'-. ■'-■-' \j ' '".-.. r* >rv<>v_v;. ■ - ■ 1 :: 1 . .<>. ■■;■ .-••-. s«.\* ".v.- •>/•..-/• Xft^W \ V. T- W m& Wk ■ YiVM/Ji ?'* mMm J t* \ c CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. VOL. 1. LONDON : PRINTED BY 8POTTI8WOODE AND CO., NKW-STREET 6QUAMS AND PARLIAMENT STREET HISTORY , •fM Oh: CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND. BT HENEY THOMAS BUCKLE. IN THBEH VOLUMES. VOL. L NEW EDITION. LONDON : LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 1873. Ift73 i ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTEE I. STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THE REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS : THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES. PAGE Materials for writing history 1-3 Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians . -5 Object of the present work ...... 6 Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due to chance or to supernatural interference . 8 Probable origin of free-will and predestination . . 9-12 Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis of free-will 12-16 The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which exist either in the human mind or in the external world 1 8-20 Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and of nature by man 20-21 Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to murder and other crimes 22-26 Similar proof respecting suicides 27-29 Also respecting the number of marriages annually con- tracted 31-32 And respecting the number of letters sent undirected . 32 The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most influenced human actions ; and therefore there can be no history without physical science . . 33-35 Note A. Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity 35-38< CHAPTER II. INFLUENCE EXERCI8ED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANI- ZATION OF SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS. Man is affected by four classes of physical agents ; namely, climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature . 39-41 Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth . 41-51 VI ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS. PAGE Their operation on the distribution of wealth . . . 51-64 Illustrations of these principles from Ireland . . . 65-67 From Hindustan ........ 69-82 From Egypt 82-93 From Central America : 93-94 And from Mexico and Peru 95 Operation of physical laws in Brazil .... 101-108 Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the ima- gination and the understanding . . . > .118-119 Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man ; under others, man more than nature . . . . 120 In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than the understanding, and to this class all the earliest civilizations belong 120-121 The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes 122-124 And by danger generally 126-126 Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious . 126-130 From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are mainly influenced by the imagination, those in Europe by the understanding 130-132 This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hin- dustan and Greece 132-147 Further illustration from Central America . . . 147-148 Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food and animal heat 148-151 CHAPTEE III. EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS POR DISCOVEKINe MENTAL LAWS. In the last chapter, two leading facts have been esta- blished, which broadly separate Europe from other parts of the world 154-156 Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and phy- sical laws the mental are the more important for the history of Europe 156-157 Examination of the two metaphysical methods of gene- ralizing mental laws 158-165 Failure of these methods 165-167 CHAPTER IV. MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COM- PARISON OP MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE EPPECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE PROGRESS OP SOCIETY. The historical method of studying mental laws is su- perior to the metaphysical method .... 168-174 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll pag a The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual 174-175 Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element . 175 There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve 176-177 Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the circumstances under which the faculties come into play 178 The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable . . . . 179 But moral truths have not changed . . . . 179 And intellectual truths are constantly changing . . 181 Intellectual truths are the cause of progress . . . 182 Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity 183-185 Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain . . . 185-188 The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the progress of knowledge 188-190 The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause 190-192 Illustrations from Russia and Turkey .... 195-197 As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming soldiers 198 Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe 198-202 The three principal ways in which the progress of know- ledge has lessened the warlike spirit are : 1. The invention of gunpowder 203-209 2. The discoveries made by political economists . . 210-211 3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling . 219-223 Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress . 224-226 CHAPTER V. INQOTBY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND GOVERNMENT. Recapitulation of preceding arguments .... 227 Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society in the aggregate 228-229 This being as yet little understood, historians have not collected proper materials for writing history . . 230 Reasons why the present history is restricted to England 231-235 Comparison of the history of England with that of France 235-236 With that of Germany 237-240 With that of the United States of America . . . 240-242 Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellec- tual progress 243 Much may be gained in .that respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France, Spain, and Scotland 244-248 Vlll ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS. PAGB Deductive spirit in Scotland 246-252 Influence of religion on the progress of society . . 253-266 Illustration from the efforts of missionaries . . . 254-256 Illustration from the Hebrews ..... 257-258 Illustration from the early history of Christianity . . 259-262 And from Sweden and Scotland 263-266 Influence of literature on the progress of society . . 268-272 Influence of government on the progress of society . . 272-287 Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws . . . .273-274 The best legislation abrogates former legislation . . 275 The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade 276-278 Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes . . . . . . _ . . . 278-280 They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury . . 281-283 By their laws against usury they have increased usury 283-284 By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge 284-285 England has been less interfered with in these ways than other nations, and is therefore more prosperous than they 286-287 CHAPTEE VI. , ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OP HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations . 288 An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw light on the changes in society .... 289-290 The earliest histories are ballads 291-295 One cause of error in history was the invention of writing 296-300 A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its early history 300-307 But the most active cause of all was the influence of the clergy 307-308 Absurdities which were consequently believed . . 309-317 Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin 318-321 And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey . . 321-325 The first improvement in writing history began in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries .... 325 But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines . 327-328 And in the predictions of Stceffier respecting the Deluge 330 Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth . 331-332 CHAPTEE VII. OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. This absurd way of writing history was the natural re- sult of the state of the age 333 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improve- ment . 334 Hence the supreme importance of scepticism . . . 335-336 Origin of religious toleration in England ... 337 Hooker contrasted with Jewel 339-343 Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects . . 343-346 This tendency displayed in Chillingworth . . . 347-350 Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel . . 350 Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increas- ing indifference to theological matters .... 352-355 Great advantage of this 356-358 Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority assumes a political character ....'. 359-361 Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court . 363 Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne . . 365-367 Its influence upon Boyle 367-370 It causes the establishment of the Royal Society . . 371 Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the clergy to oppose it 372 The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because it lessens their own power 372-373 Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and agri- culturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics . 375-380 Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles H. in spite of political degradation . 380-386 These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquir- ing spirit 387-388 Aided by the vices of the king 388 And by his dislike of the church 389 He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy 390-393 The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with James II. 394-396 This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indul- gence 397-399 The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about the Revolution of 1688 399-400 Importance of the Revolution 401-403 But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act 403 Hostility between them and William III. . . . 405-410 Hence a schism in the church ..... 410-413 Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism . . .413-414 Convocation first despised, and then abolished . . 414-415 After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to secular professions, and avoided entering the church 415 The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament . 416-418 The church rallied for a moment under Anne . . 418-420 But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield 420-424 X ANALYTICAL TABLE OP CONTENTS. ' pAgh Theology separated from morals and from politics . . 424-426 Rapid succession of sceptical controversies . . . 427-429 Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form 430-433 Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates 433-434 Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of indepen- dence 436 Corresponding change in the style of authors . . 436-439 Hence great reforms became inevitable .... 439-440 This tendency was aided by George.I. and George II. . 441-443 But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous political reaction 444-446 Ignorance of George III. 446 Subserviency of Pitt 446-449 Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of great men 449-451 Deterioration of the House of Lords .... 451-455 Ability and accomplishments of Burke .... 458-461 He opposed the views of George HI., and was neglected by him 462 r 467 Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence . . 467-476 The king now favoured him 476-477 Policy of George IH. respecting America . . . 478-482 This policy reacted upon England 482-483 Policy in regard to France 483-486 This also reacted upon England 486 And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of Eng- land 487-493 Which were zealously enforced by the executive . . 494-496 Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eigh- teenth century 496-498 But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction was preparing 498-502 To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion, England owes her great reforms of the nineteenth century . ... . . 502-505 LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. [In order to assist those who wish to verify my references, and also with the view of indicating the nature and extent of the materials which I have nsed, I have drawn up the following list of the principal works quoted. When no edition is mentioned, the size is 8vo el infra. When the name of the author is enclosed between brackets, the book is anonymous ; but in such cases I have usually subjoined some authority who gives evidence of the authorship ] [Aarsens de Sominerdyck] Voyage d'Espagne, fait en 1'annie 1655. Paris, 1665. 4to. Barbier (Dictionnaire des Outrages Anonymes, vol. ii. p. 468, Paris, 1806) refers to an edition of 1666. Abd-Allatif, Relation do l'Egypte, traduite par Silvestre de Sacy. Paris, 1810. 4to. Aberdeen : Extracts from the Council Register of the Burgh of Aberdeen, from 1398 to 1570, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1844. 4to. Ibid., from 1570 to 1625, printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1848. 4to. Abernethy (J.) The Hunterian Oration for the year 1819. Lon- don, 1819. Abernethy (M. I.) Physicke for the Soule. London, 1622. 4to. Acte of the Parliaments of Scotland from 1 124 to 1707. London, 1814-1844. 11 vols, folio. Acts and Proceedings of the General Assemblies of the Kirk of Scotland, from 1560 to 1618. Edinburgh, 1839-1845. 3 vols. 4 to. Acte of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, from 1638 to 1842. Edinburgh, 1843. Adams (J.) Memoirs of the Life and Doctrines of John Hunter 2nd edit. London, 1818. Adolphus (J.) History of England from the accession of George IH. London, 1840-1845. 7 vols. Aguesseau (Chancelier d') Lettres ineMites. Paris, 1823. 2 vols. Aikin (L.) Life of Addison. London, 1843. 2 vols. Albemarle (Earl of) Memoirs of the Marquis of Rockingham. Lond. 1852. 2 vols. Alberoni (Cardinal) The History of. London, 1719. Alison (Sir A.) History of Europe, from the commencement of the French Revolution to 1815. Edinburgh, 1849, 1850. 14 vols. Allen (J.) Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England. London, 1849. Xll LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Anderson (J.) Prize Essay on the State of Society and Knowledge in the Highlands of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1827. Antequera (D. J. M.) Historia de la Legislacion Espanola. Madrid, 1849. Argyll (The Duke of) Presbytery Examined. London, 1848. Arnold (Dr.) Lectures on Modern History. London, 1843. Arnot (H.) The History of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1788. 4to. Asiatic Kesearches. London and Calcutta, 1799-1836. 20 vols. 4to. Aubrey (J.) Letters and Lives of Eminent Men. London, 1813. 2 vols. Audigier (M.) L'Origine des Francois. Paris, 1676. 2 vols. Azara (E.) Voyages dans l'Am&rique Meridionale. Paris, 1809. 4 vols. Bacallar (V.) Commentaries de la Guerra de Espana, e Historia de bu Rey Phelipe V. Genova. 2 vols. 4to (no date). Bacon (J. F.) Six Years in Biscay. London, 1838. Baillie (E.) Letters and Journals from 1637 to 1662, edited by D. Laing. Edinburgh, 1841-1842. 3 vols. Bain (A.) The Senses and the Intellect. London, 1855. Bakewell(R.) Introduction to Geology. London, 1838. Balfour (Sir J.) Historical Works, containing the Annals of Scot- land. London, 1825. 4 vols. Balfour (J. H.) A Manual of Botany. London, 1849. Bancroft (G.) History of the American Kevolution. London, 1852- 1854. 3 vols. Bannatyne (J.) Journal of Transactions in Scotland, from 1570 to 1573. Edinburgh, 1806. Barante (M.) Tableau de la Litterature Francaise au XVlII" Siecle. Paris, 1847. Barrington (D.) Observations on the Statutes. 5th edit. London, 1796. 4to. Barruel (L'Abbe) Memoires pour l'Histoire du Jacobinisme. Ham- bourg, 1803. 5 vols. Barry (G.) History of the Orkney Islands. Edinburgh, 1805. 4to. Bassompierre (Marshal de) Memoires. Paris, 1822, 1823. 3 vols. Bates (G.) Account of the late Troubles in England. London, 1685. 2 vols. Baxter (R.) Life and Times, by himself. Published by M. Sylves- ter. London, 1696. Folio. 3 parts. Bazin (M. A.) Histoire de France sous Louis XIII. Paris, 1838. 4 vols. Beausobre (M.) Histoire Critique de Manich6e et du Manich&sme. Amsterdam, 17,34-9. 2 vols. 4to. Beclard (P. A.) Elements d'Anatomie Gen£rale. Paris, 1852. Bedford Correspondence, edited by Lord J. Russell. 1842-1846. 3 vols. Beechey (F. W.) Voyage to the Pacific. London, 1831. 2 vols. LIST OP AUTHOES QUOTED. xiii Belsham (W.) History of Great Britain, from 1688 to 1802. Lon- don, 1805. 12 vols. [Of this work I have used only the last fleven volumes, which refer to a period for which Belsham was a contemporary authority. _ The earlier volumes are worthless.] [Benoist] Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes. Delft, 1693-1695. 5 vols. 4to. Berkeley (Bishop of Cloyne) Works. London, 1843. 2 vols. Berwick (Marechal de) Memoires ecrits par lui-meme. Paris, 1778. 2 vols. Bichat (X.) Traite des Membranes. Paris, 1802. Bichat (X.) Anatomie Generale. Paris, 1821. 4 vols. Bichat (X.) Recherches sur la Vie et la Mort, edit Magendie. Paris, 1829. Binning (H.) Sermons, edited by J. Cochrane. Edinburgh, 1839, 1840. 3 vols. Biographie Universelle. Paris, 1811-1828. 52 vols. Birch (T.) Life of Tillotson, Archbishop of Canterbury. London, 1753. Bisset (R.) Life of Edmund Burke. 2nd edit. London, 1800. 2 vols. Black (J.) Lectures on Chemistry, edited by John Robison. Edin- burgh, 1803. 2 vols. 4to. Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England. London, 1809. 4 vols. Blainville (D.) Physiologie Generale et Comparee. Paris, 1833. 3 vols. . Blair (R.) Autobiography, from 1593 to 1636; with a continuation to 1680, by W. Row, edited by T. M'Crie for the Wodrow So- ciety. Edinburgh, 1848. , Blanqui (M.) Histoire de l'Ecftnomie Politique en Europe. Paris, 1845. 2 vols. Bogue (D.) and Bennett (J.) History of the Dissenters, from 1688 to 1808. London, 1808-1812. 4 vols. Bohlen (P.) Das alte Indien, mit besondererRucksicht auf Aegypten. Konigsberg, 1830. 2 vols. [Boisel] Journal du Voyage d'Espagne. Paris, 1669. 4to. See Barbier, Diet, des Ouvr. Anonymes, vol. ii. p. 621, Paris, 1806. Bordas-Demoulin, Le Cartesianisme. Paris, 1 843. 2 vols. Bossuet (Eveque de Meaux) Discours sur l'Histoire Universelle. Paris, 1844. Boston (T.) Sermons. Glasgow, 1752. Boston (T.) Human Nature in its Four-fold State. Reprinted, Lon- don, 1809. Bouillaud (J.) Philosophie Medical e. Paris, 1836. Bouille (M. de) Memoires sur la Revolution Franchise. Paris, 1801-9. 2 vols. Bouillier (M.) Histoire des divers Corps de la Maison Militaire des Rois de France. Paris, 1818. Boulainvilliers (Comte) Histoire de l'Ancien Gouveruemcnt de la France. La Haye, 1727. 3 vols. XIV LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. Bourgoing (J. F.) Tableau de l'Espagne Moderne, quatrieme Edition. Paris, 1807. 3 vols. Bouterwek (F.) History of Spanish and Portuguese Literature. London, 1823. 2 vols, Bowdich (T. E.) Mission to Ashantee. London, 1819. 4to. Bower (A.) History of the University of Edinburgh. Edinburgh, 1817-1830. 3 vols. Bowles (G.) Introduction a, la Historia Natural y a la Geografia Fisica de Espafia. Teroera edicion. Madrid, 1 789. 4to. Bowles (W. L.) Life of Bishop Ken. London, 1830, 1831. 2 vols. Boyle (B,.) Works. London, 1744. 5 vols, folio. Brand (A.) Description of Orkney, Zetland, Pightland-Firth, and Caithness. Edinburgh, 1701. Brande (W. T.) A Manual of Chemistry. London, 1848. 2 vols. Brewster (Sir D.) Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton. Edinburgh, 1855. 2 vols. Brienne (L. H. de Lomenie) Memoires in&lits. Paris, 1828. 2 vols. Brissot (J. P.) Memoires. Paris, 1830. 2 vols. British Association for Advancement of Science, Reports of. Lon- don, 1833-1853. 21 vols. Brodie (Sir B.) Lectures on Pathology and Surgery. London, 1846. Brodie (Sir B.) Physiological Researches. London, 1851. Brougham (Lord) Sketches of Statesmen in the time of George III. London, 1845. 6 vols. Brougham (Lord) Lives of Men of Letters and Science in the time of George III. London, 1845-1847. 2 vols. Brougham (Lord) Political Philosophy. 2nd edit. London, 1849. 3 vols. Broussais (F. J. V.) Examen des Doctrines M6dicales. Paris, 1829- 1834. 4 vols. Broussais (F. J. V.) Cours de Phrenologie. Paris, 1836. Brown (A.) History of Glasgow. Glasgow, 1795, and Edinburgh, 1797. 2 vols. Brown (T.) Lectures on the Philosophy of the Mind. Edinburgh, 1838. Browne (J.) History of the Highlands and of the Highland Clans. Glasgow, 1838. 4 vols. Browne (Sir Thomas) Works and Correspondence, by S. Wilkin. London, 1836. 4 vols. Buchanan (F.) Journey through Mysore, Canara, and Malabar. London, 1807. 3 vols. 4to. Buchanan (G.) Eerum Scoticarum Historia, cura Man. Abredonise, 1762. Buchanan (J.) Sketches of the North-American Indians. London, 1824. Buckingham (Duke of) Memoirs of George III. London, 1853. 2 vela. Bullock (W.) Travels in Mexico. London, 1824. LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. xv Bulstrode (Sir B.) Memoirs of Charles I. and Charles II. London, 1721. Bunbury (Sir H.) Correspondence of Sir Thomas Hanmer. London, 1838. Bnnsen (C. C. J.) Egypt's Place in Universal History. London, 1848-1854. 2 vols. Burckhardt (J. L.) Travels in Arabia. London, 1829. 2 vols. Burdach (C. F.) Traite de Physiologie consideree comme Science d'Observation. Paris, 1837-1841. 9 vols. Burke (E.) Correspondence with Laurence. London, 1827. Burke (E.) Works, by H. Eogers. London, 1841. 2 vols. Burke (E.) Correspondence between 1744 and 1797. London, 1844. 4 vols. Burnes (Sir A.) Travels into Bokhara. London, 1834. 3 vols. Burnet (Bishop G.) History of his own Time. Oxford, 1823. 6 vols. Burnet (Bishop G-.) Lives and Characters, edit. Jebb. London, 1833. Burnet (Bishop G>.) Memoirs of the Lives of James and William, Dukes of Hamilton and Castle-Herald. Oxford, 1852. Burton (J. H.) Life and Correspondence of David Hume. Edin- burgh, 1846. 2 vols. Burton (J. H.) Lives of Simon Lord Lovat, and Duncan Forbes of Culloden. London, 1847. Burton (J. H.) Narratives from Criminal Trials in Scotland. Lon- don, 1852. 2 vols. Burton (J. H.) History of Scotland, from 1689 to 1748. London, 1853. 2 vols. Burton (E. F.) Sindh, and the Eaces in the Valley of the Indus. London, 1851. Burton (T.) Diary, from 1655 to 1659. London, 1828. 4 vols. Butler (C.) Memoirs of the English, Lrish, and Scottish Catholics. London, 1822. 4 vols. Butler (C.) Eeminiscences. London, 1824-1827. 2 vols. Cabanis (P. J. G.) Eapports du Physique et du Moral de l'Homme. Paris, 1843. Cabarrus (D. F.) Elogio de Carlos III. Madrid, 1789. 4to. Cabarrus (Condo de) Cartas sobre los Obstaculos que la Naturaleza, la Opinion, y las Leycs oponen a la Felicidad Publica. Madrid, 1813. Calamy (E) Account of my own Life, 1631-1731. London, 1829. 2 vols. Calderwood (D.) History of the Kirk of Scotland, edited by T. Thomson for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1842-1849. 8 vols. Campan (Madame) Memoires sur Marie- Antoinette. Paris, 1826. 3 vols. Campbell (Lord) Lives of the Lord Chancellors of England. 3rd edit. London, 1848-1850. 7 vols. YOL. I. a XVI LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Campbell (Lord) Lives of the Chief Justices of England. London, 1849. 2 vols. Campion (H. de) M6moires. Paris, 1807. [Campomanes] Discurso sobre la Education Popular de los Artesanos. Madrid, 1775. [Campomanes] Apendice a la Education Popular. Madrid, 1775- 1777. 4 vols. Capefigue (M.) Histoire de la Reforme, de la Ligue et du Regne de Henri IV. Bruxelles, 1834, 1835. 8 vols. Capefigue (M.) Richelieu, Mazarin et la Fronde. Paris, 1844. 2 vols. Capefigue (M.) Louis XIV. Paris, 1844. 2 vols. Capmany (A de) Question es Criticas sobre variosPuntosde Historia economica, &c. Madrid, 1 807. Cappe (C.) Memoirs, written by herself. London, 1822. Carlyle (Rev. Dr. Alexander) Autobiography. 2nd edit. Edinburgh, 1860. Carlyle (T.) Letters and Speeches of Cromwell. 2nd edit. London, 1846. 3 vols. Carpenter (W. B.) Principles of Human Physiology. 3rd edit. London, 1846. Cartwright (Major) Life and Correspondence. London, 1826. 2 vols. Carus (C. Gr.) Comparative Anatomy of Animals. London, 1 827. 2 vols. Carwithen (J. B. S.) History of the Church of England. Oxford, 1849. 2 vols. Cassagnac (M. A. Gr. de) Causes de la Revolution Franchise. Paris, 1850. 3 vols. Castro (A.) Examen Filosofico sobre las principales causas de la Decadencia de Espana. Cadiz, 1 852. Catlin (G-.) Letters on the North-American Indians. London, 1841. 2 vols. Chalmers (G.) Caledonia. London, 1807-1824. 3 vols. 4to. Chalmers (P.) Historical aDd Statistical Account of Dunfermline. Edinburgh, 1844. Chambers (R.) Domestic Annals of Scotland, from the Reformation to the Revolution. Edinburgh, 1858. 2 vols. Charron (P.) De la Sagesse. Amsterdam, 1782. 2 vols. Chatham (Earl of ) Correspondence. London, 1838-1840. 4 vols. Chillingworth (W.) The Religion of Protestants. London, 1846. Chronicle of Perth (The) from 1210 to 1668. Edinburgh, 1831. 4to. Published by the Maitland Club. Circourt (A. de) Histoire des Arabes d'Espagne. Paris, 1846. 3 vols. Clapperton (H.) Second Expedition into the Interior of Africa. London, 1829. 4to. Clarendon (Earl of ) State Papers. Oxford, 1767-1786. 3 vols. folio. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XV11 Clarendon (Earl of) The History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England; also his Life, written by Himself. Oxford, 1843. Clarendon's Correspondence and Diary, by S. W. Singer. London, 1828. 2 vols. 4to. Clarke (C.) An Examination of the Internal State of Spain. Lon- don, 1818. Clarke (E.) Letters concerning the Spanish Nation, written at Madrid in 1760 and 1761. London, 1763. 4to. Cloncnrry (Lord) Recollections and Correspondence. Dublin, 1849. Clot-Bey (A. B.) De la Peste observed en Egypte. Paris, 1840. Cloud (A) of Witnesses for the Royal Prerogatives of Jesus Christ. 10th edit. Glasgow, 1779. Cockburn (J.) Jacob's Vow, or Man's Felicity and Duty. Edinburgh, 1696. Colebrooke (H. T.) A Digest of Hindu Law. Calcutta, 1801. 3 vols. Coleman (C.) Mythology of the Hindus. London, 1832. 4to. Coleridge (S. T.) Literary Remains. London, 1836-1839. 4 vols. Coleridge (S. T.) The Friend. London, 1844. 3 vols. Combe (G.) Notes on the United States of North America. Edin- burgh, 1841. 3 vols. Comines (P. de) Memoires, £dit. Petitot. 1826. 3 vols. Comte (A.) Cours de Philosophie Positive. Paris, 1830-1842. 6 vols. Comte (C.) Traits de Legislation. Paris, 1835. 4 vols. Conde (J. A.) Historia de la Dominacion de los Arabes en Espafia. Paris, 1840. CondiRac (E. B.) Traite des Sensations. Paris, 1798. Condorcet (Marquis de) Vie de Turgot. Londres, 1786. Condorcet (Marquis de) Vie de Voltaire, in vol. i. of (Euvres de Voltaire. Paris, 1820. Conrart(V.) Memoires. Paris, 1825. Cook (J.) Three Voyages round the World. London, 1821. 7 vols. Cook (S. S.) Sketches in Spain, from 1829 to 1832. London, 1834. 2 vols. Cooke (G. W.} History of Party. London, 1836, 1837. 3 vols. Coplestion (E.) Inquiry into the Doctrines of Necessity and Predes- tination. London, 1821. Costa y Borras (J. D. Obispo de Barcelona) Observaciones sobre el Presente y el Porvenir de la Iglesia en Espafia. Segunda edicion. Barcelona, 1857. Cousin (V.) Cours de l'Histoirede la Philosophie moderne, I" sirie. Paris, 1846. 5 vols. Cousin (V.) Cours de l'Histoire de laPhilosophie moderne, II* aerie. Paris, 1847. 3 vols. Cowper(W.) Heaven Opened. London, 1631. 4to. Coxe (W.) Memoirs of the Kings of Spain of the House of Bour- bon. 2nd edit London, 1815. 5 vols. Crantz (D.) History of Greenland. London, 1767. 2 vols. a2 XV111 LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Crawford (G.) The History of the Shire of Eenfrew. Paisley 1782. 3 parts, 4to. Crawfurd (J.) History of the Indian Archipelago. Edinburgh, 1820. 3 vols. Crichton (A.) The Life and Diary of Lieut.-CoL J. Blackader. Edinburgh, 1824. Croker (E.) Travels through several Provinces of Spain and Portu- gal. London, 1799. Crookshank (W.) History of the Church of Scotland, from 1660 to 1688. Edinburgh, 1812. 2 vols. Cudworth (E.) The True Intellectual System of the Universe. Lon- don, 1820. 4 vols. Cullen(W.) Works. Edinburgh, 1827. 2 vols. Currie (J.) Life and Correspondence, by his Son. London, 1831. 2 vols. Custine (Marquis de) LaBussie en 1839. Paris, 1843. 4 vols. Cuvier (G.)Becueil des Eloges Historiques. Paris, 1819-1827. 3 vols. Cuvier (G.) Le Eegne Animal. Paris, 1829. 5 vols. Cuvier (G.) Histoire des Sciences Naturelles depuis leur Origine. Paris, 1831. Cuvier (G.) Histoire des Progres des Sciences Naturelles depuis 1789. Bruxelles, 1837, 1838. 2 vols. Dabistan (The) translated from the Persian, byD.Shea and A.Troyer. Paris, 1843. 3 vols. Dacier (M.) Eapport sur les Progres de l'Histoire et de la Litera- ture depuis 1789. Paris, 1810. 4to. Dalrymple (Sir D.) Annals of Scotland, from 1057 to 1371. 3rd edit. Edinburgh, 1819. 3 vols. Dalrymple (J.) History of Feudal Property in Great Britain. London, 1758. Dalrymple (J.) Memoirs of Great Britian and Ireland. London, 1790. 3 vols. Dalrymple (W.) Travels through Spain and Portugal in 1774. Lon- don, 1777. 4to. Daniel (G.) Histoire de la MiliceFran9oise. Paris, 1721. 2 vols. 4to. Daniell (J. F.) Meteorological Essays. London, 1827. Darwin (C.) Journal of Eesearches in Geology and Natural History. London, 1840. [D'Aulnoy (Madame)] Eolation du Voyage d'Espagne. Lyon, 1693. 2 vols. See Ticknor's History of Spanish literature, vol. ii. pp. 320, 321. Davies (C. M.) History of Holland. London, 1841-1844. 3 vols. Davila (G. G.) Historia de la Vida y Hechos del Inclito Monarca Amadoy Santo D. Felipe Tercero. Eeprinted, Madrid, 1771- Folio. Davis (J. F.) The Chinese. London, 1844. 3 vols. De Foe (D.) The History of the Union between England and Scot- land. London, 1786. 4to. De Lisle (Borne) Essai de Cristallographie. Paris, 1772. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. xix De Lisle (Rom6) Cristallographie. Paris, 1783. 4 vols. 8vo. Denham (D.) Travels in Northern and Central Africa. London. 1826. 4to. Denholm (J.) The History of the City of Glasgow and Suburbs. 3rd edition. Glasgow, 1804. Descartes (R.) OEuvres, par V. Cousin. Paris, 1824-1826. 11 vols. Des Maizeaux (P.) Life of Chillingworth. London, 1 725. Des Reaux (Tallemant) Les Historiettes. Paris, 1840. 10 vols. De Stael (Madame) Considerations sur la Revolution Franchise, Paris, 1820. 3 vols. De Thou (J. A.) Histoire Universelle, depuis 1543 jusqu'en 1607. Londres, 1734. 16 vols. 4to. Dickson (D.) A Brief Explication of the first Fifty Psalms. London, 1653. Dickson (D.) Truth's Victory over Error. Reprinted, Glasgow, 1772. Diderot (D.) Memoires et Correspondance. Paris, 1830, 1831. 4 vols. Dillon (J. T.) Travels through Spain. Dublin, 1781. Diodori Siculi Bibliotheca Histories ; recensione Wesselingii. Bipont. 1793-1807. 11 vols. Diogenes Laertius, De Vitis Philosophorum, edit. Meibomius. Amstel. 1692. 2 vols. 4to. Disney (J.) Life of Dr. John Jebb, in vol. i. of Jebb's "Works. London, J 7 87. Diurnal (A) of Remarkable Occurrents that have passed within the Country of Scotland, since the Death of James rV. till the year 1575. Published by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1833. 4to. Dobell (P.) Travels in Kamtchatka and Siberia. London, 1830. 2 vols. Doblado's Letters from Spain (by Rev. B. White). London, 1 822. Doddridge (P.) Correspondence and Diary. London, 1829-1831. 6 vols. Doubleday(T.) The True Law of Population. London, 1847^ Dowling (J. G.) Introduction to the Study of Ecclesiastical History. London, 1838. D'Oyly (G.) Life of Sancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury. London, 1840. Duclos (M.) Memoires secrets sur Louis XTV et Louis XV. Paris, 1791. 2 vols. Du Deffand (Madame) Correspondance inidite. Paris, 1 809. 2 vols. Du Deffand (Madame) Lettres a H. Walpole. Paris, 1827. 4 vols. Dufau (P. A.) Traits de Statistique. Paris, 1840. Du Mesnil (M.) Memoires sur le Prince Le Brun. Paris, 1828. Dumont (E.) Souvenirs sur Mirabeau. Londres, 1832. [Dunham] History of Spain and Portugal. London, 1832. 6 vols. See Prescott's Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. iii. p. 214. Dunlop (J.) Memoirs of Spain, from 1621 to 1700. Edinburgh, 1834. 2 vols. XX LIST OF AUTHOKS QUOTED. Ouplessis-Mornay (P.) Memoires et Correspondance. Paris, 1824, 1825. 12 vols. Durham (J.) Exposition of the Song of Solomon. 1669. Beprinted, Glasgow, 1788. Durham (J.) The Law Unsealed. 1675. Eeprinted, Glasgow, 1798. Durham (J.) A Commentarie upon the Book of the Bevelation. Glasgow, 1680. 4to. Dutens (L.) Memoires d'un Voyageur qui se repose. Londres, 1806. 3 vols. Duvernet (J.) Vie de Voltaire. Geneve, 1786. Duvernet (J.) Histoire de la Sorbonne. Paris, 1791. 2 vols. Eccleston (J.) Introduction to English Antiquities. London, 1847. Edwards (M.) Zoologie. Paris, 1841, 1842. 2 parts. Elliotson (J.) Human Physiology. London, 1840. Ellis Correspondence (The) 1686-1688, edited by G. A. Ellis. London, 1829. 2 vols. Ellis (Sir H.) Original Letters of Literary Men. Camden Soc. 1843. 4to. Ellis (W.) A Tour through Hawaii. London, 1827. Ellis (W.) Polynesian Besearches. London, 1831. 4 vols. Ellis (W.) History of Madagascar. London, 1838. 2 vols. Elphinstone (M.) The History of India. London, 1849. Encyclopaedia of tbe Medical Sciences. London, 1847. 4to. Epinay (Madame d') Memoires et Correspondance. Paris, 1818. 3 vols. Erichsen (J.) The Science and Art of Surgery. 2nd edit. London, 1857. Erman (A.) Travels in Siberia. , London, 1848. 2 vols. Eschbach (M.) Introduction a, l'Etude du Droit. Paris, 1846. Esquirol (E.) Des Maladies Mentales. Paris, 1838. 2 vols. Estat (L') de l'Espagne. Geneve, 1681. Evelyn (J.) Diary and Correspondence. London, 1827. 5 vols. Extracts from the Presbytery Book of Strathbogie, from 1631 to 1664. Printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1843. 4to. Extracts from the Begisters of the Presbytery of Glasgow, and of the Kirk Sessions of the Parishes of Cambusnethan, Humbie, and Stirling. 4to (no date). Fairfax Correspondence (The) edited by G. W. Johnson and E. Bell. London, 1848, 1849. 4 vols. Fanshawe (Lady) Memoirs, written by herself. London, 1830. Faraday (M.) Discourse on the Conservation of Force. London, 1857. Fauriel (M.) Histoire de la Gaule Meridionale sous la Domination des conquerants Germains. Paris, 1836. 4 vols. Felice (G.) History of the Protestants of France. London, 1853. Fergusson (J.) A Brief Exposition of the Epistles of Paul. Lon- don, reprinted from the original editions, 1656-1674. LIST OF AUTHOES QUOTED. XXI Feuchtersleben (E.) The Principles of Medical Psychology. Sydenham Soc. 1847. Flassan (M.) Histoire de la Diplomatic Eranc^ise. Paris, 1811. 7 vols. [Fleming (R.)] The Fulfilling of the Scripture, 1681. See Fleming's Rise and Fall of Rome, edit. London, 1848, p. xi. Fletcher (A. of Saltoun) Political Works. Glasgow, 1749. Fleury (M.) Histoire Ecclesiastique. Paris, 1758-1761. 36 vols. Florez (F. H.) Memorias de las Reynas Catholicas. Madrid, 1761. 2 vols. 4to. Flourens (P.) Histoire des Travaux de Cuvier. Paris, 1845. Fontenay-Mareuil (Marquis de) Memoires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Fontenelle (B. de) Eloges, in vols. v. and vi. of (Euvres. Paris, 1766. Foot (J.) The Life of John Hunter. London, 1794. Forbes (J.) Oriental Memoirs. London, 1834. 2 vols. Forbes (J.) Certaine Records touching the Estate of the Kirk, in 1605 and 1606. Published by the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1846. /ord (R.) Hand-Book for Spain. 2nd edit. London, 1 847. Fordun (J.) Scotichronicon, cum Supplementis et Continuatione W. Boweri, cura W. Goodall. Edinburgi, 1775. 2 vols, folio. Forner (J. P.) Oracion Apolog6tica por la Espafia y su Merito Literario. Madrid, 1786. Forry (S.) Climate of the United States, and its Endemic In- fluences. New York, 1842. Forster (J.) Life and Times of Goldsmith. 2nd edit. London, 1854. 2 vols. Fountainhall (Lord) Notes of Scottish Affairs, from 1680 till 1701. Edinburgh, 1822. 4to. Fox (C. J.) History of the Early Part of the Reign of James II. London, 1808. 4to. Franck (R.) Northern Memoirs, writ in the year 1658. A new edition. Edinburgh, 1821. Franklin (B.) Private Correspondence. London, 1817. 2 vols. Franklin (B.) Life, by himself. London, 1818. 2 vols. Galfridus Monumetensis, Historia Britonum, edit. Giles. London, 1844. Gardner (G.) Travels in the Interior of Brazil. London, 1849. Geddes (M.) Miscellaneous Tracts. 3rd edit. London, 1730. 3 vols. Genlis (Madame de) Memoires sur le XVHI' Siecle. Paris, 1825. 10 vols. Gent (T.) Life, by himBelf. London, 1832. Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (I.) Histoire des Anomalies de l'Organisation chez l'Homme et les Animaux. Bruxelles, 1837. 8 vols. Georgel (L'Albe) Memoires. Paris, 1817, 1818. 6 vols. Georget (M.) De la Folie. Paris, 1820. Gibson (J.) History of Glasgow. Glasgow, 1777. XX11 LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Gillespie (G.) Aaron's Eod Blossoming, or the Divine Ordinance of Church Government Vindicated. London, 1646. 4to. Giraud (C.) Precis de l'Ancien Droit coutumier francais. Paris, 1852. Godoy (Prince of the Peace) Memoirs, written by himself. London, 1836. 2 vols. Godwin (W.) Of Population ; or the Power of Increase in Mankind. London, 1820. Gordon (P.) A Short Abridgement of Britane's Distemper, from 1639to 1649. Printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1844. 4to. Gothe (J. W.) Wahrheit und Dichtung, in vol. ii. of Werka Stuttgart, 1837. Government (The) and Order of the Church of Scotland. 1641. Eeprinted, Edinburgh, 1690. Gramont (Le Marshal de) Memoires, edit. Petitot et Monmerque. Paris, 1826, 1827. 2 vols. Grant (E.) History of Physical Astronomy. London, 1852. Grant (E. E.) Comparative Anatomy. London, 1841. Gray (A.) Great and Precious Promises. Glasgow, 1740. Gray (A.) The Spiritual Warfare, or Sermons concerning the Nature of Mortification. Glasgow, 1840. Green (J. H.) Vital Dynamics. London, 1840. Gregoire (M.) Histoire des Confesseurs. Paris, 1824. Gregory (D.) History of the Western Highlands and Isles of Scot- land, from 1493 to 1625. Edinburgh, 1836. Grenville Papers (The) edited by W. J. Smith. London, 1852, 1853. 4 vols. Grierson (Dr.) History of St. Andrews. Cupar, 1838. Grieve (J.) The History of Kamtschatka, translated from the Rus- sian. Gloucester, 1764. 4to. Grimm et Diderot, Correspondance Litteraire. Paris, 1813, 1814. 17 vols. [This important work consists of three parts, besides a supplement ; but in quoting it I have always followed the ordinary lettering, making the supplement vol. xvii.] Grose (F.) Military Antiquities; a History of the English Army. London, 1812. 2 vols. 4to. Grosley (M.) A Tour to London. London, 1772. 2 vols. Grote (G.) History of Greece. London, 1846-1856. 12 vols. 1st edit, of vols. i. ii. iii. iv. ix. x. xi. xii. ; 2nd edit, of vols. v. vi. vii. viii. Grove (W. E.) The Correlation of Physical Forces. 3rd edit. London, 1855. Guizot (M.) Histoire de la Civilisation en France. Paris, 1846. 4 vols. Guizot (M.) Histoire de la Civilisation en Europe. Paris, 1846. Guizot (M.) Essais sur l'Histoire de France. Paris, 1847. Guthrie (J.) Considerations contributing unto the Discovery of the Dangers that threaten Eeligion in the Church of Scotland. Re- print, Edinburgh, 1846. LIST OF A.UTHOE8 QUOTED. xxiii Guthry (H. Bishop of Dunkeld) Memoirs. London, 1702. Halhed (N. B.) Code of Gentoo Laws. London, 1777. Halkett (J.) Notes respecting the Indians of North America. London, 1825. Hallam (H.) Constitutional History of England. London, 1842. 2 vols. Hallam (H.) Introduction to the Literature of Europe. London, 1843. 3 vols. Hallam (H.) Europe during the Middle Ages. London, 1846. 2 vols. Hallam (H.) Supplemental Notes to Europe during the Middle Ages. London, 1848. Halyburton (T.) The Great Concern of Salvation. Edinburgh, 1722. Hamilton ("W.) .ffigyptiaca. London, 1809. 4to. Hamilton (Sir W.) Notes and Dissertations to Reid. Edinburgh, 1852. Hamilton (Sir W.) Discussions on Philosophy and Literature. London, 1852. Hare's Guesses at Truth. First and second series. London, 1847, 1848. 2 vols. Harford (J. S.) Life of T. Burgess, Bishop of Salisbury. London, 1841. Harris (G.) Life of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke. London, 1847. 3 vols. Harris ("W.) Lives of James I., Charles I., Cromwell, and Charles II. London, 1814. 6 vols. Hasse (C. E.) An Anatomical Description of the Diseases of the Organs of Circulation and Respiration. Sydenham Society. London, 1846. Hausset (Madame du) Memoires. Paris, 1824. Haiiy (R. J.) Trait£ de Mineralogie. Paris, 1801. 5 vols. Hawkins (B.) Elements of Medical Statistics. London, 1829. Heber (Bishop) Life of Jeremy Taylor, in vol. i. of Taylor's Works. London, 1828. Heber (Bishop) Journey through the Upper and Southern Pro- vinces of India. London, 1828. 3 vols. Heeren (A. H. L.) Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the African Nations. Oxford, 1838. 2 vols. Heeren (A. H. L.) Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Asiatic Nations. London, 1846. 2 vols. Helv6tius (C. A.) De l'Esprit. Amsterdam, 1769. 2 volfl. Henderson (J.) History of Brazil. London, 1821. 4to. Henle (J.) Traits d'Anatomie Generale. Paris, 1843. 2 vols. Henslow (J. S.) Descriptive and Physiological Botany. London, 1837. Herder (J. G.) Ideen zur Geschichte der Menschheit Stuttgart, 1827, 1828. 4 vols. Herodoti Musse, edit Baehr. Lipsiae, 1830-1835. 4 volt. XXIV LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. Heron (R.) Observations made in a Journey through the West- ern Counties of Scotland, in 1792. 2nd edit. Perth, 1799. 2 vols. Herschel (Sir J.) Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy. London, 1831. Hewson (W.) "Works, edited by G. Gulliver for the Sydenham So- ciety. London, 1846. Historie (The) and Life of King James the Sext, from 1566 to 1596. Published by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1825. 4to. Hitchcock (E.) The Religion of Geology. London, 1851. Hodgson (J.) The Hunterian Oration, delivered at the Royal Col- lege of Surgeons in 1855. London (no date). Hodgson (R.) Life of Porteus, Bishop of London. London, 1811. Hoi croft (T.) Memoirs, by himself : continued by Hazlitt. London, 1816. 3 vols. Holland (Sir H.) Medical Notes. London, 1839. Holland (Lord) Memoirs of the Whig Party. London, 1852-1854. 2 vols. Holies (Lord) Memoirs. London, 1699. Hollinshead (R.) The Scottish Chronicle. Arbroath, 1805. 2 vols. 4to. Home (J.) The History of the Rebellion in the year 1745. London, 1802. 4to. Hooker (R.) Ecclesiastical Polity. London, 1830. 3 vols. Hoskins (G. A.) Spain as it is. London, 1851. 2 vols. Howell (J.) Letters. Eleventh edition. London, 1754. Howie (J.) Biographia Scoticana. 2nd edit. Glasgow, 1781. Huetius (P. D.) Commentarius de Rebus ad eum pertinentibus. Amstel. 1718. Humboldt (A.) Essai sur la Nouvelle Espagne. Paris, 1811. 2 vols. 4to. Humboldt (A.) Cosmos. London, 1848-1852. 4 vols. Hume (D.) Commentaries on the Law of Scotland respecting Crimes. Edinburgh, 1797. 2 vols. 4to. Hume (D.) Philosophical Works. Edinburgh, 1826. 4 vols. Hume (D.) Letters of Eminent Persons to. Edinburgh, 1849. Hume (D. of Godscroft) The History of the House and Race of Douglas and Angus. Edinburgh, 1743. 2 vols. Hunt (F. K.) History of Newspapers. London, 1850. 2 vols. Hunter (J.) Works, edited by J. F. Palmer. London, 1835-1837. 4 vols. Hunter (J.) Essays and Observations on Natural History, &c. edited by R. Owen. London, 1861. 2 vols. Hutcheson (F.) An Inquiry into the Original of our Ideas of Beauty and Virtue. 4th edit. London, 1738. Hutcheson (F.) A System of Moral Philosophy ; with the Life of Hutcheson, by W. Leechman. London, 1755. 2 vols. 4to. Hutcheson (F.) An Essay on the Nature and Conduct of the Pas- sions and Affections. 3rd edit. Glasgow, 1769. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XX7 Hutcheson (G.) Exposition on the Twelve Small Prophets. Lon don, 1654, 1655. 3 vols. Hutcheson (G.) An Exposition of the Book of Job, being the sum of 316 Sermons preached in the City of Edenburgh. London, 1669. Folio. Hutchinson (Colonel) Memoirs of, by his Widow. London, 1846. Hutton (J.) Theory of the Earth. Edinburgh, 1795. 2 vols. Hutton (W.) Life of, by himself. London, 1816. Ibn Batuta, Travels in the Fourteenth Century, translated from Arabic by S. Lee. London, 1829. 4to. Inglis(H. D.) Spain in 1830. London, 1831. 2 vols. Interest (The) of Scotland considered with regard to Police, Trade, &c. Edinburgh, 1733. Irving (J.) The History of Dumbartonshire. 2nd edit. Dumbarton, 1860. 4to. Ixtlilxochitl, Histoire des Chichimeques ou des anciens Bois de Tezcuco. Paris, 1840. 2 vols. Jacobite Memoirs of the Bebellion of 1745, edited, from the Manu- scripts of the late Bishop Forbes, by B. Chambers. Edinburgh, 1834. James II., The Life of, from Memoirs by his own hand, by J. S. Clarke. London, 1816. 2 vols. 4to. Janer (F.) Condition Social de los Moriscos de Espaiia. Madrid, 1857. Jefferson (T.) Memoirs and Correspondence, by Bandolph. London, 1829. 4 vols. Jehangueir (The Emperor) Memoirs, by himself, translated from Persian by D. Price. London, 1829. 4to. Jewel (J.) Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanse. London, 1581. Jobert (A. C. G.) Ideas or Outlines of a New System of Philosophy. London, 1848, 1849. 2 vols. Johnston (L. F. C.) Institutes of the Civil Law of Spain. London, 1825. Johnstone (The Chevalier de) Memoirs of the Bebellion in 1745 and 1746. 3rd edit. London, 1822. Joly (G.) Memoires. Paris, 1826. Jones (C. H.) and Sieveking (E. H.) Pathological Anatomy. Lon- don, 1854. Jones (B.) Organization of the Animal Kingdom. London, 1855. Jones (W.) Life of G. Home, Bishop of Norwich. London, 1795. Jones (Sir W.) Works. London, 1799. 6 vols. 4to. Journal Asiatique. Paris, 1822-1827. 11 vols. Journal of the Asiatic Society. London, 1834-1851. 14 vols. Journal of the Geographical Society. London, 1813 (2nd edit of vol. i.) to 1853. 23 vols. Jussieu's Botany, by J. H. Wilson. London, 1849. XXVI LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Kaemtz (L. F.) Course of Meteorology. London, 1845. Kant (J.) Werke. Leipzig, 1838, 1839. 10 vols. Kay (J.) Condition and Education of the People in England and Europe. London, 1850. 2 vols. Keith (K.) A Catalogue of the Bishops of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1755. 4to. Keith (K.) History of the Affairs of Church and State in Scotland, from the beginning of the Keformation to 1568. Published by the Spottiswoode Society. Edinburgh, 1844-1850. 3 vols. Kemble (J. M.) The Saxons in England. London, 1849. 2 vols. Ken (Bishop of Bath and Wells) Life of, by a Layman. London, 1854. 2 vols. Kennedy (W.) Annals of Aberdeen. London, 1818. 2 vols. 4to. King (Lord) Life of J. Locke. London, 1830. 2 vols. Kirkton (J.) The Secret and True History of the Church of Scot- land, from the Restoration to 1678, edited from the MSS. by C. K. Sharpe. Edinburgh, 1817. 4to. Klimrath (H.) Travaux sur l'Histoire du Droit Francais. Paris, 1843. 2 vols. Knox (J.) History of the Reformation in Scotland, edited by D. Laing, for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1846-1848. 2 vols. Koch (M.) Tableau des Revolutions de l'Europe. Paris, 1823. 3 vols. Kohl (J. G.) Russia. London, 1842. Labat (P.) Voyages en Espagne et en Italie. Paris, 1730. Vol. i. containing his travels in Spain. Laborde (A.) A View of Spain. London, 1809. 5 vols. Lacretelle (C.) Histoire de France pendant le XVIII> Siecle. Bruxelles, 1819. 3 vols. Lafayette (General) Memoires, Correspondance et Manuscrits. Bruxelles, 1837-1839. 2 vols. Lafuente (M.) Historia General de Espana. Madrid, 1850-1857. 19 vols. Laing (M.) The History of Scotland, from 1603 to 1707. 3rd edit London, 1819. 4 vols. Laing (S.) Sweden in 1838. London, 1839. Laing (S.) Notes on the Social and Political State of Europe. Lon- don, 1842. Laing (S.) Second Series of Notes on Europe. London, 1850. Laing (S.) Denmark, being the Third Series of Notes. London, 1852. Laird (M.) Memoirs of the Life and Experiences, with a Preface by the Rev. Mr. Cock. 2nd edit. Glasgow, 1781. Lamartine (A. de) Histoire des Girondins. Bruxelles, 1847. 8 vols. Lamont (J. of Newton) Diary, from 1649 to 1671. Edinburgh, 1830. 4to. LIST OF AUTHOBS QUOTED. XXvii Lankester (E.) Memorials of John Kay. Ray Society, 1846. Larenaudiere (M. de) Mexique et Guatemala. Paris, 1843. Lathbury (T.) History of the Convocation of the Church of Eng- land. London, 1842. Lathbury (T.) History of the Nonjurors. London, 1845. Lavallee (T.) Histoire des Francais. Paris, 1847. 4 vols. Lawrence (W.) Lectures on Comparative Anatomy, and the Natural History of Man. London, 1844. Lawson (J. P.) The Eoman Catholic Church in Scotland. Edin- burgh, 1836. Lawson (J. P.) The Book of Perth. Edinburgh, 1847. Le Blanc (L'Abb6) Letters d'un Francois. Lyon, 1758. 3 vols. Ledwich (E.) Antiquities of Ireland. Dublin, 1804. 4to. Le Long (J.) Bibliotheque Historique de la France. Paris, 1768— 1778. 5 vols, folio. Lemontey (P. E.) L'Etablissement Monarchique de Louis XIV. Paris, 1818. Lenet (P.) Memoires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Lepan (M.) Vie de Voltaire. Paris, 1837. Lepelletier (A.) Physiologic Medicalo. Paris, 1831-1833. 4 vols. Lerminier (E.) Philosophic du Droit. Paris, 1831. 2 vols. Lesley (J.) The History of Scotland, from 1436 to 1561. Published by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1830. 4to. Leslie (J.) An Experimental Inquiry into the Nature and Propaga- tion of Heat, London, 1804. Leslie (Sir J.) Treatises on Natural and Chemical Philosophy. Edinburgh, 1838. Letters from Spain, &c. by an English Officer. London, 1788. 2 vols. Letters from a Gentleman in the North of Scotland. London, 1815. 2 vols. Letters of Queen Elizabeth and James VT. of Scotland, edited by J. Bruce, for the Camden Society. London, 1849. 4to. Lettice (I.) Letters on a Tour through Various Parts of Scotland in 1792. Edinburgh, 1794. Le Vassor (M.) Histoire du Regne de Louis XIII. Amst. 1701- 1711. 10 vols. Lewes (G. H.) The Spanish Drama. London, 1846. Liebig (J.) Animal Chemistry. London, 1846. Liebig (J.) Letters on Chemistry in its relation to Physiology. Lon- don, 1851. Liebig and Kopp's Reports of the Progress of Chemistry and the allied Sciences. London, 1849-1853. 4 vols. Lindley (J.) The Vegetable Kingdom. London 1847. Lindley (J.) An Introduction to Botany. London, 1848. 2 vols. Lindsav (R. of Pitscottie) The Chronicles of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1814. 2 vols. Lingard (J.) History of England. Paris, 1840. 8 vols. XXV111 LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Lister (M.) An Account of Paris at the close of the Seventeenth Century. Shaftesbury (no date). Lister (T. H.) Life and Correspondence of the first Earl of Claren don. London, 1837, 1838. 3 vols. Llorente (D. J. A.) Histoire Critique de l'lnquisition d'Espagne. Paris, 1817, 1818. 4 vols. Locke (J.) Works. London, 1794. 9 vols. Lockhart Papers (The). London, 1817. 2 vols. 4to. Longchamp et Wagniere, Memoires sur Voltaire. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. London (J. C.) An Encyclopaedia of Agriculture. London, 1844. Louville (Marquis de) Memoires. Paris, 1818. 2 vols. Low (H.) Sarawak; its Inhabitants and Productions. London, 1835. Ludlow (E.) Memoirs. Edinburgh, 1751. 3 vols. Lyell (Sir C.) Principles of Geology. 9th edit. London, 1853. Lyon (C. J.) History of St. Andrews. Edinburgh, 1843. 2 vols. Mably (L'Abbe) Observations sur l'Histoire de France. Paris, 1823. 3 vols. Macaulay (T. B.) History of England. London, 1849-1855. 1st edit. 4 vols. Mackay (R. W.) The Progress of the Intellect in the Religious De- velopment of the Greeks and Hebrews. London, 1850. 2 vols. Mackenzie (Sir G.) The Laws and Customs of Scotland in Matters Criminal. Edinburgh, 1699. Folio. Mackintosh (Sir J.) History of the Eevolution in England in 1688. London, 1834. 4to. Mackintosh (Sir J.) Memoirs, by his Son. London, 1835. 2 vols. Mackintosh (Sir J.) Dissertation on the Progress of Ethical Philoso- phy. Edinburgh, 1837. [Macky(J.)] A Journey though Scotland. 2nd edit. London, 1732. See Watt's Bibliotheca Britannica, vol. ii. p. 631, m. Macpherson (D.) Annals of Commerce. London, 1805. 4 vols. 4to. Macpherson (J.) Original Papers, from the Restoration to the Ac- cession of the House of Hanover. London, 1775. 2 vols. 4to. M'Crie (T.) The Life of Andrew Melville. Edinburgh, 1819. 2 vols. M'Crie (T.) History of the Progress and Suppression of the Refor- mation in Spain in the Sixteenth Century. Edinburgh, 1 829. M'Crie (T.) The Life of John Knox, edited by A. Crichton. 2nd edit. Edinburgh, 1841. M'Culloch (J. R.) The Principles of Political Economy. Edinburgh, 1843. M'Culloh (J. H.) Researches concerning the Aboriginal History of America. Baltimore, 1829. ■ M'Ure (J.) The History of Glasgow. A new edition. Glasgow, 1830. LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. xxix M'William (J. 0.) Medical History of the Expedition to the Niger. London, 1843. Mahon (Lord) Spain under Charles II., or Extracts from the Cor- respondence of A. Stanhope, 1690-1699. London, 1840. Mahon (Lord) History of England, from 1713 to 1783. London, 1853, 1854. 7 vols. Maintenon (Madame de) Lettres in^dites de, et de la Princesse des Ursins. Paris, 1826. 4 vols. Malcolm (Sir J.) History of Persia. London, 1829. 2 vols. Mallet's Northern Antiquities, edit. Blackwell. London, 1847. Mallet du Pan, Memoirs and Correspondence. London, 1852. 2 vols. Mallet (Messrs. E. and J. W.) The Earthquake Catalogue of the British Association. From the Transactions of the British As- sociation for the Advancement of Science. London, 1858. Malthus (T. K.) An Essay on the Principles of Population. Lon- don, 1826. 2 vols. Manning (W. 0.) Commentaries on the Law of Nations. London, 1839. Marchant (J.) The History of the Present Kebellion. London, 1746. Marchmont Papers, from 1685 to 1750. London, 1831. 3 vols. Mariana (P. J.) Historia General de Espana, y la Continuacion por Miniana. Madrid, 1794, 1795. 10 vols. Mariner (W.) An Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands. London, 1818. 2 vols. Marmontel (J.F.) Memoires. Paris, 1805. 4 vols. Marsden (W.) History of Sumatra. London, 1783. 4to. Martinez de la Mata, Dos Discursos, los publica J. A. Canga. Madrid, 1 794. This author wrote in the middle of the seven- teenth century, and supplies some extremely curious information respecting the economical state of Spain. Matter (M.) Histoire du Gnosticisme. Paris, 1 828. 2 vols. Matter (M.) Histoire de l'Ecole d'Alexandrie. Paris, 1840-1844. 2 vols. Matthsei Paris Historia Major, edit. Wats. London, 1684. Folio. Matthsei Westmonasteriensis Flores Historiarum. London, 1570. 2 vols, folio. Maury (L. F. A.) Legendes Pieuses du Moyen Age. Paris, 1843. May (T.) History of the Long Parliament London, 1647. 3 books, folio. Mayo (H.) Outlines of Human Physiology. London, 1837. Meadley (G. W.) Memoirs of W. Paley. Edinburgh, 1810. Meiners (E.) Betrachtungen iiber die Fruchtbarkeit &c. der Lander in Asien. Liibeck, 1795, 1796. 2 vols. Melvill (J.) Autobiography and Diary, edited by R. Pitcairn for the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1842. Mendoza (D. H.) Guerrade Granada que hizo el Rei D. Felipe II. contra los Moriscos. Valencia, 1776. 4to. Mercer (A.) The History of Dunfermline. Dunfermline, 1828. XXX LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. Mercier (M.) J. J. Rousseau consider^ comme l'un des premiers Auteurs de la Revolution. Paris, 1791. 2 vols. Meyen (F. J.F.) Outlines of the Geography of Plants. London, 1846. Meyer (J. D.) Esprit, Origineet Progres des Institutions Judiciaires. Paris, 1823. 5 vols. Mezeray (F. E.) Histoire de France. Paris, 1643-1651. 3 vols. folio. Michelet (M.) Origines du Droit Francais, in voL ii. of (Euvres. Bruxelles, 1840. Mignet (M.) Negociations relatives a la Succession d'Espagne sous Louis XIV. Paris, 1835-1842. 4 vols. 4to. Mill (J.) Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind. London, 1829. 2 vols. Mill (J.) The History of British India, edited by H. H. Wilson. London, 1848 (the first two vols. only). Mill (J. S.) Principles of Political Economy. London, 1849. 2 vols. Mills (C.) History of Chivalry. London, 1825. 2 vols. Miscellany (The) of the Wodrow Society, edited by D. Laing. Edin- burgh, 1844. Moffat (R.) Southern Africa. London, 1842. Monconys (M de) Voyages de. Paris, 1695. 5 vols. Monk (Bishop of Gloucester) Life of R Bentley. London, 1833. 2 vols. Monro (A.) Sermons. London, 1693. Montaigne (M.) Essais. Paris, 1843. Montbarey (Prince de) Memoires. Paris, 1826, 1827. 3 vols. Monteil (A. A.) Histoire des Francais des divers Etats. Bruxelles, 1843. 8 vols. Montesquieu (C.) OEuvres completes. Paris, 1835. Montglat (Marquis de) Memoires. Paris, 1825, 1826. 3 vols. Montlosier (Comte de) La Monarchic Francaise. Paris, 1814. 3 vols. Montucla (J. F.) Histoire des Math^matiques. Paris, 1799-1802. 4 vols. 4to. Morellet (L'Abta) Memoires. Paris, 1821. 2 vols. [Morer (T.)] A Short Account of Scotland. London, 1702. This work is anonymous. The author was ' chaplain to a Scotch Regi- ment.' See Records of the Kirk Session, §c, of Aberdeen, edit. Spalding Club ; Aberdeen, 1846, 4to, pp.lxi. Ixv. Mosheim (J. L.) Ecclesiastical History. London, 1839. 2 vols. Motley (J. L.) History of the Rise of the Dutch Republic. London, 1858. 3 vols. Motteville (Mme.) Memoires, edit. Petitot. Paris, 1824. 5 vols. Moysie (D.) Memoirs of the Affairs of Scotland, from 1577 to 1603. Printed by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1830. 4to. Muirhead (J. P.) The Life of James "Watt. 2nd edit. London, 1859. Muller (J.) Elements of Physiology. London, 1840-1842. 2 vols. LIST OF AUTHOES QUOTED. Murchison (Sir E.) Siluria. London, 1854. Mure (W.) History of the Language and Literature of Ancient Greece. London, 1850-1863. 4 vols. Muriel (A.) Gobierno del SeSor Rey Don Carlos III. Madrid, 1839. Murray (A.) Life of J. Bruce. Edinburgh, 1808. 4to. Mussefc-Pathay (V. D.) Vie de J. J. Rousseau. Paris, 1822. 2 vols. Naphtali, or the Wrestling of the Church of Scotland for the Kingdom of Christ. Printed in the year 1667. Napier (M.) The Life and Times of Montrose, illustrated from original Manuscripts. Edinburgh, 1840. Navarrete (M. F.) Vida de Cervantes, prefixed to Don Quijote. Barcelona, 1839. Navarrete (M. F.) Noticia Biografica del Marques de la Ensenada, in vol. ii. of Navarrete Opusculos. Madrid, 1848. Neal (D.) History of the Puritans, from 1517 to 1688. London, 1822. 5 vols. Neander (A.) History of the Christian Eeligion and Church. Lon- don, 1850-1862. 8 vols. Newman (F. W.) Natural History of the SouL as the Basis of Theology. London, 1849. Newman (F. W.) Phases of Faith. London, 1850. Newman (J. H.) Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine. London, 1845. Newton (Bishop of Bristol) Life of, by himself. London, 1816. Nicholls (J.) Recollections. London, 1822. 2 vols. Nichols (J.) Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century. London, 1812-1816. 9 vols. Nichols (J.) Illustrations of Literary History of the Eighteenth • Century. London, 1817-1848. 7 vols. Nicoll (J.) Diary, from January 1650 to June 1667. Published by the Bannatyne Club. Edinburgh, 1836. 4to. Niebuhr (C.) Description de l'Arabie. Amsterdam, 1774. 4to. Nimmo (W.) History of Stirlingshire. Edinburgh, 1777. Noailles (Due de)Memoires par 1* Abbe Millot, edit Petitot etMon- merqu& Paris, 1828, 1829. 4 vols. Noble (D.) The Brain and its Physiology. London, 1846. Noble (M.) Memoirs of the House of Cromwell. Birmingham, 1784. 2 vols. Noble (M.) Lives of the English Regicides. London, 1798, 2 vols. \ North (B.) The Lives of the Norths. London, 1826. 3 vols. Orme (W.) Life of John Owen. London, 1820. Ortiz y Sans (D. J.) Compendio Cronologico de la Historia de Espana. Madrid, 1795-1803. 7 vols. Otter (W.) Life of E D. Clarke. London, 1825. 3 vols. VOL. I. b XSXil LIST OP AUTHORS QUOTED. Owen (R.) Lectures on the Comparative Anatomy and Physiology of the Invertebrate Animals. 2nd edit. London, 1855. Paget (J.) Lectures on Surgical Pathology. London, 1853. 2 vols. PalgTave (Sir F.) Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth. London, 1832. 2 vols. 4to. Palissot (M.) Memoires pour l'Histoire de notre Litterature. Paris, 1803. 2 vols. Pallme (I.) Travels in Kordofan. London, 1844. Palmer (W.) A Treatise on the Church. London, 1839. 2 vols. Park (Mungo) Travels in Africa. London, 1817. 2 vols. Parker (Bishop) History of his own Time. London, 1727. Parliamentary History of England, to 1803. London. 36 vols. Parr (S.) Works. London, 1828. 8 vols. Patin (G-.) Lettres. Paris, 1846. 3 vols. Patten (R.) The History of the Late Rebellion. London, 1717. Peignot (G.) Dictionnaire des Livres condamnes au feu. Paris 1806. 2 vols. Pellew (G-.) Life and Correspondence of Lord Sidmouth. London. 1847. 3 vols. Pennant (T.) Tour in Scotland. 4th edit. Dublin, 1775. 2 vols. Penny (G-.) Traditions of Perth. Perth, 1836. Pepys (S.) Diary, from 1659 to 1669. London, 1828. 5 vols. Percival (R.) Account of the Island of Ceylon. London, 1805. 4to. Peterborough (C. M. Earl of) Memoir of, with Selections from hi.s Correspondence. London, 1853. 2 vols. Petrie (G-.) Ecclesiastical Architecture and Round Towers of Ire- land. Dublin, 1845. Phillimore (R.) Memoirs of Lord Lyttelton, from 1734 to 1773 London, 1845. 2 vols. Phillips (B.) Scrofula, its Nature, Causes, and Prevalence. London, 1846. Pinel (P.) Traite sur 1' Alienation Mentale. 2nd edit. Paris, 1809. Pinkerton (J.) History of Scotland, from the Accession of the House of Stuart to that of Mary. London, 1797. 2 vols. 4to. Pinkerton (J.) An Enquiry into the History of Scotland, preceding the year 1056. Edinburgh, 1814. 2 vols. Pitcairn(R.) Criminal Trials in Scotland, from 1488 to 1624. Edin- burgh, 1833. 3 vols. 4to in four parts. Playfair (J.) Works. Edinburgh, 1822; the first and fourth volumes, containing Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory, and th6 Life of Hutton. Pontchartrain (P. de) Memoires. Paris, 1822. 2 vols. Porter (G. R.) The Progress of the Nation. London, 1836-1843* 3 vols. Pouillet (M.) Elemens de Physique. Paris, 1832. 2 vols. Presbytery Displayd, 1644. Reprinted, London, 1663. 4to. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XXX111 Prescott (W. H.) History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella. Paris, 1842. 3 vols. Prescott (W. H.) History of the Conquest of Mexico. Loudon, 1850. 3 vols. Prescott (W. H.) History of the Conquest of Peru. London, 1850. 3 vols. Prescott ("W. H.) History of the Reign of Philip II. London, 1857-1859. 3 vols. Prichard (J. C.) A Treatise on Insanity. London, 1835. Prichard (J. C.) Insanity in relation to Jurisprudence. London, 1842. Prichard (J. C.) Researches into the Physical History of Mankind. London, 1841-1847. 5 vols. Priestley (J.) Memoirs by himself, continued by his Son. London, 1806, 1807. 2 vols. Prior (J.) Life of 0. Goldsmith. London, 1837. 2 vols. Prior (J.) Memoir of E. Burke. London, 1839. Prout (W.) Bridgewater Treatise on Chemistry, &c. London, 1845. Pulteney (R.) Historical Sketches of the Progress of Botany in England. London, 1700. 2 vols. Quatremere (E.) Recherches sur la Langue et la Litterature de l'Egypte. Paris, 1808. Querard (J. M.) La France Litteraire. Paris, 1827-1839. 10 vols. Quetelet (A.) Sur l'Homme et la Developpement de ses Facultes. Paris, 1835. 2 vols. Quetelet (A.) La Statistique Morale, in vol. xxi. of Mem. de l'Acad. de Belgique. Bruxelles, 1848. 4to. Quick (J.) Synodicon in Gallia ; the Acts, &c. of the Councils of the Reformed Churches in France. London, 1692. 2 vols. folio. Quin (M. J.) Memoirs of Ferdinand VII. King of the Spains. Lon- doD, 1824. Rabelais (F.) GSuvres. Amsterdam, 1725. 5 vols. Rae (P.) The History of the Rebellion against George I. 2nd edit. London, 1746. Raffles (Sir T. S.) History of Java. London, 1830. 2 vols. Rammohun Roy, Translations from the Veds and works on Brah- manical Theology. London, 1 832. Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems of India. London, 1832. Ramsay (E. B. Dean of Edinburgh) Reminiscences of Scottish Life and Character. 5th edit. Edinburgh, 1859. Ranke (L.) Die Romischen Papste. Berlin, 1838, 1839. 3 vols. Ranke (L.) The Ottoman and the Spanish Empires in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. London, 1843. Ranke (L.) Civil Wars and Monarchy in France in 16th and 17th Centuries. London, 1 852. 2 vols. b2 XXXIV LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Baumer (F. von) History of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Cen- turies, illustrated by original Documents. London. 1835. 2 vols. Eay (J.) Second Itinerary in 1661, in Memorials of Eay, edited by E. Lankester for the Eay Societ3 T . London, 1846. Eay (J.) Correspondence, edited by E. Lankester. Eay Society, 1848. Eeid (T.) Essays on the Powers of the Human Mind. Edinburgh, 1808. 3 vols. Eeid (T.) An Inquiry into the Human Mind on the Principles of Common Sense. 7th edit. Edinburgh, 1814. Eelations des Ambassadeurs Venitiens sur les Affaires de France au XVI' Sieele. Paris, 1838. 2 vols. 4to. Eenouard (P. V.) Histoire de la Medecine. Paris, 1846. 2 vols. Eeports on Botany by the Eay Society. London, 1846. Eeresby (Sir J.) Travels and Memoirs during the Time of Crom- well, Charles II. and James II. London, 1831. Eetz (Cardinal de) Memoires. Paris, 1844. 2 vols. Eevelations of Spain in 1845, by an English Eesident. London, 1845. 2 vols. Eey (J. A.) Theorie et Pratique de la Science Sociale. Paris, 1842. 3 vols. Eeynier (L.) De l'Economie Publique et Eurale des Arabes et des Juifs. Geneve, 1820. Eeynolds (Sir J.) Literary Works. London, 1846. 2 vols. Ehode (J. G-.) Eeligiose Bildung, Mythologie und Philosophic der Hindus. Leipzig, 1827. 2 vols. Eicardo (D.) Works. London, 1846. Eichard (A.) Nouveaux Elements de Botanique. Paris, 1 846. Eichardson (J.) Travels in the Desert of Sahara. London, 1848. 2 vols. Eichardson (J.) A Mission to Central Africa. London, 1853. 2 vols. Eichardson (Sir J.) Arctic Searching Expedition. London, 1851. 2 vols. Eichelieu (Cardinal) Memoires sur le Eegne de Louis XIII. Paris, 1823. 10 vols. Eidpath (G.) The Border History of England and Scotland. Ber- wick, 1848. 4to. Eig-Veda-Sanhita, translated from Sanscrit by H. H. Wilson. London, 1850-1854. 2 vols. Eio (A. F.) Historia del Eeinado de Carlos III. en Espana. Madrid, 1856. 4 vols. Eipperda (Duke de) Memoirs of. 2nd edit. London, 1740. Eitchie (T. E.) Life of David Hume. London, 1807. Eitter (H) History of Ancient Philosophy. London, 1838-1846. 4 vols. Eivarol (M.) Memoires. Paris, 1824. Eobe (J.) Narratives of the Extraordinary Work of the Spirit of God. Glasgow, 1790. Robertson (W.) Works. London, 1831. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XXXV Robertson (W.) History of Scotland, in Robertson's Works. Lon- don, 1831. Robertson (W.) History of the Reign of Charles V. with additions by W. H. Prescott. London, 1857. Robin (C.) et Verdeil (F.) Traite de Chimie Anajoniique. Paris, 1853. 3 vols. Rochefoucauld (Due de la) M^moires. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Rohan (H. Due de) Memoires. Paris, 1822. Rokitansky (C.) A Manual of Pathological Anatomy. Published by the Sydenham Society. London, 1849-1854. 4 vols. # Roland (Mme.) Memoires. Paris, 1827. 2 vols. Romilly (Sir S.) Life, written by himself. London, 1842. 2 vols. Roscoe (H.) The Life of W. Roscoe. London, 1833. 2 vols. Row (J.) The History of the Kirk of Scotland, from 1558 to 1637, with a Continuation to July 1639. Published by the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1842. Russell (Lord J.) Memorials and Correspondence of C. J. Fox. London, 1853, 1854. 3 vols. Russell (M.) History of the Church in Scotland. London, 1834^ 2 vols. Rutherford (S.) Christ Dying. London, 1647. 4to. Rutherford (S.) A Free Disputation against Pretended Liberty of • Conscience. London, 1649. 4to. Rutherford (S.) Three Hundred and Fifty-Two Religious Letters, between 1638 and 1649. Reprinted, Glasgow, 1824. Sadler (M. T.) The Law of Population. London, 1830. 2 vols. Sadler (Sir R.) State Papers and Letters, edited by R. Clifford, with Notes by W. Scott. Edinburgh, 1809. 2 vols. 4to.' Sainte-Aulaire (Le Comte de) Histoire de la Fronde. Paris, 1843. 2 vols. Sainte-Palaye (De la Curne) Memoires sur l'Ancienne Chevalerie. Paris, 1759-1781. 3 vols. Schlosser (F. C.) History of the Eighteenth Century. London, 1843-5. 6 vols. Scot (J.) The Staggering State of the Scots Statesmen, from 1550 to 1660. Edinburgh, 1754. Scot (W.) An Apologetical Narration of the State and Government of the Kirk of Scotland, since the Reformation. Published by the Wodrow Society. Edinburgh, 1846. Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence. 3rd edit. London, 1719. Scotland : Reasons for Improving the Fisheries and Linnen Manufac- ture of Scotland. London, 1727. Scotland, a Modern Account of, written from thence by an English Gentleman, printed in the year 1670, in vol. vi. of the Harleian Miscellany. 1810. 4to. Scriptores post Bedam Rerum Anglicarum. London, 1596. Folio. Sdgur (Le Comte de) Memoires ou Souvenirs. Paris, 1825-1827. 3 vols. XXXVI LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. Select Biographies, edited for the Wodrow Society by the Kov. W. K. Tweedie. Edinburgh, 1845-1847. 2 vols. Selections from the Minutes of the Synod of Fife, from 1611 to 1687. Printed for the Abbotsford Club. Edinburgh, 1837. 4to. Selections from ^ie Minutes of the Presbyteries of St. Andrews and Cupar, from 1641 to 1698. Printed for the Abbotsford Club. Edinburgh, 1837. 4to. Selections from the Eegisters of the Presbytery of Lanark, from 1623 to 1709. Printed for the Abbotsford Club. Edinburgh, . 1839. 4to. Selections from the Records of the Kirk Session, Presbytery, and Synod of Aberdeen. Printed for the Spalding Club. Aberdeen, 1846. 4to. Sempere (M.) Histoire des Cortes d'Espagne. Bordeaux, 1815. Sempere (M.) Considerations sur les Causes de la Grandeur et de la Decadence de la Monarchic Espagnole. Paris, 1826. 2 vols. Sermons by Eminent Divines in the two last Centuries. Edinburgh, 1814. Sevigne (Madame de) Lettres. Paris, 1 843. 6 vols. Sewell (W.) Christian Politics. London, 1845. Sharp (Archbishop of York) Life, edited by T. Newcome. London, 1825. 2 vols. [Sharp, Sir C] Memorials of the Rebellion of 1569. London, 1840 Sharpe (S.) History of Egypt. London, 1 852. 2 vols. [Shields (A.) ] A Hind let loose. Printed in the year 1687. See Howie's Biographia Scoticana, p. 576. Shields (A.) The Scots Inquisition. Edinburgh, 1745. Shields (A.) An Enquiry into Church Communion. 2nd edit. Edinburgh, 1747. Short (Bishop of St. Asaph) History of the Church of England, to 1688. London, 1847. Simon (Due de) Memoires publies sur le Manuscrit original. Paris, 1842. 40 vols. Simon (J.) Lectures on General Pathology. London, 1850. Simon (J. F.) Animal Chemistry. London, 1845, 1846. 2 vols. Simpson (T.) Discoveries on the North Coast of America. London, 1843. Sinclair (G.) Satan's Invisible World Discovered. Reprinted, Edin- burgh, 1780. Sinclair (Sir J.) Statistical Account of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1791- 1799. 21 vols. Sinclair (Sir J.) History of the Public Revenue of the British Em- pire. London, 1803, 1804. 3 vols. Sinclair (Sir J.) The Correspondence of. London, 1831. 2 vols. Sismondi (J. C. L.) Historical View of the Literature of the South of Europe, with Notes by T. Roscoe. London, 1846. 2 vols. Sismondi (J. C. L. S. de) Histoire des Francais. Paris, 1821-1844. 31 vols. LIST OF AUTHORS QUOTED. XXXvii Skene (W. F.) The Highlanders of Scotland, their Origin, History, and Antiquities. London, 1837. 2 vols. Smedley (E.) History of the Eeformed Religion in France. London, 1832-1834. 3 vols. 8vo. Smith (A.) The Theory of Moral Sentiments. London, 1822. 2 vols. Smith (A.) An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the "Wealth of Nations. Edinburgh, 1839. Smith (Sir J. E.) Memoir and Correspondence of. London, 1832. • 2 vols. Somers Tracts, edited by Sir W. Scott. London, 1809-1815. 13 vols. 4to. Somerville (Lord) Memorie of the Somervilles. Edinburgh, 1815. 2 vols. Somerville (M.) Connexion of the Physical Sciences. London, 1 849. Somerville (M.) Physical Geography. London, 1851. 2 vols. Sorbiere (M.) A Voyage to England. London, 1709. Sorel (M. C.) La Bibliotheque Franchise. Paris, 1667. Soulavie (J. L.)Me moires du Regne de Louis XVI. Paris, 1801. 6 vols. Southey (R.) Letters written in Spain and Portugal. 2nd edit. Bristol, 1799. Southey (B,.) History of Brazil. London, 1819-1822. 3 vols. 4to (2nd edit, of vol. i.). Southey (R. V The Life of Wesley. London, 1846. 2 vols. Southey (R.) Chronicle of the Cid. Lowell, 1846. Spain, by an American. London, 1831. 2 vols. Spalding (J.) The History of the Troubles in Scotland and England, from 1624 to 1645. Edinburgh, 1828-1829. 2 vols. 4to. Spalding Club Miscellany. Aberdeen, 1841-1852. 5 vols. 4to. Spence (G.) Origin of the Laws and Political Institutions of Europe. London, 1826. Spencer (H.) First Principles. London, 1860-1861. Only three parts have yet appeared of this able and remarkable work. Spix (J. B.) and Martius (C. F.) Travels in Brazil. London, 1824. 2 vols. Spottiswoode (J. Archbishop of St. Andrews) History of the Church of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1851. 3 vols. Spottiswoode Miscellany (The) A Collection of Original Papers and Tracts illustrative of the History of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1844, 1845. 2 vols. Sprengel (K.) Histoire de la Mddecine. Paris, 1815-1820. 9 vols. Squier (E G.) Travels in Central America. New York, 1853. 2 vols. State Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII. 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London, 1842-1846. 2 vols. Ximenez (F. J.) Vida y Virtudes del Venerable Siervo de Dios D. J. de Ribera, Arcobispo de Valencia. Roma, 1734. 4to. Yafiez (J.) Memorias para la Historia de Don Felipe III. Madrid, 1723. 4to. Yonge (W.) Diary, from 1604 to 1628, edited by G. Roberts. Camd. Soc. 1848. 4to. HISTORY OP CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND, GENERAL INTRODUCTION'. CHAPTER I. STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, ANT» PROOFS OF THE REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS : THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES. Of all the great branches of human knowledge, his- tory is that upon which most has been written, and which has always been most popular. And it seems to be the general opinion that the success of histo- rians has, on the whole, been equal to their industry ; and that if on this subject much has been studied, much also is understood. This confidence in the value of history is very widely diffused, as we see in the extent to which it is read, and in the share it occupies in all plans of education. Nor can it be denied that, in a certain point of view, such confidence is perfectly justifiable. It cannot be denied that materials have been collected which, when looked at in the aggregate, have a rich and imposing appearance. The political and military annals of all the great countries in Europe, and of most of those out of Europe, have been carefnlly compiled, put together in a convenient form, and the evidence on which they rest has been tolerably well sifted. Great attention has been paid to tho VOL. i. B 2 EESOUEOES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTOEY. history of legislation, also to that of religion : while considerable, though inferior, labour has been employed in tracing the progress of science, of literature, of the fine arts, of useful inventions, and, latterly, of the man- ners and comforts of the people. In order to increase our knowledge of the past, antiquities of every kind have been examined ; the sites of ancient cities have been laid bare, coins dug up and deciphered, inscrip- tions copied, alphabets restored, hieroglyphics inter- preted, and, in some instances, long- forgotten languages reconstructed and re-arranged. Several of the laws which regulate the changes of human speech have been discovered, and, in the hands of philologists, have been made to elucidate even the most obscure periods in the early migration of nations. Political economy has been raised to a science, and by it much light has been thrown on the causes of that unequal distribution of wealth which is the most fertile source of social dis- turbance. Statistics have been so sedulously cultivated, that we have the most extensive information, not only respecting the material interests of men, but also re- specting their moral peculiarities ; such as, the amount of different crimes, the proportion they bear to each other, and the influence exercised over them by age, sex, education, and the like. With this great move- ment physical geography has kept pace : the pheno- mena of climate have been registered, mountains measured, rivers surveyed and tracked to their source, natural productions of all kinds carefully studied, and their hidden properties unfolded : while every food which sustains life has been chemically analysed, its constituents numbered and weighed, and the nature of the connexion between them and the human frame has, in many cases, been satisfactorily ascertained. At the same time, and that nothing should be left undone which might enlarge our knowledge of the events by which man is affected, there have been instituted cir- cumstantial researches in many other departments ; so that in regard to the most civilized people, we are now acquainted with the rate of their mortality, of their marriages, the proportion of their births, the character RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 3 of their employments, and the fluctuations both in their wages and in the prices of the commodities necessary to their existence. These and similar facts have been collected, methodized, and are ripe for use. Such results, which form, as it were, the anatomy of a nation, are remarkable for their minuteness ; and to them there have been joined other results less minute, but more extensive. Not only have the actions and characteristics of the great nations been recorded, but a prodigious number of different tribes in all the parts of the known world have been visited and described by travellers, thus enabling us to compare the condition of mankind in every stage of civilization, and under every variety of circumstance. When we moreover add, that this curiosity respecting our fellow- creatures is appa- rently insatiable ; that it is constantly increasing ; that the means of gratifying it are also increasing, and that most of the observations which have been made are still preserved ; — when we put all these things toge- ther, we may form a faint idea of the immense value of that vast body of facts which we now possess, and by the aid of which the progress of mankind is to be investigated. But if, on the other hand, we are to describe the use that has been made of these materials, we must draw a very different picture. The unfortunate peculiarity of the history of man is, that although its separate parts have been examined with considerable ability, hardly any one has attempted to combine them into a whole, and ascertain the way in which they are connected with each other. In all the other great fields of inquiry, the necessity of generalization is universally admitted, and noble efforts are being made to rise from particular facts in order to discover the laws by which those facts are governed. So far, however, is this from being the usual course of historians, that among them a strange idea prevails, that their business is merely to relate events, which they may occasionally enliven by such moral and political reflections as seem likely to be useful. According to this scheme, any author who from indolence of thought, or from natural incapacity, b2 4 EESOUECES EOE INVESTIGATING HISTOET. is unfit to deal with the highest branches of knowledge, has only to pass some years in reading a certain number of books, and then he is qualified to be an historian ; he is able to write the history of a great people, and his work becomes an authority on the subject which it professes to treat. The establishment of this narrow standard has led to results very prejudicial to the progress of our know- ledge. Owing to it, historians, taken as a body, have never recognized the necessity of such a wide and pre- liminary study as would enable them to grasp their subject in the whole of its natural relations. Hence the singular spectacle of one historian being ignorant of political economy ; another knowing nothing of law ; another nothing of ecclesiastical affairs and changes of opinion ; another neglecting the philosophy of statistics, and another physical science : although these topics are the most essential of all, inasmuch as they comprise the principal circumstances by which the temper and cha- racter of mankind have been affected, and in which they are displayed. These important pursuits being, how- ever, cultivated, some by one man, and some by another, have been isolated rather than united : the aid which might be derived from analogy and from mutual illus- tration has been lost ; and no disposition has been shown to concentrate them upon history, of which they are, properly speaking, the necessary components. Since the early part of the eighteenth century, a few great thinkers have indeed arisen, who have deplored the backwardness of history, and have done everything in their power to remedy it. But these instances have been extremely rare : so rare, that in the whole litera- ture of Europe there are not more than three or four really original works which contain a systematic attempt to investigate the history of man according to those exhaustive methods which in other branches of know- ledge have proved successful, and by which alone em- pirical observations can be raised to scientific truths. Among historians in general, we find, after the six- teenth century, and especially during the last hundred years, several indications of an increasing comprehen- RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 5 siveness of view, and of a willingness to incorporate into their works subjects which they would formerly have excluded. By this means their assemblage of topics has become more diversified, and the mere collec- tion and relative position of parallel facts has occasion- ally suggested generalizations no traces of which can be found in the earlier literature of Europe. This has been a great gain, in so far as it has familiarized histo- rians with a wider range of thought, and encouraged those habits of speculation, which, though liable to abuse, are the essential condition of all real knowledge, because without them no science can be constructed. But, notwithstanding that the prospects of historical literature are certainly more cheering now than in any former age, it must be allowed that, with extremely few exceptions, they are only prospects, and that as yet scarcely anything has been done towards discovering the principles which govern the character and destiny of nations. What has been actually effected I shall endeavour to estimate in another part of this introduc- tion : at present it is enough to say, that for all the higher purposes of human thought history is still miserably deficient, and presents that confused and anarchical appearance natural to a subject of which the laws are unknown, and even the foundation un- settled. 1 Our acquaintance with history being so imperfect, while our materials are so numerous, it seems desirable that something should be done on a scale far larger than has hitherto been attempted, and that a strenuous effort should be made to bring up this great depart- ment of inquiry to a level with other departments, in order that we may maintain the balance and harmony of our knowledge. It is in this spirit that the present 1 A living writer, who has tive, vol. v. p. 18. There is done more than any other to mueh in the method and in the raise the standard of history, conclusions of this great work contemptuously notices Tinco- with which I cannot agree; but herente compilation de faits deja it would be unjust to deny its improprement qualifioe d 1 his- extraordinary merits. UAre.' Comte, Philosurihifi Po.n- 6 RESOURCES EOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. work has been conceived. To make the execution of it fully equal to the conception is impossible : still I hope to accomplish for the history of man something equiva- lent, or at all events analogous, to what has been effected by other inquirers for the different branches of natural science. In regard to nature, events apparently the most irregular and capricious have been explained, and have been shown to be in accordance with certain fixed and universal laws. This has been done because men of ability, and, above all, men of patient, untiring thought, have studied natural events with the view of discovering their regularity : and if human events were subjected to a similar treatment, we have every right to expect similar results. For it is clear that they who affirm that the facts of history are incapable of being generalized, take for granted the very question at issue. Indeed they do more than this. They not only assume what they cannot prove, but they assume what in the present state of knowledge is highly improbable. Who- ever is at all acquainted with what has been done during the last two centuries, must be aware that every generation demonstrates some events to be regular and predictable, which the preceding generation had declared to be irregular and unpredictable : so that the marked tendency of advancing civilization is to strengthen our belief in the universality of order, of method, and of law. This being the case, it follows that if any facts, or class of facts, have not yet been reduced to order, we, so far from pronouncing them to be irreducible, should rather be guided by our expe- rience of the past, and should admit the probability that what we now call inexplicable will at some future time be explained. This expectation of discovering regularity in the midst of confusion is so familiar to scientific men, that among the most eminent of them it becomes an article of faith : and if the same expectation is not generally found among historians, it must be ascribed partly to their being of inferior ability to the investigators of nature, and partly to the greater com- plexity of those social phenomena with which their studies are concerned. EESOUECES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTOEY. 7 Both these causes have retarded the creation of the science of history. The most celebrated historians are manifestly inferior to the most successful cultivators of physical science: no one having devoted himself to history who in point of intellect is at all to be compared with Kepler, Newton, or many others that might be named. 2 And as to the greater complexity of the phenomena, the philosophic historian is opposed by difficulties far more formidable than is the student of nature ; since, while on the one hand, his observations are more liable to those causes of error which arise from prejudice and passion, he, on the other hand, is unable to employ the great physical resource of ex- periment, by which we can often simplify even the most intricate problems in the external world. It is not, therefore, surprising that the study of the movements of Man should be still in its infancy, as compared with the advanced state of the study of the movements of Nature. Indeed the difference between the progress of the two pursuits is so great, that while in physics the regularity of events, and the power of predicting them, are often taken for granted even in cases still unproved, a similar regularity is in history not only not taken for granted, but is actually denied. Hence it is that whoever wishes to raise history to a level with other branches of knowledge, is met by a preliminary obstacle; since he is told that in the affairs of men there is something mysterious and providential, which makes them impervious to our investigations, and which will always hide from us their future course. To this it might be sufficient to reply, that such an assertion is gratuitous; that it is by its nature incapable of proof ; and that it is moreover opposed by the no- torious fact that everywhere else increasing knowledge is accompanied by an increasing confidence in the uniformity with which, under the same circumstances, * I speak merely of those who and it evidently cost him no- have made history their main thing like the thought which h« pursuit. Bacon wrote on it, but devoted to other aubjecta. only as a subordinate object; 8 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. the same events must succeed each other. It will, however, be more satisfactory to probe the difficulty deeper, and inquire at once into the foundation of the common opinion that history must always remain in its present empirical state, and can never be raised to the rank of a science. We shall thus be led to one vast question, which indeed lies at the root of the whole subject, and is simply this : Are the actions of men, and therefore of societies, governed by fixed laws, or are they the result either of chance or of supernatural interference ? The discussion of these alternatives will suggest some speculations of considerable interest. For, in reference to this matter, there are two doc- trines, which appear to represent different stages of civilization. According to the first doctrine, every event is single and isolated, and is merely considered as the result of a blind chance. This opinion, which is most natural to a perfectly ignorant people, would soon be weakened by that extension of experience which supplies a knowledge of those uniformities of succession and of co-existence that nature constantly presents. If, for example, wandering tribes, without the least tincture of civilization, lived entirely by hunt- ing and fishing, they might well suppose that the appearance of their necessary food was the result of some accident which admitted of no explanation. The irregularity of the supply, and the apparent caprice with which it was sometimes abundant and sometimes scanty, would prevent them from suspecting anything like method in the arrangements of nature ; nor could their minds even conceive the existence of those general principles which govern the order of events, and by a knowledge of which we are often able to predict their future course. But when such tribes advance into the agricultural state, they, for the first time, use a food of which not only the appearance, but the very existence, seems to be the result of their own act. What they sow, that likewise do they reap. The provision neces- sary for their wants is brought more immediately under their own control, and is more palpably the consequence of their own labour. They perceive a distinct plan, RESOURCES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 9 and a regular uniformity of sequence, in the relation which the seed they put into the ground bears to the corn when arrived at maturity. They are now able to look to the future, not indeed with certainty, but with a confidence infinitely greater than they could have felt in their former and more precarious pursuits. 3 Hence there arises a dim idea of the stability of events ; and for the first time there begins to dawn upon the mind a faint conception of what at a later period are called the Laws of Nature. Every step in the great progress will make their view of this more clear. As their observa- tions accumulate, and as their experience extends over a wider surface, they meet with uniformities that they had never suspected to exist, and the discovery of which weakens that doctrine of chance with which they had originally set out. Yet a little further, and a taste for abstract reasoning springs up ; and then some among them generalize the observations that have been made, and despising the old popular opinion, believe that every event is linked to its antecedent by an inevitable connexion, ' that such antecedent is connected with a preceding fact ; and that thus the whole world forms a necessary chain, in which indeed each man may play his part, but can by no means determine what that part shall be. Thus it is that, in the ordinary march of society, an increasing perception of the regularity of nature de- stroys the doctrine of Chance, and replaces it by that of Necessary Connexion. And it is, I think, highly probable that out of these two doctrines of Chance and Necessity there have respectively arisen the subsequent dogmas of Free "Will and Predestination. Nor is it difficult to understand the manner in which, in a more advanced state of society, this metamorphosis would occur. In every country, as soon as the accumulation * Some of the moral conse- History of India, vol. i. pp. quences of thus diminishing the 180-181. But both these able precuriousness of food are no- writers have omittod to observo ticed by M. Charles Comte in that the change facilitates a per- his TraitS de Legislation, vol. ii. ception of the regularity of pp. 273-275. Compare Mill's phenomena. 10 RESOURCES FOE, INVESTIGATING HISTORY. of wealth, has reached a certain point, the produce of each man's labour becomes more than sufficient for his own support : it is therefore no longer necessary that all should work ; and there is formed a separate class, the members of which pass their lives for the most part in the pursuit of pleasure ; a very few, however, in the acquisition and diffusion of knowledge. Among these last there are always found some who, neglecting external events, turn their attention to the study of their own minds ; 4 and such men, when possessed of great abilities, become the founders of new philosophies 4 On the relation between this and the previous creation of wealth, see Tennemann, Ge- schichte der Philosophic, vol. i. p. 30 ; ' Ein gewisscr Grad von Cultur und Wohlstand ist eine nothwendige aussere Bedingung der Entwickelimg des philoso- phisehen Geistes. So lange der Mensch noch mit den Mitteln seiner Existenz und der Be- friedigung seiner thierischen Be- diirfnisse beschaftiget ist, so hmge gehet die Entwiekelung und Bildung seiner Geisteskrafte nur langsam von statten, und er nahert sieh nur Schritt vor Schritt einer freiern Vernunft- thatigkeit.' ' Daher find en wir, dase man nur in denen Nationen anting zu philo- sophiren, welche sich zu einer betrachtlichen Stufe des Wohl- sta,ndes und der Cultur empor- gehoben hatten.' Henee, as I shall endeavour to prove in the next chapter, the immense im- portance of the physical pheno- mena which precede and often eontrol the metaphysical. In the history of the Greek mind we can distinctly trace the pas- sage from physical to metaphysi- cal inquiries. See Groins History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 519, edit. 1847. That the atomic doctrine, in its relation to chance, was a natural precursor of Platonism, is remarked in Broussais, Ex- amen des Doctrines Medicates, vol. i. pp. 53, 54, an able though one-sided work. Compare, re- specting the Chance of the ato- mists, Ritter's History of Ancient Philosophy, vol. i. p. 553; an hypothesis, as Bitter says, 'de- structive of all inner energy ; ' consequently antagonistic to the psychological hypothesis which subsequently sprang up and con- quered it. That physical re- searches came first, is moreover attested by Diogenes Laertius : Mfpri Si Qi\offO(plas Tpio, v iv avrw • 7]6ikoi/ 8e, rb irepl fitov Kal rdv irpbs Tinas' 8ia\fKTiKbv 5e, to a/ifpOTepuv robs \6yovs irpeafievov Kal(j.expil*ev'ApxchaovTb (pvffiK.bv elSos i)i> airb Se 'SocKparovs, ws irpotlpTiTat, rb t)Qik6v aitb N TA\vwvos tov 'E\(drov, rb Sia- \€ktik6v. I)e VUis Philosoplio- rum Proaem. segm. 18, vol. i. p. 12: compare lib. ii. segm. 16, vol i. p. 89. ItESOUECES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. II and new religions, which often exercise immense in- fluence over the people who receive them. But the authors of these systems are themselves affected by the character of the age in which they live. It is impos- sible for any man to escape the pressure of surrounding opinions ; and what is called a new philosophy or a new religion is generally not so much a creation of fresh ideas, but rather a new direction given to ideas already current among contemporary thinkers. 5 Thus, in the case now before us, the doctrine of Chance in the external world corresponds to that of Free Will in tho internal: while the other doctrine of Necessary Con- nexion is equally analogous to that of Predestination ; the only difference being that the first is a development by the metaphysician, the second by the theologian. In the first instance, the metaphysician setting out with the doctrine of Chance, carries into the study of the mind this arbitrary and irresponsible principle, which in its new field becomes Free Will ; an expression by which all difficulties seem to be removed, since perfect freedom, itself the cause of all actions, is caused by none, but, like the doctrine of Chance, is an ultimate fact admitting of no further explanation. In the second instance, the theologian taking up the doctrine of Necessary Connexion recasts it into a religious shape ; and his mind being already full of conceptions of order and of uniformity, he naturally ascribes such undeviating * Beaxisobre has some good die blose gesetzgebende Form remarks on this in his learned der Maxime allein zum Gesetze ■work Histoire Critique de Mani- dienen kann, ein freier Willc' chke, vol. i. p. 179, where he says Kritik der praktischen Vernvnft that the great religious heresies in Kant's Werke, vol. iv. p. 128. have been founded on previous ' Hat selber fur sich eigent- philosophies. Certainly no one lich keinen Bestimmungsgrund.' acquainted with the history of Metaphysik der Sitten in Werke, opinions will admit the sweeping vol. v. p. 12. 'Die unbedingte assertion of M. Stahl that ' la Causalitat der Ursache.' Kritik philosophic d'un peuple a sa ra- der reinen Vemunft in Wirke, cine dans sa theologie.' K/im- vol. ii. p. 339. See also Prole- rath, Travaux, vol. ii. p. 454, gnmena zu jeder kilnftigen Mcta- Paris, 1843. physik in vol. iii. p. 268. • ' Also ist ein Wille, dem 12 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. regularity to the prescience of Supreme Power ; and thus to the magnificent notion of One God there is added the dogma that by Him all things have from the beginning been absolutely pre-determined and pre- ordained. These opposite doctrines of free will and predestina- tion 7 do, no doubt, supply a safe and simple solution of the obscurities of our being ; and as they are easily understood, they are so suited to the average capacity of the human mind, that even at the present day an immense majority of men are divided between them ; and they have not only corrupted the sources of our knowledge, but have given rise to religious sects, whose mutual animosities have disturbed society, and too often embittered the relations of private life. Among the more advanced European thinkers there is, however, a growing opinion that both doctrines are wrong or, at all events, that we have no sufficient evidence of their truth. And as this is a matter of great moment, it is important, before we proceed further, to clear up as much of it as the difficulties inherent in these subjects will enable us to do. Whatever doubts may be thrown on the account which I have given of the probable origin of the ideas ' That these doctrines, when neux (Locke's Works, vol. viii. treated according to the ordinary p. 305), with the argument in one methods of reasoning, not only of Bentley's Sermons (Monk's oppose but exclude each other, Life of Bentley, vol. ii. pp. 7, 8); would be universally admitted if also Bitter's Hist, of Ancient it were not for a desire generally Philosophy, vol. iv. pp. 143, 144; felt to save certain parts of each : Tennemann, Gesch. der Philoso- it being thought dangerous to phie, vol. iv. pp. 301-304 ; Cople- give up free will on account of ston's Inquiry into the Doctrines weakening moral responsibility, of Necessity and Predestination, and equally dangerous to give pp. 6, 7, 46, 69, 70, 85, 92, 108, up predestination on account of 136 ; Mosheim's Ecclesiastical impugning the power of God. Hist., vnl. i. p. 207, vol. ii. p. 96 ; Various attempts have therefore Ncander's Hist, of the Church, been made to reconcile liberty vol. iv. pp. 294, 389-391 ; Bishop with necessity, and make the of Lincoln on Tertullian, 1845, freedom of man harmonize with p. 323; Hodgson on Buddhism, in the foreknowledge of the Deity. Transac. of Asiatic Society, voL Compare on this point a remark- ii. p. 232. able letter from Locke to Molv- RESOURCES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 13 of free will and predestination, there can, at all events, be no dispute as to the foundation on which those ideas are now actually based. The theory of predestination t is founded on a theological hypothesis ; that of free will ' on a metaphysical hypothesis. The advocates of the first proceed on a supposition for which, to say the least of it, they have as yet brought forward no good evidence. They require us to believe that the Author of Creation, whose beneficence they at the same time willingly allow, has, notwithstanding His supreme good- ness, made an arbitrary distinction between the elect and the non-elect ; that He has from all eternity doomed t® perdition millions of creatures yet unborn, and whom His act alone can call into existence : and that He has done this, not in virtue of any principle of justice, but by a mere stretch of despotic power. 8 This doctrine f owes its authority among Protestants to the dark though powerful mind of Calvin ; but in the early Church it was first systematically methodized by Augustin, who appears to have borrowed it from the Manicheans. 9 At all events r and putting Wde its incompatibility with other notions which are supposed to be fundamental, 10 8 Even Ambrose, who never pp. 571-576 ; Southej/s Book of went 60 far as Augustin, states the Church, 1824, vol. i. pp. 301, this principle in its repulsive 302; Matter, Hist. duGnosticismc, nakedness : 'Deus quos dignat 1828, vol. i. p. 325. However, voeat, quos vult religiosos facit.' Beausobre {Histoire de Manichie, Reander, vol. iv. p. 287. Calvin vol. ii. pp. 33-40) seems to have declares ' that God, in predesti- proved a difference between the nating from all eternity one part election of Augustin and that of of mankind to everlasting happi- Basilides. ness, and another to endless ,0 On the absurdity of 'an misery, was led to make this dis- omnipotent arbitrary Deity,' and tinction by no other motive than on the incongruity of such a His own good pleasure and free combination with dvraX'J s ixpiaraTai. Biog. Latrt. de Vitis Philos. lib. vii. sogm. 60, vol. i. p. 395. 18 RESOQRCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. of laws which must be discovered historically, that is to say, which must be evolved by an examination of the whole of those vast phenomena which the long course of human affairs presents to our view. Fortunately, however, for the object of this work, the believer in the possibility of a science of history is not called upon to hold either the doctrine of pre- destined events, or that of freedom of the will ; 16 and the only positions which, in this stage of the inquiry, I shall expect him to concede are the following : That when we perform an action, we perform it in con- sequence of some motive or motives ; that those motives are the results of some antecedents ; and that, therefore, if we were acquainted with the whole of the antecedents, and with all the laws of their movements, we could with unerring certainty predict the whole of their immediate results. This, unless I am greatly mistaken, is the view which must be held by every man whose mind is unbiased by system, and who forms his opinions according to the evidence actually before him. 17 If, for example, I am intimately acquainted with the character of any person, I can frequently tell how he will act 18 Meaning by free will, a conversant. But Kant has made cause of action residing in the a most remarkable attempt to mind, and exerting itself inde- avoid the practical consequences pendently of motives. If any of this, by asserting that free- one says that we have this dom, being an idea produced by power of acting without motives, the reason, must be referred to but that in the practical exercise transcendental laws of thereason ; of the power we are always that is, to laws which are re- guided by motives either con- moved from the domain of expe- scious or unconscious — if any rience, and cannot be verified by one says this, he asserts a barren observation. In regard, how- proposition, which does not in- ever, to the scientific concep- terfere with my views, and which tions of the understanding (as may or may not be true, but distinguished from the Reason) which most assuredly no one has he fully admits the existence ever yet succeeded in proving. of a Necessity destructive of 17 That is, according to the Liberty. In Note A, at the end phenomenal evidence presented of this chapter, I shall put to- to the understanding, and esti- gether the most important pas- mated by the ordinary logic sages in which Kant unfolds this with which the understanding is view. RESOURCES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 19 under some given circumstances. Should I fail in this prediction, I must ascribe my error not to the arbitrary and capricious freedom of his will, nor to any super- natural pre-arrangement, for of neither of these things have we the slightest proof ; but I must be content to suppose either that I had been misinformed as to some of the circumstances in which he was placed, or else that I had not sufficiently studied the ordinary opera- tions of his min'd. If, however, I were capable of correct reasoning, and if, at the same time, I had a complete knowledge both of his disposition and of all the events by which he was surrounded, I should be able to foresee the line of conduct which, in consequence of those events, he would adopt. 18 Rejecting, then, the metaphysical dogma of free will, and the theological dogma of predestined events, 19 we 18 This is,' of course, an hypo- thetical case, merely given as an illustration. We never can know the whole of any man's antecedents, or even the whole of our own; but it is certain that the nearer we approach to a complete knowledge of the an- tecedent, the more likely we shall be to predict the conse- quent. 19 The doctrine of providential interference is bound up with that of predestination, because the Deity, foreseeing all things, must have foreseen His own in- tention to interfere. To deny this foresight, is to limit the omniscience of God. Those, therefore, who hold that, in par- ticular cases, a special providence interrupts the ordinary course of events, must also hold that in «*ach case the interruption had been predestined ; otherwise they impeach one of the Divine attri- butes. For, as Thomas Aquinas puts it (Ncandcr's History of the Church, vol. viii.p. 176), 'know- ledge, as knowledge, does not imply, indeed, causality ; but in so far as it is a knowledge be- longing to the artist who forms, it stands in the relation of causa- lity to that which is produced by his art.' The same argument is stated by Alciphron, though not quite so conclusively ; Dialogue vii. sec. 20 in Berkeley's Works, vol. i. p. 516 : and as to the impos- sibility of Omniscience having new knowledge or an after- thought, see Hitchcock's Religion of Geology, 1851, pp. 267, 328 ; an ingenious work, but one which leaves all the real difficulties untouched. Compare Bitter's Hist, of Ancient PhUos. vol. iv. pp. 326, 327, with Tennemann, Gesch. der rhilos. vol. vi. pp. 151, 342-345, vol. he. pp. 81-94, vol. xi. p. 178 ; and in particular, the question raised (vol. viii. p. 242), ' Ob das Vorherwissen Gottes die Ursache der kiinftigen Dinge aey, oder nicht.' It was to meet all this, that some asserted the 2 20 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. are driven to the conclusion that the actions of men, being determined solely b y their antecedents, must have a character of uniformity, that is to say, must, under precisely the same circumstances, always issue in pre- cisely the same results. And as all antecedents are either in the mind or out of it, we clearly see that all the variations in the results, in other words, all the changes of which history is full, all the vicissitudes of the human race, their progress or their decay, their hap- piness or their misery, must be the fruit of a double action ; an action of external phenomena upon the mind, and another action of the mind upon the phenomena. These are the materials out of which a philosophic history can alone be constructed. On the one hand, we have the human mind obeying the laws of its own existence, and, when uncontrolled by external agents, developing itself according to the conditions of its organization. On the other hand, we have what is called Nature, obeying likewise its laws ; but incessantly coming into contact with the minds of men, exciting their passions, stimulating their intellect, and therefore giving to their actions a direction which they would not have taken without such disturbance. Thus we I have man modifying nature, and nature modifying man; while out of this reciprocal modification all events must necessarily spring. The problem immediately before us, is to ascertain the method of discovering the laws of this double modification : and this, as we shall presently see, leads I us into a preliminary inquiry as to which of the two modifications is the more important ; that is to say, whether the thoughts and desires of men are more influenced by physical phenomena, or whether the physical phenomena are more influenced by them. For it is evident that whichever class is the more active, should if possible be studied before the other; and this, partly because its results will be more prominent, eternity of matter, and others Beausobre, Histoire de Manichee, the existence of two original vol. ii. pp. 145, 146, 252, 336. principles, one good and one evil. RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 21 and therefore more easy to observe ; and partly because by first generalizing the laws of the greater power we shall leave a smaller residue of unexplained facts than if we had begun by generalizing the laws of the lesser power. But, before entering into this examination, it will be convenient to state some of the most decisive proofs we now possess of the regularity with which mental phenomena succeed each other. By this means the preceding views will be considerably strengthened ; and we shall, at the same time, be able to see what those resources are which have been already employed in elucidating this great subject. That the results actually effected are extremely valuable is evident, not only from the wide surface which the generalizations cover, but also from the extraordinary precautions with which they have 4)een made. For while most moral inquiries have depended on some theological or metaphysical hypothesis, the in- vestigations to which I allude are exclusively inductive'; they are based on collections of almost innumerable facts, extending over many countries, thrown into* the clearest of all forms, the form of arithmetical tables ; and finally, they have been put together by men who, being for the most part mere government officials, 20 had no particular theory to maintain, and no interest in distorting the truth of the reports they were directed to make. The most comprehensive inferences respecting the actions of men, which are admitted by all parties as incontestable truths, are derived from this or from analogous sources ; they rest on gtat^ical^eyidence, and are expressed in mathematical language. And whoever is aware of how much has been discovered by this single method, must not only recognize the uni- formity with which mental phenomena succeed each other, but must, I think, feel sanguine that still more important discoveries will be made, so soon as there are brought into play those other powerful resources which even the present state of knowledge will abun- u Du/au, Traiti de Statittique, pp. 75, 148. 22 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. dantly supply. Without, however, anticipating future inquiries, we are, for the moment, only concerned with those proofs of the existence of a uniformity in human affairs which statisticians have been the first to bring forward. The actions of men are by an easy and obvious division separated into two classes, the virtuous and the vicious ; and as these classes are correlative, and when put together compose the total of our moral conduct, it follows that whatever increases the one, will in a relative point of view diminish the other ; so that if we can in any period detect a uniformity and a method in the vices of a people, there must be a corresponding regularity in their virtues ; or if we could prove a regularity in their virtues, we should necessarily infer an equal regularity in their vices ; the two sets of actions being, according to the terms of the division, merely supplementary to each other. 21 Or, to express this proposition in another way, it is evident that if it can be demonstrated that the bad actions of men vary in obedience to the changes in the surrounding society, we shall be obliged to infer that their good actions, which are, as it were, the residue of their bad ones, vary in the same manner ; and we shall be forced to the farther conclusion, that such variations are the result of large and general causes, which, working upon the aggregate of society, must produce certain con- 21 Some moralists have also may therefore be referred to the established a third class of category to which it inclines; and actions, which they call indif- certainly every increase of vice ferent, as belonging neither to diminishes virtue relatively, virtue nor to vice ; and hence though not always absolutely, there arose the famous doctrine Among the Greek philosophers of probability, set up by several there was a schism on this point : eminent Romish casuists, and 'Apeanei Se avrols (i.e. the Stoics) hotly attacked by Pascal. But fxriStv nicrov elvai aperris Kal this, if we put aside its worst /ca/ctos • t&v ittparaTriTiKoov fjara^v feature, namely its practical aperris Kal rea/ciccs elvai Xeydvruv bearings, is merely a question of tV irpoKo-n-i)v. Diog. Laert. de definition ; inasmuch as every Vitis Philosophorum, lib. vii. indifferent act must lean on the segm. 127, vol. i. p. 445. side either of evil or of good, and RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 23 sequences, without regard to the volition of those particular men of whom the society is composed. Such is the regularity we expect to find, if the actions of men are governed by the state of the society in which they occur ; while, on the other hand, if we can find no such regularity, we may believe that their actions depend on some capricious and personal prin- ciple peculiar to each man, as free will or the like. It becomes, therefore, in the highest degree important to ascertain whether or not there exists a regularity in the entire moral conduct of a given society ; and this is precisely one of those questions for the decision of which statistics supply us with materials of immense value. For the main object of legislation being to protect the innocent against the guilty, it naturally followed that European governments, so soon as they became aware of the importance of statistics, should begin to collect evidence respecting the crimes they were expected to punish. This evidence has gone on accu- mulating, until it now forms of itself a large body of literature, containing, with the commentaries connected with it, an immense array of facts, so carefully compiled, and so well and clearly digested, that more may be learned from it respecting the moral nature of Man than can be gathered from all the accumulated expe- rience of preceding ages. 22 But as it will be impossible w I say this advisedly : and and Shakespeare ; but these whoever has examined these sub- extraordinary observers mainly jects must be aware of the way occupied themselves with the iu which writers on morals re- concrete phenomena of life ; and peat the commonplace and hack- if they analyzed, as they pro- neyed notions of their predeces- bably did, they have concealed sore; so that a man, after reading the steps of the process, so that everything that has been written now we can only verify their on moral conduct and moral phi- conclusions empirically. The losophy, will find himself nearly great advance made by the sta- as much in the dark as when his tisticians consists in applying to studies first began. The most these inquiries the doctrine of accurate investigators of the averages, which no one thought human mind have hitherto been of doing before the eighteenth the poets, particularly Homer century. 24 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. in this Introduction to give anything like a complete statement of those inferences which, in the actual state of statistics, we are authorized to draw, I shall content myself with examining two or three of the most important, and pointing out the connexion between them. Of all offences, it might well be supposed that the crime of murder is one of the most arbitrary and irregular. For when we consider that this, though generally the crowning act of a long career of vice, is often the immediate result of what seems a sudden impulse ; that when premeditated, its committal, even with the least chance of impunity, requires a rare combination of favourable circumstances for which the criminal will frequently wait ; that he has thus to bide his time, and look for opportunities he cannot control ; that when the time has come his heart may fail him ; that the question whether or not he shall commit the crime may depend on a balance of conflicting motives, such as fear of the law, a dread of the penalties held out by religion, the prickings of his own conscience, the apprehension of future remorse, the love of gain, jealousy, revenge, desperation ; — when we put all these things together, there arises such a complication of causes, that we might reasonably despair of detecting any order or method in the result of those subtle and shifting agencies by which murder is either caused or prevented. But now, how stands the fact ? The fact is, that murder is committed with as much regularity, and bears as uniform a relation to certain known cir- cumstances, as do the movements of the tides, and the rotations of the seasons. M. Quetelet, who has spent his life in collecting and methodizing the statistics of different countries, states, as the result of his laborious researches, that ' in everything which concerns crime, the same numbers re-occur with a constancy which cannot be mistaken ; and that this is the case even with those crimes which seem quite independent of human foresight, such, for instance, as murders, which are generally committed after quarrels arising from circumstances apparently casual. Nevertheless, we BESOUBCES FOB INVESTIGATING HISTOBT. 25 know from experience that every year there not only take place nearly the same number of murders, but that even the instruments by which they are committed are employed in the same proportion.' 23 This was the language used in 1835 by confessedly the first statis- tician in Europe, and every subsequent investigation has confirmed its accuracy. For later inquiries have ascertained the extraordinary fact that the uniform reproduction of crime is more clearly marked, and more capable of being predicted, than are the physical laws connected with the disease and destruction of our bodies. Thus, for instance, the number of persons accused of crime in France between 1826 and 1844 was, by a singular coincidence, about equal to the male deaths which took place in Paris during the same period, the difference being that the fluctuations in the amount of crime were actually smaller than the fluc- tuations in the mortality; while a similar regularity was observed in each separate offence, all of which obeyed the same law of uniform and periodical repetition. 24 21 'Dans tout ce qui se rap- serrations, the number of persons porte aux crimes, les mfemes accused of various crimes in nombres se reproduisent avec France, and registered under une Constance telle, qu'il serait their respective ages, scarcely impossible de la m^connaitre, varies at any age from year to meme pour ceux des crimes qui year, comparing the proportion sembleraient devoir echapper le per cent, under each age with plus a toute prevision humaine, the totals. The number of per- tels que les meurtres, puisqu'ils sons accused in all France, in Be commettent, en general, a la the years 1826 to 1844, was suite de rixes qui -naissent sans about equal to the deaths of motifs, et dans les circonstances, males registered in Paris ; but en appurence, les plus fortuites. singularly enough, the former Cependant l'experience prouve results are more regular than que non-seulement les meurtres the latter, notwithstanding the sont annuellement a peu pres en accidental causes which might meme nombre, mais encore que affect them ; — notwithstanding les instrumens qui servent a les even a revolution in Paris, which commettre sont employes dans convulsed society and brought in les memes proportions.' Quetilet a new dynasty.' Brown on tfie sur I 'Homme, Paris, 1835, vol. i. Uniform Action of the Human p. 7; see also vol. ii. pp. 164, Will, in The Assurance Maga- 247. tine, no. viii., July 1852, pp. ** « Thus in twenty years' ob- 349, 350. That the variations 26 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. This, indeed, will appear strange to those who believe that human actions depend more upon the peculiarities of each individual than on the general state of society. But another circumstance remains behind still more striking. Among public and registered crimes there is none which seems so completely dependent on the individual as suicide. Attempts to murder or to rob may be, and constantly are, successfully resisted ; baffled sometimes by the party attacked, sometimes by the officers of justice. But an attempt to commit suicide is much less liable to interruption. The man who is determined to kill himself is not prevented at the last moment by the struggles of an enemy ; and, as he can easily guard against the interference of the civil power, 25 his act becomes as it were isolated ; it is cut off from foreign disturbances, aDd seems more clearly the product of his own volition than any other offence could possibly be. We may also add that, unlike crimes in general, it is rarely caused by the instigation of confederates ; so that men, not being goaded into it by their companions, are uninfluenced by one great in crime are less than those of ing : and in our country the mortality, is also noticed in Sta- interference of legislators is met tistique Morale, pp. 18, 34, in by the perjury of jurors, since, Memoires de I'Academie de Bel- as Bentham says, English juries gique, vol. xxi., Bruxelles, 1848, do not hesitate to violate their 4to. oaths by declaring the suicide to 24 The folly of lawgivers be non compos. Principles of thinking that by their enact- Penal Law, in Bentham' s Works, ments they can diminish suicide, edit. Bowring, 1843, vol. i. pp. is exposed by M. C. Comte in 479, 480. In regard to the de- his Traite de Legislation, vol. i. termination of the individual, p. 486. See also some good and the impossibility of baffling remarks by Jefferson, in his his intention, there are cases observations on criminal law in recorded of persons who, being Appendix to Jefferson's Memoirs, deprived of the ordinary means by Randolph, vol. i. pp. 126, of destruction, put an end to life 127. Heber (Journey through by holding their breath ; while India, vol. i. pp. 389, 390) others effected their purpose by found that the English Govern- turning back the tongue so as to ment had vainly attempted to exclude air from the larynx, check the suicides frequently Elliotson's Human Physiology, committed at Benares by drown- pp. 491, 492. RESOURCES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 27 class of external associations which might hamper what is termed the freedom of their will. It may, therefore, very naturally he thought impracticahle to refer suicide to general principles, or to detect anything like regu- larity in an offence which is so eccentric, so solitary, so impossible to control by legislation, and which the most vigilant police can do nothing to diminish. There is also another obstacle that impedes our view : this is, that even the best evidence respecting suicide must always be very imperfect. In cases of drowning, for example, deaths are liable to be returned as suicides which are accidental ; while, on the other hand, some are called accidental which are voluntary. 26 Thus it is, tbat self-murder seems to be not only capricious and uncontrollable, but also very obscure in regard to proof; so that on all these grounds it might be reasonable to despair of ever tracing it to those general causes by which it is produced. These being the peculiarities of this singular crime, it is surely an astonishing fact, that all the evidence we possess respecting it points to one great conclusion, and can leave no doubt on our minds that suicide is merely the product of the general condition of society, and that the individual felon only carries into effect what is a necessary consequence of preceding circumstances. 27 *" This also applies to other during which it is possible to cases besides those of drowning, remain under water. Brodie's See Taylor's Medical Jurispru- Surgery, 1846, pp. 89-92. dence, 1846, pp. 587, 597 ; -and " ' Tout semble dependre de on the difficulty of always dis- causes determines. Ainsi, nous tinguishing a real suicide from trouvons annuellement a peu an apparent one, see Enquire-/, pres le meme nombre de suicides, Maladies Mentales,vo\. i. p. 575. non-seulement en general, mais From a third to a half of all encore en faisant la distinction suicides are by drowning. Com- des sexes, celle des Ages, ou pare Dufau, Traite de Statistiquc, meme celle des instruments em- p. 304 ; Winslow's Anatomy of ployes pour so detruire. Une Suicide, 1840, p. 277 ; Quetelet, annee reproduit si fidelement les Statistique Morale, p. 66. But chiffres de l'annee qui a precede, among these, many are no doubt qu'on peut prevoir ce qui doit involuntary ; and it is certain arriver dans l'annee qui va sui- that popular opinion grossly vre.' Quetelet, Statistique Morale, exaggerates the length of time 1848, p. 35 ; see also p. 40. 28 RESOURCES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTOET. In a given state of society, a certain number of persons must put an end to their own life. This is the general law ; and the special question as to who shall commit the crime depends, of course, upon special laws ; which, however, in their total action, must obey the large social law to which they are all subordinate. And the power of the larger law is so irresistible, that neither the love of life nor the fear of another world can avail anything towards even checking its operation. The causes of this remarkable regularity I shall hereafter examine ; but the existence of the regularity is familiar to who- ever is conversant with moral statistics. In the different countries for which we have returns, we find year by year the same proportion of persons putting an end to their own existence ; so that, after making allowance for the impossibility of collecting complete evidence, we are able to predict, within a very small limit of error, the number of voluntary deaths for each ensuing period ; supposing, of course, that the social circumstances do not undergo any marked change. Even in London, not- withstanding the vicissitudes incidental to the largest and most luxurious capital in the world, we find a regularity greater than could be expected by the most sanguine believer in social laws ; since political excite- ment, mercantile excitement, and the misery produced by the dearness of food, are all causes of suicide, and are all constantly varying. 28 Nevertheless, in this vast metropolis, about 240 persons every year make away with themselves ; the annual suicides oscillating, from the pressure of temporary causes, between 260, the highest, and 213, the lowest. In 1846, which was the great year of excitement caused by the railway panic, the suicides in London were 266 ; in 1847 began a slight improvement, and they fell to 256 ; in 1848 they were M On the causes of suicides, the statement of earlier statisti- eee Burdach's Traite de Physio- cians, that suicide is more fre- logie, vol. r. pp. 476-478; and quent among Protestants than Forty's Climate and its Endemic among Catholics. Casper, Denk- Influences, p. 329. The latest iviirdigkeiten zur medicinischen researches of M. Casper confirm Statistik, Berlin, 1846, p. 139. BESOTJRCES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 29 247 ; in 1849 they were 213 ; and in 1850 they were 229. 29 Such is some, and only some, of the evidence we now possess respecting the regularity with which, in the same state of society, the same crimes are necessarily reproduced. To appreciate the full force of this evidence, we must remember that it is not an arbitrary selection of particular facts, but that it is generalized from an exhaustive statement of criminal statistics, consisting of many millions of observations, extending over countries in different grades of civilization, with dif- ferent laws, different opinions, different morals, different habits. If we add to this, that these statistics have been collected by persons specially employed for that purpose, with every means of arriving at the truth, and with no interest to deceive, it surely must be admitted that the existence of crime according to a fixed and uniform scheme, is a fact more clearly attested than any other in the moral history of man. We have here parallel chains of evidence formed with extreme care, under the most different circumstances, and all pointing in the same direction ; all of them forcing us to the conclusion, that the offences of men are the result not so much of the vices of the individual offender as of the state of society into which that individual is thrown. 30 This is an inference resting on broad and tangible proofs accessible to all the world ; and as such cannot be overturned, or even impeached, by any of those hypotheses with which metaphysicians and *■ See the tables in the Asm- tion of completing the yearly ranee Magazine, no. iv. p. 309, returns, but I do not know if no. v. p. 34, no. viii. p. 350. this has since been done. These are the only complete *° ' L' experience d^montre en consecutive returns of London effet, avec toute l'evidence pos- suicides yet published ; those sible, cette opinion, qui pourra issued by the police being im- ^embler paradoxale au premier perfect. Assurance Magazine, abord, que e'est la societl qui no. v. p. 53. From inquiries prepare le crime, et que le cou- made for me at the General pable n'est que Vinstrument qui Register Office, in January 1856, f execute.' Quetelet sur t Homme, I learnt that there was an intra- vol. ii. p. 325. 30 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. theologians have hitherto perplexed the study of past events. Those readers who are acquainted with the manner in which in the physical world the operations of the laws of nature are constantly disturbed, will expect to find in the moral world disturbances equally active. Such aberrations proceed, in both instances, from minor laws, which at particular points meet the larger laws, and thus alter their normal action. Of this, the science of mechanics affords & good example in the instance of that beautiful theory called the parallelogram of forces ; according to which the forces are to each other in the same proportion as is the diagonal of their respective parallelograms. 31 This is a law pregnant with great results ; it is connected with those important mechanical resources, the composition and resolution of forces : and no one acquainted with the evidence on which it stands, ever thought of questioning its truth. But the moment we avail ourselves of it for practical purposes, we find that in its action it is warped by other laws, such as those concerning the friction of air, and the different density of the bodies on which we operate, arising from their chemical composition, or, as some suppose, from their atomic arrangement. Perturbations being thus let in, the pure and simple action of the mechanical law disappears. Still, and although the results of the law are incessantly disturbed, the law itself remains intact. 32 Just in the same way, the great 81 The diagonal always giving its operation may admit of in- the resultant when each side re- numerable exceptions. Hence, presents a force ; and if we look as Dugald Stewart {Philosophy on the resultant as a compound of the Mind, vol. ii. p. 211) force, a comparison of diagonals rightly says, we can only refer becomes a comparison of com- to the laws of nature ' by a sort pounds. of figure or metaphor.' This is 82 A law of nature being mere- constantly lost sight of even by ly a generalization of relations, authors of repute ; some of whom and having no existence except 6peak of laws as if they were in the mind, is essentially in- causes, and therefore liable to in- tangible ; and therefore, however terruption by larger causes ; small the law may be, it can while other writers pronounce never admit of exceptions, though them to be ' delegated agencies ' RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 31 social law, that the moral actions of men are the pro- duct not of their volition, but of their antecedents, is itself liable to disturbances which trouble its operation without affecting its truth. And this is quite sufficient to explain those slight variations which we find from year to year in the total amount of crime produced by the same country. Indeed, looking at the fact that the moral world is far more abundant in materials than the physical world, the only ground for astonishment is that these variations should not be greater ; and from the circumstance that the discrepancies are so trifling, we may form some idea of the prodigious energy of those vast social laws, which, though constantly inter- rupted, seem to triumph over every obstacle, and which, when examined by the aid of large numbers, scarcely undergo any sensible perturbation. 33 from the Deity. Compare Pr out's Bridgewater Treatise, pp. 318, 435, 495 ; Sadler's Law of Population, voL ii. p. 67; Bur- dock's Physiologie, vol. i. p. 160. Mr. Paget, in his able work, Lectures on Pathology, vol. i. p. 481, vol. ii. p. 642, with much greater accuracy calls such cases ' apparent exceptions ' to laws ; but it would be better to say, ' exceptions to the operations of laws.' The context clearly proves that Mr. Paget distinctly apprehends the difference ; but a alight alteration of this kind would prevent confusion in the minds of ordinary readers. M Mr. Rawson, in his Inquiry into the Statistics of Crime in England and Wales (published in the Journal of the Statistical Society, vol. ii. pp. 316-344), says, p. 327, 'No greater proof can be given of the possibility of arriving at certain constants with regard to crime, than the fact which appears in the follow- ing table, that the greatest varia- tion which has taken place during the last three years, in the pro- portion of any class of criminals at the same period of life, has not exceeded a half per cent.' See also Beport of British Association for 1839, Transac. of Sec., p. 118. Indeed, all writers who have examined the evidence are forced to admit this regularity, however they may wish to explain it. M. Dufau (Traiti de Statistique, p. 144) says, ' Les faits de 1 ordre moral sont, aussi bien que ceux de 1' ordre natursL le produit de causes constantes et regulieres,' &c. ; and at p. 367, ' C'est ainsi que le monde moral se present e a nous, de ce point de vue, comme offrant, de meme que le monde physique, un ensemble continu d'effets dus a des causes con- stantes et regulieres, dont il ap- partient surtout a la statistique de constater Taction.' See to the same effect Moreau-Chris- tophe des Prisons en France, Paris, 1838, pp. 63, 189. 32 RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. Nor is it merely the crimes of men which are marked by this uniformity of sequence. Even the number of marriages annually contracted, is determined, not by the temper and wishes of individuals, but by large general facts, over which individuals can exercise no authority. It is now known that marriages bear a fixed and definite relation to the price of corn ; 34 and in England the experience of a century has proved that, instead of having any connexion with personal feelings, they are simply regulated by the average earnings of the great mass of the people : 35 so that this immense social and religious institution is not only swayed, but is completely controlled, by the price of food and by the rate of wages. In other cases, uniformity has been detected, though the causes of the uniformity are still unknown. Thus, to give a curious instance, we are now able to prove that even the aberrations of memory are marked by this general character of necessary and invariable order. The post- offices of London and of Paris have latterly published returns of the number of letters which the writers, through forgetfulness, omitted to direct ; and, making allowance for the difference of circumstances, the re- turns are year after year copies of each other. Year after year the same proportion of letter- writers forget this simple act ; so that for each successive period we can actually foretell the number of persons whose 34 ' It is curious to observe returns from France ; and these how intimate a relation exists fully bear out the view that has between the price of food and been given.' Porter's Progress the number of marriages.' .... of the Nation, vol. ii. pp. 244, 'The relation that subsists be- 245, London, 1838. tween the price of food and the 35 ' The marriage returns of number of marriages is not con- 1850 and 1851 exhibit the excess fined to our own country; and which since 1750 has been in- it is not improbable that, had we variably observed when the the means of ascertaining the substantial earnings of the people facts, we should see the like are above the average.' Journal result in every civilized commu- of Statistical Society, vol. xv. p. nity. "We possess the necessary 185. EESOUECES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 33 memory will fail them in regard to this trifling and, as it might appear, accidental occurrence. 36 To those who have a steady conception of the regu- larity of events, and have firmly seized the great truth that the actions of men, being guided by their antece- dents, are in reality never inconsistent, but, however capricious they may appear, only form part of one vast scheme of universal order, of which we in the present state of knowledge can barely see the outline — to those who understand this, which is at once the key and the basis of history, the facts just adduced, so far from being strange, will be precisely what would have been expected and ought long since to have been known. Indeed, the progress of inquiry is becoming so rapid and so earnest, that I entertain little doubt that before another century has elapsed, the chain of evidence will be complete, and it will be as rare to find an historian who denies the undeviating regularity of the moral world, as it now is to find a philosopher who denies the regularity of the material world. It will be. observed, that the preceding proofs of our actions being regulated by law, have been derived from statistics ; a branch of knowledge which, though still in its infancy, 37 has already thrown more light on M See Somerville's Physical p. 140 ; Dufau, Traitk de Statis- Geography, vol. ii. pp. 409-411, tique, pp. 9, 10. Even so late which, says this able writer, as 1800, the Bishop of Llan- proves that ' forgetfulness as well daff wrote to Sir John Sinclair, as free will is under constant ' I must think the kingdom is laws.' But this is using the highly indebted to you for bring- word ' free will ' in a sense dif- ing forward a species of know- ferent from that commonly em- ledge (statistics) wholly new in ployed. this country, though not new in 17 Achenwall, in the middle of other parts of Europe.' Sinclair's the eighteenth century, is usually Correspondence, vol. i. p. 230. considered to be the first syste- Sinclair, notwithstanding his in- matic writer on statistics, and is dustry, was a man of Blend. t said to have given them their powers, and did not at all under- present name. See Lewis, Me- stand the real importance of thods of Observation and Season- statistics, of which, indeed, h<> ing in Politics, 1852, vol. L p. 72 ; took a mere practical view. Biographie UniverselU, voL i. Since then statistics have been VOL. I. D 34 EESOUECES FOE INVESTIGATING HISTOET. the study of human nature than all the sciences put together. But although the statisticians have been the first to investigate this great subject by treating it according to those methods of reasoning which in other fields have been found successful ; and although they have, by the application of numbers, brought to bear upon it a very powerful engine for eliciting truth — we must not, on that account, suppose that there are no other resources remaining by which it may likewise be cultivated : nor should we infer that because the physical sciences have not yet been applied to history, they are therefore inapplicable to it. Indeed, when we consider the incessant contact between man and the external world, it is certain that there must be an in- timate connexion between human actions and physical laws ; so that if physical science had not hitherto been brought to bear upon history, the reason is, either that historians have not perceived the connexion, or else that, having perceived it, they have been destitute of the knowledge by which its workings can be traced. Hence there has arisen an unnatural separation of the two great departments of inquiry, the study of the internal and that of the external : and although, in the present state of European literature, there are some unmistakable symptoms of a desire to break down this artificial barrier, still it must be admitted that as yet nothing has been actually accomplished towards effecting so great an end. The moralists, the theologians, and the metaphysicians, continue to pro- secute their studies without much respect for what they deem the inferior labours of scientific men ; whose in- quiries, indeed, they frequently attack, as dangerous to the interests of religion, and as inspiring us with an applied extensively to medicine; ii. pp. 665-667 ; Holland's Medi- and still more recently, and on a cal Notes, pp. 5, 472; VogeVs smaller scale, to philology and to Pathological Anatomy, pp. 1 5-1 7 ; jurisprudence. Compare Bouil- Simon's Pathology, p. 180; Phil- laud, Philosophic Medicate, pp. Upson Scrofula, pp. 70, 118, &c. ; 96, 186; Renouard, Hist, de Prichard's Physical Hist, of Man- la Medecine, vol. ii. pp. 474, 475 ; kind, vol. iv. p. 414 ; Eschbach, Esquirol, Maladies Mentales, vol. Etude du Droit, pp. 392-394. RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY. 35 undue confidence in the resources of the human un- derstanding. On the other hand, the cultivators of physical science, conscious that they are an advancing body, are naturally proud of their own success ; and, contrasting their discoveries with the more stationary position of their opponents, are led to despise pursuits the barrenness of which has now become notorious. It is the business of the historian to mediate between these two parties, and reconcile their hostile pretensions by showing the point at which their respective studies ought to coalesce. To settle the terms of this coalition, will be to fix the basis of all history. For since history deals with the actions of men, and since their actions are merely the product of a collision between internal and external phenomena, it becomes necessary to exa- mine the relative importance of those phenomena ; to inquire into the extent to which their laws are known ; and to ascertain the resources for future discovery possessed by these two great classes, the students of the mind and the students of nature. This task I shall endeavour to accomplish in the next two chap- ters : and if I do so with anything approaching to success, the present work will at least have the merit of contributing something towards filling up that wide and dreary chasm, which, to the hindrance of our knowledge, separates subjects that are intimately related, and should never be disunited. Note A. 'Der Begriff der Freiheit ist ein reiner Vernunftbegriff, der ebea darum fur die theoretische Philosophic transcendent, d. i. ein solcher ist, dem kein angemessenes Beispiel in irgend einer mdglichen Erfiihrung gegeben werden kann, welcher also keinen Gegenstand \T)OTfVVVfflV, &C. 15 The only branch of know- ledge which the Arabians ever raised to a science was astronomy, which began to be cultivated under the caliphs about the middle of the eighth century, and went on improving until ' la ville de Bagdad fut, pendant le dixieme siecle, le theltre prin- cipal de l'astronomie chez les orientaux.' .Montucla, Histoire des Mathematiaues, vol. i. pp. 355, 364. The old Pagan Arabs, like most barbarous people living in a clear atmosphere, had such an empirical acquaintance with the celestial phenomena as was used for practical purposes ; but there is no evidence to justify the common opinion that they studied this subject as a scion •■• ■. Dr. Dorn (Transactions of the Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 371) says, ' of a scientific knowledge of astronomy among them no traces can be discovered.' Beau- sobre (Histoire de Manichec, vol. i. p. 20) is quite enthusiastic about the philosophy of the Arabs in the time of Pythagoras I and he tells us, that * ces peuples ont toujours cultive les sciences.' To establish this fact, he quotes a long passage from a life of Mohammed written early in the eighteenth century by Boulain- villiers, whom he calls, ' un des plus beaux genies de France.' If this is an accurate description, those who have read the works of Boulainvilliers will think that France was badly off for men of genius ; and as to his life of Mohammed, it is little better than a romance : the author was ignorant of Arabic, and knew nothing which had not been already communicated by Maracci and Pococke. See Biographic UnivrrseUe, vol. v. p. 321. In regard to the later Arabian astronomers, one of their great merits was to approximate to the value of the annual precession much closer than Ptolemy had done. See Granfs History of Physical Astronomy, 1852, p. 319. 14 Indeed it goes beyond it : ' the trackless sands of the Sahara desert, which is even pro- longed for miles into the Atlantic Ocean in the form of sandbanks.' Somerville's Physical Geography, vol. i. p. 149. For a singular instance of one of these sand- banks being formed into an island, see Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. ii. p. 284. The Sahara desert, exclusive of Bornou and Darfour, covers an area of 194,000 square leagues ; that is, nearly three times the 48 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. a barren waste ; 15 and therefore, as in Arabia, the in- habitants have always been entirely uncivilized, acquiring no knowledge, simply because they have accumulated no wealth. 16 But this great desert is, in its eastern part, irrigated by the waters of the Nile, the overflowing of which covers the sand with a rich alluvial deposit, that yields to labour the most abun- dant, and indeed the most extraordinary, returns. 1 " The consequence is, that in that spot, wealth was size of France, or twice the size of the Mediterranean. Compare Lyells Geology, p. 694, with Somcrville's Connexion of the Sciences, p. 294. As to the pro- bable southern limits of the plateau of the Sahara, see Rich- ardson's Mission to Central Africa, 1853, vol. ii. pp. 146, 156 ; and as to the part of it adjoining the Mandingo country, see Mungo Park's Travels, vol. i. pp. 237, 238. Respecting the country south of Mandara, some scanty information was collected by Denham in the neighbour- hood of Lake Tchad. Denham's Northern and Central Africa, pp. 121, 122, 144-146. 15 Richardson, who travelled through it south of Tripoli, notices its ' features of sterility, of unconquerable barrenness.' Richardson's Sahara, 1848, vol. i. p. 86 ; and see the striking picture at p. 409. The long and dreary route from Mourzouk to Yeou, on Lake Tchad, is de- scribed by Denham, one of the extremely few Europeans who have performed that hazard- ous journey. Denham's Central Africa, pp. 2-60. Even on the shore of the Tchad there is hardly any vegetation, ' a coarse grass and a small bell-flower being the only plants that I could discover,' p. 90. Compare his remark on Bornou, p. 317. The condition of part of the desert in the fourteenth century is described in the Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 233, which should be compared with the ac- count given by Diodorus Siculus of the journey of Alexander to the temple of Ammon. Bib- liothec. Historic, lib. xvii. vol. vii. p. 348. 16 Eichardson, who travelled in 1850 from Tripoli to within a few days of Lake Tchad, was struck by the stationary charac- ter of the people. He says, ' neither in the desert nor in the kingdoms of Central Africa is there any march of civilization. All goes on according to a cer- tain routine established for ages past.' Mission to Central Africa, vol. i. pp. 304, 305. See similar remarks in Pallme's Travels in Kordofan, pp. 108, 109. 17 Abd-Allatif, who was in Egypt early in the thirteenth century, gives an interesting ac- count of the rising of the Nile, to which Egypt owes its ferti- lity. Abd-Allatif, Relation de I'Egypte, pp. 329-340, 374-376, and Appendix, p. 504. See also on these periodical inundations. Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. iv. pp. 101-104; and on the INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 49 rapidly accumulated, the cultivation of knowledge quickly followed, and this narrow strip of land 18 became the seat of Egyptian civilization ; a civilization which, though grossly exaggerated, 19 forms a striking contrast to the barbarism of the other nations of Africa, none of which have been able to work out their own progress, or emerge, in any degree, from the ignorance to which the penury of nature has doomed them. half-astronomical half theologi- cal notions connected with them, pp. 372-377, vol. v. pp. 291, 292. Compare on the religious impor- tance of the Nile Bunseris Egypt, vol. i. p. 409. The expression, therefore, of Herodotus (book ii. chap. V. vol. i. p. 484), hwpov rod ■Korafwv is true in a much larger sense than he intended ; since to the Nile Egypt owes all the phy- sical peculiarities which distin- guish it from Arabia and the great African desert. Compare Heeren's African Nations, vol. ii. p. 58 ; Reynier, Economie des Arabes, p. 3 ; Postan's on the Nile and Indus, in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. vii. p. 275 ; and on the difference between the soil of the Nile and that of the surround- ing desert, see Volney, Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, vol. i. p. 14. 18 ' The average breadth of the valley from one mountain-range to the other, between Cairo in Lower, and Edfoo in Upper Egypt, is only about seven miles; and that of the cultivable land, whose limits depend on the inun- dation, scarcely exceeds five and a half.' Wilkinson's Ancient Egyp- tians, vol. i. p. 216. According to Gerard, ' the mean width of the valley between Syene and Cairo is about nine miles.' Note in Heeren's African Nations, vol. ii. p. 62. YOL. I. B 19 I will give one instance of this from an otherwise sensible writer, and a man too of consi- derable learning : ' As to the physical knowledge of the Egyp- tians, their cotemporaries gave them credit for the astonishing power of their magic ; and as we cannot suppose that the instances recorded in Scripture were to be attributed to the exertion of su- pernatural powers, we must con- clude that they were in possession of a more intimate knowledge of the laws and combinations of nature than what is professed by the most learned men of the pre- sent age.' Hamilton's Aigyp- tiaca, pp. 61, 62. It is a shame that such nonsense should be written in the nineteenth cen- tury : and yet a still more recent author (Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. i. p. 28) assures us that ' the Egyptians, for especial purpwses, were endowed with great wisdom and science.' Science properly so called, the Egyptians had none; and as to their wisdom, it was considerable enough to distin- guish them from barbarous na- tions like the old Hebrews, but it was inferior to that of the Greeks, and it was of course im- measurably below that of modern Europe. 50 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. These considerations clearly prove that of the two primary causes of civilization, the fertility of the soil is the one which in the ancient world exercised most influence. But in European civilization, the other great cause, that is to say, climate, has been the most powerful ; and this, as we have seen, produces an effect partly on the capacity of the labourer for work, partly on the regularity or irregularity of his habits. The difference in the result has curiously corresponded with the difference in the cause. For, although all civili- zation must have for its antecedent the accumulation of wealth, still what subsequently occurs will be in no small degree determined by the conditions under which the accumulation took place. In Asia, and in Africa, the condition was a fertile soil, causing an abundant return ; in Europe, it was a happier climate, causing more successful labour. In the former case, the effect depends on the relation between the soil and its produce ; in other words, the mere operation of one part of external nature upon another. In the latter case, the effect depends on the relation between the climate and the labourer ; that is, the operation of external nature not upon itself, but upon man. Of these two classes of relations, the first, being the less complicated, is the less liable to disturbance, and there- fore came sooner into play. Hence it is, that, in the march of civilization, the priority is unquestionably due to the most fertile parts of Asia and Africa. But although their civilization was the earliest, it was very far, indeed, from being the best or most permanent. Owing to circumstances which I shall presently state, the only progress which is really effective depends, not j upon the bounty of nature, but upon the energy of man. Therefore it is, that the civilization of Europe, which, in its earliest stage, was governed by climate, has shown a capacity of development unknown to those civilizations which were originated by soil. For the powers of nature, notwithstanding their apparent magnitude, are limited and stationary ; at all events, we have not the slightest proof that they have ever INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 51 increased, or that they will ever be able to increase. But the powers of man, so far as experience and analogy can guide us, are unlimited ; nor are we pos- sessed of any evidence which authorizes us to assign even an imaginary boundary at which the human in- tellect will, of necessity, be brought to a stand. And as this power which the mind possesses of increasing its own resources, is a peculiarity confined to man, and one eminently distinguishing him from what is com- monly called external nature, it becomes evident that the agency of climate, which gives him wealth by stimulating his labour, is more favourable to his ultimate progress than the agency of soil, which like- wise gives him wealth, but which does so, not by exciting his energies, but by virtue of a mere phy- sical relation between the character of the soil and the quantity or value of the produce that it almost spontaneously affords. Thus far as to the different ways in which climate and soil affect the creation of wealth. But another point of equal, or perhaps of superior, importance remains behind. After the wealth has been created, a question arises as to how it is to be distributed ; that is to say, what proportion is to go to the upper classes, and what to the lower. In an advanced stage of society, this depends upon several circumstances of great complexity, and which it is not necessary here to examine. 20 But in a very early stage of society, and *• Indeed many of them are ments that it is not yet generally still unknown ; for, as M. Rey adopted ; and even some of its justly observes, most writers pay advoeates have shown themselves too exclusive an attention to the unequal to defending their own production of wealth, and neglect cause. The great law of the ratio the laws of its distribution. Rey, between the cost of labour and Science Sociale, vol. iii. p. 271. the profits of stock, is the highest In confirmation of this, I may generalization we have reached mention the theory of rent, which respecting the distribution of was only discovered about half a wealth; but it cannot be con- century ago, and which is con- sistently admitted by anyone who nected with so many subtle argu- holds that rent enters into price. s2 52 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. before its later and refined complications have begun, it may, I tbink, be proved tbat tbe distribution of wealth is, hke its creation, governed entirely by physical laws ; and that those laws are moreover so active as to have invariably kept a vast majority of the inhabitants of the fairest portion of the globe in a con- dition of constant and inextricable poverty. If this can be demonstrated, the immense importance of such laws is manifest. For since wealth is an undoubted source of power, it is evident that, supposing other things equal, an inquiry into the distribution of wealth is an inquiry into the distribution of power, and, as such, will throw great light on the origin of those social and political inequalities, the play and opposition of which form a considerable part of the history of every civilized country. If we take a general view of this subject, we may say that after the creation and accumulation of wealth have once fairly begun, it will be distributed among two classes, those who labour, and those who do not labour ; the latter being, as a class, the more able, the former the more numerous. The fund by which both classes are supported is immediately created by the lower class, whose physical energies are directed, combined, and as it were economized, by the superior skill of the upper class. The reward of the workmen is called their wages ; the reward of the contrivers is called their profits. At a later period, there will arise what may be called the saving class ; that is, a body of men who neither contrive nor work, but lend their accumu- lations to those who contrive, and in return for the loan, receive a part of that reward which belongs to the contriving class. In this case, the members of the saving class are rewarded for their abstinence in refraining from spending their accumulations, and this reward is termed the interest of their money ; so that there is made a threefold division — Interest, Profits, and Wages. But this "is~a" subsequent arrangement, which can only take place to any extent when wealth has been considerably accumulated ; and in the stage of society we are now considering, this third, or saving INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 53 class, can hardly be said to have a separate existence. 21 For onr present purpose, therefore, it is enough to ascertain what those natural laws are, which, as soon as wealth is accumulated, regulate the proportion in which it is distributed to the two classes of labourers and employers. Now, it is evident that wages being the price paid for labour, the rate of wages must, like the price of all other commodities, vary according to the changes in the market. If the supply of labourers outstrips the demand, wages will fall ; if the demand exceeds the supply, they will rise. Supposing, therefore, that in any country there is a given amount of wealth to be divided between employers and workmen, every increase in the number of the workmen will tend to lessen the average reward each can receive. And if we set aside those disturbing causes by which all general views are affected, it will be found that, in the long-run, the. question of wages is a question of population ; for although the total sum of the wages actually paid depends upon the largeness of the fund from which they are drawn, still the amount of wages received by each man must diminish as the claimants increase, unless, owing to other circumstances, the fund itself should so advance as to keep pace with the greater demands made upon it. 22 21 In a still more advanced the opponents of Ricardo have stage, there is a fourth division placed the beginning of rent too of wealth, and part of the pro- early, by overlooking the fact duce of labour is absorbed by that apparent rent is very often rent. This, however, is not an profits disguised, element of price, but a conse- n ' Wages depend, then, on the quence of it; and in the ordinary proportion between the number march of affairs, considerable of the labouring population, and time must elapse before it can the capital or other funds de- begin. Rent, in the proper sense voted to the purchase of labour; of the word, is the price paid for we will say, for shortness, the using the natural and indestruc- capital. If wages are higher at tible powers of the soil, and must one time or place than at another, not be confused with rent com- if the subsistence and comfort of monly so called ; for this last the class of hired labourers are also includes the profits of stock, more ample, it is, and can be, I notice this, because several of for no other reason than because 54 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. To know the circumstances most favourable to the increase of what may be termed the wages-fund is a matter of great moment, but is one with which we are not immediately concerned. The question we have now before us, regards not the accumulation of wealth, but its distribution ; and the object is, to ascertain what those physical conditions are, which, by encou- raging a rapid growth of population, over-supply the labour market, and thus keep the average rate of wages at a very low point. Of all the physical agents by which the increase of the labouring classes is affected, that of food is the most active and universal. If two countries, equal in all other respects, differ solely in this — that in one the national food is cheap and abundant, and in the other scarce and dear, the population of the former country will inevitably increase more rapidly than the popu- lation of the latter. 83 And, by a parity of reasoning, the average rate of wages will be lower in the former than in the latter, simply because the labour-market will be more amply stocked. 34 An inquiry, therefore, capital bears a greater propor- in his Essay on the Influence of tion to population. It is not a Low Price of Corn, has stated, the absolute amount of accumu- with his usual terseness, the lation or of production that is three possible forms of this ques- of importance to the labouring tion : ' The rise or fall of wages class; it is not the amount even is common to all states of society, of the funds destined for dis- whether it be the stationary, the tribution among the labourers; advancing, or the retrograde state, it is the proportion between In the stationary state, it is regu- those funds and the numbers lated wholly by the increase or among whom they are shared, falling-off of the population. In The condition of the class can be the advancing state, it depends bettered in no other way than by on whether the capital or the altering that proportion to their population advance at the more advantage ; and every scheme for rapid course. In the retrograde their benefit which does not pro- state, it depends on whether ceed on this as its foundation, is, population or capital decrease for all permanent purposes, a with the greater rapidity. Ri- delusion.' Mill's Principles of cardo's Works, p. 379. Political Economy, 1849, vol. i. 2S Thestandardofcomfort.be- p. 425. See also vol. ii. pp. 264, ingof course supposed the same. 265, and M'Culloch's Political M ' No point is better esta- Economy, pp. 379, 380. Eicardo, Wished, than that the supply of INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 55 into the physical laws on which the food of different countries depends, is, for our present purpose, of the greatest importance ; and fortunately it is one respect- ing which we are able, in the present state of che- mistry and physiology, to arrive at some precise and definite conclusions. The food consumed by man produces two, and only two, effects necessary to his existence. These are, first to supply him with that animal heat without which the functions of life would stop ; and secondly, to repair the waste constantly taking place in his tissues, that is, in the mechanism of his frame. For each of these separate purposes there is a separate food. The tem- perature of our body is kept up by substances which contain no nitrogen, and are called non-azotized ; the incessant decay in our organism is repaired by what are known as azotized substances, in which nitrogen is always found. 26 In the former case, the carbon of non- azotized food combines with the oxygen we take in, and gives rise to that internal combustion by which our animal heat is renewed. In the latter case, nitrogen having little affinity for oxygen, 96 the nitrogenous or labourers will always ultimately according to it were by Boussin- be in proportion to the means of gault ; see an elaborate essay by supporting them.' Principles of Messrs. Lawes and Gilbert on Political Economy, chap. xxi. in The Composition of Foods, in JRicardo's Works, p. 176. Com- JReport of British Association for pare Smith's Wealth of Nations, 1852, p. 323: but the experi- book i. chap. xi. p. 86, and ments made by these gentlemen M'Culloch's Political Economy, are neither numerous nor diver- p. 222. sified enough to establish a gene- 24 The division of food into ral law ; still less can we accept azotized and non-azotized is said their singular assertion, p. 346, to have been first pointed out by that the comparative prices of Magendie. See Midler's Physio- different foods are a test of the logy, vol. i. p. 525. It is now nutriment they comparatively recognised by most of the best contain. authorities. See, for instance, 28 ' Of all the elements of the Liebicfs Animal Chemistry, p. animal body, nitrogen has the 134; Carpenter's Human Physio- feeblest attraction for oxygen; logy, p. 685 ; Brande's Chemis- and, what is still more remark - try, vol. ii. pp. 1218, 1870. The able, it deprives all combustible first tables of food constructed elements with which it combines, 56 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. azotized food is, as it were, guarded against com- bustion ; 27 and being thus preserved, is able to perform its duty of repairing the tissues, and supplying those losses which the human organism constantly suffers in the wear and tear of daily life. These are the two great divisions of food ; 28 and if we inquire into the laws which regulate the relation they bear to man, we shall find that in each division the most important agent is climate. When men live in a hot country, their animal heat is more easily kept up than when they live in a cold one ; therefore they require a smaller amount of that non-azotized food, the sole business of which is to maintain at a certain point the temperature of the body. In the same way, they, in the hot country, require a smaller amount of azotized food, because on the whole their bodily exertions are less frequent, and on that account the decay of their tissues is less rapid. 29 to a greater or less extent, of the power of combining with oxygen, that is, of undergoing combustion.' Liebig's Letters on Chemistry, p. 372. 27 The doctrine of what may be called the protecting power of some substances is still imper- fectly understood, and until late in the eighteenth century, its existence was hardly suspected. It is now known to be connected with the general theory of poi- sons. See Turner's Chemistry, vol. i. p. 516. To this we must probably ascribe the fact that several poisons which are fatal when applied to a wounded sur- face, may be taken into the stomach with impunity. Brodie's Physiological Researches, 1851, pp. 137, 138. It seems more reasonable to refer this to che- mical laws than to hold, with Sir Benjamin Brodie, that some poisons ' destroy life by para- lysing the muscles of respiration without immediately affecting the action of the heart.' 28 Prout's well-known division into saccharine, oily, and albu- minous, appears to me of much inferior value, though I observe that it is adopted in the last edition of Elliotson's Human Physiology, pp. 65, 160. The division by M. Lepelletier into ' les alimens solides et les bois- sons ' is of course purely empi- rical. Lepelletier, Physiologie Medicale, vol. ii. p. 100, Paris, 1832. In regard to Prout's clas- sification, compare Burdach's Traite de Physiologie, vol. ix. p. 240, with Wagner's Physiology, p. 452. 29 The evidence of an univer- sal connexion in the animal frame between exertion and decay, is now almost complete. In regard to the muscular sys- tem, see Carpenter's Human INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 57 Since, therefore, the inhabitants of hot climates do, in their natnral and ordinary state, consume less food than the inhabitants of cold ones, it inevitably follows that, provided other things remain equal, the growth of population will be more rapid in countries which are hot than in those which are cold. For practical pur- poses, it is immaterial whether the greater plenty of a substance by which the people are fed arises from a larger supply, or whether it arises from a smaller con- sumption. When men eat less, the result will be just the same as if they had more ; because the same amount of nutriment will go further, and thus population will gain a power of increasing more quickly than it could do in a colder country, where, even if provisions were equally abundant, they, owing to the climate, would be sooner exhausted. This is the first point of view in which the laws of climate are, through the medium of food, connected with the laws of population, and therefore with the laws of the distribution of wealth. But there is also another point of view, which follows the same line of thought, and will be found to strengthen the argument just stated. This is, that in cold countries, not only are men compelled to eat more than in hot ones, but Physiology, pp. 440, 441, 581, brain their excretion (by the edit. 1846: 'there is strong kidneys) is very considerable, reason to believe the waste or See Paget' s Lectures on Surgical decomposition of the muscular Pathology, 1853, vol. i. pp. 6, 7, tissue to be in exact proportion 434 ; Carpenter's Human Physio- to the degree in which it is logy, pp. 192,193,222; Simon's exerted.' This perhaps would Animal Chemistry, vol. ii. p. be generally anticipated even in 426 ; Henle, Anatomie Gbihale, the absence of direct proof; but vol. ii. p. 172. The reader may what is more interesting, is that also consult respecting the phos- the same principle holds good of phorus of the brain the recent the nervous system. The human very able work of MM. Robin brain of an adult contains about et Verdeil, Chimie Anatomiqut, one and a half per cent, of phos- vol. i. p. 215, vol. ii. p. 348, phorus; and it has been ascer- Paris, 1853. According to these tained, that after the mind has writers (vol. iii. p. 445), its been much exercised, phosphates existence in the brain was firpt are excreted, and that in the announced by Hensing, in 1779- case of inflammation of the 58 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. their food is dearer, that is to say, to get ib is more difficult, and requires a greater expenditure of labour. The reason of this I will state as briefly as possible, without entering into any details beyond those which are absolutely necessary for a right understanding of this interesting subject. The objects of food are, as we have seen, only two : namely, to keep up the warmth of the body, and repair the waste in the tissues. 30 Of these two objects, the former is effected by the oxygen of the air entering our lungs, and, as it travels through the system, combining "With the carbon which we take in our food. 31 This 30 Though both objects are equally essential, the former is usually the more pressing ; and it has been ascertained by expe- riment, what we should expect from theory, that when animals are starved to death, there is a progressive decline in the tem- perature of their bodies ; so that the proximate cause of death by starvation is not weakness, but cold. See Williams's Principles of Medicine, p. 36 ; and on the connexion between the loss of animal heat and the appearance of rigor mortis in the contractile parts of the body, see Vogets Pathological Anatomy of the Human Body, p. 532. Compare the important and thoughtful work of Burdach, Physiologie comme Science d 1 Observation, vol. v. pp. 144, 436, vol. ix. p. 231. 31 Until the last twenty or five-and- twenty years, it used to be supposed that this combi- nation took place in the lungs ; but more careful experiments have made it probable that the oxygen unites with the carbon in the circulation, and that the blood-corpuscules are the car- riers of the oxygen. Compare Liebig's Animal Chemistry, p. 78 ; Letters on Chemistry, pp. 335, 336 ; Turner's Chemistry, vol. ii. p. 1319; Mutter's Physiology, vol. i. pp. 92, 159. That the com- bination does not take place in the air-cells is moreover proved by the fact that the lungs are not hotter than other parts of the body. See Mutter, vol. i. p. 348; Thomson's Animal Chemis- try, p. 633; and Brodie's Physiol. Researches, p. 33. Another argu- ment in favour of the red corpus- cules being the carriers of oxygen, is that they are most abundant in those classes of the vertebrata which maintain the highest tem- perature; while the blood of invertebrata contains very few of them ; and it has been doubted if they even exist in the lower articulata and mollusca. See Carpenter's Human Physiol, pp. 109, 532; Grant's Comparative Anatomy, p. 472; Elliotson's Human Physiol.]). 159. In regard to the different dimensions of corpuscules, see Henle, Anatomie Generate, vol. i. pp. 457-467, 494, 495 ; Blainville, Physiologie Com- paree, vol. i. pp. 298, 299, 301- 304; Milne Edwards, Zoologie, INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 59 combination of oxygen and carbon never can occur "without producing a considerable amount of heat, and it is in this way that the human frame is maintained at its necessary temperature. 32 By virtue of a law fami- liar to chemists, carbon and oxygen, Like all other eiuments, will only unite in certain definite propor- tions ; ;t3 so that to keep up a healthy balance, it is part i. pp. 54-56 ; Fourth Report of British Association, pp. 117, 118; Simon's Animal Chemistry, vol. i. pp. 103, 104; and, above all, the important observations of Mr. Gulliver {Carpenter, pp. 105, 106). These additions to our knowledge, besides being connected with the laws of ani- mal heat and of nutrition, will, when generalized, assist specula- tive minds in raising pathology to a science. In the mean time I may mention the relation between an examination of the corpus- cules and the theory of inflamma- tion which Hunter and Broussais were unable to settle: this is, that the proximate cause of in- flammation is the obstruction of the vessels by the adhesion of the pale eorpuscules. Respecting this striking generalization, which is still on its trial, com- pare Williams's Principles of Medicine, 1848, pp. 258-265, with Pagefs Surgical Pathology, 1853, vol. i. pp. 313-317; Jones and Sieveking's Pathological Anatomy, 1854, pp. 28, 105, 106. The difficulties connected with the scientific study of inflamma- tion are evaded in VogeFs Pa- thological Anatomy, p. 418 ; a work which appears to me to have been greatly overrated. M On the amount of heat disengaged by the union of car- bon and oxypen, see the experi- ments of Dulong, in Liebig's Animal Chemistry, p. 44; and those of Despretz, in Thomson's Animal Chemistry, p. 634. Just in the same way, we find that the temperature of plants is maintained by the combination of oxygen with carbon : see Bal- four's Botany, pp. 231, 232, 322, 323. As to the amount of heat caused generally by chemical combination, there is an essay well worth reading by Dr. Thomas Andrews in Report of British Association for 1 849, pp. 63-78. See also Report for 1852, Transac. of Sec. p. 40, and Liebig and Kopp's Reports on the Pro- gress of Chemistry, vol. i. p. 34, vol. Hi. p. 16, vol. iv. p. 20; also Pouillet, Elimens de Physiqtu, Paris, 1832, vol. i. parti, p. 411. M The law of definite propor- tions, which, since the brilliant discoveries by Dalton, is the corner-stone of chemical know- ledge, is laid down with admira- ble clearness in Turner's Etemrnts of Chemistry, vol. i. pp. 146-151. Compare Brandt's Cliemistry, vol. i. pp. 139-144; Cuvier, Pro- gress des Scic7ices, vol. ii. p. 255 ; S'lmerville's Connexion of the Sciences, pp. 120, 121. But none of these writers have considered the law so philosophically as M. A. Comte, Philosophie Posititt, vol. iii. pp. 133-176, one of the bestchapters in his very profound, but ill-understood work. 60 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. needful that the food which contains the carbon should vary according to the amount of oxygen taken in : while it is equally needful that we should increase the quantity of both of these constituents whenever a greater external cold lowers the temperature of the body. Now it is obvious that in a very cold climate, this necessity of providing a nutriment more highly carbonized will arise in two distinct ways. In the first place, the air being denser, men imbibe at each inspi- ration a greater volume of oxygen than they would do in a climate where the air is rarefied by heat. 34 In the second place, cold accelerates their respiration, and thus obliging them to inhale more frequently than the inha- bitants of hot countries, increases the amount of oxygerj which they on an average take in. 38 On both these 34 'Ainsi, dans des temps egaux, la quantite d'oxygene consommee par le meme animal est d'autant plus grande que la temperature ambiante est moins elevee.' Robin et Verdeil, Chimie Anatomique, vol. ii. p. 44. Com- pare Simon's Lectures on Patho- logy, 1850, p. 188, for the diminished quantity of respi- ration in a high temperature; though one may question Mr. Simon's inference that therefore the blood is more venous in hot countries than in cold ones. This is not making allowance for the difference of diet, which corrects the difference of temperature. 35 ' The consumption of oxygen in a given time may be expressed by the number of respirations.' Liebig's Letters on Chemistry, p. 314 ; and see Thomson's Animal Chemistry, p. 611. It is also certain that exercise increases the number of respirations ; and birds, which are the most active of all animals, consume more oxygen than any others. Milne Edwards, Zoologie, part i. p. 88, part ii. p. 371 ; Flourens, Tra- vaux de Cuvier, pp. 153, 154, 265, 266. Compare, on the connexion between respiration and the locomotive organs, Beclard, Ana- tomie Generate, pp. 39, 44 ; Bur- dock, Traite de Physiologie, vol. ix. pp. 485, 556-559 ; Cams' Comparative Anatomy, vol. i. pp. 99, 164, 358, vol. ii.pp. 142, 160; Grant's Comparative Anatomy, pp. 455, 495, 522, 529, 537; Rymer Jones's Animal Kingdom, pp. 369, 440, 692, 714, 720; Owen's Invertebrata, pp. 322, 345, 386, 505. Thus too it 'has been experimentally ascertained, that in human beings exercise .n- creases the amount of carbonic- acid gas. Mayo's Human Phy- siology, p. 64 ; Liebig and Kopp's Reports, vol. iii. p. 359. If we now put these facts together, their bearing on the propositions in the text will become evident; because, on the whole, there is more exercise taken in cold climates than in hot ones, and there must therefore be an increased respiratory action. INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 61 grounds the consumption of oxygen becomes greater : it is therefore requisite that the consumption of carbon should also be greater ; since by the union of these two elements in certain definite proportions, the tempera- ture of the body and the balance of the human frame can alone be maintained. 36 Proceeding from these chemical and physiological principles, we arrive at the conclusion, that the colder the country is in which a people live, the more highly carbonized will be their food. And this, which is a purely scientific inference, has been verified by actual experiment. The inhabitants of the polar regions con- sume large quantities of whale-oil and blubber ; while within the tropics such food would soon put an end to life, and therefore the ordinary diet consists almost entirely of fruit, rice, and other vegetables. Now it has been ascertained by careful analysis, that in the polar food there is an excess of carbon ; in the tropical food an excess of oxygen. Without entering into de- tails, which to the majority of readers would be, dis- tasteful, it may be said generally, that the oils contain about six times as much carbon as the fruits, and that they have in them very little oxygen; 37 while starch, For proof that greater exercise inhabitants of southern climes is both taken and required, com- do not contain, in a fresh state, pare WrangeFs Polar Expedition, more than 12 per cent, of carbon ; pp. 79, 102; Richardson 8 Arctic while the blubber and train-oil Expedition, vol. i. p. 385 ; Simp- which feed the inhabitants of son's North Coast of America, pp. polar regions contain 66 to 80 49, 88, which should be contrasted per cent, of that element.' Liebig's with the contempt for such Letters on Chemistry, p. 320 ; see amusements in hot countries, also p. 375, and Turner's^ Che- lndeed, in polar regions all this mistry, vol. ii. p. 1315. According is so essential to preserve a nor- to Prout (Mayo's Human Physiol. mal state, that scurvy can only p. 136), 'the proportion of carbou be kept off in the northern part in oily bodies varies from about of the American continent by 60 to 80 per cent.' The quantity taking considerable exercise : see of oil and fat habitually con- Crantz, History of Greenland, sumed in cold countries is vol. i. pp. 46, 62, 338. remarkable. Wrangel (Polar M See the note at the end of Expedition, p. 21) says of the this chapter. tribes in the north-east of Siberia, * 7 'The fruits used by the 'fat is their greatest delicacy. 62 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. which, is the most universal, and, in reference to nutri- tion, the most important constituent in the vegetable world, 38 is nearly half oxygen. 39 The connexion between this circumstance and the subject before us is highly curious : for it is a most remarkable fact, and one to which I would call par- ticular attention, that owing to some more general law, of which we are ignorant, highly carbonized food is more costly than food in which comparatively little carbon is found. The fruits of the earth, of which oxygen is the most active principle, are very abundant ; they may be obtained without danger, and almost without trouble. But that highly carbonized food, which in a very cold climate is absolutely necessary to life, is not produced in so facile and spontaneous a manner. It is not, like vegetables, thrown up by the soil ; but it consists of the fat, the blubber, and the oil 40 of powerful and ferocious animals. To procure it, man must incur great risk and expend great labour. And although this is undoubtedly a contrast of extreme cases, still it is evident that the nearer a people approach They eat it in every possible ii. p. 1236 ; Liebig and Kopp's shape; raw, melted, fresh, or Beports, vol. ii. pp. 97, 98, 122. spoilt.' See also Simpson's JDis- S9 The oxygen is 49*39 out of ooveries on the North Coast of 100. See the table in Liebig's America, pp. 147, 404. Letters on Chemistry, p. 37*9. 38 ' So common, that no plant Amidin, which is the soluble is destitute of it.' Lindley's part of starch, contains 53 - 33 Botany, vol. i. p. Ill ; and at p. per cent, of oxygen. See Thom- 121, ' starch is the most common sort's Chemistry of Vegetables, of all vegetable productions.' p. 654, on the authority of Prout, Dr. Lindley adds (vol. i. p. 292), who has the reputation of being that it is difficult to distinguish an accurate experimenter, the grains of starch secreted by *• Of which a single whale plants from cytoblasts. See also will yield ' cent vingt tonneaux.' on the starch-granules, first no- Cuvier, Begne Animal, vol. i. p. ticed by M. Link, Beports on 297. In regard to the solid food, 'Botany by the Bay Society, pp. Sir J. Kichardson (Arctic Expr- 223, 370 ; and respecting its dition, 1851, vol. i. p. 243) says predominance in the vegetable that the inhabitants of the Arc- world, compare Thomson's Che- tic regions only maintain them- mistry of Vegetables, pp. 650-652, selves by chasing whales and 875; Brande's Chemistry, vol. ii. ' consuming blubber.' p. 1160; Turner's Chemistry, vol. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 63 to either extremity, the more subject will they be to the conditions by which that extremity is governed. It is evident that, as a general rule, the colder a country is, the more its food will be carbonized ; the warmer it is, the more its food will be oxidized. 41 At the same time, carbonized food, being chiefly drawn from the animal world, is more difficult to obtain than oxidized food, which is drawn from the vegetable world. 42 The result has been that among nations where the coldness of the climate renders a highly carbonized diet essential, there is for the most part displayed, even in the infancy of society, a bolder and more adventurous character, than we find among those other nations whose ordinary nutriment, being highly oxidized, is easily obtained, and indeed is supplied to them, by the bounty of nature, gratuitously and without a struggle. 43 From this 41 It is said, that to keep a person in health, his food, even in the temperate parts of Europe, should contain ' a full eighth more carbon in winter than in summer.' Living's Animal Che- mistry, p. 16. 42 The most highly carbonized of all foods are undoubtedly yielded by animals; the most highly oxidized by vegetables. In the vegetable kingdom there is, however, so much carbon, that its predominance, accompanied with the rarity of nitrogen, has induced chemical botanists to characterize plants as carbonized, and animals as azotized. But we have here to attend to a dou- ble antithesis. Vegetables are carbonized in so far as they are non-azotized ; but they are oxi- dized in opposition to the highly carbonized animal food of cold countries. Besides this, it is important to observe that the carbon of vegetables is most abundant in the woody and un- nutritious part, which is not eaten ; while the carbon of ani- mals is found in the fatty and oily parts, which are not only eaten, but are, in cold countries, greedily devoured. 4 * Sir J. Malcolm {History of Persia, vol. ii. p. 380), speaking of the cheapness of vegetables in the East, says, ' in some parts of Persia fruit has hardly any value.' Cuvier, in a striking passage (Regne Animal, vol. i. pp. 73, 74), has contrasted vege- table with animal food, and thinks that the former, being so easily obtained, is the more natu- ral. But the truth is that both are equally natural: though when Cuvier wrote scarcely anything was known of the laws which govern the relation between cli- mate and food. On the skill and energy required to obtain food in cold countries, see Wran- gel's Polar Expedition, pp. 70, 71, 191, 192; Simpson's Discove- ries on the North Coast oj ' America, 64 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. original divergence there follow many other conse- quences, which, however, I am not now concerned to trace ; mj present object being merely to point out how this difference of food affects the proportion in which wealth is distributed to the different classes. The way in which this proportion is actually altered has, I hope, been made clear by the preceding argu- ment ; but it may be useful to recapitulate the facts on which the argument is based. The facts, then, are simply these. The rate of wages fluctuates with the population ; increasing when the labour-market is under- supplied, diminishing when it is over-supplied The population itself, though affected by many other circumstances, does undoubtedly fluctuate with the supply of food ; advancing when the supply is plentiful, halting or receding when the supply is scanty. The food essential to life is scarcer in cold countries than in hot ones ; and not only is it scarcer, but more of it is required ; 44 so that on both grounds smaller encourage- ment is given to the growth of that population from whose ranks the labour-market is stocked. To express, therefore, the conclusion in its simplest form, we may , say, that there is a strong and constant tendency in hot countries for wages to be low, in cold countries for them to be high. p. 249 ; Crantz, History of Green- Richardson's Central Africa, vol. land, vol. i. pp. 22, 32, 105, 131, ii. p. 46 ; Richardson's Sahara, 154, ] 55, vol. ii.pp. 203, 265, 324. vol. i. p. 137 ; Denham's Africa, p. 44 ' Cabanis (Rapports du Phy- 37; Journal of Asiatic Society, sique et du Moral, p. 313) says, vol. v. p. 144, vol: viii. p. 188; ' Dans les temps et dans les pays Burckhardt's Travels in Arabia froids on mange et Ton agit da- vol. ii. p. 265; Niebuhr, Descri- vantage.' That much food is Hon de I'Arabie, p. 45; Ulloa' eaten in cold countries, and little Voyage to South America, vol. i. in hot ones, is mentioned by pp.403, 408; Journal of 'Geograph. numerous travellers, none of Society, vol. iii. p. 283, vol. vi. p. whom are aware of the cause. 85, vol. xix. p. 121; Spix and See Simpson's Discov. on North Martius's Travels in Brazil, vol. Coast of America, p. 218; Cus- i. p. 164; Southey's History of tine's Russie, vol. iv. p. 66 ; Brazil, vol. iii. p. 848 ; Volney, Wrangel's Expedition, pp. 21, Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, 327 ; Crantz, History of Green- vol. i. pp. 379, 380, 460 ; Low's land, vol. i. pp. 145, 360; Sarawak, p. 140. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 65 Applying now this great principle to the general course of history, we shall find proofs of its accuracy in every direction. Indeed, there is not a single instance to the contrary. In Asia, in Africa, and in America, all the ancient civilizations were seated in hot climates ; and in all of them the rate of wages was very low, and therefore the condition of the labouring classes very depressed. In Europe, for the first time, civilization arose in a colder climate : hence the reward of labour was increased, and the distribution of wealth rendered more equal than was possible in countries where an excessive abundance of food stimulated the growth of population. This difference produced, as we shall presently see, many social and political consequences of immense importance. But before discussing them, it may be remarked that the only apparent exception to , what has been stated is one which strikingly verifies ! the general law. There is one instance, and only one, of a great European people possessing a very cheap national food. This people, I need hardly say, are the Irish. .In Ireland the labouring classes have for more than two hundred years been principally fed by potatoes, which were introduced into their country late in the sixteenth, or early in the seventeenth century. 45 Now, the peculiarity of the potato is, that until the appearance of the late disease, it was and perhaps still is, cheaper than any other food equally wholesome. If we compare its reproductive power with the amount of nutriment contained in it, we find that one acre of average land sown with potatoes will support twice as many persons as the same quantity of land sown with wheat. 46 The consequence is, that in a country 44 Meyen {Geography of Plants, sent by Sir Walter Raleigh to 1846, p. 313) says that the potato be planted in a garden on his was introduced into Ireland in estate in the vicinity of Youghall.' 1586; but according to Mr. Compare Loudon's Encyclop. of MHDulloch (Dictionary of Com- AorictUture,Tp.8i5: 'first planted merce, 1849, p. 1048), 'potatoes, by Sir Walter Raleigh on his it is commonly thought, were estate of Youghall, near Cork/ not introduced into Ireland till ** Adam Smith (Wealth of 1610, when a small quantity was Nations, book i. chap. xi. p. 6") VOL. I. F 66 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. where men live on potatoes, the population will, if other things are tolerably equal, increase twice as fast as in a country where they live on wheat. And so it has actually occurred. Until a very few years ago, when the face of affairs was entirely altered by pestilence and emigration, the population of Ireland was, in round numbers, increasing annually three per cent. ; the population of England during the same period increas- ing one and a half per cent. 47 The result was, that in these two countries the distribution of wealth was alto- gether different. Even in England the growth of popu- lation is somewhat too rapid ; and the labour-market being overstocked, the working classes are not suffi- ciently paid for their labour. 48 But their condition is one of sumptuous splendour, compared to that in which only a few years ago the Irish were forced to live. The misery in which they were plunged has no doubt always been aggravated by the ignorance of their rulers, and by that scandalous misgovernment which, until very recently, formed one of the darkest blots on supposes that it will support * 7 Malthus, Essay on Popu- three times as many; but the lation, vol. i. pp. 424, 425, statistics of this great writer are 431, 435, 441, 442; M'Cul- the weakest part of his work, loch's Political Economy, pp. and the more careful calculations 381, 382. made since he wrote hear out the 48 The lowest agriculttiral statement in the text. 'It admits wages in our time have been in of demonstration that ar acre of England about Is. a day; while potatoes will feed double the from the evidence collected by number of people that can be fed Mr. Thornton in 1845, the high- from an acre of wheat.' Loudon's est wages then paid were in Encyclop. of Agriculture, 5th Lincolnshire, and were rather edit. 1844, p. 845. So, too, in more than 13s. a week; those in M'C'ulloch's Diet. p. 1048, 'an Yorkshire and Northumberland acre of potatoes will feed double being nearly as high. Thornton the number of individuals that on Over-Population, pp. 12-15, can be fed from an acre of wheat.' 24, 25. Godwin, writing in 1 820, The daily average consumption estimates the average at Is. 6d. of an able-bodied labourer in a day. Godwin on Population, Ireland is estimated at nine and p. 574. Mr. Phillips, in his a half pounds of potatoes for work On Scrofula, 1846, p. 345, men, and seven and a half for says, 'at present the ratio of women. See Phillip's on Scro- wages is from 9s. to 10s.' fula, 1846, p. 177. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 67 the glory of England. The most active cause, however, was, that their wages were so low as to debar them, not only from the comforts, but from the common decencies of civilized life ; and this evil condition was the natural result of that cheap and abundant food, which encouraged the people to so rapid an increase, that the labour-market was constantly gorged. 49 So far was this carried, that an intelligent observer who travelled through Ireland twenty years ago, mentioned that at that time the average wages were fourpence a day, and that even this wretched pittance could not always be relied upon for regular employment. 50 Such have been the consequences of cheap food in a country which, on the whole, possesses greater natural resources than any other in Europe. 51 And if we inves- ** The most miserable part, namely Connaught, in 1733, contained 242,160 inhabitants; and in 1821, 1,110,229. See Sadler's Law of Population, vol. ii. p. 490. M Mr. Inglis, who in 1834 travelled through Ireland with a particular view to its economical state, says, as the result of very careful inquiries, ' I am quite confident, that if the whole yearly earnings of the labourers of Ire- land were divided by the whole number of labourers, the result would be under this sum — Fourpence a day for the la- bourers of Ireland.' Inglis, Jour- ney throughout Ireland in 1834, Lond. 1835, 2nd edit vol. ii. p. 300. At Balinasloe, in the county of Galway, ' A gentleman with whom I was accidentally in company offered to procure, on an hour's warning, a couple of hundred labourers at fourpence evn for temporary employment.' Inglis, vol. ii. p. 17. The same writer says (vol. i. p. 263), that at Tralee 'it often happens that f2 the labourers, after working in the canal from five in the morn- ing until eleven in the forenoon, are discharged for the day with the pittance of twopence.' Com- pare, in C/oncurry's Recollections, Dublin, 1849, p. 310, a letter from Dr. Doyle written in 1829, describing Ireland as ' a country where the market is always over- stocked with labour, and in which a man's labour is not worth, at an average, more than threepence a day.' 41 It is singular that so acute a thinker as Mr. Kay should, in his otherwise just remarks on the Irish, entirely overlook the effect produced on their wages by the increase of population. Kay's Social Condition of the People, vol. i. pp. 8, 9, 92* 223, 306-324. This is the more ob- servable, because the disadvan- tage! of cheap food have been noticed not only by several com- mon writers, but by the highest of all authorities on population, Mr. Malthusc see the sixth edi- tion of his IJssay on Population, 68 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. tigate on a larger scale the social and economical con- dition of nations, we shall seo tho same principle everywhere at work. "We shall see that, other things remaining equal, the food of a people determines the increase of their numbers, and the increase of their numbers determines the rate of their wages. "We shall moreover find, that when the wages are invariably low, 52 the distribution of wealth being thus very unequal, the distribution of political power and social influence will also be very unequal ; in other words, it will appear that the normal and average relation be- tween the upper and lower classes will, in its origin, depend upon those peculiarities of nature, the operations of which I have endeavoured to indicate. 53 After vol. i. p. 469, vol. ii. pp. 123, 124, 383, 384. If these things were of tener considered, we should not hear so much about the idle- ness and levity of the Celtic race; the simple fact being, that the Irish are imwilling to work, not because they are Celts, but be- cause their work is badly paid. When they go abroad, they get good wages, and therefore they become as industrious as any other people. Compare Journal of Statistical Society, vol. vii. p. 24, with Thornton on Over-Popu- lation, p. 425 ; a very valuable work. Even in 1799, it was observed that the Irish as soon as they left their own country became industrious and ener- getic. See Parliamentary His- tory, vol. xxxiv. p. 222. So too, in North America, 'they are most willing to work hard.' LyelVs Second Visit to the United States, 1849, vol. i. p. 187. 42 By low wages, I mean low reward of labour, which is of course independent both of the cost of labour and of the money- rate of wages. 88 In a recent work of con- siderable ingenuity (Doubleday 's True Law of Population, 1847, pp. 25-29, 69, 78, 123, 124, &c.) it is noticed that countries are more populous when the ordi- nary food is vegetable than when it is animal ; and an attempt is made to explain this on the ground that a poor diet is more favourable to fecundity than a rich one. But though the fact of the. greater increase of popu- lation is indisputable, there are several reasons for being dis- satisfied with Mr. Doubleday's explanation. 1st. That the power of pro- pagation is heightened by poor living, is a proposition which has never been established physiolo- gically; while the observations of travellers and of governments are not sufficiently numerous to establish it statistically. 2nd. Vegetable diet is as generous for a hot country as animal diet is for a cold country ; and since we know that, not- withstanding the difference of food and climate, the tempera- INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. CO putting all these things together, we shall, I trust, be able to discern, with a clearness hitherto unknown, the intimate connexion between the physical and moral world ; the laws by which that connexion is governed ; and the reasons why so many ancient civilizations reached a certain stage of development, and then fell away, unable to resist the pressure of nature, or make head against those external obstacles by which their progress was effectually retarded. If, in the first place, we turn to Asia, we shall see an admirable illustration of what may be called the collision between internal and external phenomena. Owing to circumstances already stated, Asiatic civilization has always been confined to that rich tract where alone wealth could be easily obtained. This immense zone comprises some of the most fertile parts of the globe ; and of all its provinces, Hindostan is certainly the one which for the longest period has possessed the greatest civilization. 84 And as the materials for forming an ture of the body varies little between the equator and the poles (compare Liefng's Animal Chemistry, p. 19 ; Holland! a Medi- cal Notes, p. 473 ; Pouillet, fflk- mens de Physique, voL i. part i. p. 414; Burdock's Traitk de Physiologie, vol. ix. p. 663), we have no reason to believe that there.is any othtr normal varia- tion, but should rather suppose that, in regard to all essential functions, vegetable diet and ex- ternal heat are equivalent to animal diet and external cold. 3rd. Even conceding, for the sake of argument, that vegetable food increases the procreative power, this would only affect the number of births, and not the density of population ; for a greater number of births may be, and often are, remedied by a greater mortality ; a point in regard to which Godwin, in trying to refute Malthus, falls into serious error. Godwin on Population, p. 317. Since writing the above, I have found that these views of Mr. Doubleday's were in a great measure anticipated by Fourier. See Bey, Science Sociale, voL i. p. 185. 44 I use the word ' Hiudostan* in the popular sense, as extend- ing south to Cape Comorin; though.properly speaking, it only includes the country north of the Nerbudda. Compare. Mill's His- tory of India, vol. ii. p. 178 ; Boh/en, das alte Indien, vol. L p. 11; Meiners iiber die Lander in Asien, vol. i. p. 224. The word itself is not found in the old Sanscrit, and is of Persian origin. Halheds Preface to the Gnttoo Laws, pp. xx. xxi.; Asiatic Be- searches, vol. iii. pp. 368, 369. 70 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. opinion respecting India' are more ample than those respecting any other part of Asia, 55 I purpose to select it as an example, and use it to illustrate those laws which, though generalized from political economy, chemistry, and physiology, may be verified by that more extensive survey, the means of which history alone can supply. In India, the great heat of the climate brings into play that law already pointed out, by virtue of which the ordinary food is of an oxygenous rather than of a carbonaceous character. This, according to another law, obliges the people to derive their usual diet not from the animal, but from the vegetable world, of which starch is the most important constituent. At the same time the high temperature, incapacitating men for arduous labour, makes necessary a food of which the returns will be abundant, and which will contain much nutriment in a comparatively small space. Here, then, we have some characteristics, which, if the preceding views are correct, ought to be found in the ordinary food of the Indian nations. So they all are. From the earliest period the most general food in India has been rice, 56 which is the most nutritive of all the M So that, in addition to works aus denselben als Quellen.' published on their philosophy, Rhode, Religiose Bildung der religion, and jurisprudence, a Hindus, vol. i. p. 43. learned geographer stated several 56 This is evident from the years ago, that * kein anderes frequent and fanftliar mention of Asiatisches Reich ist in den letz- it in that remarkable relic of ten drey Jahrhunderten von so antiquity, the Institutes of Menu, vielen und so einsichtsvollen See the Institutes, in Works of Europaern durchreist und be- Sir W. Jones, vol. iii. pp. 87, schriebenworden,alsHindostan.' 132, 156, 200, 215, 366, 400, Meiners Lander in Asien, vol. i. 403, 434. Thus too, in the enu- p. 225. Since the time of Mei- meration of Foods in Vishnu ners, such evidence has become Purana, pp. 46, 47, rice ia the still more precise and extensive; first mentioned. See further and is, I think, too much neg- evidence in Bohlen, das alte In- lected by M. Ehode in his valu- dien, vol. i. p. 22, vol. ii. pp. 159, able work on India: 'Dem 160; Wilson's Theatre of the Zwecke dieser Arbeit gemass, Indus, vol. i. part ii. pp. 15, 16, betrachten wir hier nur Werke 37, 92, 95, vol. ii. part ii. p. 35, der Hindus selbst, oder Auszuge part iii. p. 64 ; Notes on the Ma~ INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. J cerealia ; 87 which contains an enormons proportion of starch ; 88 and which yields to the labourer an average return of at least sixty fold. 59 Thus possible is it, by the application of a few physical laws, to anticipate what the national food of a country will be, and therefore to anticipate a long train of ulterior consequences. What in this case is no less remarkable, is that though in the south of the peninsula, rice is not so much used as formerly, it has been re- placed, not by animal food, but by another grain called ragi. 60 The original rice, however, is so suited to the circumstances I have described, that it is still the most general food of nearly all the hottest countries of Asia, 61 habharata, in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. vii. p. 141 ; Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth Cen- tury, p. 164 ; Colebrookis Digest of Hindu Law, vol. i. p. 499, vol. ii. pp. 44, 48, 436, 569, vol. iii. pp. 11, 148, 205, 206, 207, 266, 364, 530; ■ Asiatic Researches, vol. vii. pp. 299, 302; Ward on the Hindoos, vol. i. p. 209, voL iii. p. 105. 47 ' It contains a greater pro- portion of nutritious matter than any of the cerealia.' SomervUle's Physical Geography, vol. ii. p. 220. 48 It contains from 838 to 8507 percent, of starch. Brande's Chemistry, vol. ii. p. 1 624 ; Thom- son's Chemistry of Organic Bo- dies, p. 883. 49 It is difficult to collect suf- ficient evidence to strike an ave- rage; but in Egypt, according to Savary, rice ' produces eighty bushels for one.' Loudon's Ency- clop. of Agriculture, p. 173. In Tennasserini, the yield is from 80 to 100. Low's History of Ten- nasserim, in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. iii. p. 29. In South America, 250 fold, according to Spix and Martius (Travels in Brazil, vol. ii. p. 79) ; or from 200 to 300, according to Southey (History of Brazil, vol. iii. pp. 658, 806). The lowest estimate given by M. Meyen is forty fold ; the highest, which is marsh rice in the Philippine Islands, 400 fold. Meyen's Geography of Plants, 1846, p. 301. 60 E/phinstone's History of In- dia, p. 7. Ragi is the Cynosurus Corocanus of Linnaeus ; and, con- sidering its importance, it has been strangely neglected by bo- tanical writers. The best account I have seen of it is in Buchanan' '* Journey through the Countries of Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, vol. i. pp. 100-104, 285, 286, 375, 376, 403, vol. ii. pp. 103, 104, vol. iii. pp. 239, 240, 296, 297. In the large cities, millet is generally used ; of which ' a quantity sufficient for two meals may be purchased for about a halfpenny.' Gibson on Indian Agriculture, in Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. viii. p. 100. *' Marsderi s History of Suma- tra, pp. 56, 59 ; Baffles' History of Java, vol. i. pp. 39, 106, 119, 72 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. from which at different times it has been transplanted to other parts of the world. 62 In consequence of these peculiarities of climate, and of food, there has arisen in India that unequal distri- bution of wealth which we must expect to find in countries where the labour-market is always redun- dant. 63 If we examine the earliest Indian records which have been preserved — records between two and three thousand years old — we find evidence of a state of things similar to that which now exists, and which, we may rely upon it, always has existed ever since the 129, 240; PercivaVs Ceylon, pp. 337, 364 ; Transac. of Society of Bombay, vol. ii. p. 155; Transac. of Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 510 ; Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. i. pp. 228, 247, vol. ii. pp. 44, 64, 251, 257, 262, 336, 344, vol. iii. pp. 8, 25, 300, 340, vol. iv. pp. 82, 83, 104, vol. v. pp. 241, 246; Asiatic Bese arches, vol. v. pp. 124, 229, vol. xii. p. 148, vol. xvi.pp. 171, 172 ; Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. ii. p. 86, vol. iii. pp. 124, 295, 300, vol. v. p. 263, vol. viii. pp. 341, 359, vol. xix. pp. 132, 137. 62 Rice, so far as I have been able to trace it, has travelled westward. Besides the historical evidence, there are philological probabilities in favour of its being indigenous to Asia, and the Sanscrit name for it has been very widely diffused. Compare Humboldt's Cosmos, vol. ii. p. 472, with CraufuroVs History of the Indian Archipelago, vol. i. p. 358. In the fourteenth century, it was the common food on the Zanguebar Coast ; and is now universal in Madagascar. Tra- vels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth Century, p. 56 ; Ellis's History of Madagascar, vol. i. pp. 39, 297-304, vol.ii. p. 292; Journal of Geograph. Society, vol iii. p. 212. From Madagascar its seeds were, according to JM'Culloctis Dictionary of Commerce, p. 1105, carried to Carolina late in the seventeenth century. It is now cultivated in Nicaragua (Squier's Central America, vol. i. p. 38) and in South America (Hender- son's Hist, of Brazil, pp. 292, 307, 395, 440, 488), where it is said to grow wild. Compare Meyen's Geography of Plants, pp. 291, 297, with Azara, Voy- ages dans l' AmiriqueMeridionale, vol. i. p. 100, vol. ii. p. 80. The ancient Greeks, though ac- quainted with rice, did not cul- tivate it ; and its cultivation was first introduced into Europe by the Arabs. SeeHumboldt,Nouvelle Espagne, vol. ii. pp. 409, 410. 63 So far as food is concerned, Diodorus Siculus notices the re- markable fertility of India, and the consequent accumulation of wealth. See two interesting pas- sages in Bibliothec. Hist. lib. ii. vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, 108, 109. But of the economical laws of distri- bution he, like all the ancient writers, was perfectly ignorant,. INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 73 accumulation of capital once fairly began. "We find the upper classes enormously rich, and the lower classes miserably poor. We find those by whose labour the wealth is created, receiving the smallest possible share of it ; the remainder being absorbed by the higher ranks in the form either of rent or of profit. And as wealth is, after intellect, the most permanent source of power, it has naturally happened that a great inequality of wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding in- equality of social and political power. It is not, there- fore, surprising that from the earliest period to which our knowledge of India extends, an immense majority of the people, pinched by the most galling poverty, and just living from hand to mouth, should always have remained in a state of stupid debasement, broken by incessant misfortune, crouching before their superiors in abject submission, and only fit either to be slaves themselves or to be led to battle to make slaves of others. 64 To ascertain the precise value of the average rate of wages in India for any long period, is impossible ; be- cause, although the amount might be expressed in money, still the value of money, that is, its purchasing power, is subject to incalculable fluctuations, arising from changes in the cost of production. 68 But, for our present purpose, there is a method of investigation which will lead to results far more accurate than any statement could be that depended merely on a collection 84 An able and very learned Compare the observations of apologist for this miserable peo- Charles Hamilton in Asiatic Re- pie says, ' The servility so gene- searches, vol. i. p. 305. rally ascribed to the Hindu is " The impossibility of having never more conspicuous than a standard of value, is clearly ■when he is examined as an evi- pointed out in Turgots Riflex- dence. But if it be admitted ions sur la Formation et la that he acts as a slave, why Distribution des Richesses, in blame him for not possessing the (Euvres, vol. v. pp. 51, 52. Corn- virtues of a free man ? The op- pare Ricardo's Works, pp. 11, pression of ages has taught him 28-30, 46, 166, 253, 270, 401, implicit submission.' Vans Ken- with M'Culloch's Principles of nedy, in Transactions of the So- Political Economy, pp. 298, 299, eiety of Bomljay, voL iii. p. 144. 307. 74 INFLUENCE OF PETSICAL LAWS. of evidence respecting the wages themselves. The method is simply this : that inasmuch as the wealth of a country can only be divided into wages, rent, profits, and interest, and inasmuch as interest is on an average an exact measure of profits, 66 it follows that if among any people rent and interest are both high, wages must be low. 67 If, therefore, we can ascertain the current interest of money, and the proportion of the produce of the soil which is absorbed by rent, we shall get a per- fectly accurate idea of the wages ; because wages are the residue, that is, they are what is left to the labour- ers after rent, profits, and interest have been paid. Now it is remarkable, that in India both interest and rent have always been very high. In the Institutes of Menu, which were drawn up about B.C. 900, 68 the lowest 86 Smith's Wealth of Nations, book i. chap. ix. p. 37 ; where, however, the proposition is stated rather too absolutely, since the risks arising from an insecure state of society must be taken into consideration. But that there is an average ratio between interest and profits is obvious, and is distinctly laid down by the Sanscrit jurists. See Cole- brooke's Digest of Hindu Law, vol. i. pp. 72, 81. 67 Eicardo (Principles of Poli- tical Economy, chap. vi. in Works, p. 65) says, ' whatever increases wages, necessarily reduces pro- fits.' And in chap. xv. p. 122, ' whatever raises the wages of labour, lowers the profits of stock.' In several other places he makes the same assertion, very much to the discomfort of the ordinary reader, who knows that in the United States, for instance, wages and profits are both high. But the ambiguity is in the language, not in the thought; and in these and similar passages Eicardo by wages meant cost of labour, in which sense the proposition is quite accurate. If by wages we mean the reward of labour, then there is no relation between wages and profits ; for when rent is low, both of them may be high, as is the case in the United States. That this was the view of Eicardo is evident from the following passage: 'Profits, it cannot be too often repeated, depend on wages ; not on nominal but real wages; not on the number of pounds that may be annually paid to the labourer, but on the number of days' work necessary to obtain those pounds.' Political Economy, chap, vii., Eicardo' s Works, p. 82. Compare Mill's Principles of Political Economy, vol. i. p. 509, vol. ii. p. 225. 68 I take the estimate of Mr. Elphinstone (History of India, pp. 225-228) as midway between Sir William Jones ( Works, vol. iii. p. 56) and Mr. Wilson (Big Veda Sanhita, vol. i. p. xlvii.). INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 75 legal interest for money is fixed at fifteen per cent., the highest at sixty per cent. 69 Nor is this to be considered as a mere ancient law now fallen into disuse. So far from that, the Institutes of Menu are still the basis of Indian jurisprudence ; 70 and we know on very good authority, that in 1810 the interest paid for the use of money varied from thirty-six to sixty per cent. 71 Thus much as to one of the elements of our present calculation. As to the other element, namely, the rent, we have information equally precise and trustworthy. In England and Scotland, the rent paid by the cultivator for the use of land is estimated in round numbers, taking one farm with another, at a fourth of the gross produce. 73 In France, the average proportion is about a third ; 73 while in the United States of North America ** Institutes of Menu, chap, viii. sec. 140-142, in Works of Sir W. Jones, vol. iii. p. 295. The subsequent Sanscrit com- mentators recognize nearly the same rate of interest, the mi- nimum being fifteen per cent. See Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law, vol. i. pp. 29, 36, 43, 98, 99, 237, vol. ii. p. 70. 70 In Colebrooke's Digest, vol. i. p. 454, and vol. iii. p. 229, Menu is called ' the highest authority of memorial law,' and ' the founder of memorial law.' The most recent historian of India, Mr. Elphinstone, 6ays (Hist, of India, p. 83) ' the code of Menu is still the basis of the Hindu jurisprudence ; and the principal features remain unaltered to the present day.' This remarkable code is also the basis of the laws of the Burmese, and even of those of the Laos. Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 271, vol. iii. pp. 28, 296, 332, vol. v. p. 252. 71 See, in Mill's History of India, voL i. p. 317, the report of a committee of the House of Commons in 1810, in which it is stated that the ryots paid ' the heavy interest of three, four, and five per cent, per month.' Ward, writing about the same time, mentions as much as seventy-five per cent, being given, and this apparently with- out the lender incurring any extraordinary risk. Ward on the Hindoos, voL ii. p. 190. 72 Compare the table in Lou- don's Encyclopedia of Agricul- ture, p. 778, with Mayor's note in Tusser's Five Hundred Points of Husbandry, p. 195, Lond. 1812, and M'Culloch't Statistical Ac- count of the British Empire, 1847, vol. i. p. 560. 73 This is the estimate I have received from persons well ac- quainted with French agriculture. The rent, of course, varies in each separate instance, according to the natural powers of the soil, according to the extent to which those powers have been improved, and according to the facilities for bringing the produce to mar- 76 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. it is well known to be much less, and, indeed, in some parts, to be merely nominal. 74 But in India the legal rent, that is, the lowest rate recognized by the law and usage of the country, is one-half of the produce ; and even this cruel regulation is not strictly enforced, since in many cases rents are raised so high, that the culti- vator not only receives less than half the produce, but receives so little as to have scarcely the means of providing seed to sow the ground for the next harvest. 75 The conclusion to be drawn from these facts is mani- fest. Rent and interest being always very high, and interest varying, as it must do, according to the rate of profits, it is evident that wages must have been very low ; for since there was in India a specific amount of wealth to be divided into rent, interest, profits, and wages, it is clear that the first three could only have been increased at the expense of the fourth ; which is saying, in other words, that the reward of the labourers was very small in proportion to the reward received by the upper classes. And though this, being an inevitable inference, does not require extraneous support, it may be mentioned that in modern times, for which alone we have direct evidence, wages have in India always been excessively low, and the people have been, and still are, ket. But, notwithstanding these Judicial and Bevenue Systems of variations, there must be in every India, 1832, pp. 59-61, 63, 69, country an average rent, depend- 92, 94. At p. 69, this high ing upon the operation of general authority says of the agricultural causes. peasantry of Bengal : ' In an 74 Owing to the immense sup- abundant season, when the price ply of land preventing the of corn is low, the sale of their necessity of cultivating those whole crops is required to meet inferior soils which older coun- the demands of the landholder, tries are glad to use, and are leaving little or nothing for seed therefore willing to pay a rent for or subsistence to the labourer or the right of using. In the United his family.' In Cashmere, the States, profits and wages (i.e. the sovereign received half the pro- reward of the labourer, not the duce of the rice-crop, leaving the cost of labour) are both high, other half to the cultivator, which would be impossible if Moorcroffs Notices of Cashmere, rent were also high. in Journal of Geog. Society, vol. ,s See Bammohun Boy on the ii. p. 266. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. obliged to work for a sum barely sufficient to meet the exigencies of life. 70 This was the first great consequence induced in India by the cheapness and abundance of the national food. 77 78 Heber {Journey through India, vol. i. pp. 209, 356, 357, 359) gives some curious instances of the extremely low rate at which the natives are glad to work. As to the ordinary wages in India in the present century, see Journal of Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 255, vol. v. p. 171 ; Rammohun Roy on the Judicial and Revenue Systems, pp, 105, 106; Sykes's Statistics of the Deccan Reports of the British Association, vol. vi. p. 321 ; Ward's View of the Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 207 ; Colebrooke's Digest of Hindu Law, vol. ii. p. 184. On wages in the south of India, the fullest information will be found in Buchanan's valuable work, Journey through the Mysore, Canara, and Malabar, voL i. pp. 124, 125, 133, 171, 175, 216, 217, 298, 390, 415, vol. ii. pp. 12, 19, 22, 37, 90, 108, 132, 217, 218, 315, 481, 523, 525, 562, vol. iii. pp. 35, 181, 226, 298, 321, 349, 363, 398, 428, 555. I wish that all travellers were equally minute in recording the wages of labour ; a subject of far greater importance than those with which they usually fill their books. On the other hand, the riches possessed by the upper classes have, owing to this mal-distribu- tion of wealth, been always enormous, and sometimes in- credible. See Forbes' 8 Oriental Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 297 ; Bohlen, das alt e Indien, voL ii. p. 119; Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 41; Ward's Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 178. The autobiography of the Emperor Jehangueir contains such extraordinary statements of his immense wealth, that the Editor, Major Price, thinks that some error must have been made by the copyist; but the reader will find in Grote's History of Greece (vol. xii. pp. 229, 245) evidence of the treasures which it was possible for Asiatic rulers to collect in that state of society. The working of this unequal distribution is thus stated by Mr. Glyn (Tr ansae, of Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 482): ' The nations of Europe have very little idea of the actual condition of the in- habitants of Hindustan; they are more wretchedly poor than we have any notion of. Europeans have hitherto been too apt to draw their opinions of the wealth of Hindustan from the gorgeous pomp of a few emperors, sultans, nawabs, and rajahs; whereas a more intimate and accurate view of the real state of society would have shown that these princes and nobles were engrossing all the wealth of the country, whilst the great body of the people were earning but a bare subsist- ence, groaning under intolerable burdens, and hardly able to supply themselves with the necessaries of life, much less with its luxuries.' " Turner, who travelled in 1783 through the north-east of Bengal, says: 'Indeed, the ex- treme poverty and wretchedness 7» INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. But the evil by no means stopped there. In India, as in every other country, poverty provokes contempt, and wealth produces power. When other things are equal, it must be with classes of men as with individuals, that the richer they are, the greater the influence they will possess. It was therefore to be expected, that the unequal distribution of wealth should cause an unequal distribution of power ; and as there is no instance on record of any class possessing power without abusing it, we may easily understand how it was that the people of India, condemned to poverty by the physical laws of their climate, should have fallen into a degradation from which they have never been able to escape. A few instances may be given to illustrate, rather than to prove, a principle which the preceding arguments have, I trust, placed beyond the possibility of dispute. To the great body of the Indian people the name of Sudras is given ; 78 and the native laws respecting them contain some minute and curious provisions. If a member of this despised class presumed to occupy the of these people will forcibly being husbandmen, as they are appear, -when we recollect how often called, but landlords, own- little is necessary for the subsist- ers of cattle, and traders. Com- ence of a peasant in these pare Institutes of Menu, chap. ix. regions. The value of this can sec. 326-333, in Works of Sir W. seldom amount to more than Jones, vol. iii. pp. 380, 381, with one penny per day, even allowing Colebrooke' s Digest, vol. i. p. 15, him to make his meal of two from which it appears that the pounds of boiled rice, with a due Vaisyas were always the may- proportion of salt, oil, vegetables, ters, and that the Sudra was to fish, and chili.' Turner's Em- ' rely on agriculture for his sub- bassy to Tibet, p. 11. IbnBatuta, sistence.' The division, there- who travelled in Hindostan in fore, between 'the industrious the fourteenth century, says : 'I and the servile' (E/phinstone's never saw a country in which History of India, p. 12) is too provisions were so cheap.' Tra- broadly stated, and we must, I vela of Ibn Batuta, p. 194. think, take the definition of M. 78 The Suuras are estimated Rhode : ' Die Kaste der Sudras by Ward {View of the Hindoos, umfasst die ganze arbeitende. vol. iii. p. 281) at 'three-fourths oder um Lohn dienende Classo of the Hindoos.' At all events, des Volks.' Belig. Bildung d-er they comprise the whole of the Hindus, vol. ii. p. 561. working classes ; the Vaisyas not INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 79 same seat as his superiors, he was either to be exiled or to suffer a painful and ignominious punishment. 79 If he spoke of them with contempt, his mouth was to be burned; 80 if he actually insulted them, his tongue was to be slit ; 81 if he molested a Brahmin, he was to be put to death ; 82 if he sat on the same carpet with a Brahmin, he was to be maimed for life ; 83 if, moved by the desire of instruction, he even listened to the reading of the sacred books, burning oil was to be poured into his ears; 84 if, however, he committed them to memory, he was to be killed ; 85 if he were guilty of a crime, the punishment for it was greater than that inflicted on his superiors ; 86 but if he himself were murdered, the penalty was the same as for killing a dog, a cat, or a crow. 87 Should he marry his daughter to a Brahmin, no retribution that could be exacted in this world was sufficient ; it was therefore announced that the Brahmin must go to hell, for having suffered contamination from a woman immeasurably his in- 79 ' Either be banished with a mark on his hinder parts, or the king shall cause a gash to be made on his buttock.' Institutes of Menu, chap. viii. sec. 281, in Works of Sir W. Jones, vol. iii. p. 315. See also Wards View of the Hindoos, vol. iii. p. 67. 88 Menu, chap. viii. sec. 271, in Jones's Works, vol. iii. p. 314. 81 Menu, chap. viii. sec 270. n ' If a Sudra gives much and frequent molestation to a Brah- min, the magistrate shall put him to death.' Halhcds Code of Gentoo Laws, p. 262. M HalheoVs Code of Gentoo Laws, p. 207. As to the case of striking a Brahmin, see Rammo- hunRoy on the Veds, p. 227, 2nd edit. 1832. M ' And if a Sooder listens to the Beids of the Shaster, then the oil, heated as before, shall be poured into hie ears ; and arzeez and wax shall be melted together, and the orifice of his ears shall be stopped up therewith.' Hoi- ked, p. 262. Compare the pro- hibition in Menu, chap. iv. sec. 99, chap. x. sec. 109-111, in Jones's Works, vol. iii. pp. 174. 398. 84 Halhed, p. 262 : ■ the ma- gistrate shall put him to death.' In Mrichchakati, the judge says tt> a Sudra, ' If you expound the Ve- das, will not your tongue be c*t out ? ' Witeoris Theatre of the Hindus, vol. i. part ii. p. 170. 88 Ward's View of the Hindoos, vol. iv. p. 308. To this the only exception was in the case of theft. Mill's History of India, vol. i. pp. 193,260. A Brahmin could ' on no account be capitally punished.' Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. p. 44. 87 Menu, chap. xi. sec. 132. m Works of Sir W. Jones, vol. iii. p. 422. 80 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. ferior. 88 Indeed, it was ordered that the mere name of a labourer should be expressive of contempt, so that his proper standing might be immediately known. 89 And lest this should not be enough to maintain the subordination of society, a law was actually made for- bidding any labourer to accumulate wealth ; 90 while another clause declared, that even though his master should give him freedom, he would in reality still be a slave ; ' for,' says the lawgiver — ' for of a state which is natural to him, by whom can he be divested ? 9l By whom, indeed, could he be divested ? I ween not where that power was by which so vast a miracle could be worked. For in India, slavery, abject, eternal slavery, was the natural state of the great body of the people ; it was the state to which they were doomed by physical laws utterly impossible to resist. The energy of those laws is, in truth, so invincible, that wherever they have come into play, they have kept the productive classes in perpetual subjection. There is no instance on record of any tropical country, in 88 'A Brahmin, if he take a Verachtung ausdriicken.' So, too, Sudra to his bed as his first wife, Mr. Elphinstone {History of sinks to the regions of torment.' India, p. 1 7) : ' the proper name Institutes of Menu, chap. iii. sec. of a Sudra is directed to be ex- 17, in Jones, vol. iii. p. 121. pressive of contempt.' Compare Compare the denial of funeral Origines du Droit, in (Euvres de rites, in Colebrooke's Digest of Michelet, vol. ii. p. 387, Brux- Hindu Law, vol. iii. p. 328. And elles, 1840. on the different hells invented by 90 Menu, chap. x. sec. 129, in the Hindu clergy, see Vishnu Jones, vol. iii. p. 40i. This law Purana, p. 207 ; Ward's View is pointed out by Mill {History of the Hindoos, vol. ii. pp. 182, of India, vol. i. p. 195) as an evi- 183; Coleman's Mythology of the dence of the miserable state of Hindus, p. 113. The curious the people, which, Mr. Wilson details in Rhode, die Religiose (note in p. 213) vainly attempts Bildung der Hindus, vol. i. pp. to evade. 392, 393, rather refer to Budd- 9l ' A Sudra, though emanci- hism, and should be compared pated by his master, is not re- with Journal Asiatique, I. serie, leased from a state of servitude ; vol. viii. pp. 80, 81, Paris, 1826. for of a state which is natural to 89 Menu, chap. ii. sec. 31, in him,bywhomcanhebedivested?' Jones, vol. iii. p. 87 ; also noticed Institutes of Menu, chap. viii. sec. in Rhode, Relig. Bildung, vol. ii. 414, in Works of Sir W.Jones, p. 561 : ' sein Name soil schon vol. iii. p. 333. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 81 which wealth having been extensively accumulated, the people have escaped their fate ; no instance in which the heat of the climate has not caused an abun- dance of food, and the abundance of food caused an unequal distribution, first of wealth, and then of poli- tical and social power. Among nations subjected to these conditions, the people have counted for nothing ; they have had no voice in the management of the state, no control over the wealth their own industry created. Their only business has been to labour; their only duty to obey. Thus there has been gene- rated among them, those habits of tame and servile submission, by which, as we know from history, they have always been characterized. For it is an un- doubted fact, that their annals furnish no instance of their having turned upon their rulers, no war of classes, no popular insurrections, not even one great popular conspiracy. In those rich and fertile countries there have been many changes, but all of them have been from above, not from below. The democratic element has been altogether wanting. There have been in abundance, wars of kings, and wars of dynas- ties. There have been revolutions in the government, revolutions in the palace, revolutions on the throne ; but no revolutions among the people ; 92 no mitigation of that hard lot which nature, rather than man, as- signed to them. Nor was it until civilization arose in Europe, that other physical laws came into operation, and therefore other results were produced. In Europe, for the first time, there was some approach to equality, some tendency to correct that enormous dispropor- tion of wealth and power, which formed the essential w An intelligent observer says, country and their own prospe- ' It is also remarkable how little rity.' M'Murdo on the Country the people of Asiatic countries of Sindh, in Journal of Asiatic have to do in the revolutions of Society, vol. i. p. 250. Compare their governments. They are similar remarks in Herder' 8 Ideen never guided by any great and zur Geschichte, vol. iii. p. 114; common impulse of feeling, and and even in Alison's History of take no part in events tho most Europe, vol. x. pp. 419, 420. interestingand important to their vol. i. a 82 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. weakness of the greatest of the more ancient countries. As a natural consequence, it is in Europe that everything worthy of the name of civilization has originated ; be- cause there alone have attempts been made to preserve the balance of its relative parts. There alone has society been organized according to a scheme, not indeed sufficiently large, but still wide enough to in- clude all the different classes of which it is composed, and thus, by leaving room for the progress of each, to secure the permanence and advancement of the whole. The way in which certain other physical peculiarities confined to Europe, have also accelerated the progress of Man by diminishing his superstition, will be indi- cated towards the end of this chapter ; but as that will involve an examination of some laws which I have not yet noticed, it seems advisable, in the first place, to complete the inquiry now before us ; and I therefore purpose proving that the line of argument which has been just applied to India, is likewise applicable to Egypt, to Mexico, and to Peru. For by thus including in a single survey, the most conspicuous civilizations of Asia, Africa, and America, we shall be able to see how the preceding principles hold good of different and distant countries ; and we shall be possessed of evidence sufficiently comprehensive to test the accu- racy of those great laws which, without such precau- tion, I might be supposed to have generalized from scanty and imperfect materials. The reasons why, of all the African nations, the Egyptians alone were civilized, have been already stated, and have been shown to depend on those phy- sical peculiarities which distinguish them from the surrounding countries, and which, by facilitating the acquisition of wealth, not only supplied them with material resources that otherwise they could never have obtained, but also secured to their intellectual classes the leisure and the opportunity of extending the boundaries of knowledge. It is, indeed, true that, notwithstanding these advantages, they effected no- thing of much moment ; but this was owing to cir- cumstances which will be hereafter explained ; and it INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 83 must, at all events, be admitted that they raised them- selves far above every other people by whom Africa was inhabited. The civilization of Egypt being, like that of India, caused by the fertility of the soil, and the climate being also very hot, 93 there were in both countries brought into play the same laws ; and there naturally followed the same results. In both countries we find the national food cheap and abundant : hence the labour-market over- supplied ; hence a very unequal division of wealth and power ; and hence all the con- sequences which such inequality will inevitably pro- duce. How this system worked in India, I have just attempted to examine ; and although the materials for studying the former condition of Egypt are much less ample, they are still sufficiently numerous to prove the striking analogy between the two civilizations, and the identity of those great principles which regulated tho order of their social and political development. If we inquire into the most important circumstances which concerned the people of ancient Egypt, we shall see that they are exactly the counterpart of those that have been noticed in India. For, in the first place, as regards their ordinary food, what rice is to the most fertile parts of Asia, that are dates to Africa. The palm-tree is found in every country from the Tigris to the Atlantic ; 94 and it supplies millions of human beings with their daily food in Arabia, 95 and in nearly •* Volney ( Voyage en Egt/pte, dance in the west of Arabia, voL vol. i. pp. 58-63) has a good i. pp. 103, 157, 238, vol. ii. pp. chapter on the climate of Egypt. 91, 100, 105, 118, 209, 210, 214, 94 It is, however, unknown in 253, 300, 331. And on the dates South Africa. See the account of Oman and the east of Arabia, of the Palmacese in Lindley's see Wellsted's Travels in Arabia, Vegetable Kingdom, 1847, p. 136, vol. i. pp. 188, 189, 236, 276, and Meyeris Geog. of Plants, p. 290, 349. Compare Nkbuhr, 337. Description de F Arable, pp. 142, •* ' Of all eatables used by 296. Indeed, they are so im- the Arabs, dates are the most portant, that the Arabs have favourite.' Burckhardfs Travels different names for them accord- in Arabia, vol. i. p. 56. See ing to the stages of their growth, niso, for proof of their abun- Djewhari says, 'La denomiua- 84 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. the whole of Africa north of the equator. 96 In many- parts of the great African desert it is indeed unable to bear fruit ; but naturally it is a very hardy plant, and produces dates in such profusion, that towards the north of the Sahara they are eaten not only by man, but also by domestic animals. 97 And in Egypt, where the palm is said to be of spontaneous growth, 98 dates, tion balah precede le nom bosr ; car la datte se nomine d'abord tola, en suite khalal, puis balah, puis bosr, puis rotab, et enfin tamr.' Be Sacy's note to Abd- Allatif, Relation, de VEgypte, p. 74, and see p. 118. Other notices of the dates of Arabia will be found in Travels of Ibn Batuta in Fourteenth Century, p. 66; Journal of Asiatic Soc. vol. viii. p. 286 ; Journal of Geograph. Soc. vol. iv. p. 201, toI. vi. pp. 53, 55, 58, 66, 68, 74, vol. vii. p, 32, vol. ix. pp. 147, 151. 98 Heeren ( Trade of the Afri- can Nations, % vol. i. p. 182) sup- poses that in Africa, dates are comparatively little known south of 26° north lat. But this learned writer is certainly mis- taken ; and a reference to the following passages will show that they are common as far down as the parallel of Lake Tchad, which is nearly the southern limit of our knowledge of Cen- tral Africa ; Benham's Central Africa, p. 295 ; Clapperton's Journal, in Appendix to Benham, pp. 34, 59; Clapperton's Second Expedition, p. 159. Further east they are somewhat scarcer, but are found much more to the south than is supposed by Heeren : see Pallme's Kordofan, p. 220. 97 'Dates are not only the principal growth of the Fezzan oases, but the main subsistence of their inhabitants. All live on dates ; men, women, and children, horses, asses, and camels, and sheep, fowls, and dogs.' Richardson's Travels in the Sahara, vol. ii. p. 323, and see vol. i. p. 343 : as to those parts of the desert where the palm will not bear, see vol. i. pp. 387, 405, vol. ii. pp. 291, 363. Eespecting the dates of western Africa, see Journal of Geograph. Society, vol. xii. p. 204. 98 'It flourished spontaneously in the valley of the Nile.' Wil- kinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 372. As further illus- tration of the importance to Africa of this beautiful plant, it may be mentioned, that from the high-palm there is prepared a peculiar beverage, which in some parts is in great request. On this, which is called palm-wine, see M' William's Medical Expe- dition to the Niger, pp. 71, 116; Meredith's Gold Coast of Africa, 1812, pp. 55, 56; Laird and Oldfield's Expedition into the Interior of Africa, 1837, vol. ii. pp. 170, 213; Bowditch, Mission to Ashantee, pp. 69, 100, 152, 293, 386, 392. But I doubt if this is the same as the palm- wine mentioned in Balfour's Botany, 1849, p. 532. Compare Tuckey's Expedition to the Zaire , pp. 155, 216, 224, 356. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 85 besides being tbe chief sustenance of the people, are so plentiful, that from a very early period they have been given commonly to camels, the only beasts of burden generally used in that country." From these facts, it is evident that, taking Egypt as the highest type of African civilization, and India as the highest type of Asiatic civilization, it may be said that dates are to the first civilization what rice is to the second. Now it is observable, that all the most im- portant physical peculiarities found in rice are also found in dates. In regard to their chemistry, it is well known that the chief principle of the nutriment they contain is the same in both ; the starch of the Indian vegetable being merely turned into the sugar of the Egyptian. In regard to the laws of climate, their affinity is equally obvious ; since dates, like rice, belong to hot countries, and flourish most in or near the tropics. 100 In regard to their increase, and the laws of their connexion with the soil, the analogy is also exact ; for dates, just the same as rice, require little labour, and yield abundant returns, while they occupy so small a space of land in comparison with the nutriment they afford, that upwards of two hundred palm-trees are sometimes planted on a single acre. 101 Thus striking are the similarities to which, in different countries, the same physical conditions naturally give rise. At the same time, in Egypt, as in India, the attainment of civilization was preceded by the possession of a highly fertile soil ; so that, while the exuberance of the land regulated the speed with which wealth was ■• Wilkinson's Ancient Egyp- Jwsieu's Botany, edit. Wilson, tians, vol. ii. pp. 175-178. See 1849, p. 734. also on the abundance of dates, "" ' In the valley of the Nile, the extracts from an Arabian a feddan (1$ acre) is sometimes geographer in Quatrcm >r, Re- planted with 400 trees.' Wilki»- cherches sur m FEgypte, pp. 220, son's Ancient Egyptian*, vol. ii. 221. p. 178. At Moorzuk an entire 108 On their relation to the date-palm is only worth about a laws of climate, see the remarks shilling. Richardson's Central respecting the geographical limits Africa, vol. i. p. 111. of their power of ripening, in 86 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. created, the abundance of the food regulated the pro- portions into which the wealth was divided. The most fertile part of Egypt is the Said ; 102 and it is precisely there that we find the greatest display of skill and knowledge, the splendid remains of Thebes, Carnac, Luxor, Dendera, and Edfou. 103 It is also in the Said, or as it is often called the Thebaid, that a food is used which multiplies itself even more rapidly than either dates or rice. This is the dhourra, which until recently was confined to Upper Egypt, 104 and of which the reproductive power is so remarkable, that it yields to the labourer a return of two hundred and forty for one. 105 In Lower Egypt the dhourra was formerly 102 On the remarkable fertility of the Said, see Abd-Allatif, Relation de PEgypte, p. 3. 103 The superiority of the ruins in Southern Egypt over those in the northern part is noticed by Heeren {African Nations, vol. ii. p. 69), and must, indeed, be obvious to whoever lias studied the monuments. Tn the Said the Coptic was preserved longer than in Lower Egypt, and is known to philologists by the name of Misr. See Quatremere, Recherches sur la Langue de PEgypte, pp. 20, 41, 42. See also on the Saidic, pp. 134-140, and some good remarks by Dr. Prichard {Physical Hist. vol. ii. p. 202); who, however, adopts the paradoxical opinion of Georgi respecting the origin of the language of the Thebaid. 104 Abd-Allatif {Relation de PEgypte, p. 32) says, that in his time it was only cultivated in the Said. This curious work by Abd- Allatif was written in a.d. 1203. Relation, p. 423. Meiners thinks that Herodotus and other ancient writers refer to the dhourra without mentioning it: 'diese Durra muss daher im Herodot wiein andern alten Schriftstellern vorziiglich verstanden werden, wenn von hundert, zwey hundert, und mehrfaltigen Eriichten, welche die Erde trage, die Rede ist.' Meiners, Fruchtbarkeit der Lander, vol. i. p. 139. Accord- ing to Volney, it is the Holcus Arundinaceus of Linnaeus, and appears to be similar to millet ; and though that accurate traveller distinguishes between them, I observe that Captain Haines, in a recent memoir, speaks of them as being the same. Compare Haines in Journal of Geog. Soc. vol. xv. p. 118, with Volney, Voyage en Egypte, vol. i. p. 195. 105 ' The return is in general not less than 240 for one ; and the average price is about 3s. 9d. the ardeb, which is scarcely 3d. per bushel.' Hamilton's AEgyp- tiaca, p. 420. In Upper Egypt, ' the doura constitutes almost the whole subsistence of the pea- santry,' p. 419. Atp. 96, Hamilton says, ' I have frequently counted 3,000 grains in one ear of doura, and each stalk has in general four or five ears.' For an account, of. INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 87 unknown ; but, in addition to dates, the people made a sort of bread from the lotos, which sprang spontaneously out of the rich soil of the Nile. 106 This must have been a very cheap and accessible food ; while to it there was joined a profusion of other plants and herbs, on which the Egyptians chiefly lived. 107 Indeed so inex- haustible was the supply, that at the time of the Mohammedan invasion there were, in the single city of Alexandria, no less than four thousand persons occupied in selling vegetables to the people. 108 From this abundance of the national food, there re- sulted a train of events strictly analogous to those which took place in India. In Africa generally, the growth of population, though on the one hand stimulated by the heat of the climate, was on the other hand checked by the poverty of the soil. But on the banks of the Nile this restraint no longer existed, 109 and therefore the dhourra bread, see Volney, Voyage en Egypte, vol. i. p. 161. los 'Eireav- -rr\i)pvs ytvwTai 6 trorafibs, *al Tti ireSla ire\aylo~p, vtrai iv r

TOV &pTOVS O7TT0VS TTVpl. HeTodot. ii. 92, vol. i. p. '688. 107 Wilkinson's Ancient Egyp- tians, vol. ii. pp. 370-372, 400, vol. iv. p. 59. Abd-Allatif gives a curious account of the different vegetables grown in Egypt early in the thirteenth century. Iiela- tion, pp. 16-36, and the notes of De Sacy, pp. 37-134. On the Kuafios of Herodotus there are some botanical remarks worth reading in the Correspondence of Sir J. E. Smith, vol. ii. pp. 224- 232 ; but I doubt the assertion, p. 227, that Herodotus ' knew nothing of any other kind of Kvafjios in Egypt than that of the ordinary bean.' los . When Alexandria was taken by Amer, the lieutenant of the Caliph Omer, no less than 4,000 persons were engaged in selling vegetables in that city.' Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. ii. p. 372, and see vol. i. p 277, vol. iv. p. 60. Niebuhr (Description de TArabie, p. 136) says that the neighbourhood of Alexandria is so fertile, that ' le froment y rend le centuple.' See also on its rich vegetation, MatUr, Histoire de PEcole cTAlex- andrie, vol. i. p. 52. 109 The encouragement given to the increase of population by the fertility arising from the in- undation of the Nile, is observed by many writers, but by none so judiciously as Malthus ; Essay on Population, vol. i. pp. 161-163. This great work, the principles of which have been grossly mis- represented, is still the beat 88 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. the laws already noticed came into uncontrolled opera- tion. By virtue of those laws, the Egyptians were not only satisfied with a cheap food, but they required that food in comparatively small quantities ; thus by a double process, increasing the limit to which their numbers could extend. At the same time the lower orders were able to rear their offspring with the greater ease, be- cause, owing to the high rate of temperature, another considerable source of expense was avoided ; the heat being such that, even for adults, the necessary clothes were few and slight, while the children of the working class.es were entirely naked ; affording a striking con- trast to those colder countries where, to preserve ordi- nary health, a supply of warmer and more costly covering is essential. Diodorus Siculus, who travelled in Egypt nineteen centuries ago, says, that to bring up a child to manhood did not cost more than twenty drachmas, scarcely thirteen shillings English money ; a circumstance which he justly notices as a cause of the populousness of the country. 110 To compress into a single sentence the preceding remarks, it may be said that in Egypt the people mul- tiplied rapidly, because while the soil increased their supplies, the climate lessened their wants. The result was, that Egypt was not only far more thickly peopled than any other country in Africa, but probably more so than any in the ancient world. Our information upon this point is indeed somewhat scanty, but it is derived from sources of unquestioned credibility. Herodotus, who the more he is understood the more accurate he is which has heen written on the Kcil iravre\ws air'iv, tV icatrav his illustrations; while he, un- dandvyv oi yovets, &xp is &«* 6 '* fortunately, had no acquaintance vM/dai/ (\drj rb t4kvov, ov ir\elw with those branches of physical TroiovciSpaxfJ-civeiKoa-i. Si'&salrlas knowledge which are intimately fidXiara tV A-tyinr^ov (rvfxfiaivn connected with economical in- iroAvavOpanritf. hiaipepeiv, ko.1 dik quiries. tovto irtelaras ex 6 "' peydtomr 110 Tp(v ras AlyvTrrlaiv irpa^eis avv- Ta£afj.4va>v ^v Kara r))v oiKovfiii^nv, Kai Ka6' fi/xas 8£ ovSevbf rwv &\Kwv 8ok«I \tlvt ertfeu. iirl yitv yap ribv apx<*^<» v XP^ VU>V &TX< KS iv rah avaypaipais bpav IffTi KaraK*x iu 'pi ff l lL * v0V - Diod. Sir. Biblioth. Hist, book i. chap. xxxi. vol. i. p. 89. "* Notwithstanding the posi- tive assertions of M. Matter 90 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. valuable because it was evidently drawn from different sources ; the information of Herodotus being chiefly collected at Memphis, that of Diodorus at Thebes. 116 And whatever discrepancies there may be between these two accounts, they are both agreed respecting the rapid increase of the people, and the servile condition into which they bad fallen. Indeed, the mere appear- ance of those huge and costly buildings, whicb are still standing, are a proof of tbe state of the nation that erected them. To raise structures so stupendous, 117 and yet so useless, 118 there must have been tyranny on the part of the rulers, and slavery on the part of the {Hist, de VEcole cV Alexandrie, vol. ii. p. 285 ; compare Hist, du Gnos- ticisme, vol. i. p. 48), there is no good evidence for the supposed travels in Egypt of the earlier Greeks, and it is even questionable if Plato ever visited that country. (' Whether he ever was in Egypt is doubtful.' Bunsen's Egypt, vol. i. p. 60.) The Komans took little interest in the subject {Bunsen, vol. i. pp. 152-158); and, says M. Bunsen, p. 152, 'with Diodorus all systematic inquiry into the history of Egypt ceases, not only on the part of the Greeks, but of the ancients in general.' Mr. Leake, in an essay on the Quorra, arrives at the conclusion, that after the time of Ptolemy, the ancients made no additions to their knowledge of African geography. Journal of Geographical Society, vol. ii. p. 9. 116 See on this some good re- marks in Heeren's African Na- tions, vol. ii. pp. 202-207 ; and as to the difference between the traditions of Thebes and Memphis, see Matter, Histoire de VEcole d' Alexandrie, vol. i. p. 7- The power and importance of the two cities fluctuated. ix>th being at different periods the capital. Hansen's Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 54, 55, 244, 445, 446; Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. iii. pp. 27, 100 ; Sharpens History of Egypt, vol. i. pp. 9, 19, 24, 34, 167, 185. 117 Sir John Herschel {Disc, on Natural Philosophy, p. 60) calculates that the great pyra- mid weighs twelve thousand seven hundred and sixty million pounds. Compare LyelVs Prin- ciples of Geology, p. 459, where the still larger estimate of six million tons is given. But ac- cording to Perring, the present quantity of masonry is 6,316,000 tons, or 82,110,000 cubic feet. See Bunsen's Egypt, vol. ii. p. 155, London, 1854, and Vyse on the Pyramids, 1840, vol. ii. p. 113. 118 Many fanciful hypotheses have been put forward as to the purpose for which the pyramids were built; but it is now ad- mitted that they were neither more nor less than tombs for the Egyptian kings ! See Bun- sen's Egypt, vol. ii. pp. xvii. 88, 105, 372. 389; and Sharpe's History of Egypt, vol. i. p. 21. INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 91 people. No wealth, however great, no expenditure, however lavish, could meet the expense which would have been incurred, if they had been the work of free men, who received for their labour a fair and honest reward. 119 But in Egypt, as in India, such considera- tions were disregarded, because everything tended to favour the upper ranks of society and depress the lower. Between the two there was an immense and impassable gap. 120 If a member of the industrious classes changed his usual employment, t>r was known to pay attention to political matters, he was severely punished ; 121 and under no circumstances was the possession of land allowed to an agricultural labourer, to a mechanic, or indeed to any one except the king, the clergy, and the army. 121 The people at large were little better than beasts of burden ; and all that was expected from them was an unremitting and unrequited labour. If they neglected their work, they were flogged ; and the same punishment was frequently inflicted upon domestic servants, and even upon women. 123 These and similar regulations were well conceived ; they were admirably suited to that vast social system, which, because it was based on despotism, could only be upheld by cruelty. Hence it was that, the industry of the whole nation 119 For an estimate of the ' If any artizan meddled with expense at which one of the political affairs, or engaged in pyramids could he huilt in our any other employment than the time by European workmen, see one to which he had been Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. ii. brought up, a severe punishment p. 268. On account, however, was instantly inflicted upon of the number of disturbing him.' Compare Diod. Sic. Bih- causes, such calculations have liothec. Hist, book i. chap, little value. lxxiv. voL i. p. 223. 120 Those who complain that m Wilkinson's Ancient Egyp- in Europe this interval is still tians, voL i. p. 263, vol. ii. p. 2 ; too great, may derive a species SharpJs History of Egypt, vol. of satisfaction from studying the ii. p. 24. old extrarEuropean civilizations. ia Wilkinson's Ancient Egyp- m Wilkinsons Ancient Egyp- tians, vol. ii. pp. 41, 42, vol. iii. tians, vol. ii. pp. 8, 9. 'Nor p. 69, vol. iv. p. 131. Compare was anyone permitted to meddle Ammianus Marcellinus, in Ha- with political affairs, or to hold milton's JEgyptiaca, p. 309. any civil office in the state.' . . 92 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. being at the absolute command of a small part of it, there arose the possibility of rearing those vast edifices, which inconsiderate observers admire as a proof of civilization, 184 but which, in reality, are evidence of a state of things altogether depraved and unhealthy ; a state in which the skill and the arts of an imperfect- refinement injured those whom they ought to have benefited ; so that the very resources which the people had created were turned against the people themselves. That in such a society as this, much regard should be paid to human suffering, it would indeed be idle to expect. 125 Still, we are startled by the reckless prodi- gality with which, in Egypt, the upper classes squan- dered away the labour and the lives of the people. In this respect, as the monuments yet remaining abun- dantly prove, they stand alone and without a rival. We may form some idea of the almost incredible waste, when we hear that two thousand men were occupied for three years in carrying a single stone from Elephan- tine to Sais ; 126 that the Canal of the Red Sea alone, 124 Vyse on the Pyramids, vol. den Bau befahlen.' Herder's i. p. 61, vol. ii. p. 92. Idem zur Geschichte, vol. iii. pp. 125 'Ein Konig ahmte den 103,104: see also p. 293, and andern nach, oder suchte ihn some admirable remarks in Vol- zu iibertreffen ; indess das gut- ney's Voyage en Egypte, vol. i. miithige Volk seine Lebenstage pp. 240, 241. Even M. Bunsen, am Baue dieser Monumente ver- notwithstanding his admiration, zehren musste. So entstanden says of one of the pyramids, ' the wahrscheinlich die Pyramiden misery of the people, already und Obe.isken Aegyptens. Nur grievously oppressed, was aggra- in den altesten Zeiten wurden vated by the construction of this sie gebauet: denn die spatere gigantic building The Zeit und jede Nation, die ein bones of the oppressors of the niitzlichesGewerbetreibenlernte, people who for two whole gene- bauete keine Pyramiden mehr. rations harassed hundreds of Weit gefehlt also, dass Pyra- thousands from day to day,' miden ein Kennzeichen von der &c. Bunsen's Egypt, vol. ii. G-liickseligkeit und Aufklarung p. 176, a learned and enthusias- des alten Aegyptens seyn soil- tic work. ten, sind sie ein unwidersprech- I26 Kal tovto iic6ni(ou ph In* liches Denkmal von dem Aber- erea rpia S.crx^ioi 5e oi irpoo-fre- glauben und der Gedankenlosig- Ttix ar0 &"5pa ayuyets. Herodot. keit sowohl der Armen, die da book ii. chap, clxxv. vol. i. p. baueten, als der Ehrgeizigen, die 897. On the enormous weight of INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 93 cost the lives of a hundred and twenty thousand Egyptians ; 127 and that to build one of the pyramids required the labour of three hundred and sixty thousand men for twenty years. 128 If, passing from the history of Asia and Africa, we now turn to the New World, we shall meet with fresh proof of the accuracy of the preceding views. The only parts of America which before the arrival of the Europeans were in some degree civilized, were Mexico and Peru; 129 to which may probably be added that long and narrow tract which stretches from the south of Mexico to the Isthmus of Panama. In this latter country, which is now known as Central America, the inhabitants, aided by the fertility of the soil, 130 seem to have worked out for themselves a certain amount of knowledge ; since the ruins still extant, prove the pos- session of a mechanical and architectural skill too considerable to be acquired by any nation entirely barbarous. 131 Beyond this, nothing is known of their the stones which the Egyptians sometimes carried, see Bunseris Egypt, voL i. p. 379 ; and as to the machines employed, and the nse of inclined roads for the transit, see Vyse on the Pyra- mids, vol. i. p. 197, vol. iii. pp. 14, 38. 127 Wilkinson's Ancient Egyp- tians, vol. i. p. 70: but this learned writer is unwilling to believe a statement so adverse to his favourite Egyptians. It is likely enough that there is some exaggeration ; still no one can dispute the fact of an enor- mous and unprincipled waste of human life. I2S Tpidjcoyra fiiv yap Kal ${ uvpiddfs avSpwv, S>s (paat, rats tuv tpyoov \tiTovpylous irpoffi)- Sptvffav, rb 84 irav KaTOurKeiourp.a r^Kos ?- schichte der Menschheit, vol . i. p. 3 3. 1,4 See in Humboldt's Nouvelle Espagne, vol. i. p. 101, a striking summary of the state of the Mexican people at the time of the Spanish Conquest: see also History of America, book vii., in Bobertson's Works, p. 907. 175 Prescott' s History of the Conquest of Mexico, vol. i. p. 34. Compare a similar remark on the invasion of Egypt in Bunseris Egypt, voL ii. p. 414. INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 115 The further this examination is carried, the more striking becomes the similarity between tbose civiliza- tions which flourished anterior to what may be called the European epoch of the human mind. The division of a nation into castes would be impossible in the great European countries ; but it existed from a remote an- tiquity in Egypt, in India, and apparently in Persia. 176 The very same institution was rigidly enforced in Peru ; m and what proves how consonant it was to that stage of society, is, that in Mexico, where castes were not established by law, it was nevertheless a recognised custom that the son should follow the occupation of his father. 178 This was the political symptom of that sta- tionary and conservative spirit, which, as we shall hereafter see, has marked every country in which the upper classes have monopolized power. The religious symptom of the same spirit was displayed in that in- ordinate reverence for antiquity, and in that hatred of change, which the greatest of all the writers on Ame- rica has well pointed out as an analogy between the natives of Mexico and those of Hindostan. 179 To this "• That there were castes in '" Prescotfs History of Peru, Persia is stated byFirdousi; and vol. i. pp. 143, 156. his assertion, putting aside its l78 Prescotfs History of Mexico, general probability, ought to out- toI. i. p. 124. weigh the silence of the Greek "• ' Les Americains, comme historians, who, for the most part, les habitans de l'lndoustan, et. knew little of any country ex- comme tous les peuples qui ont cept their own. According to gemi long-temps sous le despo- Malcolm, the existence of caste tisme civil et religieux, tiennent, in the time of Jemsheed, is con- avec une opiniAtrete extraor- firmed by some ' Mahomedan dinaire a leurs habitudes, a leurs authors;' but he does not say moeurs, a leurs opinions who they were. Malcolm's His- Au Mexique, comme dans l'ln- tory of Persia, vol. i. pp. 505, 506. doustan, il n'etoit pas permis aux Several attempts have been made, fideles de changer la moindre but very unsuccessfully, to ascer- chose aux figures des idoles. tnin the period in which castes Tout ce qui appartenoit au rite were first instituted. Compare des Azteques et aes Hindous etoit Asiatic Besearckes,\o\. vi.p. 251 ; assujeti a des lois immuables.' Hceren's African Nations, vol. ii. Humboldt, Nouv. Espagne, vol. i. p. 121 ; Bunsen's Egypt, vol. ii. pp. 95, 97. Turgot {(Euvres, voL p. 410; Itammohun Boy on the ii. pp. 220, 313, 314) has some Veds, p. 269. admirable remarks on this fixity i 2 116 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. may be added, that those who have studied the history of the ancient Egyptians, have observed among that people a similar tendency. Wilkinson, who is well known to have paid great attention to their monuments, says that they were more unwilling than any other nation to alter their religious worship ; 180 and Hero- dotus, who travelled in their country two thousand three hundred years ago, assures us that, while they preserved old customs, they never acquired new ones. 181 In another point of view, the similarity between these distant countries is equally interesting, since it evi- dently arises from the causes already noticed as com- mon to both. In Mexico and Peru, the lower classes being at the disposal of the upper, there followed that frivolous waste of labour which we have observed in Egypt, and evidence of which may also be seen in the re- of opinion natural to certain states of society. See also Herder's Ideen zur Geschichte, vol. iii. pp. 34, 35 ; and for other illus- trations of this unpliancy of thought, and adherence to old customs, which many writers suppose to be an eastern peculi- arity but which is far more widely spread.and is, as Humboldt clear- ly saw, the result of an unequal distribution of power, compare Turner's Embassy to Tibet, p. 41 ; Forbes' s Oriental Memoirs, vol. i. pp. 15, 164, vol. ii. p. 236; MUTs History of India, vol. ii. p. 214 ; Elphinstone's History of India, p. 48 ; Otter's Life of Clarke, vol. ii. p. 109 ; Transac. of Asiatic Society, vol. ii. p. 64 ; Journal of Asiat. Society, vol. viii. p. 116. 180 ' How scrupulous the Egyp- tians were, above all people, in permitting the introduction of new customs in matters relating to the gods.' Wilkinson's Ancient Egyptians, vol. iii. p. 262. Com- pare p. 275. Thus, too, M. Bunsen notices the ' tenacity with which the Egyptians adhered to old manners and customs.' Bunsen 's Egypt, vol. ii. p. 64. See also some remarks on the difference between this spirit and the love of novelty among the Greeks, in Hitter's History of Ancient Philo- sophy, vol. iv. pp. 625, 626. 181 Herodot. book ii. chap. 79 : irarpioKTi 8e XP 6( ^l xev01 "Sfioict, &\\ov ovSeva iiriKrewvTcu : and see the note in Baehr, vol. i. p. 660 : ' vofinvs priores interpretes explicarunt cantilenas, hymnos; Schweighseuserus rectius intel- lexit instituta ac mores. 1 In the same way, in Timaeus, Plato re- presents an Egyptian priest say- ing to Solon, "EAArji/es ad ira7S4s icrrf, yipwv 5e "EAXtji/ ovk ecrriv. And when Solon asked what he meant, N«'o« iare, was the reply, ras tyvx&s irdvTes- ovSe/jilav yap iv abra7s ex (Te ''* °-PX aiav *"«>V iraA.ajcfcj' 56£av ovSe fxadrifia xp6v

)ni8foi ol fipue* ; Platonis Opera, vol. iv. p. 227, edit. Bekker, Lond. 1826. And in the next century, Alexander obtained for ln's friend, Hephsestion, the right of being ' worshipped as a hero ' VOL. L L Grate's History of Greece, vol. xii. p. 339. 288 The adoration of the dead, and particularly the adoration of martyrs, was one great point of opposition between the orthodox church and the Manichseans (Beausobre, Histoire Critique de Manickie, vol. i. p. 316, vol. ii. pp. 651, 669); and it is easy to understand how abhorrent such a practice must have been to the Persian heretics. 289 M. Cousin, in his eloquent and ingenious work (Histoire de la Philosophic, 3e serie, vol. i. pp. 183, 187), has some judi- cious observations on what he calls Tepoque de 1'innni' of the East, contrasted with that ' du fini,' which began in Europe. But as to the physical causes of this, he only admits the grandeur of "nature, overlooking those na- tural elements of mystery and of danger by which religious sentiments were constantly ex- cited. 146 INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. the Greeks had more respect for human powers ; the Hindus for superhuman. The first dealt more with the known and available ; the other with the unknown and mysterious. 240 And by a parity of reasoning, the imagination, which the Hindus, being oppressed by the pomp and majesty of nature, never sought to control, lost its supremacy in the little peninsula of ancient Greece. In Greece, for the first time in the history of the world, the imagination was, in some degree, tempered and confined by the understanding. Not that its strength was impaired, or its vitality diminished. It was broken - in and tamed; its exuberance was checked, its follies were chastised. But that its energy remained, we have ample proof in those productions of the Greek mind which have survived to our own time. The gain, therefore, was com- plete ; since the inquiring and sceptical faculties of the human understanding were cultivated, without destroy- ing the reverential and poetic instincts of the imagination. Whether or not the balance was accurately adjusted, is another question ; but it is certain that the adjustment was more nearly arrived at in Greece than in any pre- vious civilization. 241 There can, I think, be little doubt 240 A learned orientalist says, vol. l. p. 8 ; and vol. vi. p. 490, that no people have made such he says, ' Bei alien diesen Man- efforts as the Hindus ' to solve, geln und Fehlern sind doch die exhaust, comprehend, what i3 Griechen die einzige Nation der insolvable, inexhaustible, incom- alten Welt, welche Sinn fur prebensible.' Troyer's Prelimi- Wissenschafthatte,undzudiesem nary Discourse on the Dabistan, Behufe forschte. Sie haben docli vol. i. p. cviii. die Bahn gebrochen, und den 241 This is noticed by Terme- Weg zur Wissenschaft geebnet.' mann, who, however, has not To the same effect, Sprengd, attempted to ascertain the cause : Histoire de la Medecine, vol. i. p. ' Die Einbildungskraft des G-rie- 215. And on this difference chen war schopferisch, sie schuf between the Eastern and the in seinem Innern neue Ideen- European mind, see Matter, His- welten ; aber er wurde doch nie toire du Gnosticisme, vol. i. pp. verleitet, die idealische Welt mit 18, 233, 234. So, too, Kant der wirklichen zu verwechseln, (Logi/e, in Kant's WerJce, vol. i. weil sie immer mit einem rich- p. 350), ' Unter alien Volkern tigen Verstande und gesunder haben also die Griechen erst Beurtheilungskraft verbunden angefangen zu philosophiren. war.' Geschichte der Philosophie, Denn sie haben zuerst versucht, INFLUENCE OP PHYSICAL LAWS. 147 tliat, notwithstanding what was effected, too much autho- rity was left to the imaginative faculties, and that the purely reasoning ones did not receive, and never have received, sufficient attention. Still, this does not affect the great fact, that the Greek literature is the first in which this deficiency was somewhat remedied, and in which there was a deliberate and systematic attempt to test all opinions by their consonance with human reason, and thus vindicate the right of Man to judge for him- self on matters which are of supreme and incalculable importance. I have selected India and Greece as the two terms of the preceding comparison, because our information re- specting those countries is most extensive, and has been most carefully arranged. But every thing we know of the other tropical civilizations confirms the views I have advocated respecting the effects produced by the Aspects of Nature. In Central America extensive excavations have been made ; and what has been brought to light proves that the national religion was, like that of India, a system of complete and unmitigated terror. 242 Neither there nor in Mexico, nor in Peru, nor in Egypt, did the people desire to represent their deities in human forms, or ascribe to them human attributes. Even their temples are huge buildings, often constructed with great skill, but showing an evident wish to impress the mind with fear, and offering a striking contrast to the lighter and smaller structures which the Greeks employed for reli- gious purposes. Thus, even in the style of architecture do we see the same principle at work ; the dangers of the nicht an dem Leitfaden der Bil- America, voLi.p. 152; at p. 159, der die Vernunfterkenntnisse zu ' The form of sculpture most cultiviren, sondern in ahstracto ; generally used was a death's start dass die anderen Volker head.' At Mayapan (vol. iii. p. sich die BegrifFe immer nur durch 133), ' representations of human Bilder in concrete verstandlich figures or animals with hideous zu machen suchten.' features and expressions, in pro- 2,2 Thus, of one of the idols ducing which the skill of the at Copan, 'The intention of the artist seems to have heen ex- sculptor seems to have been to pended;' and again, p. 412, excite terror.' Stephen's & utral ' unnatural and grotesque facfs.' l2 148 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. tropical civilization being more suggestive of the infinite, while the safety of the European civilization was more suggestive of the finite. To follow out the consequences of this great antagonism, it would be necessary to indicate how the infinite, the imaginative, the synthetic, and the deductive, are all connected ; and are opposed, on the other hand, by the finite, the sceptical, the analytic, and the inductive. A complete illustration of this would carry me beyond the plan of this Introduction and would perhaps exceed the resources of my own knowledge ; and I must now leave to the candour of the reader what I am conscious is but an imperfect sketch, but what may, nevertheless, suggest to him materials for futurethought, and, if I might indulge the hope, may open to historians a new field, by reminding them that every where the hand of Nature is upon us, and that the history of the human mind can only be understood by connecting with it the history and the aspects of the material universe. Note 36 to p. 61. As these views have a social and economical importance quite independent of their physiological value, I -will endeavour, in this note, to fortify them still further, by showing that the connexion between carbonized food and the respiratory functions may be illustrated by a wider survey of the animal kingdom. The gland most universal among the different classes of animals is the liver ;• and its principal business is to relieve the system of its superfluous carbon, which it accomplishes by secreting bile, a highly carbonized fluid. b Now, the connexion between this process and the respiratory functions is highly curious. For, if we take a general view of animal life, we shall find that the liver and lungs are nearly always compensatory ; that is to say, when one organ is » ' The most constant gland in the animal kingdom is the liver.' Grant* Comp. Anat. p. 576. See also Biclard. Anat. Gen. p. 18, and Burdaeh, Traiti, de Physiol, vol. ix. p. 580. Burdaeh says, ' II existe dans presque tout le regne animal ; ' and the latest researches have detected the rudiments of a liver even in the Entozoa and Kotifera. Eymer Jones's Animal Kingdom, 1855, p. 183, and Owen's Invertebrata, 1855, p. 104. b Until the analysis made by Demarcay in 1837, hardly anything was known of the composition of bile ; but this accomplished chemist ascertained that its essential constituent is choleate of soda, and that the choleic acid contains nearly sixty-three per cent, of carbon. Compare Thomsons Animal Chemtslry, pp. 59, 60, 412, 602, with Simon's Chemistry, vol. ii. pp. 17-21. INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 149 small and inert, the other is large and active. Thus, reptiles have feeble hings, but a considerable liver ; • and thus, too, in fishes, which have no lungs, in the ordinary sense of the word, the size of the liver is often enormous.* On the other hand, insects have a very large and complicated system of air tubes ; but their liver is minute, and its functions are habitually sluggish." If, instead of comparing the different classes of animals, we compare the different stages through which the same animal passes, we shall find further confirmation of this wide and striking principle. For the law holds good even before birth ; since in the unborn infant the lungs have scarcely any activity, but there is an immense liver, which is full of energy and pours out bile in profusion/ And so invariable is this relation, that in man the liver is the first organ which is formed : it is preponderant during the whole period of foetal life ; but it rapidly diminishes when, after birth, the lungs come into play, and a new scheme of compensation is established in the system.* • ' The size of the liver and the quantity of the bile are not proportionate to the quantity of the food and frequency of eating ; but inversely to the size and perfection of the lungs The liver is proportionately larger in reptiles, which have lungs with large cells incapable of rapidly decarbonizing the blood.' Goods Study of Medicine, 1829, vol. i. pp. 32, 33. See Cuvier, Rigne Animal, vol. ii. p. 2, on 'la petitesse des vaiBseaux pulraonaires ' of reptiles. • Carus's Comparative Anatomy, vol. ii. p. 230 ; Grant's Comp. Anat. pp. 885, 696 ; Itymer Jones's Animal Kingdom, p. 646. • Indeed it has been supposed by M. GaeVJe that the ' vaisseaux biliares ' of some insects were not ' secrC'teurs ; ' but this opinion appears to be erroneous. See Latreille, in Cuvier, Regne Animal, vol. iv. pp. 297, 298. f ' La predominance du foie avant la naissance ' is noticed by Bichat (Anatomie Generate, vol. ii. p. 272), and by many other physiologists ; but Dr. Elliotson appears to have been one of the first to understand a fact, the ex- planation of which we might vainly seek for in the earlier writers. ' The hypothesis, that one great use of the liver was, like that of the lungs, to remove carbon from the system, with this difference, that the alteration of the capacity at the air caused a reception of caloric into the blood, in the case of the lungs, while the hepatic excretion takes place without introduction of caloric, was, I recollect, a great favourite with me when a student. . . . The Heidelberg professors have adduced many arguments to the same effect. In the foetus, for whose temperature the mother's heat must be sufficient, the lungs perform DO function ; but the liver is of great size, and bile is secreted abundantly, so that the meconium accumulates considerably during the latter months of pregnancy.' Elliolson's Human Physiology, 1840, p. 102. In Lepelletier's J'ltijsiologie indicate, vol. i. p. 466, vol. ii. pp. 14, 546, 650, all this is sadly confused. % ' The liver is the first-formed organ in the embryo. It is developed from the alimentary canal, and at about the third week fills the whole abdomen, and is one-half the weight of the entire embryo At birth it is of very large size, and occupies the whole upper part of the abdomen. . . . The liver diminishes rapidly after birth, probably from obliteration of the umbilical vein.' Wilson's Human Anatomy, 1851, p. 688. Compare RurduclCs 1'hysiologie, vol. iv. p. 447, where it is said of the liver in childhood, ' Cet organe- crott avoc lenteur, surtout comparativement anx pouraons ; le rapport da ceux-ci au foie etant a pen pros de 1 : 8 avant la respiration, il 6talt de 1 : 1 "8* uprcs l'ttablissement de oette dernic>re fonction.' See also p. 91, and vol. iii. p. 483 ; and on the predominance of the liver in foetal life, see the xcmarks of Serres (Geoffray .Saml-l/Haire, Anomalies de I' Organisation , vol. ii. p> lt^vrkOH generalization is perhaps a little premature. 150 INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. These facts, interesting to the philosophic physiologist, are of great moment in reference to the doctrines advocated in this chapter. Inasmuch as the liver and lungs are compensatory in the history of their organization, it is highly probable that they are also compensatory in the functions they perform ; and that what is left undone by one will have to be accomplished by the other. The liver, therefore, fulfilling the duty, as chemistry teaches us, of decarbonizing the system by secreting a carbonized fluid, we should expect, even in the absence of any further evidence, that the lungs would be likewise decarbonizing ; in other words, we should expect that if, from any cause, we are surcharged with carbon, our lungs must assist in remedying the evil. This brings us, by another road, to the conclusion that highly carbonized food has a tendency to tax the lungs ; so that the connexion between a carbonized diet and the respiratory functions, instead of being, as some assert, a crude hypothesis, is an eminently scientific theory, and is corrobo- rated not only by chemistry, but by the general scheme of the animal kingdom, and even by the observation of embryological phenomena. The views of Liebeg, and of his followers, are indeed supported by so many analogies, and harmonize so well with other parts of our knowledge, that nothing but a perverse hatred of generalization, or an incapacity for dealing with large speculative truths, can explain the hostility directed against conclusions which have been gradually forcing themselves upon us since Lavoisier, seventy years ago, attempted to explain the respiratory functions by subjecting them to the laws of chemical combination. In this, and previous notes (see in particular notes 30, 31, 35), I have considered the connexion between food respiration, and ani- mal heat, at a length which will appear tedious to readers uninte- rested in physiological pursuits ; but the investigation has become necessary, on account of the difficulties raised by experimenters, who, not having studied the subject comprehensively, object to cer- tain parts of it. To mention what, from the ability and reputation of the author, is a conspicuous instance of this, Sir Benjamin Brodie has recently published a volume {Physiological Researches, 1851) containing some ingeniously contrived experiments on dogs and rabbits, to prove that heat is generated rather by the nervous system than by the respiratory organs. Without following this eminent surgeon into all its details, I may be permitted to observe, 1st, That, as a mere matter of history, no great physiological truth has ever yet been discovered, nor has any great physiological fal- lacy been destroyed, by such limited experiments on a single class of animals ; and this is partly because in physiology a crucial in- stance is impracticable, owing to the fact that we deal with resist- ing and living bodies, and partly because every experiment produces an abnormal condition, and thus lets in fresh causes, the operation of which is incalculable ; unless, as often happens in the inorganic world, we can control the whole phenomenon. 2nd, That the other department of the organic world, namely, the vegetable kingdom, INFLUENCE OF PHYSICAL LAWS. 151 has, so far as we are aware, no nervous system, but nevertheless possesses heat ; and we moreover know that the heat is a product of oxygen and carbon (see note 82 to chapter ii.). 3d, That the evidence of travellers respecting the different sorts of food, and the different quantities of food, used in hot countries and in cold ones, is explicable by the respiratory and chemical theories of the origin of animal heat, but is inexplicable by the theory of the nervous origin of heat. 152 CHAPTER HI. EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOB DISCOVEEING MENTAL LAWS. The evidence that I have collected seems to establish two leading facts, which, nnless they can be impugned, are the necessary basis of universal history. The first fact is, that in the civilizations out of Europe, the powers of nature have been far greater than in those in Europe. The second fact is, that those powers have worked immense mischief; and that while one division of them has caused an unequal distribution of wealth, another division of them has caused an unequal distri- bution of thought, by concentrating attention upon subjects which inflame the imagination. So far as the experience of the past can guide us, we may say, that in all the extra European civilizations, these obstacles are insuperable : certainly no nation has ever yet over- come them. But Europe, being constructed upon a smaller plan than the other quarters of the world — being also in a colder region, having a less exuberant soil, a less imposing aspect, and displaying in all her physical phenomena much greater feebleness — it was easier for Man to discard the superstitions which Nature suggested to his imagination ; and it was also easier for him to effect, not, indeed, a just division of wealth, but something nearer to it, than was practicable in the older countries. Hence it is that, looking at the history of the world as a whole, the tendency has been, in Europe, to sub- ordinate nature to man ; out of Europe, to subordinate man to nature. To this there are, in barbarous countries, several exceptions ; but in civilized countries the rule has been universal. The great division, there- METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 153 fore, between European civilization and non-European civilization, is the basis of the philosophy of history, since it suggests the important consideration, that if we would understand, for instance, the history of India, we must make the external world our first study, because it has influenced man more than man has influenced it. If, on the other hand, we would under- stand the history of a country like France or England, we must make man our principal study, because nature being comparatively weak, every step in the great pro- gress has increased the dominion of the human mind over the agencies of the external world. Even in those countries where the power of man has reached the highest point, the pressure of nature is still immense ; but it diminishes in each succeeding generation, because our increasing knowledge enables us not so much to control nature as to foretell her movements, and thus obviate many of the evils she would otherwise occasion. How successful our efforts have been, is evident from the fact, that the average duration of life constantly becomes longer, and the number of inevitable dangers fewer ; and what makes this the more remarkable is, that the curiosity of men is keener, and their contact with each other closer, than in any former period ; so that while apparent hazards are multiplied, we find from experience that real hazards are, on the whole, diminished. 1 If, therefore, we take the largest possible view of the history of Europe, and confine ourselves entirely to the primary cause of its superiority over other parts of the world, we must resolve it into the encroach- 1 This diminution of casual- see Quetdet, sur F Homme, vol. ii. ties is undoubtedly one cause, pp. 67, 272 ; Lawrence's Lectures though a slight one, of the in- on Man, pp. 275, 276 ; Ellis's creased duration of life ; but Polynesian Researches, vol. i. the most active cause is a general p. 98 ; Whatelt/s Lectures on improvement in the physical Political Economy, 8vo. 1831, condition of man : see Sir B. p. 59 ; Journal of the Statistical Brodie's Lectures on Pathology Society, vol. xvii. pp. 32, 33 ; and Surgery, p. 212; and for Dufau, Traiti de Statistigue, proof that civilized men are p. 107 ; Hawkins's Medical Sta- stronger than uncivilized ones, tist'ws, p. 232. 154 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. ment of the mind of man npon the organic and inorganic; forces of nature. To this all other causes are sub- ordinate. 2 For we have seen that wherever the powers of nature reached a certain height, the national civiliza- tion was irregularly developed, and the advance of the civilization stopped. The first essential was, to limit the interference of these physical phenomena ; and that was most likely to be accomplished where the pheno- mena were feeblest and least imposing. This was the case with Europe ; it is accordingly in Europe alone, that man has really succeeded in taming the energies of nature, bending them to his own will, turning them aside from their ordinary course, and compelling them to minister to his happiness, and subserve the general purposes of human life. All around us are the traces of this glorious and suc- cessful struggle. Indeed, it seems as if in Europe there was nothing man feared to attempt. The invasions of the sea repelled, and whole provinces, as in the case of Holland, rescued from its grasp , mountains cut through and turned into level roads ; soils of the most obstinate sterility becoming exuberant, from the mere advance of, chemical knowledge ; while, in regard to electric phenomena, we see the subtlest, the most rapid, and the most mysterious of all forces, made the medium of thought, and obeying even the most capricious behests of the human mind. 2 The general social conse- knowledge of the properties and quences of this I shall hereafter laws of physical objects shows consider ; hut the mere eco- no sign of approaching its ulti- nomical consequences are well mate boundaries ; it is advancing expressed by Mr. Mill : ' Of the more rapidly, and in a greater features which characterize this number of directions at once, progressive economical move- than in any previous age or gene- ment of civilized nations, that ration, and affording such fre- which first excites attention, quent glimpses of unexplored through its intimate connexion fields beyond, as to justify the with the phenomena of Pro- belief that our acquaintance with duction, is the perpetual, and, so nature is still almost in its in- far as human foresight can ex- fancy.' Mill's Principles of Polit. tend, the unlimited, growth of Economy, vol. ii. pp. 246-7. man's power over nature. Our METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 155 In other instances, where the products of the external world have been refractory, man has succeeded in de- stroying what he could hardly hope to subjugate. The most cruel diseases, such as the plague, properly so called, and the leprosy of the Middle Ages, 3 have en- tirely disappeared from the civilized parts of Europe ; and it is scarcely possible that they should ever again be seen there. Wild beasts and birds of prey have been extirpated, and are no longer allowed to infest the haunts of civilised men. Those frightful famines, by which Europe used to be ravaged several times in every century, 4 have ceased ; and so successfully have we grappled with them, that there is not the slightest fear of their ever returning with any thing like their former severity. Indeed, our resources are now so great, that we could at worst, only suffer from a slight and temporary scarcity : since, in the present state of knowledge, the evil would be met at the outset by remedies which chemical science could easily suggest. 6 It is hardly necessary to notice how, in numerous other instances, the progress of European civilization has * What this horrible disease highest living authorities, famine once was, may be estimated from is, even in the present state of the fact, 'qu'au treizieme siecle chemistry, 'next to impossible.' on comptait en France seulement, Herschets Discourse on Natural deux mille leproseries, et que Philosophy, p. 65. Cuvier (i?e- l'Europe entiere renfermait en- cueil des Eloges, vol. i. p. 10) viron dix-neuf mille etablisse- says that we have succeeded ' a mens semblables.' Sprengel, rendre toute famine impossible.' Histoire de la Medecine, vol. ii. See also Godwin on Population, p. 374. As to the mortality p. 500 ; and for a purely eco- caused by the plague, see Clot- nomical argument to prove the Bey, de la Peste, Paris, 1840, impossibility of famine, see pp 62, 63, 185, 292. Mill's Principles of Political * For a curious list of famines, Economy, vol. ii. p. 258; and see an essay by Mr. Farr, in compare a note in Ricardo's Journal of the Statistical Society, Works, p. 191. The Irish vol. ix. pp. 159-163. He says, famino may seem an exception : that in the eleventh, twelfth, but it could have been easily and thirteenth centuries, the baffled except for the poverty average was, in England, one of the people, which frustrated famine every fourteen years. our efforts to reduce it to a * In the opinion of one of the dearth. 156 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. been marked by the diminished influence of the external world : I mean, of course, those peculiarities of the ex- ternal world which have an existence independent of the wishes of man, and were not created by him. The most advanced nations do, in their present state, owe com- paratively little to those original features of nature which, in every civilization out of Europe, exercised unlimited power. Thus, in Asia and elsewhere, the course of trade, the extent of commerce, and many similar circumstances, were determined by the existence of rivers, by the facility with which they could be navigated, and by the number and goodness of the adjoining harbours. But, in Europe, the determining cause is, not so much these physical pe- culiarities, as the skill and energy of man. Formerly the richest countries were those in which nature was most bountiful ; now the richest countries are those in which man is most active. For, in our age of the world, if nature is parsimonious, we know how to compensate her defi- ciencies. If a river is difficult to navigate, or a country difficult to traverse, our engineers can correct the error, and remedy the evil. If we have no rivers, we make canals ; if we have no natural harbours, we make artificial ones. And so marked is this tendency to impair the au- thority of natural phenomena, that it is seen even in the distribution of the people, since, in the most civilized parts of Europe, the population of the towns is every- where outstripping that of the country ; and it is evident that the more men congregate in great cities, the more they will become accustomed to draw their materials of thought from the business of human life, and the less attention they will pay to those peculiarities of nature, which are the fertile source of superstition, and by which, in every civilization out of Europe, the progress of man was arrested. From these facts it may be fairly inferred, that the advance of European civilization is characterized by a diminishing influence of physical laws, and an increasing influence of mental laws. The complete proof of this generalization can be collected only from history ; and therefore I must reserve a large share of the evidence on which it is founded for the future volumes of this work. METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 157 But that the proposition is fundamentally true must be admitted by whoever, in addition to the arguments just adduced, will concede two premisses, neither of which seem susceptible of much dispute. The first premiss is, that we are in possession of no evidence that the powers of nature have ever been permanently increased; and that we have no reason to expect that any such increase can take place. The other premiss is, that we have abundant evidence that the resources of the human mind have become more powerful, more numerous, and more able to grapple with the difficulties of the external world ; be- cause every fresh accession to our knowledge supplies fresh means with which we can either control the opera- tions of nature, or, failing in that, can foresee the conse- quences, and thus avoid what it is impossible to prevent ; in both instances, diminishing the pressure exercised on us by external agents. If these premisses are admitted, we are led to a con- clusion which is of great value for the purpose of this Introduction. For, if the measure of civilization is the triumph of the mind over external agents, it becomes clear, that of the two classes of laws which regulate the progress of mankind, the mental class is more important than the physical. This, indeed, is assumed by one school of thinkers as a matter of course, though I am not aware that its demonstration has been hitherto attempted by any thing even approaching an exhaustive analysis. The question, however, as to the originality of my argu- ments, is one of very trifling moment ; but what we have to notice is, that in the present stage of our inquiry, the problem with which we started has become simplified, and a discovery of the laws of European history is resolved, in the first instance, into a discovery of the laws of the human mind. These mental laws, when ascertained, will be the ultimate basis of the history of Europe ; the physical laws will be treated as of minor importance, and as merely giving rise to disturbances, the force and the frequency of which have, during several centuries, perceptibly diminished. If we now inquire into the means of discovering the laws of the human mind, the metaphysicians are ready 158 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIAN'S. with an answer ; and they refer us to their own labours as supplying a satisfactory solution. It therefore becomes necessary to ascertain the value of their researches, to measure the extent of their resources, and, above all, to test the validity of that method which they always follow, and by which alone, as they assert, great truths can be elicited. The metaphysical method, though necessarily branch- ing into two divisions, is, in its origin, always the same, and consists in each observer studying the operations of his own mind. 6 This is the direct opposite of the his- torical method ; the metaphysician studying one mind, the historian studying many minds. Now, the first remark to make on this is, that the metaphysical method is one by which no discovery has ever yet been made in any branch of knowledge. Every thing we at present know has been ascertained by studying phenomena, from which all casual disturbances having been removed, the law remains as a conspicuous residue. 7 And this can only be done by observations so numerous as to eliminate the disturbances, or else by experiments so delicate as to isolate the phenomena. One of these conditions is essential to all inductive science ; but neither of them does the metaphysician obey. To isolate the phenomenon is for him an impossibility ; since no man, into whatever state of reverie he may be thrown, can entirely cut himself off from the influence of external events, which must produce an effect on his mind, even when he is unconscious of their presence. . As to the other condi- • 'As the metaphysician car- Human Understanding, in Locke's ries within himself the materials Works, vol. i, pp. 18, 76, 79, of his reasoning, he is not under 121, 146, 152, 287, vol. ii. pp. a necessity of looking abroad for 141, 243. subjects of speculation or amuse- ' The deductive sciences form, ment.' Stewart's Philosophy of of course, an exception to this ; the Mind, vol. i. p. 462 ; and the but the whole theory of meta- same remark, almost literally physics is founded on its induc- repeated, at vol. iii. p. 260. tive character, and on the sup- Locke makes what passes in each position that it consists of man's mind the sole source of generalized observations, and metaphysics, and the sole test of that from them alone the science their truth. Essay concerning of mind can be raised METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 159 tion, it is by the metaphysician set at open defiance ; for his whole system is based on the supposition that, by studying a single mind, he can get the laws of all minds ; so that while he, on the one hand, is unable to isolate his observations from disturbances, he, on the other hand, refuses to adopt the only remaining precaution — he re- fuses so to enlarge his survey as to eliminate the dis- turbances by which his observations are troubled. 8 This is the first and fundamental objection to which metaphysicians are exposed, even on the threshold of their science. But if we penetrate a little deeper, we shall meet with another circumstance, which, though less obvious, is equally decisive. After the metaphysician has taken for granted that, by studying one mind, he can discover the laws of all minds, he finds himself involved in a singular difficulty as soon as he begins to apply even this imperfect method. The difficulty to which I allude is one which, not being met with in any other pursuit, seems to have escaped the attention of those who are unacquainted with metaphysical controversies. To un- derstand, therefore, its nature, it is requisite to give a short account of those two great schools, to one of which all metaphysicians must necessarily belong. In investigating the nature of the human mind, according to the metaphysical scheme, there are two methods of proceeding, both of which are equally obvious, • These remarks are only ap- regarded as hypothesis, which plicable to those who follow the require verification to raise them purely metaphysical method of to theories. But, instead of this investigation. There is, how- cautious proceeding, the almost ever, a very small number of invariable plan is, to treat the metaphysicians, among whom M. hypothesis as if it were a theory Cousin is the most eminent in already proved, and as if there France, in whose works we find remained nothing to do but to larger views, and an attempt to give historical illustrations of connect historical inquiries with truths established by the p6y- metaphysical ones ; thus recog- chologist. This confusion De- nizing the necessity of verifying tween illustration and veriflca- their original speculations. To tion appears to be the universal this method there can be no failing of those who, like Vico objection, provided the meta- and Fichte, speculate upon his- physical conclusions are merely torical phenomena a priori. 160 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. and yet both of which lead to entirely different results. According to the first method, the inquirer begins by examining bis sensations. According to the other me- thod, he begins by examining his ideas. These two methods always have led, and always must lead, to con- clusions diametrically opposed to each other. Nor are the reasons of this difficult to understand. In metaphysics, the mind is the instrument as well as the material on which the instrument is employed. The means by which the science must be worked out, being thus the same as the object upon which it works, there arises a difficulty of a very peculiar kind. This difficulty is, the impossi- bility of taking a comprehensive view of the whole of the mental phenomena; because, however extensive such a view may be, it must exclude the state of the mind by which, or in which, the view itself is taken. Hence we may perceive what, I think, is a fundamental difference between physical and metaphysical inquiries . In physics, there are several methods of proceeding, all of which lead to the same results. But in metaphysics, it will invariably be found, that if two men of equal ability, and equal honesty, employ different methods in the study of the mind, the conclusions which they obtain will also bo different. To those who are unversed in these matters, a few illustrations will set this in a clearer light. Meta- physicians who begin by the study of ideas observe in their own minds an idea of space. Whence, they ask, can this arise ? It cannot, tbey say, owe its origin to the senses, because the senses only supply what is finite and contingent ; whereas the idea of space is infinite and necessary. 9 It is infinite, since we cannot conceive 9 Com-p&re Stewarfs Philosophy however, was contrary to the of the Mind, vol. ii. p. 194, with Vedas. Bammohun Boy on the Cousin, Hist, de la Philosophic, Teds, 1832, pp. 8, 111. In Spain, II. serie, vol. ii. p. 92. Among the doctrine of the infinity of the Indian metaphysicians, there space is heretical. Doblado's was a sect which declared space Letters, p. 96 ; which should be to be the cause of all things, .compared with the objection of Journal of Asiatic Soc. vol. vi. Irenseus against the Valentinians, pp. 268, 290. See also the in Beausobre, Histoire de Mani- Dabistan, vol. ii. p. 40 which, chee, vol. ii. p. 275. For the METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 161 that space has an end ; and it is necessary, since we can- not conceive the possibility of its non-existence. Thus far the idealist. But the sensualist, as he is called, 10 — he who begins, not with ideas, but with sensations, arrives at a very different conclusion. He remarks that we can have no idea of space until we have first had an idea of objects ; and that the ideas of objects can only be the results of the sensations which those objects excite. As to the idea of space being necessary, this, he says, only results from the circumstance that we never can perceive an object which does not bear a certain position to some other object. This forms an indissoluble asso- ciation between the idea of position and the idea of an object ; and as this association is constantly repeated before us, we at length find ourselves unable to conceive an object without position, or, in other words, without space. 11 As to space being infinite, this, he says, is a different theories of space, I may, moreover, refer to Bitter's Hist, of Ancient Philosophy, vol. i. pp. 451, 473, 477, vol. ii. p. 314, vol. iii. pp. 195-204 ; Cudworth's Intellectual System, vol. i. p. 191, vol. iii. pp. 230, 472 ; Kritik der reinen Vemunft, in Kant's Werke, vol. ii. pp. 23, 62, 81, 120, 139, 147, 256, 334, 347 ; Tennemann, Geschichte der Philosophic, vol. i. p. 109, vol. ii. p. 303, vol. iii. pp. 130-137, vol. iv. p. 284, vol. v. pp. 384-387, vol. vL p. 99, vol. viii. pp. 87, 88, 683, vol. ix. pp. 257, 355, 410, vol. x. p. 79, vol. xi. pp. 195, 385-389. 10 This is the title conferred by M. Cousin upon nearly all the greatest English metaphy- sicians, and upon Condillac and all his disciples in France, their system having ' le nom merite de sonsualisme.' Cousin, Histoire de la Philosophic, II. serie, vol. ii. p. 88. The same name is given to the same school, in Feuchters- YOL. I. leben's Medical Psychology, p. 52, and in RenouaroVs Histoire de la Medecine, vol. i. p. 346, vol. ii. p. 368. In Jobert's New System of Philosophy, vol. ii. p. 334, 8vo. 1849,itiscalled ' sensationalism,' ■which seems a preferable ex- pression. 11 This is very ably argued by Mr. James Mill in his Analysis of the Phenomena of the Human Mind, vol. ii. pp. 32, 93-95, and elsewhere. Compare Essay concerning Human Under- standing, in Locke's Works, vol. i. pp. 147, 148, 154, 157, and tbe ingenious distinction, p. 198, ' between the idea of the infinity of spaco, and the idoa of a space infinite.' At p. 208, Locke sar- castically says, ' But yet, after all this, there being men who !>ersuade themselves that they lave clear, positive, comprehen- sive ideas of infinity, it is fit they enjoy their privilege; and I should be very glad (with 162 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIAN'S. notion we get by conceiving a continual addition to lines, or to surfaces, or to bulk, which are the three modifica- tions of extension. 12 On innumerable other points we find the same discrepancy between the two schools. The idealist, 13 for example, asserts that our notions of cause, of time, of personal identity, and of substance, are uni- versal and necessary ; that they are simple ; and that not being susceptible of analysis, they must be referred to the original constitution of the mind. 14 On the other hand, the sensationalist, so far from recognizing the sim- plicity of these ideas, considers them to be extremely complex, and looks upon their universality and neces- sity as merely the result of a frequent and intimate association. 15 some others that I know, who acknowledge they have none such) to be better informed by their communication.' 12 Mill's Analysis of the Mind, vol. ii. pp. 96, 97. See also the Examination of Malebranche, in Locke's Works, vol. viii. pp. 248, 249 ; and Mailer's Elements of Physiology, vol. ii. p. 1081, which should be compared with Comte, Philosophic Positive, vol. i. p. 354. 13 I speak of idealists in oppo- sition to sensationalists ; though the word idealist is often used by metaphysicians in a very dif- ferent sense. On the different kinds of idealism, see Kritik der reinen Vemunft, and Prole- gomena zujeder kunftigen Meta- physik, in Kants Werke, vol. ii. pp. 223, 389, vol. iii. pp. 204, 210, 306, 307. According to him, the Cartesian idealism is empirical. 14 Thus, Dugald Stewart {Philo- sophical Essay -s,Edin. 1810, p.33) tells us of ' the simple idea of personal identity.' And Reid {Essays on the Powers of the Mind, vol. i. p. 354) says, ' I know of no ideas or notions that have a better claim to be ac- counted simple and original than those of space and time.' In the Sanscrit metaphysics, time is ' an independent cause.' See the Vishnu Parana, pp. 10, 216. Is ' As Space is a comprehen- sive word, including all positions, or the whole of synchronous order, so Time is a comprehen- sive word, including all succes- sions, or the whole of successive order.' Mill's Analysis of the Mind, vol. ii. p. 100 ; and on the relation of time to memory, vol. i. p. 252. In Joberts New System of Philosophy, vol. i. p. 33, it is said that 'time is nothing but the succession of events, and we know events by experience only.' See also p. 133, and compare respecting time Condillac, Traite des Sm- sations, pp. 104-114, 222, 223, 331-333. To the same effect is Essay concerning Human Under- standing, book ii. chap, xiv., in Locke's Works, vol. i. p. 163 ; METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 163 This is the first important difference which is inevit- ably consequent on the adoption of different methods. The idealist is compelled to assert, that necessary truths and contingent truths have a different origin. 16 The sen- sationalist is bound to affirm that they have the same origin. 17 The further these two great schools advance, the more marked does their divergence become. They are at open war in every department of morals, of philo- sophy, and of art. The idealists say that all men have essentially the same notion of the good, the true, and the beautiful. The sensationalists affirm that there is no such standard, because ideas depend upon sensations, and because the sensations of men depend upon the changes in their bodies, and upon the external events by which their bodies are affected. Such is a short specimen of the opposite conclusions to which the ablest metaphysicians have been driven, by the simple circumstance that they have pursued opposite methods of investigation. And this is the more important to observe, because, after these two methods have been employed, the resources of metaphysics and see his second reply to the non -contingent truths * hare Bishop of Worcester, in Works, their converse absolutely in- vol. iii. pp. 414-416 ; and as to cogitable.' But this learned the idea of substance, see vol. i. writer does not mention how wo pp. 285-290, 292, 308, vol. iii. are to know when anything is pp. 5, 10, 17. ' absolutely incogitable.' That 18 Keid (Essays on the Powers we cannot cogitate an idoa, is of the Mind, vol. i. p. 281) says, certainly no proof of its being that necessary truths ' cannot be incogitable ; for it may be cogi- the conclusions of the senses ; tated afr somo later period, when for our senses testify only what knowledge is more advanced, is, and not what must neces- " This is asserted by all the sarily be.' See also vol. ii. followers of Locke ; and one of pp. 53, 204, 239, 240, 281. The the latest productions of that same distinction is peremptorily school declares, that ' to say asserted in WhcwelFs Philosophy that necessary truths cannot bo of the Inductive Sciences, 8vo, acquired by experience, is to 1847, vol. i. pp. 60-73, 140 ; and dony the most clear evidence of see Dugald Stewarts Philo- our senses and reason.' Joberfs sophkal Essays, pp. 123, 124. New System of Philosophy, voL i. Sir W. Hamilton (Additions to p. 68. acid's Works, p. 754) says, that 164 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIAN'S. are evidently exhausted. 18 Both parties agree that mental laws can only be discovered by studying indi- vidual minds, and that there is nothing in the mind ■which is not the result either of reflection or of sensation. The only croic'e, therefore, they have to make, is between subordinating the results of sensation to the laws of reflection, or else subordi- nating the results of reflection to the laws of sensa- tion. Every system of metaphysics has been constructed according to one of these schemes ; and this must always continue to be the case, because, when the two schemes are added together, they include the totality of metaphysical phenomena. Each process is equally plausible ; l9 the supporters of each are equally confi- dent ; and, by the very nature of the dispute, it is impossible that any middle term should be found ; nor can there ever be an umpire, because no one can mediate between metaphysical controversies without being a metaphysician, and no one can be a meta- physician without being either a sensationalist or an 18 To avoid misapprehension, I may repeat, that, here and else- where, I mean by metaphysics, that vast body of literature which is constructed on the supposition that the laws of the human mind can be generalized solely from from the facts of individual con- sciousness. For this scheme, the word 'metaphysics' is rather in- convenient, but it will cause no confusion if this definition of it is kept in view by the reader. 19 What a celebrated historian of philosophy says of Platonism, is equally true of all the great metaphysical systems : ' Dass sie ein zusammcnhangendes harmo- nisches Ganzes ausmachen {i.e. the leading propositions of it) fallt in die Augen.' Tenncmann, GeschicMc der Philosophic, vol. ii. p. 527. And yet he confesses (vol. iii. p. 52) of it and the op- posite system: 'und wenn man auf die Beweise siehet, so ist der Empirismus des Aristoteles nicht besserbegriindetalsderEational- ismus des Plato.' Kant admits that there can be only one true system, but is confident that he has discovered what all his pre- decessors have missed. DieMeta- physik der Sitten, in Kant's WerTce, vol. v. p. 5, where he raises the question, 'ob es wohl mehr, als eine Philosophie geben konne.' In the Kritilc, and in the Pro- legomena zujeder Tcunftigen Meta- p'kt/siTc, he says that metaphysics have made no progress, and that the study can hardly be said to exist. WerTce, vol. ii. pp. 49, 50, vol. iii. pp. 166, 246. METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 165 idealist ; in other words, without belonging to one of those very parties whose claims he professes to judge. 20 On these grounds, we must, I think, arrive at the conclusion, that as metaphysicians are unavoidably, and by the very nature of their inquiry, broken up into two completely antagonistic schools, the relative truth of which there are no means of ascertaining ; as they, moreover, have but few resources, and as they use those resources according to a method by which no other science has ever been developed, — we, looking at these things, ought not to expect that they can supply us with sufficient data for solving those great problems which the history of the human mind presents to our view. And whoever will take the pains fairly to esti- mate the present condition of mental philosophy, must admit that, notwithstanding the influence it has always exercised over some of the most powerful minds, and through them over society at large, there is, neverthe- less, no other study which has been so zealously prose- cuted, so long continued, and yet remains so barren of M We find a curious instance thinker ; while he does not even of this, in the attempt made by state the arguments of Jame3 M. Cousin to found an eclectic Mill, who, as a metaphysician, is school ; for this very able and the greatest of our modern sen- learned man has been quite un- sationalists, and whose views, able to avoid the one-sided view whether right or wrong, certainly which is to every metaphysician deserve notice from an eclectic an essential preliminary ; and he historian of philosophy, adopts that fundamental dis- Another eclectic, Sir W.Hamil- tinction between necessary ideas ton, announces (Discussions on and contingent ideas, by which Philosophy, p. 697) ' an unde- the idealist is separated from veloped philosophy, which, I am the sensationalist : ' la grande confident, is founded upon truth, division des idees aujourd'hui To this confidence I havo come, etablie est la division des idees not merely through the convic- contingentes et des idees neces- tions of my own consciousness, saires. Cousin, Hist, de la Philo- but by finding in this system a sophie, II. eerie, vol. i. p. 82 : see centre and conciliation for the also vol. ii. p. 92, and the same most opposite of philosophical work, I. serie, vol. i. pp. 249, 267, opinions. But, at p. 589, he 268, 311, vol. iii. pp. 51-54. summarily disposes of one of M. Cousin constantly contradicts the most important of these Locke, and then says he has re- philosophical opinions as ' the fated that profound and vigorous superficial edifice of Locke.' 166 METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. results. In no other department has there been so much movement, and so little progress. Men of eminent abilities, and of the greatest integrity of pur- pose, have in every civilized country, for many cen- turies, been engaged in metaphysical inquiries ; and yet at the present moment their systems, so far from ap- proximating towards truth, are diverging from each other with a velocity which seems to be accelerated by the progress of knowledge. The incessant rivalry of the hostile schools, the violence with which they have been supported, and the exclusive and unphilosophic confidence with which each has advocated its own method, — all these things have thrown the study of the mind into a confusion only to be compared to that in which the study of religion has been thrown by the controversies of the theologians. 21 The consequence is, that if we except a very few of the laws of association, and perhaps I may add the modern theories of vision and of touch, 22 there is not to be found in the whole compass of metaphysics a single principle of import- ance, and at the same time of incontestable truth. Under these circumstances, it is impossible to avoid a 'Suspicion that there is some fundamental error in the manner in which these inquiries have been prosecuted. For my own part, I believe that, by mere observation of our own minds, and even by such rude experiments a Berkeley, in a moment of logian should get this sentence candour, inadvertently confesses by heart : ' That we have first ■what is very damaging to the re- raised a dust, and then complain putation of his own pursuits : we cannot see.' ' Upon the whole, I am inclined 2i Some of the laws of associ- to think that the far greater part, ation, as stated by Hume and if not all, of those difficulties Hartley, are capable of historical which have hitherto amused phi- verification, which would change losophers, and blocked up the the metaphysical hypothesis into way to knowledge, are entirely a scientific theory. Berkeley's owing to ourselves. That we theory of vision, and Brown's have first raised a dust, and then theory of touch, have, in the complain we cannot see.' Prin- same way, been verified physio- ciples of Human Knowledge, in logically ; so that we now know Berkderfs Works, vol. i. p. 74. what otherwise we could only Every metaphysician and theo- have suspected. METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS. 167 as we are able to make upon them, it will be impossible to raise psychology to a science ; and I entertain very little doubt that metaphysics can only be successfully studied by an investigation of history so comprehensive as to enable us to understand the conditions which govern the movements of the human race. 23 23 In regard to one of the diffi- culties stated in this chapter as impeding metaphysicians, it is only just to quote the remarks of Kant: 'Wie aberdas Ich, derich