-
gress for the result. In the alternative of peace
or war, this event would be highly satisfactory,
and would produce immediate tranquillity in the
minds of the army, and prevent any further ma-
chinations of designing men, to sow discord be-
tween the civil and military powers of the United
States.
" On motion, resolved unanimously, that the
officers of the American army view with abhor-
rence and reject with disdain, theinfamous proposi-
tions contained in a late anonymous address to the
officers of the army, and resent with indignation
the secret attempts of some unknown persons to
collect the officers together, in a manner totally
subversive of all discipline and good order.
" Resolved unanimously, that the thanks of the
officers of the army be given to the committee who
presented to Congress the late address of the army.
1T83.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 315
for the wisdom and prudence with which they
have conducted that business ; and that a copy of
the proceedings of this day, be transmitted by the
President to Major General M'Dougal; and that
he be requested to continue his solicitations at
Congress until the objects of his mission are ac-
complished."
Machinations which threatened the army with
disgrace, and the country with ruin being thus
happily suppressed, General Washington without
delay executed his promise to the officers; and in
a letter to Congress with feeling and force sup-
ported their claims upon their country.
Soon after these proceedings, nine states con-
curred in a resolution, commuting the half pay
into a sum equal to five years whole pay. Still
Congress depended on the states to furnish the
funds to enable them to fulfil this engagement.
In April the ratification of the preliminary ar-
ticles of peace between France and Great Britain
was received, and on the 19th of that month, a
cessation of hostilities was proclaimed in the Ame-
rican camp.
In June General Washington addressed a cir-
cular letter on the important interests of the
Union, to the Governors of the several states-
It began,
SIR,
(f The great object for which I had the honour
to hold an appointment in the service of my
country, being accomplished, I am now preparing
to resign it into the hands of Congress, and re-
turn to that domestic retirement which, it is well
316 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
known, I left with the greatest reluctance ; a re-
tirement for which I have never ceased to sigh
through a long and painful absence, in which
( remote from the noise and trouble of the world )
I meditate to pass the remainder of life in a state
of undisturbed repose : but, before J carry this
resolution into effect, I think it a duty incumbent
on me to make this my last official communica-
tion, to congratulate you on the glorious events
which Heaven has been pleased to produce in our
favour; to offer my sentiments respecting some
important subjects which appear to me to be in-
timately connected with the tranquillity of the
United States ; to take my leave of your Excel-
lency as a public character, and to give my final
blessing to that country in whose service I have
spent the prime of my life ; for whose sake I have
consumed so many anxious days and watchful
nights ; and whose happiness being extremely dear
to me, will always constitute no inconsiderable
part of my own.
" Impressed with the liveliest sensibility on this
pleasing occasion, I will claim the indulgence of
detailing the more copiously on the subject of our
mutual felicitation. When we consider the mag-<
nitude of the prise we contended for, the doubtful
nature of the contest, and the favourable manner
in which it has terminated, we shall find the great-
est possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing :
This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to
every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the
event in contemplation be considered as a source
of present enjoyment, or the parent of future hap-
1784-.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 317
piness ; and we shall have equal, occasion to feli-
citate ourselves on the lot which Providence has
assigned us,, whether we view it in a natural, po-
litical., or a moral point of view.
" The citizens of America, placed in the most
enviable condition, as the sole lords and proprie-
tors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending
all the various soils and climates of the world,
and abounding with all -the necessaries and con-
veniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory
pacification, acknowledged to be possessed of ab-
solute freedom and independency ; they are from
this period to be considered as the actors on a
most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be pe-
culiarly designed by Providence for the display
of human greatness and felicity : Here they are
not only surrounded with every thing that can
contribute to the completion of private and do-
mestic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned all its
other blessings, by giving a surer opportunity for
political happiness than any other nation has ever
been favoured with. Nothing can illustrate these
observations more forcibly than the recollection
of the happy conjuncture of times and circum-
stances, under which our republic assumed its
rank among the nations.
" The foundation of our empire was not laid
in a gloomy age of ignorance and superstition,
but at an epocha when the rights of mankind were
better understood and more clearly defined, than
at any former period : Researches of the human
mind after social happiness have been carried to
a great extent : The treasures of knowledge ao
318 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782.
quired by the labours of philosophers, sages, and
through a long- succession of years, are laid open
for use, and their collected wisdom may be hap-
pily applied in the establishment of our forms of
government : The free cultivation of letters, the
unbounded extension of commerce, the progres-
sive refinement of manners, the growing liberality
of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign
light of revelation, have had a meliorating in-
fluence on mankind, and increased the blessings
of society. At this auspicious period the United
States come into existence as a nation, and if their
citizens should not be completely free and happy,
the fault will be entirely their own.
" Such is our situation, and such are our pros-
pects: but notwithstanding the cup of blessing is
thus reached out to us, notwithstanding happiness
is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the oc-
casion, and make it our own; yet it appears to me.
there is an option still left to the United States of
America, whether they will be respectable and
prosperous, or contemptible and miserable as a
nation. This is the time of their political proba-
tion; this is the moment, when the eyes of the
whole world are turned upon them; this is the
time to establish or ruin their national character
for ever ; this is the favourable moment to give
such a tone to the federal government, as will en-
able it to answer the ends of its institution ; or
this may be the ill fated moment for relaxing the
powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of
the confederation, and exposing us to become the
sport of European politics, which may play one
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 319
state against another, to prevent their growing
importance,, and to serve their own interested pur-
poses. For,, according to the system of policy
the states ghall adopt at this moment, they will
stand or fall : and, by their confirmation or lapse,
it is yet to be decided, whether the revolution
must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a
curse ; a blessing or a curse, not to the v present
age alone, for with our fate will the destiny of un-
born millions be involved.
c: With this conviction of the importance of the
present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I
will therefore speak to your Excellency the lan-
guage of freedom and sincerity, without disguise.
I am aware, however, those who differ from me
in political sentiments, may perhaps remark, I am
stepping out of the proper line of my duty ; and
they may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostenta-
tion, what I know is alone the result of the purest
intention; but the rectitude of my own heart,
which disdains such unworthy motives, the part I
have hitherto acted in life, the determination I have
formed of not taking any share in public business
hereafter, the ardent desire I feel and shall con-
tinue to manifest, of quietly enjoying in private
life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a
wise and liberal government, will, I natter myself,
sooner or later, convince my countrymen, that I
could have no sinister views in delivering with
so little reserve, the opinions contained in this
address.
(( There are four things which I humbly con-
ceive are essential to the well being, I may even
320 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
venture to say, to the existence of the United
States, as an independent power.
" 1st. An indissoluble union of the states un-
der one federal head.
" 2dly. A sacred regard to public justice.
" 3dly. The adoption of a proper peace estab-
lishment. And,
" 4thly. The prevalence of that pacific and
friendly disposition among the people of the United
States, which will induce them to forget their
local prejudices and policies, to make those mu-
tual concessions which are requisite to the general
prosperity, and, in some instances, to sacrifice
their individual advantages to the interest of the
community.
" These are the pillars on which the glorious
fabric of our independency and national character
must be supported^ Liberty is the basis, and who-
ever would dare to sap the foundation, or over-
turn the structure, under whatever specious pre-
text he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest
execration and the severest punishment which
can be inflicted by his injured country."
Having dilated on these subjects, the letter was
thus concluded :
" I have thus freely disclosed what I wished to
make known before I surrendered up my public
trust to those who committed it to me : The task
i now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your
Excellency, as the chief magistrate of your state ;
at the same time I bid a last farewel to the cares
of office, and all the employments of public life.
. " It remains, then, to be my final and only
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 321
request, that your Excellency will communicate
these sentiments to your Legislature, at their next
meeting; and that they may be considered as the
legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all oc-
casions, to be useful to his country, and who even
in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore
the divine benediction upon it.
fc I now make it my earnest prayer, that God
would have you, and the state over which you pre-
side, in his holy protection ; that he would in-
cline the hearts of the citizens to cultivate a spirit
of subordination and obedience to government;
to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one
another, for their fellow citizens of the United
States at large; and particularly for their brethren
who have served in the field ; and finally, that he
would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all
to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean our-
selves with that charity, humility, and pacific tem-
per of mind, which were the characteristics of the
divine Author of our blessed religion; without
an humble imitation of whose example, in these
things, we can never hope to be a happy nation."
From this time the disbanding the army en-
grossed the attention of Congress and of the Com-
mander in Chief. No funds were established to
discharge the five years commutation. Large
arrearages of pay were due to officers and pri-
vates, and it was not in the power of government
to advance them money even to defray the ex-
penses of the journey to their homes. To dis-
band the army ^in a body under these circum-
stances, was deemed a measure of too great ha-
y
322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783,
zard. Congress therefore directed the General
not to give discharges to the troops which were
inlisted for the war, until the definite articles of
peace should be signed ;, but to grant furloughs
to all non-commissioned officers and soldiers of
this description, who desired them ; and they were
not ordered to rejoin their regiments.
Alarmed at this measure, the generals and offi-
cers commanding regiments and corps on the
Hudson, presented an affectionate and respectful
address to the Commander in Chief, in which they
expressed a dutiful attachment to the government,
but mentioned that after the late resolution of
Congress, they " confidently expected that their
accounts would be liquidated, the balances ascer-
tained, and adequate funds for the payment of
those balances provided, before they should be
dispersed or disbanded/' On the succeeding day,
in anwer to their address, he observed, (f that as
no man could possibly be better acquainted than
himself, with the past merits and services of the
army, so no one could possibly be more strongly
impressed with their present ineligible situation;
feel a keener sensibility at their distresses; or more
ardently desire to alleviate or remove them." He
subjoined.
" Although the officers of the army very well
know my official situation, that I am only a ser-
vant of the public, and that it is not with me to
dispense with- orders which it is my duty to carry
into execution, yet as furloughs in all services are
considered as a matter of indulgence, and not of
compulsion ; as Congr es, I am persuaded, enter-
1783.] LtFE OF WASHINGTON. 323
tained the best disposition towards the army ; and,
as I apprehend, in a very short time the two prin-
cipal articles of complaint will be removed; until
the further pleasure of Congress can be known, I
shall not hesitate to comply with the wishes of the
army, under these reservations only, that officers
sufficient to conduct the men who choose to re-
ceive furloughs, will attend them, either on fur-
lough, or by detachment."
This answer proved satisfactory; good humour
prevailed through the camp, furloughs were ge-
nerally taken ; and in the course of the summer,
the greater part of the soldiers returned quietly
home.
In October, Congress issued a proclamation,
declaring all those soldiers, who had engaged for
the war, discharged on the 3d of December.
While the veteran troops, who had borne the
heat and burden of the war, left the service un-
paid, and peaceably returned to the business of
private life ; about eighty new levies, stationed
at Lancaster in Pennsylvania, revolted from their
officers, and in a body marched to Philadelphia.
Being there joined by two hundred of their com-
panions in arms who were quartered in the bar-
racks, they surrounded, with fixed bayonets, the
State House, in which Congress and the Executive
Council of Pennsylvania were sitting, and sent in
a written message threatening the Council with
the last outrage, if their demands were not, in
twenty minutes, granted. Congress was not im-
mediately menaced, but they wer^, for several
hours, insolently blocked up in their
324 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 1783.
As soon as General Washington received intel-
ligence of the mutiny, he detached General Howe
with fifteen hundred men to suppress it ; but be-
fore he reached Philadelphia, the disturbance
was without bloodshed quieted. In a letter to
Congress, General Washington thus expressed his
indignation at this outrage of the military.
* While I suffer the most poignant distress in-
observing that a handful of men, contemptible in
numbers, and equally so in point of service, (if
the veteran troops from the southward have not
been seduced by their example) and who are not
worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace them-
selves and their country, as the Pennsylvania mu-
tineers have done, by insulting the sovereign au-
thority of the United States, and that of their
own, I feel an inexpressible satisfaction, that even
this behaviour cannot stain the name of the Ame-
rican soldier. It cannot be imputable to, or re-
flect dishonour on the army at large, but on the
contrary it will, by the striking contrast it exhi-
bits, hold up to public view the other troops in
the most advantageous point of light. Upon
taking all the circumstances into consideration, I
cannot sufficiently express my surprise and indig-
nation at the arrogance, the folly, and the wick-
edness of the mutineers ; nor can I sufficiently
admire the fidelity, the bravery, and patriotism
which must for ever signalize the unsullied cha-
racter of the other corps of our army. For when
we consider that these Pennsylvania levies, who
have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiers of
a day, who have not borne the heat and burden
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 325
of the war, and who can have, in reality, very few
hardships to complain of; and when we at the
same time recollect that those soldiers, who have
lately been furloughed from this army, are the
veterans who have patiently endured hunger,
nakedness and cold ; who have suffered and bled
without a murmur, and who with perfect good
order, have retired to their homes, without a set-
tlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in
their pockets; we shall be as much astonished at the
virtues of the latter, as we are struck with horror
and detestation at the proceedings of the former ;
and every candid mind, without indulging ill
grounded prejudices, will undoubtedly make the
proper discrimination."
On the 25th November, the British troops eva-
.cuated New York. General Washington, accom-
panied by Governor Clinton, by a number of other
civil and military officers, and by many respect-
able citizens, made his public entry on horseback
into the city.
His military course being honourably and suc-
cessfully terminated, the painful task remained to
bid adieu to the companions of his toils and dan-
gers. The closing interview took place on the
4th of December. At noon the principal officers
of the army assembled at Francis's tavern, and their
General soon entered the room. His emotions were
too great for concealment. Filling a glass of wine
he turned to them and said, "With a heart full of
love and gratitude, I now take leave of you ; I
most devoutly wish that your latter days may be
326 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. , [1783.
as prosperous and happy, as your former ones have
been glorious and honourable." He drank the
vine., and proceeded. et I cannot conic to each
of you to take my leave, but shall he obliged to
you, if each of you will come and take me by the
hand." General Knox being the nearest, turned
to him. Incapable of utterance, General Wash-
ington grasped his hand and embraced him. In
the same affecting manner, he took leave of each
succeeding officer. From every eye dropped the
tear of sensibility, and not a single word inter-
rupted the tenderness of the scene. He imme-
diately left the room, and passed through a corps
of light infantry, on his way to White Hall, where
a barge waited to convey him to Powles' Hook.
The whole company followed with feelings that
words cannot express. Having entered the barge,
he turned, and waving his hat, bid them a silent
adieu.
Congress was then in session at Annapolis. TQ
this honourable body, the General immediately
repaired to resign his military command.*
* On his way to Annapolis, he stopped at Philadelphia to
settle his accounts ; of which transaction Dr. Gordon makes the
following statement.
" While in the city, he delivered in his accounts to the.
Comptroller, down to December 13th, and all in his own hand
.writing, and every entry made in the most particular manner,
stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trou-
ble in examining and comparing them with the vouchers, with
which they were attended.
The heads areas follow., copied from the folio manuscript paper
book in the file of the treasury office, No. 3,700, being a black
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327
He arrived on the 19th, and on the next day in-
formed Congress of his desire to resign into their
box of tin, containing, under lock and key, both that and the
vouchers.
Total of Expenditures from 1/75 to 1783 exclu-
sive of Provisions from Commissaries and Con-
tractors and of liquors, &rc. from them and
others ; . . . . 3,387 14 4
* Secret intelligence and service J,9#2 10 O
Spent in reconnoitring and travelling . . . . 1,874 8 8
Miscellaneous charges 2,952 1O 1
Expended besides, dollars according to the scale
of depreciation 6,114 14 O
11 17 1
Note. 104,364 of the dollars were received after March,
1780, and although credited forty for one, many did not fetch
at the rate of a hundred for one, while 27,775 of them are re-
turned without deducting any thing from the above account
(and, therefore, actually made a present of to the public).
(General Washington's account) from June,
1775, to the end of June, 1/83 . . . . jl6,3H 17 1
Expenditure from July 1, 1783, to December 13 1,717 5 4
(Added afterwards) from thence to December 28 213 84
Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses in coming
to the General and returning ..... 1,064 1 O
19,306 11 9
Lawful money of Virginia, the same as the Massachusetts, or
14,479*. iSs. (%d. sterling.
" The General entered in his book " I find, upon the final
adjustment of these accounts, that I am a considerable loser-
my disbursements falling a good deal short of my receipts, and
the money I had upon hand of my own : For besides the sums
it * Two hundred guineas advanced to Geaeral M'Dougal are not in-
eluded in the 1982/. 10, not being yet settled, but included in some of the
ether charges, and so reckoned in the general sum."
328 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
hands the commission with which they had invest-
ed him as Commander in Chief of the American ar-
mies; and he asked in what form he should present
his resignation. Congress resolved that it should
be at a public audience on the succeedingTuesdaj.
When the moment of this interesting transaction
arrived, the gallery was crowded with spectators ;
and many of the civil officers of the state and of
the principal officers of the army, the French
Consul-general, and a large body of respectable
citizens were admitted to the floor of the Hall.
The members of Congress, representing the sove-
reignty of the nation, were seated and covered.
At twelve o'clock, General Washington was in-
troduced and conducted to a chair. After a short
interval the Secretary commanded silence. The
President then informed the General, " that the
United States in Congress assembled, were pre-
pared to receive his communications." With
dignity of manner suited to the occasion, he arose
and addressed them :
" Mr. PRESIDENT.,
" The great events, on which my resignation
depended, having at length taken place, I have
now the honour of offering my sincere congratu-
lations to Congress, and of presenting myself be-
I carried with me to Cambridge, in 1 J75 I received monies
afterwards on private account in 1777 > and since which (except
small sums that I had occasion to apply to private uses) were
all expended in the public service; through hurry I suppose,
and the perplexity of business (for I know not how else to ac-
count for the deficiency) I have omitted to charge the same,
v/hilst every debit against me is here credited. July 1, 1/83.'*
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329
4?
fore them to surrender into their hands the trust
committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of
retiring from the service of my country. .
te Happy in the confirmation of our independ-
ence and sovereignty, and pleased with the op-
portunity afforded the United States of becoming
a respectable nation, I resign, with satisfaction,
the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a
diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous
a task, which, however, was superseded by acon.-
fidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support
of the supreme power of the Union, and the pa-
tronage of Heaven.
" The successful termination of the war has
verified the most sanguine expectations; and my
gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and
the assistance I have received from my country-
men, increase 'with every review of the momentous
contest. .~*
" While I repeat my obligations to the army in
general, I should do injustice to my own feel-
ings not to acknowledge, in this place, the pecu-
liar services and distinguished merits of the gen-
tlemen who have been attached to my person
during the war. It was impossible the choice of
confidential officers to compose my family should
have been more fortunate. Permit me, Sir, to
recommend in particular, those who have con-
tinued in the service to the present moment, as
worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of
Congress.
" I consider it as an indispensable duty to close
this last solemn act of my official life, by com-
330 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
mending the interests of our dearest country to
the protection of Almighty God, and those who
have the superintendance of them to his holj
keeping.
" Having now finished the work assigned me,
J retire from the great theatre of action, and bid-
ding an affectionate farewel to; this august body,
under whose orders I have so long acted, I here
offer my commission, and take my leave of all the
employments of public life/ 5
Having advanced to the chair and delivered the
President his commission, he received from him
the following reply :
" SIR,
" The United States in Congress assembled, re-
ceive, with emotions too affecting for utterance,
the solemn resignation of the authorities under
which you have led their troops with success,
through a perilous and a doubtful war.
" Called upon by your country to defend its
invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge,
before it had formed alliances, and whilst it was
without funds or a government to support you.
" You have conducted the great military con-
test with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regard-
ing the rights of the civil power, through all dis-
asters and changes. You have, by the love and
confidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them
to display their martial genius, and transmit their
fame to posterity. You have persevered till these
United States, aided by a magnanimous king and
nation, have been enabled under a just Providence,
to close the war in freedom, safety, and independ-
1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 331
ence; on which happy event, we sincerely join
you in congratulations.
" Having defended the standard of liberty in
this new world : having taught a lesson useful to
those who inflict, and to those who feel oppres-
sion, you retire from the great theatre of action,
with the blessings of your fellow citizens; but the
glory of your virtues will not terminate with your
military command; it will continue to animate
remotest ages.
' We feel, with you, our obligations to the
?u*my in general, and will particularly charge
ourselves with the interests of those confidential
officers, who have attended your person to this
Affecting moment.
" We join you in commending the interests of
our dearest country to the protection of Almighty
God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and
minds of its citizens, to improve the opportunity
afforded them of becoming a happy and respect-
able nation. And for you,' we address to him our
earnest prayers, that a life so beloved, may be fos-
tered with all his care ; that your days may be
happy as they have been illustrious; and that he
will finally give you that reward which this world
cannot give."
The General immediately retired from the hall
of Congress. The minds of the spectators were
deeply impressed by the scene. The recollection
of the circumstances of the country at the time
the commission was accepted, the events that had
since taken place, and the glorious issue of the
332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783.
conflict conspired to give the scene the most
lively interest.
His country being exalted to the dignity of a
sovereign and independent nation, General Wash-
ington with great satisfaction resigned the arduous
duties and high responsibility of his military com-
mand. He repaired to Mount Vernon, in the
delightful prospect of spending the residue of his
days in the bosom of domestic life.
With an immaculate character he had passed
through all the complicated transactions of a re-
volutionary war ; and had established an immortal
reputation as a soldier and a patriot, throughout
the civilized world. To his retirement he carried
the profound veneration and most lively affection
of his grateful countrymen. In the estimation ef
his friends, the measure of his honour was full.
The extent of their wishes was, that no unpropi-
tious event might take place to tarnish the lustre
of his reputation ; but that in peace he might de-
scend into the grave, with his laurel crown unfad-
ed'on his head.
1784.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 333
CHAPTER X.
General Washington in Retirement His Pursuits Votes of
Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia respecting him
His Visitors and Correspondents His Plans to improve the A r a-
vigation of the Potomack and James' Rivers Declines the grant
of Virginia His Advice to the Cincinnati State of Public
Affairs National Convention General Washington its Pre-
sident Federal Constitution recommended and adopted
General Washington requested to consent to administer the
Government He is chosen President of the United States
Sets out for the Seat of Government Attention shown him on
his Journey His Reception at New York.
1784.] PEACE being restored to his countrr
upon the broad basis of independence, General
Washington with supreme delight retired to the
pursuits of private life. In a letter to Governor
Clinton, written three days after his arrival at
Mount Vernon, he thus expressed the grateful
feelings of his heart on being relieved from the
weight of hii public station. <e The scene is at
length closed. I feel myself eased of a load of
public care, and hope to spend the remainder of
my days in cultivating the affections of good men,
and in the practice of the domestic virtues."
This sentiment was more fully expressed to the
Marquis La Fayette. <e I have become a private
citizen on the banks of the Potomack, and under
the shadow of my own vine and own fig tree.,
334- tlFfi OF WASHINGTON. [17S4.
free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes
of public life, I am solacing myself with those
tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier who
is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman whose
watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in de-
vising schemes to promote the welfare of his own,
perhaps the ruin of other countries (as if the
globe was insufficient for us all), and the courtier
who is always watching the countenance of his
Prince in the hope of catching a gracious smile,
can have very little conception. I have not only
retired from all public employments, but am re-
tiring within myself, and shall be able to view the
solitary walk and tread the paths of private life
with heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I
am determined to be pleased with all ; and this,
my dear friend, being the order of my march, I
will move down the stream of life, until I sleep
with my fathers."
But delighted as he was with his domestic en-
joyments, he found it to be the work of time to
divest himself of the feelings and habits formed in
his public station. " I am just beginning/' said he
in a letter to a friend, " to experience the ease
and freedom from public cares, which however
desirable, takes some time to realise ; for strange
as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it wa
not until lately I could get the better of my usual
custom of ruminating as soon as I awoke in the
morning, on the business of the ensuing day ; and
of my surprise at finding, after revolving many
things in my mind, that I was no longer a public
man, or had any thing to do with public trans-
1784.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 333
actions. I feel now, however, as I conceive a
wearied traveller must do, who, after treading
many a painful step with a heavy burden on his
shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached
the haven to which all the former were directed,
and from his housetop is looking back and tracing
with an eager eye, the meanders by which he es-
caped the quicksands and mires which lay in his
way, and into which none but the all-powerful
Guide and Dispenser of human events could have
prevented his falling."
Soon after the proclamation of peace, Congress
unanimously resolved to erect at the place which
should be established as the permanent seat of go-
vernment, an equestrian statue of General Wash-
ington. This resolution, however, has not yet
been carried into'eftect. r\
Virginia also bore an honourable testimony of
the sense entertained of the services of her distin-
guished citizen. In a spacious area in the centre
of the capitol of this state, she erected a marble
itatue of him, with the following inscription on
its pedestal.
" The General Assembly of the commonwealth
of Virginia have caused this statue to be erected as
a monument of affection and gratitude to GEORGE
WASHINGTON, who, uniting in the endowments
of the HERO the virtues of the PATRIOT, and
exerting both in the establishment of the liberties
of his countrv, has rendered his name dear to his
fellow citizens, and given the world an immortal
example of true glory."
In addition to the^e ex ressions of public vene-
ration, innumerable addresses from literary and
336 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784.
other incorporations were presented to him, which,
in ardent language, expressed the veneration uni-
versally felt for his character, and the admiration
entertained for his services. His well balanced
mind bore these public and private honours with-
out a symptom of vanity or pride.
The pursuits of General Washington at this
period were a renewal of habits formed at an
earlier part of life, and a recurrence to employ-
ments in which he ever took delight ; and he ex-
perienced nothing of that dissatisfaction and tedium
of which gentlemen often complain, who leave
the cares of a public station for the silent scenes of
retirement. The improvement of American hus-
bandry engaged his close attention, and in the
prosecution of plans adapted to this purpose, he
entered into a correspondence with Mr. Arthur
Young, and other distinguished European agri-
culturists. The result of their information, and
of his own experience, he applied to amend his
farming implements, to improve his breed of cattle,
and in various experiments suited to the soil he
cultivated. The plans which succeeded with him,
he recommended to the farmers around him.
But even in the shade of Mount Vernon, the.
time of General Washington \vas not wholly at
his own disposal. Every foreigner of distinction
who visited the United States was urgent for an
introduction to the late Commander in Chief; and
every American of any consequence, who was about
to cross the Atlantic, was ambitious to obtain let-
ters from him to celebrated characters in Europe.
With numbers of the officers of the late army,
1784.] LIFE Of WASHINGTON. 337
with many of the political characters of his own
country and with several eminent individuals of
Europe, he held a correspondence. , Ceremonious
visitors and officious correspondents became op-
pressive to him,, and in a letter to a friend, he thus
complained of the burden of them. " Jt is not,
my dear Sir, the letters of my friends which give
me trouble, or add ought to my perplexity. I
receive them with pleasure, and pay as much a^-
rention to them as my avocations will permit. It
is references to old matters with which I have no-
thing to do ; applications winch oftentimes can-
not be complied with ; inquiries to satisfy which
would employ the pen of an historian ; letters of
compliment, as unmeaning, perhaps, as they are
troublesome,, but which must be attended to ; and
the common-place business, which employ my pen
arid my time, often disagreeably. Indeed these,
with company, deprive me of exercise; and unless
I can obtain relief, must be productive of dis-
agreable consequences. Already, I begin to feel
their effects. Heavy and painful oppressions of
the head, and other disagreeable sensations often
trouble me. I am therefore determined to employ
some person who shall ease me of the drudgery
of this business. To correspond with those I love
is among my highest gratifications. Letters of
friendship require no study ; the communications
they contain flow with ease ; and allowances are
expected and are made. But this is not the case
with those which require research, consideration,
and recollection." At length he engaged a young
gentleman of talents and education, who relieved
z
338 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [17S4.
him from a great part of these irksome atten-
tions.
Thepatriotic mind of General Washington could
not however be engrossed by his own concerns.
In his retirement, he with solicitude watched over
the interests of his country. The improvement of
its inland navigation early engaged his reflec-
tions. Plans which the war had interrupted, were
now resumed upon an enlarged scale. This year
he visited the western country as far as Pittsburg,
and having collected the necessary information,
he opened his scheme to Mr. Harrison, then Go-
vernor of Virginia. This was to render the rivers
Potomack and James navigable as high as prac-
ticable; to take accurate surveys of the country
between these rivers and the streams which empty
into the Ohio, and find the most advantageous
portages between them ; to survey the waters west
of the Ohio, which empty into the lakes ; and to
open such inland navigation between these waters,
as would secure the trade of the western country
to Virginia and Maryland. " Nature," he ob-
served " had made such an ample display of
her bounties in those regions, that the more the
country was explored the more it would rise in
estimation." He was persuaded that Pennsylvania
and New York would udopt measures, to direct
the trade of that country to their sea ports, and,
he was anxious that his native state should season-
ably avail herself of the advantages she possessed
to secure her share in it. " I am not," he declar-
ed, " for discouraging the exertions of any state
to draw the commerce of the western country to
I78i.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 339
its sea-ports. The more communications we open
to it, the closer we bind that rising world, ( for it
indeed may be so called) to our interests, and the
greater strength shall we acquire by it. Those to
whom nature affords the best communication,, will,
if they are wise, enjoy the greatest share of the
trade. All I would be understood to mean there-
fore, is, that the gifts of Providence may not be
neglected." But political motives had higher in-
fluence in this transaction than commercial. " I
need not remark to you. Sir," said he in his com-
munication to the Governor of Virginia, " that
the flanks and rear of the United States are pos-
sessed by other powers, and formidable ones too;
nor need I press the necessity of applying the
cement of interest to bind all par^ of the union
together by indissoluble bonds; especially of bind-
ing that part of it which lies immediately west of
us, to the middle states. For what ties, let me
ask, should we have upon those people, how en-
tirely unconnected with them shall we be/ and
what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spa-
niards on their right, and Great Britain on their
left, instead of throwing impediments in their way
as they now do, should hold out lures for their
trade and alliance ? When they get strength,
which will be sooner than most people conceive,
what will be the consequence of their having form-
ed close commercial connexions with both, or
either of those powers, it needs not in mv opinion,
the gift of prophecy to foretel.
, C( The western settlers (I speak now from my
own observations) stand as it were upon a pivot.
z 2
310 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784.
The touch of a feather would turn them any way.
Until the Spaniards (very unwisely as I think)
threw difficulties in their way, they looked down
the Mississippi ; and they looked that way for no
other reason than because they could gently glide
down the stream ; without considering perhaps
the fatigues of the voyage back again, and the
time necessary for its performance ; and because
they have no other means of coming to us, but
by a long land transportation through unimproved
roads."
These recommendations were not lost. Under
the patronage of the governments of Virginia and
Maryland, two companies were formed for open-
ing the navigation of the Potomack and the James,
of both which General Washington consented to
be the president. The Legislature of Virginia,
by a resolution which passed unanimously, direct-
ed the treasurer of the state to subscribe for one
hundred and fifty shares in each company for the
benefit of General Washington. The appropria-
tion was made in a manner the most affecting to
a noble mind. The assembly expressed a wish,
that while the improvements of their inland na-
vigation were monuments of his glory, they might
also be monuments of his country's gratitude.
The donation placed him in a very delicate and
embarrassed situation. The feelings excited by
this generous and honourable act of his state, he
fully expressed to the friend, who informed him
of the passage of the bill. " It is not easy for me
to decide by which my mind was most affected
upon the receipt of your letter of the sixth in-
1784.J LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 341
stant surprise or gratitude. Both were greater
than I had words to express. The attention and
good wishes which the assembly has evinced by
their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty
shares in the navigation of the rivers Potomack
and James, is more than mere compliment.
There is an unequivocal and substantial meaning
annexed. But, believe me sir, no circumstance
has happened since I left the walks of public life
which has so much embarrassed me. On the one
hand, I consider this act, as I have already ob-
served, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the
good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my
country to serve me ; and I should be hurt, if by
declining the acceptance of it, rny refusal should
be construed into disrespect, or the smallest
slight upon the general intention of the Legisla-
ture ; or that an ostentatious display of disinte-
restedness, or public virtue, was the source of
refusal.
' e On the other hand, it is really my wish to
have my mind and my actions, which are the re-
sult of reflection, as free and independent as the
air, that I may be more at" liberty (in things
which my opportunities and experience have
brought me to the knowledge of) to express my
sentiments, and if necessary, to suggest what may
occur to me, under the fullest conviction that
although my judgment may be arraigned, there
will be no suspicion that sinister motives had the
smallest influence in the suggestion. Not content
then with the bare consciousness of my having in
all this navigation business, acted upon the clearest
eonviction of the political importance of themea-
342 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7.
sure, I would wish that every individual who
may hear that it was a favourite plan of mine, may
know also that I had no other motive for pro-
moting it than the advantage of which I conceiv-
ed it would be productive to. the union at large,
and to this state in particular, by cementing the
eastern and western territory together, at the
same time that it will give vigour and increase to
our commerce, and be a convenience to our ci-
tizens.
" How would this matter be viewed then by
the eye of the world, and what opinion would
be formed when it comes to be related, that
G - W n exerted himself to effect
this work, and that G W n has
received twenty thousand dollars, and Jive thousand
pounds sterling, of the public money, as an interest
therein ? Would not this ( if I am entitled to any
merit for*the part I have performed, and without
it there is no foundation for the act) deprive me
of the principal thing which is laudable in my
conduct ? Would it not in some respects be con-
sidered in the same light as a pension ? And would
pot the apprehension of this induce me to offer
my sentiments in future with the more reluctance?
In a word, under whatever pretcm e, and however
customary these gratuities may be in other coun-
tries, should I not thenceforward be considered as
a dependent ? One moment's thought of which
would give me more pain than I should receive
pleasure from the product of all the tolls, was
every farthing of them vested in me."
After great deliberation, he determined to ap-s
1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 343
propriate the shares to such public uses as the
Legislature should approve. In communicating
this determination through the Governor to the
General Assembly, he begged him to assure them
that he was cc filled on the occasion with every
sentiment which can flow from a heart warm
with love to his country, sensible to every token
of its approbation and affection, and solicitous to
testify in every instance a respectful attention to
its wishes." According to his desire, the shares
were appropriated to the support of a college in
the vicinity of each of those rivers.
The Cincinnati had in their original constitu-
tion secured perpetuity of existence to their soci-
ety. The eldest male posterity of the officers
were to succeed to the places of their- fathers, and
in, the failure of them, a collateral branch might
be introduced. Individuals also of the respective
states, diitinguished for their talents and patriot-
ism, might be admitted as honorary members for
life. In this part of the institution, some Ame-
rican patriots thought they perceived the seeds of
an order of nobility, and public jealousy was
excited against the society, General Washing-
ton, their president, conceived that if popular
prejudices could not be removed, the society
ought " to yield to them, in a degree, and not
suffer that which was intended for the best of
purposes to produce a bad one." On full inquiry,
he found that objections to the institution were
general throughout the United States, under the
apprehension that it would prove dangerous to
344 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7.
public liberty, he therefore exerted his influence
among the officers to induce them to drop the
offensive part of the institution, and at the annual
meeting in May 1787, the hereditary principle,
and the ;;ower to adopt honorary members, were
expunged from the constitution. This modifica-
tion fully removed the public apprehension.
Experience proved the articles under which
the United States originally confederated to be
inadequate to the purposes of national govern-
ment ; and wise and good men in every part of
the union anxiously looked forward to a crisis in
public affairs. Many of General Washington's
friends intimated to him that the occasion would
call for his personal influence. Mr. Jay, in let-
ters written in the spring and summer of 1786,
with feeling described the state of the country,
" You have wisely retired from public employ-
ments, and calmly view from the temple of fame
the various exertions of that sovereignty and in-
depence, which Providence has enabled you to be
so greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing
to your country, yet I am persuaded that you
cannot view them with the eye of an unconcern-
ed spectator.
(c Experience has pointed out errors in our na-
tional government which call for correction, and
which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from
the tree of liberty. An opinion begins to prevail.,
that a general convention for revising the articles
of confederation would be expedient. Whether
the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or
whether the system proposed to be obtained by
1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. v 345
it is only to be expected from calamity and com-
motion, is difficult to ascertain.
fc I think we are in a delicate situation, and a
Variety of considerations and circumstances give
me uneasiness. It is in contemplation to take
measures for forming a general convention. The
plan is not matured. If it should be well con-
nected and take effect, I am fervent in ray wishes
that it may comport with the line of life you have
marked out for youself, to favour your country
with your counsels on such an important and
single occasion.
" Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, some-
thing that I cannot foresee or conjecture. I aui
uneasy and apprehensive, more so than during
the wa\ TJien we had a fixed object ; and though
the means and time of obtaining it were proble-
matical, yet I did firmly believe that we should ul-
timately succeed, because I did firmly believe that
justice was with us. The case is now altered. We
are going and doing wrong, and therefore I look
forward to evils and calamities, but without being
able to guess at the instrument, nature or mea-
sure of them.
(( That we shall again recover, and things
again go well, I have no doubt. Such a variety
of circumstances would not, almost miraculously,,
have combined to liberate and make us a nation,
for transient and unimportant purposes. I there-
fore believe that we are yet to become a great and
respectable people, but when or how, only the
spirit of prophecy can discern.
" What I most fear is, that the better kind of
.
546 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7.
people (by which I mean the people who are
orderly and industrious, who are content with
their situations, and not uneasy in their circum-
stances) will be led by the insecurity of property,
the loss of confidence in their rulers, and the want
of public faith and rectitude, to consider the
charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A
state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust
and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for
almost any change that may promise them quiet
and security. "
To these weighty communications General
Washington replied :
" Your sentiments thai our affairs are drawing
rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What
the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my
foresight. We have errors to correct ; we have
probably had too good an opinion of human na-
ture, in forming our confederation. Experience
lias taught us that men will not adopt and carry
into execution measures the best calculated for
their own good, without the intervention of coer-
cive power. I do not conceive we can exist long
as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power
which will pervade the whole union in as ener-
getic a manner as the authority of the state go-
vernments extends over the several states. To be
fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that
body is, with ample authorities for national pur-
poses, appears to me the very climax of popular
absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert
thnn for the detriment of the people, without
injuring themselves in an equal or greater pro*
1784-?.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 347
portion ? Are not their interests inseparably con-
nected with those of their constituents ? By the
rotation of appointments, must they not mingle
frequently with, the mass of citizens ? Is it not
rather to be apprehended, if they were not pos-
sessed of the powers before described, that the in-
dividual members would be induced to use them,
on many occasions, very timidly and ineffica-
ciously, for fear of losing their popularity and
future election ? We must take human nature as
we find it; perfection falls not to the share of
mortals.
fe What then is to be done? Things cannot go
on in the same strain for ever. It is much to be
feared, as you observe, that the better kind of
people being disgusted with these circumstances,
will have their minds prepared for any revolution
whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme
to another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous
contingencies, would be the part Of wisdom and
patriotism.
(C What astonishing changes a few years are
capable of producing ! I am told, that even re-
spectable characters speak of a monarchical form
of government without horror. From thinking
proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a
single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous!
What a triumph for our enemies to verify their
predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates
of despotism, to find that we are incapable of
governing ourselves, and that systems, founded
on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and
fallacious ! Would to God that wise measures
.
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7.
may be taken in time to avert the consequences
we have but too much reason to apprehend.
" Retired as I am from the world, I frankly
acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned
spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bring-
ing the ship into port, and having been fairly
discharged, it is not my business to embark again
on the sea of troubles.
<f Nor could it be expected that my sentiment!
and opinions would have much weight on the
minds of my countrymen. They have been
neglected, though given as a last legacy in a
most solemn manner. I then perhaps had some
claims to public attention. I consider myself as
having none at present."
When the plan of a convention was ripened,
and its meeting appointed to be at Philadelphia in
May, 1787, an influential character in Virgina,
communicated to General Washington the inten-
tion of that state to elect him one of her repre-
sentatives on this important occasion. He ex-
plicitly declined being a candidate, yet the Legis-
lature placed him at the head of her delegation,
in the hope that mature reflection would induce
him to attend upon the service. The governor
of the state, Mr. Randolph, informed him of his
appointment, by the following letter.
" By the enclosed act you will readily discover
that the Assembly are alarmed at the storms which
threaten the United States. What our enemies
have foretold, seems to be hastening to its accom-
plishment, and cannot be frustrated but by an
instantaneous, zealous, and steady union among
1784-?.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 349
the friends of the federal government. To you I
need not press our present dangers. The ineffi-
cacy of Congress you have often felt in your offi-
cial character ; the increasing languor of our <as-
sociated republics you hourly see; and a dissolu-
tion, would be, I know, to you, a source of the
deepest mortification. I freely then entreat you
to accept the unanimous appointment of the Ge-
neral Assembly to the Convention at Philadelphia.
For the gloomy prospect still admits one ray of
hope,, that those who began, carried on, and con-
summated the revolution, can yet restore America
from the impending ruin."
f( Sensible as I am/' said the General in his
answer, " of the honour conferred on me by the
General Assembly of this commonwealth, in ap-
pointing me one of the deputies to a convention
proposed to he held in the city of Philadelphia
in May next, for the purpose of revising the fe-
deral constitution ; and desirous as I am on all
occasions of testifying a ready obedience to the
calls of my country yet, Sir, there exists at this
moment circumstances which I am persuaded will
render this fresh instance of confidence incom-
patible with other measures which I had pre-
viously adopted, and from which, seeing little
prospect of disengaging myself, it would be dis-
ingenuous not to express a wish that some other
character on whom greater reliance can be had,
may be substituted in my place, the probability
of my non-attendance being too great to continue
my appointment.
" As no mind can be more deeply impressed
350 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7.
than mine is with the critical situation of our
affairs, resulting in a great measure from the want
of efficient powers in the federal head, and due
respect to its ordinances, so consequently those
who do engage in the important business of re-
moving these defects, will carry with them every
good wish of mine, which the best dispositions to-
wards their obtainment can bestow."
The Governor declined the acceptance of his
resignation of the appointment, and begged him
to suspend his determination until the approach
of the period of the meeting of Convention, that
his final judgment might be the result of a full
acquaintance with all circumstance-;.
Thus situated, the General reviewed the sub-
ject, that he might, upon thorough deliberation,
make the decision which duty and patriotism en-
joined. He had, by a circular letter to the state
societies, declined being re-elected the President
of the Cincinnati, and had announced that he
should not attend their general meeting at Phila-
delphia on the next May ; and he apprehended,
that if he attended the convention at the time and
place of their meeting, that he should give offence
to all the officers of the late army who composed
this body. He was under apprehension that the
states would not be generally represented on this
occasion, and that a failure in the plan would di-
minish the personal influence of those who en-
gaged in it. Some of his confidential friends
were of opinion, that the occasion did not require
his interposition, and that he ought to reserve
himself for a state of things which would une-
178?.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35i
quivocally demand his agency and influence.
Even on the supposition that the plan should
succeed,, they thought that he ought not to en-
gage in it, because his having been in Convention
would obligate him to make exertions to carry
the measures that body might recommend into
effect,, and would necessarily ic sweep him into
the tide of public affairs." His own experience
since the close of the revolutionary war create^
in his mind serious doubts whether the respective
states would quietly adopt any system, calculated
to give stability and vigour to the national go-
vernment. <c As we could not," to use his own
language, <e remain quiet more than three or four
years in times of peace under the constitutions of
our own choosing, which were believed in many
states to have been formed \vith deliberation and
wisdom, I see little prospect either of our agreeing
on any other,, or that we should remain long sa-
tisfied under it if we could. Yet I would wish
any thing, and every thing, essayed to prevent
the effusion of blood, and to divert the humiliat-
ing and contemptible iigure we are about to
make in the annals of mankind."
These considerations operated powerfully to
confirm him in the opinion first formed, not to
attend the Convention.
On the other hand^ he realized the greatness of
the public stake. The confederation was univer-
sally considered as a nullity. The advice of a
convention, composed of respectable characters
from every part of the union, would probably
have great influence with the community, vvhe-
352 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787.
ther it should be to amend the articles of the old
government, or to form a new constitution.
Amidst the various sentiments which at this
time prevailed respecting the state of public af-
fairs, many entertained the supposition that the
" times must be worse before they could be bet-
ter," and that the American people could be in-
duced to establish an efficient and liberal na-
tional government only by the scourge of an-
archy. Some seemed to think that the experi-
ment of a republican government in America
had already failed, and that one more energetic
must soon by violence be introduced. General
Washington entertained some apprehension that
his declining to attend the Convention would be
considered as a dereliction of republican prin-
ciples.
While he was balancing these opposite circum-
stances in his mind, the insurrection of Massa-
chusetts occurred, which turned the scale of opi-
nion in favour of his joining the Convention. He
viewed this event as awfully alarming. fr For
God's sake tell me," said he in a letter to Colonel
Humphreys, " what is the cause of all these com-
motions ? Do they proceed .from licentiousness,
British influence disseminated by the tories, or
real grievances which admit of redress? If the
the latter, why was redress delayed until the
public mind had become so much agitated ? If the
former, why are not the powers of government
tried at once ? It is as well to be without as not
to exercise them.
To Generel Knox and other friends, similar
l?8t.] tiFE OF WASHINGTON*
apprehensions were expressed. tc I feel infinitely
more than I can express to you, for the disorders
which have arisen in these states. Good God !
who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a Bri-
ton have predicted them? I do assure you, that
even at this moment, when I reflect upon the
present aspect of our affairs, it seems to me like
the visions of a dream. My mind can scarcely
realize it as a thing in actual existence so
strange, so wonderful, does it appear to me. In.
this, as in most other matters, we are too slow.
When this spirit first dawned, it might probably
have been easily checked ; but it is scarcely within
the reach of human ken at this moment to say
when, where, or how, it will terminate. There
are combustibles in every state, to which a
spark might set fire. In bewailing, which I have
often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of
our much lamented friend General Greene, I
have accompanied my regrets of late with a query
whether he would not have preferred such an
exit, to the scenes which it is more than probable
many of his compatriots may live to bemoan.
" You talk, my good sir, of employing influ-
ence to appease the present tumults in Massa-
chusetts. I know not where that influence is to
be found, nor if attainable, that it would be a
proper remedy for these disorders. Influence is
not gOTernmcnt. Let us have a government by
which our lives, liberties, and properties will be
secured, or let us know the worst at once. Under
these impressions, my humble opinion is, that
there is a call for decision. Know then precisely
A A
354 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787.
what ilio insurgents aim at. If they have real
grievances, redress them if possible, or acknow-
ledge the justice of them, and your inability to
do it in the. present moment. If they have not,
employ the force of the government against them
at oiice. If this is inadequate, all will be con-
vinced that the superstructure is had, or wants
support. To be more exposed in the eves of the
world, and more contemptible than we already
are, is hardly possible. To delay one or the other
of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one
hand or to give confidence on the other, and will
add to their numbers ; for, like snow balls, such
bodies increase by every movement, unless there
is somcthina: in the wav to obstruct and crumble
fj /
them, before their weight is too great and irre-
sistible.
<: These are my sentiments. Precedents are
dangerous things. Let the reins of government
then be braced, and held with a steady hand, and
every violation of the constitution be reprehend-
ed. If defective let it be amended, but not suf-
fered to he trampled upon while it has an ex-
istence."
A friend having intimated by letter his appre-
hension that civil discord was near, in which event
he would be obliged to act a public part, or to
leave the continent. " It is," said the General in
reply, <: with the deepest and most heartfelt con-
cern, I perceive, by some late paragraphs ex-
tracted from the Boston papers, that the insur-
gents of Massachusetts, far from being satisfied
with the redress offered by their general court,
1787.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 355
are still acting in open violation of law and go-
vernment, and have obliged the chief magistrate
in a decided tone to call upon the militia of the
state to support the constitution.
fe What, gracious God, is man! that there
should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in
his conduct. It is but the other day that we were
shedding our blcod to obtain the constitutions
under which we live constitutions of our own
choice and making and now we are unsheathing
the sword to overturn them. The thing is so
unaccountable, that I hardly know how to realize
. it, or to persuade myself that I am not under the
illusion of a dream. My mind, previous to the
receipt of your letter of the first ultimo, had often
been agitated by a thought similar to the one you
expressed respecting a friend of yours : but Heaven
forbid that a crisis should come when he shall be
driven to the necessity of making a choice of
either of the alternatives there mentioned."
Having learned that the states had generally-
elected their representatives to the Convention,
and Congress having given its sanction to it, he,
on the 28th of March, communicated to the go-
vernor of Virginia his consent to act as one of the
delegates of his state on this important occasidn.
On the second Monday in May 1787, the de-
legates of twelve states met in convention at Phi-
ladelphia, and unanimously elected General
George Washington their president. The present
constitution of government of the United States
was the result of the deliberations, and concessions
of this venerable body.
356 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
Although the friends of General Washington
had fully acquiesced in the propriety of his retir-
ing from public life at the close of the revolu-
tionary war, yet from the moment of the adoption
of the federal constitution, all eyes were directed
to him as the first president of the United States.
His correspondents early endeavoured to prepare
his mind to gratify the expectations of his coun-
try. Mr. Johnson, a distinguished patriot of
Maryland, wrote him, " We cannot do without
you, and I and thousands more can explain to any
body but yourself why we cannot do without
you."
The struggle between inclination and duty wa
long and severe. His feelings on this occasion
fully appeared in the letters which he wrote to
his friends on the subject. Colonel Lee, then a
member of Congress, communicatirig to General
Washington the measures which that body were
adopting to introduce the new government, thug
alludes to the presidency.
" The solemnity of the moment, and its appli-
cation to yourself, have fixed my mind in contem-
plations of a public and personal nature, and I
feel an involuntary impulse which I cannot resist,
to communicate without reserve to you some of
the reflections which the hour has produced.
Solicitous for our common happiness as a people,
and convinced, as I continue to be, that our
peace and prosperity depend on the proper im-
provement of the present period, my anxiety is
extreme, that the new government may have an
auspicious beginning. To effect this, and to
1787.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 257
perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices,
it is certain you will again be called forth. The
same principles of devotion to the good of man-
kind, which have invariably governed your con-
duct, will no doubt continue to rule your mind,
however opposite their consequences may be to
your repose and happiness. It may be wrong,
but I cannot suppress in my wishes for national
felicity a due regard for your personal fame and
content.
" If the same success should attend your efforts
pn this important occasion which has distinguish-
ed you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have
spent a life which Providence rarely, if ever, be-
fore gave to the lot of man. It is my anxious
hope, it is my belief, that this will be the case;
but all things are uncertain, and perhaps nothing
more so than political events.
" Without you, the government can have but
little chance of success, and the people of that
happiness which its prosperity must yield/'
To these communications the General thus re-
plied :
" Your observations on the solemnity of the
crisis, and its application to myself, bring before
me subjects of the most momentous and interest-
ing nature. In our endeavours to establish a new
general government, the contest,' nationally con-
sidered, seems not to have been so much for glory
as existence. It was for a long time doubtful
whether we were to survive as an independent
republic, or decline from our federal dignity into
Insignificant and wretched fragments of empire,
S5S LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788.
The adoption of the constitution so extensively, and
with so liberal an acquiescence on the part of the
minorities in general, promised the former ; but
lately, the circular letter of New York has ma-
nifested in my apprehension an unfavourable, if
not an insidious tendency to a contrary policy. I
still hope for the best ; but before you mentioned
it, I could not help fearing it would serve as a
standard to which the disaffected could resort.
It is now evidently the part of all honest men, who
are friends to the new constitution, to endeavour
to give it a chance to disclose its merits and de-
fects by carrying it fairly into effect, in the first
instance.
" The principal topic of your letter is to me a
point of great delicacy indeed, insomuch that I
can scarcely, without some impropriety, touch
upon it. In the first place, the event to which
you allude may never happen, among other rea-
sons because, if the partiality of my fellow citizens
conceive it to be a mean by which the sinews of
the new government would be strengthened, it
will of consequence be obnoxious to those who are
in opposition to it, many of whom, unquestion-
ably, will be placed among the electors. This
consideration alone would supersede the expe-
diency of announcing any definitive and irrevo-
cable resolution. You are among the small number
of those who know my invincible attachment to
domestic life, and that iny sincerest wish is to con-
tinue in the enjoyment of it solely, until my final
hour. But the world would be neither so well
instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to believe
[1788. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 359
me to be uninfluenced by sinister motives in ease
any circumstance should render a deviation from
the line of conduct I had prescribed for myself
indispensable. Should the contingency you sug-
gest, take place, and (for argument's sake alone
let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance to
accept the office be overcome by a deference for
the reasons and opinions of my friends ; might I
not,, after the declarations I have made, (and
Heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of
my heart) in thejudgment of the impartial world,
and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and in-
consistency., if not with rashness and ambition ?
Nay further, would there not even be some ap-
parent foundation for the two former charges?
Now, justice to myself, and tranquillity of con-
science require that I should act a part, if not
above imputation, at least capable of vindication.
Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for
reputation. Though I prize as I ought the good
opinion of my fellow citizens, yet if I know my-
self, I would not seek popularity at the expense
of one social duty, or moral virtue.
" While doing what my conscience informed
me was right, as it respected my God, my country,
and myself, I could despise all the party clamour
and unjust censure which must be expected from
some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned
by their hostility to the government. I am con-
scious, that I fear alone to give any real occasion
for obloquy, and-that I do not dread to meet with
unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whenso-
ever I shall be convinced the good of my country
360 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788.
requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard
for my own fame will not come in competition
with an object of so much magnitude.
ff If I declined the task, it would be upon quite
another principle. Notwithstanding my advanc-
ed season of life, my increasing fondness for agri-
cultural amusements, and rny growing love of re-
tirement, augment and confirm my decided pre-
deliction for the character of a private citizen,
yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the ha-
zard to which my former reputation might be ex-
posed, or the terror of encountering new fatigues
and troubles, that would deter me from an accept-
ance ; but a belief that some other person, who
had less pretence and less inclination to be execus-
ed, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily
as myself. To say more would be indiscreet ; as
the disclosure of a refusal beforehand might incur
the application of the fable, in which the fox is
represented as undervaluing the grapes he could
not reach. You will perceive, my dear sir, by
what is here observed (and which you will be
^leased to consider in the light of a confidential
communication) that my inclinations will dispose
and decide me to remain as I am ; unless a clear
and insurmountable conviction should be impress-
ed on my mind, that some very disagreeable con-
sequences must in all human probability result
from the indulgence of my wishes."
To similar suggestions from Colonel Hamilton,
General Washington replied. " On the delicate
subject with which you conclude your letter I
can say nothing ; because the event alluded tq
1788.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 361
may never happen., and because in case it should
occur, it would be a point of prudence to defer
forming one's ultimate and irrevocable decision,
so long as new data might be afforded for one to
act with the greater wisdom and propriety. I
would not wish to conceal my prevailing senti-
ment from you. For you know me well enough,
my good sir, to be persuaded that I am not guilty
of affectation, when I tell you it is my great and
sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement
on my own farm. Were it even indispensable a
different line of conduct should be adopted, while
you and some others who are acquainted with my
heart would acquit, the world and posterity might
probably accuse me of inconsistency and ambition.
Still I hope, I shall always possess firmness and
virtue enough to maintain (what I consider the
most enviable of all titles) the character of an
honest man.
fe Although I could not help observing from
several publications and letters that my name had
been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible
the contigency which is th,e subject of your letter
might happen, yet I thought it best to maintain a
guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my
best friends (which I certainly hold in the
highest estimation ) rather than to hazard an im-
putation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feelings.
For,, situated as I am, I could hardly bring the
question into the slightest discussion, or ask an
opinion even in the most confidential manner,
without betraying, in my judgment, some impro-
priety pf conduct, or without feeling an appre-r
Jiension that a premature display of anxiety, might
362 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788.
be construed into a vain glorious desire of push-
ing myself into notice as a candidate. Now, if
I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should un-
feignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving
their votes in favour of some other person, would
save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forc-
ed to accept or refuse. If that may not bo, I am
in the next place, earnestly desirous of searching
out the truth, and of knowing whether there does
not exist a probability that the government would
be just as happily and effectually carried into ex-
ecution without my aid, as with it. I am truly
solicitous to obtain ail the previous information
which the circumstances will afford, and to de-
termine (when the determination can with pro-
priety be no longer postponed) according to the
principles of right reason, and the dictates of a
clear conscience ; without too great a reference
to the unforeseen consequences which may affect
my person or reputation. Until that period, I
may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though
I allow your sentiments to have weight in them ;
and I shall not pass by your arguments without
giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I
can possibly bestow upon them.
" In taking a survey of the subject, in what-
ever point of light I have been able to place it, I
will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear
sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon
my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect
I might, and perhaps must ere long be called to
make a decision. You will, I am well assured,
believe the assertion (though I have little expec-
1?88,J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 363
tation it would gain credit from those who are
less acquainted with me) that if I should receive
the appointment, and should be prevailed upon
to accept it ; the acceptance would be attended
with more diffidence and reluctance, than ever
I experienced before in my life. It would be,
however, with a fixed and sole determination
of lending whatever assistance might be in my
power to promote the public weal, in hopes that
at a convenient and early period, my services might
be dispensed with ; and that I might be permitted
once more to retire to pass an unclouded even-
ing after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of
domestic tranquillity/'
We have already made copious extracts from
the letters of the General on the subject of the
Presidency ; but as they clearly describe hi*
feelings and views on the near prospect of being
again summoned by his country into public life,
they must be interesting to all. We will close
them with the following communications made to
General Lincoln, who had also communicated to
him the expectation of his friends : " I would wil-
lingly pass over in silence that part of your letter,
in which you mention the persons who are candi-
dates for the two first offices in the executive, if
I did not fear the omission might seem to betray
a want of confidence. Motives of delicacy have
prevented me hitherto from conversing or writing
on this subject, whenever I could avoid it with
decency. I may, however, with great sincerity,
and I believe without oifending against modesty
or propriety, say to you, that I most heartily wish
the choice to which you allude might not fall
S64 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1788.
upon me ; and that if it should, I must reserve to
myself the right of making up my final decision,
at the last moment, when it can be brought into
one view, and when the expediency or inexpe-
diency of a refusal can be more judiciously deter-
mined than at present. But be assured, my dear
sir, if from any inducement I shall be persuaded
ultimately to accept, it will not be (so far as I
know my own heart) from any of a private or
personal nature. Every personal consideration
conspires to rivet me (if I may use the expression)
to retirement. At my time of life, and under my
circumstances, nothing in this world can ever
draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the
partiality of my countrymen had made my services
absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my re-
fusal might induce a belief that I preferred the
conservation of my own reputation and private
ease, to the good of my country. After all, if I
should conceive myself in a manner constrained to
accejit, I call Heaven to witness, that this very act
would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feel-
ings and wishes, that ever I have been called upon
to make. It would be to forego repose and do-
mestic enjoyment for trouble, perhaps public ob-
loquy ; for I should consider myself as entering
upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side
with clouds and darkness.
ee From this embarrassing situation I had na-
turally supposed that my declarations at the close
of the war would have saved me ; and that my sin-
cere intentions, then publicly made known, would
have effectually precluded me for ever afterward*
1789.J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 36$
from being looked upon as a candiate for any
office. This hope, as a last anchor of wordly hap-
piness in old age., I had still carefully preserved j
until the public papers and private letters from
my correspondents in almost every quarter,, taught
me to apprehend that I might soon be obliged to
answer the question, whether I would go again into
public life or not/'
In event it appeared, that amidst the discord-
ance of opinion, respecting the merits of the fe-
deral constitution, there was but one sentiment,
through the United States, respecting the man
who should administer the government. On count-
ing the votes of the electors of President and Vice
President, it was found that General George
Washington had their unanimous suffrage, t and
was chosen President of the United States for
four years from the 4th of March 1789.
On the 14th of April, official information reach-
ed him of his election. Having already made up
his mind to obey the summons of a whole country,
on the second day after this notification, he quitted
the quiet walks of Mount Vernon for the arduous
duties of the supreme magistracy of his nation.
Although grateful for this renewed declaration of
the favourable opinion of the community, yet his
determination to accept the office was accom-
panied with diffidence and apprehension. " I
wish," he observed, " that there may not be rea-
son for regretting the choice, for indeed all I can
promise is, to accomplish that which can be done
by an honest zeal." The feelings, with which he
356 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [178D,
entered upon public life, he left upon bis private
journal.
" About ten o'clock, I bade adieu to Mount
Vernon, to private life, and to domestic felicity;
and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and
painful sensations than I have words to express, set
out for New York, with the best dispositions to
render service to my country in obedience to its
call, but with less hope of answering its expecta-
tions."
He was met on the road by the gentlemen of
Alexandria, and conducted to a public dinner.
From the numerous addresses presented to the
General on this occasion, we select that of the
citizens of Alexandria, because it is a testimonial
of the affection and veneration in which hi? neigh-
bours and friends held his private as well as public
character, and because in itself it has peculiar
interest. The following is the address :
" Again your country commands your care.
Obedient to its wishes, unmindful of your ease, we
see you again relinquishing the bliss of retire-
ment, and this too at a period of life, when nature
itself seems to authorize a preference of repose !
" Not to extol your glory as a soldier ; not to
pour forth our gratitude for past services ; not to
acknowledge the justice of the unexampled ho-
nour which has been conferred upon you by the
spontaneous and unanimous suffrages of three
millions of free men, in your election to the su-
preme magistracy ; nor to admire the patriotism
which directs your conduct, do your neighbours
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 367
and friends now address you. Themes less splen-
did, but more endearing, impress our minds. The
first and best of citizens must leave us. Our aged
must lose their ornament ; our youth their model ;
our agriculture its improver; our commerce its
friend ; our infant academy its protector ; our
poor their benefactor, and the interior navigation
of the Potomack (an event replete with the most
extensive utility already, by your unremitted ex-
ertions, brought into partial use) its institutor
and promoter.
" Farewel ! go ! and make a grateful people
happy, a people, who will be doubly grateful when
they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their in-
terest.
" To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at
his will, we commend you ; and after the accom-
plishment of the arduous business to which you
are called, may he restore to us again, the best of
men, and the most beloved fellow citizen !"
To which General Washington replied as fol-
lows :
" GENTLEMEN,
ce Although I ought not to conceal, yet I cannot
describe the painful emotions which I felt in being
called upon to determine whether I would accept
or refuse the Presidency of the United States. The
/
unanimity in the choice, the opinion of my friends
communicated from different parts of Europe as
well as from America, the apparent wish of those
who were not entirely satisfied with the constitu-
tion in its present form ; and an ardent desire on
my own part to be instrumental in connecting the
368 tlFE OF WASHINGTON.
good will of my countrymen towards each other,
have induced an acceptance. Those who know
me best (and you, my fellow citizens, are, from
your situation, in that number) know better than
any others my love of retirement is so great, that
no earthly consideration, short of a conviction of
duty, could have prevailed upon me to depart
from my resolution never more to take any share
in transactions of a public nature. For, at my
age, and in my circumstances, what prospects or
advantages could I propose to myself, from em-
barking again on the tempestuous and uncertain
ocean of public life ? I do not feel myself un-
der the necessity of making public declarations,
in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my at-
tachment to yourselves, and regard for your in-
terlsts. The whole tenor of my life has been open
to your inspection ; and my past actions, rather
than my present declarations, must be the pledge
of my future conduct.
" In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely
for the expressions of kindness contained in your
valedictory address. It is true, just after having
bade adieu to my domestic connections, this tender
proof of your friendship is but too well calcu-
lated still further to awaken my sensibility, and
increase my regret at parting from the enjoyments
of private life.
<e All that now remains for me is to commit
myself and you to the protection of that bene-
ficent Being who, on a former occasion, hath hap-
pily brought us together, after a long and dis-
tressing separation. Perhaps the same gracious
1789.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 360
Providence will again indulge me. Unutterable
sensations must then be left to more expressive
silence while from an aching heart, I bid you
all, my affectionate friends, and kind neighbours,
farewel ! "
It was the wish of General Washington to avoid
parade on his journey to the seat of government,
but he found it impossible. Numerous bodies of
respectable citizens, and detachments from th6
militia escorted him the whole distance, and at
every place through which he passed, he received
the most flattering evidence of the high estima-
tion in which his countrymen held his talents
and his virtues.
Gray's bridge over the Schuylkill was, with
much taste and expression, embellished on the
occasion. At each end arches were erected com-
posed of laurel, in imitation of a Roman trium-
phal arch ; and on each side was a laurel shrub-
bery. As the General passed, unperceived by
him, a youth by the aid of machinery let down
upon his head a civic crown. Through avenues
and streets thronged with people, he passed from
the Schuylkill into Philadelphia, and at night the
city was illuminated.
At Trenton, the ladies presented him with a
tribute of gratitude for the protection which;
twelve years before, he gave them, worthy_of the
taste and refinement of the sex. On the bridge
over the creek which runs through this place, a
triumphal arch was erected on thirteen pillars,
these were entwined with laurel and decorated
1 B
370 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1789.
with flowers. On the front of each arch was the
following inscription, in large gilt letters,
THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS
WILL BE
THE PROTECTOR OF THE DAUGHTERS.
On the centre of the arch above the inscription
was a dome of flowers and evergreens incircling
the dates of two events particularly interesting to
the inhabitants of New Jersey, viz. the successful
assault on the Hessian post in Trenton, and the
gallant stand made by General Washington at
the same creek on the evening preceding the battle
of Princeton. A numerous party of matrons,
holding their daughters in their hands, who were
dressed in white, and held on their arms baskets of
flowers, assembled at this place, and on his ap-
proach the young ladies inchantingly sang the
following ode:
Welcome mighty Chief, once more
Welcome to this grateful shore ;
Now no mercenary foe
Aims again the fatal blow,
Aims at THEE the fatal blow.
'/ H? ' '
Virgins fair and matrons grave
Those thy conquering arms did save,
Build for THEE triumphal bowers ;
Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers,
x Strew your HERO'S way with flowers.
At the last line the flowers were strewed before
him.
On the eastern shore of New Jersey, he was
mct^by a committee of Congress, and accompanied
1?S9.] tiFE OP WASHINGTON. 371
over the river in an elegant barge, of thirteen oars,
and manned bj thirteen branch pilots.
" The display of boats/' observes the General
in his diary, " which attended and joined on this
occasion, some with vocal and others with instru-
mental music on board, the decorations of the
ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclama-
tions of the people which rent the sky as I passed
along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations
as painful ( contemplating the reverse of this scene,
which may be the case after all my endeavours to
do good) as they were pleasing/'
He landed on the 23d of April at the stairs on
Murray's wharf, which were highly ornamented
for the purpose. At this place the governor of
New York received hiirij and with military ho-
nours, and amidst an immense concourse of people,
conducted him to his apartments in the city. At
fye close of the day, foreign ministers and other
characters of distinction, made him congratu-
latory visits, and the public exhibition was at
night closed by a brilliant illumination.
372 . LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
CHAPTER XI.
Inauguration of the President His Address to Congress An*
swers of the two Houses The Arrangements of his Household
His Regulations for Visitors The Reasons of their adop-
tion The Relations of the United States with Foreign Powers
Congress establishes the Departments of the Government
The President fills them He visits New England His Recep-
tion Addresses to him His Answers Negotiations with the
Indians Treaty with the Creeks War with the Wabash and
Miamis Tribes General Harmars expedition St. Clair de-
feated General Wayne victorious, and makes a Treaty with
them Second Session of Congress Fiscal Arrangements of the
Secretary of the Treasury Indisposition of the President-
tie visits Mount Vernon Meets Congress at Philadelphia
His Tour to the Southern States Second Congress The Pre-
sident refuses his Signature to the Representative BUI Con-
templates retiring to Private Life Consents to be a Candidate
for the Second Presidency.
1789 .3 IN adjusting the ceremonies of the in-
auguration of the President, Congress determined
that the oath of office should be administered to
him in an open gallery adjoining the hall of the
Senate. Accordingly on the 30th of April,, General
Washington attended, and, in view of a vast as-
semblage of people, was constitutionally qualified
for the administration of the government. On his
being proclaimed President of the United States,
reiterated acclamations testified the interest and the
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 373
pleasure, which the attending multitude felt in
the transaction.
The President immediately entered the Senate
chamber and made the following speech to the
two branches of the Legislature.
Fellow Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of
Representatives.
fe Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no
event could have filled me with greater anxieties
than that of which the notification was trans-
mitted by your order, and received on the 14th
day of the present month. Ontheonehand, I was
summoned by my country, whose voice I can never
hear but with? veneration and love, from a retreat
which I had chosen with the fondest predilection,
and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable
decision as the asylum of my declining years: A
retreat which was rendered every day more ne-
cessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition
of habit to inclination, and of frequent interrup-
tions in my health to the gradual waste commit-
ted on it by time. On the other hand, the mag-
nitude and difficulty of the trust to which the
Toice of my country called me, being sufficient to
awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her
citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifica-
tions, could not but overwhelm with despondence
one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from
nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil adr-
ministration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of
his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions,
all I dare aver is., that it has been my faithful study
374 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
to collect my duty from a just appreciation of
every circumstance by which it might be affected.
All I dare hope is, that if in accepting this task
I have been too much swayed by a grateful re-
membrance of former instances, or by an affec-
tionate sensibility to this transcendant proof of the
confidence of my fellow citizens ; and have thence
too little consulted my incapacity as well as dis-?
inclination for the weighty and untried cares be-
fore me; my error will be palliated by the mo-
tives which misled me, and its consequences be
judged by my country, with some share of the par-
tiality in which they originated.
" Such being the impressions under which I
have., in obedience to the public summons, repair-
ed to the present station, it would be peculiarly
improper to omit in this first official act, my fer-
vent supplications to that Almighty Being, who
rules over the universe, who presides in the coun-
cils of nations, and whose providential aids can
supply every human defect, that his benediction
may consecrate to the liberties apd happiness of
the Unked States, a government instituted by
themselves for these essential purposes, and may
enable every instrument employed in its adminis-
tration, to execute with success, the functions al-
lotted to his charge. In tendering this homage
to the great Author of every public and private
good, I assure myself that it expresses your senti-
ments not less than my own; nor those of my fel-
low citizens at large, less than Cither. No people
can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invi-
sible hand, which conducts the affairs of
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 375
more than the people of the United States. Every
step by which they have advanced to the cha-
racter of an independent natioil, seems to have
been distinguished by some token of providential
agency. And in the important revolution just
accomplished in the system of their united go-
vernment, the tranquil deliberations and volun-
tary consent of so many distinct communities,
from which the event has resulted, cannot be com-
pared with the means by which most governments
have been established, without some return of
pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation
of the future blessings which the past seem to
presage. These reflections arising out of the pre-
sent crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on
my mind to be suppressed. You will join with
me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under
the influence of which, the proceedings of a new
and free government can more auspiciously com-
mence.
" By the article establishing the executive de-
partment, it is made the duty of the President ( to
recommend to your consideration, such measures
as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' The
circumstances under which I now meet jou, will
acquit me from entering into that subject, further
than to refer you to the great constitutional char-
ter under which we are assembled; and which in
defining your powers, designates the objects to
which your attention is to be given. It will be
more consistent with those circumstances, and far
more congenial with the feelings which aqtuate
376 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789-
me to substitute in place of a recommendation of
particular measures,, the tribute tbat is due to the
talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism \vhich
adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt
them. In these honourable qualifications, I be-
hold the surest pledges, that as on one side, no lo-
cal prejudices or attachments.,, no separate views
nor party animosities, will misdirect the compre-
hensive and equal eye which ought to watch over
this great assemblage of communities and interests :
So, on another, that the foundations of our na-
tional policy will be laid in the pure and immut-
able principles of private morality; and the pre-
eminence of a free government be exemplified
by all the attributes which can win the affections
of its citizens, and command the respect of the
world.
" I dwell on this prospect with every satisfac-
tion which an ardent love for my country can in-
spire; since there is no truth more thoroughly
established, than that there exists in the economy
and course of nature, an indissoluble union between
virtue and happinessbetween duty and advan-
tage between the genuine maxims of an honest
and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of
public prosperity and felicity. Since we ought
to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles
of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that
disregards the eternal rules of order and right,
which Heaven itself has ordained : And since the
preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the
destiny of the republican model of government
1789.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 377
are justly Considered as deeply, perhaps as finally
staked , on the experiment entrusted to the hands
pf the American people.
f< Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your
care, it will remain with your judgment to decide,
how far an exercise of the occasional power de-
legated by the fifth article of the constitution is
rendered expedient at the present juncture, by the
nature of objections which have been urged
against the system, or by the degree of inquietude
which has given birth to them. Instead of un-
dertaking particular recommendations on this sub-
ject, in which I could be guided by no lights de-
rived from official opportunities, I shall again
give way to my entire confidence in your discern-
ment and pursuit of the public good; for I as-
sure myself, that whilst you carefully avoid every
alteration which might endanger the benefits of
an united and effective government, or which
ought to await the future lessons of experience ;
a reverence for the characteristic rights of free-
men, and a regard for the public harmony, will
sufficiently influence your deliberations on the
question, how far the former can be more impreg-
nably fortified, or the latter be safely and advan*
tageously promoted.
" To the preceding observations I have one to
add which will be most properly addressed to the
House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and
will therefore be as brief as possible. When I
was first honoured with a call into the service of
my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug-
gle for its liberties, the light in which I contem-
378 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
plated my duty, required that I should renounce
every pecuniary compensation. From this reso-
lution I have in no instance departed. And being
still under the impressions which produced it, I
must decline as inapplicable to myself, any share
in the personal emoluments, which may be indis-
pensably included in a permanent provision for
the executive department; and must accordingly
pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station
in which I am placed, may, during my continua-
tion in it, be limited to such actual expenditures
as the public good may be thought to require.
ff Having thus imparted to you my sentiments,
as they have been awakened by the occasion which
brings us together, I shall take my present leave ;
but not without resorting once more to the benign
Parent of the human race, in humble supplication,
that since he has been pleased to favour the Ame-
rican people with opportunities for deliberating
in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for decid-
ing with unparalleled unanimity on a form of go-
vernment for the security of their union, and the
advancement of their happiness ; so this divine
blessing may be equally conspicuous in the en-
larged views, the temperate consultations, and
the wise measures on which the success of this
government must depend."
The answer of the Senate was highly respectful
and affectionate.
" The unanimous suffrage of the elective body
in your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the
gratitude, confidence, and affection of the citizens
of America, and is the highest testimonial at once
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 379
of your merit, and their esteem. We are sensible,
sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow citi-
zens could have called you from a retreat, chosen
by the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and
consecrated to the repose of declining years. We
rejoice, and with us, all America, that, in obe-
dience to the call of our common country, you
have returned once more to public life. In you
all parties confide, in you all interests unite, and
we have no doubt that your past services, great
as they have been, will be equalled by your future
exertions ; and that your prudence and sagacity
as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers to
which we were exposed, to give stability to the
present government, and dignity and splendor to
that country, which your skill and valour as a
soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to in-
dependence and empire.
ce When we contemplate the coincidence of cir-
cumstances, and wonderful combination of causes
which gradually prepared the people of this
country for independence ; when we contemplate
the rise, progress, and termination of the late war,
which gave them a name among the nations of the
earth, with are, with yon, unavoidably led to ac-
knowledge and adore the great Arbiter of the uni-
yerse, by whom empires rise and fall. A review
of the many signal instances of divine interposition
jn favour of this country, claims our most pious
gratitude. And permit us, sir, to observe, that
among the great events which have led to the for-
mation and establishment of a federal govern-^
ment, we esteem your acceptance of the oijice
380 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.' [1789.
of President, as one of the most propitious and
important."
The house equally affectionate and respectful
in their answer, say :
" The representatives of the people of the
United States, present their congratulations on
the event by which your fellow citizens have at-
tested the pre-eminence of your merit. You have
long held the first place in their esteem ; you have
often received tokens of their affection ; you now
possess the only proof that remained of their
gratitude for your services, of their reverence for
your wisdom, and of their confidence in your
virtues. You enjoy the highest, because the
truest honour, of the First Magistrate, by the
unanimous choice of the freest people on the face
of the earth.
te We well know the anxieties with which you
must have obeyed the summons, from the repose
reserved for your declining years, into public
scenes, of which you had taken your leave for
ever; but the obedience was due to the occasion,
It is already applauded by the universal joy which
welcomes you to your station, and we cannot
doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satis-
faction, with which an ardent love for your fel-
low citizens must review successful efforts to pro-
mote their happiness.
" This anticipation is not justified merely by
the^pasl experience of your signal services. It is
particularly suggested by the pious impressions
under which you commence your administration,
and the enlightened maxims by which you mean
1789.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 381
to conduct it. We feel with you the strongest
obligations to adore the invisible hand which has
led the American people through so many diffi-
culties., to cherish a conscious responsibility for
the destiny of republican liberty, and to seek the
only sure means of preserving and recommending
the precious deposit in a system of legislation,
founded on the principles of an honest policy, and
directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism.
" The question arising out of the fifth article
of the constitution, will receive all the attention
demanded by its importance, and will, we trust,
be decided under the influence of all the conside-
rations to which you allude.
" In forming the pecuniary provisions for the
executive department, we shall not lose sight of a
wish resulting from motives which give it a pe-
culiar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a
moment critical to the liberties of your country, to
renounce all personal emolument, was among the
many presages of your patriotic services, which
have been amply fulfilled ; and your scrupulous
adherence now to the law then imposed on your-
self, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst
it increases the lustre of a character, which has
so many titles to admiration.
ff Such are the sentiments with which we have
thought fit to address you. They flow from our
own hearts, and we verily believe, that among the
millions we represent, there is not a virtuous ci
tizen whose heart will disown them.
" All that remains is, that we join in your fer-
yent supplications for the blessings of Heaven on
383 LIFE OP WASHINGTON.
our country ; and that we add our own for the
choicest of those blessings on the most beloved of
her citizens/'
While waiting the movements of the Legisla-
ture, the President endeavoured fully to acquaint
himself with the state of public affairs, and for this
purpose, he called upon those who had been the
heads of departments under the confederation, to
report to him the situation of their respective con*
cerns. He also, having consulted with his friends,
adopted a system for the order of his own house-
hold, for the regulation of his hours of business,
and of intercourse with those who, in a formal
manner, visited him as the Supreme Magistrate of
the nation.
He publicly announced that neither visits of
business or ceremony would be expected on Sun-
day, as he wished to reserve this day sacredly to
himself. Other regulations, adopted at this time,
were at a subsequent period complained of as par-
taking too much of monarchical customs. To a
friend in Virginia, who had made known these
complaints, the President gave the following rea-
sons for their adoption.
" While the eyes of America, perhaps of the
world, are turned to this government, and many
are watching the movements of those who are con-
cerned in its administration, I should like to be
informed through so good a medium, of the public
opinion of both men and measures, and of none
more than myself; not so much of what may be
thought commendable parts, if any, of my con-
duct, as of those which are conceived to be of a
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 383
different complexion. The man who means to
commit no wrong, will never be guilty of enor-
mities, consequently can never be unwilling to
learn what are ascribed to him as foibles. If they
are really such, the knowledge of them, in a well
disposed mind, will go half way towards a re-
form. If they are not errors, he can explain and
justify the motives of his actions. At a distance
from the theatre of action, truth is not always re-
lated without embellishments, and sometimes is
entirely perverted, from a misconception of the
causes which produced the effects that are the
subject of censure.
ff This leads me to think that a system which I
found it indispensably necessary to adopt upon
my first coming to this city, might have under-
gone severe strictures, and have had motives,
very foreign from those that governed me, as-
signed as the causes thereof. I mean first, re-
turning no visits ; second, appointing certain days
to receive them generally, (not to the exclusion,
however, of visits on any other days under parti-
cular circumstances) and third, at the first enter-
taining no company, and afterwards (until I was
unable to entertain any at all) confining it to
official characters. A few days evinced the ne-
cessity of the two first in so clear a point of view,
that had I not adopted it, I should have been
unable to have attended to any sort of business,
unless I had applied the hours allotted to rest
and refreshment to this purpose ; for the by time
I had done breakfast, and thence until dinner,
and afterwards until bed tune, I could not get
384 LIFE Ot WASHINGTON [1789
relieved from the ceremony of one visit, before I
had to attend to another. In a word, I had no
leisure to read or to answer the dispatches that
were pouring in upon me from all quarters.
e< Before the custom was established, which now
accommodates foreign characters, strangers, and
others, who, from motives of curiosity, respect
to the Chief Magistrate, or any other cause, are
induced to call upon me, I was unable to attend
to any business whatsoever. For gentlemen, con-
sulting their own convenience rather than mine,
were calling from the time I rose from breakfast,
often before, until I sat down to dinner. This, as
I resolved not to neglect my public duties, re-
duced me to the choice of one of these alterna-
tives ; either to refuse them altogether, or to ap-
propriate a time for the reception of them. The
first would, I well knew., be disgusting to many;
the latter, I expected, would undergo animad-
versions from those who would find fault with or
without cause. To please every body was impos-
sible. I therefore adopted that line of conduct
which combined public advantage with private
convenience, and which in my judgment was un-
exceptionable in itself.
" These visits are optional. They are made
without invitation. Between the hours of three
and four every Tuesday I am prepared to receive
them. Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come
and go, chat with each other, and act as they
please. A porter shews them into the room, and
they retire from it when they choose, and without
ceremony. At their first eatrance, they salute
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3$5
me, and I them, and as many as I can talk to, I
do. What pomp there is in all this, I am unable
to discover. Perhaps it consists in not sitting :
to this two reasons are opposed; first, it is unu-
sual ; secondly, which is a more substantial one,
because I have no room large enough to contain a
third of the chairs which would be sufficient to
admit it. If it is supposed that ostentation, or
the fashions of courts ( which by the bye I believe
originate oftener in convenience, not to say neces-
lity, than is generally imagined ) gave rise to this
custom, I will boldly affirm that no supposition
was ever more erroneous > for were I to indulge
my inclinations, every moment that I could with-
draw from the fatigues of my station, should be
spent in retirement. That they are not> proceeds
from the sense I entertain of the propriety of giv-
ing to every one as free access as consists with
that respect which is due to the chair of govern-
ment ; and that respect, I conceive, is neither to
be acquired nor preserved, but by maintaining a
just medium between much state, and too great
familiarity.
" Similar to the above, but of a more familiar
and sociable kind, are the visits of every Friday
afternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I always
am. These public meetings, and a dinner once a
week to as many as my table will hold, with the
references to and from the different departments
of state, and other communications with all parts
of the union, is as much, if not more, than I am
able to undergo ; for I have already had, within
less than a year, two severe attacks ; the last worse
c c
386 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1789,
than the first ; a third, it is more than probable,
will put me to sleep with my fathers ; at what
distance this may be/ I know not."
At the commencement of the presidency of
General Washington, a variety of circumstances
combined to create anxiety and apprehension re-
specting the operations of the government.
The relation of the country with foreign powers
was critical and embarrassing. Spain discovered
jealousies of the American people., and manifested
a disposition to check their progress to national
wealth and strength. She had refused negotiation
with the American government, and denied to its
subjects the navigation of the Mississippi south of
the boundary of the United States.
Between Great Britain and the United States,
great causes of altercation existed. Just com-
plaints of the non-execution of essential articles
of the treaty of peace were mutually made, and
an irritable state of mind appeared in both na-
tions, which rendered the adjustment of the con-
troversy the more difficult.
France early discovered a disposition to take
advantage of the partiality of the American
people, to gain an influence in their councils, and
to acquire the control of their destiny.
The Indians, through the whole extent of the
western frontier, manifested great inquietude.
Their jealousies of the United States were sup-
posed to have been excited by the intrigues of
Spanish and British partisans, and most of the
tribes assumed a very threatening attitude.
In addition to these foreign difficulties, there
1789.']' LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3S7
were considerations of a domestic nature, pecu-
liarly calculated to excite apprehension.
The whole plan of the federal government was
new. In no branch of it was there a precedent;
but first principles and general rules were to be
established in every department. The United
States were without funds or revenue, and were
destitute of public credit.
Many influential characters, in different parts
of the union, were from the first opposed to the
federal constitution. Debates in state conven-
tions on its principles had enkindled no inconsi-
derable degree of animosity. It had been ratified
in them generally by small majorities, and in
some instances this majority had been obtained
by annexing provisional amendments to the rati-
fication. It was therefore to be apprehended that
many of the members of the Legislature were
hostile to the constitution, and would, under the
idea of amending, sacrifice its spirit, or by their
opposition to every salutary measure, prevent an
experiment of a republican form of government,
auspiciously begun, from being fairly completed.
Happily the American people retained their
confidence in those distinguished statesmen, who
had been their leaders in the controversy with
Great Britain, which terminated in national inde-
pendence ; and these statesmen, imitating at this
crisis, the public spirit of the General of the revo-
lutionary war, consented to forego the pleasures
and emoluments of private life, for the service of
their country. Many of them were the successful
candidates for popular suffrage to compose the
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
Legislature of the nation, and the first Congress
consisted of men eminent for their talents and
political information, and venerahle for their pa-
triotism and virtue. A decided majority of these
were the friends of the constitution, and were
disposed to make every exertion to carry it into
execution upon a liberal and efficient plan.
One of the first acts of the Legislature was to
establish those departments which were necessary
to aid the Executive in the administration of the
government.
In filling these departments, the President was
to perform an important and delicate duty. Ap-
plications for office had been numerous, and the
following extract of a letter written to a friend,
who had applied even before General Washington
accepted the presidency, will shew the disposition
with which he executed this trust.
f Should it become absolutely necessary for me
to occupy the station in which your letter pre-
supposes me", I have determined to go into it, per*
fectly free from all engagements of every nature
whatsoever. A conduct, in conformity to this
resolution, would enable me, in balancing the
various pretensions of different candidates fof
appointments, to act with a sole reference to jus-
tice and the public good. This is, in substance,
the answer that I have given to all applications
(and they are not few) which have already been
made. Among the places sought after in these
applications, I must not conceal that the office
to which you particularly allude, is comprehend-
ed. This fact, I. tell you merely as a matter of
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389
information. My general manner of thinking,
as to the propriety of holding myself totally dis-
engaged,, will apologize for my not enlarging fur-
ther on the subject,
f( Though I am sensible that the public suf-
frage which places a man in office should pre-
vent him from being swayed in the execution of
it, by his private inclinations, yet he may assur-
edly, without violating his duty, be indulged ia
the continuance of his former attachments."
His consequent nominations fully proved the
purity of these declarations, and attested that his
selection of characters, for the respective offices to
be filled, was made with great judgment and pru~
deuce. Removed from the influence of local and
family considerations, he directed his attention to
the public interest. Where qualifications were
equal, the candidate who could claim the merit of
public service had the preference in his appoint-
ment.
His cabinet was composed of Mr. Jefferson,
Secretary of State, Colonel Hamilton, Secretary
of the Treasury, General Kiiox, Secretary of
War, and Mr. Edmund Randolph, Attorney Ge
neral.
The session of Congress continued to Septem-
ber, perfect harmony subsisted through this pe-
riod between the Executive and the Legislature,
and no circumstance threatened to interrupt it.
At the adjournment of Congress, the President
made preparations for a tour through New Engr
Jand, to view the improvements of the country,
to judge of the disposition of the people tQ-
390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
wards the newly established government. Ac-
cordingly, on the 15th of October he began his
journey, and passing through Connecticut and
Massachusetts, went as far as Portsmouth in New
Hampshire ; returning by a di fie rent route, he
arrived on the 13th of November at New York.
Many circumstances were combined during
this visit to excite his sensibility, and to render it
grateful to his best feelings. His journey carried
him through the most populous and cultivated
part of the United States, and gave him a fa-
vourable opportunity to notice the progress of
the country in those improvements, which con-
stitute the strength, the wealth, and ornament of
society. He visited the scene of his first cam-
paign, and must have experienced elevated re-
flections in contrasting the present situation of
himself and his country, with his and their condi-
tion at the commencement of the revolutionary
war. Every where he remarked a steady attach-
ment to tjie federal government, and received the
most grateful evidence of unqualified approbation
of the measures of the administration. In every
place through which he passed, business was sus-
pended, and all classes of citizens were eagerly
employed to obtain a sight of the father of thcit
country, and to join in the common expressions
of veneration and attachment. Military parade,
processions, and triumphal arches, awaited him
in those populous towns at which he stopped, and
so fully was the public curiosity engrossed by bis
journey, that the newspapers of the day were fill-
ed with narratives of its progress and termination.
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391
At Cambridge,, the lieutenant governor and
council of Massachusetts waited upon him, and
accompanied him to Boston, escorted by a nume-
rous collection of citizens, under the direction of
the marshal of the district, and the sheriff 'of Suf-
folk. The selectmen received him at the entrance
of the town, and from it a procession of the in-
habitants was formed, which extended to the
state house. An interesting part of this proces-
sion, and which engaged the Special attention of
the President, was the male children of the town,
under their respective literary instructors. This
procession opened to the right and left, and he on
horseback, preceded by companies of artillery and
infantry, by the lieutenant governor and council,
the marshal and sheriff, passed to the state-house.
Here a triumphal arch was erected from the state
house across Cornhill to the opposite houses. On
the top of the arch was a gallery, in which were
placed a select choir of singers of both sexes. In
the middle of the gallery a pyramid was erected.
On one side of this over the arch was the inscrip-
tion, TO THE MAN WHO UNITES ALL
HEARTS/' and on the opposite side, " TO
COLUMBIA'S FAVOURITE SON." At
the end of the arch next the state-house, in a
large ground, was this inscription, f< BOSTON
RELIEVED MARCH 17, 1776." The Presi-
dent was introduced through the state-house to
a handsome gallery at the west end of that build-
ing, erected near the arch on seven pillars. As
soon as he appeardd in view, loud acclamations
fcrojte from the concourse below. He bowed to
392 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
them, on which the choir sang an appropriate
ode. He was then conducted to a house pro-
vided for his use, and elegantly furnished from
the families of individual gentlemen.
Addresses were presented to him from civil,
literary, and religious corporations, and from all
Other societies of any distinction. In these, grate-
ful notice was taken of his public services, and
particularly of the sacrifice he made of private
happiness in accepting the presidency.
In his answers, the President reciprocated the
benevolent wishes of his countrymen, in language
calculated to confirm their confidence and affec-
tion. He thus replied to a respectful address
from the inhabitants of Boston.
" I rejoice with you, my fellow citizens, in
every circumstance that declares your prosperity j
and I do so most cordially because you have well
deserved to be happy.
" Your love of liberty, your respect for the
laws, your habits of industry, and your practice
of the moral and religious obligations, are the
strongest claims to national and individual hap-
piness. And they will, I tiust, be firmly and last-
ingly established."
In the renewal of direct intercourse between
General Washington and the companions of his
toils and glory in the tented field, we perceive the
most interesting effusions of the refined feelings of
the human heart.
" Amidst the various gratulations," says the
society of Cincinnati of Massachusetts, ff which
your arrival in this metropolis has occasioned,
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 393
permit us, the members of the society of tho
Cincinnati in this commonwealth, most respect"
fully to assure you of the ardour of esteem and
affection you have so indelibly fixed in our hearts,
as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious ex-
ample in peace.
" After the solemn and endearing farewel oa
the hanks of the Hudson, which our anxiety pre-
saged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the
present unexpected meeting. On this occasion
we cannot avoid the recollection of the various
Scenes of toil and danger through which you
conducted us-; and while we contemplate various
frying periods of the war, and the triumphs of
peace, we rejoice to behold you, induced by the
unanimous Voice of your country, entering upon
Other trials, and other services, alike important,
and in some points of view equally hazardous.
For the completion of the great purposes which
a grateful country has assigned you, long, very
Jong may your invaluable life be preserved. And
as the admiring world, while considering you as
a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may
your virtues and talents as a statesman leave them
without a parallel.
fe It is not in words to express an attachment
founded like ours. We can only say, that when
soldiers, our greatest pride was $ promptitude of
obedience to your orders ; as citizens, our su-
preme ambition is to maintain the character pf
firm supporters of that nol?le fabric of federal
government over which you preside.
'? As members of the society of the Cincinnati,
394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789.
it will be our endeavour to cherish those sacred
principles of charity and paternal attachment
which our institution inculcates. And while our
conduct is thus regulated, we can never want
the patronage of the first of patriots and the best
of men/'
To which the President thus replied.
*' In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity,
the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my
fellow citizens of this commonwealth,, they will
all of them with justice allow me to say, that
none can be dearer to me than the affectionate
assurances which you have expressed. Dear in-
deed is the occasion which restores an intercourse
with my faithful associates in prosperous and ad-
verse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of
peace participated with those whose virtue and
valour so largely contributed to procure them.
To that virtue and valour your country has con-
fessed her obligations. Be mine the grateful task
to add the testimony of a connexion which it was
my pride to own in the field., and is now my hap-
piness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace
and freedom.
" Regulating your conduct by those principles
which have heretofore governed your actions as
men, soldiers, and citizens, you will repeat the
obligations conferred on your country, and you
will transmit to posterity an example that must
command their admiration and grateful praise.
Long may you continue to enjoy the endearments
of paternal attachment, and the heart-felt happi-
ness of reflecting that you have faithfully dong
your duty,
I
1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^ 303
<f While I am permitted to possess the con-
sciousness of this worth, \vhich has long; bound
me to you by every tie. of affection and esteem,, I
will continue to be your sincere and faithful
friend."
The fkst diplomatic transaction of the President
was with the Indian tribes. He conceived it to
be true policy to <c cultivate an intimate inter-
course with the Indians upon principles calcu-
lated to advance their happiness, and to attach
them firmly to the United States."
With these views he early opened negotiations
with them., and the interests of several of the states
being closely connected with treaties that might
be made, he asked, during the first session of
Congress, the advice of the senate upon questions
that were at issue.
The first attempt to establish a peace with the
Creek Indians failed. M'Gillivray, their chief,
was the son of a white man, and his resentment
had been keenly excited against the State of
Georgia, by the confiscation of lands which his
father had holden ; and more particularly by the
claim of that government to a large tract on the
Oconee, in virtue of an Indian purchase, the vali-
dity of which the Creek nation denied. General
Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel Humphries,
were deputed commissioners to negotiate with the
Creeks in the summer of 1783. They met M'Gil-
livray, with other chiefs, and about two thousand
pf the tribe, at Rock landing, on the Oconee, OB.
|he frontiers of Georgia. Although first appear*.
396 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5,
ances promised success to the mission, yet M'Gil-
livray suddenly broke off the negotiation, for the
ostensible reason of a dispute about boundaries,
but really, as was supposed, through the influence
of the Spanish government.
The situation of the United States in their rela-
tion with the Indians became more and more cri-
tical and embarrassing, and war was threatened
with all the tribes from Canada to Louisiana. The
danger was the more formidable from the suppo-
sition that the jealousies of the Indians were ex-
cited by the intrigues of British and Spanish
agents, and that an Indian war would probably
lead to hostilities with those powers.
Ardently desirous to secure the frontiers from
the horrors of Indian warfare, the President again
attempted to negotiate with the Creeks, without
committing the dignity of government. He sent
Colonet Willett, a gallant revolutionary officer,
into their country, apparently upon private busi-
ness, but furnished with credentials, to be used,
if he found M'Gillivray disposed for peace. This
second mission proved successful. M'Gillivray
and a number of Creek chiefs were induced to rer
pair to New York, where negotiations were imme-
diately opened, and a treaty soon established, al-
though the Secretary of East Florida came to New
York with a large sum of money, under a pretence
of purchasing flour, but in fact to prevent IVTGil-
Jivray from treating.
The attempt to establish peace with the Indians
of the W abash and the Miamis did not terminate
so successfully. The American settlers on that
1790-5.] tlFfe OF WASHINGTON. S9t
frontier continued to suffer from their hostilities,
and all appearances indicated that they could b
brought into a pacific disposition, only by feeing
made themselves to feel the miseries of war.
The President was decidedly of the opinion*
that on the failure of negotiation, a military force
should be employed in their country, which their
united power could not successfully resist, and
which should be adequate to the conquest of their
towns, and the destruction of their villages. This,
he conceived, policy, economy, and humanity,
dictated. But Congress, in their military esta-
blishment, did not meet his views, and at the mo-
ment he gave his sanction to the bill, he entered
in his private journal, that he did not conceive the
military establishment was adequate to the exi-
gence of the government, and to the protection
it was intended to afford.
For the sake of a connected view of Indian af-
fairs, we will in this place give a narrative of sub-
sequent transactions, although we shall be carried
out of the order of time in which events took
place.
The attempt to negotiate with the Indians
north-west of the Ohio having proved abortive,
the President conceived himself obligated to use
the means CongTess had put into his hands to
protect the frontiers, and accordingly General
Harmar was sent, in September 1791, into the
Indian territories with a force consisting of about
three hundred regular troops and eleven hundred
militia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, with orders
to bring the Indians if possible to action., and to
398 LIFE OF \VASH>NGTON. [1790-5.
destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto
and Wabash.
The Savages avoided an engagement with the
main body of the American army, but with great
spirit attacked a strong detachment which had
pursued them, and killed several valuable officers.
Ilarmer destroyed their settlements, but afforded no
protection to the frontiers. Several smaller expe-
ditions, with various success, were msftle, into the
Indian country, and in the autumn of 1791,
Major-General St. Clair marched a forre of near
two thousand effective men into their territories,
and on the fourth of November was attacked and
totally defeated by them.
The President, apprehending that the success
of the Indians, and the booty they had gained,
would have influence to bring other tribes into
the war, conceived that the honour of the nation
was concerned to retrieve the American losses,
and to afford protection to the frontiers. St.
Clair resigning his commission, General Wayne
was appointed his successor. The President lost
no time in laying before Congress an estimate of
such a .--military force as he thought would be ade-
quate to the object, and they at length acceded to
his proposal. While these preparations were
ripening, much complaint, was made of the war,
and the President was induced, rather from a de-
sire to convince the country that successful war-
fare was the only means of peace, than from uny
expectation of success in the mission, to send
Colonel Harden and Major Trueman, two valu-
able officers and worthv men, into the Indian
1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399
country, to attempt negotiation., but they were
both niurdered. On the 20th of August, 1794,
General Wayne brought the Indians to an en-
gagement,, totally defeated them, and destroyed
their country on the Miamis.
This action was decisive: it deterred other
tribes from entering into the war, and, induced
the Miamis themselves to treat for peace. On
the 3d of August, a treaty was entered into by
General Wayne with the Indians north-west of '
the Ohio, which ended all hostilities, quieted the
fears of the frontiers, and gave universal satisfac-
tion.
As early as 1789, the President received au-
thentic intelligence, that Spanish agents were in-
triguing with the inhabitants of the western coun-
try, to seduce them from their allegiance to the
United States. Representations were made them
in the name of the government of Spain, that
while they were connected with v the Atlantic
States, the navigation of the Mississippi would be
denied them ; but if they would assume an inde-
pendent government, the river should be opened,
and their independence supported.
In 1794, Spain, suffering herself the evils -of
war, was inclined to treat with the United States.
She intimated by her ministers that the etiquette
of her court forbid her to treat with Mr. Short, the
American resident at Madrid, yet a higher diplo-
matic character would be accredited, and nego-
tiations immediately opened with him. The
President placed full confidence in Mr. Short,
but lie thought jt policy to meet the friendly pro-
400 MFE dF WASHINdfON. [1790-5.
positions of Spain, and in November nominated
Mr. Pinckney to be the American minister at
that court. In the course of the next summer,
Mr. Pinckney repaired to Madrid ; and on the
20th of October, 1795, a treaty was signed be-
tween him and the Spanish commissioners, which
happily terminated the controversy respecting
boundary lines, and the navigation of the Missis-
sippi, to the satisfaction of the nation.
On the 8th of January, 1790, the President
met Congress at their second session.
In his speech he congratulated them on the
success of their measures, and recommended a
variety of national objects to their serious atten-
tion. Among these, the following are the prin-
cipal. Provision for national defence; the means
of holding intercourse with foreign nations; es-
stablishing a rule of naturalization ; uniformity in
the currency, weights and measures of the United
States ; and the promotion of science and litera-
ture.
" Knowledge/* he observed, " is in every
country the surest basis of public happiness. In
one, in which the measures of government receive
their impressions so immediately from the sense
of the community as in ours, it is proportionably
essential." And he concluded with the following
assurances.
" I shall derive great satisfaction in co-operat-
ing with you in the pleasing, though ardous task,
of insuring to our fellow citizens the blessings
which they have a right to expect from a free,
efficient aud equal government."
1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401
The answers of the Senate and the House of
Representatives were cordial and respectful, and
promised a continuance of harmony between the
Executive and the Legislature.
In this session of Congress,, the Secretary of the
Treasury first reported those fiscal arrangements
in support of public credit, which, in their pro-
gress to establishment, were the occasion of warm
and animated debates in the Legislature, fully dis-
played the discordance of political opinion among
the members, and excited that party spirit which
has since convulsed the United States.
The President readily gave his sanction to these
fiscal establishments of the Legislature, yet by this
act he seemed not to lose the good opinion of the
opposition; the blame and odium fell upon the
Secretary of the Treasury, and upon the northern
federal members of Congress.
The incessant application to business had a vi-
sible effect upon the constitution of the President,
and at this period he was for a second time attack-
ed with a violent disease, which put his life in
imminent danger. At the close of the session,
therefore, he determined to give himself a short
relaxation in a visit to Mount Vernon. He first
made a tour to Rhode Island, which not being
then in the Union, had not been included in his
visit to New England ; and at Newport and Pro-
vidence received every attention which affection
and respect could dictate.
This retirement was of essential service to his
health, and at the close of autumn he returned to
Philadelphia to meet the Legislature ; to which
402 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5,
place Congress had adjourned, at the close of the
year 1T90. At this time the President noticed
the rising disturbances in Europe, and advised
those precautionary measures., which had a ten-
dency to secure to the United States the benefit of
their commerce. Mentioning to the House the
sufficiency of the established revenue to the pur-
poses to which it was appropriated, he expressed
liis hope " that it would be a favourite policy
with them not merely to secure the interest of the
debt funded, but as far and as fast as the growing
resources of the country will permit, to exonerate
it of the principal itself." The address was closed
in the following impressive manner.
" In pursuing the various and weighty 'business
of the present session, I indulge the fullest per-
suasion that your consultations will be marked
with wisdom, and animated by the love of coun-
try. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall
hive all the co-operation which an undiminished
zeal for its welfare can inspire. It will be happy
for us both, and our best reward, if by a successful
administration of our respective trusts, we can
make the established government more and more
instrumental in promoting the good of our fellow
citizens, and more and more the object of their
attachment and confidence."
The respect and confidence of the Legislature
in the Executive appeared ou this occasion with-
out diminution; although one of the measures of
the President was for the first time condemned.
A member from Georgia pronounced the treaty
with the Creek Indians to be a violation of
right* of that state.
I790-5>] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 403
In this session of Congress, the Bank of the
United States was established. Its constitution-
ality had been deeply argued in the legislative
body, and came before the Executive as a ques-
tion involving the highest national interest. It
was reviewed in the Cabinet with the delibera-
tion it merited. The Council, on this occasion>
as on most others, were divided. Messrs. Jefferson
and Randolph were decided that the law was un-
constitutional. Messrs. Hamilton and Knox were
fully convinced of its constitutionality. The
President called upon each member of his council
for the reasons of his opinion in writing. These
he maturely weighed, and being convinced him-
self that the law was constitutional, put his sig-
nature to it.
With the 3d of March, 1791, terminated the
period of the first Congress.
President Washington having made the neces-
sary arrangements, and appointed an Executive
Council to attend to the business of the govern-
ment, soon after the close of the session, com-
menced a journey to the southern states. On his
way he stopped at the Potomack, and pursuant
to the powers with which Congress had vested
him, marked out the site of the federal city, de-
signed as the permanent seat of government. In
the course of this tour, he received the same ge-
neral expressions of love and veneration for his
character, and of confidence in his government,
which he had experienced in his northern circuit.
And he derived great satisfaction in contemplating
tiie improvements of the country 4 and remarking
404 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-J.
the evidences of attachment to the federal govern-
ment. The feelings excited bj this journey are
fully expressed in the following letter, written
after his return- to Philadelphia.
" In my late tour through the Southern States.,
I experienced great satisfaction in seeing the good
effects of the general government in that part of
the union. The people at large have felt the se-
curity which it gives,, and the equal justice which
it administers to them. The farmer, the merchant,
and the mechanic, have seen their several inter-
ests attended to, and from thence they unite in
placing a confidence in their representatives, as
well as in those in whose hands the execution of
the laws is placed. Industry has there taken place
of idleness, and economy of dissipation. Two or
three years of good crops, and a ready market for
the produce of their lands, have put every one in
good humour; and in some instances, they even
impute to the government what is due only to the
goodness of Providence.
" The establishment of public credit is an im-
mense point gained in our national concerns. This
I believe exceeds the expectation of the most san-
guine among us; and a late instance, unparalleled
in this country, has been given of the confidence
reposed in our measures, by the rapidity with
which the subscriptions to the bank of the United
States were filled. In two hours after the books
were opened by the commissioners, the whole
number of shares were taken up, and four thou-
sand more applied for, than were allowed by the
Jbslitutioii, This circumstance was not only pleas-
1790-5.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 405
ing as it related to the confidence in government,
but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of
the resources of our citizens."
The hearts of all Americans were with General
Washington at this period ; but notwithstanding
these public appearances, there was in fact much
hostility to the government at the Southward.
On the 24th of October, 1791, the President
met the second Congress in the established form.
During this session a great national question
came before the Legislature which the President
was necessitated ultimately to decide.
The constitution provides that there shall not
be more than one representative to thirty thou-
sand inhabitants. An enumeration having been
made, the House of Representatives passed a bill
providing for each state to send one representative
for every thirty thousand of its population. This
ratio in several instances leaving a large fraction,
operated hardly on the small states. The Senate,
to cure the evil, assumed a new principle of ap-
portionment. They found the ^whole population
of the United States; and dividing this aggregate
number by thirty thousand, took the quotient as
the number of representatives, and then appor-
tioned this number upon the several states ac-
cording to their population ; to which the House
concurred.
When the President had the bill before him for
his signature, he took the opinion of his cabinet
upon the constitutionality of the arrangement.
Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph thought the
bill unconstitutional. General Knox was undeci^
406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5.
sive. and Colonel Hamilton conceived that the
expression of the constitution might be ap lied to
the United States, or to the several states, and
thought it best to coincide with the construction
of the Legislature. After due deliberation, the
President thought the bill unconstitutional, and
not hesitating to do his duty, he returned it with
the following objections.
<c Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,
<f I have maturely considered the act, passed
by the two Houses, entiled f an act for the ap-
portionment of representatives among the several
states according to the first enumeration,' and I
return it to your House, wherein it originated,
with the following objections.
" First, The constitution has prescribed that
representatives shair'be apportioned among the
several states according to their respective num-
bers, and there is no proportion or division w hich,
applied to the respective numbers of the states,
will yield the number, and allotment of represen-
tatives proposed by the bill.
" Secondly, The constitution has also provided,
that the number of representatives shall not exceed
pne for thirty thousand ; which restriction is by
fair and obvious construction, to be applied to the
separate and respective numbers of the states, and
the biii has allotted to eight of the states more
than one for thirty thousand."
In a new bill, a representative for every thirty
three thousand to each state was substitute^.
Tlje first presidency of General Washington
1790-5.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 40T
closed without other occurrences of great mag-
nitude. The last session of the second Congress
was violent and impassioned, and the members se-
parated in a state of great irritation ; but neither
they nor their constituents had as yet impeached
the motives .of the President, yet it was evident
that, if he should remain at the head of govern-
ment, his reputation must soon pass the ordeal of
party conflict. He had determined to decline
being a candidate of the presidency at a second
election, and to this purpose, had written a vale-
dictory address to the American people; but the
critical state of the country, and the urgent in-
treaties of his friends induced him to relinquish
the determination.
408 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7
CHAPTER XII.
General Washington re-elected President- State of Parties JDj-
rision in the Cabinet The President endeavours to promote
union Influence of the French Revolution Measures to secure
the Neutrality of the United States in the War betwetn France
and England Mr. Genet's illegal practices He insults the.
Government The Executive restricts him He appeals to the
People They support the Administration The President de-
termines to arrest Genet He is recalled Negotiation with
Britain Insurrection in Pennsylvania Democratic Societies
British Treaty Communication between the French Execu-
tive and the Legislature of the United States The President
refuses to the House of Representatives the Papers respecting
Diplmatic transactions His interpositions in favour of the
Marquis La Fayette Takes the Son (f the Marquis under his
Protection and Patronage.
1793-7.] WHEN the constitutional period ar-
rived for the re-election of a President, it appear-
ed, that General Washington had a second time
the unanimous suffrage of his country for this ex-
alted office. He entered upon its duties in the
prospect, that the administration of the govern-
ment would be attended with accumulated diffi-
culty.
The character of the American patriot is with
reluctance blended in these pages with events of
a local or temporary nature. It is painful to re-
flect, that his fair fame was even for a moment
sullied by the foul breath of calumy. The pen i$
1793-7.] tlFE OF WASHINGTON. 409
indignant to record charges against his honour and
his patriotism; charges which their authors knew
to he unfounded, and which were made only to
answer the purposes of a party. But it is impos-
sible to pourtray the wisdom, the firmness and
prudence which were displayed during hs second
presidency, or to shew the good fortune which
attended it, without bringing into distinct view
the circumstances under which he acted. With-
out a knowledge of the difficulties which he sur-
mounted, and the opposition which he conquer-
ed, posterity will have no adequate conception of
the merits of this period of his administration.
The difference of political opinion arising from*
pursuits of personal ambition, from discordant
views of national and state . olicy, and from the
danger to be apprehended from the encroachments
of democracy, or from the abuse of power in the
constituted government, had, since the establish-
ment of the federal constitution, regularly in-
creased in strength and asperity. It had appeared
in all the important debates of Congress, had per-
vaded every part of the United States, and under
its influence, two political parties were by this
time fully established, and nearly balanced; the
one the warm advocates, the other the deter-
mined opponents of the measures of the govern-
ment.
Although the President had readily given his
sanction to those acts of the government which
had agitated in the highest degree the passions of
parties, yet there was that in his character which
forbid his political enemies to denominate him the
410 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
head of a party. He had strong hold of the af-
fections and confidence of the great mass of his
countrymen, and the most daring of the oppo-
5itionists thought it as jet impolitic to assail his
patriotism ; but a crisis was evidently approaching,
when he would be necessitated to put his personal
influence to hazard, to subject himself to the ob-
loquy of a virulent party, and to sustain the as-
sault of disappointed ambition.
Unfortunately the spirit of political contro-
versy and division, which agitated the nation,
entered the cabinet of the Executive, and dis-
covered itself in almost every important subject
that was submitted to their discussion. Owing
to constitutional complexion of mind, or to ge-
neral habits of reflection, Mr. Jefferson and Mr,
Hamilton were directly opposed to each other on
almost all important national questions. This
opposition being frequently warmed by the col-
lision of debate, finally settled into implacable
political and personal animosity. The President
noticed this hostility between his counsellors with
grief and mortification ; and unwilling to part
with either, he endeavoured to reconcile them. In
a letter addressed to the Secretary of State in Au-
gust 1792, after stating the critical situation of
the United States with respect to foreign nations,
he thus feelingly touched upon the animosity that
existed in the cabinet.
" How unfortunate, how much to be regretted
then, that while we are encompassed on all sides
with avowed enemies, and insidious friends, in-
ternal dissensions should be harrowing and tear-
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 411
ing our vitals. The last, to me, is the most se-
rious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting
of the two ; and without more charity for the
opinions of one another in government matters, -
or some more infallible criterion by which the
truth of speculative opinions, before they have
undergone the test of experience, are to he fore-
judged than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility,
I believe it will be difficult if not impracticable
to manage the reins of government, or keep the
parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our
shoulders to the machine, after measures are de-
cided on, one pulls this way, and another that,
before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it
must inevitably be torn asunder; and in my opi-
nion, the fairest prospect of happiness and pros-
perity that ever was presented to man, will be lost,
perhaps forever. ,
ft My earnest wish and fondest hope therefore
is, that instead of wounding suspicions, and irri-
tating charges, there may be liberal allowances,
mutual forbearances, and temporising yielding on
all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters
will go on smoothly, and if possible, more pros-
perously. Without them, every thing must rub;
the wheels of government will clog ; our enemies
will triumph ; and by throwing their weight into
the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of
the goodly fabric we have been erecting.
" I do not mean to apply this advice, or these
observations, to any particular person or charac-
ter. I have given them in the same general terms
to other officers of the government, because the
412 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
disagreements which have arisen from difference
of opinions, and the attacks which have been
made upon almost all the measures of government,
and most of its executive officers, have for a long
time past filled me with painful sensations, and
cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy con-
.sequences, at home and abroad."
To a letter of Mr. Jefferson's, in which he en-
deavoured to prove, that although he wished to
amend, vet he had advocated the adoption of the
federal constitution, the President thus replied.
" I did not require the evidence of the extracts
which you enclosed me, to convince me of your
attachment to the constitution of the United States,
or of your disposition to promote the general wel-
fare of this country ; but I regret, deeply regret,
the difference of opinion which has arisen, and
divided you and another principal officer of the
government; and wish devoutly there could be
an accommodation of them by mutual yieldings.
"' A measure of this sort would produce har-
mony and consequent good in our public coun-
cils; and the contrary will inevitably produce con-
. fusion and serious mischiefs ; and for what ? Be-
cause mankind cannot see alike, but would adopt
different means to obtain the same end. For I
will frankly and solemnly declare, that I believe
the views of both to be pure and well meant, and
that experience only will decide with respect to
the salubrity of the measures which are the sub-
ject of this dispute. Why then, when some of
the best citizens of the United States, men of dis-
cernment, uniform and tried patriots, who have nq
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 413
sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their
ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some
on one side, and some on the other of the questions
which have caused these agitations ; why should
either of you be so tenacious of your opinions as
to make no allowance for those of the other ?
" I could, and indeed was about to add more
on this interesting subject, but will forbear at least
for the present, after expressing a wish that the
cup which has been presented to us may not be
snatched from our lips, by a discordance of action,
when I am persuaded that there is no discordance
in your views. I have a great and sincere esteem
for you both; and ardently wish that some line
could be marked out, by which both of you could
walk."
These serious endeavours of the President pro-
duced not their desired effect. The hostility of
the two Secretaries remained in full force. The
Attorney General almost without exception coin-
cided in opinion with Mr. Jefferson ; the Secre-
tary of War generally accorded in judgment with
Colonel Hamilton, and of consequence the Presi-
dent was deprived of the proper advice of his
council. But he possessed in a degree which few
other men ever did, the faculty to suspend his own
judgment on every important subject,, until he
had exhausted every source of information, and
had fully weighed the opinions of those about him.
He early established it as a maxim, never to give
his opinion on any important question, until the
moment that a decision was necessary, and from a
riffid adherence to this maxim, on ma>)v critical
** *
414- 11 fE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
occasions he derived singular advantage. In de-
liberating upon national subjects submitted to him
as the Supreme Executive, he appeared to be
raised above the influence of passions, preju-
dice, and every personal and local considera-
tion ; and having given every circumstance its
weight, to decide from the dictates of pure intel-
ligence.
This was the political situation of the United
States, when the French Revolution had made such
progress as to acquire an influence over the feel-
ings and the sentiments of the American people,
and to render the diplomatic concerns of the go-
vernment with that country critical and embar-
rassing.
Mr. Morris, the American Minister at Paris,
with much discrimination noticed the surprising
events that were daily taking place in France, and
transmitted a minute account of them to the Pre-
sident; but while waiting for instructions, he cau-
tiously avoided committing the government of his
own country.
On the deposition of the monarch, with all the
bloody and ferocious deeds which accompanied it,
the President gave Mr. Morris the following in-
formation for the direction of his ministerial con-
duct. The existing administration in France was
to be acknowledged ; as every nation possesses an
inherent right to settle the frame of its own go-
vernment^ and to manage its internal concerns ;
that the United States would punctually pay the
debt due to France, and would furnish any sup-
plies to St. Domingo that the parent country might
1703-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 415
desire. Mr. Morris was directed to assure France
of the friendly disposition of the United States,
and that every opportunity would be embraced to
promote her welfare.
Attached to republican principles., the Presi-
dent fondly hoped that the struggle in France
would terminate in a free government; but his
partiality towards the new order of things in that
country, was not so great as to render him for-
getful that the aid given to America was afforded
by the fallen king, or unmindful that he was the
head of his own nation, whose independence and
prosperity he ought to hold in higher estimation
than the interest of a foreign people.
The prejudices and partialities of the American
people towards England and France, excited by
the revolutionary contest, had not at this period
wholly subsided, and the commencement of war
between regenerated France and the monarchs of
Europe, operated upon their feelings like a shock
of electricity. Reason and judgment seemed to
be laid aside, and nothing was heard but the lan-
guage of passion. Without inquiring which na-
tion was the first aggressor, Americans saw a
number of despots combined against a sister Re-
public, virtuously struggling to establish her li-
berty. Their national vanity was flattered by the
persuasion that the spark which lit the flame of
liberty in France, was taken from their altar, or,
in the language of Dr. Franklin, (< the French
having served an apprenticeship in America, set
up for themselves in Europe."
If a few individuals more cool, doubted thten-
416 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
dency, and dreaded the issue of the commotions
in France, they were generally denominated aris-
tocrats, the enemies of equal liberty, and the ene-
mies of their own country.
Although there was no intention in the body
of American citizens to involve the United States
in a war, yet they generally discovered an ardent
inclination to grant those favours to France, which
must inevitably lead to a state of hostility.
The President was at Mount Vernon on some
urgent private business, when the intelligence of
the declaration of war between France and Eng-
land reached the United States. Perceiving the
importance of the crisis, he with haste returned
to the seat of government. On the day which
succeeded that of his arrival, April 17, 1793, he
addressed the following letter to the members of
his cabinet, for their solemn deliberation.
" The posture of affairs in Europe, particularly
between France and Great Britain, places the
United States in a delicate situation, and requires
much consideration of the measures which will
be proper for them to observe in the war between
those powers. With a view to forming a general
plan of conduct for the Executive, I have stated
and enclosed sundry questions to be considered,
'preparatory to a meeting at my house to-morrow,
where I shall expect to see you at 9 o'clock, and
to receive the result of your reflections thereon.
ef Question I. Shall a Proclamation issue for
the purpose of preventing interferences of the ci-
tizens of the United States in the war between
France and Great Britain, &c. ? Shall it contain
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41?
a declaration of neutrality or not ? What shall
it contain ?
" Question II. Shall a minister from the Re
public of France be received ?
" Question HI. If received, shall it be abso-
lutely, or with qualifications, and if with qualifi-
cations, of what kind ?
' e Question IV. Are the United States obliged
by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore
made with France, as applying to the present si-
tuation of the parties ? May they either re-
nounce them, or hold them suspended, until the
government of France shall be established ?
fc Question V. If they have the right, is it
expedient to do either ? And which ?
cc Question VI. If they have an option, would
it be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaty
still in operation ?
" Question VII. If the treaties are to be con-
sidered as now in operation, is the guarantee in
the treaty of alliance applicable to the defensive
war only, or to war either offensive or defensive?
" Question VIII. Does the war in which
France is engaged appear to be offensive or de-
fensive on her part ? Or of a mixed and equi-
vocal character ?
' ' Question IX. If of a mixed and equivocal
character, does the guarantee in any event apply
to such a war ?
ff Question X. What is the effect of a guaran-
tee, such as that to be found in the treaty of
alliance between the United States and France ?
E E
418 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7,
" Question XI. Does any article in either of
the treaties prevent ships of war,, other than priva-
teers., of the powers opposed to France, from com-
ing into the ports of the United States, to act as
convoys to their own merchantmen ? Or does it
lay any other restraint upon them more than would
apply to the ships of war of France ?
" Question XII. Should the future Regent of
France send a minister to the United States ?
ought he to he received ?
" Question XIII. Is it necessary or advisable
to call together the two Houses of Congress, with
a view to the present posture of European aftairs?
If it is, what should be the particular objects of
Euch a call ?"
On some of these questions he had already made
up his mind, as appears from his communications
to Mr. Morris, but he thought it expedient to take
a view of the whole subject.
At the proposed meeting, the Cabinet unani-
mously recommended to the President to issue a
proclamation of neutrality, forbidding the citizens
of the United States to engage in any act. of hos-
tility against either of the belligerent powers, or
to carry to either of them articles, contraband of
war, and requiring them to refrain from all acts,
unfriendly towards nations with whom the United
States were at peace. This proclamation, the
Executive immediately issued.
It was unanimously recommended to the Presi-
dent to receive a minister from the French Re-
public. The Cabinet was also united in the opi-
1793-7.] fclFE OF WASHINGTON. 419
riion, that it was inexpedient to call Congress to-
gether. On the other questions the usual difference
of sentiment existed. The Secretary of State and
the Attorney General conceived that the changes
in the government of France made no essential
difference in the relation of the two nations ; but
that in all respects the intercourse should proceed
on principles established with the monarchy. The
Secretaries of the Treasury and of War, admitted
the right of a nation to change the form of its go-
vernment at wilL but denied its right to involve
other nations in all the consequences of altera-
tions they might be disposed to make. The con-
vulsions of France they thought threatened dan-
gers to nations in alliance with her, and they main-
tained that the United States were at liberty to sus-
pend the operation of treaties with that country,
when it was necessary for their own safety.
Messrs. Jefferson and Randoph also contended
that it was inexpedient to come to any decision re-
specting the application of the article of the gua-
rantee to the present government. Messrs. Hamil-
ton and Knox were of opinion that France being
the aggressor, the war on her part was offensive,
that the guarantee respecting only defensive war,
did not apply to the present state of things.
The President again required the reasons in
writing of each opinion, and after due investiga-
tion, established those maxims for the support of
neutral rights, which he firmly, but temperately
maintained through the succeeding period of his
administration ; and which, amidst conflicts that
prostrated the stablest pillars of old European go-
420 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
vernments, preserved his country from the mi-
series of war.
In the state of the public sentiment which we
have noticed, Mr. Genet landed April 8th, at
Charleston, South Carolina, as the Minister of
republican France. Ardent in the constitutional
temperament of his mind, inflamed with the zeal
of a new convert to the doctrine of liberty and
equality, he conceived that the enlightened world
felt an high interest in the revolution of his country,
and that every man of virtue was disposed to es-
pouse her cause. His reception at Charleston was
calculated to increase his most sanguine views.
From the Supreme Magistrate of the state, and
from every class of citizens, he received warm ex-
pressions of enthusiastic devotion to the new Re-
public. Taking these *as evidence of the general
disposition of the American people, he did not
wait to present his official letter to the Executive,
and to be accredited by him ; but availing himself
ef the favourable situation of Charleston to fit out
privateers against the West Indian trade, he pre-
sumed to authorise the arming of ships in that
port, and to give commissions to cruise against
the commerce of a nation with whom the United
States were at amity. Prizes taken by these pri-
vateers were brought into American harbours, and
French consuls were opening courts of admiralty
to condemn them.
From Charleston Mr. Genet travelled by land
to Philadelphia, receiving in every part of his
way, the same ardent declarations of attachment
to France Although the unwarrantable conduct
. 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
of Mr. Genet at Charleston was well known in
Philadelphia, yet his entrance into the city was
rendered pompous and triumphal, and tf crowds
flocked from every avenue of the city, to meet the
republican Ambassador of an allied nation." On
the day after his arrival, addresses were presented
to him from particular societies, and from indi-
vidual citizens, in which they expressed their
exultation at ths victories of France, and declared
that in their opinion her success was essential to
the safety of the American States.
On the 18th of May he presented his creden-
tials to the President. These contained respectful
sentiments towards the government of the United
States, and abounded with devotions to the Ame-
rican people. The President received him in an
open and ingenuous manner, and with sincerity
expressed his regard for the French nation.
In this conference, Mr. Genet declared that his
government had no desire to engage the United
States in the European war, but wished them to
pursue their own interest ; yet he persisted in the
exercise of his assumed power, and a French pri-
vateer captured an English merchantman within
the Capes of the Delaware, while on her way to
the ocean. This prize being taken in the waters of
the United States, and therefore under the control
of the government, the British minister complain-
ed of this illicit proceeding, and demanded resti-
tution of the property unlawfully taken from his
countrymen.
The Cabinet unanimously agreed that the pro-
ceedings of Mr. Genet were not warranted by any
422 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
existing treaties between the two nations, were
therefore violations of neutral rights, and that the
government ought to prevent the repetition of
them. They also agreed that restitution ought to
be made of the prize taken within the waters of
the Delaware.
Respecting prizes taken upon the high seas, in
virtue of commissions issued by Genet, and brought
into the American ports, the Cabinet were di-
vided. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph held
that the government was under no obligation to
restore them to their original owners. Colonel
Hamilton and General Knox contended that, to
maintain an honest neutrality, the United States
were bound to restore the prizes.
The President took time to deliberate on those
points on which his council were not agreed.
Principles in which they were united, he estab-
lished ; and directed the Secretary of State to
give the necessary information to the Ministers
of France and Britain.
Mr. Genet complained heavily of these rules of
the American government, as a violation of neu-
tral right, and as a breach of existing treaties be-
tween the two nations.
In his comments upon these treaties, he claimed
for France every thing which the two nations had
bound themselves not to grant to other countries,
converting negative stipulations which respected
other nations, into grants of positive privileges to
the contracting parties.
He was informed, that out of respect to him,
(he subject had been reviewed ia the Cabinet;
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 423
but that the President saw no reason to change his
opinion. Mr. Genet still refused acquiescence,
and seemed to have entertained the expectation,,
that he should be able so far to avail himself of
the partiality of the Americans for Fiance, as to
bend the administration to his own purposes, or
to overthrow it.
Prosecutions having been commenced against
two of the American citizens,, whom Genet en<-
gaged at Charleston, to cruise in the service of
France, he demanded these men of the civil ma-
gistrate who had arrested them, in the following
very extraordinary language.
" I have this moment been informed that two
officers in the service of the republic of France,
citizens Gideon Henfield and John Singletary,
have been arrested on board the privateer of the
French republic, the Citizen Genet, and con-
ducted to prison. The crime laid to their charge,
i\ie crime which my mind cannot conceive, and
which my pen almost refuses to state, is the serv-
ing of France, and defending with' her children
the common glorious cause of liberty.
fe Being ignorant of any positive law, or treaty
which deprives Americans of this privilege, and
authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take
mariners in the service of France from on board
their vessels, I call upon your intervention, Sir,
and that of the President of the United States, in
order to obtain the immediate releasement of the
abovementioned officers, who have acquired by
the sentiments animating them, and by the act of
their engagement., anterior to every act to the
424 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
contrary., the right of French citizens, if they have
lost that of American citizens."
The President considered this insolent demand
as an attack upon the honour and independence of
the United States ; but without noticing the in-
temperate language of the French Minister, he
steadly pursued the public interest.
The influential individuals of that portion of
the American people who had been opposed to
the adoption of the national constitution, and were
opposed to the measures of the administration
under it, in the partialities and prejudices mani-
fested throughout the union towards France and
Great Britain, saw the probable means to weaken
the confidence, and alienate the affection Avhich
the citizens of the United States manifested to-
wards the President ; and in this way to bring
about a revolution in the national government.
In pursuance of this plan, the resentment and the
enthusiastic sympathies of the people were fos-
tered ; and democratic societies, in imitation of
the Jacobin Club in Paris, were formed. The
victories of France were celebrated by feasts, bon-
fires, and other public rejoicings.
The measures adopted by the Executive to pre-
serve the peace of the nation, were vilified in the
newspapers devoted to the opposition ; the procla-
mation of neutrality was declared to be an exer-
cise of power with which the constitution did not
invest the President; and the measures of the
administration generally were pronounced to be
unfriendly to France, and to carry evidence of
their intention to break with that republic and to
1793-7.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 425
join in the royal crusade against liberty. Mr.
Genet was justified in the construction of the
existing treaties between the two nations, and he
was urged to persist in his opposition to the mea-
sures of the American government.
The President deeply felt the insult offered to
the nation, by the attempt of the French Minister
to continue the exercise of an usurped authority
within the United States; but he knew the im-
portance of yielding to the feelings of his coun-
trymen, as far as consisted with the dignity of his
station, and[ with the independence., the peace, and
welfare of his country. He contented himself
with confuting in a cool and dispassionate man-
ner, the extravagant positions of Mr. Genet, and
inflexibly adhered to his system.
Private business called him to Mount Vernon,
and he was absent from the seat of government
from the 24th of June to the 1 1th of July. During
his absence, the heads of departments superintend-
ed the execution of the measures that had been
agreed upon in the Cabinet. At this time an
event took place, which fully exhibits the rashness
of the French Minister, and shews the difficulty
to which he subjected the administration.
A French privateer brought an English mer-
chantman, the Little Sarah, into Philadelphia.
This vessel Genet equipped as a privateer. Having
mounted fourteen iron cannon, and six swivels,
and taken on board one hundred and twenty men,
a number of whom were Americans, she was about
to sail under the name of La Petite Democrat.
In this situation the Secretary of the Treasury re-
11 FE OF WASHINGTON. [1793 7.
ported her case to the Secretaries of State and of
War. Governor Mifflin was in consequence re-
quested to make examination, and on the 14th of
July he reported that she was to sail, next day.
By desire of the heads of departments, the gover-
nor sent Mr. Dallas, Secretary of State for Penn-
sylvania, to request Mr. Genet to relieve them
from the disagreeable necessity of preventing by
force the sailing of a privateer equipped in their
ports. This request excited in that minister the
most violent passion, which he vented in very in-
temperate and abusive language, declared that
La Petite Democrat would repel force by force,
and threatened to appeal from the Executive to
the people. Mr. Jefferson in person waited upon
him to renew the request, that he would order
the privateer not to sail until the pleasure of the
President could be known ; Mr. Jefferson report-
ed, that after an ebullition of passion, and some
equivocation, he understood Mr. Genet to pro-
mise, that the privateer should fall down be-
low Chester, and there wait the will of the Presi-
dent. Colonel Hamilton and General Knox were
for taking measures to prevent her sailing, but
Mr. Jefferson, professing his confidence in the
promise of Mr. Genet, opposed them, and they
were not put in execution.
These proceedings were immediately reported
to the President, on his return to the seat of go-
vernment. Mr. Jefferson had then retired, indis-
posed, to his country house, and the President
wrote him as follows :
" What is to be done in the case of the Little
1 793-7. J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 427
Sarah, now at Chester ? Is the Minister of th
French republic to set the acts of this govern-
ment at defiance., with impunity? And threaten
the Executive with an appeal to the people?
What must the world think of such conduct?
And of the United States in submitting to it?
" These are serious questions. Circumstances
press for decision ; and as you have had time to
consider them, upon me they come unexpectedly,
I wish to know your opinion upon them even be-
fore to-morrow, for the vessel may then be gone."
In answer to this letter, the Secretary of State
informed the President, that Mr. Genet had as-
sured him that the vessel should not sail before
the decision of the Executive respecting it should
be known ; and coercive measures were therefore
suspended. In council next day, it was determin-
ed to detain the armed vessels of belligerents in
port, This determination was made known to
Genet, but in contempt of it the privateer sailed.
The opposition applauded even this act of resist-
ance in the French Minister. The unwearied
endeavour of the administration by a faithful ob-
servance of treaties, and an impartial treatment
towards belligerent powers, to secure the bless-
ings of peace, and the rights of neutrality to the
United States, was construed into a violation of
those treaties, and into an insidious scheme to
force the country into a war against France.
The French Minister persisted in his exposition
of the treaty, and in repeated letters, written in
abusive and insulting language, to the Secretary
JLIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
of State, demanded reparation of injuries his
country had sustained.
The President was at length convinced of the
necessity of taking effectual measures with Genet,
and on the 25th of July he wrote the following
letter to Mr. Jefferson.
f As the official conduct of Mr. Genet, relati-
vely to the affairs of this government, will have
to undergo a very serious consideration, so soon
as the special court at which the Attorney General
is now engaged^ will allow him to attend with
convenience, in order to decide upon measure*
proper to he taken thereupon, it is my desire that
all the letters to and from that Minister may be
ready to be laid before me, the heads of depart-
ments, and the Attorney General, wliom I shall
advise with on the occasion, together with the
minutes of such oral communications as you ihay
nave had with him on the subject of these let-
ters, &c. And as the memorials from the Bri-
tish Minister, and answers thereto, are materially
connected therewith, it w ill be proper, I conceive,
to have these ready also."
The Executive proceeded with the unanimous
consent of the Cabinet, to establish a system by
which to regulate the intercourse with nations at
war. The rules adopted, evidence the unalter-
able purpose of the President, sacredly to observe
all national engagements, and honestly to perform
every duty due to belligerent powers; and to in-
sist upon the uninterrupted exercise of the rights
of neutrality for his own country. It was also
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 429
agreed that pfizes brought into American ports,
by privateers equipped in them, should be re-
stored, or compensation be made for them, and that
armed vessels of this description should not be
permitted to remain in American harbours.
These regulations were communicate4 to the
ministers of the belligerent nations, and in the
same letter, the privileges stipulated by treaty for
France were stated, and a solicitude was ex-
pressed for their security.
After deliberate attention to the conduct and
correspondence of the French Minister, it was-
agreed that a letter should be written to Mr.
Morris, American Minister at Paris, stating the
reasons on which the measures of the administra-
tion with belligerent nations were founded, giv-
ing information of the disagreement of Mr. Ge-
net with the government, and requesting his
recal. The communication to the French go-
vernment on this subject, concluded in the fol-
lowing manner. " After independence and self
government, there was nothing America more
sincerely wished than perpetual friendship with
them."
The threat of Mr. Genet to appeal from the
President to the people being. reported on most
respectable authority, made a deep impression on
the public mind. That portion of the American
people, which were originally in favour of* adopt-
ing the national constitution of government,
generally approved the measures of the adminis-
tration ; and although they thought favourably
cf the revolution of France, and wished well to
430 LIFE OF \TASHINGT05. 1793-7.
her cause, yet they were indignant at the insult
ottered by her minister to the Chief Magistrate of
the United States. The appeal having been made
to them, they felt themselves constrained by every
feeling of patriotism to support their own govern-
ment in measures they deemed to be fair, just and
impartial. In every part of the United States,
the people assembled in their towns and districts,
to express their opinions on public measures. The
contest was warm, but the great majority of voices
\vas found on the side of the administration; its
measures were approved, and it fully appeared
that the affection and confidence of the American
people in the President, existed in their force and
efficacy. Yet at the moment that public indig-
nation was expressed at the attempt to exercise a
foreign influence over the American councils, it
was evident that those who expressed it, felt a
strong partiality in favour of France in her con-
tention with England.
In the spirit of conciliation, General Washing-
ton determined not to take violent measures with
Genet, until the result of the complaint lodged
against him with his own government, should be
known, and with magnanimity he bore his abuses.
But at length patience and forebearance were out-
raged.
In 1794 the French Minister deliberately plan-
ned two expeditions against Spain, to be carried
on from the United States, and granted commis-
sions to American citizens to be officers in them,
who privately inlisted men for the purpose. The
$on({uest of the Floridas was the object of one of
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
these expeditions,, and Georgia was the place of
rendezvous for the troops destined to this service.
The other was designed for the invasion of Louis-
iana, and was to be prosecuttd from Kentucky
down the Ohio and Mississippi. The arrange-
ments were all made; but before the plan was
ripe for execution., the government interposed, and
some of the principal agents were arrested. No
government, the President conceived, which had
any pretentious to independence, could submit to
insults of this nature.
Having consulted with the Vice President, the
heads of departments, and other leading charac-
ters in the government, he determined to suspend
the ministerial functions, and to confine the person
of Genet. Messages to the two houses of the
Legislature on this subject were prepared, and
orders were given to the Marshal to take the
French Minister into custody. But the evening
preceding the day on which these orders \vere to
have been carried into execution, official letters
from Mr. Morris informed the President, that
Mr. Genet was recalled, which prevented the ne-
cessity of carrying the measure to extremity. One
instance, among many, of the independence, the
firmness and the good fortune of President Wash-
ington.
Mr. Fauchet, the successor of Mr. Genet,
brought assurances that his government disap-
proved of the conduct of his predecessor, and
made warm declarations of his own disposition to
consult the peace and honour of the government of
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-T.
the United States ; and his practices for a lime cor-
responded with his language.
About this period, the Executive of the French
government made known to the President their
wishes that Mr. Morris might be recalled. He
immediately complied with their request, and
nominated Colonel Monroe of Virginia as his suc-
cessor ; an appointment peculiarly pleasing.to the
friends of France.
The task of the Executive was rendered still
more delicate, arduous and difficult, by the con-
duct of Great Britain.
The court of London had declined a treaty with
Congress under the old confederation. At the
commencement of the federal government, the
administration was disposed to negotiate with
Great Britain, without committing the honour of
the nation. Mr. Governeur Morris, who was in
England on private business, was directed to open
an informal conference with members of the Bri-
tish cabinet on the subject of American affairs.
With much address he executed this commission,
but to little purpose. He informed the President,
that the Duke of Leeds and Mr. Pitt manifested
a disposition to live on terms of amity and friend-
ship with the United States ; but discovered no
inclination to enter into a commercial treaty with
them ; that they complained of the neglect of the
American government to execute the stipulations
of the treaty of peace, for which neglect they jus-
tified their retention of the Western Posts.
In this situation the French revolution found
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 433
Great Britain and the United States. At the
commencement of the war between France. and
England, various circumstances indicated the
probability that America would be brought into
the contention with Britain.
The warm and animated expressions of frater-
nity made by the American people towards France,
the festivals in celebration of French victories,
and the manifest partiality which many discover-
ed for her in the management of the war, proba-
bly led the British cabinet to think that the
United States were disposed to become parties in
the war, and induced them to adopt measures to
meet this hostile spirit. On the other hand, the
unfriendly indications of the English court, and
the impressments of American seamen in the Bri-
tish ports, in addition to the common vexation of
neutrals on the high seas, and the attempt to
starve France by carrying American provision
vessels into English ports, was so much' fuel to
feed the passions of the Americans already in a
blaze.
In this state of national affairs, the President
met Congress on the 4th of December 1793. In
the speech delivered on this interesting occasion,
he thus noticed his re-election to the presidency.
" Since the commencement of the term for
which I have been again called into oiHce, no fit
occasion* has arisen for expressing to my fellow
citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense
which I feel of the renewed testimony of public
approbation. While, on the one hand, itawak-
ned my gratitude for all those instances of affec-
F P
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
tionate partiality with which I have been honour-
ed by my country ; on the other, it could not
prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from
which no private consideration should ever have
torn me. But influenced by the belief that my
conduct would De estimated according to its real
motives, and that the people, and the authorities
derived from them, would support exertions,
having nothing personal for their object, I have
obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to re-
sume the executive power; and I humbly implore
that Being on whose will the fate of nations de-
pends, to crown with success our mutual endea-
vours for the general happiness." He then made
the following communications respecting the mea-
sures of the administration.
:r As soon as the war in Europe had embraced
those powers with whom the United States have
the most extensive relations, there was reason to
apprehend that our intercourse with them might
be interrupted, and our disposition for peace
drawn in question, by suspicions too often enter-
tained by belligerent nations. It seemed there-
fore to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the
consequence of a contraband trade, and of hostile
acts to any of the parties, and to obtain by a de-
claration of the existing state of things, an easier
.admission of our rights to the immunities belong-
ing to our situation. Under these impressions
the proclamation was issued.
"In this posture of affairs, both new and deli-
cate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which
should conform to the treaties, and assert the
1703-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 435
vileges of the United States* These were re-
duced into a system, which shall be communicated
to you.*'
After noticing those legislative provisions which
his experience dictated as necessary, he proceeded:
cc I cannot recommend to your notice measures
for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the
world, without again pressing upon you the ne-
cessity of placing yourselves in a situation of
complete defence, and of exacting from them the
fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United
States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that,
contrary to the order of human events, they will
for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals
to arms with which the history of every other
nation abounds. There is a rank due to the
United States among nations which will be with-
held, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of
weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must
be able to repel it ; if we desire to secure peace,
one of the most powerful instruments of our pro-
sperity, it must be known that we are at all times
ready for war/'
After advising the greatest appropriations for
the redemption of the publie debt, which the
resources of the country would permit, he in the
following manner concluded the address.
<c The several subjects to which I have now
referred open a wide range to 3 7 our deliberations, '
and involve some of the choicest interests of our
common country. Permit me to bring to your
remembrance the magnitude of your task. With-
out an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the
FF2
436 ITFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7'
government may be hazarded ; without harmony,
as far as consists with freedom of sentiment,, its
dignity may be lost. But as the legislative pro-
ceedings of the United States will never, I trust,
be reproached for the want of temper or of can-
dour, so shall not the public happiness languish
from the want of my strenuous and warmest co-
operations/'
The party in the United States opposed to the
general system on which the federal government
had been administered, by associating the cause of
France with their own, had increased their mem-
bers in the present Congress ; but they were not
prepared to attack the discernment or the patri-
otism of the President. The House of Represen-
tatives, in their answer, thus noticed the unani-
mous suffrage by which General Washington had
a second time been elected to the presidency.
" It was with equal sincerity and promptitude
the}' embraced the occasion for expressing to him
their congratulations on so distinguished a testi-
mony of public approbation, and their entire
confidence in the purity and patriotism of the
motives which had produced this obedience to the
voice of his country. It is to virtues that have
commanded long and universal reverence, and
services from which have flowed great and lasting
benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid
without the reproach ,of flattery ; and it is from
the same sources that the fairest anticipations
may be derived in favour of public happiness."
The proclamation of neutrality was in a cautious
manner approved, and a disposition was expressed
to support the Executive.
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
The answer of the Senate breathed unreserved
affection and confidence. Referring to the second
election of the President, they observed, " In the
unanimity which a second time marks this im-
portant national act, we trace with particular
satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid
to the virtues and abilities which it recognizes,
another proof of that just discernment, and con-
stancy of sentiments and views, which have
hitherto characterized the citizens of the United
States." They declared the proclamation to be
ef a measure well timed and wise, manifesting a
watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation,
and calculated to promote it." j /-.
At the close of this year, Mr. Jefferson resigned
his secretaryship, and was succeded by Mr. E.
Randolph ; and Mr. William Bradford was ap-
pointed Attorney General.
After a very animated debate, January 1794-,
a bill passed Congress by a very small majority,
to build six frigates, and it received the cordial
assent of the Executive. This was the com-
mencement of the American navy.
In November 1793, the British government
had given instructions to her ships to detain all
vessels laden with goods, the produce of any co-
lony belonging to France, or carrying provisions,
or other supplies, to those colonies, and bring
them into English ports for adjudication.
These instructions were thought, by reflecting
men in America, to be evidence of an hostile spirit
in the British Cabinet towards the United States,
and Congress deemed it expedient to be prepared
to meet the probable event of war. They ac-
438 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7,
cordingly laid an embargo for the term of thirty
days, and with great unanimity adopted provU
sional measures of self-defence.
While these -measures were in train, the Presi-
dent on the 4th of April, J794, transmitted to
Congress a letter from Mr. Pinckney, who had
been appointed minister at the court of London,
which contained information, that the orders of
November were revoked, and instructions given
to cruizers to-bring in for adjudications only those
neutral vessels which were laden with the pro-
duce of French islands on a direct voyage from
those islands to Europe ; and detailing a conversa-
tion between Lord Grenville and Mr. Pinckney, in
which his Lordship more satisfactorily explained
the instructions of November, and manifested a
disposition to cultivate peace and amity with the
United States.
This communication made a deep impression
on the federal members jof Congress. They
thought that a door was opened for negotiation.,
and that war might probably be avoided.
The opposition members, and the partizans of
France, alarmed by these symptoms of modera-
tion, redoubled their attack upon England, and
upon all who were disposed to cultivate friend-
ship with her. Newspapers were filled with in-
vectives of this nature, and every epithet of vile-
ness and.calumny was made use of to inflame the
public miudj and increase the hostility of the
nation against Great Britain. The majority of
Congress discovered a disposition to proceed in,
their military preperations, in which the Sentiment
of ijie community seemed to support them, and
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
general appearances still indicated approaching
hostilities.
The President foresaw the evils that must be
introduced by a war with Great Britain, in the
distempered state of the public mind. He knew
that she commanded the ocean., that she presented
the best markets for the exports of the United
States, and furnished, on the easiest terms, those
manufactures which were necessary to his coun-
trymen. He perceived that the devotion of the
people to France would throw the United States
into her arms, and that his country must become
a mere satellite of her will. He was not without
some apprehension that the bloody and ferocious
spirit that had disgraced the French revolution,,
might be introduced into the peaceable society of
America.
Under these solemn impressions, he determined
to use his endeavours to arrest the dreaded evil,
and on the 16th of April he nominated in the
Senate an envoy extraordinary to the court of
Great Britain, and for the following reasons.
." The communications which I have made to
you during your present session, from the dis-
patches of bur minister in London, contain a se-
rious aspect of our affairs with Great Britain.
But as peace ought to be pursued with unremitted
zeal, before the last resource, which has so often
been the scourge of nations, and cannot fail to
check the advanced prosperity of the United
States, is contemplated, I have thought proper to
nominate John Jay as Envoy Extraordinary of
the United States to bis Britannic Majesty.
440 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
" My confidence in our minister plenipoten-
tiary in London continues undiminished. But a
mission like this, while it corresponds with the
solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the
world a solicitude for the friendly adjustment of
our complaints,, and a reluctance to hostility.
Going immediately from the United States, such
an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of
the existing temper and sensibility of our coun-
try; and will thus be taught to viqdicate our
rights wtih firmness, and to cultivate peace with
sincerity."
To a considerable part of Congress, and to a
large portion of the American people, this deci-
sive act was unexpected and displeasing, and it
was adopted in full view of the obloquy and
abuse of which it would be the occasion.
A motion made to stay, the proceedings against
Great Britain, on account of the pending nego-
tiation, was overruled in the House of Represen-
tatives; and a hill prohibiting commercial inter-
course with her carried by a considerable majo-
rity, which was lost in the Senate by the casting
vote of the Vice President.
The authority of the Executive to issue the
proclamation of neutrality had by many been
doubted ; his power to call out the militia to
prevent the sailing of privateers, which had vio-
lated his rules, denied ; and the American citi-
zens, who had been prosecuted for engaging in
expeditions against the nations at war, had been
acquitted by a jury of trials. The President,
therefore, although entertaining, himself, no doubt,
1793-7.] LIFE OP -WASHINGTON. 441
about his constitutional authority, was desirous
to obtain the sanction of Congress for the system
he had adopted,, to preserve the peace of the
country.
At the commencement of the session, he inti-
mated to the National Legislature the propriety
of the measure, and in pursuance of his advice,"
the Senate introduced a bill prohibiting within
the United States the exercise by foreign minis-
ters of those acts of sovereignty which Genet
claimed, and subjecting to fine and imprisonment
those who should be guilty of any of the acts to-
wards the belligerent nations, which the Executive
had forbidden. This bill, necessary as it was to
the honour and peace of the nation, was opposed
by the whole force of the antifederalists,and finally
passed the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice
President.
On the 9th of June, 1794, the Session of Con-
gress., which had been active and stormy, closed.
In the course of this year, the President was
called to an important but painful duty, in admi-
nistering the domestic concerns of the govern-
ment.
Under the last presidency, an act had passed
laying a duty on spirits distilled within the United
States.
To the inhabitants in the western counties of
Pennsylvania this was highly offensive. The
whole district had been from the beginning hos-
tile to the federal constitution. They had with
acrimony opposed its adoption, and were in oppo-
sition to all the measures of the administration.
LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1793-7.
Emboldened by the hoarse and loud clamours of
their party, they absolutely refused compliance
v-ith the law. The President with anxiety saw
this combination, but waited in the expectation
that the quiet submission to the act in other parts
of the union, would induce the people of this dis-
trict to yield obedience. In the mean time, he
recommended to Congress to modify the act in
such a manner as to remove every reasonable ob-
jection. Accordingly, in May 1792, the na-
tional legislature took up the subject, and made
such alterations in the act, as experience directed
would be salutary. This revision did not conci-
liate the insurgents. The officers, who attempted
to collect the duty, were violently opposed. In"
county and district conventions, a systematic
opposition was planned, and banishment from the
circle of good neighbourhood, and from all the
benefits and pleasures of social intercourse, was
denounced against till who should aid the public
officers; and the officers themselves were threatened
with every personal outrage, should they persist
in the endeavour to execute the duties of their
office.
Knowing the importance of breaking this dar-
ing combination, the President issued a proclama-
tion, admonishing all persons to desist from pro-
ceedings designed to obstruct the execution of the
la\\s, requiring the interposition of magistrates in
support of government, and directing the prose-
cution of offenders.
The proclamation not producing the desired
effect, he endeavoured to prevent the necessity of
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
having recourse to a military force., by making it
the interest of the distillers to'pay the duty.
Prosecutions were instituted against delin-
quents, where they could be sustained, the spirits
distilled in the counties opposing the law, were
ordered to be seized on their way to market, by
the officers of the revenue, and the contractors /or
the army were directed to purchase only the spirits,
on which the duties had been paid. But what-
ever were the wishes of the distillers, the fear of
an infuriated populace prevented a compliance
with these orders; and the insurgents took encou-
ragement from the lenity of the Executive, in the
expectation of ultimate success. By violent
threats thev deterred the "Harshal from the service
%/
of his precepts, committed numerous outrages
upon the friends of government, and organized
themselves into military bands, to resist any force
that might be sent to subject them to the laws.
The President had for three years "patiently
Waited the effect of conciliatory measures, but
these had only rendered the opposition more des-
perate. He therefore had only to choose between
the alternative of permitting the prostration of the
government, or to call out its force in support of
the laws.
The subject, in all its momentous consequences,
was laid before the Cabinet, and General Mifflin,
the Governor of Pennsylvania, was on this occa-
sion called into the Council. Their unanimous
desire was to avoid, if possible, the coercion of
the military, and they therefore advised that com-
missioners should be sent to the insurgents to
444 LITE OP WASHINGTON. [1739-7*
warn them of their danger, and to offer a pardon
for past offences., on condition of future obedience
to the laws. It \vas also advised that a procla-
mation should be issued in conformity to the act
of Congress, commanding the insurgents to dis-
perse by a given day. But in respect to ultimate
operations, there was not an unanimity of opinion.
The Governor of Pennsylvania thought that the
militia of that state would be insufficient to sup-
press the insurrection, and appeared apprehensive
of danger from the attempt to call out the power
of government. Mr. Randolph, Secretary of
State, expressed his fears on account of the num-
bers and strength of the insurgents. He doubted
whether the militia would obey the orders of the
Evecutive, and march to suppress by force of
arms this combination ; if they should, he doubted
the success of the expedition, and foreboded civil
war, in all its horrors, as the consequences of a
failure.
The Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary
of War, and the Attorney General, were of opi-
nion that the President was bound by the most
sacred obligations to use the means placed at his
disposal, faithfully to execute the law. They
therefore advised him to try the power of the
government to coerce submission, and from policy
and humanity to march a force into the insurgent
counties too strong to be resisted.
The President did not hesitate to do his duty.
Without exerting the means of prevention in his
power, he could not see the laws prostrated,, and
the authority of the United States defied.
1793-7.]] LtFE OF WASHINGTON. 445
On the 7th of August he issued, the proclama-
tion which the law made a prerequisite to the
employment of force. In it he gave a recapitula-
tion of the measures of government, and of the
opposition of the insurgents, and thus proceeded:
te Whereas it was in his judgment necessary,
under the circumstances of the case, to take mea-
sures for calling forth the militia, in order to sup-
press the combinations aforesaid, and to cause the
laws to be duly executed, and he had accordingly
determined so to do; feeling the deepest regret
for the occasion, but withal the most solemn con-
viction that the essential interests of the union
demanded it ; that the very existence of govern-
ment, and the fundamental principles of social
order were involved in the issue ; and that the
patriotism and firmness of all good citizens were
seriously called upon to aid in the suppression of
so fatal a spirit/' The proclamation closed by
ordering all irsurgents, and all other persons
v horn it might concern, on or before the first day
of <he ensuing September, to disperse and retire to
their respective homes. Orders were on the same
day issued to the governors of New Jersey, Penn-
sylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for their re-
spective quotas of twelve thousand men, which
at a subsequent period was increased to fifteen
thousand, who were to be held in readiness to
march at a minute's" warning.
Rdhictant to draw the sword upon his fellow
citizens, the President, at this awful crisis, deter-
mined to make one more attempt to reclaim by
mild entreaty his deluded countrymen. The
446 lIFE C^P WASHINGTON.
Attorney General, Judge Yates, and Mr. Ross,
were commissioned to bear to the insurgents a
general amnesty for all past crimes, on condition
of future obedience ; but the clemency of the go-
vernment was again spurned, and its power dis-
regarded.
The insurgents, forming an opinion from the
language of democratic societies, and from the
publications- in antifederal newspapers, seem to
have entertained the supposition that their disaf-
fection was generally felt by the citizens of the
United States, and that the attempt to suppress
them would issue in a revolution of the govern-
ment.
That the executive of Pennsylvania might act
in unison with the national administration, Go-
vernor Mifflin had also issued a proclamation,
and appointed commissioners to join those of the
nation.
The faction opposed to government insidiously
attempted to obstruct the execution of the orders
of the President, but without effect; the commu-
nity expressed unequivocally the determination
to support the government, and to execute the
laws. The personal influence of Governor Mifflin
surmounted the obstructions which arose from
the insufficiency of the militia laws of Pennsyl-
vania. The officers and men of the respective
states obeyed the summons with an alacrity that
exceeded the expectation of the most sanguine ;
and the required number of troops was seasonably,
in readiness to obey the orders of the Commander
in Chief.
1793-?.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 447
The command of the expedition was given to
Governor Lee, of Virginia; and the Governors of
Pennsylvania and New Jersey commanded the
militia of their respective states under him. This
force moved into the insurgent counties, and bore
down all opposition. Thus, by the vigour and
prudence of the Executive,, this formidable and
alarming insurrection was, without the sacrifice
of a life, subdued. ,-
The President attributed this insurrection, in a
great degree, to the influence of the democratic
societies. This opinion he expressed in his private
letters, and in his public communications to the
legislature. Iii a letter to Mr. Jay, he observed,
" That the self-created societies, who have
spread themselves over this country, have been
labouring incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust,
jealousy, and of course discontent, hoping thereby
to effect some revolution in the government, is not
liuknown to you. That they have been the fo-
menters of the western disturbances, admits of no
doubt in the mind of any one who will examine
their conduct. But, fortunately, they have pre-
cipitated a crisis for which they were not prepar-
ed, and thereby have unfolded views which will,
I trust, effect their annihilation sooner than it
might have happened."
General Washington had the firmness and in-
dependence to denounce these societies to the na-
tional legislature, and to loan tus personal influ-
ence to counteract their designs, thereby bringing
upon himself their resentment.
In his official address to Congress, on the 19th
448 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1793-7
"of November/he, as a channel of public infor-
mation, narrated the rise, progress, and issue of
the insurrection, passed a merited encomium on
the patriotism of those who had with alacrity
exerted themselves to suppress it, and proceeded
to observe :
cc To every description of citizens let praise be
given. But let them persevere in their affectionate
vigilance over that precious depositary of Ame-
rican happiness, the Constitution of the United
States. And when in the calm moments of re-
flection, they shall have retraced the origin and
progress of the insurrection, let them determine
whether it has not been fomented by combina-
tions of men who, careless of consequence, and
disregarding the unerring truth, that those who
rouse cannot always appease a civil convulsion,
have disseminated, from an ignorance or perver-
sion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusa-
tions of the whole government." He, on this
occasion, renewedly recommended to the legisla-
ture the organization of the militia, and made
such other communications as the state of the
country rendered expedient.
In their answer to this address, the Senate said,
<c Our anxiety arising from the licentious and
open resistance to the laws in the western counties
of Pennsylvania, has been increased by the pro-
ceedings of certain self-created societies relative
to the laws and administrations of the government;
proceedings, in our apprehensions, founded in
political error, calculated, if not intended, to dis-
organize our government, and which, by inspiring
1 7 93-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 44$
delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental
in misleading our fellow citizens in the scene of
insurrection/'
They expressed an unqualified approbation of
the measures adopted by the Executive to sup-
press the insurrection, and concluded in the fol-
lowing- manner. ic At a period so momentous in
the affairs of nations, the temperate, just and firnl
policy that you Jhave pursued in respect to fo-
reign powers, has been eminently calculated to
promote the great and essential interest of our
country, and has created the fairest title to the
public gratitude and thanks."
The House of Representatives was not tlius
cordial and approbatory, in their answer to the
speech of the President.
After much debate, they omitted to notice the
Conduct of the Executive with foreign powers^
and they made no reply to his observations on
self created societies. In other points, the answer
was respectful.
On the last of January 1795, Mr. Hamilton
resigned his place as Secretary of the Treasury,
and was succeeded by Mr. Oliver Wolcott. And
Soon after General Knox resigned the secretary-
. ship of war, and was succeeded by Colonel T.
Pickering.
While these events were taking place in Ame-
rica, Judge Jay was executing a commission iot
England highly important to his country.
From the moment that he Was admitted to A
conference with the British cabinet, he with the
ardour of a patriot, and the ability of a statesman.,
' 6 Cr
450 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [179^7.
devoted himself to the business of his mission.
While decorous in his behaviour towards the Bri-
tish crown,, he maintained the respectability of
his own character,, and supported the honour of
the United States. Persuaded that war would be
the consequence of a failure of his negotiation,, he
patiently attended to the investigation of the sub-
ject in controversy, and finally agreed with Lord
Greenville upon a treaty between the two coun-
tries. In a letter to the President, he declared
this. to be the best it was possible to obtain, arid
added, " I ought not to conceal from you, that
the confidence reposed in your personal character
was visible and useful throughout the negotia-
tion."
On the 8th of June, the President submitted
the treaty, with the documents which attended it,
to the deliberation of the Senate, that they might
t( in their wisdom decide whether they would ad-
vise and consent that it should be ratified."
After deliberate investigation, the Senate, by
exactly two thirds of their number, the constitu-
tional majority, advised to its ratification, with
some qualification of the 12th article.
Great exertion had been made, by the party
that opposed the mission of Mr. Jay, to keep alive
the spirit of hostility to Great Britain. The se-
crecy observed in the negotiation was pointedly
reprobated as a violation of the first principles of
a republican government, and every circumstance
that transpired respecting it, was used as a means
to excite odium against the negotiation, and pre-
judice against the treaty, \\bile the train was
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
laying to enkindle a public flame., word was re-
ceived through a credible channel, that the Bri-
tish court had renewed the orders to their cruis-
ers to detain provision vessels bound to French
ports. Although the President had previously
determined to ratify the treaty., yet on this in-
formation, he ordered a strong remonstrance to be
drawn against those orders., and suggested to his
cabinet the propriety of suspending the exchange
of the ratified treaty, upon their revocation.
In this stage of the business, he was called to
Mount Vernon.
During his absence, and while the public mind
was in a state of irritation, a senator in Congress
from Virginia, violating the decorum and the
rules of the Senate, sent an incorrect copy of the
treaty to the editor of a democratic paper,, and
through the press it was immediately communi-
cated to the public. If the attempts to negotiate
were represented as inconsistent with the honour
of the United States, and all the circumstances
attending it criminated, as a dereliction of the
interests of a sister republic, it cannot be sup-
posed, that the instrument itself, which was the
result of mutual concessions, and the adjustment
of opposing national interests, should quiet the
public mind, subjected to the despotism of pas-
sion and prejudice.
Noisy and violent declamation against the treaty
abounded in every part of the United States, and
few were found who, unbiassed by national in-
terest, coolly and impartially decided upon ill
knerits;
C G 3
452 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [lt9S-7
Public meetings were holden in all the large
towns, and intemperate addresses denouncing the 1
treaty voted, which were published in the news-
papers before they were presented to the Presi-
dent.
Pamphlets were also put intd circulation, writ-
ten with ingenuity and calculated to increase the
prejudices against this national transaction, on the
pretence that it was a sacrifice of the interests of
France in farour of Great Britain.
These violent movements deeply affected the
President, but they did not change his determi-
nation. His letters, and the general tenour of
his conduct at this period, discover the firmness
and independence with which he was prepared to
resist every attempt unsuitably to bias the Exe-
cutive, His greatest apprehensions on this oc-
casion were, that France 5 would avail herself of
these popular commotions, either to force the go-
vernment of the United States into her measures,
or to embarrass the execution of the treaty, and
to render its stipulations in favour of American
commerce ineffectual. In a letter of the 29th of
July written to the Secretary of State, after men-
, tioning that the state of the country required the
utmost circumspection, he added :
" I have never since I have been in the admi-
nistration of the government^ seen a crisis which,
in my opinion, has been so pregnant with inte-
resting events, nor one from which more is to be
apprehended^ whether viewed on the one side or
the other. From New York there is, and I am
told will further be, a counter current \ but hovf
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 453
formidable it may appear, I know not. If the
same does not take place at Boston and other towns,
it will afford but too strong evidence that the op-
position is in a manner universal, and would make
the ratification a very serious business indeed.
But as it respects the French, even counter reso-
lutions would, for the reasons I have already men-
tioned, do little more than weaken, in a small de^
gree, the effect the other side would have/' la
a letter to the Secretary, of the 3 1st of July, havr
ing mentioned his determination to return to Phi-
ladelphia, and stated the firmness and wisdom ne-
cessary to meet the crisis, he proceeded,, " There
is too much reason to believe, from the pains that
have been taken before, at, and since the advice of
the Senate respecting the treaty, that the preju^
dices against it are more extensive than is gene-
rally imagined. How should it be otherwise, when
no stone has been left unturned tht could im^
press on the minds of the people the most arrant
misrepresentation of facts that their rights have
not only been neglectecl, but absolutely sold ; that
there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty;
that the benefits are all on the side of Great Bri-
tain ; and what seems to have had more weight
with them than all the rest, and has been most
pressed, that the treaty is made with the design
to oppress the French republic, in open violation
of our treaty with that nation, and contrary too
to every principle of gratitude and sound policy.
In time, when passion shall have yielded to sober
reason, the current may possibly turn ; but, in the
meanwhile, this government in relation to France
454 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
and England may be compared to a ship between
Scylla and Charybdis. If the treaty is ratified, the
partisans of the French, or rather of war and con-
fusion, will excite them to hostile measures, or
at least to unfriendly sentiments ; if it is not, there
is no foreseeing all the consequences that may fol-
low as it respects Great Britain.
<( It is not to be inferred from hence, that I am,
or shall be disposed to quit the ground I have
taken, unless circumstances more imperious than
have yet come to . my knowledge, should compel
it ; for there is- but one straight course, and that
is to seek truth, and to pursue it steadily. But
these things are mentioned to shew that a close
investigation of the subject is more than ever ne-
cessary Every step should be explored before it
is taken, and every word weighed before it is ut-
tered or delivered in writing." In a subsequent
letter, in which he mentioned the increasing hos-
tility to the treaty, he added, " All these things
do not shake my determination with respect to
the proposed ratification, nor will they, unless
something more imperious and unknown to me
should, in the opinion of yourself and the gen-
tleman with you, make it advisable for me to
pause."
On the llth of August, the President arrived
at Philadelphia, and on the next day he brought
before the Cabinet the question respecting the im-
mediate ratification of the treaty. The Secretary
of State advised to the postponement of this mea-
sure, until the orders of the British should be .re-
yoked. The other members of the cabinet voted
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 455
for an immediate ratification, with a strong me-
morial against those orders. With this advice the
President closed. The orders were recalled and
the ratifications of the treaty exchanged.
The President was probably led to this imme-
diate rathfication of the treaty by the popular vio-
lence., which was raised against it in every part
of the United States. He conceived that it was
necessary, either at once to arrest its progress, or
ultimately to yield to its force. The event prov-r
ed the soundness of his judgment, an,d the in-
fluence of his character. Violent opposition ceas-
ed. Reflection auU experience convinced discern-
ing men, that the treaty was a wise and salutary,
measure.
On the 19th of August 1795, Mr. Randolph
resigned his office as Secretary of State. He had
been strongly suspected of breach of trust, and of
having committed the honour and interest of his
country, in his communications with the French
Minister. To enable him, as he affirmed, to vin-
dicate himself, he requested the sight of a confi-
dential letter, which the President had written to
him, and which he had left in the office. His
avowed purpose was to publish this, with other
documents, to show that he had been disgraced on
account of his attachment to France and liberty.
" I have directed/' replied the President, " that
you should have the inspection of my letter of the
22d of July, agreeably to your request ; and you
are at full liberty to publish without reserve any
of every private and confidential, letter I ever wrote
you; nay more, every word I ever uttered to you
456 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
or in your presence, from whence you can drive
any advantage in your vindication." Happy the
ruler, who in-the consciousness of the purity of
his intentions, can, in times of political agitation,
thus address a suspected member of his council,
who had been admitted to his unlimited confi-
dence.
Colonel Pickering was removed to the depart-
ment of State, and Mr. M'Henry appointed Se-r
cretary of War. By the death of Mr. Bradford,
the office of Attorney General became vacant,
which was soon filled by Mr. Lee of Virginia.
In the Autumn of 1795, a treaty was negotiated
through the agency of Colonel Humphreys with
the regency of Algiers, by which a number of
American citizens, who had been enslaved, were
liberated. %
On opening the first session of the fourth Con-
gress, the President congratulated the two Houses
on the prosperity of the nation. " I trust" said
he, tf I do not deceive myself, while I indulge the
persuasion that I have never met you at any pe-
riod, when, more than at the present,, the situation
of our public affairs has afforded just cause for
mutual congratulation; and for inviting you to
join with me in profound gratitude to the Author
of all good, for the numerous and extraordinary
blessings we enjoy." Then making a brief state-
ment of the situation of the United States in their
foreign relations, he thus proceeded.
" This interesting summary of our affairs, with
regard to the powers between whom and the
United States, controversies have subsisted; and
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 457
with regard also to our Indian neighbours with
whom we have been in a state of enmity or ^mis-
understanding, opens a wide field for consoling
and gratifying reflections. If by prudence and
moderation on every side, the extinguishment of
all the causes of external discord which have
heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms
compatible with our national faith and honour,,
shall be the happy result., how firm and how pre-
cious a foundation will have been laid for accele-
rating, maturing and establishing the prosperity
of our country." ! ^
Recommending a number of national objects,,
to the attention of the Legislature, the speech was
concluded in the following manner.
cc Temperate dU scuss km of the important sub-
jects that may arise in the course of the session,
and mutual forbearance where there is a differ-
ence iu opinion., are too obvious and necessary for'
the peace, happiness and welfare of our country,
to need any recommendation of mine."
The answer of the Senate was in their usual
cordial and respectful manner.
A majority of the House of Representatives of
this Congress was of the party opposed to the ge-
neral administration of the government. To this
party the British treaty was offensive; and their,
feelings on this subject had an influence on their
reply to the President's speech.
The committee reported an answer, which con-
tained this clause; " That the confidence of hi*
fellow citizens in the Chief Magistrate remained
xuidimimshed." It was moved to strike out this.
458 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1T93-7,
clause, because it contained an untruth. In the
animated debate that ensued, the friends of the
President supported the clause, and maintained
with zeal, that the confidence of the American
citizens in him had suftereu". no diminution; the
advocates of the motion with pertinacity averred
that by a recent transaction the Confidence of the
people in the President was diminished ; and se-
veral of the speakers declared, that their own con-
fidence in him was lessened.
To prevent a vote of the House to expunge the
clause, it was moved and carried to recommit the
answer. In the second report, this clause was in
such a manner modified q.s to pass without objec-
tion.
Mr. Monroe reached Paris soon after the fall
of Robespierre ; his reception as the American
Minister was public, and on the occasion, h$
"gave the Convention the most positive assurances
of the fervent attachment of the American people
to the interests of "France.
The Committee of Safety of France had previ-
ously written to the American Congress, and the
Executive of the Federal Government being the
constituted organ of foreign intercourse, the Se-
nate and House of Representatives had by theiv
resolves, transmitted this letter to the President,
with a request that he would in a respectful an-
swer express their friendly disposition towards the
French republic. Accordingly the Secretary of
State addressed two letters to the Committee of
Safety, in the name of each branch of the Legis-
lature. These Mr. Monroe conveyed, and deli-
1T93-7.] UFE OF WASHINOTON. 459
vered with his own credentials to the President
of the Convention,
The communications of the American Minister
were received with expressions of high gratifica-
tion, and the Convention decreed, that the flags of
France and America should be united, and sus-
pended in their hall,, as an emblem of the eternal
union and friendship of the tvvo republics.
Colonel Monroe, to reciprocate this act of fra-
ternity, requested the Convention to accept from
him the American flag, as evidence of }iis own
sensibility, and as a token of the satisfaction with
which his country would improve every opportu-
nity to promote the union of the two nations.
Mr. Adet, the successor of Mr. Fauchet, arriv-
ed at Philadelphia in the summer of 1795, and
brought with him the flag of France as a compli-
ment from the Convention to Congress, and a let-
ter from the Committee of Safety to this body.
He made no mention to the President of this pre-
sent until December, intending to present it di-
rectly to Congress, and to avail himself of the op-
portunity to address that body. The President
and the heads of departments, perceiving his in-r
tention to make a bridge of the Executive to open
a direct communication with the popular branch
of Congress, and apprehending evil from it, with
address defeated the intriguing scheme. They
directed, that the flag and the letter should be
placed in the hands of the President, and by him
presented to Congress. The first of January 1796
appointed as the time on which the President
460 UFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-T.
would receive them. Mr. Adet on this occasion
addressed him in the impassioned language of his
Countrymen. He represented France as exerting
herself in defence of the liberty of mankind.
<e Assimilated to, or rather indentified vvjth free
people by the form of her government, she saw in
them/' he observed, <f only friends and brothers.
Long accustomed to regard the American people
as her most faithful allies, she sought to draw
closer the ties already formed in the fields of
America, under the auspices of victory, over the
ruins of tyranny."
To answer this speech was a delicate task. Ani-
mated expressions of attachment and friendship
for France were expected; and it was impro-
per for the Executive of a neutral nation to
shew partiality or prejudice towards belligerent
powers.
The following was the reply of the President.
" Born, sir, in a land of liberty; having early
learned its value ; having engaged in a perilous
conflict to defend it ; having in a word, devoted
the best years of my life to secure its permanent
establishment in my own country ; my anxious re-
collections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best
wishes are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, in.
any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the
banners of freedom. But above all, the events of
the French revolution have produced the deepest
solicitude, as well as the highest admiration. To
call your nation brave, were to pronounce but
common praise. Wonderful people ! Ages to.
1 703-7.] LIFE 0$ WASHINGTON. 461
come will read with astonishment the history of
your brilliant exploits. I rejojce that the period
Of your toils and of your immense sacrifices is ap-
proaching. I rejoice that the interesting revolu-
tionary movements of so many years have issued in
the formation of a constitution designed to give
permanency to the great object fo^which you have
contended. I rejoice that liberty, which you have
so long embraced with enthusiasm liberty, of
which you have been the invincible defenders, now
finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly or-
ganized government: a government which, being
formed to secure the happiness of the French
people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my
heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen
of the United States, by its resemblance to their
own. On these glorious events, accept, sir, my
sincere congratulations.
fc In delivering to you these sentiments, I ex-
press not my Own feelings only, but those of my
fellow citizens in relation to the commencement*
the progress and the issue of the French revolu-
tion; and they will certainly join with me in pu-
rest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citi-
zens of our sister republic, our magnanimous
allies, may soon enjoy in peace, that liberty which
they have purchased at so great a price, and all
the happiness that liberty can bestow.
ff I receive, sir, with lively sensibility, the sym-
bol of the triumphs, and of the enfranchisements
of your nation, the colours of France, which you
have now presented to the United States. The
transaction will be announced to Congress, and
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
the colours will be deposited with the archives of
the United States, which are at once the evidence
and the memorials of their freedom and indepen-
dence ; may these be perpetual ; and may the
friendship of the two republics be commensurate
with their existence."
The address of the French Minister, the reply
of thePresident, the flag of France, and the let-
ter of the Cpmmitee of Safety were all transmitted
by the President to Congress.
In February 1796, the treaty was returned in
the form recommended by the Senate, and ratifi-
ed by his Britannic Majesty ; and on the last of
that month, the President issued his proclamation
stating its ratification, and declaring it. to be the
law of the land.
The predominant party in the House of Re-
presentatives expressed surprise, that this procla-
mation should be issued before the sense of the
House was taken on the subject; as they denied
the power of the President and Senate to com-
plete a treaty without their sanction. In March
a resolution passed, requesting the President " to
lay before the House a copy of the instructions to
the Minister of the United State's, who negotiat-
ed the treaty with the King of Great Britain,
communicated by his message of the first of
March, together with the correspondence and
other documents relative to the said treaty ; ex-
cepting such of the said papers as any exist-
ing negotiation may render improper to be dis-
closed."
This resolve placed the President in a situation
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 463
of high responsibility. He knew that the majo-
rity of the House entertained the opinion, that
a treaty was not valid until they had acted upon
it. To oppose, in a government constituted like
that of the United States; the popular branch of the
Legislature, would be attended with hazard, and
subject him to much censure and abuse ; but con-
siderations of this nature make but weak impres-
sions on a mind supremely solicitous .to promote
the public interest.
Upon the most mature deliberation, the Pre-
sident conceived, that to grant this request of the
H0us6, would establish a false and dangerous
principle w in the diplomatic transactions of the
nation, and he gave the following answer to their
request.
fc Gentlemen of the House of Representatives^
{C With the utmost attention I have considered
your resolution of the 24th instant, requesting me
to lay before your House; a copy of the instruc-
tions to the Minister of the United States, who
negotiated the treaty with the King of Great
Britain,, together with the correspondence and
other documents relative to that treaty, except-
ing such of the said papers as any existing nego-
tiation may render improper to be disclosed.
te In deliberating upon this subject, it was im-
possible for me to lose sight of the principle which
some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid
extending my views to the consequences which
must flow from the admission of that principle.
" I trust that ho part of my conduct has evef
464 LIFE .OF WASHINGTON, [1793-7.
indicated a disposition to withhold any informa-
tion which the constitution has enjoined it upori
the President as a duty to give, or which could
be required of him by either house of Congress, as
a right; and with truth I affirm, that it has been,
and will continue to be, while I have the honour
to preside in the government, my constant en-
deavour -to harmonize with the other branches
thereof, as far as the trust delegated to me by the
people of the United States, and my sense of the
obligation it imposes, to preserve, protect, and
defend the constitution, will permit.
" The nature of foreign negotiations requires
caution, and their success must often depend on
secrecy; and even when brought to a conclusion,
a full disclosure of all the measures demands it,
or eventual concessions which may have been pro-
posed or contemplated, would be extremely im-
politic ; for this might have a pernicious in-
fluence on future negotiations, or produce im-
mediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and
mischief to other persons. The necessity of such
caution and secrecy was one cogent reason for
testing the power of making treaties in the Pre-
sident, with the advice and consent of the Senate;
the principle on which that body was formed,
confining it to a small number of members.
" To admit then a right in the House of Re-
presentatives to demand, and to have as a matter
of course, ill the papers respecting a negotiation
with a foreign power, would be to establish a
dangerous precedent.
" It does not occur that the inspection of thti
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 465
papers asked for, can be relative to any purpose
under the cognizance of the House of Represen-
tatives, except that of an impeachment., which
the resolution has not expressed. I repeat that I
have no disposition to withhold any information
which the duty of my station will permit, or the
public good shall require to be disclosed; and, in
fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation with
Great Britain \vere laid before the Senate, when
the treaty itself was communicated for their con-
sideration and advice.
" The course which the debate has taken on
the resolution of the house, leads to some observa-
tions on the mode of making treaties under the
constitution of the United States.
" Having been a member of the General Con-
vention, and knowing the principles on which the
constitution was formed, I have ever entertained
but one opinion upon this subject ; and from the
first establishment of the government to this mo-
ment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion.
That the power of making treaties is exclusively
vested in the President, by and with the advice
and consent of the Senate, provided two thirds of
the senators present concur ; and that every treaty
so made and promulgated, thenceforward be-
comes the law of the land. It is thus that the
treaty-making power -has been, understood by fo-
reign nations ; and in all the treaties made with
them, we have declared, and they have believed,
that when ratified by the President, with the adr
vice and consent of the Senate, they become obli-
gatory. In this construction of the constitution,
H a
466 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
every House of Representatives has heretofore ac-
quiesced ; and until the present time, not a doubt
or suspicion has appeared to my knowledge, that
this construction NY as not the true one. Nay, they
have more than acquiesced ; for until now, with-
out controverting the obligations of such treaties,
they have made all the requisite provisions for
carrying them into effect.
' There is also reason to believe that this con-
struction agrees with the opinions entertained by
the state conventions, when they were deliberat-
ing on the constitution, especially by those who
objected to it ; because there was not required in
commercial treaties the consent of two thirds of
the whole number of the members of the Senate,
instead of two thirds of the senators present ; and
because in treaties respecting territorial, and
certain other rights and claims, the concurrence
of three fourths of the whole number of the mem-
bers of both houses respectively, was not made
necessary.
" It is a fact declared by the general conven-
tion, and universally understood, that the consti-
tution of the United States was the result of a
spirit of amity and mutual concession. And it is
well known, that under this influence the smaller
states were admitted to an equal re presentation in
Senate with the larger states, and that this branch
of the government was invested with great powers;
for on the equal participation of those powers, the
sovereignty and political safety of the smaller
states were dbemed essentially to depend.
" if other proofs than these, and the plain letter
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4*37
of the constitution itself be necessary to ascertain
the point under consideration, they may be found
in the journals of the General Convention which
I have deposited in the office of the Department
of State. In these journals it will appear that a
proposition was made, that no treaty should be
binding on the United States which was not rati-
fied by a law, and that the proposition was expli-
citly rejected.
" As therefore it is perfectly clear to my under-
standing that the assent of the House of Repre-
sentatives is not necessary to the validity of a
treaty ; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits
in itself all the objects requiring legislative pro-
vision ; and on these the papers called for can
throw no light ; and as it is essential to the due
administration of the government, that the bound-
aries fixed by the constitution between the differ-
ent departments should be preserved ; a just re-
gard to the constitution, and to the duty of my
office, under all the circumstances of this case,
forbid a compliance wivh your request."
A resolution moved in the House to make the
necessary appropriations to carry the British
treaty into effect, excited among the members the
strongest emotions of human nature, and gave
rise to speeches highly argumentative, eloquent,
and animated. The debate was protracted until
the people assumed the subject. In their respec-
tive corporations meetings were holden, the
strength of parties was fully tried, and it clearly
appeared that the great majority were disposed
to rally around the Executive. Innumerable pe-
u 2
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
titions were presented to Congress, praying them
to make the requisite appropriations.
Unwilling to take upon themselves the conse-
quences of resisting the public will, Congress
made the appropriations.
It was not in the adrninistratidn of the govern-
ment only that General \\ashington found it ne-
cessary to exercise great caution and prudence.
The convulsions of France, and the political di-
visions of (he United States., rendered it expedient
that he should be circumspect in his personal
friendships, and in the exercise of benevolent
offices towards individual characters.
A sincere friendship had been formed between
him and the Marquis La Fayette. This friend-
ship was not disturbed by those vicissitudes in
France, which occasioned the exile and foreign
imprisonment of that nobleman. These rather
increased the sensibility, and strengthened the at-
tachment of the President towards the unfortunate
Marquis. But on account of the state of parties
in France and America, interpositions in his fa-
vour were privately made. The American mi-
nisters at foreign courts were directed in an unof-
ficial manner to exert themselves 1 to obtain his
liberation, or to render his confinement less op-
pressive. A confidential agent was sent to Berlin
to solicit his liberty; but before he reached his
place ^of destination, the King of Prussia had
surrendered the Marquis to the Emperor of Ger-
many. Mr. Pinckney, then at the court of Lon-
don, was directed to intimate the wishes of the
President to the Austrian minister at that court,
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 459
and to solicit the influence of the British Cabinet
in favour of the illustrious prisoner. Disappointed
in the expected mediation of Great Britain., the
President addressed the following letter immedi-
ately to the Emperor of Germany.
" It will readily occur to _your Majesty, that
occasions may sometimes exist on which official
considerations would constrain the chief of a na-
tion to be silent and passive in relation even to
objects which affect his sensibility, and claim his
interposition as a man. Finding myself precisely
in this situation at present, I take the liberty of
writing this private letter to your Majesty, being
persuaded that my motives will also be my apo-
logy for it.
st In common with the people of this country,
I retain a strong and cordial sense of the services
rendered to them by the Marquis La Fayette; and
my friendship for him has been constant and sin-
cere. It is natural, therefore, that I should sym-
pathize with him and his family in their misfor-
tunes, and endeavour to mitigate the calamities
they experience ; among which his present confine-
ment is not the least distressing.
" I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject.
Permit me only to submit to your Majesty's con-
sideration, whether his long imprisonment, and
the confiscation of his estate, and the indigence
and dispersion of his family, and the painful
anxieties incident to all those circumstances, do
not form an assemblage of sufferings which re-
commend him to the , mediation of humanity?
Allow me/ Sir, on this occasion to be its organ,
470 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
and to entreat that he may be permitted to come
to this conntry on "such conditions, and under
such restrictions as your Majesty may think it ex-
pedient to prescribe.
" As it is a maxim with me not to ask what
tinder similar circumstances, I would not grant,
your Majesty will do me the justice to believe,
that this request appears to me to correspond with
those great principles of magnanimity and wis-
dom, which form the basis of sound policy and
durable glory."
This letter was sent to Mr. Pinckney, and was
by him transmitted through the Austrian minister
to the Emperor. From this period the Marquis
was treated with more mildness, and was soon
after discharged from his confinement; but what
influence the President's letter had on these mea-
sures is riot known.
In 1795, George Washington Motier La Fay-
ette, the son of the Marquis La Fayette, made his
escape from France, and arrived with his tutor at
Boston. He immediately, by letter, communi-
cated his situation to General Washington, and
solicited his advice and patronage. The mother
of young Fay ette was then in France, and the
President vvas surrounded by Frenchmen, the
agents or friends of the administration, which had
denounced the Marquis. These men were ready
to denounce every act of favour done to a man who
was proscribed by the French government. From
regard to the safety of that lady, and from pru-
dential considerations in respect to his own official
character, he thought it unadvisableto invite
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 471
immediately to the seat of government, and pub-
licly to espouse his interest. But he wrote con-
fidentially to a friend in the neighbourhood of
Boston, requesting him to visit the young gentle-
man,, to acquaint him with the reason which ren-
dered it ineligible that he should be invited into
the President's family,, and, to adopt the language
of the letter, to "administer all the consolation
that he can derive from the most unequivocal as-
surances of my standing in the place, and becom-
ing to him & father, friend, protector, and sup-
porter.
" Considering how important it is to avoid idle-
O A.
ness and dissipation to improve his mind, and to
give him all the advantages which education can
bestow, my opinion and my advice to him is, if
he is qualified for admission, that he should enter
as a student at the university in Cambridge, al-
though it should be for a short time only : the
expense of which, as also for every other means
for his support, I will pay; and now do authorize
you, my dear sir, to draw upon me accordingly.
And if it be desired that his tutor should accom-
pany him to the university, any expense that he
shall incur for the purpose, shall be borne by me
in like manner."
The tutor of young Fayette thought he might
with more advantage pursue his studies in private,
and therefore he did not enter the university.
The members of Congress, in opposition to the
measures of the administration, obtained the know-
ledge of the arrival of a son of the Marquis La
Fayette in some part of America. Expecting
472 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7.
perhaps that the President had maintained a cold
and unfeeling reserve towards him, they instituted
an inquiry into his situation; and when they dis-
covered that the President had extended towards
young Fayette the assistance and the protection
of a friend and a father, they dropt the subject.
This young gentleman did not remain for a
length of time in the United States. Returning to
France, he afterwards distinguished himself as an
officer in the army of Buonaparte, but has been
refused the usual promotion.
\
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 473
CHAPTER XIII.
The President calumniated His Letter to Mr. Jefferson S
ment of the Secretary of the Treasury The French Directory's
attempt to control the American Government Review of the
Transactions with France The President declares his Resolu-
tion to retire from Public Life Meets Congress for the last
Time Describes the Letters that had been forged Attends
the Inauguration of Mr. Adams Retires to Mount Vernon
Threatening Attitude of France General Washington ap-
pointed Commander in Chief of the American Forces His
Opinion of Publie Measures His Indisposition and Death
Conclusion.
1796.] THE friends of General Washington
knew that it was his intention to decline being a
candidate at the third election of President, and
this was expected by the public. Warm solici-
tations were used to dissuade him from the inten-
tion, but his determination was fixed, and nothing
could change it, excepting a crisis in the affairs
of his country, which would render retirement
inconsistent with his duty, and derogatory to his
character.
In the possibility of such an event, his friends
prevailed with him to withhold the public expres-
sion of his design until it should become necessary
to direct the attention of the community to a suc-
cessor. This silence alarmed the party opposed
to his administration. His personal influence at
the head of government, they conceived, could
alone defeat their plans, and prevent a revolution
in the National Council. Since the ratification
of the British treaty, they had laid aside the de-
474 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1796-9.
corous language and exterior respect, \vhich they
had, until that period, observed towards the Pre-
sident, and on this occasion, they with the utmost
virulence assailed his character. His merit as a
soldier, and his wisdom and patriotism as a states-
man, were denied ; and even his honour and ho-
nesty as a man were brought into question. Let-
ters, forged and published in 1776, to injure his
reputation as the Ct'cneral in the revolutionary
war, were at , time republished as genuine, to
excite prejudice against him. The queries which
he had confidentially proposed to the deliberation
of his cabinet, were laid before the public, with
comments, designed to show that they indicated
a deadly hostility to France. The queries could
have come before the public only by a breach of
confidence in some one of the Cabinet. Mr. Jef-
ferson was disposed to prevent any suspicion from
resting on the mind of General Washington, that
he was the dishonourable individual, and for
this purpose he addressed a letter to him, to which
the President gave the following reply.
" If I had entertained any suspicion before,
that the queries which have been published in
Bache's paper proceeded from you, the assurances
you have given of the contrary would have re-
moved them ; but the truth is, I have harboured
none. I am at no loss to conjecture from what
source they flowed, through what channel they
were conveyed, nor for what purpose they and
similar publications appear.
" As you have mentioned the subject yourself,
it would not be frank, candid, or friendly, to coiir
ccal that your conduct has been represented as
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 475
derogating from that opinion I conceived you
entertained of me ; that to your particular friends
and connexions you have described, and they
have denounced me, as a person under dangerous
influence; and that if I would listen more to some
other opinions, all would be well. My answer
has invariably been, that I had never discovered
any thing in the conduct of Mr. Jeflfersonto raise
suspicions in my mind of his sincerity ; that if he
would retrace my public /conduct while he was in
the administration, abundant proofs Mould occur
to him, that truth and right decisions were the
sole objects of my pursuit ; that there were as
many instances within his own knowledge of my
having decided against, as in favour of, the per-
son evidently alluded to ; and moreover, that I
was no believer in the infallibility of the politics
or measures of any man living. In short, that I
was no party man myself, and that the first wish
of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile
them.
" To this I may add, and very truly, that until
the last year or two, I had no conception that
parties would or even could go the lengths I have
been witness to ; nor did I believe, until lately,
that it was within the bounds of probability,
hardly within those of possibility, that while I
was using my utmost exertions to establish a na-
tional character of our own, independent, as far
as our obligations and justice would permit, of
every nation of the earth, and wished, by steering
a steady course, to preserve this country from the
horrors of a desolating war, I should be accused
of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to
476 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
the influence of another ; and to prove it, that
every act of my administration would be tortur-
ed., and the grossest and most insidious misrepre-
sentations of them be made, by giving one side
only of a subject, and that too in such exagge-
rated and indecent terms, as could scarcely be
applied to a Nero to a notorious defaulter, or
even to a common pickpocket.
" But enough of this. I have already gone
further in the expression of my feelings than I
intended."
General Washington was also atrociously
charged with having unlawfully drawn money
from the public treasury for his private use. This
charge was supported by extracts from the books
of the national treasury ; and his enemies boasted
that they had discovered an indelible blemish in
his character ; but their triumph was only for a
moment. The Secretary of the Treasury publish-
ed a statement of facts, by which it clearly ap-
peared, that the money drawn by the orders of
the President, had in no year exceeded the appro-
priations for his salary. He received no public
money but for the support of his family; in some
quarters of the year the receipts had overrun the
amount due, and in others fallen short; and that
the President himself had no concern in the trans-
action, the business having been conducted by a
gentleman who superintended his household. The
public frowned his accusers into silence, and the
weapon levelled against his reputation fell in-
noxious to the ground.
The Government of France was too well ac-
quainted with the number and the temper of their
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 477
friends in the United States, to relinquish the plan
formed to obtain a controling influence in the
administration of American affairs. Mr. Fauchet
had made formal complaints against the measures
of President Washington. For a time his re-
monstrances were made in the language of de-
cency and respect ; but at the close of his minis- -
try, he descended to the reproachful manner of
his predecessor. Mr. Adet arrived at Philadel-
phia, while the Senate were deliberating on the
British treaty, and full communications were
made to him on the subject. Colonel Monroe
was also furnished with documents, calculated to
remove uneasiness from the minds of the French
Directory respecting this transaction. But in-
stead of communicating to the Directory the
documents and reasonings of his government,
while they were deliberating on this subject, and
before they had committed themselves by any
public act, he reserved them as answers to com-
plaints, that the government of France might
make against the treaty with Great Britain.
The President well knew that France had no
just ground of complaint against the United States;
but h& was apprehensive that her disappointment
at the adjustment of a controversy which had long
menaced war between Great Britain and Ame-
rica, would induce her to some act of violence.
He therefore deemed it highly important, that
there should be a minister at Paris, who fully en-
tered into the views of the administration. Not
being perfectly satisfied with Mr. Monroe, he
recalled him, and appointed as his successor Ge-
neral Charles Cotesworlh Pinckney. The French
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
having complained of most of the acts of the
American government, in relation to the powers
at war, by order of the President these acts were
carefully reviewed, a fair and minute detail of all
points of difference between the two nations given,
and the measures of the administration defended
by unanswerable arguments. Upon this lucid
and conclusive vindication of the measures of
the administration, the President relied to remove
jealousy from the minds of the Directory, and re-
store the harmony of the two nations ; but un-
happily the party at home had taken their ground,
and were not by any considerations to be moved
from it, and supported by these, the French Di-
rectory were not disposed to recede.
At the near approach of the period for the elec-
tion of a President, it fully appeared that General
"Washington had not lost his hold on the affections
and confidence of his countrymen. The public
sentiment every where indicated a determination
to choose no man an elector on whom implicit
confidence could not be placed, to give his suf-
frage for General Washington ; and it was satis-
factorily ascertained, that should the General con-
sent to be a candidate, he would for the third
time be unanimously chosen President of the
United States.
In this state of the public mind, in the month
of September he published the following address.
" Friends and Fellow Citizens,
et The period for a new election of a citizen, to
administer the Executive Government of the
United States being not far distant, and the time
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 479
actually arrived when your thoughts must be
employed in designating the person who is to be
clothed with that important trust, it appears to
me proper,, especially as it may conduce to a more
distinct expression of the public voice, that I
should now apprize you of the resolution I have
formed, to decline being considered among the
number of those out of whom a choice is to be
made.
<f I beg you, at the same time, to do me the
justice to be assured, that this resolution has not
been taken without a strict regard to all the con-
siderations appertaining to the relation which
binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that,
in withdrawing the tender of service, which si-
lence in my situation might imply, I am influenced
by no diminution of zeal for your future interest,
no deficiency of grateful respect for your past
kindness, but am supported by a full conviction
that the step is compatible with both.
" The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto
in the office to which your suffrages have twice
called me, have been an uniform sacrifice of in-
clination to the opinion of duty, and to a defer-
ence for what appeared to be your desire. I
constantly hoped that it w r ould have been' much
earlier in my power, consistently with motives
which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return
to that retirement from which I had been reluc-
tantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to
do this, previous to the last election, had even
led to the preparation of an address to declare it
to you; but mature reflection oh the then per-
4SO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
plexed and critical posture of our affairs with fo-
reign nations, and the unanimous advice of per-
sons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to
abandon the idea.
" I rejoice that the state of your concerns, ex-
ternal as well as internal, no longer renders the
pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sen-
timent of duty or propriety; and am persuaded
whatever partiality may be retained for my ser-
vices, that in the present circumstances of our
country, you will not disapprove my determina-
tion to retire.
" The impressions with which I first undertook
the arduous trust, were explained on the proper
occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will
only say, that I have, with good intentions, con-
tributed, towards the organization and adminis-
tration of the government, the best exertions of
which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not
unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my
qualifications, experience in my own eyes, per-
haps still more in the eyes of others, has strength-
ened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every
day the increasing weight of years admonishes
me more and more, tfiat the shade of retirement
is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Sa-
tisfied, that if any circumstances have given pecu-
liar value to my services, they were temporary,
I have the consolation to believe, that while choice
and prudence invite me to quit the political scene,
patriotism does not forbid it.
" In looking forward to the moment which is
to terminate the career of my public life, my
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 481
feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep
acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which
I owe to my beloved country, for the many ho-
nours it has conferred upon me; still more for the
stcdfast confidence with which it has supported
me, and for the opportunities I have thence en-
joyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment,
by services faithful and persevering, though in
usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have
resulted to our country from these services, let it
always be remembered to your praise, auji as an
instructive example in our annals, that under cir-
cumstances in which the passions, agitated in,
every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst
appearances sometimes dubious vicissitudes of
fortune often discouraging in situations, in
which, not unfrequently, want of success has
countenanced the spirit of criticism the con-
stancy of your support was the essential prop of
the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which
they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with
this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as
a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that
Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of
its beneficence that your union and brotherly
affection may be perpetual that the free consti-
tution, which is the work of your hands, may be
sacredly maintained that its administration, in
every department, may be stamped with wisdom,
and virtue that, in fine, the happiness of the
people of these states, under the auspices of liber-
ty, may be made complete, by so careful a pre-
servation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as
i i
482 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
will acquire to them tlie glory of recommending
it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption,
of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
" Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a soli-
citude for your welfare, which cannot end but
with my life, and the apprehension of danger na-
tural 1 to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion
like the present, to offer to your solemn contem-
plation, and to recommend to your frequent re-
View, some sentiments which are the result of
tnuch reflection, of no inconsiderable observation,
arid which appear to me all important to the per-
manency of your felicity as a people. These will
be offered to you with the more freedom, as you
can only see in them the disinterested warnings of
a parting friend, who can possibly have no per-
sonal motive to bias his counsels. Nor can I for-
get, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent
feception of my sentiments on a former and not
dissimilar occasion.
" Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every
ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of
mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attach-
taent.
" The unity of government which constitutes
you one people, is also dear to you. It is justly
so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real
independence ; the support of your tranquillity at
home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your
prosperity, of that very liberty which you so
highly prize. But, as it is easy t to foresee, that
from different causes and from different quarters,
much pains will be taken, many artifices eniploy-
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 483
ed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this
truth ; as this is the point in your political for-
tress,, against which the batteries of internal and
external enemies will be most constantly and ac-
tively, though often covertly and insidiously, di-
rected ; it is of infinite moment that you should
properly estimate the immense value of your na-
tional union, to your collective and individual
happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial,
habitual, and immoveable attachment to it ; ac-
customing yourselves to think and speak of it, as
of the palladium of your political safety and pro-
sperity; watching for its preservation with jealous
anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest
even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be
abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any
portion of our country from the rest, or to en-
feeble the sacred ties which now link together the
various parts.
{c For this you have every inducement of sym-
pathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice,
of a common country, that country has a right to
concentrate your affections. The name of Ame-
rican, which belongs to you, in your national ca-
pacity, must alwa)s exalt the just pride of pa-
trio.tism, more than any appellation derived from
local discriminations. With slight shades of dif-
ference, you have the same religion, manners,
habits, and political principles. You have, in a
common cause, fought and triumphed together ;
the independence and liberty you possess are the
II*
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common
dangers,, sufferings, and successes.
' But these considerations, however powerfully
they address themselves to your sensibility, are
greatly outweighed by those which apply more
immediately to your interest. Here every portion
of our country finds the most commanding mo-
tives for carefully guarding and preserving the
union of the whoJe.
ff The North; in an unrestrained intercourse with
the South, protected by the equal laws of a com-
mon government, finds in the productions of the
latter great additional resources of maritime and
commercial enterprize, and precious materials of
manufacturing industry. The South, in the same
intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North,
sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce ex-
pand. Turning partly into its own channels the
seamen of the North, it finds its particular navi-
gation invigorated ; and while it contributes in
different ways to nourish and increase the general
mass of the national navigation, it looks forward
to the protection of a maritime strength, to which
itself is unequally adapted.
'" The East, in like intercourse with the Wc.^t,
already finds, and in the progressive improvement
of interior communication by land and water., will
more and more find a valuable vent for the com-
modities which it brings from abroad, or manu-
factures at home. The West derives from the
East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort,
and what is perhaps of still greater consequence,
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 485
it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of
indispensable outlets, for its own productions, to
the weight, influence, and the future maritime
strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, di-
rected by an indissoluble .community of interest as
one nation. Any other tenure by which the West
can hold this essential advantage, whether deriv-
ed from its own separate strength, or from an
apostate and unnatural connexion with any fo-
reign power, must be intrinsically precarious.
fc While then every part of our country thus feels
an immediate and particular interest in, union, all
the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united
mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater
resource, proportionably greater security from ex-
ternal danger, a less frequent interruption of their
peace by foreign nations, and what is of inesti-
mable value, they must derive from union an ex-
emption from those broils and wars between them-
selves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring
countries not tied together by the same govern-
ment, which their own rivalships alone would be
sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign
alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would sti-
mulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will
avoid the necessity of those overgrown military
establishments, which, under any form of govern-
ment, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are
to be regarded as particularly hostile to repub-
lican liberty. In this sense it is that your union
ought to be considered as the main prop of your
liberty, and that the love of the one ought to en-
dear to you the preservation of the other.
9 r
486 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
" These considerations speak a persuasive lan-
guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and
exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary
object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whe-
ther a common government can embrace so large
a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to
mere speculation in such a case were criminal.
We are authorized to hope that a proper organi-
zation of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of
governments for the respective subdivisions, will
afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well
worth a fair and full experiment. With such
powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting
all parts of our country, while experience shall
pot have demonstrated its impracticability, there
will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of
those, who, in any qqarter, may endeavour to
weaken its bands.
" In contemplating the causes which may disturb
our union, it occurs as a matter of serious con-
cern, that any ground should have been furnished
for characterising parties by geographical discri-
minations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and
Western ; whence designing men may endeavour
to excite a belief that there is a real difference of
local interests and views. One of the expedients
pf party to acquire influence, within particular
districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims
of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves
too much against the jealousies and heart-burn-
ings which spring from these misrepresentations ;
they tend to render alien to each other those who
ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.
1796-9. j LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 487
The inhabitants of our western country have lately
had a useful lesson on this head : they have seen
in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the
unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty
with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at
that event throughout the United States, a deci-
sive proof how unfounded were the suspicions
propagated among them, of a policy in the ge-
neral government and in the Atlantic states, un-
friendly to their interests in regard to the Missisr
sippi : they have been witnesses to the formation
of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that
with Spain, which-secure to them every thing they
could desire, in respect to our foreign relations,
towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not
be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of
these advantages on the union, by which they
were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf
to those advisers, if such there are, who woulcj.
sever them from their brethren, and connect them
with aliens ?
c ' To the efficacy and permanency of your
union, a government for the whole is indispensa-
ble. No alliances, however strict, between the
parties, can be an adequate substitute. They must
inevitably experience the infractions and inter-
ruptions which all alliances in all times have exr
perienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you
have improved upon your first essay, by the adop r
tion of a constitution of government better cal-
culated than your former for an intimate union,
find for the efficacious management of your com-
mon concerns. This goverment, the offspring
488 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
our own choice, uninfluenced and unawcd, adopt-
ed upon full investigation and mature delibera-
tion, completely free in its principles, in the distri-
bution of its powers, uniting security with energy,
and containing within itself a provision for its
own amendment, has a just claim to your confi-
dence and your support. Respect for its autho-
rity, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its
measures, are Duties enjoined by the fundamental
maxims of true liberty. The basis of our poli-
tical systems is the right of the people to make
and to alter their constitution of government.
But the constitution which at any time exists,
until changed by an explicit and authentic act of
the whole pecple, is sacredly obligatory upon all.
The very idea of the power and the right of the
people to establish government, presupposes the
duty of every individual to obey the established
government.
" All obstructions to the execution of the laws,
all combinations and associations, under whatever
plausible character, with the real design to direct,
controul, counteract, or awe the regular delibera-
tion and action of the constituted authorities, are
destructive of this fundamental principle, and of
fatal tendency.. They serve to organize faction,
to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to
put in the place of the delegated will of the na-
tion, the will of a party, often a small, but artful
and enterprising, minority of the community
and, according to the alternate triumphs of dif-
ferent parties, to make the public administration
the mirror of the ill concerted and incongruous
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 489
projects of faction, rather than the organ of con-
sistent and wholesome plans, digested by com-
mon councils, and modified by mutual interests.
<c However combinations or associations of the
above description, may now and then answer po-
pular ends, they are likely, in the course of time
and things, to become potent engines, by which
cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men, will
be enabled to subvert the power of the people,
and to usurp for themselves the reins of govern-
ment ; destroying, afterwards, the very engines
which had lifted them to unjust dominion.
" Towards the preservation of your govern-
ment, and the permanency of your present happy
estate, it is requisite, not only that you steadily dis-
countenance irregular oppositions to its acknow-
ledged authority, but also that you resist, with
care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles,
however specious the pretext. One method of
assault may be to effect, in the forms of the con-
stitution, alterations which will impair the energy
of the system, and thus to undermine what can-
not be directly overthrown. In all the changes
to which you may be invited, remember that time
and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true
character of government, as of other human in-
stitutions; that experience is the surest standard,
by which to test the real tendency of the existing
constitution of a country; that facility in changes,
upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion,
exposes to perpetual change, from the endless
variety of hypothesis and opinion: and remember*
especially, that tor the efficient management o.f
490 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
your common interests, in a country so extensive
as ours, a government of as much vigour, as is
consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is
indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a
government, with powers properly distributed and
adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little
felse than a name, where the government is too
feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to
confine each member of the society within the
limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all
in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights
of person and property.
" I have already intimated to you, the danger
of parties in the state, with particular references
to the founding of them on geographical discri-
minations. Let me now take a more comprehen-
sive view, and warn you in the most solemn man-
ner against the baneful effects of the spirit of
party, generally.
" This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from
.our nature, having its root in the strongest pas-
sions of the human mind. It exists under differ-
ent shapes, in all governments ; more or less
stifled, controled, or repressed ; but in those of
the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness,
and is truly their worst enemy.
" The alternate domination of one faction over
another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge na-
tural to party dissension, which in different ages
and countries has perpetrated the most horrid
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism: But
this leads at length to a more formal and perma-
nent despotism. The disorders and miseries which
1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 491
result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek
security and repose in the absolute power of an
individual ; and sooner or later, the chief of some
prevailing faction, more ahle or more fortunate
than his competitors,, turns this disposition to. the
purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of
public liberty.
<c Without looking forward to an extremity of
this kind ( which nevertheless ought not to be en-
tirely out of sight) the common and continual
mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to
discourage and restrain it. It serves always to
distract the public councils and enfeeble the pub-
lic administration. It agitates the community
with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kin- *
dies the animosity of one party against another,
foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It
opens the door to foreign influence and corrup-
tion, which find a facilitated access to the go-
vernment itself, through the channels of party
passions. Thus the policy and the will of one
country are subjected to the policy and will of
another.
'* There is an opinion that parties in free coun-
tries are useful checks upon the administration of
the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit
of liberty. This, within certain limits, is proba-
bly true, and in governments of a monarchical
cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not
with favour, upon the spirit oT party. But in,
those of the popular character, in governments
purely elective,, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.
4:93 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
From their natural tendency it is certain there
will always be enough of that spirit for every
salutary purpose; ari.d, there being constant danger
of excess, the" effort ought to be by force of pub-
lic opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire
not to be quenched., it demands uniform vigilance
to prevent its bursting into a flame, least, instead
of warming it should consume.
" It is important likewise, that the habits of
.thinking, in a free country, should inspire cau-
tion in those entrusted "with its administration, to
confine themselves within their respective consti-
tutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the
powers of one department to encroach upon ano-
ther. The spirit of encroachment tends to conso-
lidate the powers of all the departments in one, and
thus to create, whatever be the form of govern-
ment, a real despotism. A just estimate of that
love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which
predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to
^satisfy us of the truth of this position. The ne-
cessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of
political power, by dividing and distributing it
into different depositories, and constituting each
the guardian of , the public weal against invasions
by the others, has been evinced by experiment^
ancient and modern ; some of them in our country
and under our own eyes. To preserve them must
be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the
opinion of the people, the distribution or modifi-
cation of the constitutional powers be in any par-
ticular wrong, let it be corrected by an amend-
ment, in the wa^ which the constitution desig-
1796-!).] tlFE OF WASHINGTON. 49^
nates: Hut let there be no change by usurpation;
for though this, in one instance, may be the in-
strument of good, it is the customary weapon by
which free governments are destroyed. The pre-
cedent must always greatly overbalance in per-
manent evil any partial or transient benefit which
the use can at any 1 time yield.
" Of all the dispositions and habits which lead
to political prosperity, religion and morality are
indispensable supports. In vain would that man
claim the tribute of patriotism,, who should la-
bour to subvert these great pillars of human hap-
piness, these firmest props of the duties of men
arid citizens. The mere politician, equally with
the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish
them. A volume could not trace all their con-
nexions with private and public felicity. Let it
simply be asked, where is the security for pro-
perty, for reputation, for life, if the sense of re-
ligious obligation desert the oaths which are the;
instruments of investigation^! courts of justice?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition,
that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of
refined education on minds of peculiar structure,
reason and experience both forbid us to expect,
that national morality can prevail in exclusion of
religious principle.
" It is substantially true, that virtue or mora-
lity is a necessary spring of popular government.
The rule indeed extends with more or less force
to every species of free government. Who that
is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference
494 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the
fabric?
cc Promote then, as an object of primary im-
portance, institutions for the general diffusion
of knowledge. In proportion as the structure
of a government gives force to public opinion,
it is essential that public opinion should be en-
lightened.
" As a very important source of strength and
security, cherish public credit. One method of
preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as possible;
aveidingoccasions of expence by cultivating peace,
but remembering also, that timely disbursements
to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much
greater disbursements to repel it: Avoiding like-
wise the accumulation of debt, not only by shun-
ning occasions of expence, but by vigorous ex-
ertions in time of peace to discharge the debts
which unavoidable wars may have occasioned; not
ungenerously throwing upon posterity the bur-
then which we ourselves ought to bear. The
execution of these maxims belongs to your repre-
sentatives, but it is necessary that public opinion
should co-operate. To facilitate to them the per-
formance of their duty, it is essential that you
should practically bear in mind, that towards the
payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to
have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes
can be devised which are not more or less incon-
venient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embar-
rassment inseparable from the selection of the
proper objects (which is alw r ays a choice of dif-
ficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a
1T9G-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 495
did construction of the conduct of the government
in making it ; and for a spirit of acquiescence
in the measures for obtaining revenue,, which the
public exigencies may at any time dictate.
" Observe good faith and justice towards all
nations, cultivate peace and harmony with all.
Religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and
can it be, that good policy does not equally en-
join it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened,
and (at no distant period) a great nation, to give
to mankind the magnanimous and too novel ex-
ample of a people always guided by an exalted
justice and benevolence. Who can doubt in the
course of time and things, the fruits of such a
plan would richly repay any temporary advan-
tages which might be lost by a steady adherence
to it? Can it be, that Providence has not con-
nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its
virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recom-
mended by every sentiment which ennobles hu-
man nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by
its vices ?
" In the execution of such a plan, nothing is
more essential than that_ permanent, inveterate
antipathies against particular nations, 'and pas-
sionate attachments for others should be exclud-
ed; and that in place of them, just and amicable
feelings towards all should be cultivated. The
nation which indulges towards another an habi-
tual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some
degree a slave. It is a slave to its aninfosity or
to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead
it astray from its duty and its interest, Antipa-
496 LIFE OF W \SHINGTON. [1796-9.
thy in one nation, against another, disposes each
more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold
of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty
and intractable, when accidental or trifling oc-
casions of dispute occur.
" Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, enve-
nomed and bloody contests. The nation, prompt-
ed by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to
war the government, contrary to the best calcu-
lations of policy. The government sometimes par-
ticipates in the national propensity, and adopts,
through passion, what reason would reject; at
- other times, it makes the animosity of the nation
subservient- to projects of hostility, instigated by
pride, arri'bition and other sinister and pernicious
motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps
the liberty of nations has been the victim.
" " So likewise, a passionate attachment of one
nation for another produces a variety of evils.
Sympathy for the favourite nation, facilitating the
illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases
where no real common interest exists, and infus-
ing info one the enmities of the other, betrays the
former into a participation in the quarrels and
wars of the latter, without adequate inducement
or justification. It leads also to concessions to
the favourite nation of privileges denied to others,
which is apt doubly to injure the nation making
the concessions; by, unnecessarily parting with
what ought to have been retained: and by excit-
ing jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to reta-
liate, in the parties from whom equal privileges
ate withheld : And it gives to ambitious, cor-
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON,
rupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them-
selves to the favourite nation) facility to betray,
or sacrifice the interests of their own country,
without odium, sometimes even with popularity;
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense
of obligation, a commendable deference for pub-
lic opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good;
the base or foolish compliances of ambition, cor-
ruption or infatuation.
<f As avenues to foreign influence in innumer-
able ways, such attachments are particularly alarm-
ing to the truly enlightened and independent pa-
triot. How many opportunities do they afford to
tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts
of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to in-
fluence or awe the public councils! Such an at-
tachment of a small or weak, towards a great and
powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satel-
lite of the latter.
" Against the insidious wiles of foreign in-
fluence (I conjure you to believe me,, fellow ci-
tizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be
constantly awake ; since history and experience
prove that foreign influence is one of the most
baneful foes of republican government. But that
jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it
becomes the instrument of the very influence to
be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Ex-
cessive partiality for one foreign nation, and ex-
cessive dislike of another, cause those whom they
actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve
to veil and even second the arts of influence on
the other. Real patriots, who may resist the lu-
ll it
499 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9-
trigues of the favourite, are liable to become sus-
pected and odious; while its tools and dupes
usurp the applause and confidence of the people,
to surrender their interests.
r The great rule of conduct for us, in regard
to foreign nations, is, in extending our commer-
cial relation?, to have with them as little political
connexion as possible. So far as we have already
formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with
perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
" Europe has a set of primary interests, which
to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence
she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the
causes of which are essentially foreign to our con-
cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us
to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the or-
dinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary
combinations and collisions of her friendships, or
enmities.
" OUT detached and distant situation invites and
enables us to pursue a different course. If we re-
main one people, under an efficient government,
the period is not far off, when we may defy ma-
terial injury from external annoyance; when we
may take such an attitude as will cause the neu-
trality we may at any time resolve upon, to be
Scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations,
under the impossibility of making acquisition*
upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
provocation; when we may choose peace or war,
as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
" Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a
gjiuation ? Why quit our own to stand upon
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 499
foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our des-
tiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle
our peace and prosperity in the toils of Eu-
ropean ambition, rivalshin,, interest, humour or
caprice ?
ff It is our true policy to steer clear of perma-
nent alliances with any portion of the foreign
world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to
do it; for let me not be understood as capable of
patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I
hold the maxim no less applicable to public than
to private affairs, that honesty is always the best
policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engage-
ments be observed in their genuine sense. But,
in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be
unwise to extend them.
fc Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suit-
able establishments, on a respectable defensive
posture, we may safely trust to temporary alli-
ances for extraordinary emergencies.
" Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all
nations, are recommended by policy, humanity
and interest. But even our commercial policy
should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither
seeking nor granting exclusive favours or prefer-
ences; consulting the natural course of things;
diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; estab-
lishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give
trade a stabk course, to define the rights of our
merchants, and to enable the government to sup-
port them; conventional rules of intercourse, the
best that, present circumstances and mutual opi-
500
LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
nion will permit but temporary, and liable to be
from time to time abandoned or varied, as ex-
perience and cireumstances shall dictate; con-
stantly keeping in view, that it is tolly in one na-
tion to look for disinterested favours from another;
that it must p *y, with a portion of its independ-
ence for whatever it may accept under that cha-
racter; that by such acceptance, it may place
itself in the condition of having given equivalents
for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached
with ingratitude for not giving more. There can
be no greater error than to expect, or calculate
upon real favours from nation to nation. It is
an illusion which experience must cure, which a
just pride ought to discard.
" In offering to you, my countrymen, these
counsels of an old and atfectionate friend, I dare
not hope they will make the strong and lasting
impression I could wish; that they will control
the usual current of the passions, or prevent our
nation from running the course which has hitherto
marked the destiny of nations : But if I may even
flatter myself that they may be productive of some
partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they
may now and then recur, to moderate the fury of
party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of
foreign intrigue, to guard against the im postures
of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full
recompense for the solicitude for your welfare,
by which they have been dictated.
" How far, in the discharge of mv official
duties, I have been guided by the principles which
have been delineated, the public records and other
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 501
evidences of my conduct must witness to you and
to the world. To myself, the assurance of my
own conscience is, that I have at least believed
myself to be guided by them.
" In relation to the still subsisting war in Eu-
rope, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793,
is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your ap-
proving voice, and by that of your representa-
tives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of
that measure has continually governed me ; un-
influenced by any attempts to deter or divert me
from it.
" After deliberate examination, with the aid of
the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied
that our country, under all the circumstances of
the case, had a right to take, and was bound in
duty and interest to take a neutral position. Hav-
ing taken it, I determined, as far as should de-
pend upon me, to maintain it with moderation,,
perseverance and firmness,
" The considerations which respect the right
to hold this conduct, it is not necessary, on this
occasion, to detail. I will only observe, that ac-
cording to my understanding of the matter, that
right, so far from being denied by any of the
belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted
by all.
" The duty of holding a neutral conduct may
be inferred, without any thing more, from the
obligation which justice and humanity impose on
every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to
maintain in violate4he relations of peace and amity
towards other nations.
.
602 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
" The inducements of interest for observing
that conduct will best be referred to jour own
reflections and experience. With me a predomi-
nant motive has been to endeavour to gain time
to our country to settle and mature its yet recent
institutions, and to progress without interruption,
to that degree of strength and consistency, which
is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the
command of its own fortunes.
" Though, in reviewing the incidents of my
administration, I am unconscious of intentional
error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my de-
fects, not to think it probable that I may have
committed many errors, Whatever they maybe,
I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mi-
tigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall
also carry with me the hope that my country will
never cease ta view them with indulgence; and
that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to
its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of in-
competent abilities will be consigned to oblivion,
as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
" Relying on its kindness in this as in other
things, and actuated by that fervent love towards
it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it
the native soil of himself and his progenitors for
several generations; I anticipate with pleasing ex-
pectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself
to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of
partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the
benign influence of good laws under a free go-
vernment the ever favourite object of my heart,
and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual
cares, labours and dangers."
1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON.
This address to the people of the United States
was received with the highest veneration and gra-
titude. Several of the state legislatures ordered
it to be put upon their journals, and every citizen
considered it as the legacy of the most distin-
guished American patriot.
On the 7th of December, 1796, the President
for the last time met the national legislature.
In his speech, after taking a view of the situation
of the United States, he,, regardless of opposition
and eensure, recommended the attention of Con-
gress to those measures which he deemed essential
to national independence, honour, and prosperity.
The first among these was the creation of a navy.
tc To an active external commerce, the protec-
tion of a naval force is indispensable. This is
manifest with regard to wars in which a state is
itself a party : but besides this, it is in our own ex-
perience that the most sine re neutrality is not a
sufficient guard against the depredations of na-
tions at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag
requires a naval force, organized and ready to
vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may
even prevent the necessity of going io war, by
discouraging belligerent powers from committing
such violations of the rights of the neutral party
as may first or last leave no other option. From
the best information I have been able to obtain, it
would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean,
without a protecting force, will always be inse-
cure; and our citizens exposed to the calamities
from which numbers of them have but just been
relieved*
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179C-0.
ee These considerations invite the United States
to look to the means, and to set about the gradual
creation of a navy. The increasing progress of
their navigation promises them, at no distant per-
riod, the requisite supply of seamen ; and their
means, in other respects, favour the undertaking.
It is an encouragement likewise that their parti-
cular situation will give weight and influence to
a moderate naval force in their hands. \Vill it
not then be advisable to begin without delay
to provide and lay up materiali for the building
and equipping of ships of war ; and to proceed
in the work by degrees, in proportion as our
resources shall render it practicable without in-
convenience ; so that a future war of Europe
may not find our commerce in the same unr
protected state in which it was found by the pre-
sent."
He proceeded to recommend those establish-
ments for the manufacturing such articles as are
necessary for the defence of the country, an insti-
tution for the improvement of agriculture, a mili-
tary academy, and a national university. In re-
ference to foreign powers, he observed :
" While in our external relations, some serious
inconveniences and embarrassments have been
overcome, and others lessened, it is with much pain
and regret I mention that circumstances of a very
unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our
trade has suftrred, and is suffering, extensive inju-
ries in the West Indies, from the cruisers and
agents of the Fiench republic; and communica-
tions have been received from its minister here,
1796-9.] LIFE OF \VASHINGTON. 505
which indicate the danger of a further disturbance
of our commerce by its authority ; and which are
in other respects far from agreeable.
" It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest
wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to
maintain cordial harmony, and a perfectly friendly
understanding with that republic. This wisli
remains unabated ; and I shall persevere in the
endeavour to fulfil it to the utmost extent of what
shall be consistent with a just and indispensable
regard to the rights and honour of our country ;
nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation
that a spirit of justice, candour, and friendship,
on the part of the republic, will eventually ensure
.success.
" In pursuing this course, however, I cannot
forget what is due to the character of our govern-
ment and nation ; or to a full and entire confi-
dence in the good sense, patriotism, self respect,
and fortitude of my countrymen."
In the following manner he concluded his ad-
53.
" The situation in which I now stand, for the
last time, in the midst of the representatives of the
people of the United States, naturally recals the
period when the administration of the present
form of government commenced ; and I cannot
omit this occasion to congratulate you and my
country on the success of the experiment; nor to
repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme
Ruler of the universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of
cations, that his providential care may still be ex-
tended to the United States; that the virtue and
506 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
happiness of the people may be preserved, and
that the government which they have instituted
for the protection of their liberties, may be per-
petual."
The Senate in their reply approved the senti-
ments of the address, and noticing the prosperity
6f the United States, they added,
" Whilst contemplating the causes that pro-
duced this auspicious result, we must acknow-
ledge the excellence of the constitutional system,
and' the wisdom of the legislative provisions; but
we should be deficient in gratitude and justice,
did we not attribute a great portion of these ad-
tantages to the virtue, firmness, and talents, of
your administration, which have been conspi-
cuously displayed, in the most trying times, and
on the most critical occasions ; it is therefore with
the sincerest regret that we now receive an official
notification of your intentions to retire from the
public employments of your country.
" When we review the various scenes of your
public life, so long and so successfully devoted to
the most arduous services, civil and military, as
well during the struggles of the American revo-
lution, as the convulsive periods of a recent date,
we cannot look forward to your retirement without
our warmest affections and most anxious regards
accompanying you ; and without mingling with
dur fellow citizens at large, in the sincerest wishes
for your personal happiness, that sensibility and
attachment can express.
" The most effectual consolation that can offer
for the loss we are about to sustain, arises fron|
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 507
the animating reflection that the influence of jour
example will extend to your successors, and tbd
United States thus continue to enjoy an able,, up-
right, and energetic administration."
In the House of Representatives, an answer^
which promised attention to the several subject*
recommended in the speech, and concluded as
follows, was, after pointed objection and warm
Debate, voted by a large majority.
fe And while we entertain a grateful conviction
that your wise, firm, and patriotic administration
has been signally conducive to the success of the
present form of government, we cannot forbear to
express the deep sensations of regret with which
we contemplate your intended retirement from
office.
" As no other suitable occasion may occur, we
cannot suffer the present to pass without attempt*
ing to disclose some of the emotions which it caa-
not fail to awaken.
tc The gratitude and admiration of your coun-
trymen are still drawn to the recollection of those
resplendent virtues and talents which were so
eminently instrumental to the achievement of the
revolution, and of which that glorious event will
ever be the memorial. Your obedience to the
voice of duty and your country, when you quitted
reluctantly, a second time, the retreat you had
chosen, and first accepted the presidency, afford-
ed a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in
its service, and an earnest of the patriotism and
,guceess >vhich have characterized your adminis-
tration,. As the grateful confidence of the ci-
508 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
tizens in the virtues of their Chief Magistrate has
essentially contributed to that success, we per-
suade ourselves that the millions whom we repre-
sent participate with us in the anxious solicitude
of the present occasion.
" Yet we cannot be unmindful that your mo-
deration and magnanimity, twice displayed by
retiring from your exalted stations, afford exam-
ples no less rare and instructive to mankind than
valuable to a republic.
" Although we are sensible that this event, of
itself, completes the lustre of a character already
conspicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of
virtue, talents, success, and public estimation,
jet we conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still
more emphatically to ourselves and to our nation
( of the language of whose hearts we presume to
think ourselves, at this moment, the faithful inter-
preters), to express the sentiments with which it
is contemplated.
v The spectacle of a free and enlightened na-
tion, offering by its representatives the tribute of
unfeigned approbation to its first citizen, however
novel and interesting it may be, derives all its
lustre, a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could
not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish,
from the transcendant merit, of which it is the
voluntary testimony.
" May you long enjoy that liberty which is so
dear to you, and to which your name will ever be
so dear. May your own virtue, and a nation's
prayers, obtain the happiest sunshine for the de-
cline of your days, and the choicest of future.
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 509
blessings. For our country's sake, and for the
sake of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish
that your example may be the guide of your suc-
cessors ; and thus, after being the ornament and
safeguard of the present age, become the patri-
mony of our descendants."
President Washington now, with supreme de-
light, anticipated the time when he should quit
the storms and agitations of public life for the
retirement of Mount Vernon ; and on the day
which terminated his presidential course, he di-
rected the following letter to the Secretary of
State.
te DEAR SIR,
" At the conclusion of my public employments,
I have thought it expedient to notice the publica-
tion of certain forged letters which first appeared
in the year 1776, and were obtruded upon the
public as mine. They are said by the editor to
have been found in a small portmanteau that I
had left in the care of my mulatto servant, named
Billy, who it is pretended was taken prisoner at
Fort Lee, in 1776. The period when these let-
ters were first printed will be recollected, and
what were the impressions they were intended to
produce on the public mind. It was then sup-
posed to be of some consequence to strike at the
integrity of the motives of the American Com-
mander in Chief, and to paint his inclinations as
at variance with his professions and his duty
another crisis in the affairs of America having
occurred, the same weapon has been resorted to,
to wound my character and deceit e the people.
510 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
" The letters in question have the dates, ad-
dresses, and signatures here following/'
" New York, June 12, 1776.
" To Mr. Lund Washington, at Mount Ver-
non, Fairfax County, Virginia. G. W.
"June 18, 1776.
" To John Park Custis, Esq. at the Hon. Be-
nedict Calvert's Esq. Mount Airy, Maryland.
G. W,
" New York, July 8, 1776.
" To Mr. Lund Washington, Mount Vernon,
Fairfax County, Virginia. G. W.
" New York, July 16, 1776.
" To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W.
" New York, July 15, 1776.
" To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W.
" New York, July 22, 1776.
" To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W.
" June 24, 1773.
" To Mrs. Washington. G. W.
" At the time when these letters first appeared,
it was notorious to the army immediately under
my command, and particularly to the gentlemen
attached to my person, that my mulatto man Billy
had never been one moment in the power of the
enemy. It is also a fact, that no part of my bag-
gage, or any of my attendants, were captured
during the whole course of the war. These well
known facts made it unnecessary, during the war,
to call the public attention to the forgery, by any
express declaration of mine; and a linn reliance
on my fellow citizens, and the abundant proofs
1796-9 .] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 511
they gave of their confidence in me, rendered it
alike unnecessary to tajke any formal notice of the
revival of the imposition, during my civil admi-
nistration. But as I cannot know how soon a
more serious event may succeed to that which
will this day take place, I have thought it a duty
that I owed to myself, to my country, and to
truth, now to detail the circumstances above re-
cited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the
letters herein described are a base forgery, and
that I never saw or heard of them until they ap-
peared in print. The present letter I commit to
your care, and desire it may be deposited in the
office of the department of state, as a testimony of
the truth to the present generation and to poste-
rity."
On the 4th of March, 1797, he attended the
inauguration of his successor in office. Great
sensibility was manifested by the members of the
legislature, and other distinguished characters,
when he entered the senate chamber, and much
admiration expressed at the complacence and de-
light he manifested, at seeing another clothed
with the authority witty which he had himself
been invested.
Having paid his affectionate compliments to
Mr. Adams, as President of the United States, he
bid adieu to the seat of government, and hastened
to the delights of domestic life. He intended
that his journey should- have been private, but the
attempt was vain ; the same affectionate and re-
jspectful attentions were on this occasion paid him
which he had received during his presidency.
512 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1796-9
At the adoption of the federal constitution,
foreign powers refused all negotiation with Con-
gress, public credit was lost, nor was any function
of a living government performed Under his
own auspices, General Washington saw a national
government firmly established, and the country
rise to a state of strength and respectability ; con-
troversies with foreign nations, which had long
existed, and which involved the best interests of
the United States settled ; the resources of the
country explored and brought into action ; the
debts of the war funded, and credit restored,
thcpugh all the ramifications of public and private
concerns ; the agriculture and commerce of his
country flourishing beyond example, and its ca-
pital doubled.
'One cloud only at this time obscured the poli-
tical horizon of the United States. France had
assumed a threatening attitude ; but for the peace
i^aml safety of the country, the General confided in
the patriotism of his fellow citizens, under the
providence of Heaven.
In the rejection of the American envoys by the
court of France, in their menaces to the United
States, and in the measures adopted under the
administration of Mr. Adams, his feelings were
deeply interested. When the indignities of the
Directory exceeded endurance, and the spirit of
the American nation was roused to resistance,
every eye was directed to him as the military
leader. He might without jealousy be placed at
the head of a powerful army, and could bring
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON 513
into the field all the military strength and talents
of the country.
Colonel Hamilton, in May 1798, intimated to
him this universal expectation, to whom General
Washington thus replied.
. cc You may be assured that my mind is deeply
impressed with the present situation of public
affairs, and not a little agitated by the outrageous
conduct of France towards the United States, and
at the inimical conduct of those partisans who aid
and abet her measures. You may believe further,
from assurances equally sincere, that if there was
anything in my power to be done consistently,
avert or lessen the danger of the crisis, it should
rendered with hand and heart.
" But, my dear Sir, dark as matters appear at
present, and expedient as it is to be prepared for
the worst that can happen (and no man is more
disposed to this measure than I am ) t l cannot raa
up my mind yet, for the expectation-of open war;
or, in other words, for a formidable invasion by
France. I cannot believe, although I think her
capable of any thing, that she will attempt to do
more than she has done. When she perceives the
spirit and policy of this country rising into re-
sistance, and that she has falsely calculated upon
support from a large part of the people ^to promote
her views and influence in it, she will desist even
from these practices, unless unexpected events in
Europe, or the acquisition of Louisiana and the
Floridas should induce her to continue them. And
I believe further, that although the leaders of
their party in this country will not change their
514 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179G-9.
sentiments,, they will be obliged to change their
plan, or the mode of carrying it on. The effer-
vescence which is appearing in all quarters, and
the desertion of their followers will frown them
into silence, at least for a while.
" If I did not view things in this light, my
mind would be infinitely more disquieted than it
is : for if a crisis should arrive when a sense of
duty, or a call from my country, should become
so imperious as to leave me no choice, I should
prepare for relinquishment, and go with as much
reluctance from my present peaceful abode, as I
should go to the tombs of my ancestors.'*
In June, President Adams wrote General Wash-
ington a letter, in which he thus alluded to his
again appearing in a public character.
"".In forming an army, whenever I must come
io that extremity, I am at an immense loss whe-
ther to call out all the old generals, or to appoint
a young set. If (Re French come here, we must
learn to march with a quick step, and to attack,
for in that way only they are said to be vulnera-
ble. I must tax you sometimes for advice. We
must have your name, if you will in any case
permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy
in it than in many an army."
Four days after, the Secretary of War addressed
him in the following manner on the same subject.
" May we Hatter ourselves, that in a crisis so
awful and important, you will accept the com-
mand of all our armies ? I hope you will, because
you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it
is possible that they can be united."
1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 515
To the President be thus replied.
" At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion
of these states by an European power, or even the
probability of such an event in my days, was so
far from being contemplated by me, that I had
no conception either that or any other occurrence
would arise in so short a period, which could turn
my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. But
this seems to be the age of wonders. And it is
reserved for intoxicated and lawless France (for
purposes of Providence far beyond the reach of
human ken) to slaughter her own citizens, and to
disturb the repose of all the world besides. From
a view of the past, from the prospect of the pre-
sent, and of that which seems to be expected, it is
not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the part
it might best become me to act. In case of ac-
tual invasion by a formidable force, I certainly
should not entrench myself under the cover of age
and retirement, if my services should be required
by my country, to assist in repelling it. And if
there be good cause to expect such an event,
which certainly must be better known to the go-
vernment than to private citizens, delay in pre-
paring for it may be dangerous, improper, and
not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty
however- of the latter, in my mind, creates my
embarrassment ; for 1 cannot bring it to believe,
regardless as the French are of treaties, and of the
laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to
be of any species of despotism and injustice, that
they will attempt to invade this country, after
such an uniform and unequivocal expression of
L i. 2
51$ LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
the determination of the people in all parts to op-
pose them with their lives and fortunes. That
they have been led to believe., by their agents and
partizans among us, that we are a divided people,
that the latter are opposed to their own govern-
ment, and that the show of a small force would
occasion a revolt, I have no doubt ; and how far
these men, grown desperate, will further attempt
to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the
deception, is problematical. Without that, the
folly of the Directory in such an attempt would,
I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than
their wickedness.
" Having with candour made this disclosure of
the state of my mind, it remains only for me to
add r that to those who know me best, it is best
.>* . .
known, that should imperious circumstances in-
duce me to exchange once more the smooth paths
of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at
a period too when repose is 'more congenial to
nature; that it would be productive of sensations
which can be more easily conceived than ex-
pressed."
To the question of the Secretary at War, this
was his answer :
ef It cannot be necessary for me to premise to
you, or others, who know my sentiments, that to
quit the tranquillity of retirement, and enter the
boundless field of responsibility, would be produc-
tive of sensations which a better pen than I pos-
sess would find it difficult to describe. Neverthe-
less, the principle by which my conduct has been
actuated through life, would not suffer me, in any
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 517
great emergency, to withhold any services I could
render when required by my country, especially
in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by
lawless ambition and ' intoxicated power, in con-
tempt of every principle of justice, and in viola-
tion of solemn compacts, and of laws which go-
vern all civilized nations; and this too with the
obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion,
for the purpose of subjugating our government,
and destroying our independence and happiness.
ff Under circumstances like these, accompanied
by an actual invasion of our territory, it would Be
difficult for me at any time to remain an idle spec-
tator, under the plea of age or retirement. With
sorrow, it is true, I should quit the shades of my
peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness I now
enjoy, Jo encounter anew the turmoils of war, to
which f possibly my strength and powers might
be found incompetent. These, however, should
not be stumbling blocks in my own way. But
there are other things highly important for me to
ascertain and settle, before I could give a defini-
tive answer to your question.
ce First, The propriety in the opinion of the
public., so far as that opinion has been expressed
in conversation, of my appearing again on the
public theatre, after declaring the sentiments I did
in my valedictory address of September, 1796.
ft Secondly, A conviction in my own breast, from
the best information that can be obtained, that it
is the wish of my country that its military force
ihould be committed to my charge ; and
" Thirdly, That the army now to be formed
518 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
should be so appointed as to afford a well ground-
ed hope of its doing honour to the country, and
credit to him who commands it in the field."
Before these letters had reached the seat of
government, the President had nominated to the
Senate, "General Washington to he Lieutenant-
general and Commander in Chief of the armies
raised and to be raised." The Secretary of War
waited upon him with his commission, and with
the following letter from the President.
<e Mr. M'Henry, the Secretary of War, will
have the honour to wait on you in my behalf, to
impart to you a step I have ventured to take,
which I should have been Irappy to have com-
municated in person, had such a journey at this
time been in my power.
" My reasons for this measure will be too well
known, to need any explanation to the public.
Every friend and every enemy of America will
comprehend them at first blush. To you, Sir, I
owe all the apology I can make. The urgent ne-
cessity I am in of your advice and assistance, in-
. deed of your conduct and direction of the war, is
all I can urge; and that is a sufficient justifica-
tion to myself and to the worhl. I hope it will
be so considered by yourself. Mr. M'Henry will
have the honour to consult you upon the orga-
nization of the army, and upon every thing re-
lating to it."
With the order to wait on General Washington,
the Secretary of War received from President
Adams the following instructions.
" It is my desire that you embrace the first op-
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 519
portunity to set out on your journey to Mount
Vernon, and wait on General Washington with
the commission of Lieutenant-general and Com-
mander in Chief of the armies of the United
States, which, by the advice and consent of the
Senate, has been signed by me.
" The reasons and motives which prevailed on
me to venture on such a step as the nomination of
this great and illustrious character, whose volun-
tary resignation alone occasioned my introduction
to the office I now hold, were too numerous to
be detailed in this letter, and are too obvious and
impertant to escape the observation of any part
of America or Europe. But as it is a movement
of great delicacy, it will require all y/)ur address
to communicate the subject in a manner that shall
be inoffensive to his feelings, and consistent with
all the respect that is due from me to him!
" If the General should decline the "appoint-
ment, all the world will be silent, and respectfully
acquiesce. If he should accept it, all the world,
except the enemies of this country, will rejoice.
If he should come to no decisive determination,
but take the subject into consideration, I shall not
appoint any other Lieutenant-general until his
conclusion is known. 1 '
The General opened himself explicitly to the
Secretary of War, and by him returned the fol-
lowing answer to the President's communication.
" I had the honour, on the evening of the 1 Ith
instant, to receive from the hands of the Secretary
of War, your favour of the 7th, announcing that
you had, with the advice and consent of the Se^
520 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
nate, appointed me Lieutenant-general and Com-
mander in Chief of the armies raised,, or to be
raised, for the service of the United States.
" I cannot express hosv greatly affected I am at
this new proof of public confidence, and at the
highly flattering manner in which you have been
pleased to make the communication. At the same
time, I must not conceal from you my earnest
wish that the choice had fallen upon a man less
declined in years, and better qualified to err-
counter the usual vicissitudes of war. .-'/"
f( You know, Sir, what calculations I had made
relative to the probable course of events on my
retiring from office, and the determination with
which I had consoled myself, of closing the rem-
nant of my days in my present peaceful abode.
You will therefore be at no loss to conceive and
appreciate the sensations [ must have experienced,
to bring my mind to any conclusion that would
pledge me at so late a period of life, to leave
scenes I sincerely love, to enter upon the bound-
less field of public action, incessant trouble, and
high responsibility.
"It was not possible for me to remain ignorant
of, or indifferent to, recent transactions. The
conduct of the Directory of France towards our
country ; their insidious hostility to its govern-
ment; their various practices to withdraw the
affections of the people from it ; the evident ten-
dency of their arts, and those of their agents, to
countenance and invigorate opposition ; their dis-
regard of solemn treaties and the laws of nations;
their war upon our defenceless commerce ; their
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 521
treatment of our ministers of peace,, and their
demands, amounting to tribute., could not fail to
excite in me sentiments corresponding with those
my countrymen have so generally expressed in
their affectionate address to you.
" Believe me., Sir, no man can more cordially
approve the wise and prudent measures of your
administration. They ought to inspire universal
confidence, and will/ no doubt, combined with
the state of things, call from Congress such laws
and means as will enable you to meet the full
force and extent of the crisis.
ce Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely
wished and endeavoured to avert war, and ex-
hausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation,
we can, with pure hearts, appeal to Heaven for the
justice of our cause; and may confidently trust
the final result to that kind Providence who has
heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the
people of the United States.
ff Thinking in this manner, and seeing how in-
cumbent it is upon every person of every descrip-
tion to contribute, at all time.s, to his country's
welfare, and especially in a moment like the pre-
sent, when every thing we hold dear and sacred
is so seriously threatened, I have finally determin-
ed to accept the commission of Commander in
Chief of the armies of the United States, with the
reserve only, that I shall not be called into the
field, until the army is in a situation to require my
presence, or it becomes indispensable by the ur-
gency of circumstances.
' ' In making this reservation, I beg it to be un-
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
derstood, that I do not mean to withhold any as-
sistance to arrange and organize the army, which
you may think I can afford. I take the liberty
also to mention that I must decline having my
acceptance considered as drawing after it any
immediate charge upon the public, or that I can
receive any emoluments annexed to the appoint-
ment, before I am in a situation to incur expence."
From this period, the domestic employments
of General Washington were blended with the
concerns of his public commission ; but he did
not apprehend that France would push her ag-
gressions to actual war. He conceived that the
object of the Directory was to subject the govern-
ment of the United States to their measures,
either through fear of war, or by the controling
influence of the people.
It was the settled opinion of the General, that
the great body of the American people were ac-
tuated by the.love of country, and only needed in-
formation respecting the measures of government,
to induce them to support it. In the patriotic
spirit^ .excited in 1798, he contemplated a re-
source, which might at all times be relied upon,
to repel foreign aggressions, and on this occasion
he confidently expected that France would recede
from her insolent pretensions.
But he did not live to see the fulfilment of his
predictions. On Friday, December 13, 1799,
while superintending some improvements on his
estate, he was out in a light rain, which wet his
neck and hair. The occurrence commanded no
immediate attention ; but in the course of the en-
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 523
suing night he was seized with an inflammation
of the wind-pipe. The complaint was accompa-
nied with difficulty in swallowing, and with a
quick and laborious respiration.
Conceiving that bleeding would be salutary, a
vein was opened by one accustomed to the use of
the lancet, and fourteen ounces of blood taken
from him ; but he could cot be persuaded to send
for his physician until the morning. About
eleven o'clock on Saturday, Dr. Craik arrived,
and perceiving his extreme danger, desired the
advice of two consulting physicians; but their aid,
in this case, was unavailing. Speaking soon be-
came painful, and respiration contracted and im-
perfect, and at half-past eleven on Saturday night,
December 14, in the full possession of reason, he
expired.
From the moment of attack, he believed the
disease would prove mortal, and submitted to
medical aid rather to gratify the wishes of his
anxious friends, than from any expectation of re-
lief. Some hours before death, with extreme
difficulty, he intelligibly expressed a desire that
he might be permitted to die without further dis-
turbance. When he could no longer swallow, he
undressed himself and got into bed, there to await
his dissolution. Dr. Craik took the head of his
beloved and respected friend in his lap, to whom
the General said, <f Doctor, I am dying, and have
been dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to
die." With fortitude he bore the painful conflict,
and with perfect serenity resigned himself to his
Qod.
524 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
His interment, on Wednesday the 1 8th of De-
cember/ was attended by religious services, and
military honours; and a great concourse of people
followed his hearse, as undissembled mourners.
The report of the death of General Washington
reached the seat of government before the infor-
mation of his sickness. It excited the highest
sensibility in the members of Congress, and over-
whelmed them with affliction. A solemn silence
prevailed in the House of Representatives for se-
veral minutes. At length, Mr. Marshall, the
present Chief Justice of the United States, men-
tioned the melancholy information. (< This in-
formation is not certain," he observed, "but there
is too much reason to believe it true. After re-
ceiving intelligence/' Tie added, <f of a national
-calamity so heavy and afflicting, the House of
Representatives can be but ill fitted for public
business." Inconsequence, both houses adjourned.
On opening .the House the next morning, Mr.
Marshall addressed the chair in the following
manner.
<f The melancholy event which was yeste^ay
announced with doubt, has been rendered but too
certain. Our Washington is np more ! The hero,
the patriot, and the sage of America the man
on whom, in times of danger, every eye was turn-
*d, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in
his own s;reat actions, and in the hearts of an af-
fectionate and afflicted people.
" If, Sir, it had even not been usual openly to
testify respect for the memory of those whom
Heaven has selected as its instruments for dispens-
1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 525
ing good to man, yet such has been the uncom-
mon worth, and such the extraordinary incidents
which have marked the life of him whose loss we
all deplore, that the whole American nation, im-
pelled by the same feelings, would call, with one
voice, for a public manifestation of that sorrow
which is so deep and so universal.
" More than any other individual, and as much
as to one individual was possible, has he contri-
buted to found this our wide spreading empire,
and to give to the western world independence
and freedom.
" Having effected the great object for which
he was placed at the head of our armies, we have
seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare,
and sink the soldier into the citizen.
" When the debility of our federal system had
become manifest, and the bonds which connected
this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen
him the chief of those patriots who formed for us
a constitution, which, by preserving the union,
will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those
blessings which our revolution had promised to
bestow.
" In obedience to the general voice of his
country, calling him to preside over a great people,
we have seen him once more quit the retirement
he loved, and in a season more stormy and tem-
pestuous than war itself, with calm and wise de-
termination pursue the true interest of the nation,
and contribute, more than any other could con-
tribute, to the establishment of that system of
526 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
policy which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace,
our honour, and independence.
" Having twice been unanimously chosen the
Chief Magistrate of a free people, we have seen
him, at a time when his re-election with universal
suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world
a rare instance of moderation, by withdrawing
from his high station to the peaceful walks of pri-
vate life.
" However the public confidence may jhange,
and the public affections fluctuate with respect to
others ; with respect to him, they have in war and
in peace, in public and in private life, been as
steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as
his own exalted virtues.
" Let us then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute
of respect and affection to our departed friend.
Let the grand council of the nation display those
sentiments which the nation feels. For this pur-
pose I hold in my hand some resolutions, which I
take the liberty of offering to the House."
The resolutions, after stating the death of Ge-
neral Washington, were as follow.
" Resolved, That this House will wait on the
President in condolence of this mournful event;
" Resolved, That the Speaker's chair be shroud-
ed with black, and that the members and officers
of the House wear black during the session.
" Resolved, That a committee, in conjunction
with one from the Senate, be appointed to coiv-
aider on the most suitable manner of paying ho-
nour to the memory of the man, first in war, first
1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 527
in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow ci-
tizens/'
These resolutions had no sooner passed, than a
written message was received from the President,
transmitting a letter from Mr. Lear, " which,"
said the message " will inform you that it had
pleased Divine Providence to remove from this
life our excellent fellow citizen George Washing-
ton, by the purity of his life, and a long series of
services to his country, rendered illustrious through
the world. It remains for an affectionate and
grateful people, in whose hearts he can never die,
to pay suitable honour to his memory."
On this mournful event, the Senate addressed to
the President the following letter.
" The Senate of the United States respectfully
take leave, Sir, to express to you their deep regret
for the loss their country sustains in the death of
General George Washington.
" This event, so distressing to all our fellow
citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who
have long been associated with him in deeds of
patriotism. Permit us, Sir, to mingle our tears
with yours. On this occasion it is manly to weep.
To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common
calamity to the world. Our country mourns a
father. The Almighty Disposer of human events
has taken from us our greatest benefactor and
ornament. It becomes us to submit with reve-
rence to Him who " maketh darkness his pavi-
lion."
fc With patriotic pride we review the life of
528 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
our Washington, and compare him with those
of other countries who have been pre-eminent
in fame. Antient and modern names are dimi-
nished before him. Greatness and guilt have too
often been allied; but his fame is whiter than it
is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood
abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It reproved
the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened
the splendor of victory. The scene is closed,
and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune
should sully his glory ; he has travelled on to the
end of his journey, and carried with him an in-
creasing weight of honour ; he has deposited it
safely, where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where
malice cannot blast it. Favoured of Heaven, he
departed without exhibiting the weakness of hu-
mauity ; magnanimous in death, the darkness of
the grave could not obscure his brightness.
" Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks
to God, his glory is consummated. \Vashington
yet lives on earth in his spotless example his spi-
rit is in Heaven.
" Let his countrymen consecrate the memory
of the heroic General, the patriotic Statesman., and
the virtuous Sage. Let them teach their children
never to forget that \he fruits of his labours and
o
his example are their inheritance."
To which the President made the following
answer.
" I receive, with the most respectful and affec-
tionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the
obliging expressions of ) our regret for the loss
1796-9.] IIFE OF WASHINGTON.
our country has sustained in the death of her most
esteemed, beloved, and' admired citizen.
" In the multitude of my thoughts and recol-
lections on this melancholy event, you will permit
me to say, that I have seen him in the days of ad-
versity, in some of the scenes of his deepest dis-
tress, and most trying perplexities. I have also
attended him in his highest elevation, and most
prosperous felicity, \vith uniform admiration of
his wisdom, moderation, and constancy.
(C Among all our original associates in that me-
morable league of this continent in 1774, which
first ex pressed the sovereign will of & free nation
in America, he was the only one remaining in the
general government. Although with a constitu-
tion more enfeebled than his, at an age when he
thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I
feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother ;
yet I derive, a strong consolation from the unani-
mous disposition which appears in all ages and
classe's to mingle their sorrows with mine on this
common calamity to the world.
" The life of our Washington cannot suffer by
a comparison with those of other countries, who
have been most celebrated and exalted by fame.
The attributes and decorations of royalty could
only have served to eclipse the majesty of those
virtues which made him from being a modest
citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfor-
tune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied
his glory only with those superficial minds, who,
believing that characters and actions are marked
M M*
530 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9.
by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Ma-
lice could never blast his honour, and envy made
him a singular exception to her universal rule.
For himself, he had lived long enough to life and
to glory. For his fellow citizens, if their prayers
could have been answered, he would have been
immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most un-
fortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the
wise and righteous dominion of Providence over
the passions of men, and the results of their coun-
cils and actions, as well as over their lives, no-
thing remains for me but humble resignation.
. fc His example is now complete ; and it will
teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens
and men, not only in the present age, but in fu-
ture generations, as long as our history shall be
read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Au-
relius can never want biogsaphers, eulogists, or
historians."
A joint comfrrittee of the two Houses reported
the following resolutions.
" That a marble monument be erected by the
United States at the city of Washington, and that
the family of General Washington be requested
to permit his body to be deposited under it; and
that the monument be so designed as to comme-
morate the great events of his military and poli-
tical life.
tf That there be a funeral procession from Con-
gress Hall to the German Lutheran Church, in
memory of General Washington, on Thursday the
20th instant, and that an oration be prepared at
1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON, 531
the request of Congress, to be delivered before
both Houses on that day ; and that the President
of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Re-
presentatives, be desired to request one of the
members of Congress to prepare and deliver the
same.
ce That it be recommended to the people of the
United States to wear crape on the left arm as
mourning for thirty days.
ff That the President of the United States be
\
requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to
be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her
of the profound respect Congress will ever bear
to her person and character, of their condolence
on the late affecting dispensation of Providence,
and entreating her assent to the interment of the
remains of General Washington in the manner
expressed in the first resolution.
" That the President be requested to issue hii
proclamation, notifying to the people throughout
the United States the recommendation contained
in the third resolution."
The President transmitted the resolutions of
Congress to Mrs. Washington, to which she thus
replied.
" Taught by the great example which I have
go long had before me, never to oppose my pri-
vate wishes to the public will, I must consent to
the request made by Congress, which you have
had the goodness to transmit to me ; and in doing
this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sacrifice of
individual feeling I make to a sense of duty."
M M 2
532 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9
Information of the death of General Washing-
ton was, throughout the United States, accom-
panied by spontaneous and universal expressions
of deep grief for his loss, and of the highest ve-
neration for his memory. The citizens without
exception complied with the recommendations of
Congress. Civil incorporations and legislative bo-
dies, colleges and all other respectable societies,
formed funeral processions, and attended upon
prayers, eulogies, and orations.
The resolution of Congress respecting the mo-
nument has not been carried into execution. When
a motion for the necessary appropriation was
made in the House of Representatives, many
members manifested a preference for an eques-
trian statue, voted by Congress at the close of
the war ; and in the dispute between a monument
and a statue, the session of the legislature passed
away, and no appropriation was made.
They, who^had opposed every part of his ad-
ministration, probably could not in sincerity fa-
vour a national monument to his memory ; and
when the subject was revived in Congress, the
public feelings having in some measure subsided,
they opposed any appropriation for this purpose,
as an improper use of public money. The rea-
son assigned for objecting to the measure was, that
the gratitude and veneration of the people were
the appropriate monument of the public services
of the American patriot.
General Washington never had any children.
By his will he left Mrs. Washington the use of
1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 533
all his property during her life. At her decease
he liberated his slaves, and disposed of property
among his and her relations, amounting by his
own estimate, to five hundred and thirty thou-
sand dollars.
534 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
CONCLUSION.
GENERAL WASHINGTON was exactly six feet in
height, he appeared taller, as his shoulders rose
a little higher than the true proportion. His
eyes were of a grey, and his hair of a brown co-
lour. His limbs were well formed, and indicat-
ed strength. His complexion was light, and his
countenance serene and thoughtful. His man-
ners were graceful,' manly and dignified. His ge-
neral appearance never failed to engage the re-
spect and esteem of all who approached him.
Possessing strong tiatural passions, and having
the nicest feelings of honour, he was in early life
prone keenly to resent practices which carried the
intention of abuse or insult; but the reflections
of maturer age gave him the most perfect govern-
ment of himself. He possessed a faculty above
all other men to hide the weaknesses inseparable
from human nature ; and he bore with meekness
and equanimity his distinguished honours.
Reserved, but not haughty in his disposition,
he was accessible to all in concerns of business,
but he opened himself only to his confidential
friends; and no art or address could draw from
him an opinion, which he thought prudent to
conceal.
He was not so much distinguished for brilliancy
of genius as for solidity of judgment, and con-
summate prudence of conduct. He was not so
LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 535
eminent for any one quality of greatness and
worth, as for the union of those great amiable
and good qualities., which are very rarely com-
bined in the same character.
His maxims were formed upon the result of
mature reflection, or extensive experience; they
were the invariable rules of his practice ; and on
all important instances, he seemed to have an in-
tuitive view of what the occasion rendered fit and
proper. He pursued his purposes with a resolu-
tion, which, one solitary moment excepted, never
failed him. *
Alive to social pleasures, foe delighted to en-
ter into familiar conversation with his acquaint-
ance, and was sometimes sportive in his letters to
his friends; but he never lost sight of the dignity
of his character, nor deviated from the decorous
and appropriate behaviour becoming his station
in society.
He commanded from all the most respectful
attention, and no man in his company ever fell
into light or lewd conversation. His style of liv-
ing corresponded with his wealth; but his exten-
sive establishment was managed with the strictest
economy, and he ever reserved ample funds libe-
rally to promote schemes of private benevolence,
and works of public utility. Punctual himself
to every engagement, he exacted from others a
strict fulfilment of contracts ; but to the necessi-
tous he was diffusive in his charities, and he greatly
assisted the poorer classes of people in his vici-
* On York Island, in 1776 See page 98.
536 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
nity, by furnishing them with means successfully
to prosecute plans of industry.
In domestic and private life, he blended the
authority of the master with the care and kindness
of the guardian and friend. Solicitous for the
welfare of his slaves, while at Mount Vernon, he
every morning rode round his estates to examine
their condition ; for the sick, physicians were pro-
vided, and to the weak and infirm every neces-
sary comfort was administered. The servitude of
the negroes lay with weight upon his mind ; he
often made it the subject of conversation, and re-
volved several plans for their general emancipa-
tion : but could devise none, which promised suc-
cess, in .consistency with humanity to them, and
safety to the state.
The addresses presented to him at Alexandria,
.on the commencement of his presidency, fully
.slows how much hos.was endeared to his neigh-
bours, and the affection and esteem in which his
friends held his private character.
His industry was unremitted, and his method
go exact, that all the complicated business of his
military command, a-nd civil administration, was
managed without confusion, and without hurry.
Not feeliug the lust of power, and ambitious
Only for honourable fame, he devoted himself to
his country upon the most disinterested principles;
and his actions wore not the semblance but the
reality of virtue: The purity of his motives was
accredited, and absolute confidence placed in his
patriotism.
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 537
i
While filling a public station, the performance
of his duty took the place of pleasure, emolument
and every private consideration. During the more
critical years of the war, a smile was scarcely seen
upon his countenance, he gave himself no mo-
ments of relaxation ; but his whole mind was en-
grossed to execute successfully his trust.
As a military commander, he struggled with in-
numerable embarrassments, arising from the short
iiilistment of his men, and from the want of pro-
visions, clothing, arms and ammunition ; and an
opinion of his achievements should be formed in
view of these inadequate means.
The first years of his civil administration were
attended with the extraordinary fact, that while a
great proportion of his Countrymen reprobated
Jiis measures, they universally venerated his cha-
racter, and relied implicitly on his integrity.
Although his opponents eventuallyideemcd it exp k e-
dient to vilify his character, that they might dimi-
nish his political influence; yet the moment that
he retired from public life, they returned to their
expressions of veneration and esteem ; and after
Jiis death, used every endeavour to secure to their
party the influence of his name.
He was as eminent for piety, as for patriotism.
His public and private conduct evince, that he
impressively felt a sense of the superintendence of
God, and of the dependence of man. In his ad-
dresses while at the head of the army, and of the
national government, he gratefully noticed the sig-
nal blessings of Providence, and fervently coin-
538 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.
mended his country to divine benediction. In
private, he was known to have been habitually
devout.
In principle and practice he was a Christian.
The support of an Episcopal church, in the vi-
cinity of Mount Vernon, rested principally upon
him ; and here, when on his estate, he with con-
stancy attended public worship. In his address
'to the American people, at the close of the war,
mentioning the favourable period of the world at
which the independence of his country was estab-
lished, and enumerating the causes which unitedly
had ameliorated the condition of human society,
he, above science, philosophy, commerce, and all
other considerations, ranked " the pure and benign
light of Revelation." Supplicating Heaven that
his fellow citizens might cultivate the disposition,
and practise the virtues which exalt a commu-
nity, he presented the following petition to his
God, <( That he would most graciously be pleased
to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and
to demean ourselves with that charity, humility
and pacific temper of mind, which were the cha-
racteristics of the Divi?ie Author of our blessed
religion; without an humble imitation of whose
example, in these things, we can never hope to be
an happy nation."
During the war, he not unfrequently rode ten
or twelve miles from camp to attend public wor-
ship ; and he never omitted this attendance, when
opportunity presented.
In the establishment of his presidential house-
hold, he reserved to himself the Sabbath, free from
LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 539
the interruptions of private visits, or public busi-
ness; and throughout the eight years of his civil
administration, he gave to the institutions of Chris-
tianity the influence of his example.
He was as fortunate as great and good.
Under his auspices, a civil war was conducted
with mildness, and a revolution with order. Rais-
ed himself above the influence of popular pas-
sions, he happily directed these passions to the
most useful purposes. Uniting the talents of the
soldier with the qualifications of the statesman,
and pursuing, unmoved by difficulties, the noblest
end by the purest means, he had the supreme sa-
tisfaction of beholding the complete success of his
great military and civil services, in the indepen-
dence and happiness of his country.
THE END.
( 540 )
APPENDIX,
WASHINGTON'S WILL.
IN THE NAME OF GOD, AMEN.
I GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount Vernon, a citizen
of the United States, and lately President of the same, do make,
ordain and declare this instrument, which is written with my
own hand*, and every page thereof subscribed with my Name,
to be my }ast WILL and TESTAMENT, revoking all others.
Imprimis. All my debts, of which there are but few., and none
of magnitude, are Ift be punctually and speedily paid, and the
legacies herein after bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon
as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed.
Item. To my dearly beloved wife Martha Washington, I
give and bequeath the use, profit and benefit of my whole
estate, real and personal, for the term of her natural life, ex-
cept such parts thereof as are specially disposed pf hereafter.
My improved lot, in the town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt
and Cameron streets, I give to her and her heirs forever j as I
also do my household and kitchen furniture, of every sort and
kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on hand at
the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may
think proper.
Item." -Upon the decease of my wife, jt is my will and de-
sire that all the Slaves which I hold in my own right shall
In the original manuscript, George Washington's name was written
at the bottom of every page.
APPENDIX. 541
receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life,
would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such
insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by
marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the most pain-
ful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences from the latter,
while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same pro-
prietor j it not being in my power, under the tenure by which
the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. And where-
as, among those who will receive freedom according to this
devise, there may be some, who from old age or bodily infir-
mities, and others, who on account of their infancy, that will
be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire, that
all who come under the first and second description, shall be
comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live ; and
that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or
if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be
bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-?
five years; and^in cases where no record can be produced,
whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the
court, upon its, own view of the subject, shall be- adequate and
final. The negroes thus bound, are (by their masters or mis-
tresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up
to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the com-
monwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan
and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid
the sale or transportation, out of the said commonwealth, of
any Slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence what-
soever. And I do moreover, most pointedly and most so-
lemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the
survivor of them, to see that this clause respecting Slaves, and
every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which
it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or de-
lay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are har-
vested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm ; seeing
that a regular and permanent fund be established for their sup-
port, as long as there are subjects requiring it; not trusting to
542 APPENDIX.
the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. And to my
Mulatto man, William, calling himself William Lee, I give
immediate freedom, or if he should prefer it, (on account
of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have
rendered him incapable of walking, or of any active employ-
ment) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional
in him to do so j in either case, however, I allow him an annuity
of thirty dollars, during his natural life, which shall be inde-
pendent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to
receive, if he chooses the last alternative j but in full with his
freedom, if he prefers the first j and this I give him, as a tes-
timony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faith-
ful services during the revolutionary war.
Item. To the trustees (governors, or by whatsoever other
name they may be designated) of the academy, in the town of
Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dol-
lars, or in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in
the bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a Free School,
established at, and annexed to, the said Academy, for the pur-
pose of educating such orphan children, or the children of such
other poor and indigent persons, as are unable to accomplish it
with their own means j and who, in the judgment of the trus-
tees of the said seminary, arc best entitled to the benefit of this
donation. The aforesaid twenty shares I give and bequeath in
perpetuity ; the dividends only of which are to be drawn for,
and applied by the said trustees, for the time being, for the uses
abovementioned ; the stock to remain entire and untouched,
unless indications of failure of the said bank should be apparent,
or a discontinuance thereof, should render a removal of this
fund necessary. In either of these cases, the amount of the
stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank, or public
institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and cer-
tainty be drawn and applied as above : and, to prevent miscon-
ception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that
these twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the
thousand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago ; in
APPENDIX. 5-43
consequence whereof, an annuity of fifty pounds has since been
paid towards the support of this institution.
Item. Whereas by a law of the commonwealth of Vir-
ginia, enacted in the year 1785, the Legislature thereof, was
pleased, as an evidence of its approbation, of the services I had
rendered the public during the revolution, and partly I believe,
in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages
which the community would derive from the extension of its
inland navigation under Legislative patronage, to present me
with one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each, in the
incorporated company, established for the purpose of extend- \
ing the navigation of James's River, from the tide water to the
mountains ; and also with fifty shares of 1001. sterling each, in
the corporation of another company likewise established for the
similar purpose of opening the navigation of the river Potow-
mack, from the tide water to Fort Cumberland ; the accept-
ance of which, although the offer was highly honourable and
grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a
principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from,
viz. not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I
could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great
Britain for its rights ; and because I had evaded similar propo-
sitions from other states in the union. Adding to this refusal,
however, an intimation that, if it should be the pleasure of
the legislature, to permit me to appropriate the said shares to
public uses, I would receive them on those terms with due sen-
sibility ; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms,
as will appear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in
the most ample and honourable manner, I proceed, after this
recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to de-
clareThat as it has always been a source of serious regret
with me, to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign
countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds
were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the
happiness of their own ; contracting too frequently, not only
habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly
544 APPENDIX.
to republican government, and to the true and genuine liber-
ties of mankind } which thereafter are rarely overcome. ,For
these reasons it has been my ardent wish, to see a plan devised
on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread sys-
tematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to
do away local attachments and state prejudices, as far as the
nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our
National Councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accom-
plishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation)
my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely
to effect the measures than the establishment of an University
in a central part of the United States, to which the youths of
fortune and talents from all parts thereof, may be sent for the
completion of their education, in all the branches of polite
literature j iu arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the
principles of politics and good government, and, (as a matter
of infinite importance in my judgment) by associating with
each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be en-
abled to free themselves, i%ftgHPy er degree, from those local
prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been men-
tioned j and which, whetilcarried to excess, are never failing
sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of
mischievous consequences to this country, under these im-
pressions, so fully dilated. ^
Item. I give and bequeath in perpetuity, the fifty shares
which I hold in the Potowmack company (under the aforesaid
acts of the Legislature of Virginia) towards the endowment of
an University, to be established within the limits of the dis-
trict of Columbia, under the auspices of the general govern-
ment, if that government should incline to extend a fostering
hand towards it j and until such seminary is established, and
the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its sup-
port, my further will and desire is that the profit accruing
therefrom, shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid
out in purchasing stock in the bank of Columbia, or some
othei bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the trea-
APPENDIX. 545
surer of the United States for the time being, under the direc-
tion of Congress, provided that honourable body should pa-
tronize the measure ; and the dividends proceeding from the
purchase of such stock, is to be vested in more stock, and so
on, until a sum, adequate to the accomplishment of the ob-
ject is obtained ; of which I have not the smallest doubt be-
fore many years pass away, even if no aid or encouragement it
given by the legislative authority, or from any other source.
Item. The hundred shares which I hold in James River
Company, I have given, and now confirm in perpetuity, to
and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the
county of Rockbridge, in the Commonwealth of Virginia.
Item. I release, exonerate and discharge the estate of mj
deceased brother Samuel Washington, from the payment of
the money which is due to me for the land I sold to Philip
Pendleton (lying in the county of Berkley) who assigned the
same to him, the said Samuel, who by agreement, was to pay
me therefor : And whereas, by some contract, (the purport
of which was never communicated to me) between the said
Samuel and his son, Thornton Washington, the latter became
possessed of the aforesaid land, without any conveyance hav-
ing passed from me, either to the said Pendleton, the said
Samuel, or the said Thornton, and without any consideration
having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor
equitable title has been alienated j it rests therefore with me
to declare my intentions concerning the premises j and these
are to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said
Thornton Washington (who is also dead) devised the same, or
to his heirs for ever, if he died intestate, exonerating the estate
of the said Thornton, equally with that of the said Samuel,
from payment of the purchase money, which, with interest,
agreeably to the original contract with the said Pendleton,
would amount to more than a thousand pounds : And whereas,
two other sons of my said deceased brother Samuel, namely,
George Steptoe Washington, and Lawrence Augustine Wash-
546 APPENDIX.
ington, were, by the decease of those to whose care they were
committed, brought under my protection, and in consequence,
have occasioned advances on my part, tor their education at
college, and other schools, for their board, clothing, and other
incidental expences, to the amount of near five thousand dol-
lars, over and above the sums furnished by their estates, which
sum it may be inconvenient for them or their fat 1 -r's estate to
refrmd I do for these reasons acquit them and the said estate
from the payment thereof my intention being that all ac-
counts between them and me, and their father's estate and me,
"shall stand balanced.
Item. The balance due to me from the estate of Bartholo-
mew Dandrig->, deceased, (my wife's brother) and which
amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to four hundred
and twenty five pounds, (as will appear by an account rendered
by his deceased son' John Dandridge,. who was the acting exe-
cutor of his father's will), I release and acquit from the payment
thereof and the negroes (then thirty three in number, for-
merly belonging to the laid estate, who were taken in execu-
tion, soldjimd purchased in- on my account, in the year (blank,)
and ever since have remained in the possession, and to the use
of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge, with their
increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her
possession," without paying hire, or making compensation for
the same, for the time past or to come, during her natural life j
at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them .who are
forty years old and upwards shall receive their freedom ; and
all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years
and no longer 3 - and all under sixteen years shall serve until
they are twenty five years of age, and then be free and to
avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they
nre to be taken into the court of the county in which they
reside, and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be
final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as
evidence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise con-
cerning the same And I further direct that the heirs of the
APPENDIX. 547
said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits
arising from the services of the said negroes, according to the
tenor of this devise, upon the decease of their mother.
Item. If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece,
Betty Lewis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots
he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and
desire that my Executors shall make such conveyances of them
as the law requires to render it perfect.
Item. To my nephew, William Augustine Washington, aud
his heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects worth pro-
secuting) a lot in the town of Manchester (opposite to Rich-
mond) No. 205, drawn on my sole account,. and also the tenth
of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or three half acre
lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in partner-
ship with nine others, all in the lottery of the deceased Wil-
liam Byrd, are given ; as is also a lot which I purchased of John
Hood, conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon,
trustees of the said John Hood, numbered 13p, in the town of
Edinburgh, in the county of Prince George, Sta.te of Virginia.
Item. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, I give and
bequeath all the papers in my possession, which relate ,to my
civil and military administration of the affairs of this country.
I leave to him also, such of my private papers as- are worth
preserving ; and at the decease of my wife, and before, if she
is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my library
of books and pamphlets of every kind.
Item. Having sold lands which I possessed in the State of
Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with
George Clinton, late Governour of Newyork, in the State of
Newyork, my share of land and interest, in the Great Dismal
Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the County of
Gloucester withholding the legal titles thereto, until the con-
sideration money should be paid rand having moreover leased
and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said
leases) all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract
upon Difficult Run, in the county of Loudoun, it is my will and
548 APPENDIX.
direction, that whensoever the contracts are fully and re-
spectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent and
meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or
assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made,
agreeable to the terms of the said contracts, and" the money
arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock ; the
dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested
therein, is to inure to my said wife during her life, but the
stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general distribu-
tion hereafter directed.
Item. To the Earl of Buchan I recommit the " box made
of the oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wallace, after
the battle of Falkirk,' 1 presented to me by h j s Lordship in terms
too flattering for me to repeat, with a request " to pass it, on
the event. of my decease, to the man in my country, who
should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that
have induced him to send it to me." Whether easy or not to
select the man who might comport with his Lordship's opi-
nion in this respect, is not for me to say j but conceiving that
no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible
than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to
the original design of the Goldsmiths' Company of Edinburgh,
who presented it to him, and at his request, consented that it
should be transferred to me I do give and bequeath the same
to his Lordship; and in case of his decease, to his heir, with
my grateful thanks for the distinguished honour of presenting
it to me, and more especially for the favourable sentiments
with which he accompanied it.
Itt in. To my brother Charles Washington, I give and be-
queath the gold headed cane, left me by Dr. Franklin in his
will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provision I
have made for his issue. To the acquaintances and friends of
my juvenile years, Lawrence Washington and Robert Wash-
ington, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold headed canes,
having my arms engraved on them; and to each, as they will
be useful where they live, I leave one of the spyglasses, which
APPENDIX. 549
constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my
compatriot in arms, and old and intimate friend Dr. Craik, I
give my bureau, (or, as the cabinet makers call it, tambour
secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study.
To Dr. David Stuart, I give my large shaving and dressing
table, and my telescope. To the Rev., now Bryan, Lord Fairfax,
I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, present-
ed to me by the Rt. Rev. T. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man.
To General De La Fayette, I give a pair of finely wrought
steel pistol s, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary war. To
my sisters-in-law Hannah Washington and Mildred Washing-
tonto my friends Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington, of
Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a
mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These be-
quests are not made for the intrinsic value of them, but as me-
mentos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear, I give the
use of the farm which he now holds, in virtue of a lease from
me to him and his deceased wife, (for and during their natural
lives) free from rent during his life ; at the expiration of which,
it is to be disposed of as is herein after directed. To Sally B.
Haynie, (a distant relation of mine) I give and bequeath three
hundred dollars. To Sarah Green, daughter of the deceased
Tho. Bishop, and to Ann Walker, daughter of John Alton, also
deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of
the attachment of their fathers to mej each of whom having
lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my Ne-
phews, William Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George
Steptoe Washington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Wash-
ington, I give one of the swords, or cutteaux, of which I may
die possessed ; and they are to choose in the order they are
named These swords are accompanied with an injunction not
to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except k
be for self defence, or in defence of their country and its rights j
and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer
falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof.
And now, having gone through these specific devises, with
550 APPENDIX.
explanations for the more correct understanding of the meaning
and design of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more
important parts of my estate, in manner following :
First. To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, and his heirs,
partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father,
while we were bachelors, and he had kindly undertaken
to superintend my estate during my military services, in the
former war between Great Britain and France, that if I
should fall therein, Mount Vernon, (then less extensive in
domain than at present, should become his property) I give
and bequeath all that part thereof, which is comprehended
within the following limits, viz. Beginning at the ford of
Dogue Run, near my mill, and extending along the road, and
bounded thereby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my
recollection of it, to the ford of Little Hunting Creek, at the
Gnm Spring, until it comes to a knowl, opposite to an old road
which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy Hole
Farm ; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three
red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed
**
thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back
line or outer boundary of .the tract between Thompson Mason
and myself thence with that line easterly (now double ditch-
ing, with a post and rail fence thereon) to the run of Little
Hunting Creek thence with the run, which is the boundary
between the lands of the late Humphrey Peake and me, to the
tide water of the said Creek thence by that water to Potow-.
mack River thence with the river to the mouth-of Dogue
Creek and thence with the said Dogue Creek to the place of
beginning at the aforesaid ford, containing upwards of four
thousand acres, be the same more or less, together with the
mansion house, and all other buildirgs and improvements
thereon. Second, In consideration of the consanguinity be-
tween them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to
myself; as, on account of the affection I had for, and the obli-
gation I was under to, their father when living, who from his
youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my
APPENDIX. 5S1
fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late 'revolution, after-
wards devoting his time to the superintendance of my private
concerns for many years, whilst my public employments ren-
dered it impracticable for me to do k myself, thereby affording
me essential services, and always performing them in a manner
the most filial and respectful : for these reasons, 1 say, I give
and bequeath to George Fayette Washington, and Lawrence
Augustine Washington, and their heirs, my estate east of Little
Hunting Creek, lying on the river Potowraack, including tho
farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias Lear,
as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by deed, 'two
thousand and twenty-seven acres, be it more or less ; which
said estate, it is my will and desire should be equitably and
advantageously divided between them, accordipg to quantity,
quality, and other circumstances, whan the youngest shall
have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, by three judicious
and disinterested men ; one to be chosen by each of the bro-
thers, and the third by these two. In the mean time, if the
termination of my wife's interest therein should have ceased,
the profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint
uses and benefit. Third. And whereas it has always been
my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased,
to consider the grand-children of my wife in the same light as
I do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them,
more especially by the two whom we have raised from their
earliest infancy, namely, Eleanor Park Custis, and George
Washington Park Custis, and whereas the former of these hath
lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis, a son of my deceased
sister, Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to pro-
vide for them both has been increased. Wherefore, I give
and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis, and Eleanor Park
Lewis, his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount
Vernon Estate, not already devised to my nephew, Bushrod
Washington, comprehended within the following description,
viz. all the laud north of the road leading from the ford of
Dogue Run to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of
532 APPENDIX.
the other part of the tract, to Bushrod Washington, until it
comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the know],
thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between
Mr. Mason and me) thence with that line westerly along the
new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling dam of my
mill ; thence with the said run to the ford aforementioned.
To which I add all the land I possess west of the said Dogue
Run and Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby,
together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and im-
provements on the premises, making together about two thou-
sand acres, be it more or less. Fourth. Actuated by the prin-
ciple already mentioned, I give and bequeath to George Wash-
ington Park Custis, the grandson of my wife, and my .ward,
and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile Run, in the
vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred
acres, more or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city
of Washington. Fifth. All the rest and residue of my estate,
real and personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in what-
soever consisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found, a
schedule of which, as far as is recollected, with a reasonable
estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed, I desire may be sold
by my executors, at such times, in such manner, and on such
credits, (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribution of the
specific property cannot be made w ithout) as in their judgment
shall be most conducive to the interest of the parties concerned,
and the monies arising therefrom to be divided into twenty-
three equal parts, and applied as follows, viz. to William
Augustine Washington, Elizabeth Spotswood, Jane Thornton,
and the heirs of Ann Ashton, sons and daughters of my deceased
brother, Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath four
parts ; that is, one part to each of them. To Fielding Lewis,
George Lewis, Robert Lewis, Howell Lewis, and Betty Carter,
sons and daughters of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, I give
and bequeath five other parts, one to each of them. To
George Steptoe Washington, Lawrence Augustine Washing-
ton, Harriott Parks, and the heirs of Thornton Washington,
APPENDIX. 553
sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Samuel Washing-
ton, I give and bequeath other four parts, one to each of them.
To Corbin Washington, and the heirs of Jane Washington,
son and daughter of my deceased brother, John Augustine
Washington, I give and bequeath two parts, one to each of
them. To Samuel Washington, Frances Ball, and Mildred
Hammond, son and daughters of my brother, Charles Wash-
ington, I give and bequeath three parts, one part to each of
them. And to George Fayette Washington, Charles Augus-
tine Washington, and Maria Washington, sons and daughter*
of my deceased nephew, George Augustine Washington, I give
one other part, that is, to each a third of that part. To Eliza-
beth Park Law, Martha Park Peters, and Eleanor Park Lewis,
I give and bequeath three other parts, that is, a part to each of
them. And to my nephews, Bushrod 'Washington and Law-
rence Lewis, and to my ward, the grandson of my wife I give
and bequeath one other part, that is, a third thereof to each of
them. And if it should so happen, that any of the persons
whose names are here enumerated, (unknown to. me) should
now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these
cases, the heirs of such deceased person shall, notwithstanding,
derive all the benefits of the bequest in -the same manner, as if
he or she was actually living at the time. And by way of ad-
vice, I recommend > it to my executors not to be precipitate of
disposing of the landed property (herein directed to be sold) if
from temporary causes the sale should be dull, experience
having fully evinced, that the price of land (especially above the
falls of the river, and on the western waters) have been pro-
gressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing
value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the lega-
tees (under this clause of my will) as can make it convenient,
to take each a share ofmy ; stock in the Potowmack Company,
in preference to the amount of what it might sell for ; being
thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the mo-
ney can be applied will be so productive as the tolls arising
this navigation when in full operation, and thus, from the
554 APPENDIX.
nature of things, it must be, ere long, and more especially if
that of the Shenandoah is added thereto.
The farhily vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and
being improperly situated besides, I desire, that a new one of
brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of
what is commonly called the Vineyard Inclosure, on the
ground which is marked out ; in which my remains, with those
, of my deceased relations, now in the old vault, and such others
of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be de-
posited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse may be
interred in a private manner, without parade, or funeral ora-
tion.
Lastly, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife,
Martha Washington, my nephew William Augustine Wash-
ington, Bushrod Washington, George Steptoe Washington,
Samuel Washington, and Lawrence Lewis, and my ward,
George Washington Park Custis, when he shall have arrived
at the age of, twenty-one years, executrix and executors of this
will and te$a.ment : in the construction of which it will be rea-
dily perceited, that no professional character has been consult-
ed, or has had any kgency in the draught ; and that although it
has occupied- many of rny leisure hours to digest, and to throw it
into its present form,, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude
and incorrect j but, having en'deavoured to be plain and explicit
in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of
tautology, I hope and trust that no disputes will arise' concern-
ing them. But if, contrary to expectation, the case should be
otherwise, from want of legal expressions, or the usual tech-
nical terms, r because too much or too little -has been said on
any of the devises to be consonant with law, my will and di-
rection expressly is, that all disputes, (if unhappily any should
arise) shall be decided by three inlpartial and intelligent men,
known for their probity and good understanding} tv , to be'
chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and
the third by those two, which three men, thus chosen, shall,
unfettered by law, or legal constructions, declare their sense of
APPENDIX. 5 jj 5
the testator's intention j and such decision is, to all intents and
purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given
in the supreme court of the United States.
In witness of all, and in each of the things herein contained,
I have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the
year One Thousand Seven Hundred and Ninety,* and
the Independence of the United States the Twenty-fourth.
GEORGE WASHINGTON./CT.)
A SCHEDULE OF PROPERTY
Comprehended in the foregoing Will, which is directed to be
sold ; and some of it is conditionally sold; with descriptive
and explanatory notes relative thereto.
IN VIRGINIA.
Acres. Prices. Dollars.
Loudoun County, Difficult Run, 300 Dolls. O',0'66 a
Loudoun and Fauquier, Ashby's Bent, 2481 10:' 24,810,
Chattin's Run, 885 8 7,08O
Berkly, South Fork of Bullskin, 1 600
Head of Evans's M. 453 '
, In Wormley's Line 1 83
2236 20 44,720 c
Frederick, brought from Mercer 571 20 11,420 d
Hampshire, on Potow mack River, above B 240 15 3,600 e
Gloucester, on North River 400 about 3,600 /
Nansemond, near Suffolk, one third 1 0>TO
of 11 19 acres j 373
Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend! ^ GQQ }
thereof j
Ohio River, round bottom 587
Little Kenhawa 2314
Sixteen miles lower down 2448
Opposite Big Bent ,4395
9744 10 97,440 i
* It appears the word " Nine" was emitted by the testator.
556
APPENDIX.
Great Kenhawa
Near the mouth, west
East side above
Mouth of Cole River
Opposite there to
Burning Spring
29507
125J
Acres. Price*. Dollars,
10990
7276
20OO
MARYLAND.
Charles County
Montgomery County
Great Meadows
Mohawk River, about
3075
600 6
519 12
PENNSYLVANIA.
234
NEWYORK.
On Little Miami
Ditto
Ditto
NORTHWEST TERRITORY.
839
977
1235
KENTUCKY.
Kough Creek
Ditto adjoining
LOTS, viz.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
Two near the capitol square, 634, cost")
963 dollars, and with buildings 3
No 5, 12, 13, and 14, the last three
water lots on the eastern branch,
square 667, containing togethei
34,438 square feet, at 12 cents
ALEXANDRIA.
Comer of Pitt and Prince street, half
an acre laid out into buildings,
4 of which are let on ground rent
3 dollars per foot
5 3
iree ^
), inf
therf
.uRIA.
t, half)
>, 3 or f
p ent at f
200,000
3,600 I
6,228 i
1,4O4 n
1000 6 6,000 o
3051 5 15,251 p
3OOO
2OOO
5000 2 10,000 q
1 5,OOO r
4132 *
4000 t
APPENDIX.
557
WINCHESTER.
A lot in the town, of half an .acre, and!
another on the commons, of about >
6 acres, supposed, J
Dollar*.
4000
BATH Or WARM SPRINGS.
Two well situated and handsome build-
ings, to the amount of 150J.
800 *
STOCK.
m
United States 6 per cents 3746 ")
Ditto, deferred, 1 873
Ditto, 3 per cents 2946
Potowmack Company, 24 shares cost
IOOJ. sterling
James River Company, 5 shares, each"
cost 100 dollars
Bank of Columbia, 170 shares 40 dols. each
Bank of Alexandria, besides 20 in the"
free school
")
j
STOCK LIVING, &C.
One covering horse, five carriage horses, four
riding horses, six brood mares, twenty work-
ing horses and mares, two covering jacks, and
three young ones, ten she asses, forty-two
working mules, fifteen younger ones, three
hundred and twenty-nine head of horned cat-
tle, six hundred and forty head of sheep, and
a large stock of hogs, the precise number un-
known. My manager has estimated this live
stock at 7000Z. but I shall set down, in order
to make a round sum, at
6246 w
10,666 x
500 y
6800
1000 2
15,653
Aggregate amount
Dolls. 530,000
555 APPENDIX.
NOTES.
i
. (a) This tract, for the size of it, is valuable, more for its situation than
the quality of its soil, though that is good for farming, with a consider-
able proportion of ground that might very easily be improved into
meadow. It lies on the great road from the city of Washington, Alex-
andria, and Georgetown, to Leesburgh and Winchester. At Difficult
Bridge, nineteen miles, from Alexandria, less from the city of George-
town, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the Great Falls of
Potomnack there is a valuable seat on the premises, and the whole is
conditionally sold for the jum annexed in the schedule.
(4) What the selling prices of lands in the vicinity of these two tracts
are I know not, but compared with those above the rid^e, and others
below them, the value annexed will appear moderate; a less one would
not obtain them from me.
(c) The surrounding land, not superior in soil, situation, or propertiet
of any sort, sell currently at from twenty to thirty dollars an acre. The
lowest price is affixed to these.
(</) The observations made in the last note apply equally to this trad ;
being in the vicinity of them, and of similar quality, although it lies in
another county.
(<) This, tract, though small, is extremely valuable. It lies on Potow-
mack River, about twelve miles above the town of Bath or Warm
Springs, and is in the shape of a horseshoe , the river running almost
round it. Two hundred acres of it is rich low grounds, with a great
abundance of the largest and finest walnut trees ; which, with the pro-
duce of the soil might (by means of the improved navigation of the
Potowmack) be brought to a shipping port with more ease, and at a
smaller expense, than that which is transported thirty miles only by
land.
(/) This tract it of second rate Gloucester low ground; it has no
improvements thereon, but lies on navigable water, abounding in fish
and oysters. It was received in payment of a debt (carrying interest)
and valued in the year 1789, by an impartial gentleman, to 8007. N. B.
It has lately been sold, and there is due thereon a balance, equal to
what is annexed in the schedule.
() These three hundred and seventy-three acres are the third part,
of an undivided purchase made by the deceased Fielding Lewis, Thomas
Walker, and myself, on full conviction that they would become valu-
able. The land lies on the road from Suffolk and Norfolk, touches, if
I am not mistaken, some part of the navigable water of Nansemond
River; the Rich Dismal Swamp is capable of great improvement, and
from its situation must become extremely valuable.
(I)) This is an undivided interest, which I held in the Great Dismal
Swamp Company, containing about four thousand acres, with my part
of the plantation, and stock thereon, belonging to the Company in the
said Swamp.
(/) These several tracts of land are of the first quality, on the Ohio
river, in the parts where they are situated, being almost, if not altoge-
ther, river bottoms. The smallest of these tracts is actually sold at
ten dollars an acre, but the consideration therefor not received. The
rest are equally valuable, and sold as high ; especially that which lies
just below the Little Kenhawa, and is opposste to a thick settlement on
the west side of the river. The four tracts have an aggregate breadth
upon the river of sixteen miles, and is bounded thereby that distance.
(l~) These tracts are situated on the Great Kenhawa River, and the
first foui are bounded thereby for more thai* forty miles. It is acknow-
APPENDIX. SSQ
ledged by all who have seen them; and the tract containing ten thousand
nine hundred and ninety-nine acres, which I have been on myself, I can
assert, that there is no richer or more valuable" land in all that region;
they are conditionally sold for the sum mentioned in the schedule,
that is, 200,000 dollars ; and if the terms of that sale are not complied
with, they will command considerably more. The tract, of which
the one hundred and twenty-five acres is a,moity, was taken up by Ge-
neral Andrew Lewis and myself, for and on account of a 'bituminous
spring which it contains, of so inflammable a nature as to burn as freely
as spirits, and is nearly as difficult to extinguish.
.(/) I am but little acquainted with this land, although I have once
been on it. It was received, many years since, in discharge of a debt to
me from Daniel Janifer Adams, at the value annexed thereto, and must
be worth more. It is very level; lies near the river Potowmack.
(mi) This trac.t lies about thirty miles aboye the city of Washington,
not far from Kittoctan. It is good farming land, and by those who are
well acquainted with it, I am informed that it would sell at twelve or
fifteen dollars per acre.
(B) This land is valuable on account of its local situation, and other
properties. It affords an exceeding good stand on Braddock's road,
from Fort Cumberland to Pittsburg, and besides a fertile soil possesses a
large quantity of natural meadow, fit for the scythe. It is distinguished
bv the appellation of the Great Meadows, where the first action with
the French in 1754 was_ fought.
(a) This is the moiety" of about two thousand acres which remains
sold, of six thousand and seventy-one acres on the Mohawk river,
Montgomery county, in a patent granted to Daniel Coxe, in the town-
ship of Coxeborough and Carolinas, as will appear by deed from Ma-
rinus Willet and wife, to George Clinton, late Governor of Newyork,
and myself. The latter sales have been at six dollars an acre, and what
remains unsold, will fetch that or more.
(/>) The quality of these lands and their situations may be known by
the surveyor's certificates, which are filed along with the patents. They
lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; one tract near the mouth of the Little
Miami ; another seven, and the third ten miles up the same. I have
been informed that they will command more than they axe estimated at.
(51) For the description of these tracts in detail, see General Spots-
wood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Besides the
general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore
thereon, which, when the settlement becomes more populous, and set-
tlers are moving that way very fast, will be found very valuable ; as
the Rough Creek, a branch of Green River, affords ample water for
furnaces and forges.
LOTS, viz.
CITY OF WASHINGTON.
(r) The two lots near the capitol, in square 634, cost me 963 dollars
only. But in this price I was favoured, on condition that I should
two brick houses, three stories high each; without this reduction, the
selling prices of those lots would have cost me about 1S50* dollars.
These lots, with the buildings thereon, when completed, will stand me
in 15,000 dollars at least.
(/) Lots No. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the eastern branch, are advanta-
geously situated on the water, and al'.hough many lots, much less con-
venient, have sold a great deal higher, I will rate these at 12 cents the
square foot only.
ALEXANDRIA.
(/) For this lot, though unimproved, I have refused 2500 dollars. It
has since been laid out into proper sized lots for building on ; three or
5(50 APPENDIX.
four of which are let on ground rent for ever, at three dollars a foot on
the street, and this price is asked for both fronts on Pitt and Princew
Streets.
WINCHESTER.
(i/) As neither the lot in the town or common have any improvements
on them, it is not easy to fix a price, but as both are well situated, it is
presumed that the price annexed to them in the schedule is a reasonable
valuation.
BATH.
(v) The lots in Bath (two adjoining) cost me, to the best of my recol-
lection, between fifty and sixty pounds twenty years ago, and the build-
ings thereon one hundred and fifty pounds more. Whether property
there has increased or decreased in its value, and in what condition the
kouses are, lam ignorant, but suppose they are not valued too high.
(w) These are the sums which are actually funded, and though no
more in the aggregate than 7566 dollars, stand me in at least ten thou-
and pounds, Virgina' money, being the amount of bonded and other
debts due tome, and discharged during the war, whrn money had de-
preciated in that rate, and was so settled by public authority.
(*) The value annexed to these shares is what they have actually
cost me, and is the price affixed by law; and although die present sell- *
ing price is under par, my advice to the legatees, for whose benefit they
are intended, especially those who can afford to lie out of the money,
is that each should take and hold one, there being a moral certainty of
a great and increasing prolit arising from them in the course of a few
years.
(y) It is supposed that the shares in the James River Company mutt
be productive. But of this I can give no decided opinion, for want of
-more accurate information.
(z) These are the nominal prices of the shares in the Bank* of Alex-
aftdria and Columbia; the selling prices vary according to circum-
stances; but as the stock usually divide from ejght to ten per cent, per
annum, they must be worth the former, at least so long as the banks are
conceived to be secure, although, from circumstances, they may some-
times be below it.
The value of the live stock depends more upon the quality than
quantity of the different species of it, and this again upon the demand
and judgment, or fancy, of purchasers.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Mount Vernon, July 9, 1799.
VIRGINIA, FAIRFAX, ss.
I Goor-L- Deneale, Clerk of Fairfax County Court, do here-
rtifv, that the foregoing copy of the last Will and
:n:e:it of George Washington, deceased, late Presi-
oi'the United States of America, with the schedule
annexed, is a true copy from the original recorded in my
office.
In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, thi$
twenty- third day of January, 180O.
GEORGE DENEALE,
Clerk of Fairfax County.
T. Gillet, Printer, Crown- court.
\;
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