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THE
BRITISH CAPTIVES
ABYSSINIA.
BY
CHARLES T. BEKE, Ph.D., F.S.A.
FELLOW AND MEDALLIST OF THE ROYAL GEOGKAPHICAL SOCIETY;
AUTHOR OF
' OEIGINES BIBLIC^,' ' THE SOURCES OF THE NILE,' ETC.
SECOND EDITION.
LONDON:
LONGMANS, GREEN, READER, AND DYER.
1867.
TAVUiIt ANK FUANCIS, I'RINTERS, RED /,ION COURT, FLEET .STREET.
PREFACE.
When I sat down to prepare for the press a second
edition of the pamphlet which I pnbhshed nearly two
years ago, I contemplated a tract of perliaps twice
or thrice the size of the former edition. As the work
grew under my hand, I soon perceived that it would
make a fair-sized volume : by and by I found that it
might be enough for two volumes.
Under this change of circumstances, it became
necessary to decide whether I should delay the pub-
lication of any portion of the work until I had com-
pleted the whole, or whether I ought not rather at
once to issue the first part of it, which is really an
enlargement of the former edition, and leave the
remainder, which relates more especially to myself
and the journey that my wife and I have just under-
taken, to form not merely a second volume but a
separate work.
Feeling that the pubHc must be far more inter-
ested in the fate of the hapless British Captives in
Abyssinia than in our personal adventures, I have
deemed the former course to be the preferable one.
A further inducement for bringing this portion of\ my
labours before the public without delay, is the con-
sideration that the subject of the captivity of our
countrymen, which has already attracted the atten-
a2
1217959
IV PREFACE.
tion of the Legislature diirmg the last three sessions
of Parliament, is sure to be again brought forward as
soon as Parliament assembles, when it will likewise
be necessary to discuss the Abyssinian Question with
reference to all the circumstances which have led to a
state of things so discreditable to the British name.
But, though coming to the conclusion that it was
better to defer my personal narrative for a separate
work, 1 have found it necessary, in order to render
the present volume complete in itself, to refer to
several matters connected with myself and my late
journey, which would have appeared more suitably
in connexion with that narrative, had it formed a
portion of the single work originally contemplated.
I had also prepared some remarks on another sub-
ject, which, being of a purely personal character, were
in like manner intended to accompany that personal
narrative ; but, for reasons which will be apparent, I
have decided on publishing them here.
My recent journey has in fact not merely been dis-
pleasing to friends connected with the late Adminis-
tration, but it has also given dissatisfaction to others
more closely associated with myself personally. I
am blamed for taking up a cause in which I am
alleged to have no concern, for acting as a political
partisan, and for being a dreamer, — and, what in a
worldly sense is worse than all, an unprofitable
dreamer. To the last of these charges alone do I
j)lead guilty. In anything connected with Abyssinia,
let it be wjiat it may, I cannot be said to have
no coiiccrii. further, that I have not been actuated
hy any party sjjii'it is I'stablished by the fact that
PKEFACK.
ever since I returned from Abyssinia in 1843 till the
publication of my pamphlet, ' The Prench and English
in the Red Sea/ in 1862 — during the far greater por-
tion of which long interval the party now in opposi-
tion Avas in power — I proffered advice and assistance
in the most friendly spirit, both to the Foreign Office
and to the Board of Trade, though (as I have regret-
ted to see) without any good effect. It was not till
matters had gone so far that I felt I ought no longer
to allow what I had said to remain hidden in the ar-
chives of public offices, that I published that pamphlet;
and even then what I made known was quite as much
for the information of Her Majesty's Government as
for that of the public. I may say the same as regards
the first edition of the present work.
As to my being a dreamer, whilst not denying the
charge, I must say in extenuation that I have like-
wise been a worker, and a hard worker ; and I ques-
tion whether it has fallen to the lot of many persons
who have dreamed so widely and apparently so wildly,
to have seen, to such an extent as I have, their
dreams " come true."
Having said thus much, I am bound to say more,
and I trust I shall be excused for availing myself of
this opportunity to show the truth of what I have
just asserted.
My first dream, then, was one of my childhood.
It was that I should some day live at the place to
which my forefathers gave their name seven centuries
ago. Three-and-thirty years have elapsed (a whole
generation of man) since the time when, in anticipa-
tion of my coming to live at Bekesbourne, I changed
VI PREFACE.
the spelling of my family name from Beek to Beke*.
But before this my early dream was realized, I had
* The name is Flemish — Van dcr Beke ; and its original form,
or rather forms in England were De Bcke, Del Beke, and Do la
Beke, or, vrrittcn as pronounced in Latin, De Beche, Del Beche,
and De la Beche. In the course of time it came to be spelled
Beake and Beak in East Kent, and Beeke and Beek in "West
Kent.
The llev. Christopher Beeke, father of Dr. Henry Beeke, Dean
of Bristol, and my grandfather Charles Beek, were distant cousins,
and both left the county, the former in 1736 for Devonshire,
the latter in 1760 for London. They are thus mentioned for the
pui-pose of placing on record two parallel anecdotes respecting
my graiidfather and Dean Beeke, which arc too good to be lost.
Charles Beek lived in Mile-end Kew-town, Stepney, and was
a Jxistice of the Peace, a colleague and neighbour of his being
Justice Wilmot of Bethnal Green. At that time, as there were
no sti]>cndiary Magistrates, the resident Justices of the Peace in
and about London acted as those in the country do now ; and my
grandfather being an active and leading person within the Tower
Hamlets, obtained in consequence the name of " King Beek."
In the Gordon riots of 1780, when, as is known, the mob de-
stroyed the houses of many of the nobility, magistrates, and
other notables, a section of the rioters at the east end of the town
were on their way to my grandfather's house, when a tenant of
his, who had mixed in the crowd as a looker-on rather than as
an actor, called out — " Don't let's go to King Beek's. He's a
jolly good fellow. Let's go to Justice Wilmot's " — joining to his
name a few choice but not very complimentarj- epithets. As in the
case of another section of the same rioters at the Inner Temple
gate, a chance word sufficed to turn the mob. To Justice Wil-
mot's they went, sure enough, and burned his house down!
Before they had time to think again of my grandfather, a party
of liorsf'guards arrived to protect him.
The other anecdote respecting Dean Beeke is almost identical.
In the Bristol riots of 1831, the mob were about to destroy the
Deanery, when some one suggested that they should not injure
or molest the good old Dean, on which they went and destroyed
the Bishop's i)alace instead I
PREFACE. Vll
to wait seven-and-twenty years longer; for it was
only in 1860 that I succeeded in coming to reside in
the home of my ancestors. Whether I shall lay my
bones where theirs were laid, is in the hands of the
Disposer of all events, who has so graciously per-
mitted me to worship Him where once they wor-
shiped.
That I should have changed the spelling of my
name so long ago as 1833, was because I was at
that time engaged in preparing for the press my work
' Origines Biblicse ; or Researches in Primeval His-
tory ' (a Book of Dreams — or " crotchets," as they
have been styled by a high authority, who in so
doing forgot himself) ; and I felt that when 1 came
to occupy a niche in the Temple of Fame, as I
" dreamed " I should, I must not do so under an
alias.
Without desiring to enter upon any general consi-
deration of that work, its scope, or its contents, I
must still be permitted to allude to a few of the
" dreams" contained in it.
The first was that the land at the head of the
Persian Gulf has advanced at so rapid a rate, as ma-
terially to aflPect the comparative geography of Baby-
lonia and the neighbouring regions. Of course
this was pooh-poohed at the time : for had not
scholars written erudite volumes on the assumption
of there having been no change? and had not the
learned Heeren even expressed the opinion that in the
time of Nearchus the northern coast of the gulf ex-
tended further south than it does at the present day ?
Nevertheless, seventeen years afterwards, the Presi-
VIU PREFACE.
dent of the Royal Geographical Society, (the late
Admiral Smyth,) when adverting in his anniversary
address to a dissertation of Sir Henry Rawlinson on
the Biblical Cities of Assyria and on the geography
of the Lower Tigris, in which it is stated that the
Delta of the Tigris and the Euphrates " is found
to have advanced since the commencement of the
Christian era, at the extraordinary degree of a
mile in thirty years — a rate of increase probably
about twice that of the growth of the Sunderbunds
or any other known delta" — added " This agrees, in
fact, with the statements which Dr. Beke, one of your
Fellows, j)ublished in the ' Philosophical Magazine '
as far back as February 1834; and in his ' Origines
Bibhcae' in the same year"*.
The next dream of * Origines Biblicaj ' w^hich has
been realized is as to the site of the patriarchal
Harran. This town is described in the Scriptures as
being situate in Aram Kaharahu — " Syria of the Two
Rivers;" which country has been placed by commen-
tators between Euphrates and Tigris, the two rivers
of Asshur or Assyria ; whereas it appeared to me to
be between the two rivers of Aram or Syria, Abana
and Pharpar. As there were no signs of a place with
such a name in the locality indicated, my dream or
" crotchet " was ridiculed or passed over without no-
tice. Wwi, after many years, a place of the name was
found to exist precisely where in 1834 I said it must
♦ * Joum. Roy. Gcogr. Soc' vol, xxi. p. Ixxx. I should ex-
plain that the article in the 'Philosophical Magazine' was the
hccond chapter of ' Origines Biblicic,' puljlished in advance, as
uas kno\s'n at the time to Sir Charles Lyell.
PREFACE. IX
exist; and towards the end of 1861, more than
twenty-seven years afterwards, I performed a pilgrim-
age to Harran, accompanied by my wife, who has
written an account of our journey.
Next is the position of Mount Sinai, my dream
with respect to which is not yet reahzed, and hardly
will be by myself, though the traditional mountain is
already rent and shaken to its base, and cannot stand
much longer. The true Mountain of the Law has to
be sought for in the Desert of Arabia, east of the Ghor
or Valley of the Jordan ; and the indications in Scrip-
ture of its general locality are definite and absolute.
In that desert " Moses kept the flock of Jethro, his
father-in-law, the priest of Midian ; " and when " he
led the flock to the west side of the desert," he " came
to the Mountain of God, to Horeb"*. And at a
later period of the Scripture History, the prophet
Elijah, after eating and drinking in the desert of
Beersheba, " went in the strength of that meat forty
days and forty nights unto Horeb, the Mount of
God," and thence, at the command of the still small
voice, he "returned on his way to the desert of
Damascus "f. Some traveller, younger, richer, more
enterprising, and more favoured than myself, will, I
feel persuaded, come forward ere long to search for this
sacred spot, in the region thus indicated, taking, as I
have done, the Bible as his sole guide, and carefully
eschewing all traditional and (so called) authoritative
identifications.
The non-identity of Egypt with the Mitzraim of
* Exod. iii. 1. The Authorized Version has " the back side of
the desert." t 1 Kings, xix. 8, 15.
PREFACE.
the Exodus — another of my dreams — is the most
paradoxical of all my " crotchets." But the results
of modern discoveries and investigations are all tend-
ing in that direction. And when we see such
changes as in this present year, 1866, when Prussia
and Italy are anything but the same countries they
were only a few years back, it will no longer be
astonishing that ]\lisr, under the rule of the Turkish
Viceroys of Egypt, should not correspond with the
Land of ]\Iitzraim, of which the Hebrew Joseph was
made governor by Pharaoh.
Another of my dreams is faintly indicated in
' Origiues Biblicse.' Not very long ago, when I
heard as it were the voice of a trumpet talking with
me, I tried to rouse myself to work it out ; but I am
not at present fit for the task, and it must still re-
main as a vision of the night.
The " dream " which has had the greatest influence
on my actions — it having led to my travels in Abys-
sinia, with all their results direct and collateral, and
in the end to the production of the present volume —
is that contained in pages 158 and 159 of ' Origincs
Biblica3,' where, when exi)lainhig the Dispersion of
Mankind in accordance with the principles enunci-
ated in that work, and s})eaking in })articular of the
descendants of Hani, I say : — " The other sons of
Cush, in their progress southward, appropriated to
themselves the eastern side, and in the course
of time the whole, of the southern part of the
peninsula of Araljia. Prom hence, as population
increased, colonies of those Cushites, whose settle-
ments lay towards the western side of tlu; [)cninsiila,
PKEFACE. XI
crossed over into Ethio})ia, and settled there, be-
coming the aboriginal inhabitants of that country,
and being in fact the stock from which, in the
progress of time, has sprung the greater portion of
the negro nations by whom the vast continent of
Africa is peopled."
Abyssinia being thus indicated as the natural road
of the human race into the interior of Africa, it
naturally followed, as indeed history teaches, that
this road should be that by which were introduced
into that continent its three predominant religions,
the Mosaic, the Christian, and the Mohammedan ;
and hence I was led to the inference — it is, I trust,
something more than a dream — that by the same
road Africa will be regenerated by means of Eu-
ropean commerce as the precursor of Christian civi-
lization.
It further became manifest to me why during so
many ages the vast continent of Africa has remained
as it were a sealed book, and why the efforts of civi-
lized nations to establish relations with the interior of
that continent have had so little success.
The arid and inhospitable character of the conti-
nent of Africa, its want of navigable rivers, and the
barbarism of its inhabitants have been alleged as
causes for this strange anomaly. But, active as all
those causes may have been and still continue to be,
recent discoveries have shown that they are far from
being true to the extent generally attributed to them;
for it is now demonstrated that Africa possesses fer-
tile and genial regions, large rivers and lakes, and an
immense population, which, if not civilized, is yet to a
XU I'llElACE.
considerable extent endowed with kindly manners,
lumianc dispositions, and industrious habits.
The fundamental cause of the erroneous notions pre-
valent respecting Africa is, that Europeans have always
approached that continent in a wrong direction. To-
wards the north, the districts skirting the Mediter-
ranean Sea are cut off from the other portions of the
continent by the rainless sands of the great Desert ;
to\vards the west, the climate truly exercises those
baneful influences on European constitutions which
have stamped their mark on the rest of the continent;
towards the south, the form of the peninsula, which
there runs almost to a point, prevents ready access to
the vast internal regions further to the north. On all
these sides, however, have we during centuries per-
sisted in our endeavours to penetrate inwards, while
the east coast has been unattempted and remained al-
most totally unknown. And yet it is in this direction
that the interior of intertropical Africa is approachable
with the greatest facihty.
It w^as under the influence of the opinions thus ex-
pressed, and with a view to their realization, in part
at least, through my own exertions, that I undertook,
in the year 1840, a journey to the kingdom of Shoa;
whence, in the following year, I proceeded across the
river Abai into Godjam, Damot, and Agaumider, pe-
netrating westward over seven degrees of longitude
and one-fifth of the way across the continent of Africa
in the direction of the Gulf of Benin — an achievement
wiiicli might iiavc been thought more of, had it been
performed at tin; j)resent day instead of a quarter of a
century ago ; and 1 returned home by a new road di-
PREFACE. Xni
rectly across Abyssinia, from the extreme south-west
to its furthest limit in the north-east.
" Nor could his eye not ken
The empire of Negus to his utmost port,
Ercoco"*.
But the exploration and mapping of countries for
the use of subsequent travellers formed the least im-
portant result of my geographical labours in Abys-
sinia. My observations enabled me to form a theory
of the true physical structure of that country, and of
Eastern Africa generally, which is becoming accepted
as the true theory. It is, that the principal mountain-
system of Africa extends from north to south, along
the eastern side of the continent, adjacent to the Red
Sea and the Indian Ocean, resembling, in its direc-
tion and rough parallelism to the coast, the Andes of
South America and the Western Ghauts of India.
A corollary from this theory was the determination
of the position and direction of the snowy "Mountains
of the Moon," in which the geographer Claudius
Ptolemy placed the sources of the Nile. These moun-
tains were universally supposed to traverse Africa pa-
rallel to the equator, being so represented in all the
maps ; whereas they are in reality merely a portion of
the meridional range, of which the Abyssinian table-
land forms the northern extremity.
As regards the much-vexed subject of the Discovery
of the Sources of the Nile, I have the satisfaction of
knowing that whatever credit is due to me in this re-
spect is now freely accorded to me by all whose
* Arkiko, opposite Massowah.
PREFACE.
o})inions arc deserving of consideration as competent
and impartial judges.
I might allude to many other results of my jour-
ney to Abyssinia, but will confine myself to pla-
cing here on record the following remarks, extracted
from a paper on " The Nile and its Tributaries,"
which was communicated by me to the Royal Geo-
graphical Society in 1846, and published in the seven-
teenth volume of the Society's 'Journal' (pp. 82, 83) : —
" This survey of the physical character of the pla-
teau of Eastern Africa cannot be concluded with-
out special attention being directed to a most im-
portant practical result which it affords. It is, that
the eastern coast of that continent presents facilities
for the exploration of the interior very superior to
those possessed by the western coast. For, when the
narrow belt of low land along the shores of the Indian
Ocean — which, from its general dryness, arising from
the absence of large rivers, is far from unhealthy at
most seasons of the year — is once passed, and the
eastern edge of the elevated tableland is attained, a cli-
mate is met with, which is not merely congenial to Eu-
ropean constitutions, hut is absolutely more healthy than
that of most countries. I speak from the experience of
iqmards of tioo years passed on the high land under cir-
cumstances anything hut favourable. Here — that is
to say, on the edge of the elevated plateau, and not in
the low desert country along the sea-coast — settlers
might take up their permanent residence, without
apprehensions as to the effects of the climate at any
period of the year ; while travellers might wait in
safety, and even A\itli advantage to their health, till
PREFACE. XV
suitable opportunities should present themselves for
penetrating westwards into the interior ; and, in the
event of their having to retrace their steps, they would
only return upon a healthy and delightful country,
where they might remain till the proper season should
arrive for their journey down to the coast. On the
other hand, the climate of the western coast, even far
inland, is notoriously such, that few can long with-
stand its baneful influences ; while a traveller is ne-
cessitated to press forwards, whatever may be the
time of the year, whatever the condition of the coun-
try, whatever even his state of health. And should
he, from sickness or any other unforeseen circum-
stance, be compelled to abandon his journey, he must
do so with the painful knowledge that the further he
retrogrades the more unhealthy are the districts which
he has to traverse, and the less likelihood there is of
his ever reaching the coast, more fatal than all the
rest."
It will be observed that my assertion that the
climate of Abyssinia is absolutely more healthy than
that of most countries, was based on my own expe-
rience of upwards of two years passed there under cir-
cumstances anything but favourable. But what are
these circumstances compared with those under which
the Captives have passed three miserable years of their
lives, and yet apparently with so little injury to their
bodily health ? In any other country in the world,
not blessed with such a climate, they must long ago
have succumbed to the privations and hardships to
which they have been subjected.
It is requisite that I should dwell upon this point,
XVI PREFACE.
because of the mistaken notions entertained by the
British Government, not less than by the pubhc, re-
specting the climate and physical character of Abys-
sinia, whicli is in fact a temperate, well-watered, and
most fertile country, inhabited by an agricultural and
at the same time warlike people, and possessing capa-
bilities not surpassed by those of any region on the
face of the earth.
The notions entertained . by our Government re-
specting the approaches to Abyssinia in the event of
a war arc, if possible, even more erroneous than those
concerning the climate and physical character of that
country.
In ])age 206 of the present Work I have quoted
the assertion of the late Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, deliberately made in the House of Lords less
than a twelvemonth ago, that "to attempt to send an
army across that deadly plain which separates Abys-
sinia from the sea, and to penetrate into the interior
of the country through mountain-passes and diffi-
culties unknown, without any basis of operations or
means of obtaining supplies, would have been a vain
and idle endeavour." In page 178 I have shown
what that " deadly plain " is " which separates Abys-
sinia from the sea;" and I will now add that, when
on the 29th of last April my wife and I stood
oil the brink of the valley of the Iladas, within a
mile of llalai, at an elevation of 8500 feet above
the ocean — the tableland of Abyssinia there begin-
ning and extending for hundreds of miles to the
soutli and sontli-wcst — we could perceive the sea at
Arkiko, op[)Osite to Massowali, and that island itself
PREFACE. XVll
beyond, and we heard the report, of the guns of the
Egyptian frigate ' Ismailiah,' sounding (it is to be
feared) the death-knell of Christian Abyssinia*; whilst
as regards a basis of operations, it exists in the sea
off Adulis, whence the Sovereign of Ethiopia, the ally
of the Emperor Justinian, transported 70,000 men
into Arabia for the conquest of Yemen f; whither
Captain Robert A. Parr, of H.M.S. ' Lyra,' was so
good as to convey my wife and myself; and where, as
that efficient officer would be able to report, a fleet of
line-of-battle ships might lie in safety, at more than
half the distance nearer to Halai than Arkiko.
As to the alleged " mountain-passes and difficulties
unknown," it might really be imagined that no Euro-
peans had been in Abyssinia since the time of Bruce
and Salt. And yet, within the last quarter of a cen-
tury, there are few " unknown " countries that have
been visited and traversed in all directions by so
large a number of educated Europeans, many of
whom have published their journals or digested
narratives of their travels.
That an army would be " without any means of
obtaining supplies " in Abyssinia comes strangely
from the Foreign Secretary, seeing that on March
28th, 1848, I addressed to his Lordship's predeces-
sor in office. Viscount Palmerston, a letter, in which
I suggested the practicability of victualling a British
army in the Red Sea by means of supplies drawn
from Abyssinia. It has been said that the best way
to publish a matter and yet keep it secret, is to get
it printed in a Blue-Book. It would really seem that
* Sec page 241 . t See page 1 77.
b
-Will PREFACE.
the way to keep information from the knowledge
of the Head of a Government Department is to com-
municate it to himself officially.
Yet, after all, our Government and our Government
Offices are not entirely to blame. It is the British
public, who, not imderstanding the subject and being
too much occupied with matters nearer home to study
it, do not interest themselves in it as they ought ;
and our officials, perceiving that the public are not
alive to the importance of the subject, are not sorry
for any excuse for not troubling themselves with what
does not concern those in whose service they are.
Still this is no justification for the conduct of
the Foreign Office and the India Office (for this
latter Department likewise must come in for its share
of blame) as regards the way in which this unhappy
Abyssinian Question appears to have been dealt with
from beginning to end.
My duty however is, not to blame, but to enhghten
the British nation on this dark and difficult subject.
AVhen once the public, and especially the public
press, is brought to understand it as it is requisite it
should be understood, there can be no fear of its
not being sifted to the bottom, and of justice being
meted out to all with an equal and at the same
time an unflinching hand.
Bckesboume,
December 4th, 1866.
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Bntish Captives — Facts misrepresented and concealed — Aljys-
sinia — its Sovereigns — Geographical and Political Divisions —
Turkish Possessions — IVIr. Salt's Mission — Sahagadis — Ubye —
Protestant Missionaries in TigTe — their Expulsion — Ptonian Ca-
tholic Mission — English Eeligious and Political Missions to Shoa
— their Failure 1
CHAPTER II.
Coptic Abuna — Protestant and Roman Catholic Rivalry —
French and English in the Red Sea — Fate of Lord Palmerston's
Letter — Mr. Coffin's Mission — British Consulate — Mr. Bell and
Consul Plowden — Treaty between England and Abyssinia — its
Impolicy — Consul Plowden's Report — Frontier Tribes — Raids of
Turco-Egyptians into Bogos — Consul Plowden's Interference —
Approval of British Government — Continued Aggressions of
Egypt— Slave Trade 15
CHAPTER III.
Kassai of Kwara — his Rise to Power — Conquest of Amliara,
Godjam, and Tigi-e — Crowned as Theodore, Emperor of Ethiopia
— His Character — Great Reforms — Ambitious Projects — Reli-
gious Intrigues — Banishment of Roman Catholics — The Theodore
of Prophecy — Roman Catholic Pretender at Rome— Theodore set
up by the Coptic Abuna — his Belief in his Divine Mission — Sub-
sequent Change of Character and Conduct 30
C
XX CONTENTS.
CnAPTER IV.
Page
Theodore's Reception of Consul Plowden — He objects to a
Consulate — Consul Plowden's Report — Lord Clarendon's Ap-
proval of Proceedings — Proposed Embassy — Subsequent Nego-
tiations — Consul Plowden's Conduct condemned and vindicated
— Agau Negusye's Rebellion in Tigre — His Recognition by
France — Cession to France of Adulis and Dissee — Captain de
Russel's Mission — Consul Plowden and Mr. Bell killed — Theo-
dore's "N'engeance — Defeat and Execution of Negusye — French
Attempts on the Coast of Abyssinia — Zeila — Obokh 47
CHAPTER V.
Consul Cameron — ^His Reception by Theodore — Earl Russell's
Letter — Negotiations for an Embassy aiid Treaty — Abyssinian
Convent and ("hurcli at Jerusalem — Theodore's Letter to the
Queen of England — Samuel, the Emperor's Steward — Proposal
for a Mission from India 05
CHAPTER VI.
Consul Cameron's Journey to Bogos — Blamed by Earl Russell
— Correspondence with the Board of Trade respecting the Com-
merce of Abyssinia — Consul Cameron ordered to report thereon
— His Journey to Matamma — M. Lejean's Arrival in Abyssinia —
His Imprisonment and Release — Consul Cameron's Return — In-
ter\-iew with the Emperor — His Disgrace and Detention — Causes
of the Emperor's Displeasure — M. Bardel's Return fi-om France —
Emperor Napoleon's Letter — its Treatment — Consid Lejean ex-
pelled — Consul Cameron's Despatches stopped — His Messenger
l)eaten— Earl Russell's Despatch of April 22nd, 1863 — Theodore's >
Letter to the Que^n ignored Sti
CHAPTER Yll.
Protestant Missionaries— not implicated in Disputes between
Emperor and Consul — Imputations against tlicni unfounded —
CONTENTS. XXI
Commeucement of their Misfortunes — Letters from Mr. Sterii
and Mr. Rosenthal — Bishop Gobat's Lay Missionaries — London
Society's Mission — Scottish Mission — Differences among Mis-
sionaries — Mr. Layard on Missions — Mr. Stern's Meeting witli
the Emperor — Ilis Servant beaten to Death — Himself likewise
beaten — Consul's Intercession rejected — Mr. Stern's Private
Papers — Denoimced by M. Bardel — His Character — All Euro-
peans imprisoned — Trial of Stem and Rosenthal — " The Kosso-
seller's Son" — Their Condemnation — .Arrival of Mr. Kerans — Con-
sul again ordered to Massowah — No Answer from the Queen —
Consul Imprisoned — Theodore's singular Proclamation 10(5
CHAPTER VIII.
Continued Ill-treatment of Missionaries — Mr. Flad's proposed
Jom'ney to England — Consid's Request to leave — Imprisonment of
all Europeans — Abyssinians deprived of Convent at Jerusalem —
Consid Finn removed — Consul Moore appointed — His Refusal
of Protection — Earl Russell's Instructions — Memorial to the An-
glican Chm-ch — Abyssinia claimed by Turkey — Transferred to
Egypt — Egyptian Occupation — " The Abyssinian Question " — M.
Bardel's Return and Imprisonment — Consul Cameron's Letter
Home — Captives Tortured — The Convert Makerer — Repeated
Torture of Captives — theii" Removal to Amba Magdala — De-
scription of Fortress Prison — Captives double-ii-oned — theii- Re-
lease — Consul Cameron's Letter to the Author — Aii-ival of News
in England 128
CHAPTER IX.
First News of Consul's Detention — not believed — Imprisonment
of Missionaries — IShs. Stern's Petition — The Queen advised not
to write to Theodore — London Society for Promoting Chris-
tianity among the Jews — their Inaction — Reasons for it — Great
Mistake — Missionaries might have been fi-eed — Anniversary
Meeting — Silence recommended — Mr. Layard's Reasons for nut
XXll CONTENTS.
Page
auswering Theodore's Letter — Consul Cameron's Note — Queen's
Letter to Theodore — Entrusted to Mr. Kassam — Objections to
him — Testimonials of Mr. Layard and Sir William Coghlan —
Instructions to demand Consul's Release only-^Injustice to Mis-
sionai-ies — Private Charge to exonerate Government — Mr. Ras-
sam arrives at Massowah — annoimces Queen's Letter and asks
for Escort— The Emperor's Anger — Refuses to notice him — Spies
sent — Queen's Letter changed — Mission enlarged — Present of
Firearms — Mr. Rassam remains unnoticed 147
CHAPTER X.
Discussions in Parliament — Lord Chelmsford's Motion for an
Address — Sir Hugh Cairns's Inquuies — Further Papers produced
— Inquiry deprecated hy Government — Alleged Fear of offending
Theodore — Real Fear of merited Censure — Offensive Language of
Earl Russell and Mr. Layard — Commented on in Newspapers —
Earl Russell decides on replacing Mr. Rassam — The Author's
Offer of Services — Mr. Palgrave preferred — Author's Letters to
Earl RusseU — Mr. Palgrave's Mission — On the point of leaving
Egypt — Mr. Rassam arrives there — Mr. Palgrave stopped — Re-
port of Consul Cameron's Release — its Falsehood — Mr. Rassam 's
Letter to Earl Russell — Emperor's Letter — Difference between
Mr. Rassam and Mr. Palgrave — The former prevails — retui'us to
Aden — Mr. Palgi-ave remains in Egypt — For what Purpose ? . . . . 1G2
CHAPTER XL
No News at Aden of the 'Victoria' — The 'Surcouf sent to
Massowah to inquire — Letters from the Captives — Messenger
refuses to give them up— The ' Sm-couf ' comes back for them —
The Captives double-ironed — Mr. Rassam's Return from Suez —
goes again to Massowah— Departure for the Interior— M. Mun-
ziuger — Adulis a Key to Abyssinia — kno^ATi to Greeks — and to
French— Ignorance of English— Road by the Iladtis— Mr. Ras-
tam's Journey by Bogos — Arrival at Matamma — Arrival of Es-
CONTENTS. XXlll
Pagu
cort — Departure for Debra Tabor — Gaftat — Stopped by Rebels —
Route changed — Arrival at Emperor's Camp — Report of Pro-
ceedings — Interview with Emperor — The Queen's Letter pre-
sented — Theodore's Grievances— Consul and Missionaries blamed
— Captives ordered to be liberated — The Emperor's Army — its
March — Friendly Behaviour towards Mr. Rassam — All Eiu'o-
peans accused — Mr. Rassam complimented — Charges untrue and
absurd — Mr. Kerans — imprisoned without cause — Letter to his
Parents — Hand- and foot-chains — Illustrations — Madness of Cap-
tives — Sufferings worse than on " the Middle Passage " — Parlia-
mentary Inquiry called for 172
CHAPTER XH.
Mr. Rassam's Report continued — Present of 15,000 Dollars —
Captives ordered to be released — Journey from Magdala — Ar-
rival at Korata — List of Prisoners released — Mr. Rassam ho-
nored — deceived — His mistaken Estimate of Abyssinians —
Trial of Captives — their alleged Confession — Mr. Waldmeier's
Statement — Mr. Purday's Reply — Reasons for Mr. Rassam's Re-
port — Expected Success — Desire to screen himself and the Go-
vei-nment — Missionaries without Defence — Consul to be blamed
and employed elsewhere — Failure of Plan — Real Truth — The
Captives are State Prisoners 199
CHAPTER Xm.
Theodore's Answer to the Queen — a Mockery — written for
him — His Letters to the Author — Captives start from Korata —
stopped — Mr. Rassam and aU chained — Mr. Flad sent to Eng-
land — Bad News concealed — Cause of Detention — Departure
without leave — Mr. Rassam objects to remain alone — Dr. Blanc
offers to stay with him — Mr. Rassam's Detention predicted by
the Author — Danger of Detention 217
XXIV CONTEXTS.
CIIAPTEK XIV.
Page
Change of Ministrj- — Lord Stanley's Alternative — Peace or
War — Former decided on — Object of Mr. Flad's Mission —
'' Machines and Gunpowder-makers " — Government Assistance —
Macliinery ordered — Mr. Talbot and six Workmen engaged — ]\Ir.
Flad sees the Queen — Her Majesty wi-ites again to Theodore —
insists on Liberation of the Captives — Later Intelligence — All
sent Prisoners to Magdala — Cause — Evil Reports — Railroad from
Suwakiu to Kassala — Articles in Newspapers — Egyptians at Mas-
sowah and on the Frontiers — Departure of Mr. Flad — of Mr.
Talbot and Workmen — of Colonel Merewether — to await Arrival
of Mr. Flad and Captives before going on — The Author's Pre-
sents given over — Abyssinian Captives Liberation Fund — Elec-
tric Telegraph — Regeneration of Abyssinia 229
CHAPTER XV.
Relations of England to Abyssinia — Professed Policy to pro-
mote Trade — not acted on — Real I'olicy — Covert War with
France — The French and English in the Red Sea — M. JMunzin-
ger's Charge against Consul Plowden — He caused Roman Catholics
to be banished — established a Protestant Mission — Charge dis-
proved — Bishop Gobat's Missionaries — to work at then- Trades
— to say Nothing about Religion — Mr. Waldmeier's Missionary
Labom-s — " The Book of Quinte Essence " — " Mm-der " of Consul
Plowden — France, Roman Catholics, and the Sea-coast — Eng-
land, Protestants, and the Interior — Author's Interview with
Earl Russell — with Lord Palmerston — Consul Cameron's In-
structions — History repeats itself — Venetians aided Turks against
I'ortuguese — English League with Turks against French — Aban-
donment of Chi-istian Abyssinia to Mohammedans — Earl Russell's
Justification — Right of Turkey disputed — French Pretensions
continued — Roman Catholic Missions prosper — Protestant Mis-
sions withdrawn — No Hope of Christianity in Abyssinia, but in
Rome and France 2ol
CONTENT?, XXV
CHAPTER XVI.
Pngc
Policy of England — its Eifects on Abyssinia — Massowah and
Sea-coast offered to Theodore — Lord Clarendon's Consent —
Consul Plowden's Death- — Captain Cameron's Appointment —
Change of Policy — Abyssinia abandoned to Turkey — Consul's
Acts repudiated — Sir William Coghlan's Evidence as to altered
Policy — Theodore retaliates — makes War after his Fashion —
England defeated and sues for Peace — Theodore's Conduct con-
doned — Treaty with Mr. Rassam — to be confirmed by Colonel
Merewether — Mr. Rassam and Captives imprisoned — Vacillating
Policy of England — State of Parties in Abyssinia — Tadelu
Gwalu in Godjam — Cause of Theodore's Downfall — Prestige
gone — French in Shoa and Tigre — King Menilek of Shoa —
Oizoro Warkyet at the head of WoUo Gallas — Tessu Gobazye
in North-west Provinces — Waagshum Gobazye — King Hezekiah
— Future Emperor — State of Parties in Tigre — Warfare — The
" Battle of Axum " — Compte Bisson's Report — Englishmen said
to be present — Report a Fabrication — Doubts as to Battle — Its
ProbabUitj- — Possibility of Theodore's Presence — False Report of
Execution of Captives — Futm'e Policy of England — Treaty
with Theodore too late — Machines and Gimpowder-makers use-
less without fm-ther Help — Author's Suggestions — England
worse off than in 1847 — Enlightened Policy of France — Eng-
land drifting with the Stream — Sooner or later War 275
APPENDIX.
I. Letter from Dr. Beke to Viscomit Palmerston, G.C.B., Se-
cretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated April 4th, 1848 295
II. Proposal for a Tram-road between the Cotton-fields of
Ethiopia and the Coast of the Red Sea 301
III. Letter from Consul Cameron to the Emperor of Abys-
svnia 312
XXVI coxtj:nts.
IV. Four Letters from Dr. lieke to Earl Russell, K.G., Secre-
tary of State for ForeigTi Affairs, dated respectively May 19th,
aud .July 7th, 21st, and 22nd, 1865 310
V. Extracts from Letters from the Rev. H. A. Stern and Mr,
Rosenthal, -v^Titten during their imprisonment at Amba Mag-
dala 333
VI. Petition to the Emperor Theodore from the Relatives of
the Captives, and Correspondence between His Majesty and Dr.
Beke 390
ILLUSTRATIONS.
A British Captive at Magbala Frontispiece
Mav of Abyssenlv to face page 1
ABYS.SIXIAN Slave-shackles 195
Seal op " The ICxng of Kings, Theodore of Ethiopia". . . . >S0
THE
BRITISH CAPTIVES
IN
ABYSSINIA.
CHAPTER I.
BRITISH CAPTIVES — FACTS MISREPRESENTED AND CONCEALED —
ABYSSINIA — ITS SOVEREIGNS — GEOGRAPHICAL AND POLITICAL
DIVISIONS — TURKISH POSSESSIONS — MR. SALT'S MISSION —
SABAGADIS — LTBYE — PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES EST TIGRE —
THEIR EXPULSION— ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSION — ENGLISH RE-
LIGIOUS AND POLITICAL MISSIONS TO SHOA — THEIR FAILURE.
Nearly three years have elapsed since the sad and truly
astonishing intelligence was received, that the Christian
Sovereign of a Christian African people, who, though re-
mote from the civilized world, have during centuries pos-
sessed the sympathies of their co-religionists in Europe,
had perpetrated acts of the grossest cruelty towards several
Europeans resident within his dominions, who had long en-
joyed his favour and protection : acts more in accordance
with the customs of the brutish pagan nations of Western
and Central Africa, than suited to a people on whom the
light of the Gospel shone in an age when the greater
JJ THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
portion of tlic now civilized nations of Europe were still
in utter darkness.
Captain Cameron, Her Britannic Majesty^s Consul in
Abyssinia, two missionaries of the London Society for
promoting Christianity amongst the Jews, and several other
British su])jccts and persons connected with British mis-
sionary societies, — men, women, and children, — have been
for three years the captives of Theodore, Emperor of Abys-
sinia, an Afi'ican potentate, whose name was previously
unknown to a large majority of the British nation. Her
Majesty^s Representative and several of these captives
have further been subjected to the greatest indignities
and even to cruel torture, and they have long remained
in prison, chained hand and foot, herded together with
the lowest criminals; whilst to add to the difficulties
and disgrace of all parties concerned, Mr. Rassam, the
Envoy sent by the Government of this country with a
letter signed by Her Majesty's own hand, with a view to
effect the liberation of the unfortunate persons who have
so long lingered in captivity, has himself been thrown into
prison, together with the members of his suite.
What the cause is of all this ill-usage of Her Ma-
jesty's subjects and others and of this great indignity to
the British nation, remains stdl almost as little truly
known to the public, as it was on the day (March 12th,
1864) when the news first arrived in England of the
imprisonment and illtrcatmcnt of these unfortunate Eu-
ropeans'^.
The subject has been mooted during the last three
* Tlie previous detention of Consul Cameron was knovni in Europe
as early as December 10th, 18G3, but was heeded by no one.
THE FACTS MISREPRESENTED AND CONCEALED. 3
sessions of Parliament; and, thougli at first treated as
insignificant, it has day by day gone on increasing in im-
portance, till at length it has come to be regarded as a
national question of the greatest magnitude, involving
not only the character of the late Administration, but that
also of the British nation. It is fervently hoped — though
almost against hope — that nothing will intervene to pre-
vent the eventual liberation of the unfortunate captives.
But under any circumstances it behoves the public to
know the real facts of the case, which have hitherto
been most grievously misrepresented and by every pos-
sible means attempted to be concealed. As far therefore
as those facts have come to my knowledge, I have put
them together and arranged them in a connected form ;
so as to give a narrative of the events that have led to
the present deplorable state of affairs, the treatment to
which our unfortunate countrymen have been subjected,
and what has been done to procure their liberation, — a
task which my long residence in Abyssinia, the relations
I have continued to keep up with that country, and espe-
cially the journey from which I have recently returned,
have furnished me with peculiar means of performing.
Before commencing this narrative, it is advisable that
I should give a brief summary of the geographical and
political condition of the country which is the scene of
these lamentable occiu-rences, in order that the subject
may be rendered intelligible to the general reader.
The once rich and powerful Christian empire of Ethio-
pia, commonly known as Abyssinia or Habesh, has, during
the last three centuries, been in a progressive state of
decay. Its fertile provinces have been overrun and devas-
R 9
4 THE BRITISH CAPTIVKS IN ABYSSIXIA,
tatcd b}^ numerous tribes of pagan Gallas from the south,
whilst the occupation of its entire seaboard by the Turks
has annihilated its commerce and shut it out from com-
munication witli the civilized world. The empire itself,
thus weakened and debased, has become the prey of in-
testine wars and anarchy, till at last it has almost lost its
place ill the list of nations.
Until the accession of the reigning sovereign, Theodore,
whose singular history will be related in the sequel, Abys-
sinia was an hereditary monarchy, under the sway of an
Emperor claiming descent from Solomon, king of Israel,
and the Queen of Sheba. Though this parentage is of a
character similar to that of the ancient kings of Britain
and Scotland, there are few Christian sovereigns who can
boast of a more illustrious lineage than the Emperors of
Ethiopia, Avhose progenitors received the Christian faith
and possessed a native version of the Holy Scriptures as
early as the fourth century.
The occupiers of the tlirone of theii* once absolute and
mighty ancestors had, for a considerable time past, been
mere puppets in the hands of the one or the other of their
powerful vassals ; the form having been kept up of nomi-
nating a sovereign of the line of Solomon, who, however,
remained a prisoner in his palace at Gondar, his sole
revenue consisting of a small stipend and the tolls of the
weekly market of that city^.
From about the commencement of tlic present century
until the year 1853, the seat of government and the per-
• It is said that the present intrusive Emperor Theodore still con-
tinues to treat Ilatsye Yohannes, the puppet Emperor, as his suzerain,
standing in liis presence with his body uncovered down to the waist,
;v.^ Abyssinian servants are used tu do when waitinjr on tlieir master.
GEOGllAPIIICAL AM) POLITICAL DEFliVITIONS. 5
son of the sovereign remained, though with occasional in-
terruptions, in the hands of the chiefs of a powerful tribe
of Yedju (Edjow) Gallas, who for three generations had
been able to secure to themselves the dignity of Ras or
Vizier of the empire — that is to say, to become its sove-
reigns in everything but in name. This sovereignty within
the central portion of the empire, however, was far from
giving them the command over the outlying provinces.
On the contrary, each ruler of a province mostly acted as
an independent sovereign; and if at any time he found
himself strong enough to march upon the capital, he did
so, placed upon the throne another puppet sovereign, and
was by him appointed Kas or Vizier, which dignity he re-
tained till a rival stronger than himself could turn him out
and take his place. Under such circumstances, it is no
wonder that there should have been at one time half-a-
dozen titular Emperors, and that the Governor of each of
the principal provinces should have assumed the title of
Ras, and continued to bear it even when no longer in
power.
It would be no easy task to enumerate all the sections
into which, through wars and their consequences, this un-
happy country has become divided. For all practical pur-
poses it will be sufficient to particularize Amhara, as the
central portion of Abyssinia, containing the capital, is
generally though incorrectly called — " Amhara " being
properly a province of Central Abyssinia, now principally
in the possession of Mohammedan Gallas of the Wollo
and Yedju tribes, and the stronghold of the family and
partisans of Ras Ali ; — Tigre in the north-east, and Shoa in
the south-east of Amhara, which two provinces have spe-
b THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
cially become knoAvn to European nations tkrough the
alliances and diplomatic relations into which, separately
and as independent States, they have entered either with
England or with France; — to which have to be added
Godjam, in the extreme south-west, Kwara, in the ex-
treme north-Avest, and Lasta, a portion of Central Abys-
sinia, situate to the south of Tigre.
Tigi'c is the representative of the kingdom of the Axu-
mites of ancient history. It adjoins the Turkish island
and port of Massowah in the Red Sea, round which it ex-
tends full one hundred and sixty miles to the west and
south ; so that, without passing through it, no communi-
cation can be held with Amhara or any other portion of
the interior. It is almost entirely surrounded by the
river Takkazye, which separates it from the rest of Abys-
sinia, fi'om which it is further distinguished by its lan-
guage, the representative of the ancient Ethiopic or Geez,
in which is the early version of the Bible.
The physical conformation of Shoa enabled it to pre-
serve its independence when the rest of Abyssinia, except
Tigre, was overrun by the Gallas ; and it has long been
governed by a native race of princes, wlio, Avithout taking
part in the distm'banccs of the rest of the empire, have
transmitted the crown from father to son duiing eight
generations,
God jam, from its lying within the curve of the river Abai
(the "Nile " of the Portuguese and of J3ruce), has always
maintained a (piasi-indcpcndence ; and its rulers, like those
of Tigre, have at times gained possession of the capital
and the person of the nominal sovereign, and been by him
a])i)oint((I lias (jr \ izier, with the real ])o\ver.
GEOGRAPHICAL AND POLITICAL DEFINITIONS. 7
Kwara^ though usually recognizing the sovereignty of
the nominal Emperor or his representative, has long been
noted for the successful stand its chiefs have made against
the inroads of the Turco-Egyptians ; and it has recently
become yet more distinguished from its having given to
the empire its actual ruler.
Lasta is the least known though most remarkable
portion of Abyssinia, its inhabitants speaking a language
radically different from those of Tigre and Amhara, and
being apparently the descendants of the primitive occu-
pants of the whole country. Their hereditary princes
possess extensive and peculiar privileges, but disclaim all
honorary titles at the hand of the Sovereign, by whom
they are, however, treated as equals ; contenting them-
selves with the simple designation of Shum or governor,
a title which is borne by the head man of a village, and
even the steward of a gentleman's household. The prince
of Lasta, who is styled Waag-shum, or Governor of
Waag, has Always been a faithful vassal of his suzerain ;
till in the person of Gobazye, the present holder of tliat
rank and title, a pretender to the imperial throne has
arisen, who bids fair to play a prominent part in the his-
tory of the empire.
Before concluding these geographical and political de-
finitions, essential to the proper understanding of the sub-
ject, it has to be remarked that Abyssinia, the country
comprising the several States just named, is a high table-
land separated from the sea by a belt of low and almost
waterless desert, very narrow at the north in the neigh-
bourhood of Massowah, and widening towards the south,
till, in the latitude of Zeila, which is nearly that of Slioa,
» THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
the edge of the tableland recedes almost 200 miles from
the coast. These lowlands, formerly more or less under
the sway of the Emperors of Ethiopia, are now occupied
by various independent Dankali tribes, who, with their
neighbours the Somaulis and other nomadic people yet
further south, are commonly, but erroneously, called
Hubshecs {Habshis) or Abyssinians, which frequently
causes no little confusion. The Abyssinia of history is
properly limited to the high tableland, and so the term
is employed here.
Since the middle of the sixteenth century, when the
Turks with the aid of the Venetians drove the Portuguese
out of the lied Sea, the Ottoman Porte has claimed the
entire sea-board along the territory of these Dankali
tribes ; a claim Avhich the natives have not had the
power nor the inclination to resist. Until quite recently
the Turks actually occupied only the ports of Sawakin
and !Massowah, though they have occasionally made de-
monstrations along the coast for the purpose of asserting
their sovereignty. The transfer to the Pasha of Egypt of
the entire possessions of the Ottoman Porte on the western
shores of the Red Sea, which has been made only during
the present year, may, however, give to Mohammedan-
ism in North-eastern Africa a vitality which it has not
hitherto possessed ; and it may even cause the pretensions
of Turkey to the sovereignty of the whole of Chi-istian
Abyssinia, to become something more than merely no-
minal, as they have been until now.
The foregoing remarks will, it is hoped, enable the reader
to follow the course of events about to be narrated.
The attempt of the J'rench to acquire possession of
MR. SALT S MISSION TO ABYSSINIA. 9
Egypt, towards the close of the last century, naturally led
the English to direct their attention to the Red Sea and
Eastern Africa ; and in 'the year following that of the
defeat and expulsion from Egypt of the invaders, Lord
Valentia, the nephew of Marquess Wellesley, Governor-
General of India, undertook a voyage into the Indian seas,
on which occasion he dispatched his Secretary, Mr. Salt,
afterwards Consul- General in Egypt, into Abyssinia.
Mr. Salt was unable to penetrate beyond Tigre, where
he was well received by the ruler of that province. Has
Walda Selasye, with whom, as the representative of the
then reigning sovereign, he entered into friendly relations.
In the year 1810, Mr. Salt returned to Abyssinia, bear-
ing a letter and presents from King George III. to the
Emperor; which he however delivered to Has Walda Se-
lasye, owing to the hostilities between that prince and Ras
Guksa, chief of the Yedju Gallas, who had then acquired
the supremacy in Amhara.
Mr. Salt ha^dng been accredited to the Emperor of
Abyssinia, and Guksa being at that time the actual Ras or
Vizier, the latter, and not Walda Selasye of Tigre, was the
legal representative of the reigning sovereign, and to him
the King of England^s letter and presents ought to have
been delivered. But, as the object of the mission was to
establish friendly relations with Abyssinia, and as for that
purpose it was essential to cultivate the friendship of the
prince whose dominions surrounded Massowah, the only
port by Avhich the country coidd well be approached;
Mr. Salt very sensibly addressed himself to Ras Walda
Selasye, to whom, as the independent ruler de facto of
the province and ancient kingdom of Tigre, he delivered
10 THE niUTISn CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
the presents destined for the titular Emperor of the whole
country.
Ahuost simultaneously with Mr. Salt^s second visit to
Abyssinia, the power of the French in the Indian seas was
annihilated, by the capture of the Islands of Bourbon and
Maui'itius and the destruction of their settlements on the
coast of jNIadagascar ; and a few years later the fall of
Napoleon led England to imagine there was no longer any
cause to fear the aggressions of France in the East. As
oui' statesmen, unlike those of France, do not possess any
"ideas^' on the subject, Abyssinia ceased therefore to be
an object of solicitude.
But, though all diplomatic relations between England
and Tigre were at an end, a certain connexion was still
kept up by means of two Englishmen, named Pearce and
Coffin, who had accompanied Mr. Salt to Abyssinia, and
who remained behind when he left. In 1819, Pearce
quitted Abyssinia for Egypt, where Mr. Salt was Consul
General ; but Coffin took up his permanent residence
in Tigre, where he enjoyed the confidence of Dedjatj
Sabagadis, who, shortly after lias Walda Selasye^s death
in 1816, acquired the government of that province.
Mr. Salt had, on his second visit to Tigre, become ac-
quainted with Sabagadis, then a young man, of whose dis-
position and talents he was led to form a high opinion,
and whose future elevation he foretold. When he saw his
predictions thus verified, it was only natural that lie should
feel great interest in Sabagadis, and should keep up
fiMcndly relations witli hiiu. llcncc it arose that, in 1828,
Coffin, in concert with a Dankali chief named Ali, was
sent by Sabagadis to Bombay and Egypt, and afterwards
ENGLISH CHURCH MISSIONARIES IN TIGRE. 11
to England, to negotiate for a supply of arms ; but, wliilc
he was still absent on this mission, Sabagadis was, in 1831,
attacked by the united forces of his rivals, Ras Marye
(Guksa's son and successor) and Dedjatj Ubye of Semyen,
by Avhom he was defeated, made captive, and put to death.
After this, Ubye assumed the government of Tigre, in ad-
dition to his own hereditary province of Semyen ; and he
continued to rule over both as an independent sovereign
until the year 1855, becoming soon so powerful as to be
able to contend with Ras Ali for the supreme dominion.
Marye, who was killed in the same battle as Sabagadis,
was succeeded as Ras by his brother Dori, the dignity
thus continuing hereditary in Guksa^s family ; and Dori
having died shortly afterwards, he was succeeded by his
nephew Ali, who continued to rule in Amhara until re-
cently, when, as will be related in the sequel, the same
superior power overwhelmed both him and his rival, Ubye
of Tigre.
Various circumstances, which need not here be adverted
to, but especially the fact that Sabagadis was most favour-
ably disposed to everything English, induced the Church
Missionary Society to establish a mission in Abyssinia.
All the missionaries were either Germans or Swiss, the
first of them being Dr. Gobat, now Anglican Bishop of
Jerusalem, who arrived in Tigre towards the end of 1829 ;
and the mission continued till 1838, when (as is stated
in Bishop Gobat' s ' Journal of a Three Years' Residence
in Abyssinia'), '^ through the influence of certain mem-
bers of the Church of Rome, opposition was raised against
the missionaries by the Abyssinian priests, and they were
compelled to quit the country and return to Egypt."
12 THE HlUTISIl CAPTIVES IN AIJYSSIMA.
There is no question that Bishop Gobat is substantially
right in this assertion. Still it is not less certain that
other causes likemse operated. For the fact cannot be
concealed, that, after the death of Sabagadis, the sym-
pathies of the Protestant missionai'ies were entirely with
their late protector's family, wlio, instead of submitting to
the conqueror Ubye, continued for many years in open
hostilities against him. And when, in the year 1832, shortly
after Sabagadis^s death, the Englishman Coffin arrived at
Massowah with a large number of muskets, as a present
from the British Government to that chief; instead of
keeping them back altogether, as the prince for whom
they were destined was then no more, or else handing
them over to Ubye as the ruler de facto of Tigre (in which
he would only have followed the precedent of his patron,
Mr. Salt, with respect to the presents destined in 1810 for
the titular Emperor), Coffin gave a considerable portion
of those muskets to the sons and relatives of Sabagadis,
who were in arms against Ubye, and so enabled them to
^vithstand him for many years. Added to this. Coffin
attached Inmself personally to the interests of the family
of Sabagadis, and is generally understood to have led
them to look for assistance from England, and thus to con-
tinue their fruitless attempts to acquire the sovereignty of
Tigre. Under such circumstances, it may readily be be-
lieved that Ul)ye and his adherents were not likely to be-
friend the Eiifjlisli missionaries, who, hoping perhaps that
the relatives of Sabagadis would eventually gain the upper
hand, certainly took no pains to conciliate the ruling
powers either in Church or State.
The Roman ('atholic mission, which was established on
THE FllKNCII AND ENGLISH IN SIIOA. 13
the expulsion of the Protestant clergymen by Padre Giu-
seppe Sapeto, had for its head Padre de' Jacobis, a Neapo-
litan of noble family, under whose able direction it soon
took deep root in Abyssinia, where it still flourishes, not-
withstanding the disgrace and subsequent death of its able
and accomplished chief, who, in addition to his zeal for the
spread of his faith, was the prince of political intriguers.
When the Protestant missionaries were expelled from
Tigre in 1838, they directed their steps towards Shoa,
where they arrived in the following year, and established
their mission under the most favourable auspices. But
hardly were they settled, when they were troubled by the
appearance of M. Rochet (afterwards French Consul at
Djidda), who soon ingratiated himself with King Sahela
Selasye, and was sent by that monarc'h, in March 1840,
with presents to King Louis Philippe.
At that particular juncture, the participation of England
and France in the disputes between the Sultan and his
powerful vassal, Mohammed Ali, Pasha of Egypt, threatened
to cause hostilities between those two Powers; and the
British Government, again alive to the importance of
Abyssinia in such an event, lost no time in sending to
Shoa a mission under the direction of Major (afterwards
Sir William) Harris.
This mission arrived in Shoa in July 184<1, six months
after I had reached that country, whither I had jDroceeded
from Aden by the way of Tadjurrah (the road followed by
Major Harris), taking with me, as my servant, a young
Dankali named Hussein, or Samuel Georgis, who is the
son of the chief Ali, Mr. Cofiin's companion in 1838, and
who has recently become known, in connexion with the
IJ- THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
unfortunate British captives^ as " Samuel, the Emperor's
stCAvard/'
It is needless to dilate on the objects and proceedings
of Major Harris's mission, or on its lamentable failure. It
will be sufficieut to say that scarcely had the British
envoy concluded a treaty of amity and commerce with
the King of Shoa, by which the latter engaged to respect
the persons and property of British subjects, than the
Rev. J. L. Krapf, a Chui'ch missionary established in
that countiy since 1839, who in March 184^2 had un-
dertaken a journey into Northern Abyssinia, was pre-
vented by the King from passing through the coast
lands of the Dankali tribes, on his return to Shoa by
the way of Tadjurrah, in November of the same year —
and this in spite of the representations of the British
envoy, who was also unable to save from confiscation
the property which Mr. Krapf had left in Shoa; and
that shortly afterwards the English mission left the coun-
try and returned to Bombay.
It may be regarded as mere surplusage to add that the
Protestant Church mission in Shoa was abandoned.
15
CHAPTER II.
COPTIC ABUNA — rROTESTANT AND ROMAN CATHOLIC RIVALRY —
FRENCH AND ENGLISH IN THE RED SEA — FATE OF LORD PAL-
MERSTON's LETTER — MR. COFFIX'S MISSION — BRITISH CONSU-
LATE — MR. BELL AND CONSUL PLOWDEN — TREATY BETWEEN
ENGLAND AND ABYSSINIA — ITS IMPOLICY — CONSUL PLOWDEN'S
REPORT — FRONTIER TRIBES — RAIDS OF TURCO-EGYPTIANS INTO
BOGOS — CONSUL PLOWDEN'S INTERFERENCE — APPROVAL OF
BRITISH GOVERNMENT — CONTINUED AGGRESSIONS OP EGYPT —
SLAVE TRADE.
Such was the unsuccessful issue of our relations, both
religious aud political, with Southern Abyssinia; more
fortunate, however, than those with Northern Abyssinia,
inasmuch as they had no consequences, as the latter
had — consequences which have been in operation till the
present day, and unhappily have not yet come to an end.
The seed of all the troubles that have arisen was sown
by the expulsion of the Protestant missionaries from Tigre
in 1838, and the establishment there of a Roman Catholic
mission. The first fruit of that seed was produced within
two years afterwards, in the circumstances attending the
nomination and consecration of the present Abiina or
Bishop of Abyssinia. According to the constitution of the
Church of that country, which is said to have been esta-
blished by Abuna Tekla Haimanot, the last native bishop
in the thirteenth century, the Abyssinian Church receives
its bishop from the see of St. Mark, in the person of a
Coptic priest consecrated by the Patriarch of Alexandria.
In the year 1840, when the metropolitan see of Abyssinia
had been vacant thirteen or fourteen years, Dedjatj Ubye
16 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
of Tigrc, with a view to his own aggrandizement at the
cost of his rival Ras Ali, sent a mission to Cairo to obtain
the consecration of a new Abuna. The expenses of such
a mission are necessarily great, inasmuch as, besides the
customary presents to the Coptic Patriarch, the consent
of the Turkish Government, through the Pasha of Egypt,
has likewise to be obtained by purchase; which (it may
be remarked) is adduced as a proof that the Abyssinians
themselves are vassals of the Porte.
The interpreter to this mission was Padre de' Jacobis,
Avho hoped, tlu'ough the influence of the representatives of
the Roman Catholic powers in Egypt, to obtain the ap-
pointment of a candidate favourable to their Church. But,
as is related by Mr. Isenberg, one of Dr. Gobat^s succes-
sors in the Protestant mission in Abyssinia, " with a \dew
to strengthen the friendly connexion between the Coptic
(as also the Abyssinian) and the English Churches, the
Patriarch's choice fell upon a young man Avho promised
well for that purpose, on account of his having passed
several years in the school of the English Church Mission-
ary Society at Cairo. His name was Andraos, and he
received at his consecration the name of Abba Salama, in
remembrance of Frumentius, the apostle of the Abyssi-
nians, w^ho had borne the same name in the Church" *.
Defeated in Egypt, Padre de' Jacobis, accompanied by
several Abyssinians, proceeded to Rome, wlicre he esta-
blished certain relations, which will be more particularly
alluded to in the sequel f.
For a long time Ablja Salama was an uncompromising
• Abcsshdcn mid die evangelische Kirche (Bonn, 1844), vol. ii. p. 145,
t See page 41.
THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH IN THE RED SEA. 17
supporter of the Protestant party in Abyssinia, in opposi-
tion to that of the Church of Rome ; and he is understood
to have been for several years a pensioner of that party,
through Consul Plowden during his lifetime, and after his
death, for a short time longer, through M. Barroni, Mr.
Plowden's agent at Massowah. Seeing the venal character
of the prelate, this was doubtless the most effectual way to
secure his partisanship ; and there is no reason for believ-
ing that his exertions were not at all times proportioned to
the benefit he derived from them.
It is not easy to gain so clear an insight into the various
intrigues in Abyssinia of the agents of the Church of Rome
and of the Government of France, which appear to have
been systematically and silently cai'ried on from the com-
mencement of the present century. In my pamphlet,
'The French and English in the Red Sea,"" published in
1862, 1 have endeavoured to give a summary of the actions
of both establishments, which for all practical purposes
may, in their objects and interests, be regarded as similar
if not absolutely identical ; like as in a general way are
those of England and Protestantism.
But there is one instance of this common action which
cannot be passed over without special notice. In the year
1839, M. Antoine d^Abbadie, a well-known traveller in
Abyssinia, was the bearer of two letters from Hatsye
Sahela Dengel, the nominal Emperor at Gondar, the one
to the English and the other to the French Government.
These letters, in the character of an Englishman in England
and of a Frenchman in France, he delivered to Viscount
Palmerston and Marshal Soult, from both of whom he re-
ceived '' appropriate answers,'^ with which he returned to
c
18 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Abyssinia in the beginning of 1840. The letter from
Marshal Soult duly reached its destination : that from
Lord Palmcrston was retained by M. d^Abbadie in his
possession for a considerable time, and was eventually
delivered over to Captain Haines, the British political
agent at Aden. The subsequent fate of this letter from
Lord Palraerston to the Emperor of Abyssinia is not ma-
terial to the present narrative ; but I may be permitted to
mention, on account of my personal connexion with it, that
after it had passed three times before my eyes, at Suez, at
Aden, and at Ankober, it was, on its fourth appearance, at
Ycjubbi, in South-western Abyssinia, on February 10th,
1843, committed to the flames by the messenger by whom
it liad liecn brought to me from Major Harris, but from
whom I refused to receive it. The circumstances con-
nected Avith this letter of Lord Palmerston^s are, however,
so singular and instructive, that I have thought it well to
print, in the Appendix to the present Avork, a letter which
I addressed on the subject to Earl Russell, on July 22nd,
1865.
Subsequently to this correspondence bctAveen the Em-
peror Silhela Dengel and Viscount Palmcrston, which, as
is evident, led to no practical result, the next attempt to-
wards a renewal of political relations between Abyssinia
and England (as we are informed by Earl Russell^) was
made by lias Ubye, who, in the year 1841, sent Mr.
Coffin t with a letter and presents to Her Majesty. On
* Despatch to Col. Stanton of October 5, 18G5, in Parliamentary
Paper, 18()0, ' Further Correspondence respecting: the British Cap-
tives in Ahj'ssinia/ p. 61,
t Lord Piupsell describes Mr. Cofiin as " an Enrrlisli traveller,'
which is CAidentlv a misnomer.
BRITISH CONSULATE IX ABYSSINIA. 19
Mr. Coffin's arrival in Egypt lie was informed through
Colonel Barnctt, the British Consul-General there, that he
need not proceed further on his journey to England, but
that he might deliver to Colonel Barnett any letter with
which he was charged. Mr. Coffin accordingly delivered
the letter from Ras Ubye, together with presents, to
Colonel Barnett, who sent the letter to England ; but it is
not known whether the presents were also sent, the only
allusion to them being found in a despatch from Colonel
Barnett, dated September 1841, in which he says they
were still with Mr. Coffin at Cairo. No reply, how-
ever, was returned to this letter ; in consequence of which
Ras Ubye was so angry that he threatened violence to
Mr. Coffin for not bringing him a return present from the
Queen.
According to Mr. Isenberg *, the only practical result of
Mr. Coffin's mission was the obtaining for the newly-con-
secrated Abulia, Abba Salama, a passage from Suez to
Massowah in the British vessel ' Colombo.'
Nothing further has to be noticed till 1847, when a
British Consulate was established in Abyssinia. The idea
of establishing such a Consulate did not originate in any
pohtical object, but in consequence of a suggestion made
by me in 1846 as to the obtaining of agricultural labourers
from Abyssinia " f ; and I was given to understand that
Viscount Palmerston had it in contemplation to appoint
me to the post. But Mr. Walter Plowden happened to
return to England from Abyssinia, where he had been re-
* O/?. cit. vol. ii. p. 60.
t See Parliamentary Papers relative to Distress in Sugar-growing
Colonies : H. L., 1848, No. 250, pp. 810 to 948, passim.
20 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
sident nearly five years with Mr. John G. Bell, previously
an officer in the Indian navy, bringing presents from Ras
Ali and proposals for an alliance, and he received the ap-
pointment. At that period Baalgada Araia, a grandson of
Aito Debbib, mentioned by Mr. Salt as Ras Walda Selasye^s
favourite brother, and also nephew to Mr. Salt's friend
Sabagadis, had been for some time in arms against Ubye.
The traditional sympathies of the two Englishmen might
have induced them to take part with the Baalgada {" Go-
vernor of the Salt Plain ") against Ubye ; but, as his was
manifestly the losing side, they had passed on into Amhara
and attached themselves to Bas Ali, Ubye's great rival.
When Mr. Plowden came to England in 1847, he left his
comrade Bell holding the rank of general in the Ras's
army ; and when he returned in 1848 as Consul, he was
the bearer of presents fi'om the British Government to
their fi'iend Ras Ali.
Though Consul Plowden may not himself have entered
the service of the Ras as his companion Bell had done, he
organized a body of musketeers, the firelocks for whom he
procured from Aden; and, as in former times the com-
mander of the matchlock-men in the Emperor's service had
the title of Basha"^, Mr. Plowden was at first generally
known as Basha Buladen, as his name was pronounced by
the natives, which name, by dropping the nunnation, soon
became Basha Bulad. This appellation, of which the
• " The Basha, an ofTicer introduced by Melee Se<2rued, in imitation
of the Turks. . . . The function of the person so called was to command
the Mahometan musqueteers, then introduced into the household
troops. He .... is usually a gentleman of approved valour, who heads
a division of the infantry." — Bruce's ' Travels,' .3rd edit. vol. iii. p. 25 ;
note liv Dr. Murniv.
TREATY BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND ABYSSINIA. 21
literal meaning (curiously enough) is " General Gunlock/^
became in the result the usual designation of the English
Consul, it being applied to Mr. Plowden^s successor as well
as to himself"^.
In November 1849, Consul Plowden and Ras Ali, as re-
presenting the titular Emperor, concluded a treaty of
friendship and commerce f, one of the articles of which
stipulated that the two Sovereigns should respectively re-
ceive and protect any ambassador, envoy, or consul whom
the other should appoint; and by the 17th article His
Majesty of Abyssinia agreed " that in all cases when a
British subject should be accused of any crime com-
mitted in any part of His Majesty^s dominions, the
accused should be tried and adjudged by the British
Consul, or other officer duly appointed for that purpose by
Her Britannic Majesty; ^^ and, further, that the British
Consul should have jurisdiction in disputes in which
British subjects were concerned, in like manner as gene-
rally in the Levant.
It was farther stipulated that the Sovereigns of England
and Abyssinia should " respectively, to the best of their
power, endeavour to keep open and to secure the avenues
of approach betwixt the sea-coast and Abyssinia ;^^ which,
as Ubye, the virtually independent ruler of Tigre, possessed
* ISIr. Stern says, in page 97 ol his ' Wanderings among the
Falashas,' "The report that a successor to the assassinated Consul
Plowden had arrived created quite a stir." The people " repaired in
a mass to the road to welcome in a becoming style the new hache
boulady Mr. Stern does not appear to have had the least conception
of the meaning of this strtinge name for an English Consul.
t Treaty, November 2nd, 1849 ; Bntish ratification delivered to the
Ixas of Abyssinia March 1st, 1852 ; laid before Parliament June 1852.
22 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
and commanded those " avenues of approach " and was at
enmity witli AH, Avhilst Massowah and the entire sea-
board belonged to the Turks, might be construed into a
treaty offensive and defensive against both Ubye and the
Ottoman Porte.
The impolicy of this line of conduct on the part of the
British Government and their representative was distinctly
pointed out by me to Viscount Palmerston in a letter
addressed to him as Foreign Secretary on April 4th, 1848,
shortly after Consul Plowden's departure for his post.
This letter is printed in the Appendix to the present work.
On its contents I will now only remark, that had the ex-
ample of Mr. Salt been followed, as I so strongly recom-
mended, the present calamitous state of affairs in Abyssinia
could not have arisen.
Mr. Plowden himself appears to have discovered, when
it was unfortunately too late, that little benefit was likely
to accrue either to England or to Abyssinia from this
Treaty between the two nations; and he candidly con-
fessed in his letter to Eai'l Granville of June 20th, 1852,
written shortly after Her Majesty^s ratification of that
Treaty had been delivered to Ras Ali, as the representative
of the Emperor, that no efforts of his could annihilate the
3000 miles that interpose between the tAvo countries, or
" the more fatal barrier of the Turkish domination along
the line of coast^^^. And in his ' Remarks on the Social
System of Abyssinia, in some points bearing upon the
Treaty lately concluded,' Mr. Plowden states that " Dedjatj
Ubye of Semyen, by having added by conquest the whole
of Tigre and other provinces, had become in ])oint of war-
• i*;irlia)iii'iil;trv I'itprr. 1866, ' Further Correspoiulenct'/iSic, p. 1.
IMPOLICY OF TllKATY WITH AMIIAllA. 23
like equipments fully the equal of the Ras^ possessed every
avenue leading from the interior, and acted in every respect
as an independent sovereign'^ "^j thereby virtually admit-
ting that the Treaty^ of which an express stipulation was
''to endeavour to keep open and to secure the avenues
of approach betwixt the sea-coast and Abyssinia/^ ought
to have been concluded with Ubye rather than with his
enemy Ali.
What, on the other hand, the value of an alliance with
Ubye might have been may be judged from Mr. Plow-
den's description of that able and powerful prince, given
at a shortly subsequent date in a ' Statement of our pre-
sent Relations with Northern Abyssinia,' dated March 23,
1853 : — " The present Ras, though no other chief is
powerful enough to encounter him in the field, can only
retain his title by the maintenance of a large army and
constant wars against his rebellious vassals. Of all the
inferior chiefs, whose title is Dcdjazmatjfj the greatest is
Dedjatj Ubye, who, partly by the concurrence of the Ras,
and more by subtlety, fortune, and the force of arms,
* Ihid. p. 2.
t This title is so variously spelled that it is deserving of a few
words of explanation. It is compounded of two words, Dt'dj, a " gate "
or "door," wx^Azmatj, a "leader " {dux) or "general;" and it means
the conmiander of that portion of the army which protects the door of
the Emperor : consequently the commander of the centre or main
body; Kan-AzinatJ And Gef'-Azmafjhehv^ respectively the commanders
of the right and left wings of the army. These desig-uations have
however now become territoi'ial distinctions and almost mere titles of
honour ; DedJ-aztnafJ, as governor of a province, may be regarded as
equivalent to our Duke. The language of Tigre not possessing the
sounds dj, tj, the word becomes Derjasmati, by some Europeans wiitten
Kasmati or Gusmati. Before a proper name it is contracted to
Dedjatj or De(/us.
24
THE imiTJsn captives in abyssinia.
governs with absolute sway tlic country from near the
coast of the Red Sea to Gondar, and from Lasta to
Sennaar ; the only conditions that should prevent him
from being regarded as an independent sovereign being
his title of Dcdjazmatj held from the lias and the pay-
ment of a tribute of money to him yearly as his feudal
superior : otherwise the E-as does not interfere with his
rule over these vast provinces, by which he commands
every avenue to the interior of the country available for
trade or policy"*.
In reply to Consul Plowden's communications of June
20, 1852, and March 23, 1853, the Earl of Clarendon,
who was then Foreign Secretary, replied on October 3,
1853: — '^ Her Majesty^s Government were led by the re-
presentations formerly made by you to expect that ad-
vantage Mould result to British interests from the con-
clusion of a treaty with the rulers of Abyssinia, and
from the establishment of a British Consulate in that
country. It appears, how^ever, from your reports now
before me, that there is little reason to expect that such
will be the case.
^' Nevertheless, Her Majesty's Government having con-
cluded the treaty and established the Consulate, are re-
luctant to renounce all hope of benefit from those mea-
sui'cs; but their means of obtaining in this country in-
formation on which to act are necessarily very limited;
and I must have recourse to you for a report as to the
possibility of your establishing yourself either at Massowah
or any otlicjr place on the sea-coast where you may retain
an influence on the rulers of Abyssinia, and facilitate
* * Further CoiTespondence,' p. 4.
CONSUL PLOWDEn's REPORT. FRONTIER TRIBES, 25
communication with the provinces under their govern-
ment"''^.
From the papers laid before Parliament, it does not
appear what steps were taken by Mr. Plowden in pur-
suance of Lord Clarendon^s instructions. But one result
of these instructions was a long and valuable report,
giving, as it states, ' a Sketch of the Laws, Customs, Go-
vernment, and Position of Abyssinia, with a short account
of its Neighbours 't; the contents of which report are so
exceedingly interesting and instructive, that it is deeply
to be regretted that such precious matter should have been
allowed to remain for more than twelve years hidden
and seemingly forgotten in the archives of the Foreign
Office.
In his report, Mr. Plowden describes at considerable
length the tribes surrounding Abyssinia on all sides.
E-eferring to that report for fui'ther details, it will be suf-
ficient for my present purpose to state here that along
the edge of the Abyssinian plateau, towards the north and
north-west, are several tribes, the sovereignty over whom
has long been debatable between Abyssinia and Egypt.
Some of them, who profess Christianity, have for many
years been under the protection of England ; and the
British Consul-General in Egypt has more than once been
under the necessity of remonstrating with the Egyptian
Government on account of aggressions or other ill-treat-
ment.
In speaking of these frontier tribes, Mr. Plowden
says, " The divisions of Bogos, Senhait, Bidjuk, and all the
others near Hamasyen, still hold out after having been
* 'P'urtlier Corretspoudeuce/ p. 5. t Ibid. pp. G-41
26 THE HRITISII CAPTIVES IX ABYSSINIA.
twice plundered : the details of the last cxpeditioii have
been furnished in my despatches/^
Though the despatches fui'nishing these details have
not been laid before Parliament, we have the means of ob-
taining elsewhere the particulars of the expedition alluded
to by Consid Plowden, on the testimony of an eye-witness,
namely, j\Ir. James Hamilton, in his work ' Sinai, the
Hedjaz, and Soudan,' published in 1857.
After describing how the Egyptian Government had
step by step acquired possession of the Arab districts
surrounding Abyssinia on the north, and particularly the
province of Taka, of which the capital, Kassalah, has be-
come the residence of the Egyjjtian governor, Mr. Hamil-
ton relates how the soldiers of the garrison are " employed
by the Government, in conjunction with the border Arabs,
in the iniquitous raids into Abyssinia, which furnish a
considerable part of the revenues of the province. This
year (1854), in the latter part of January, they made a
successful incursion into the territory of the Bogos, carrying
away three hundred and forty individuals, men, women,
and children, all Christians, and eighteen hundred beeves.
Of these one half fell to the share of the Arabs, the other
half Avas carried to the account of the Government, which
sold a part by auction, and distributed the others, on ac-
count of their arrears of pay, to the officers and other
employes. This is the usual way in which the produce of
these man-stealing, frecbooting expeditions is tm'ned to
account; the slaves and the cattle are ranged in cate-
gories, according to their estimated values, and then dis-
tributed instead of pay to the employes, and even to the
troops.
TURKISH RAIDS INTO BOGOS. BRITISH INTERFERENCE. 27
'' An Italian missionary, named Giovanni Stella "^^ from
whose congregation sixteen of these poor wretches had
been carried off, followed them here (to Kassalah) in hopes
of rescuing them. The Governor only laughed at his de-
mand when he claimed the liberation of the three hundred
and forty frecborn Abyssinians who had been carried into
slavery; and when he afterwards limited himself to re-
quiring those who belonged to his own flock, offering even
to pay the price at which they were valued, it was equally
in vain I can find no words to express the feeliugs of
indignation which the recital of these atrocities filled me
with. Had its victims been Pagans, the crime was atro-
cious ; but they were Christians, and therefore more en-
titled to secure our sympathies.
" After our departure from Kassalah, the English Consul
at Massowah came here to investigate the matter ; and
though his representations to the Governor were met with
insult as well as refusal, I have still some faint hope that
justice may be obtained. But this country is too remote
from European eyes to make one sanguine that any real
satisfaction will be given, however fair the promises with
which the Pasha may seek to gain time or delude the
European authorities in Cairo. The Egyptian Govern-
ment has long had designs upon Abyssinia Not-
wishstanding the stipulations made three years ago by the
European Powers, to prevent aggression on the Abys-
* Padre Stella is still stationed in Bogos. He went to France last
year, it is said, on account of the continued aggressions of Egypt. He
returned to Abyssinia in tlie beginning of the present year, in the
suite of the newly consecrated French Roman Catholic Bishop, Msgr.
Bel (the first of his nation in Abyssinia), who at once proceeded with
him to visit the mission at Keren, in Bogos.
28 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
siniau frontiers, there is every reason to believe tliat tlie
Pasha, whose obstinacy of purpose is only equalled by the
cunning with which he has circumvented more than one
Frank diplomatist, has by no means changed his view^s "^.
In a note in a subsequent page, written at Cairo on
August 5th, 1854, Mr. Hamilton says, " A few days
after we left Kassalah, H.M. Consul at Massowah arrived
to inquire into and report upon the recent outrages on the
frontier. He met with even a colder reception than our-
selves : the Mudir (governor) forbade the Arabs to carry
letters for him, forbade the public writers to write for
him, in fact, completely excommunicated him — a penalty
in which our worthy host, Mr. Kotzika, was also involved.
It Avas necessary to go a joui'ney of two days to reach a
tribe not dependent on the Mudir, in order to forward his
coiTcspondence. The usual system of promises and eva-
sion was, of course, resorted to in Cairo, to excuse the
culprit, who no doubt had only acted on Abbas Pasha^s in-
stnictions ; and it was only after that monster's death, that
H.M. Consul-General obtained fi'ora the present Viceroy
(Said Pasha) satisfaction, by Chosrew Bey^s dismissal " ■\.
That Consul Plowden's proceedings on behalf of the
frontier tribes of Abyssinia were entirely approved by
the British Government at home, is established by the
following passage in Lord Clarendon^s despatch to that
officer, dated November 27, 1855 : — " Her Majesty^s Go-
vernment have latterly remonstrated in the strongest terms
against the intentions of the Viceroy of Egypt to attack
Abyssinia; and the present Viceroy (Said Pasha) has not
only put a stop to such proceedings, and has confined
* Op. til. pp. 240-2-A8. t Hid. p. '2:>2.
CONTINUED AGRESSIONS OF EGYPT. SLAVE TRADE. 29
himself within his own dominions, but he has set free the
Abyssinian prisoners reduced to slavery by his prede-
cessor " ■^.
Notwithstanding the assurance thus given of the good
intentions of the then ruling Viceroy, it is quite certain
that the atrocious aggressions on the Abyssinian frontier
districts, so vividly depicted by Mr. Hamilton, were in
no wise intermitted. When Said Pasha himself was in
England in 1862, he told the President ot the Royal
Geographical Society, Sir Roderick I. Murchison, that
the frontiers of his dominions towards the south were
very elastic ; and there is evidence of their having been
steadily pushed forward in the direction of Abyssinia, as
in every other. It may be quite true that, on the part
of the Abyssinians themselves, there has been no lack of
hostile feeling, and that they likewise have lost no oppor-
tunity of harassing the Egyptians and the tribes submitted
to them. Such is always the case in border warfare, and
it would probably be often difficult to decide which of the
two parties was the aggressor.
However this may be, an inevitable result of these con-
stant feuds between the Mohammedans and Christians
along the frontiers has been the capture, both in war and
by stealth, of numerous Christian Abyssinians, who are
sold into slavery. When I was last at Massowah, I heard
that the Slave Trade was still carried on there and at Ar-
kiko to some extent. How it is in the interior may be
gathered from the preceding pages, and also from Consul
Cameron^s report to Consul General Colquhoun of May
20th, 1863t.
* ' Further Correspondence,' p. 47, t If'id p. 00.
30
CPIAPTER III.
KASSAI OF KAVARA — HIS RISE TO TOWEB, — CONQUEST OF AMHABA,
GODJAII, AND TIGEE — CROAVNED AS THEODORE, EMPEROR OF
ETHIOPIA — HIS CHARACTER — GREAT REFORMS — AMBITIOUS PRO-
JECTS — RELIGIOUS INTRIGUES — BANISHMENT OF ROMAN CATHO-
LICS — THE THEODORE OF PROPHECY — ROMAN CATHOLIC PRE-
TENDER AT ROME — THEODORE SET UP BY THE COPTIC ABUNA —
HIS BELIEF IN HIS DIVINE MISSION — SUBSEQUENT CHANGE OP
CHARACTER AND CONDUCT.
Whilst Consul Plowdcn was thus occupied on the
northern frontiers of Abyssinia, an important change oc-
cuiTcd in the government aud political condition of that
country, which cannot be better described than in the
words of that officer in his report on the subject, con-
tained in his despatch to the Earl of Clarendon, dated
Gondar, June 25th, 1855.
" In my last report I represented Northern Abyssinia,
independently of Shoa, as being ruled by three chiefs, who
were generally at variance with each other, and whose feudal
vassals were most often in a state of secret or open rebel-
lion. A remarkable man has now appeared, who, under
tlic title of Negus or King Theodoras^, has united the
whole of Northern Abyssinia under his authority, and
• I cannot see any reason for using this Latin form. The native
name is 'Teodcros or Teddros, from the Greelv Qeodapos, with the ac-
cent on the antepenultimate. We oujjht to use either the native name
or the English form Theodore. I have altered the name through-
out, and have likewise coiTected in some instances the spelling of na-
tive names; adopting, generally, the system of Sir William Jones,
as recommended by the lloyal Geogi-aphical Society.
DEDJATJ KASSAI OF KWARA. 31
has established tolerable tranquillity, considering the short-
ness of his career and the hazardous wars in which he has \ A *'**
been and is still engaged.
" From his earliest youth, Dcdjatj Kassai regarded his
present elevation as assuredly destined, but concealed his
designs with prudence equal to his daring until ripe for
execution. First he denied the authority of the Queen,
mother of Ras Ali, under whom he governed the provinces
near Sennaar; defeated in succession all the troops she
could send against him, and lastly herself with tenfold
his numbers : he protested, however, that he was still the
faithful servant of Has Ali, but refused to surrender ex-
cept on certain conditions of peace. The Uas then sent
against him an immense force ; the armies camped opposite
to each other for some time, the Eas not wishing to drive
matters to extremity; and in the interval Kassai fought
several minor battles, detected and punished some traitors
in his own camp, and introduced a little discipline into
his army.
" The Ras having sworn to do him no injury, he sur-
rendered and came to Debra Tabor, where he so com-
pletely lulled all suspicion that he received all his former
honours and provinces from the Ras, the queen being in
a measure disgraced. He returned to Kawra and attacked
all the low countries towards Sennaar [inhabited by] Shan-
kalas or Arabs, accustoming his soldiers to war and hard-
ships.
" His projects not being yet matured, on several occa-
sions when it was confidently reported that he had re-
belled, he baffled his accusers by suddenly appearing in
the Ras's camp, and following him to war in Godjam with
32 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
about a third of his forces, tlius quite winning his
heartj though I ventured to point out to the Has his dan-
gerous character.
'' At last, about two years and a half ago, he tkrew off
the mask, and the lias having sent against him Dedjatj
Goshu, that prince was defeated and slain in battle.
" The Ras now became seriously alarmed, and ordered
half his army under his best commanders to attack
him ; he also called upon Dedjatj Ubye. chief of Tigre, for
assistance, and that prince furnished a very large con-
tingent. Though numbers Avere so overwhelming against
him, Dedjatj Kassai met these forces and gave them a
signal defeat, killing most of the chiefs ; shortly after he
took the daring resolution of attacking the Ras, and ar-
riving by forced marches near the camp of that prince in
Godjam in the rainy season, sent him a defiance, and
met him, though so far superior in cavalry, in the open
plains. The Ras fought with the utmost courage in
person; the loss of life was considerable on both sides;
but Kassai's determined valour again won the day, Ras Ali
escaping.
" He then retired from Godjam, and afforded to Biru
Goshu, who had been for five years besieged by the Ras
in his mountain fort of Somma, an opportunity of leaving
that stronghold.
" During some months Dedjatj Kassai remained tran-
quil, amusing Dedjatj Ubye at first with friendly propo-
sals, afterwards demanding of that chief the Abuna, Abba
Salama, who had been banished by Ras Ali, with me-
naces in case of non-c(niipliauce. Ubye, becoming alarmed,
sent first his son with proposals, and, subsequently the
"N»
L
KASSAl's CONQUESTS AND RISE TO I'OWEU. -'^3
Abima; the latter was reinstated in his dignity at Gondar,
and a peace was made between the chiefs. Dedjatj Kassai
then pursued Biru Goshu even to the Galla provinces,
where he had assembled a large forcC; defeated and took
him prisoner.
" He was now strong in guns and troops, and on his
return camped in the province of Woggera, from whence
he declared war against Ubye, reproaching him with his
falsehood, which was proved, in having sent letters to
encourage Biru Goshu. With some reluctance Ubye at
last put himself in motion to oppose Dedjatj Kassai, who
had advanced into Semyen ; the latter, by forced marches,
fell suddenly upon his rival, and in two hours defeated
him, taking prisoner all his sons and generals with him-
self; without delay he invested Ubye^s strongholds, which
surrendered at once.
" The fruits of this last victory were large treasures
accumulated for three generations, the submission or im-
prisonment of almost all the chiefs in Abyssinia, and the
coronation of Dedjatj Kassai by the Abuna, Abba Salama,
under the title of Theodoros, King of Kings of Ethiopia.
" Discovering a plot against his life, the King only
placed in durance those concerned, displaying in all things
great clemency and generosity, and the ransom of Dedjatj
Ubye was fixed at 120,000 dollars.
" With scarce a week^s delay, and in spite of the mur-
murs of his soldiers, the King marched against the Mo-
hammedan Gallas, who had, during his absence, burnt
some churches, and assembled all the forces of Christian
Abyssinia, Tigre included, in the province of Dalanta, on
the borders of Worrahemano, where I found him.
34 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ARYSSINIA.
'' He may have from 50,000 to G0/)00 men of all arms.
" Such has been his adventurous and warlike career.
I shall now say a few words on his personal character,
the reforms he has eflFected, the designs he is contem-
plating, and the condition and prospects of the country.
'^ The King Theodores is young in years, vigorous in all
manly exercises, of a striking countenance, peculiarly po-
lite and engaging when pleased, and mostly displaying
great tact and delicacy. He is persuaded that he is des-
tined to restore the glories of the Ethiopian empire, and
to achieve great conquests : of untiring energy, both men-
tal and bodily, his personal and moral daring are bound-
less. The latter is well proved by his severity towards
his soldiers, even when these, pressed by hunger, are
mutinous, and he is in front of a powerful foe ; more so
even by his pressing reforms in a country so little used to
any yoke, whilst engaged in unceasing hostilities, and his
suppression of the power of the great feudal chiefs, at a
moment when any inferior man would have sought to
conciliate them as the stepping-stones to empire.
" When aroused his wrath is terrible, and all tremble ;
hut at all moments he possesses a perfect self-command.
Indefatigable in hiisiucss, he takes little repose night or
day : his ideas and language are clear and precise ; hesi-
tation is not knoA^ai to him; and he has neither coun-
cillors nor go-betweens. He is fond of splendour, and
receives in state even on a campaign. He is unsparing in
punishment — very necessary to restrain disorder, and to
restore order in such a wilderness as Abyssinia. He
salutes his meanest subject with courtesy ; is sincerely
though often mistakenly religious, and will acknowledge a
CHARACTER OP THE EMPEROR THEODORE. 35
fault committed toward his poorest follower in a moment
of passion with sincerity and grace.
" He is generous to excess, and free from all cupidity,
regarding nothing with pleasure or desire but munitions
of war for his soldiers. He has hitherto exercised the
utmost clemency toward the vanquished, treating them
rather as his friends than his enemies. His faith is signal :
without Christ, he says, I am nothing ; if he has destined
me to purify and reform this distracted kingdom, with
His aid who shall stay me : nay, sometimes he is on the
point of not caring for human assistance at all, and this is
one reason why he will not seek with much avidity for
assistance from or alliance with Europe.
" The worst points in his character are, his violent
anger at times, his unyielding pride as regards his kingly
and divine right, and his fanatical religious zeal.
" He has begun to reform even the dress of Abyssinia,
all about his person wearing loose flowing trowsers and
upper and under vests, instead of the half-naked costume
introduced by the Gallas. Married himself at the altar
and strictly continent, he has ordered or persuaded all
who love him to follow his example, and exacts the greatest
decency of manners and conversation : this system he
hopes to extend to all classes.
" He has suppressed the Slave Trade in all its phases,
save that the slaves already bought may be sold to such
Christians as shall buy them for charity : setting the ex-
ample, he pays to the Mussulman dealers what price they
please to ask for the slaves they bring to him, and then
baptizes them.
" He has abolished the barbarous practice of delivering
d2
36 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
over murderers to the relatives of the deceased, handing
over offenders, in public, to his own executioners to be
shot or decapitated.
" The arduous task of breaking the power of the great
feudal Chiefs — a task achieved in Europe only during the
reigns of many consecutive Kings — he has commenced l)y
chaining almost all who were dangerous, avowing his in-
tention of liberating them when his power shall be con-
solidated. He has placed the soldiers of the different pro-
vinces under the command of his own trusty followers, to
Avhom he has given high titles, but no power to judge or
\j' punish ; thus, in fact, creating generals in place of feudal
Chieftains more proud of their birth than of their monarch,
and organizing a new nobility, a legion of honour depen-
dent on himself, and chosen specially for their daring and
fidelity.
" To these he gives sums of money from time to time,
accustoming them to his intention of establishing a regular
pay ; his matchlock-men are numbered under officers com-
manding from 100 to 1000, and the King drills them in
person. In the common soldiers he has effected a great
reform, by paying them, and ordering them to purchase
their food, but in no way to harass and plunder the pea-
sant as Ijcforc ; the peasantry he is gradually accustoming
to live quiet under the village judge, and to look no more
to military rule. As regards commerce, he has put an
end to a number of vexatious exactions, and has ordered
that duties shall l)e levied only at three places in his do-
minions. All tliese matters cannot yet be perfected, but
he intends also to disarm the people, and to establish a
regular standing army, armed with muskets only ; having
THEODORE^S REFORMS AND ASPIRATIONS. 37
declared that he will convert swords and lances into
ploughshares and reaping-hooks^ and cause a plough-ox to
he sold dearer than the noblest war-horse.
" He has begun to substitute letters for verbal messages. '
After perusing the history of the Jesuits in Abyssinia, he
has decided that no Roman Catholic priests shall teach in
his dominions ; and insisting on his right divine over those
born his subjects, has ordered the Abyssinians who have
adopted that creed to recant. To foreigners of all classes,
however, he permits the free exercise of their religion, but
prohibits all preaching contrary to the doctrine of the
Coptic Chm'ch. To the Mohammedans he has declared
that he will first conquer the Gallas, who have seized on
Clu'istian lands, devastated churches, and by force con-
verted the inhabitants to Islamism; and after that, the
Mussulmans now residing in Abyssinia will have the
option of being baptized or of leaving the country.
" He is peculiarly jealous, as may be expected, of his
sovereign rights, and of anything that appears to trench
on them : he wishes, in a short time, to send embassies to
the great European Powers to treat with them on equal
terms. The most difficult trait in his character is this
jealousy and the pride that, fed by ignorance, renders it
impossible for him yet to believe that so great a monarch
as himself exists in the world.
" In his present campaign he proposes to subdue or
exterminate the Mohammedan Gallas, and perhaps Shoa.
Next year he will devote to the settlement of Tigre, in-
cluding the tribes along the coast, and meditates the oc-
cupation of Massowah. After that he wishes to reclaim
all the provinces lately conquered by Egypt along his
38 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA,
northern frontier, and even Khartoum, as his by right : nor
does his military ardom* hesitate to ckeam of the conquest
of Egypt and a trimnphant march to the Holy Sepulchre.
"■ Some of his ideas may be imperfect, others imprac-
ticable ; but a man, who, rising from the clouds of Abys-
sinian ignorance and childishness without assistance and
loithout advice"^, has done so much and contemplates such
large designs, cannot be regarded as of an ordinary
stamp /^
The character thus attributed to the Emperor Theodore
by Consul Plowden was evidently written with a most
friendly pen. Several circumstances connected with his
rise to power have been omitted, especially those re-
lating to his final acquisition of the Imperial crown. I
give them here as having an important bearing on his
subsequent career.
After the defeat of Ras Ali, as is related by Mr. Plowden,
Kassai and Ubyc, who were then left alone, were found to
be [jretty evenly matched. To avoid further bloodshed, it
was agreed, in February 1854, that a council of the prin-
cipal chiefs and dignitaries of the empire should decide
between the two rivals, who each hound himself by an
oath to submit to tlicu' decision. It being soon apparent
that the council were inclined to place Ubye on the throne,
and that the Abuna, Abba Salama, was willing to crown
him, Kassai intrigued with Padre de^ Jacobis (who with
the spread of Romanism in Abyssinia had been recognized
as Romish hishop under the title of Abuna Yakob) for the
adoption of the faith of Rome by himself and the whole
empire, if Jacolns would crown him Emperor. Having
* Froui what is stated in pajre 4i>, this may bo questioned.
INTRIGUES WITH ROMISH AND COPTIC HISIIOPS. 39
gained this point, Kassai suddenly led his army into Ubyc^s
hereditary jjrovince of Semyen. The Coptic bishop having
declared the perjured Kassai and his soldiers out of the
pale of the Church, Kassai intimated to him that, if he
could excommunicate, Abuna Yakol) could absolve ; at the
same time leaving the door open for negotiation. The
Coptic abuna, entrapped as easily as the Homish bishop
had been, at once abandoned Ubye^s cause, and agreed to
crown Kassai Emperor, on condition that he recognized
the Coptic faith as that of the empire, and banished from
the country Bishop de' Jacobis and his Romish priests.
Ubye, deprived of most of his moral power by the defec-
tion of the Coptic bishop, now marched in pursuit of Kassai.
On the 10th February, 1855 ^, a pitched battle took place
at Deraskye between their two armies, when that of Ubye
was completely routed, and he himself was wounded and
taken prisoner. Two days afterwards, Kassai was anointed
and crowned by the Coptic bishop by the name and title of
Theodore, King of the Kings {i. e. Emperor) of Ethiopia.
This ceremony took place in the church of Deraskye, which
Ubye had had built with a view to his own coronation.
Immediately after he had been crowned, Theodore
marched upon Gondar, where he ordered the imperial
7iegarit or large kettle-drums to be brought out and beaten
in the market-place ; and it was proclaimed, in the name
of the King of Kings Theodore, that if any one should
ever again speak of Dedjatj Kassai, he would have his
hands and feet cut off.
In order to show more fully the character of Kassai, and
to afford a key to his general conduct, it must be explained
* Mr. Stern gives this as the 4th, M. Lejean as the 5th of February.
.*i^-'
40 THE BRITISH CAI'TIVES IN AI5YSSINIA.
that the name of Theodore, assumed by him at his corona-
tion, is tliat of an Emperor of Abyssinia who flourished
during the eleventh century of the Christian era, and Avho,
according to a native prophecy, is, like King Arthur of
Britain and Don Sebastian of Portugal, to reign again, and
under whom the empire is not only to recover its pristine
power and splendour, but Mohammedanism is to be extir-
pated and the Cross planted in tlie place of the Crescent at
Jerusalem, in which city he is to seat himself on the throne
of his ancestor Solomon, the wise King of Israel.
When I passed through Lasta in the year 1843, I ac-
quired a knowledge of the tradition of that kingdom,
which differs materially from that of the rest of Abyssinia.
According to it, the second Theodore is no other than
Nakwetolaab, the last reigning monarch of the native dy-
nasty of Lasta, who abdicated in favour of Yekwena Amlak,
the legitimate heir to the throne, and is said to be still
alive and wandering about between Jerusalem and the
Abyssinian province of Zobul, in expectation of the time
Avhen his second reign shall commence, which is to be a sort
of millennium.
Whether the present Emperor, when he assumed the
name of Theodore, was sincere in the belief that he was the
destined sovereign may fairly be questioned. M. Lejean is
inclined to regard him as sincere, and asserts that in
1855 the whole of Abyssinia believed in him, even if at the
present day the same faith may not be retained.* But this
is evidently a misapprehension. In 1855 I had in my ser-
vice, or was otherwise in communication Avitli, several Abys-
sinians, some of whom were from Kassai's native province,
• ' Revue des Deux Mondes ' (Nov. 1, 1864), vol. liv. p. 235.
THE THEODORE OF PUOPHKCY. — RO.MISII PRETENDER. 41
Kwara or its immediate vicinity; and they unqualifiedly
denied his claim to be the Theodore of prophecy, for the
simple but conclusive reason, that Theodore was to come
from the east, whereas Kassai's place of origin, Kwara,
is in the extreme noriYi-ivest of Abyssinia ; and besides, we
are told by Consul Plowden, in his Report of June 25, 1855,
that at that very time a son of Ubye was giving himself
out as the destined Theodore, in opposition to Kassai.
That Kassai should have been induced to pass himself
off for the Theodore of prophecy may perhaps be accounted
for by the following remarkable circumstances.
For upwards of twenty years past there has resided in
Rome a certain lady of English extraciion, who claims to
be a lineal descendant of Menilek, the son of King Solo-
mon by the Queen of Sheba, and who, in the year 1863,
printed and published "con permesso" at Rome, a pamphlet
setting forth her pretensions, under the title of " Istoriche
Incidenze, per mezzo delle quali si prova esistere ancora e
fra di noi la linea diretta di Salomone, Re d'Egitto e de'
Giudei."
It is not requisite to discuss the pretensions of this
aspirant to the tlu'one of Ethiopia, whose pedigree I pos-
sess. It will be sufficient to state that they have been
countenanced both at Rome and in Abyssinia ; and that
when Padre de' Jacobis was in that city, as has been
already mentioned, a meeting was held in the Palazzo del
Governo Vecchio on September 9th 1841, at which were
present this claimant to the throne and other members
of her family, together with Padre de' Jacobis and several
Abyssinians, one of whom was the Alaka Habta Selasye,
and another a former secretary of Dcdjatj Sabagadis.
42 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
This lady's husband, or one of her two sons, occupies
himself with painting sacred pictures for the adornment of
the churches of his future empire. When I was in Abys-
sinia during the present year, I inquired after these paint-
ings, but could not hear of any except two in the Roman
Catholic church at ]\Iassowah; the one representing the
marriage of the Holy Virgin and St. Joseph, with St.
Simeon joining their hands, and the other the death of St.
Joseph, with the Virgin and. infant Jesus attending him.
My very brief stay in the island in May last, on my return
from the upper country, precluded me from seeing these
two pictures, as I had desired to do. I am told that on
their frames are set forth the pretensions of the artist to
the throne of Ethiopia.
It is not at all improbable that, under favourable cir-
cumstances, the lloman Catholic party in Abyssinia would
have been, and might still be, prepared to support the
claims of this aspirant to the throne of their own faith,
who on his side would assuredly be willing to make them
every concession in return for their support. Whether it
was ever intended that this lloman Catholic pretender
should declare himself to be the Theodore of prophecy I
cannot say ; but the intimate acquaintance of Bishop de'
Jacobis with the ancient history of Ethiopia, his mystic
and cntliusiastic character, and his intriguing disposition,
might well have disposed him to originate and encourage
such an imposture. As regards, however, the idea of Kas-
sai's ])cing the destined sovereign — so to say, on the Coptic
and Protestant side, — I have been assured that it was sug-
gested to him by the Abuna — the same train of thought
which made that prelate assume to be the representative
THEODORE S BELIEF IN HIS DIVINE MISSION. 43
of Frumentius and adopt his revered name of Abba Salama,
leading him not mmaturally to propose that Kassai should
in like manner adopt the name and attributes of the
destined restorer of the empire.
Whatever may have been the origin of Kassai's preten-
sions, and whether at the outset he himself believed
in his own claim or not, there can be no doubt that
he is now fully convinced of it. So far indeed has he be-
come filled with the idea of his divine mission, that at the
time of the defeat and execution of his rival, Negusye, in
the beginning of 1861, he made the following impious de-
claration to the clergy of Axum : — " I have made a bar-
gain with God. He has promised not to descend on earth
to strike me ; and I have promised not to ascend into
heaven to fight with him.^^ The madness of this assertion
is regarded by M. Lejean"^ as representing the amount of
disquietude caused by the intervention of France on the
side of his rival, Negusye. Rather is it the result of the
intoxication of success, superadded to that arising from the
constant habits of excess, which he indulged in before he
took on himself the character of the destined monarch of
religion, morality, and peace, and which he is known
to have resumed since he threw ofi" the mask and reap-
peared in what must be regarded as his true character.
M. Lejean, who on the whole is not unfavourably disposed
towards Theodore, attributes his change of conduct to
his being at length worn out by the constant rebellions
which he is unable to queU, and which eventually have
given rise to the one sole dark thought that now pervades
his soul; and he puts into Theodore's mouth the following-
* Oj7. cit. p. 2oo.
44 THE niUTISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
words : — " God, wlio raised mc from the dust to supplant
the legitimate princes, did not perform this miracle without
a motive. I have a mission; but what is it? I thought at
first that I had to elevate this people by means of pros-
perity and peace ; but, in spite of all the good T have done,
I see more rebels raise up their heads than in the time of
the worst tyranny. It is evident that I have deceived my-
self. This people has a hard head, and requires to be chas-
tised before being called to enjoy the blessings of Provi-
dence. I now perceive the true part I have to perform :
I ^vdll be the scourge, the judgement of God on Abyssinia."
And M. Lejean adds that, as the new programme of his
reign, he has caused to be engraved on the carriages of his
mortars, "Theodore, the Scourge of the Perverse^^"^.
One of the frightful consequences of this resolution was
the laconic general order given by the monarch to his sol-
diers, " Eat up everything ; " under which order fourteen
provinces, with a superficies equal to that of Switzerland,
were " eaten up,'' the one after the other, in the three
months from March to June 18G3 f.
That M. Lejean has not exaggerated is proved l)y the
following extract from a letter, which I received in 1863,
from a j)crson who has had but too many opportunities of
forming a correct estimate of the Emperor's real charac-
ter : — " Abyssinia, I regret to say, has not improved since
my last visit. The King who, in the beginning of his reign,
gave great promise that he would introduce a new era of
peace and ])rospcrity to this long-distracted and misgo-
verned empire, has grievously disappointed the general ex-
pectation. Infatuated with the idea that he was the chosen
• Op. cit. p. GOD. t Ibid.
I
TUEODOKE S CHANGE OF CHARACTER AND CONDUCT. 45
instrument of Heaven to perform exploits that would elicit
the Avorld's applause, he led the life of a saint in the camp,
and displayed the daring of a hero in battle. As long as
success attended his varied enterprises, all was couleur de
rose; but no sooner did he discover treacheries among his
governors and wide- spreading conspiracies among the
troops, than he abandoned the false character he had as-
sumed, and descended to the common level of all former
Abyssinian monarchs. Since his defeat of Agau Negusye,
the Tigre rebel, who expiated the crime of his ambition by
a cruel death, the despot has wasted part of the Wollo-
Galla country; and, during the last year, all his forces
have been applied to subjugate to obedience the province
of Godjam. Tadela Gwalu, who is the leader of the
rebels, to forestall any reverse, has intrenched himself on
the Ambas Djibella, Mutera and Tsamara, where, it is
said, a sufficient quantity of provisions is stored up to
last him and his numerous army upwards of fourteen
years.
"The persevering resistance of this pretender to the
throne has exasperated Theodore to a pitch almost border-
ing on frenzy. Damot, Agaumider, and part of Dembea,
which were suspected of disaffection, have already expe-
rienced the severe doom of traitors ; and it is said that a
similar fate aAvaits other districts and provinces. The
cruel and licentious soldiery, too delighted with the royal
licence to plunder, have perpetrated the most revolting
deeds of cruelty. Confiscation and rapine have been the
lot of the patient and submissive ; but wherever any re-
monstrance was offered, blows, and in scores of instances
death, became the punishment. Even churches, which
46 THE BKITISII CAPTIVES IN AIJYSSINIA.
were liitlicrto considered inviolable, did not escape the de-
vastating storm.
" This unprecedented mode of intimidation has awakened
horror and detestation among friends and foes ; and it will
take years, if the despot so long maintains his power, till
the impression of the late proceedings is effaced. Just now
he is encamped in Maitsha, south of Lake Tsana ; but I
question whether his vast army will not prove dangerous to
himself in an impoverished and hostile country. The pea-
santry are all Aveary of this unsettled state of the empire,
and secretly sigh for a change of government."
This was written from Southern Abyssinia in 1863.
When I was in the northern portion of the empire in the
beginning of the present year, I heard everything thus
stated fully confirmed, and more than confirmed. Like
the children of Israel, the Abyssinians — the Betii Israel,
as they call themselves — sigh by reason of their bondage
under a sovereign whom they do not scruple to style
" Pharaoh, King of Egypt," and they look anxiously, yet
hopefully, for the day when a deliverer shall arise, like
Moses, to free them from their oppressor.
Yet Theodore, with all his faults, is but one of a class.
Like other " heroes,"
" From Macedonia's madman to the Swede,"
he bears down and crushes all that stands between him and
the object of his desires; and like them he will learn, when
it shall be too late, that " wisdom is better than weapons of
war."
But I have been anticipating the course of events, the
narrative of which shall be resumed in the following
Cliaptcr.
47
CHAPTER IV.
Theodore's reception op consul plowden — he objects to a
CONSULATE — CONSUL PLOWDEn's BEPORT — LORD CLABENDON's
APPROVAL OF PROCEEDINGS — PROPOSED EMBASSY — SUBSEQUENT
NEGOCIATIONS — CONSUL PLOWDEn's CONDUCT CONDEMNED AND
VINDICATED — AGAU NEGUSYE's REBELLION IN TIGRE — HIS RE-
COGNITION BY FRANCE — CESSION TO FRANCE OF ADULIS AND
DISSEE— CAPTAIN DE RUSSEL'S MISSION — CONSUL PLOWDEN AND
MR. BELL KILLED — THEODORe's '^'ENGEANCE — DEFEAT AND
EXECUTION OF NEGUSYE — FRENCH ATTEMPTS ON THE COAST OF
ABYSSINIA — ZEILA — OBOKH.
At the time of the defeat of Ras Ali in 1853, Mr. Bell
was in that prince's camp, and was either taken prisoner
by the conqueror or submitted to him. In either case he
was pardoned, and soon stood in high favour, even more so
than with Ras Ali. Consul Plowden was at the time at
Massowah, but on being written to by his friend Bell, he
proceeded to Gondar, where, in June 1855, he had an in-
terview with the Emperor. What took place on the occa-
sion is thus graphically described by Mr. Plowden, in a
Report to the Earl of Clarendon, dated Gondar, June 25,
1855 : — "On approaching the camp, the intervening country
being dangerous to traverse on account of the Gallas, I re-
quested an escort ; the King, to do me honour, sent four of
his generals with several comj)anies of gunners, who accom-
panied me to the camp with ceremony, the King^s flutes
and drums playing before me, and fired a salute of mus-
ketry when I approached his tent. The tent was filled with
all his officers in handsome dresses, and the ground was
48 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
entirely covered with carpets ; the King was seated on a
coucli; splendidly attired, with his crown on the pillow and
his sword of state held behind him : the Abuna and the
Etjegye were seated on high chairs to tlie right and left —
every one else standing. He received me with great po-
litenesSj and caused me to sit down on a carpet near him-
self. After a short conversation respecting my journey
and on the forms of government in England and other
countries, he told me to retire, as I must be fatigued,
causing a large tent to be pitched for me
" The evening before the day fixed for my departure,
the King sent to me to know the object of my coming. I
replied that I had not come on the part of the Government
or in any official capacity; but that as I was about to
visit England, it yvas important that I should know and
report His Majesty ^s disposition respecting the establish-
ment of a Consulate and friendly relations generally; I
hinted, also at what had been arranged with the Ras, Ali.
The King said, ' I know nothing of what Ras Ali may have
done ; I am young and inexperienced in public affairs ; I
have never heard of a Consulate under the former Kings of
Abyssinia, and tliis matter must ])e referred to my Council
and the principal people of my court. ^
" The next day, being sick myself, I sent Mr. Bell, who
is much trusted by the King; and after several messages
to and fro the King finally replied as follows : — ' I cannot
consent to a Consulate, as I find in the liistory of
our institutions no such thing; but for anything else
that you wish for, now or hereafter, for yourself and
other English, I shall be happy to ])erform your pleasure ;
and could 1 receive anv Consul, I should wish for no
THEODORE OBJECTS TO A CONSULATE. 49
one more agreeable to me, or more esteemed by me,
than yourself/
" I had ventured to hint that the sea-coast and Masso-
wah might possibly be given up to him on his consent ;
but, though his ambition was roused at this, he feared the
clause conferring jurisdiction on the Consul as trenching on
his prerogative; and the time for consideration was so short
that, though half inclined to say yes, he was too much
startled at my proposals to do so.
" The next morning he offered me some hundred dollars
for the expenses of my journey, and begged me to pass
the rainy season in Gondar. I replied that, had he received
me as Consul, I should even have followed him in his cam-
paigns and have shared his dangers ; but that after his re-
fusal my duty was to return to my country as soon as
possible ; and that as for the money I could not receive it,
as I was paid by my own Sovereign. He spoke to me in
the most affectionate manner, gave orders for my honom'-
able reception everywhere as far as Massowah, and said,
' In refusing your request for a Consulate, my only reason
is that it appears an innovation, but do you not forget my
friendship for you, and cause your Queen also to regard me
as a friend. After the rains I shall send to Her Majesty
an Embassy and letters, and when these wars are finished
I will give every favour and protection to Englishmen
who may visit my country : do you also visit me and
write to me.'
"The Abuna, Abba Salama, tried in every way to
assist me in this negotiation ; and it will be seen that the
King's refusal is hardly a refusal, and that he does not
wish to break off all treaty ivith us, but 7'ather the con-
50 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
trary, being only startled by the clause about jurisdiction
of Consuls.
" I left the camp with all honour^ the King adjuring me
twenty times not to forget to write to him constantly
wherever I might be, and giving me his own mule to ride
as a proof of his friendly feelings. I told him that I
should report all our conversation, and receive the orders
of my Government in consequence ; that I should then
report the answer to him, which was all that I was au-
thorized to do'^^.
Lord Clarendon's reply, dated November 27th, 1855,
to Consul Plowden's despatch, was couched in the fol-
lowing terms : —
" I have read with great interest the able report on the
present state of the Kingdom of Abyssinia, inclosed in
your despatch dated Gondar, June 25th, 1855, and / en-
tirely approve your pf-oceedings as reported in that de-
spatch, as well as the language held by you at your inter-
view with the King Theodorus.
"You will acquaint the King that Her Majesty's Go-
vernment are fully informed with respect to the events
that have recently taken place in Abyssinia, and that they
desire to express their admiration of the valour and skiU
wliich he has displayed in the field and of his moderation
in victory, and also of the wisdom and benevolence with
which he has commenced the work of reform, and of his
labours for the welfare of his people. At the same time,
however, you will convey the advice and express the earnest
hope of Her Majesty's Government, that the King will
* Parliamentary Paper, 18GG, 'Further Con-espondence,' kc. pp.
44, 4o.
LORD clarendon's REPLY, PROPOSED EMBASSY. 51
abstain from religious persecution and extending religious
principles by force of arms, which is contrary to the prin-
ciples of Christianity, and cannot fail to involve him in
endless troubles.
" Her Majesty^s Government are convinced that the
establishment of friendly and intimate relations between
Great Britain and Abyssinia would be attended with many
advantages to both countries ; and you wdll accordingly
inform the King that the Queen, our gracious Sovereign,
will have much pleasure in receiving, and treating with
due honour, the Ambassadors whom His Majesty may
send to Her Court.
" This must, however, depend upon your receiving from
the King a distinct assurance that he renounces all idea of
conquest in Egypt and at Massowah.
" Her Majesty's Government have latterly remonstrated
in the strongest terms against the intentions of the Viceroy
of Egypt to attack Abyssinia ; and the present Viceroy has
not only put a stop to such proceedings and has confined
himself within the limits of his own dominions, but he has
set free the Abyssinian prisoners reduced to slavery by his
predecessor. Her Majesty's Government would subject
themselves to grave suspicions if they received an Em-
bassy from a sovereign whose designs against the Sultan,
the ally of .the Queen of England, were previously known
to them.
" Should you receive a complete and satisfactory assu-
rance on this subject, and should the King of Abyssinia
determine to send Ambassadors to Her Majesty^s Court,
it ivill be your duty to accompany them, and you are hereby
authorized to defray the expenses of their Journey to Eng-
E 2
52 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
land, respecting wliicli you will he careful to observe all
reasonable economy.
" I apprehend, however, that the route which the Ambas-
sadors would pursue must be through Egypt ; and as the
Viceroy is aware of the hostile designs of the King, it is
highly probable that His Highness will not allow them to
pass through his territory ; and you will therefore coinmu-
nicate with Mr. Bruce, and ascertain from him whether
leave will be granted or not, as it would be highly inexpe-
dient that you should be exposed to being turned back
from the Egyptian frontier in company with the Abyssinian
emissaries" *.
At what time this despatch of Lord Clarendon reached
Consul Plowden, and what negotiations took place between
that officer and the Emperor in consequence of it, do not
appear. Earl Russell, in his despatch to Colonel Stanton of
October 5th, 1865 1^ says that the Emperor Theodore, " so
far from insisting on the observance of the Treaty of 1849,
refused altogether to recognize that Treaty. Consul Plow-
den was told by the British Government in 1857 that
the Emperor was bound in good faith to recognize that
Treaty, and that if he objected to any of its provisions
he should propose modifications. But from the triumph
of the Emperor Theodore in 1856 [it should be 1855] to
the present day, the Treaty has been a dead letter.^'
From these expressions of Earl Russell the legitimate
inference would ])e that between the accession of the
Emperor Theodore and Consul Plowden^s untimely death,
that monarch had turned a deaf car to the representations
* Pari. Paper, 18(i6, ' Furthoi- Correspondence,' &c., p. 47.
t Ihir]. p. ()2.
i '■■{'■
VARIATIONS BETWEEN TREATIES OF 1841 AND 1849. 53
made by the latter at the instance of the British Govern-
ment ; whereaSj as far as is shown by the documents hither-
to published^ it appears that the Emperor did precisely as
it is insinuated he ought to have done but did not.
It is necessary to explain, that the treaty entered into
with the Emperor and Ras Ali, in 1849, was based on, or
more properly speaking copied from, that made with the f'^
King of Slioa in 1841, but with some material modifica- '{ -^^ui'
tions. The treaty with Shoa consists of sixteen articles,
stipulating for friendship between the two countries, for
the reception of " any Ambassador or Envoy " whom either
of the high contracting parties might see fit to appoint, for
the establishment of commercial intercourse, and for the
payment of an import duty of 5 per cent, in Shoa, and of
no greater duties in England than are levied on British
subjects.
The treaty with the Emperor of Abyssinia in 1849 con-
sists of nineteen articles, of which the first sixteen and the
last are nearly verbatim the same as the sixteen composing
the treaty with the King of Shoa; — with the difierence,
however, that by the second treaty it is stipulated that the
high contracting parties shall receive and protect " any
Ambassador, Envoy, or Consul," whom they may recipro-
cally see fit to appoint.
From the reference to this treaty made in Earl RusselPs
despatch, it might be imagined that while Her Britannic
Majesty agreed to "receive and protect any Ambassador,
Envoy, or Consul,^^ His Majesty of Abyssinia would " re-
ceive an Ambassador " only ; but in the treaty itself the
reciprocity is equal and complete. The later treaty con-
tains further the following important addition : —
54 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
" Article XVII. — His Majesty of Abyssinia agrees that
in all cases when a British subject shall be accused of any
crime committed in any part of His Majesty^s dominions,
the accused shall be tried and adjudged by the British
Consul, or other officer duly appointed for that purpose
by Her Britannic Majesty ; and in all cases when disputes
or differences shall arise between British subjects, or be-
tween British subjects and the subjects of His Majesty of
Abyssinia, or between British subjects and the subjects of
any other foreign Power, within the dominions of His Ma-
jesty of Abyssinia, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul, or
other duly appointed officer, shall have poiver to hear and
decide the same, without any interference, molestation, or
hindrance on the part of any authority of Abyssinia, either
before, during, or after the litigation.
" Article XVIII. — If any British subject shall die in the
territories of His Majesty of Abyssinia, the British Consul,
or in his absence his representative, shall have the right to
take charge of the papers and property of the deceased, for
the benefit of his lawful heirs and creditors, without any
interference on the part of the Abyssinian authorities."
It is to these additions to the treaty of 1841 introduced
into that of 1849, and also generally to the establishment
of a Consulate — that is to say a *' Levant ^^ Consulate —
within his dominions, that the Emperor Theodore princi-
pally, if not entirely, objected : not to the treaty itself.
From his own subjects who had visited Egypt and the Holy
Land, as well as from travellers of other nations, he had
heard of the al)uonnal privileges enjoyed by European
Consuls in those countries, and of the abuses they have often
given rise to; and he was determined — and no one can
CONSUL PLOWDEN CONDEMNED BY MR. LAYAKD. 00
blame him for it — that within his dominions an imperium
in imperio, like that within the Turkish dominions, should
not exist.
If Earl Russell wrongfully charged the Emperor Theo-
dore with, not keeping his engagements, his subordinate,
Mr. Layard, in the debate in the House of Commons on
June 30th, 1865, even more wrongfully accused Consul
Plowden of breach of duty. His words were, " Unfortu-
nately, Mr. Plowden, our Consul at Massowah, instead of
attending to the object with which he was placed there,
that of encouraging commercial intercourse between Great
Britain and Abyssinia, plunged into the local intrigues.
He and Mr. Bell sided with King Theodore, and actually
commanded his troops. When information reached home
that Mr. Plowden was thus mixing himself up with local
conflicts, and acting exactly in opposition to the spirit of
the policy which he had been placed there to carry out.
Her Majesty's Government at once sent out instructions
for him to return to his post at Massowah, and no longer
to interfere in those local differences. Unfortunately,
before those instructions reached him, Mr. Plowden had
been killed by a native Abyssinian chief*.
This accusation drew forth the following indignant pro-
test on the part of Consul Plowden's brother : —
" Mr. Plowden was accredited to Abyssinia, and not to
Massowah, which is a Turkish port, without trade, with no
mercantile interests and no British subjects to protect, and
is valuable only as the means of entry into Abyssinia and
of communication with Europe, obviously the reasons for
its being made the head quarters of the Consulate. The
* ' Times,' July 1, 186c
56 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
duties of the Consul were to watch and counteract foreign
intrigue — that of France especially ; — to keep peace be-
tween Abyssinia and Egypt; to obtain the abolition of
slavery, and to establish and promote commercial inter-
course between Great Britain and Abyssinia. His duties
commenced in 1848 with a mission to Ras Ali, the then
ruler, to whom he was charged with presents and with
instructions to conclude a treaty. It was in this capacity
he returned to Ras AH, and not, as Mr. Layard says, to
remain in his ser\dce.
" From that time to the day of his death the greater
portion of his life was spent in visits to the interior and to
the King's Court — first to Ras Ali, and afterwards to King
Theodore. These visits were made with the sanction and
approval of the Foreign Office, w^th whom he maintained
a constant correspondence, and by whose instructions he
was throughout guided. His quarterly certificates, for-
warded from various places in the interior, declared him
to be ' at his post,' and ' in the exercise of his duties,'
always without challenge or reproof from his superiors.
" He left ]\Iassowah on his last visit on the 25th of
March, 1855, and was killed in March 1860, on his return
homewards.
" In this enforced absence of five years (for he expected
to be away as many months only) he carried on his usual
correspondence with the Foreign Office, and in accordance
with his instructions had frequent personal interviews with
King Theodore. Neither in this period, nor before, was he
found fault with for quitting Massowah, nor was any pro-
hiljition to visit the interior issued. It was impossible
there could have been ; for the duties required of him were
CONSUL PLOWDEN's CONDUCT VINDICATED. 57
those of an envoy and minister, absolutely necessitating his
presence in the interior, and involving personal intercourse
with the King ; and I assert that this necessity was known
to and recognized by the Foreign Office up to the middle
of 1859, and during the tenure of that office by Lords
Palmerston and Clarendon, to whom the facts I have
stated must doubtless be well known. At all events, the
official despatches will prove what I have said; and 1
challenge their production, as well as of any orders or
instructions which my brother is alleged to have dis-
obeyed^^*.
There can be no question as to the facts thus plainly
stated, and it is deeply to be regretted that the Under
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs should have spoken
so entirely at random. But, however Consul Plowden may
have been occupied during the last four years of his life,
from 1856 to 1859, it is certain tliat no definite arrange-
ment was come to, either with respect to the treaty or to
the sending of an Embassy to England. One reason may
be, that Theodore was far too much occupied at home to
be able to turn his attention to foreign affairs. He had
invaded and conquered the territories of our ally the King
of Shoa ; he had also extended his conquests considerably
in the south and centre of the empire ; but he had thereby
been forced to neglect the northern portions of it, more
especially Tigre and the other dominions of his great
competitor Ubye, whom he still kept in imprisonment.
The result was that a serious rival rose to power in
that province in the person of a relative of Ubye, named
Negusye — called Agau Negiisye, from his being a native
* ' Standard,' July 10, 1865.
58 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
of the adjoiuiug Agau (Agow) country — who raised the
standard of " rebellion " in Tigre, of which province he
Mas recognized as the independent sovereign by the French
Consul at Massowah, and also by Msgr. de' Jacobis, who
since his banishment had continued to reside at Halai,
the frontier town at the eastern edge of the tableland. The
Emperor Napoleon likewise entered into friendly relations
with Negiisye, and wrote to Theodore, in reply to his
offers of alliance, recognizing his sovereignty west of the
Takkazye, but desiring him to recognize Negusye as King
of the country to the east of that river — that is to say,
Tigre, the ancient kingdom of the Axumites.
This alliance between the Emperor Napoleon and Ne-
gusye led to the following remarkable incident.
In December 1859, Captain de Russel, of the French
navy, landed at Zulla (the ancient Adulis), near Massowah,
and proceeded into the interior. The professed object of
this mission was purely scientific, Captain de E-ussel being
accompanied by no less than fourteen savans ! At bottom
it proved to be a political mission to the "Emperor''
Negusye. The cause of this " scientific " mission was
a letter addressed by Negusye to the Emperor Napo-
leon, offering to cede to him the Bay of Adulis (Annes-
Icy Bay) and the Island of Dissce (Valentia Island) at its
entrance, in consideration of French troops being sent
to aid Negusye in acquiring full possession of Tigrc.
The Paris newspapers said at the time, " la mission a par-
faitement reussi,'' the French envoy having proceeded us
far as Gondar (Theodore's capital!), where he had an
interview with the " Emperor " Negusye. The fact how-
ever is, that the mission was unable to penetrate further
FRENCH MISSION TO TIGRE. CONSUL PLOWDEN's DEATH. 59
than Halai, at which place Captain de Russel awaited
Negusye^s arrival. But the latter was prevented from
joining him by Theodore^s troops, who even came as far as
Halai, where they made the French envoy and his com-
panions prisoners, allowing them to remain in Msgr. de^
Jacobis's house, under the latter's pledge that they should
not leave it till the Emperor Theodore^ s pleasure should be
known. Captain de Russel and his party escaped, how-
ever, during the night of the 5th of February, 1860, and
returned in safety on board their vessel ; whilst Msgr. de'
Jacobis was imprisoned and fined for having allowed them
to escape, and died soon afterwards from the ill-treatment
he sustaiued.
Simultaneously and intimately connected with the oc-
currences thus related, a disastrous event took place,
which was destined to be the precursor of others yet more
calamitous.
In the month of February 1860, Consul Plowden, while
marching with a small body of his followers, was attacked
by a much larger force under a chief named Garred, a
cousin of Negusye, the French " King of Tigre.^' Mr.
Plowden was wounded, taken prisoner, ransomed by the
Emperor*, but in the following month died of his
wounds. In October of the same year, Theodore, accom-
panied by Mr. Bell, advanced against Garred for the
purpose of avenging Consul Plowden's death. Garred,
with a force of about 2000 men, was encamped in
Waldabba, when Theodore's advanced guard, led by
* This act having been reported to the Government in India, a
vahiable present was sent to the Emperor from Bombay, independently
of the rifle and pair of pistols sent as a present from Her Majesty.
60 THE 15R1TISII CAPTIVES IN ABYS.?INIA.
Bell, made a furious attack on them. In the conflict,
which was brief, Bell slew Garrecl with his own hand, but
was himself immediately killed by Garred's brothers. A
considerable number of the latter's troops having fallen,
the rest threw down their arms and sm'rendered at discre-
tion, when Theodore, after putting Garred's brothers to
death with his own hand, executed also all who had
surrendered. This frightful sacrifice offered up by a
Christian sovereign to the manes of the two unfortu-
nate British officers may appear incredible, but it is
nevertheless a fact'^. The particulars of it may best be
given in the Emperor's own account of the occurrence
to Captain Cameron, as reported by that officer: — "His
Majesty gave me a detailed account of his last campaign
against Negusi. This he did with much apparent mo-
desty. He dAvelt with graphic clearness on the death-
scene of his late Grand Chamberlain, the Englishman
Bell, in which om' countryman singled out the chief,
Garratt, to whom Mr. Plowden owed his death, and killed
him on the battle-field ; whilst the King similarly dis-
patched the same rebel's brother. Both the slain were his
Majesty's cousins. He spoke of his further revenge for
Mr. Plowden's death when he executed 1 500 of Garratt's
followers on the same day. He did this, he said, to win the
friendship of Her Majesty" f.
* Tilt! following is the account given by Mr. Stern in page 129 of
his ' Wanderings among the Falashas : ' — " On October 31st, 1860,
three thousand rebels, with their leader Oerat, were defeated by the
Itoyal troops n(!ar the western bank of the Taccazy, and mercilessly
butchered in cold blood : in fact, so inexorable was the King, that even
their wives and cliildrcn — contrary to former custom — were indis-
criminately condemned to perpetual slavery."
t Parliamentary I'ap'i", iHUi, ' Further Correspondence,' &c.,p. -50.
MR. BELLAS DEATH. EXECUTION OF NEGUSYE. 01
From Earl RussclFs despatch of February 20tli, 1862,
given in a subsequent page, it appears that the Emperor
also wrote to his Lordship, informing him of '^ the steps
he had taken to punish the men who murdered Mr. Plow-
den and Mr. Bell,^' and that his Lordship thanked His
Majesty for so doing in the name of the Queen*.
Following up his victory over Garred's detachment,
Theodore now marched against the main body of Negusye's
army, Avhich he completely routed in January 1861, Nc-
gusye falling into the hands of his merciless conqueror,
by whom he was put to death, together with several of
his relatives and principal adherents. On the unfortunate
Prince himself was inflicted the punishment awarded to a
traitor and murderer. His right hand and left foot were
struck off, and he was then left, exposed to public gaze, to
linger till he died.
Negusye's defeat and death did not put an end to the
attempts to maintain Tigre as an independent State. His
successor, Mehret, a chief of Hamasyen, who like Negusye
was supported by the French and Romish party, had how-
ever but a short reign. Theodore, ever fruitful in strata-
gem, enticed him into the power of one of his adherents,
by whom, in October 1861, he was put in chains to await
the will of the Emperor, who ordered him to be executed.
Before quitting this portion of the subject, it will be
well to give here a summary of the subsequent move-
ments of our allies and neighbours, the French, along
the Abyssinian coast.
The ill success of the attempt to obtain a cession of
* See page 68.
62 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
the Bay of Adiilis and the Island of Dissee only stimulated
the French Government to make a fi'csh one of a more
systematic and adroit character in another quarter.
In July 1859, M. Henri Lambert, French Consul at Aden,
— brother to M. Joseph Lambert, formerly a merchant
in Mauritius, and afterwards Minister of the King of
Madagascar, by whom he was sent to France on a mission
to the Emperor Napoleon, — was accidently drowned on
the Somauli coast, while crossing from Hodeida to Ta-
djurrah in a native boat belonging to the port of Zeila. The
former Governor of that place, Abu Bekr, who was then at
Tadjurrah, revenged himself on his rival and successor.
Sheikh Shermerki, by accusing him of the murder of M.
Lambert. As soon as this became known at Aden, the
British Political Resident, Brigadier (now Sir William M.)
Coghlan, dispatched his Assistant, Captain Playfair, in
H.M.S. 'Furious,'' to investigate the matter on the spot;
when it was found that M. Lambert' s.^ death was purely
accidental, and the charge against Shermarki trumped up
by Abu Bekr out of sheer malice. The matter afforded,
however, a pretext, such as had been long desired, for
French interference. Accordingly, the French corvette
' Somme,' Commodore Vicomte de Langle, went to Zeila
towards the end of 1860, to investigate the matter;
when Shermarki and about a dozen other natives, most
wrongfully accused of being M. Lambert's murderers,
were made prisoners, and carried to Hodeida, to l)e judged
bv the Turkish Governor, witliiii whose jui'isdiction Zeila
and Tadjurrah lie. The latter refusing to act in the matter,
M. de Langle proceeded to Djidda, where he appealed to
the Governor-General of Yemen, who likewise declined to
ACQUISITION BY FRANCE OF OBOKH. 63
interfere. On this the French Commodore sailed for
France with all his prisoners except Shermarki, who had
died on board ship in the harbour of Djidda.
Representations were now made to the Porte by the
French Ambassador at Constantinople, the result of which
was that tlie Porte made over to France the revenues of
the port of Zeila, till the sum of 30,000 dollars, the
estimated cost of M. de Langle's mission to investigate the
circumstances of M. Lambert^s death, should be paid.
Emboldened by success, the Government of France went
on yet further, showing but too plainly what were their
real designs.
Towards the end of April 1862, the French aviso ^Cu-
rieux,' after cruising about the Red Sea for several
months, went to Suez, where she took on board the native
Somaulis and Dankalis, who had been carried to France by
Commodore de Langle, the professed object being to con-
vey them back home. But with them went M. Schaefer,
first Oriental Interpreter to the Emperor ; who, having
carefully surveyed all the Dankali coast from Massowah to
Zeila, fixed on a site for a settlement at Obokh, near Ras
Bir, about midway between the Straits of Babelmandeb
and Tadjurrah, and exactly opposite Aden; which place
he purchased of the native governors of Tadjurrah and
Raheita for the sum of 10,000 dollars, taking formal pos-
session of it in the name of the Emperor Napoleon.
There ought not to be any doubt as to the illegality of
this purchase from acknowledged vassals of the Ottoman
Porte, paying customs-duties to the Governor of Zeila,
who is subject to the Governor of Hodeida. But the
French have at all events succeeded in establishing a
64 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
holding title ; and wc shall doubtless see ere loiig the use
to which this settlement will be put. It is evidently
intended for a base of operations against Abyssinia;
and to it, as such, the Emperor Theodore's attention
was drawn by Consul Cameron, under instructions from
Mr. (now Sir Kobert G.) Colquhoun, Her Majesty's
Agent and Consul-General in Egypt*.
The acquisition of Obokh by the French was first
announced by me in the ^Times' of June 16th, ]862.
It would be well if a motion were made in Parliament
for the Papers relating to this subject as well as to the
transfer from Turkey to Egypt of the western coast of
the Red Sea, to which allusion is made in a subsequent
Chapter t.
* Parliamentary Paper, 18GG, ' Further Correspondence,' &c., p. 51.
And see page 72, jmst.
t See pages 134, 135.
65
CHAPTER V.
CONSUL CAMERON — HTS RECEPTION RY THEODORE — EARL RUSSELL's
LETTER — NEGOTIATIONS FOR AN EMBASSY AND TREATY — ABYS-
SINI^VN CONVENT AND CHURCH AT JERUSALEM — THEODORE'S*
LETTER TO THE QUEEN OF ENGLAND— SAMUEL, THE EMPEBOB'S
STEWARD — PROPOSAL FOR A MISSION FROM INDIA.
It would occupy far too much time and space, and would
besides be to no good purpose, were I to detail the sub-
sequent events of Theodore's reign, consisting as they do
of a succession of campaigns into the various provinces
of the Empire, the rulers and people of which were only
lirought into subjection by the presence of his troops, and
" revolted,' ' the one after the other, as soon as these
troops were withdraAvn. I proceed therefore to relate
those events in which our countrj-men have taken part,
and which have unhappily given occasion to the present
work.
As soon as the news of Consul Plowden's death reached
England, Captain Charles Duncan Cameron, who had
served on the staff of Sir W. Fcnwick Williams, Her
Majesty's Commissioner with the Turkish army in the
East, was appointed his successor. Captain Cameron's ap-
pointment as " Her Majesty's Consul in Abyssinia" was
annovmced in the ' London Gazette' of June 24th, 18G0;
but it was only on February 9th, 1862, two years after
Consul Plowden's death, that he arrived at Massowah,
which island he was ordered to '^ consider as the head-
quarters of his Consulate," and whence, following his
predecessor's example, he proceeded to the Court of the
66 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Emperor Theodore, to whom he was the bearer of pre-
sents from the Britisli Government,
Before ^dsiting the Abyssinian Court, Captain Cameron
accompanied the Duke of Saxe Coburg on an excursion
into the country of Bogos, on the northern frontier of
Abyssinia ; so that it was not till July that he reached
Gondar.
During the rainy season of 1862 Consul Cameron re-
mained at Gondar, but at its close he was sent for by the
Emperor, whom he joined at his camp in Godjam on the
7th of October. He was received with a salute of twelve
guns ; and 6000 cavalry, infantry, and matchlock-men
were marched on to escort him into camp. His reception,
Cameron himself says, was the best His Majesty had yet
accorded to an envoy ; and the same opinion has been ex-
pressed by Europeans who were present on the occasion.
At the first interview, which lasted several hours. His
Majesty gave a detailed account of his last campaign
against Agau Negusye, as has been already narrated* ;
and " he afterwards broke out into invectives against the
Turks, said they were encroaching on him on every side,
spoke of the seven flags (as he expressed it) that they had
planted on the sea-coast, and dwelt much upon alleged
advances from the Egyptian quarter. He announced his
intention of fighting with them, and sending ambassadors
to the European nations to justify his conduct "f-
Two days after this interview Consul Cameron received
a message from His Majesty, directing him to put down
• Page 60.
t Parliamentary Paper, IHfifi, ' Furthor Correspondence,' &c.,
p. 50.
EARL RUSSELL^S LETTER TO THE EMPEROR THEODORE. G7
his business with him on paper. On this, says that offieer,
in his despatch to Earl Russell of October 31, 1862, '^ I
wrote immediately that I was deputed to present him with
certain gifts and a letter of introduction ; also to discuss
with him regarding the future. That when Mr. Plowden
was killed there were two points under discussion, \\z.,
1st, a Treaty; 2nd, the sending an Embassy to England.
I offered to take these up where Mr. Plowden had left
them"*.
Next day Captain Cameron was sent for to deliver his
presents and the letter from Earl Russell, of which letter
the following is a copy : —
" Foreign Office, February 20, 1862.
" Sir, — The Queen my Sovereign has been informed by
her servants in the East of the exertions which your
Highness kindly made to recover the remains of her late
Consul, Mr. Plowden, and of youi* generosity in declining
to accept repayment of the sum of money which you paid
for that purpose. Her Majesty commands me to assure
your Highness that she views your conduct in regard to
this affair as a proof of friendship towards herself and the
British nation, of which she is duly sensible.
" In order more particularly to manifest Her Majesty's
thankfulness for these your Highness's services, and to
show her regard aT>d friendship for you personally. Her
Majesty requests your acceptance of a rifle and a pair of
revolver pistols as a present from herself. Her Majesty
has intrusted these articles to Captain Charles Duncan
Cameron, whom she has appointed her Consul in Abyssinia,
as the successor of the late Mr. Plowden, and who has
* ' Further Correspondence,' &(•., p. 50.
k2
08 THE BKITISII CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
lately taken his departure for liis post; and I take this
opportunity of introducing him to your Highness, and of
requesting your pi'otection and favour in his behalf. He
is well acquainted with all that concerns the interests of
both countries, and will, I am confident, do all in his
power to make himself acceptable to your Highness and
to promote your av el fare.
" I thank your Highness for the letter which you ad-
dressed to me, informing me of the steps which you had
taken to punish the men who murdered Mr. Plowden and
Mr. Bell ; and with my best wishes for your uninterrupted
health and happiness, I recommend you to the protection
of the Almighty.
" Your faithful friend,
(Signed) " RUSSELL.'^
" (L.S. The large signet.)"
These were scarcely the terms in which to address a
potentate whose predecessors on the throne of Ethiopia
had been treated as equals and addressed by the name oi
^'^ brother" by the haughty sovereigns of Spain, and with
whom her Britannic Majesty^s ancestors, King James the
First and King George the Third, had corresponded like-
wise. However, both the letter and the presents gave
Theodore great pleasure, " especially the inscription on the
gun, to the effect that it was given by Her Majesty in
return for the King^s kindness to Mr. Plowden."
Earl llusseirs instructions to Consul Cameron, as far
as they have been published*, are somewhat of the
vaguest; but they would appear to luive been intended to
* Pari, Paper, 1865, ' Papers relating to ibo Iiuj)risonment of
r.riti>li Sulijccts,' pp. 1, 2.
ARRANGEMENTS FOR A TREATY AND EMBASSY. 09
leave him to be governed very mueh by cireumstances and
liis own discretion. It was, however, understood that he
Avas to take the conduct of his predecessor, Consul Plowden,
as his guide generally; and it is quite certain that his at-
tention was expressly drawn to the negotiations still pend-
ing for a new treaty and for the dispatch of an embassy to
England ; which, though unavoidably interrupted in conse-
quence of the death of Consul Plowden and Mr. Bell, had not
been, and still were not intended to be broken off, either on
the part of the Emperor Theodore or on that of the British
Government.
In proof of this, we have the statement of Mr. Stern,
that the Emperor, on hearing from him in the beginning
of 1860 how prisoners of war were treated in other
Christian countries, said to him, " You are superior to
us in all things ; and, if God permit, I shall soon send
an embassy to England, to open the eyes of at least a few
of my people.^^ And when Mr. Stern, on his departure
for England, took leave of Mr. Bell, the latter told him
that " their next meeting would be either in Tigre or in
London, to which latter place he was expecting to accom-
pany an Abyssinian embassy."
And, as regards the Foreign Office, it is a fact that
after Captain Cameron had been appointed Consul Plow-
den's successor, but before he arrived in England from
the post he held in the Black Sea, Mr. Stern was re-
quested by Earl Hussell to remain in London, in order
that he might see Captain Cameron and discuss with him
the subject of the contemplated embassy and other matters,
which had remained in suspense since Consul Plowdcn's
decease.
70 THK BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Yet, notwithstanding that Consul Cameron had full
authority to take up the two matters where his prede-
cessor had left them, jNIr. Layard, in his place in Par-
liament on October 31, 1865, when quoting the foregoing
extract from Consul Cameron^s despatch of October 31,
1862"^, ventured to say: — "Now this was altogether con-
trary to the instructions he had received. So far was Consul
Cameron from being instructed to propose an embassy to
England from the King, that he was distinctly told that
Her Majesty^s Government would not entertain the idea
of a mission unless he gave up all idea of conquering the
Tm'ks and invading Turkish territory; so that Consul
Cameron was not justified in making such a proposal to
the King, It appears that the King, thinking that Consul
Cameron might induce Her Majesty's Government to
assist him in exterminating the Mohammedans, wrote the
letter to Her Majesty which has been quoted by the
honourable Gentleman [Sir Hugh Cairns] . / have reason
to think that this letter ivas entii'ely got up by Consul
Cameron, who wished to come to this country with the em-
bassy. 1 am quite under that impression '^ t-
But what is the fact? It was not Consul Cameron
at all who proposed the embassy. He expressly says
that ill the first instance he " received a peremptory
message from His Majesty to leave for the sea at once,
and send him an answer whether the British Govern7nent
would receive an embassy or not."
On the receipt of tliis message. Consul Cameron's judi-
cious reflections were these : — " I considered, on the other
hand, that as I had been sent to His Majesty at a con-
• See page 67. t ' Times,' July 1, 1865.
CAPT. CAMERON ACCREDITED AS CONSUL IN ABYSSINIA. 71
siderable expense and on a mission of pnre courtesy, it
was his duty at least to give me some reply to the question
of a treaty, which had been so long pending, including the
other important point as to his admitting a representative
of Great Britain to reside in his country, if such were our
wish,
"I thought, too, that unless I had clear details with
regard to his projected embassy, much embarrassment
might ensue to us hereafter; while at the same time I
wished to know His Majesty ^s intentions regarding the
Slave Trade, and to elicit information from him regarding
an intercourse with his new kingdom of Shoa, and his
hold on the tribes to the side of Zeyla.
"I therefore wrote His Majesty a letter, a copy of
which is herewith inclosed."
This letter from Consul Cameron to the Emperor is
given in the Appendix, and it fully confirms the state-
ment made in Earl TlusselPs letter to the Emperor, by
which Consul Cameron was introduced and accredited to
him as Her Britannic Majesty's " Consul in Abyssinia,
as the successor of the late Mr. Plowden,'^ that — " He is
well acquainted with all that concerns the interests of both
countries, and will, I am confident, do all in his power to
make himself acceptable to your Highness, and to promote
your welfare."
In his despatch to Earl Russell, Consul Cameron goes
on to say : — " Fortunately, just as it [the letter to the
Emperor] was finished, I got a batch of letters from
Massowah. One was a letter from Mr. Colquhouu, telling
me that he had received my despatch to yoiu' Lordship
stating my fears that Turkey intended to encroach on
72 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Abyssinia from her new settlements on the coast ; to
which he replied that the Porte would be warned to do
nothing which could give umbrage to King Theodore.
He added that I ought to inform His Majesty that his
best mode of obtaining the sympathies of England was
by putting down the Slave Trade in his dominions.
" There was a further passage regarding Mr. Schaefer^s
mission to Tadjurrah, which was corroborated by an
extract from the ' Home and Overland Mail/ forwarded
from Aden, stating what the mission had done, and that
the new settlement^ was merely intended for a base of
operations against Abyssinia.
" All this, together with the old treaty made with Kas
Ali, was carefully read through to His Majesty by two in-
terpreters well conversant with English.
" I also forwarded His Majesty a letter, in Arabic, from
Jerusalem, detailing the part our Consul had taken in
some outrage against the Abyssinian community there.
" The King, at the same time, got information that
Russia had 40,000 men within four days of Constantinople ;
that Sayid Pasha had gone to France; and that the Sultan
was in Egypt.
" This various intelligence seems to have pressed hea'vily
on His Majesty. He sent a message thanking me, entreat-
ing me to obsei've the peril in which he was from two
powerful enemies, and begging me to act sincerely by
him.
" On the following morning I sent a note to His
Majesty, telling him that, if he wished, I would return
by Matamraa, where he told me the Tniks had been
* Namely, at Obokb. See pages 03, 64.
Theodore's enemies, the French and the Egyptians. 73
taking tribute unjustly and gathering troops, and do -what
I could there to keep them back, or, at least, collect facts
which might tell against them hereafter. Matamma is,
just now, a hot-bed of fever.
" I reassured him about Ids embassy ; and wishing to
mention something more about his statement regarding not
provoking attack, which, as your Lordship will perceive, I
had written to him to say that I would report, I sent him
a letter which I have expedited to our Consul at Khartoum
asking the latter to do his utmost to preserve peace, but,
above all, to report military movements or aggression on
Abyssinia to Alexandria.
"I told His Majesty that I did this for his sake; he
must also now keep his own governors in restraint.
" The answer of His Majesty was kind in the extreme.'^
For the proper understanding of what is here stated, it
should be explained that the '^two powerful enemies"
were, — first, the French, the allies of Negusye, to whose
acquisition of Obokh, the Consul-General in Egypt had
drawn Consul Cameron^s attention; and secondly, the
Egyptians, who were daily making encroachments along
the northern frontiers of the empire.
The part our Consul at Jerusalem had " taken in some
outrage against the Abyssinian community there '' requires
a more lengthened explanation and reference.
It is a well-known fact that friendly feelings towards
England have been kept up in Abyssinia by gratitude for
the good offices rendered to the community of that nation
at Jerusalem, a spot regarded by them with the deepest
veneration. The Holy City is to the Abyssinians a sort
of heaven upon earth, to whicli they have eagerly made
74 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
pilgrimages from the olden time. To have been to Jeru-
salem imparts to the traveller^ in their estimation, a
sanctity far greater tlian the pilgrimage to Mecca gives
to the Mohammedan hadji.
It was this that disposed the Abyssinians to receive
Bishop Gobat when he first went to Abyssinia as a mis-
sionary, he having prepared himself by a short stay in Je-
rusalem, where he made himself known to the Abyssinian
residents. When he was made Bishop of Jerusalem in
1846, the Abyssinians rejoiced at his appointment, and the
community of that nation in Jerusalem were placed under
his spiritual rule by the princes of that country.
In July 1852, Bishop Gobat, who Avas then in London,
appealed to Her Majesty's Government on behalf of Ras
Ali and Dedjatj Ubye, who had adopted at a meeting at
Gondar a resolution to the effect that Her Majesty should
be requested to authorize the bishop to protect and super-
intend their countrymen visiting or residing in Jerusalem,
and to authorize the British Consul at Jerusalem to lend
him his assistance for that pu.rpose when required.
Lord Malmesbury^s answer to this request was, that
" Her Majesty's Government could not undertake to pro-
tect officially the natives of Abyssinia who might chance
to be residing in the territory of the Sublime Porte. But
Her Majesty's Consul at Jerusalem would be instructed to
use his good offices for them, in case of need, as members
of a Christian Church in spiritual communion with the
Established Churcli in this country."
Under these " proi)cr and judicious " instructions, as
they are styled by J^^arl Russell, no difficulty occurred
during the ten years of the British " olHcious " pro tec-
ABYSSINIAN CHURCH AND CONVENT AT JERUSALEM. 75
torate of the Abyssinians in Jerusalem — that is to say,
from 1852 to 1862.
The Abyssinian pilgrims, finding there was safety from
personal violence, came to Jerusalem in largely increased
numbers, and the settlers in the convent of that nation
amounted to more than a hundred.
This prosperity of the Abyssinians raised the jealousy of
the Copts and Armenians in Jerusalem. During the Egyp-
tian rule in Palestine, those two communities bad joined
together in despoiling the Abyssinians of much of their pro-
perty in Jerusalem. It happened that the Abyssinian
monks had all died of the plague, and the Armenians and
Copts got possession of their title-deeds and destroyed them,
under pretence of infection. The Armenian convent, how-
ever, supplied the Abyssinian pilgrims with a daily provi-
sion of soup and bread, as a kind of compensation.
From the year 1855 those two communities began
again to molest the Abyssinians in various ways, and even
threatened to take away their only remaining property,
consisting of their convent and chiu'ch. But, finding that
the British Consul was informed of all that passed, no
violence was attempted by them.
In 1856 the Egyptian Government sent a political mis-
sion to Abyssinia, and deputed the Coptic Patriarch, in his
capacity of chief of the Coptic and Abyssinian Churches,
to be the envoy. The Emperor Theodore resented this in-
terference, and seized the Patriarch's money (all in Frencli
gold) and baggage, barely permitting him to return to
Egypt. On his arrival there the Patriarch took his re-
venge, by selling to the Armenians, as Russian subjects,
for 60,000 dollars, the Abyssinian church and convent in
76 THE JUIITISH CAPTIVES IX ABYSSIMA.
Jerusalem. The Abyssiiiiaus in that city naturally refused
to recognize the sale ; and so long as the English Consul
"was there to prevent violent hands being laid on them,
they could not be turned out. Under these circumstances,
the Russians did not openly insist on their purchase.
In 1862 a fresh attack was made. The Copts and Ar-
menians had now enlisted on their side the Turkish Pasha
of Jerusalem, who marched a body of Tui'kish soldiers
into the Abyssinian convent^, but withdrew them on the
appearance of the British Consul, whom the affrighted
Abyssinians had summoned to the spot. Sureya Pasha
now asserted the sovereignty of Turkey over the Abyssi-
nians as a nation, denying the right of English officials to
notice what might befall Turkish subjects, and declaring
that Turkey would never abandon her claim to Abyssinia.
On this the British Consul, j\Ir. Finn, anxious to avoid
a collision with the Turkish Pasha, wrote to the Foreign
Office for instructions, and in reply was referred by Earl
E-ussell to those given him in 1852.
The Abyssinians, on their part, wrote to their own
Sovereign, praying him to send an embassy to England,
with a view to obtain eff'ectual protection for their property
and lives. This letter was dispatched from Jerusalem in
1862, and is evidently the " letter in Arabic," which is
alluded to in Consul Cameron's despatch.
On the day after these matters had been discussed be-
tween the Emperor and Consul Cameron, another inter-
view took })lace, the rcsidt of which was that the former
" said voluntarily that he had well considered the subject
of a Treaty, about which there Avould lie no difficulty, but
that at prcscut his mind was full of other things; also.
CONSUL Cameron's departure for massowah. 71
that if matters went well, he would gladly receive a Consul.
He likcAvise spoke about putting down the Slave Trade, on
which I purposely questioned him,
'^ After this " (Consul Cameron goes on to say) " I
presented His Royal Highness the Duke of Saxe-Coburg's
decoration, which was exceedingly well received.
" He then \\Tote the letter to Her Majesty, which I
herewith have the honour to forward.
" The translation was written by his own interpreters.
" He intended also to have written a letter to Mr.
Colquhoun about the Slave Trade, and a letter of appeal
to the King of Holland, similar to those he had already
dictated, but it was too late.
" This morning I was told to leave for Massowah.
*^ I sent a memorandum to His Majesty, reminding him
of the letter for Mr. Colquhoun, and stated the advantage
he would derive from it.
" He replied that he would write afterwards, but assured
me that he would stop the Slave Trade effectually, not as
a concession to us, but because he hated it himself.
" He repeated his expressions of entire confidence in
me, and added that he believed I would be a friend to
him, as Mr. Plowden had been before.
" A royal circular of appeal has likewise been forwarded
to France from the camp this day by a Frenchman, whom
the King has given 500 dollars for his road expenses.
" It states, like the two others, that His Majesty pro-
jects a struggle with the Turks, and wishes to send am-
bassadors to France. He requests an answer by the
bearer, who is, however, travelling slowly.
" One will also go for Russia, with which country His
78 THE BRITISH CAPTIVKS IN ABYSSINIA.
Majesty lias been in some commuiiicatiou. Others arc
being prepared for the German Powers.
" As it is desirable on every account that we should
not be without a correspondence in Abyssinia for a con-
siderable time, I am preparing a letter on the subject to
the Resident at Aden, a copy of which will herewith be
inclosed.^'
The Emperor's letter to Her Majesty was as follows : —
" In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost, one God in Trinity.
" [The] chosen by God, King of Kings, Theodoros of
Ethiopia, to Her Majesty Victoria, Queen of England.
'' I hope your Majesty is in good health. By the power
of God I am well.
'' My fathers the Emperors having forgotten our Crea-
tor, he handed over their kingdom to the Gallas and
Turks *. But God created me, lifted me out of the dust,
and restored this empire to my rule. He endowed me
with power, and enabled me to stand in the place of
my fathers. By His power I drove away the Gallas.
But for the Turks I have told them to leave the land
of my ancestors. They refuse. I am now going to
wrestle with them.
" Mr. Plowden, and my late Grand Chamberlain, the
Englishman Bell, used to tell me that there is a great
Christian Queen, who loves all Christians. When they
said to me this, ' We are able to make you known to
her, and to establish friendship between you,' then in
* Tlif Abyssinians use the word " Turk " to mean Mohaminedaus
in general, witliout regard to nationality. In most cases, when the
Turks are spoken of, the Tureo- Egyptians are intended.
Theodore's letter to the queen of enoland. 79
those times I was very glad. I gave them my love,
thinking that I had found your Majesty's goodwill. All
men are subject to death; and my enemies, thinking to
injure me, killed these my friends. But by the power
of God I have exterminated those enemies, not leaving
one alive, though they were of my own family, that I may
get, by the power of God, your friendship.
'' I was prevented by the Tui'ks occupying the sea-
coast from sending you an Embassy when I was in diffi-
culty. Consul Cameron arrived with a letter and presents
of friendship. By the power of God I was very glad
hearing of your welfare, and being assured of your amity.
I have received your presents, and thank you much.
"1 fear that if I send Ambassadors with presents of
amity by Consul Cameron, they may be arrested by the
Turks.
" And now I wish that you may arrange for the safe
passage of my Ambassadors everywhere on the road.
" I wish to have an answer to this letter by Consul Ca-
meron, and that he may conduct my Embassy to England.
" See how the Islam oppress the Christian" ^.
Consul Cameron's letter to the Resident at Aden has
not been given in the Papers laid before Parliament. It
was written at the instigation of Samuel Georgis, who had
been (so to say) a party to Major Harris's mission to the
King of Shoa in 1841 f, and it was to the effect that the
* This refers to the Moslem oppression of the Christians at Jeru-
salem. " Islam " is the Abyssinian form of " Moslems."
t As it will be interesting to know who " Samuel, the Emperor's
Steward," is, I give here an extract from a * Memoir on the Euro-
peans who have \'isited the Kingdom of Shoa during the present Cen-
tury,' dated 7th September, 1841, being one of four Memoirs which I
80 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Indian Government should fortlnvith dispatch a similar
mission to the Emperor Theodore.
After receiving the letter for the Queen, Captain
Cameron lost no time in taking his departure for the
coast. He was accompanied by the following five per-
sons : — Samuel, the Emperor's steward; Mertcha, a son
of Aito Warkye, an Armenian, who settled in Abyssinia
many years ago, and was known to me in Shoa — Mertcha
drew up for Major Harris whilst in Shoa, as is recorded in my * State-
ment of Facts,' relative to the transactions between that officer and
myself, published in the year 1845 (2nd edit. 1846) : —
" Samuel Georgis, or Hussein, is the son of a Mohammedan Danlcali
chief of Northern Abyssinia, who stood hig-h in the favour of Saba-
gadis, the late ruler of Tigre, and who was well kuown to the Rev.
Mr. Gobat, a British missionary in that part of the country. His
father having been mui'dered shortly after the untimely death of his
chief, Samuel Georgis was charitably taken charge of by Mr. Gobat ;
and on that gentleman's quitting Tigre, was left with his successor,
Mr. Isenberg. Mr. Krapf, who joined Mr. Isenberg in the beginning
of 1838, thus became acquainted wdth Samuel Georgis, of whom he
entei-tained no very good opinion ; and when shortly afterwards (in
the month of March of the same year) the mission was expelled from
Tigre by Ubye, he strongly dissuaded Mr. Isenberg from taking the
lad Avith them. Mr. Isenberg however prevailed, and Samuel Georgis
accompanied them to Cairo, where he was baptized. But having dis-
agreed with his preceptors, and 31. Kielmaier having retm'nod to Egj-pt
from Tigre, preparatory to setting out for Shoa, Hussein volunteered
to accompany hiiu, and came into Shoa after M. Kielmaier's death,
arriving here in the beginning of 1840.
" Samuel Georgis being rather an intelligent yoimg man and of pre-
possessing manners, the Negiis took a great fancy to him : and as it
happened that, just at the moment, he, at the suggestion of Mr. Krapf,
propor^ed writing to Captain Haines, Samuel Georgis was commis-
sioned by him to be the bearer of his letter, witli the presents tliat
accompanied it. Towards the end of July he left Shoa for Aden,
which place he reached not long before my arrival there. Mr. Krapf
had suggested to Captain Haines that Samuel Georgis should retm-n
to Egvpt for the purpose of finishing his education; but, as I was in
want of n servant and interpreter on my journey liithcr, Captain
SAMUKL, TIIIO KMPKROR S STEWARD. 81
himself having been educated in Bombay, and being one
of the tAvo persons who had interpreted into EngHsh the
Emperor's letter to the Queen ; two other natives named
Engada-Wark and Kassa Debotj, who were deputed to
carry the Emperor's letters to Aden ; and, lastly, M. Bardel,
the Frenchman referred to in Consul Cameron's despatch
as being the bearer of the " Royal circular of appeal " to
the Emperor of the French.
On his way to the coast, Captain Cameron was stopped
Haines kindly engaged him to accompany me. At first I had every
reason to be satisfied with his services ; but when on the road he
accidently discovered that he was nearly related to Loaita, the power-
ful chief of the Debeni Danakil, he began to give himself airs ; and
when subsequently, as we approached this country, we saw letters
from Walasma Mohammed to the principal chiefs of the Debeni and
Weema tribes, desiring them to ' take good care of all travellers
coming to Ifat, and especially of Hadji Dufey, Rochet, and Hussein,'
his head was quite turned, and he fancied himself to be a much greater
man than his master. And I believe he really was in the eyes of the
Negiis and his people ; and it was to prevent a recurrence of similar
conduct in the event of his accompanying the embassy — in whose case
it would have been of far more consequence than it was in that of a
mere private individual — that Captain Haines detained him on his
return to Aden, and would not allow him to come again to Shoa imtil
after the embassy had been received. Had he accompanied it, he
would have assumed to himself the merit of having brought it.
" Samuel Georgis returned to Aden on the 3rd of March [1841],
bearing a letter to Captain Haines, with a few additional presents of
no great value."
To these remarks it has to be added that in the King of Shoa's
letter to the Queen of England, dated October 2nd, 1841 (Pari.
Paper (54), 1844, 'Shoa, Extracts of Correspondence/ &c.), it is said,
" By my messenger, Samuel Georgis, I formerly despatched some
tokens of esteem, together with a letter, wherein I sought your
friendship."
I had not heard anything of Samuel Georgis, except that he had
settled at Aden, till, on my arrival in Abyssinia this year, I was
enabled to identify him as " Samuel, the Emperor's Steward."
82 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
in Tigre by a " rebel " chief at tlie head of 300 men,
and compelled to take refuge in the sanctuary of Axum,
which prevented hira from going down to Massowah and
caused some delay on his part ; and on the arrival of his
despatches at that port, they had to be sent to Europe
by the circuitous route of Aden ; so that they did not
reach London till the 12th of February, 1863. M. Bardel
was more fortunate. Whether in accordance with a
previous arrangement or merely by a lucky coincidence,
the French vessel of war ' Curieux ' took M. Bardel on
board at Massowah, and conveyed him with his despatches
to Djiddah and Suez ; so that, although Consul Cameron
reported home that he was " travelling slowly ,^^ he arrived
with them in Paris most probably before the English
despatches reached Aden.
These latter despatches were carried down to [Mas-
sowah and thence to Aden by the two native messengers —
Mertclia, who accompanied them as far as Massowah,
remaining at the British Consulate there to bring up the
answers when they should arrive. Consul Cameron him-
self, accompanied by Samuel, proceeded to Bogos, in
accordance with the desire of the Emperor, and as an-
nounced in the Consul's despatches to Earl Russell and
to Mr. Colquhoun.
83
CHAPTER VI.
CONSUL Cameron's journey to bogos— blamed by earl russell
— correspondence with the board of trade respecting
THE commerce OF ABYSSINIA — CONSUL CAMERON ORDERED TO
BE]fORT THEREON — HIS JOURNEY TO MATAMMA — M. LEJEAN's
ARRIVAL IN ABYSSINIA — HIS IMPRISONMENT AND RELEASE —
CONSUL Cameron's return — interview with the emperor —
HIS DISGRACE AND DETENTION — CAUSES OP THE EMPEROR's
displeasure — M. BARDEL's return from FRANCE — EMPEROR
napoleon's letter — ITS TREATMENT — CONSUL LEJEAN EX-
PELLED — CONSUL Cameron's despatches stopped — his mes-
senger BEATEN — EARL RUSSELL'S DESPATCH OP APRIL 22nD,
1863 — Theodore's letter to the queen ignored.
I HAVE now to narrate the incidents of Consul Cameron's
journey to Bogos and the neighbouring frontier districts,
with the highly important consequences of that journey.
The recent disturbances in Tigre having raised many
robber-bands. Consul Cameron applied to the authorities,
who furnished him with an escort of 5000 men across the
river Mareb into Hamasyen. The strength of this escort
(he explains) was regulated by their own fears, as the
Emperor had written to say that if anything happened
to Cameron he would reduce Tigre to a desert.
The details of our Consul's proceedings are given in his
despatch to Earl Russell, dated " Bogos, Abyssinia, March
31, 1863,'' in which he says that a statement of the facts
was being carried to King Theodore by his representative
there, who persisted, with his master, in viewing the
Turkish claim to the Bogos, Halhal, and Habab as illu-
sory, — this representative being Samuel, who had accom-
g2
84 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IX ABVSSIMA.
pauied him as far as Bogos^ and thence returned to his
master. Consul Cameron had also himself written twice
to the Emperor explaining matters ; and he adds^ " What
effect the news from here may have on a character at once
so passionate and politic, it is impossible for me to say.
He may either alloAv his grievances to accumulate, in
order to lay them before Europe hereafter, or he may at
once take violent measures to compel the TurKs to a
certain amount of decency in their transactions on his
frontier. He will, however, do nothing without seeing his
Avay."
Among the Papers, for the production of which Lord
Chelmsford, in the House of Lords, moved an address to
Her Majesty on May 23rd, 1865, was a " Copy of Report
made by Captain Cameron from Bogos in or about March
18G3, and of the orders in consequence of such Report
sent to him by the Consul-General in Egypt, or from the
Foreign Office." To this part of the address no retui-n
was made under Earl RusselFs Administration. The Re-
port itself was, however, produced by Lord Stanley at the
close of the last Session— though seemingly not in a
perfect form, as Mr. Murray^s letter, dated August 13th,
1863*, acknowledging its receipt, relates to matters which
are not mentioned in the copy laid before Parliament.
From Bogos Consul Cameron proceeded to Kassala,
and thence to Kedarif, whence he addressed Earl Russell
on May 20th, 1863, with a copy of his despatch to
Consul-General Colquhoun at Alexandria of the same
date, and several enclosures, bearing on the aggressions of
the Egyptians on the Abyssinian frontier districts. In all
* I'arl. I'ajxT, 1805^ 'Papers rdatinir to the Iniprisoiinicnt,' Sec, p. .'5.
CONSUL CAMKKON's INTERKERENCE in HUGOS. 85
these communications both to Earl Russell and to Mr.
Colqulioun, Ca2)tain Cameron, taking as his guide the con-
duct of his predecessor Consul PloAvden, appears to have
acted as the advocate and protector of the Christian Abys-
sinians and in the interests of their sovereign the Em-
peror Theodore — what he did being with the full concur-
rence of that Sovereign, and indeed in concert with Samuel,
the Emperor's favourite and representative. It is there-
fore clear that there could have been no foundation for
Earl RusselPs ill-advised allegation in his despatch to
Colonel Stanton, that " the chief cause of the Emperor's
anger with Consul Cameron was this journey to Bogos."
His proceedings, however, incurred the displeasure of
the British authorities both at home and in Egypt ; and
the Government of that country did not scruple to charge
the British Consul with having invaded the Egyptian ter-
ritory at the head of an Abyssinian army. The subject
formed at the time a topic of conversation among the
European residents in Egypt; and I was assured by one
of the best-informed of them, that, had the Viceroy,
Ismail Pasha, insisted on it, our Consul would have been
recalled.
No doubt Egypt in 1863, under the able and energetic
rule of Ismail Pasha, and with a crop of one hundred and
fifty millions of pounds of cotton, was very different from
Egypt in 1854 under Abbas Pasha, when the country was
on the verge of ruin. Otherwise it does not seem that the
conduct of Consul Cameron differs materially from that of
Consul Plowden, for which, at the time, the latter ob-
tained much credit.
In his despatch to Consul -(General Colquhoun from
86 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Kedarif, dated May 20th, 1863, Consul Cameron says, with
reference to his despatches of October 31st, 1862, from
the Emperor's camp : — " It will give you an idea of the
slowness with which my Government correspondence is
carried on, when I state that I do not yet know whether
those letters have reached England or not; yet I have
received a packet from Massowah to-day/' On this, it
may be remarked that, as those despatches did not reach
London till February 12th, 1863, and were not even ac-
knowledged (not to speak of their being replied to) by
Earl Russell till April 22nd of the same year, some time
had still to elapse before any answer could possibly be
received.
But in the packet which Consul Cameron received at
Kedarif, there was (unless it had previously reached him)
one despatch, with enclosui-es, from the Foreign Office,
which requires particular notice. In order to understand
the natiu'c of that despatch and its contents, it is neces-
sary to relate rather a long story, going back several
years.
In the beginning of the year 1819, an application having
been made to me from the Board of Trade for information
respecting the commerce of Abyssinia, I had an inter-
view with Sir Denis Le Marchant, then Secretary to the
Board ; and, in consequence of what took place on the
occasion, I, at his instance, addi'csscd to him a letter
for the consideration of the President of the Board, Mr.
Labouchere (now Lord Tiiuntoii), in whicli I suggested
the establishment of a British factory on the edge of
the high tableland of Abyssinia, behind Massowah. Sir
Denis Le Marchant's reply, whilst according to my sug-
CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE HOAKl) Of TRADE, 87
gestion some degree of favour, stated that Mr. La-
bouchere thought it desirable to see the Reports of Her
Majesty's Consul in Abyssinia before forming a decided
opinion on the subject *. Those Reports were laid before
Parliament at the close of the Session of 1866 f, more
than seventeen years after the President of the Board of
Trade had expressed his intention to be guided by them
when received.
Unconscious of the existence of such Reports, as I be-
lieve the officials of the Board of Trade likewise to have
been, I addressed Sir James Emerson Tennent, the pre-
sent Secretary to the Board, on November 3rd, 1862,
calling attention to my letter of March 5tli, 1849, and
* The following is the reply of the Secretary of the Board of
Trade : —
" Board of Trade, March 16, 1849.
" Sib, — I am directed by the President of this Board to thank you
for your letter of the 6th, which, as well as your letters to the Foreign
Office, he has read with great interest.
" That the establishment of a Factory, as you suggest, on the
eastern edge of the tableland immediately above Massowah, might
eventually be attended with advantageous residts to British com-
merce, the facts adduced in your letter certainly go far to prove. On
the other hand, the extreme insecurity of such an establishment,
owing to the conflicting and fluctuating fortunes of the native chiefs
in that part of Africa, renders the measure one of very doubtful
policy ; and Mr. Labouchere thinks it desirable to see the Reports
that may, from time to time, be expected from II. M. Consul in Abys-
sinia, before he forms a decided opinion on the subject.
" Li the meanwhile, he wishes you to be assured of his sense of the
readiness with which you have given him the benefit of your re-
searches in a country respecting which it is very difficult to obtain
authentic information.
" I have the honour to be, &c.,
" Charles T. Behe, Esq.'' " Denis Le Marchant."
t Parliamentary Paper, 180G, ' Further Correspondence,' &c. p. 5
et scq.
88 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
also to two other comnmnicatioiis I had made to the
Board — the one " On the Trade of Intertropical Africa/'
addressed to Mr. Laboncherej President^ on January 27th,
1852, and the other " On the Cultivation of Cotton in
Taka and Northern Abyssinia," addressed to Lord Col-
chester, Vice-President, on March 31st, 1852. And with
reference to the contents of the latter of these tAvo com-
munications, I remarked that the precarious condition
of affairs in North America rendered what was there said
rcsj)ecting Ethiopian cotton far more pertinent, and there-
fore more cogent, at that time (1862) than it had been
when written upwards of ten years previously.
On November 27th and December 26th of the same
year I again addressed the Secretary of the Board of
Trade on matters connected with the same subject.
On January 10th, 1863, the Secretary of the Board of
Trade wrote to me in these terms : — " With reference to
your letters of November 3rd and 27th, and 26th ultimo,
respecting the expediency of adopting measures for the
development of British commerce in Abyssinia, I am di-
rected to inform you that your communications have been
referred by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs for the report of Her Majesty's Consul at Mas-
sowali." No allusion Avhatever was made to the previous
reports of the late Consul Plowden, the existence of which,
carefully put away in some pigeon-hole in Whitehall Gar-
dens, I can only conclude to have been then as forgotten
at the Foreign Office as it Avas unknown at the Board of
Trade.
The reference to Consul Cameron was made, as is evi-
dent, at some time between December 26th, 1862, and
w CONSUL CAMERON^S JOURNEY TO MATAMMA. 89
January 10th, 1863; and the despatch from the Foreign
Office, together with some of my original communications,
which had been transmitted in it, reached him from Mas-
sowah apparently on May 20th of the latter year, whilst
he was at Kedarif ; and on the 25th of the same month,
he accordingly wrote from that place that he was going
to Matamma, ^'to see about cotton, and trade, and so
forth." That he undertook the journey is, unfortunately
as it has turned out, but too true; but whether he ever
made any report on the subject, I cannot say : at all
events, no such report had reached the Board of Trade
as lately as July 12tli, 1866, as I learned on applying
officially for information on the subject.
Whilst Consul Cameron was thus absent in the north of
Abyssinia, M. Lejean, who in 1860-61 had been charged
with a mission from the French Government into the re-
gions of the Upper Nile, in the course of which he had ;
visited Abyssinia, and who had made an able report on the
subject of his mission, now returned to that country with
the appointment of Consul at Massowah, and charged
with a special mission from the Emperor Napoleon to the
Emperor Theodore, the professed object of which was the
opening of a trade between France and Abyssinia. At
his audience with the Abyssinian Monarch, M. Lejean <i^^''
presented a letter, which at the time was said to be an
autograph of the Emperor Napoleon, but which was in
fact signed by M. Thouvenel, then Minister for Foreign
Affairs ; in which letter it is naively declared that the
Emperor would never have countenanced the pretensions
of Agau Negiisye in 1859^, had he been at all aware of
* See page 58.
90 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA. ,
his being a rebel. In token of his esteem, the Emperor
sent by M. Lcjcan several valuable presents, and also
offered to his Abyssinian Majesty the gratuitous services
of M. Legard, an able French physician, who had accom-
panied INI. Lcjean into Abyssinia.
As the result of this audience, M. Lejean reported his
expectation that French produce would be admitted into
Abyssinia on payment of a moderate import duty, and
! that Theodore was disposed to send an ambassador to
\ France; which latter fact had, however, been already
directly communicated to the Emperor Napoleon through
M. Bardel.
When M. Lejean arrived at Court, he found the Abys-
sinian Monarch on the point of setting out on another
campaign into the '^ revolted'^ province of Godjam, where
Tadela Gwalu was again in arms, having fortified himself
in the impregnable ai7iba or hill-fort of Djibella, near the
great market of Baso, in the south of the peninsula ; and
at the invitation or in compliance with the commands of
his Abyssinian Majesty, the Consul of France accompanied
the army, crossing, on the 11th of February 1863, the
bridge over the Abai into the peninsula of Godjam. He
has given a very interesting description of the march
westwards, till he arrived within five hours of the source
of the Abai, which, however, he was unable to visif^.
In his account of the occurrences which have next to be
related, M. Lejean says : — " I now enter upon a series of
events which are the more delicate to narrate because I
* My own two visits to this Source of tlic Nile are related in the
'Journal of the Roval Geographical Society,' vol. \\\. pp. 12-14,
:J3-:J7.
IMPRISONMENT AND RELEASE OF FRENCH CONSUL. 91
had to perform a part in them that was not always
voluntary. The reader will understand without difficulty
the repugnance I entertain to dwell on these recollections,
and the convenances which oblige me to allude to rather
than to explain them/' It is only to be regretted that this
sense of propriety, most suitable in a person occupying
M. Lej can's official position, should not have induced him
to refrain altogether from adverting to the circumstances
in question, unless he felt himself at liberty to represent
them in their true colours.
On the 1st of March, a plot against the life of the Em-
peror was discovered, and the conspirators were sum-
marily punished — eighteen of them, in the Monarch's
presence, having the right hand and the left foot cut oif
(the ordinary punishment for high treason) , and being left
to a lingering death or to be devoured by the hyaenas.
On the following morning (March 2nd) M. Lejean says
that, " on some absurd suspicions which he could never
unravel, he was arrested by order of the Emperor and put
in irons, as was also the Naib of Arkiko." According to
other information, M. Lejean had provoked the Emperor
by protesting against one of his judicial acts. The version
given to myself, in a letter written from Gondar shortly
after the event occurred, is, that, " weary with Abyssinian
life and the still greater hardships of the campaign into the
distant province of Godjam, he suddenly resolved on de-
manding his conge. The Emperor, not being in a very
placid humour, refused to receive his guest ; and the latter,
with equal pertinacity, insisted on having an audience.
This exasperated the monarch, and poor Lejean was put in
chains, and for four-and-twentv hours had to meditate on
[)2 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
this novel mode of euforeing court etiquette/' The follow-
ing day he was liberated on parole, Debra Tabor being
assigned to him as a residence, with liberty to move about
at his free will Avithin a distance of 30 or 40 leagues.
Towards the end of April, however, he was at Gondar, at
liberty, but ahvays on parole.
The Godjam campaign proved a failure, although in the
French newspapers Theodore was reported to have been
victorious. The Emperor returned home, after having
caused his troops to devastate the districts within their
reach, and to commit every sort of atrocity.
In the month of June 1863 Captain Cameron found his
Avay back to Gondar from his lengthened excursion in the
north. His position was a most pitiable one. He had
brought with him no answer from the Queen of England
to the Emperor's letter of October 31st, 1862 ; but, from
the greater proximity of India and apparently a greater
alacrity there than at home in answering letters, he had
already received a decided negative to the proposal made
for a mission to be sent from Bombay. He had further
been reprimanded by the Consul- General in Egj^pt (within
whose jurisdiction the Consulate in Abyssinia had then
recently been placed — apparently as a proof, like the with-
drawal of British protection from the Abyssinians at Jeru-
salem, that in future this Christian country was to be
regarded as a dependency of Turkey, and its inhabitants as
vassals of the Porte) for having taken on himself to
submit such a ])roposal to the Indian Government direct,
instead of sending it through his superior officer. His
political proceedings in the Abyssinian province of Bogos
— not his commercial visit to the Egyptian districts
INTERVIEW BETWEEN EMPEROR AND BRITISH CONSUL. 93
further to the west^ which lie had been ordered to make —
had likewise been reproved by the Consul-General,
and this long before the displeasure of Earl Russell him-
self could be manifested to him. It would however
seem that he had already received some communication
from the Foreign Office, desiring him not to meddle in
the affairs of Abyssinia, but to return forthwith to Mas-
sowah*.
In the following month, July, the Emperor himself
came to Gondar; and it was under the untoward cir-
cumstances which have just been described that the
British Consul met the Emperor of Abyssinia face to
face. At his first audience that monarch put to him a
series of point-blank questions, to which he was required
to give straightforward and unequivocal answers. They
were to this effect: — ''Where have you been since you
parted from Samuel in Bogos ? " " Into the fi'ontier
provinces of Soudan.^^ — ''What for?'^ "To see about
cotton, and trade, and so forth. ^^ — " Who told you to
go there ? " " The British Government.^^ — " Have you
brought me an answer from the Queen of England ? "
" No.^^ — " Why not ? " " Because I have not received
any communication from the Government on the sub-
ject." — " Why, then, do you come to me now ? '^ " To
request permission to return to Massowah." — " What
for?^^ "Because I have been ordered by the Govern-
ment to go there." — " So," exclaimed the exasperated
monarch, "your Queen can give you orders to go and
visit my enemies the Turks, and then to return to Mas-
* If I mistake not, Earl Russell wrote to Consul Cameron as early
as June or July 1802, ordering him to leave Theodore alone.
94 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
sowah ; but she cannot send a civil answer to my letter
to her. You shall not leave me till that answer comes.^'
That Consul Cameron's visit to the Egyptian cotton-
growing districts, by order of Her Majesty's Government,
was one of the main causes of the Emperor^s displeasure,
is confirmed by the testimony of two persons who were in
Abyssinia at the time. Mr. Stern says, '^ During his [the
Emperor's] stay in our vicinity I heard several times that
he was annoyed that Captain Cameron had not brought
an answer to his letter to the British Government, and also
for having gone round the frontier, and formed (as was
falsely stated) prejudicial intimacies with his enemies the
Turks.''
M. Lejean's version is, that Captain Cameron, when he
left Godjam in November 18G2, had been accompanied by
an agent of the Emperor*, no doubt a spy, whom the
English Consul dismissed on quitting the Abyssinian
territory, whereby he had given grievous offence. He had
further made a long excursion into the cotton-districts of
Sennar and Kalabat, for the purpose of inspecting them,
with a view to the commercial interests of England ; and
Theodore, not understanding how a diplomatic agent could
be interested in commercial matters,-lKid imagined Captain
Cameron to have gone to coneci't measures with his mortal
enemies the Egyptians, and had treated him aecordinglyf.
Earl Russell, in his despatch to Colonel Stanton of
October 5th, 18G5, represents the matter in this distorted
form : — " It appears, further, that the chief cause of the
Emperor's anger with Consul Cameron luas this journey
• Namely, Samuel.
t ' Keviie des deux Moudes,' Dec. 1, 1804, p. 015.
EARL Russell's despatch to colonel stanton. 95
to Bogos, coupled with the Emperor's suspicion that
Consul Cameron had intrigued to set the Turks and
Egyptians of the frontier against him, and aggravated
in some degree by the return of Consul Cameron to
Gondar without any answer to the Emperor's letter to
the Queen,
" It appears from King Theodore's letter to Mr. Rassam,
sent home by that gentleman in his letter of the 5th of
September, that the King alleges that Captain Cameron
' abused and denounced him as a murderer ' in conse-
quence of the vengeance which he took on the persons
who killed Consul Plowden and Mr. Bell, and that, when
he had treated him well and asked him to make him (the
King) a friend of the Queen, Captain Cameron ^went
and stayed some time with the Turks, and returned to me
(the King) ;' and further, that when the King spoke to
Captain Cameron about the letter sent by him to the
Queen, he said he had not received any intelligence con-
cerning it.
'' There is no reason to suppose that Consul Cameron
incited the Egyptian forces on the frontier to commit
aggressions on the territory of Abyssinia. It is far more
probable that the enemies of the British name in Abys-
sinia should have infused unjust suspicions into the mind
of the Emperor. But certainly Captain Cameron, in
going to Bogos, acted without orders, and incurred the
displeasure of his own Government"*.
It is to be expected that some inquiry will be made in
Parliament as to the meaning and object of these repre-
sentations of the late Secretary of State for Foreign
* Pail. Paper, 1866, ' Further Correspondence,' &c., p. 63.
96 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Affairs. Bogos^ as we kiiow^ is a part of Abyssinia ; Con-
sul Cameron's despatch from thence is dated " Bogos,
Abyssinia, March 31^ 1863"^. He went thither in com-
pany Avith Samuel on the Emperor^s business ; and though
by so doing he undoubtedly " incurred the displeasiu'e of
his own Government/' it is not possible — it is not true —
that ''the cause of the Emperor's anger with Consul Ca-
meron was this journey to Bogos." But into the Egyp-
tian frontier provinces further ivest he went on the busi-
ness of the British Government, and in pursuance of in-
structions from Earl Russell himself ; and it was because
he thus " went and stayed some time with the Turks/'
that he laid himself open to the suspicions and incurred
the displeasure of the Abyssinian monarch.
Be all this as it may, it is now quite certain that from
that time forward — July 1863, and it is most important
to bear this early date in mind — Consul Cameron was no
longer on the same friendly terms with the Emperor as he
had been before quitting him on October 31st, 1862.
The breach between them could not but be widened
when Consul Cameron gave the Emperor to understand,
as he would have felt himself bound to do, that the op-
pressed Christian inhabitants of Bogos were to be left to
the tender mercies of the Turks; for it would naturally
have served to confirm Theodore's belief that Captain
Cameron, when absent in Soudan, had been intriguing
with his Mohammedan enemies ; whilst his knowledge
of the friendly terms on which the French and English
Consuls were together, and of the enormous commercial
transactions between Egypt and England, would have led
* Pari. Paper, 1806, ' Further Correspondence,' &c., p. 55.
CONSUL Cameron's disgrace. — m. bardel's return. 97
him to the not unreasonable conclusion, that, for the sake
of Egypt and apparently at the instigation of France, he
and the CImstians of Abyssinia were being betrayed and
abandoned by the British Government and their repre-
sentative. And he could only regard the refusal of the
Government of Bombay to treat him as they had formerly
treated the King of Shoa, now become his vassal, as an
additional proof of this change of feeling and conduct to-
wards him.
This state of affairs continued till September 1863,
when M. Bardel returned from Paris, bringing an answer
from the Emperor Napoleon to the letter addressed to him
by Theodore in October of the previous year *.
As there are two versions of the contents of the letter
from France and of the way in which it was received, it is
proper to give them both. The first is that of M. Lejean.
His statement is, that the Abyssinian monarch, ^' proud
of this diplomatic success, called together at Gondar all
the Europeans resident in Abyssinia, to be present when
the Imperial message was read ;'' but, as he had already
opened the letter and given it to be translated, its con-
tents were soon known; '^ so that,^' says M. Lejean,
" I could without indiscretion arrange beforehand with
my British colleague and the most influential members
of the little colony, as to our common action on the
mind of the Emperor, in the sense of the instructions
which I had received." As, however, the French Con-
sul, according to his own showing, was at that time
in positive disgrace and a prisoner on parole, and as
the English Consul was likewise in disfavour, we may be
* See page 81.
H
98 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
able to estimate at its proper value this alleged ar-
rangement.
M. Lejean then states that the official letter from the
Emperor Napoleon demanded^ in courteous but firm lan-
guage, religious toleration for the Roman Catholic mis-
sions protected by France. And he adds, " I must do
justice to the missionaries of Basle, who, directed by the
English Consul and Mr. Martin Flad, their principal
leader, had been most ready to ofi'er me their assistance
on this religious question, with a view to toleration, in
accordance (as they justly said) with the spirit of en-
lightened Protestantism."
" But," continues M. Lejean (whose words are deserv-
ing of being quoted in full), " all this diplomacy was en-
tirely thrown away. The Emperor had been much irri-
tated by the passage iu the letter relative to the Romish
missions. ' I know,' said he, ' the tactics of European
Governments when they wish to acquire possession of
Oriental States. They first send missionaries, then con-
suls to support the missionaries, then armies to sup-
[)ort the consuls*. I am not a Rajah of Hindostan,
to be humbugged in that fashion. I prefer having at
once to do with the armies.' After a series of curious
and characteristic scenes, Theodore replied to what he
regarded as a provocation on the part of France, by
an order of expulsion to her agent "f- This occurred,
* This notion is so peculiarly French, that I cannot but suspect
these words to have been put into Theodore's mouth by M. Lejean, like
those respecting,' Queen Victoria and Earl llussell, cited in page 124. In
my own inf(.rniant'8 report of what took place, there is no allusion to
anything of the sort having been said by the Emperor.
t 'Revue des deux Mondes,' (Dec. 1, 1804) p. ()12.
THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON^S LETTER. 99
according to M. Lejean, on the 28tli of September,
1863.
I now proceed to give the version of another person,
who was also present on the occasion, and who had no
motive for misrepresenting or concealing anything that
occurred.
The letter brought by M. Bardel was not from the Em-
peror Napoleon, but from M. Drouyn de Lhuys, the
Minister of Foreign Aifairs, in his Imperial master's
name ; and, after compliments in reply to Theodore's
letter, the writer stated that the Emperor had especially
commissioned him to say to his Abyssinian Majesty that
he extended his protection to the Roman Catholic mis-
sionaries all over the world ("dans tout I'univers").
Nothing therefore could be more agreeable to his Imperial
Majesty than to learn that those clergymen were treated
with the consideration Avhich was their due. All Govern-
ments, continued the Minister, deserving of being called
civilized, have accepted the principle of the freedom of
religious worship, especially when the religion is a Chris-
tian one.
But now comes a part of the French Minister's letter,
which les convenances did not permit the Consul of France
even to allude to. " The Emperor has remarked," writes
M. Drouyn de Lhuys to the Abyssinian Monarch, "the
passage in your letter in Avhich you manifest warlike in-
tentions. Before undertaking a war against powerful neigh-
bours, it is right to calculate one's own strength, and to be
careful not to place in jeopardy advantages already gained.
His Majesty prays to God that He will inspire you with
decisions suited to the interests of the people whom you
H 2
100 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
govern, and wlio, as a Cliristian people, are the objects of
his especial sympathy." The letter finished with some
general phrases, as to the French Emperor's willingness
to form friendly and commercial relations with Abyssinia.
There can be no doubt that the advice given in this
letter was excellent ; only it is to be questioned whether
it was offered by the proper person and in proper season.
Theodore was at that moment inveterate against the
Egyptians, and most anxious to go to war with them ; and
having always regarded the French as their allies and
abettors, the last person from whom he Avas likely to
accept advice as to his conduct towards them was the Em-
peror Napoleon. He consequently decided on resenting
in a signal manner the insult which he considered himself
to have received.
13ut before taking this step, in order to manifest his
feeling towards those persons Avhom the Emperor of the
French had declared to be the special objects of his solici-
tude, Theodore first sent for the Coptic Abiina, with Avhom
he had been on bad terms for some time, and became tho-
roughly reconciled with him — the one not less than the
other being the bitter enemy of the Roman Catholics ; and
the prelate, in his joy at the reconciliation, vowed he Avould
have his throat cut before he allowed a single Romish
missionary to enter the country.
A week afterwards all the Europeans, seventeen in
number, including the English and I>cnch Consuls, the
Protestant missionaries, and the Emperor's European
workmen, were summoned to witness what was to take
place.
Tliere was first a personal question between M. Lejean,
THEODORE REJECTS THE FRIENDSHIP OF FRANCE. 101
as Consul of France, and the Frenchman Bardel, which
was cut short by Theodore^s declaring the latter to he his
envoy. His Majesty then stated publicly the following
grounds of complaint against the Emperor Napoleon, and
of dissatisfaction with his letter : —
1st. The letter had no seal affixed to it, and therefore
was no formal document.
2nd. The answer to a letter written by himself to the
Emperor Napoleon came, not from the Emperor in person,
but from a servant [lolye) of his.
3rd. The letter was, in point of fact, no answer to the
contents of his (Theodore's) letter.
4th. M. Bardel had not been treated with the respect
due to an Envoy from the Emperor of Ethiopia.
With a view to meet these objections, M. Lejean wished
to show that he was the bearer of a more explicit and
favourable answer, respecting the reception in Paris of an
Abyssinian embassy; but Theodore would not listen to
his explanation, as he said his present envoy (M. Bardel)
had not been well received.
The result " was that Theodore positively rejected the
friendship of France, tore the French Minister's letter in
pieces and trod it underfoot, and said that, if the quarrel
between himself and the Emperor Napoleon had to be de-
cided by the sword, there was a youth {gobaz) above^ who
would fight for him^.
* The celestial champion here appealed to is the Farasmya (Horse-
man), as St. George is called — that saint being, as in the Greek
Church, the especial patron of soldiers, and so much revered by
the Abyssiuians that he is looked on as one of the Persons of their
" Trinity." In an article on " Christianity among the Gallas," in the
102 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
The French Consul and Dr. Legard were then peremp-
torily ordered to quit the Emperor's dominions. Two
days afterwards the two Frenchmen were furnished with a
passport^ but without being allowed to take leave of his
Majesty personally; and they immediately made the best
of their way to the coast. M. Lejean himself acknow-
ledges that he hastened to INIassowah before the news
of his disgrace, spread along the road, should cause
the local authorities to place obstacles in the way of his
journey. He was likewise anxious, no doubt, to trans-
mit the disagreeable news home with his own imprint
on it.
In the debate in the House of Commons onun Je 30th,
1865, Mr. Layard said that, when the letter from the
Emperor Napoleon was presented, the Emperor Theodore
" quarrelled with the French Consul, threw him into
prison, and loaded him with chains. He released him
after five or six weeks, and then ignominiously expelled
him from the country"*. The "one halfpenny-wortli of
bread to this intolerable deal of sack " is the following
anecdote related by M. Lejean himself: — As he and his
colleague were breakfasting together on the morning of
the former's expulsion, Cameron said to him laughingly^
" Well, my friend, are the chains of the Negus heavy ?"
" Should you like to try them V asked Lejean in the same
tone. " Well, who knows ?" was the reply of the un-
fortunate Representative of Great Britain. But this con-
versation referred to the occurrence in March previous.
* British Magazine ' for June 1847, I have alluded to this and other
eimilar eiTors.
• ' Times,' July 1, 1866.
consul's despatches stopped. SERVANT BEATEN. 103
wheiij however, M. Lejean had been put in chains for
only a few hours *.
A few days after M. Lej can's departure, namely, on
October 8th, 1863, Consul Cameron wrote thus from
(jlondar to his family: — "The business of the French
Consul is a disagreeable affair. I have kept myself aloof
on the whole ; but I off*ered my services to the Consul,
which he was generous enough not to accept, lest it might
injure my own mission, especially as King Theodore has
taken it into his head that I have been intriguing against
him in Egypt. He is a fine fellow, but does not under-
stand foreign politics or foreign manners. My own fate
rests on the turn of a die. I am still waiting for answers
to my letters of last year from the King's camp. If the
King intercepts them Avhen they come, I suppose I shall
be sent packing after my colleague.^'
At that time, though the British Consul was a prisoner
on parole, no hand had been laid on him or any of his
people ; neither did he then ianticipate any act of violence.
But the storm which had long been lowering, at length
broke over his devoted head.
A messenger, with letters sent by Captain Cameron,
Avas stopped on the way from Gondar to Massowah by the
Grovernor of the province of Woggera, who seized the
letters and sent the messenger back to Gondar. Captain
Cameron having complained to the Emperor of this out-
rage, the latter took the messenger with him into Wog-
gera, and sent him to the Governor to demand the letters
back. He was told that they were lost ; and on his re-
peating this to his Majesty, the latter (who by this time
* See page 91.
104 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
had doubtless become acquainted with the contents of the
letters) replied^ " He has done you justice : give him (the
servant) stripes into the bargain."
The date of this occurrence, as far as I possess the
means of fixing it, was the 15tli of October, 1863, at
which time Consul Cameron had been for about three
months under surveillance and prevented from quitting
the comitry. It is not possible at the present moment to
explain the specific motive for the stoppage of his letters,
though it is most probable that Theodore wished to know
how that officer had reported to the British Government
the proceedings of the 28tli of September.
It is however also very likely that by this time,
(October 15th, 1863), Earl Russell's reply to Consul
Cameron^s important communication from the Emperor's
camp in Godjam of October 31st, 1862"^, had reached
Abyssinia. In the return to the Address to the Crown
on Lord Chelmsford's motion of May 22nd, 1865, that
reply is given as having " arrived at Gondar about No-
vember, 1863 ;" but there was ample time for its arrival
at this earlier date, and my own impression is that it
did so arrive. I therefore insert it here as in its
proper place : —
" Fureujn Office, April 22nd, IHGS.
'' Sir, — With reference to your despatch of the 31st of
October last, I have to state to you that it is not desirable
for Her Majesty's Agents to meddle in the affairs of
Abyssinia, and you would have done better had you re-
turned to your post at Massowah when the King told
you to do so. This it will hi; rii;ht that you should do at
* See page 07 et sc/j.
Theodore's letter to the queen ignored. 105
once, and you will remain at Massowah until further
orders.
"You will of course keep Her Majesty's Government
fully and accurately informed of French proceedings in
Abyssinia.
" I am, &c.,
"RUSSELL."
It must not be forgotten that Consul Cameron's des-
patch of October 31st, 18G2, contained the Emperor's letter
to the Queen, which is thus contemptuously ignored al-
together.
If the fact be as I surmise, and if it should also prove
to be the case that Earl Russell's despatches, like those
of Consul Cameron himself, were intercepted, as he had
anticipated, the whole matter becomes yet plainer and
more intelligible. Indeed, it must continue to do so as
additional facts are brought to light.
106
CHAPTER YII.
PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES — NOT IMPLICATED IN DISPUTES BE-
TWEEN EMPEROR AND CONSUL — IMPUTATIONS AGAINST THEM
UNTFOUNDED — COMMENCEMENT OF THEIR MISFORTUNES — LET-
TERS FROM MR. STERN AND MB. ROSENTHAL — BISHOP GOBAT's
LAY MISSIONARIES — LONDON SOCIETY'S MISSION SCOTTISH
MISSION — DIFFERENCES AMONG MISSIONARIES — MR. LAYARD ON
SnSSIONS — MR. stern's MEETING WITH THE EMPEROR — HIS
SERVANT BEATEN TO DEATH — HmSELF LIKEWISE BEATEN —
consul's INTERCESSION REJECTED — MR. STERN'S PRIVATE PA-
PERS — DENOUNCED BY M. BARDEL — HIS CHARACTER — ALL EU-
ROPEANS IMPRISONED — TRIAL OF STERN AND ROSENTHAL —
" THE KOSSO-SELLEr'S SON " — THEIR CONDEMNATION — ARRIVAL
OF MR. KEBANS — CONSUL AGAIN ORDERED TO MASSOWAH —
NO ANSWER FROM THE QUEEN — CONSUL IMPRISONED — THEO-
DORE'S SINGITLAR PROCLAMATION,
It cannot but liave occurred to every one wlio has read
thus far, if at all acquainted with the subject of the
captivity of our countrymen in its ordinary form, that
throughout the events narrated the Protestant mission-
aries in Abyssinia, so long Consul Cameron^s companions
in bonds, have not once been mentioned except inciden-
tally. In fact, as far as the breach between the Emperor
of Abyssinia and the representative of the British Go-
vernment is concerned, those missionaries may be re-
garded as not being at all in the country — as having no
existence whatever ! And yet it has been repeatedly as-
serted, and the popular belief notoriously is, that it was
with one of those missionaries, the Rev. Henry A, Stern,
that the Emperor was displeased in the first instance,
and that, through Consul Cameron's generous though
JSIISSIONARIES MISREPRESENTED. MR. STERN. 107
injudicious interference on his behalf, he himself fell into
like disgrace; whilst, Ijy quitting his post at Massowah
without orders, this officer incurred at the same time
the displeasure of his own Government.
From the preceding pages, it is manifest that there is
not one word of truth in these statements, which, with
many others, of an equally fabulous character"^, would
seem to have been made and intentionally put into cir-
culation, with no other object than to turn the eyes of
Parliament and of the public in a direction diametrically
opposed to the right one.
Mr. Stern has told his own sad story of how his mis-
fortunes commenced, in a letter to his wife, dated from
Amba Magdala in April 1865, which was published about
a twelvemonth ago among the ' Letters from the Captive
Missionaries,' circulated by the Committee of the Abyssi-
nian Captives Liberation Fund.
The principal portions of that letter are reproduced in
the Appendix to the present work, together with other
* Among other absurd stories, the following was circulated in the
French newspapers, and copied into some of the English ones : —
" Letters from Abyssinia state that Theodore, Emperor of that country,
has just crowned his imperial eccentricities by an act which exceeds
them all in extravagance. Having learned of the widowhood of
Queen Victoria, he has had a letter written to her offering her his
hand. Mr. Cameron, the English consul, was charged to forward
this missive to his Sovereign. The reply to so unforeseen an offer
not being immediately forthcoming, the Emperor Theodore got angiy,
and had Mr. Cameron put in chains until His Majesty should have
obtained satisfaction for such a want of attention to him. On hear-
ing of the imprisonment of Mr. Cameron, Her Britannic Majesty
is said to have decided on replying by a polite refusal, the sending of
which by post was more economic than a special mission to Abyssinia."
See the ' Sun' of August 6th, 1864 ; and see also the 'Times' of Sep-
tember 0th following.
108 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
subsequent communications from Mr. Stern and his com-
panion, Mr. Rosenthal. They give a detailed and con-
nected narrative of the barbarous treatment to which
they have been subjected, and they form a tale of horrors
such as probably never was surpassed. Referring, then,
to the letters of the two unfortunate missionaries, it
remains for me to give merely a summary of the principal
events, derived partly from Mr. Stern's statements, and
more fully in some particulars from other authentic
sources.
To render the history complete and intelligible, it will
be necessary to go back to the epoch of the banishment of
Msgr. de' Jacobis and his clergy by the newly crowned
Emperor Theodore in the beginning of 1855, narrated in
a former page *.
By an extraordinary coincidence, on the very day on
which the fugitives reached Halai on the frontiers, the
Protestant missionary. Dr. Krapf, who had been expelled
both from Tigre and fi'om Shoa, was a third time entering
Abyssinia, accompanied by the Rev. Martin Flad, for the
purpose of establishing a mission in that country, at the
instance, under the auspices, and with the direct support
of Bishop Gobat of Jerusalem. The moment of Dr. Krapf's
arrival was most opportune, and permission was readily
granted by the new Sovereign and the Abuna for the
establishment of a mission, the first members of which
arrived out in April 1856, being followed by others at a
later date. This time, however, the missionaries M'crc not
ordained priests, but lay handicraftsmen, who folloAved
their usual vocations in conjunction with their missionary
* See page .39.
VARIOUS PROTESTANT MISSIONS IN ABYSSINIA. 109
labours. These latter were however confined to reading,
teaching, and distributing the Scriptures in the native
languages, for which purpose they were supplied by
tlie British and Foreign Bible Society with books and
money to the amount of nearly ^€1000.
Encouraged by the success which liad attended Bishop
Gobat^s mission, the Rev. Henry A. Stern arrived in Abys-
sinia in the early part of 1860, as the agent of the London
Society- for Promoting Christianity among the Jews, for
the purpose of establishing a mission among the Falashas
or native Israelites ; and after obtaining the consent of
the Emperor and the Abuna, he returned to England, to
take measures for the extension of his mission. AVhilst
at home, Mr. Stern prepared for publication a work en-
titled ' Wanderings among the Falashas of Abyssinia,'
giving a narrative of the events that had occurred during
his first visit ; and after having been detained some time
in London, in order that he might meet Consid Cameron,
as has already been related *, he returned to Abyssinia, ac-
companied by Mr. and INIrs. Rosenthal^ reaching the mis-
sionary-station at Djenda in the early part of 1863. It is
proper to add here, that Mr. Flad subsequently left Bishop
Gobat's mission and joined that of the London Society.
At a later date a Scottish mission was established in
Abyssinia, the members of which were the Rev. Messrs.
Steiger and Brandeis.
Unfortunately certain differences arose between Mr.
Stern and the members of Bishop Gobat's lay mission, of
which differences Mr. Layard thus spoke in the House of
Commons on June 30th, 1865 : — " Let me mention a fact
>» * See page 69.
110 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
of importance in relation to this question. There are in
Abyssinia three missionary establishments^ and I am sorry
to say that, as usual, they are intensely jealous of one
another. These estal)lishments consist of a German mis-
sion from Basle, a Protestant mission from this country,
and a Freneli Propagandist mission. The Basle mis-
sionaries hated the English with an intensity of which
some conception may be formed from the amiable pages
of the 'Standard^ — if anybody reads that paper — in which
some letters on the subject have recently appeared. The
Roman Catholics hated all the others. The King had
no love for any of them, and said, ' I have nothing to
do with preaching the Gospel ; but if you can be of any
use to me, I shall be very glad that you should stay.'
In consequence of this decision the members of the Basle
mission were compelled to turn their attention to the
manufacture of muskets; but, as they produced very
bad weapons, they turned with better success to trading
in brandy. Mr. Stern was allowed to deal with tlie
Jews and Mahomedans, but was strictly prohibited from
converting any of the native Abyssinians. The Roman
Catholic mission was expelled the country "*.
Comment from me on the tone and evident spirit of this
statement is not called for ; neither is it requisite to in-
quire how far the particulars of it are correct or not. All
that may be affirmed — though no reader of my work will
deem even this necessary — is, that whatever differences
there may have been, their existence was not " a fact of
importance in relation to the question^' of the Emperor's
quarrel with Consul Cameron and the English; which
• •Tiiiu-s." .lulv 1, IHC,.^,. .
MR. stern's DITFERENCES WITH LAY MISSIONARIES. Ill
quarrel was, and is in truth, the real and only original ques-
tion, whatever other questions may have been raised by the
subsequent complication of affairs resulting from it. And
even had "jealousies " or " hatreds " — to use Mr. Layard's
expressions;;;— existed between the members of Bishop Go-
bat's lay mission and the " English " missionaries, there
is not the slightest reason for imagining that the Emperor
would have troubled himself about such insignificant mat-
ters, as long as he and the British Government continued
to be good friends.
For myself, I have never taken the trouble to investi-
gate the subject, believing it to be altogether of secondary
importance ; and so I have earnestly and invariably en-
deavoured to persuade the friends of both parties in Eng-
land with whom I have occasionally come in contact. As
far, however, as I understand the question, Mr. Stern, on
his first visit to Abyssinia, was led to form the opinion
that the members of Bishop Gobat's lay mission were
altogether too secular in their occupations, for that they
led rather the lives of ordinary workmen in the Emperor's
service than that of readers, teachers, and distributors of
the Scriptures ; and I believe he wrote home to that effect.
Inquiries were made and explanations given ; and when
Mr. Stern arrived out a second time, in the beginning of
1863, though at first there Avas not unnaturally some little
coolness between him and Bishop Gobat's lay missionaries,
still that soon passed over, and (unless I am misinformed)
they have ever since been on friendly terms.
It was in the beginning of April 1863, as already men-
tioned, that Mr. Stern returned to Abyssinia and resumed
his missionary labours, which, despite of obstacles, were sue-
113 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
cessful and promising. In June, Captain Cameron arrived
at tlie mission-station at Djenda, on his return from the
north. In the following month the Emperor, who had
been at some distance, also came quite accidentally into
the neighbourhood. During his stay, Mr. ^tern heard
several times that he was annoyed with Captain Cameron
for the reasons already stated*; but Mr. Stern himself
does not appear to have seen or had any communication
with the Emperor, he having gone to \asit the Falashas
in various districts, and having at the end of August set
out for Armatjoho, a province to the north-west of the
missionary station.
On September 20th, Mr. Stern came back to Djenda,
and on the evening of his return was summoned to
Gondar, to hear the reading of the letter which M.
Bardel had brought from the Emperor of the French.
There was nothing personal in this summons, which was
issued in common to all the Europeans in the country.
The occurrences of that eventful day are already re-
corded t- The immediate result is thus simply related
by Mr. Stern : — " M. Lejean and M. Legard, a French
physician, were peremptorily required to quit Abyssinia;
and the rest returned to their respective homes." But
he adds, significantly, '^ The crisis, which for some time
had been looming in the distance, was now drawing
nearer and nearer. All felt that there was something im-
I)ending; but even the most timid dreaded nothing beyond
the seizure of property and expulsion from the country."
How completely this corresponds with the expressions
ill Consul Cameron's letters written to his family on Oc-
* See page 94, t See pages 97-] 01.
MR. STERN^S MEETINfi WITH THE EMPEROR. 113
tober 8tli, a few days after the two French agents had
been expelled the country^.
Up to the middle of October 1863, I am unable to trace
any cause whatever for the Emperor's anger against the
missionaries. On the contrary, they would seem to have
enjoyed just as much of his favour as they required, the
summit of their desires being that they might be allowed
to pursue their labours unmolested.
On the morning of October 15th, as has been already
related f. Consul Cameron's messenger was beaten by
order of the Emperor, who was then encamped in Wog-
gera, near Gondar. In the afternoon of the same day
Mr. Stern approached the camp, and stopped to pay
his respects to the Emperor, as in duty bound. It was
not till the evening that the Monarch left his tent and
came into the open air, where Stern and his two servants
had been waiting more than Uvo hours. The time was
most inopportune, the Emperor having been at table.
A fi'own was on his countenance : with the thought on
his mind of what had taken j)lace in the morning, he
was assuredly in no good humour with Englishmen or
those belonging to them, and the merest trifle sufficed to
drive him beyond all bounds. Mr. Stern's address to
His Majesty appears to have been badly interpreted by
the servants, and the Emperor became so angry that
he ordered them to be beaten — probably with the very
sticks with which the English Consul's messenger had
been punished that same morning. Mr. Stern, under
alarm and excitement, happened to bite his thumb — an
action which in that country, as elsewhere, is considered
* See page 101. f See page 103.
I
114 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
a threat of revenge. The Emperor had not at first noticed
this action; but his attention having been directed to
it by some of his officers who were Stern's enemies^ the
latter was likewise severely beaten. The two servants
died the same night, from the efi'ects of their pvmishment.
The British Consul, who was at Gondar a prisoner at
large, sent immediately to Mr. Flad, requesting him to go
to the Emperor with him as his interpreter. But Theo-
dore refused to admit Captain Cameron to his presence,
desiring him to say in writing what he had to say. He
accordingly wrote to the Emperor a letter, in which he
reminded him of the friendship that had so long subsisted
between England and Abyssinia ; Avhereupon he was asked,
" Where are the proofs of that friendship?''
The punishment which I\lr. Stern received was so se-
vere that for some time his life was despaired of; and
Mr. Flad obtained leave to visit him daily and take charge
of his recovery. When his health was somewhat restored,
Mr. Stern was taken to Gondar chained to a soldier.
Here his papers were searched, but nothing criminatory
was found among them; and as the Emperor's anger
against him appears to have been only of a temporary
nature — it being, in truth, founded on no specific cause
of complaint — the monarch wrote, in the beginning of No-
vember, to his European workmen at Gaffat, namely
Bishop Gobat's Scripture readers, that he had tortured
Stern long enough, and that, if they approved of it, they
should come to Gondar and reconcile them, according to
the Abyssinian usage when two parties have injured one
another or are otherwise at variance. The form of this
reconciliation woukl have been, that, after the mediator
STERN^S PRIVATE PAPERS. DENOUNCED BY BARDEL. 115
{astdraki) had admonished them to mutual forgiveness,
Mr. Stern Avould have begged pardon for anything he
might have done amiss, and the Emperor, on his side,
would have begged Steru^s pardon for the wrong he had
done him. I repeat, therefore, that this is a proof that
at the beginning of November 1863, nearly four months
after the Emperor had quarrelled with Consul Cameron,
he had no serious cause of complaint against Stern ;
whereas he continued on such unfriendly terms Avith the
former, that, in the middle of October, he would neither
admit him to his presence nor listen to his representa-
tions in writing.
Mr. Stern's prospects were thus looking bright and
hopeful, when a most calamitous change took place.
Under the belief that the persons and property of Euro-
peans were inviolable, Mr. Stern had incautiously recorded,
both in his manuscript note-book and in his printed
work, of which he had taken a copy with him to Abys-
sinia, facts and opinions more or less derogatory to the
Emperor Theodore. During his illness, he had employed
himself, as best he could, in erasing from his journals
and other papers the offensive passages. But unfortu-
nately he had mentioned their existence to M. Bardel,
and that individual made known the fact to the Emperor.
Mr. Stern, in alluding to this, says, " I know by whom,
but will not, without positive proof, give the name.'^ Mr.
Steiger is not so reserved, but expresses himself respecting
M. Bardel in the following unmeasured terms : — " He had
come to Abyssinia three years ago as Secretary to the
English Consul, but had been sent to France with a letter
to the Emperor Napoleon. When he returned from Paris
i2
116 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
with an official answer^ he brought at the same time a
private commission from tlie Secretary of Foreign Af-
fairs, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and his Jesuit friends, to en-
deavour by all means to destroy the Protestant missions
in Abyssinia, and to plant Roman Catholic missionaries
in their stead — the price for his endeavours being a Vice-
consulship. He did his best to execute his commission,
and did it with subtlety and ingenuity which is truly sur-
prising, and which none but a Frenchman taught in
a Jesuit school — I had almost said the DeviFs — could
have learnt. But truly the foolishness of God is wiser
than men, and the weakness of God stronger than men ;
and w^onderfully has the saying been fulfilled, ' He that
diggeth a 2)it for others, will surely fall into it himself.^
Through his own intrigues he has fallen ; for ere his work
was completed his punishment came, and he is now^ in
prison, chained, with Mr. Stern, whose fall he had so
desperately striven to compass, "When he saw his plans
frustrated, he confessed his wickedness to his companions,
whose captivity he shares in the fortress of Magdala^^ *.
This was written in December 1864 ; since w^hicli time
much has to be related concerning M. BardeFs proceed-
ings. "Without Avishing to anticipate what will best be
told in its proper place, I will merely mention here that,
on July 6th 1866, M. Bardel, who Avas then again in
the Emperor's favour, had Mr. llassam. Consul Cameron,
Mr, Stern, and the other European captives given into
his charge, to be taken to prison at Amba Magdala.
M. BardeFs denouncement would appear not to have
been limited to Mr. Stern. The result of it Avas, that on
* See the ' l!ecord' of September (!, 1805.
EUROPEANS IMPRISONED. — MISSIONARIES TRIED. 117
November 13tli, 1863, a body of troops came to Djenda,
seized most of the missionaries including Mrs. Flad, and,
after binding them, conducted them to Gondar, treating
them most ignominiously by the way. On the following
day they reached the Emperor's camp, where heavier
chains Avere laid on them ; and Mr. Rosenthal, who had
previously been left at liberty, Avas also bound.
All the Europeans in the country, the English Consul
not excepted, were next made prisoners, their papers
seized, and their goods confiscated. The prisoners were
dragged into the presence of the Emperor, Avho, when he
saw them, was actually red Avith anger.
After some investigation the artisan missionaries were
set at liberty, and their goods restored to them, the Em-
peror sending for them, receiving them in the most friendly
way, and calling them his children. The members of the
Scottish mission were likewise released, there being no
specific charge against any one but Stern, Rosenthal, and
Mrs. Flad. MeanAvhile these latter were almost starved;
and it was only Avith great difficulty that Mr. Flad con-
trived to supply them Avith food. A day Avas now ap-
pointed for their trial, at which Theodore said the other
Europeans in the country should be their judges.
On the 20th of November a court Avas held, to which
all the Europeans Avere summoned. On an elevation
sat the Emperor, and behind him, on an alga or couch,
the Etjegye, or superior of the monks. On the ground
beside the throne Avere Zander and Bardel — a German
and a Frenchman ! In the middle of the open space sat
the other Europeans in rows, and behind them the Abys-
sinian grandees. Many thousand spectators formed a
118 THE BKITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
semicircle beyond them. The two prisoners, boimd by
the arm, stood opposite the Monarch, both of them, and
Stem especially, looking so sqnalid and "s^Tetched that
it was pitiable to behold.
Various charges were brought against the prisoners,
one against Stern being that in his book he had called
the execution of the rebels who had killed Messrs.
Plowden and Bell a cold-blooded murder*. Another was
tlie expression of the opinion that a war between Theodore
and a foreign power would remove intolerance and intro-
duce religious liberty. But the principal grievance ap-
pears to have been Mr. Stern's publication in Europe
of the fact that Theodore's mother was a poor woman,
who sold kosso, the well-known anthelmintic, now of
not unfrequent iise in Europe. The fact is notorious in
Abyssinia ; and before Theodore came to his greatness he
was not ashamed of his origin. An amusing anecdote is
told of how, having conquered a chief of Ras All's army,
who had promised to bring "the kosso-seller's son" dead
or alive into the presence of the Ras's mother, Oizoro
Menen, he invited him to dinner ; when, instead of mead,
the ordinary beverage of the country, he placed before
him a bottle containing an infusion of kosso, and thus ad-
dressed him : — " I am, as you have truly said, only the
son of a poor kosso-seller ; and as my mother has not dis-
posed of anything to day, I am sure you wall not refuse
her your custom ; " and he made him swallow the nau-
seous draught to the very dregs. It is therefore unworthy
of him to think of concealing his origin, and of claiming
* The pa^;sa(re in Mr. Stern's worii where the C'xpret;sion occurs is
given in a note to page 00.
" THE KOSSO-SELLEr's SON." 119
instead to be of the ancient royal family of Ethiopia — an
idea, however, to which he now attaches the greatest im-
portance, and which (according to Dr. Krapf) he is said
to liave stated strongly in his late correspondence with
the Emperor Napoleon, in order to outdo the latter in
respect of genealogy ^.
Mr. Rosenthal had also spoken ill of the Emperor,
saying that it would be far better for the country to be
nuder the rule of the Turks (Egyptians) than of Theo-
dore; and as at that time two Turkish armies were re-
ported to beadvancing against Abyssinia, supported by
the French, it may well be understood how this must
have exasperatedthe Emperor. It is proper to state
what these two armies really were.
One of them was that under Musa Pasha, an old and
experienced officer, who had served under Ibrahim Pasha,
and who arrived at Khartum during the summer of 1862,
with 4000 regular troops and several rifled cannon. He
passed the winter in exercising his troops, with the avowed
intention of invading Abyssinia. In January 1863 he
advanced slowly, at the head of a body of 10,000 or
12,000 men in all, on Kalabat, of which district Ma-
tamma is the capital, reaching it about the middle of
the following month. He remained there only a few
days, during which short time he devastated and com-
pletely ruined the country, and he then returned to Khar-
tum. Towards the end of the year, it was reported that
he was about to undertake a campaign against Abys-
* See ' Christian Work ' for December 1st, 1864. Theodore's pro-
clamation given in pages 12;'5-127 may perhaps have some beariuu- on
this correspondence with the Emperor of the Frencli.
120 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
sinia; but there docs not appear to have been any foun-
dation for the report.
The other " army " consisted of a body of fifty or sixty
drilled soldiers^ of various Eui'opean nations with several
officers, under the command of Comte de Bisson, a
French subject, formerly a general in the Neapolitan
service, who arrived at Khartum towards the end of 1863,
with the alleged intention of forming an agricultural
colony in the debatable country of Bogos, rendered memo-
rable by the visits of Consuls Plowden and Cameron in
1854 and 1863^. M. de Bisson received at first every
assistance from the Egyptian authorities, enlisted several
hmidred Nubians, and Avas escorted from Kassalah as far
as the district of Barea by a body of 200 Egyptian
soldiers. But he having decided on remaining in Barea,
where he began to form a permanent camp Avith the
alleged object of protecting himself from the attacks of the
natives, the Mudir of Taka sent 700 men to dislodge him
and bring him back to Kassalah, whence he returned to
Egypt about the middle of 1864 f- I am not acquainted
witli his subsequent proceedings ; but I know that several
of the members of his " French colony in Abyssinia" were
in Tigre during the present year, 1866.
Retui'ning now to the trial of the unfortunate mission-
aries, it has to be related that, after they had been ex-
amined, the Emperor caused to be read out a list of his
victories, thirty in number, being fifteen before and fifteen
after his accession to the throne ; next, a table setting out
his alleged descent from Meiiilek, the son of King Solomon
• See pages 25-29, 88-85.
t See the 'Times' of August 30th, 1864.
CONDEMNATION OF STERN AND llOSENTHAL. 121
and the Queen of Slieba ; and lastly, that portion of the
Fetha Negest (the Abyssinian code, founded on tliat of
Justinian), by which death is made the penalty of reviling
the Sovereign, this offence coming within the crimen loesce
majestatis of the Roman law.
The Emperor is said to have next called on the l^u-
ropeans present, beginning with the English Consul, to
declare whether the prisoners were guilty or not of the
charges brought against them. They could only answer
in the affirmative. He then asked the prisoners what
they had to say against judgement being pronounced.
This, in the opinion of some of the persons present, was
the critical moment. They think that, had Mr. Stern and
Mr. Rosenthal confessed their fault, expressed their con-
trition, and asked for pardon, the other Europeans might
have interceded for them, and they would most Hkely
have been set at liberty ; but, instead of this, they tried
to justify, or at least to extenuate, their conduct ; which
prevented the others fi'om interfering, and only exaspe-
rated the Emperor. If this really be the case, it only
shows how entirely the Emperor^s anger with the mis-
sionaries was of a casual and transient character, quite
different from his feeling towards the Consul, which had
a fixed and permanent cause.
The monarch then consulted his grandees as to what
should be done to the prisoners. Ras Hailu (the highest
executive officer) advised that they should be put to death ;
but the Waag-Shum (the highest territorial chief*) and
* This is not Waag-shum Gobazye, but his cousin Taferri, on whom
the Emperor has confeiTed the title, after having liilled Waag-Shum
Gebra Medhin, Gobazye's father.
122 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
others dissuaded him from it. The counsel of the latter
prevailed, and the lives of the prisoners were spared,
though they were still kept in close confinement.
Mrs. Flad had also been arraigned for speaking dis-
paragingly of the Emperor, l)ut Avas immediately pardoned
out of regard for her husband.
As if it were only to complicate matters and make them
worse, two days after the trial of Messrs. Stern and
Rosenthal (that is to say, on Sunday, November 22nd),
a young Irishman, named Kerans, arrived at Gondar,
bringing despatches from the Foreign Office to Consul
Cameron, " with a kind of reprimand, and instructions to
go to his post at Massowah."
The despatch thus brought by Mr. Kerans may pos-
sibly have been that from Earl Russell of April 22nd,
1863, supposing it not to have arrived in October*, as
I believe it did ; but it is more likely to have been the
following one, dated August 13th, from Mr. Murray,
Under Secretary of State for Foreign Aifaii's : —
" I am directed by Earl Russell to acknowledge the
receipt of your despatch of the 31st of March last t, sug-
gesting that you should be formally authorized to pui'chase
what you ma^ require, whenever possible, with the view of
freeing yom-self from the interference of the King of Abys-
sinia's officers.
" In reply, I am to refer you to Lord Russell's despatch
of the 22nd of April last, and to state to you that as you
have been ordered to return to and remain at Massowah,
your proposal need not be considered.
'^ I am also to remind you, with reference to the
* See page 104. t Naiuely, fi\jin JJof.'-os: see page 83.
NO ANSWER FROM THE QUEEN. CONSUL IMPRISONED. 123
expressions ' Envoy ' and ' Mission/ wliich repeatedly
occur in your despatch, tliat, as Her Majesty's Consul
at Massowah, you hold no representative character in
Abyssinia.''
This last assertion renders necessary the remark that
Captain Cameron, like his predecessor Mr. Plowden, was
appointed "■ Her Majesty's Consul in Abyssinia " and
gazetted as such'^ ; and he was expressly accredited to
the Emperor Theodore by Earl Russell, in his letter to
that monarch of February 20thj 1862t.
There was no answer to the letter addressed by the
Emperor to Queen Victoria more than a twelvemonth
before J, either from the Queen herself or from Earl Rus-
sell in Her Majesty's name; nor was that letter even
alluded to in the despatches to the Consul.
To repeat the words of a person who was present on the
occasion : — " This was, at the moment, a most untoward
event. The Consul had previously had his hands only half
bound; they were now bound altogether. Theodore was
angry, and not without cause. He had a right to expect
a reply of some kind fi'om England, and a favourable
answer would doubtless have put him in the best possible
Immour ; for he desired above all things the friendship of
England. But now," adds the reporter of these pro-
ceedings, " it is most improbable that the Emperor will
ever liberate the captives, or even let the Consul go free,
unless the expected letters arrive."
These occurrences have been repeated here as they
were related by one who was present on the occasion.
M. Lejean, who was not present (for he had left Gondar
* See page Go. + See pages 67, 68. X See page 78.
124 THE BRITISH CAl'TIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
nearly two mouths previously '^) , gives a totally imagi-
nary account of these proceedings. He says, in parti-
cular, that the Emperor " was oft'euded at receiving from
the Foreign Office a letter signed by Earl Russell, and not
by the Queen herself. ' I wrote to Victoria/ said he, an-
grily, ' and not to this INIister Russell {Aito Russell) ,
whom I don^t at all know.^ "
But, as has long been known but too well, the fact is
that no letter whatever was written to the Emperor either
by Lord Russell or by the Queen ; so that it stands to
reason he did not utter the words put into his mouth
by M. Lejean. Consequently the latter has taken an
unAvarrantable liberty ,Avith the names of both Her
Majesty and her Minister; and it can scarcely be
doubted that the words which he has had the assurance
to apply to them are merely an adaptation of those
which the Abyssinian monarch really did use on the pre-
vious 28tli of September, with reference to the letter
signed by the French minister f, which M. Bardel deli-
vered : — "I ^vrote to Napoleon, and not to this Mister
Drouyn de Lhuys, Avhom I don't know at all.^^
Strangely enough, Mr. Kerans brought with him, as
a present to the Emperor, a carpet, on which were repre-
sented a zouave attacking a lion, and behind the former a
mounted European. Theodore at once interpreted this
in the following fashion : — The lion was himself (the
" Lion of Judah " being the arms of the Emperors of Ethi-
opia, as the descendants of King Solomon) ; the zouave
represented the Turks (Egyptians) attacking him; and
the horseman was the French, backing up the Egyptians.
* See page 102. t See pape 101.
MOTIVE FOR Theodore's conduct. 125
" But where/' exclaimed he, " are the English, to l)ack up
the lion ? "
There can be no doubt of this 1)eing his master passion,
fostered, as it has been, by the friendship and material
assistance of Consul Plowdcn and Mr. Bell ; and inasmuch
as the former's partisanship had been authorized, or at
the least permitted, during so many years by the British
Government, the fact of Consul Cameron's being for-
bidden to continue to follow his predecessor's example,
especially after he had commenced doing so, could only
be regarded as an act of hostility ; and the Emperor's con-
duct towards all the Europeans resident in his country,
being either Englishmen or persons under English protec-
tion, was in the nature of reprisals.
Probably about this time, and as would seem in con-
sequence of the notoriety given to the fact of the low
condition of the Emperor's mother, the monarch thought
fit to issue a proclamation to his Abyssinian subjects
and the Europeans within his country, of which the
following is a translation : —
" In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost, one God.
" The King of Kings, Theodore, created by the Trinity
its servant, installed by it and made Prince : to his children
given to him by God and to all the Franks (Europeans) .
" By your God and the God of your friend Theodore,
who appeared to Moses on Mount Sinai and in the Red
Sea ; who appeared to Joshua at Jericho ; who through
his servant Samuel anointed Saul when he was seeking
the asses that were lost; who, when Saul turned from
his Creator, commanded Samuel to anoint David.
120 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
" Solomon was King after David, according to the word of
the prophet and of his father, notwithstanding that Adonias
[Adonijah], against the will of God, was proclaimed King
by the people and obtained favoiu' in their sight. Solo-
mon, by the Queen of Azyeb [the south-east] , begat Meni-
lek, who became King of Ethiopia. From Menilek down
to the dynasty of the Gallas, all the Kings were stage-
players [azmdri*), who sought from God neither wisdom
nor strength; but, with His help, the means of raising
up the empire were found, when God chose me. His
servant, to be King.
" Mv countrymen said, ' the river is dried up, its bed
is empty,' and they insulted me because my mother was
poor, and called me the son of a beggar. But the Turks
knew the greatness of my father, who made them his tri-
butaries as far as the frontiers of Egypt and to the gates
of their cities. My father and my mother descended from
DaWd and from Solomon, and they are also of the seed of
Abraham, the servant of God.
" Now, those who insulted me with the name of a
beggar's son, are themselves beggars aud beg for their
daily bread. Without God's will neither wisdom nor
power can save from ruin. Nevertheless, as God said
unto Adam, ' in the sweat of thy face thou shalt cat
bread/ it is necessary not to fall into slothfulness. But
it is needless for me to give you this advdcc; for, as the
proverb says, ' speak not of wisdom to the sage, neither
cut the food of a lion.'
'' There is nothing powerful in the world. Many have
had mortars and cannons in abundance, and nevertheless
* Literally " .sintjer.-f " or " minstrels."
THEODORE^S SINGULAR PROCLAMATION. 127
have succumbed. Napoleon had myriads of them, yet
he died conquered, after having subjugated the Franks.
Nicholas, Emperor of the Muscovites, possessed them in
abundance, and he was vanquished by the French, the
English, and the Turks, and died without having accom-
phshed the desire of his heart.
" If in your countries you meet with any partisans of the
brigand Negiisye, who shall say, like the traitors of this
country, that Ethiopia is governed by the son of a beggar ;
wager Avith them a field covered with gold that I, the
present Emperor, am on the throne of my fathers, Abra-
ham and David, and bring them here to be confronted
with me.
" It is God ' that hath put down the mighty from their
seats, and hath exalted them of low degree.^ "
The only comment on this most singular document
that is necessary is, that it completely disproves the
supposition of Mr. Stern's having been in any way con-
cerned in the original promulgation in Europe of the fact
of the low condition of Theodore^s mother. Indeed, the
allusion in it to Negiisye and his partisans in Europe —
namely the French — who " like the traitors of this coun-
try " had given currency to the report, might lead to the
impression that this proclamation was of an earlier date
than is here assigned to it.
128
CHAPTER VIII.
CONTINUED ILL-TEEATMENT OF MISSIONAHIES — MH. FLAD's PBO-
POSED JOUENEY TO ENGLAND — CONSUL'S REQUEST TO LEAVE —
IMPEISONMENT OF ALL EUROPEANS — ABYSSINIANS DEPRIVED OF
C0X^T:XT at JERUSALEM — CONSUL FINN REMO^'ED — CONSUL
MOORE APPOINTED — HIS REFUSAL OF PROTECTION — EARL EUS-
SELl's INSTRUCTIONS — MEMORIAL TO THE ANGLICAN CHURCH
— ABYSSINIA CLAIMED BY TURKEY — TRANSFERRED TO EGYl T —
EGYPTIAN OCCUPATION — "THE ABYSSINIAN QUESTION" — M.
barbel's RETURN AND IMPRISONMENT — CONSUL CAMERON'S
LETTER HOME — CAPTI\':ES TORTURED — THE CONVERT MAKEREE
— REPEATED TORTURE OF CAPTIVES — THEIR REMOVAL TO AMBA
MAGDALA — DESCRIPTION OF FORTRESS PRISON — CAPTIVES DOU-
BLE-IRONED — THEIR EELEASE — CONSUL CAMEEON's LETTEE TO
THE AUTHOR — ARRIVAL OF NEWS IN ENGLAND.
From the day of their trial until the 4th of December
1863, the two wretched missionaries remained in suspense
as to their final doom. On that day they were summoned
before the Emperor, interrogated, stripped naked, and so
conducted back to their prison. They heard afterwards
tliat they had been in imminent pi'ril, for that the knives
to cut oft' their hands and feet were actually lying close
to the spot where they had stood ; and that they were
only saved from this fate Ijy the intercession and energetic
remonstrances of the Etjegye.
A fortnight after this, an opening for tlicir liberation
again presented itself. Mr. Flad was going to Europe,
and it was proposed that Mr. Stern should furnish him
" with letters to procure machines and one or two gun-
powder makers" — much in the same way as he is now
doing nearly two vcars later: and lu liis r(>tuni Mr.
AUYSSINIANS EXPELLED FKOM THEIR CONVENT. 120
Stern would be allowed to leave the country loaded with
favours. Whilst the negotiations with this object were in
progress, Consul Cameron, unaware of what was going on,
again applied for leave to go to his post at Massowah,
in pui'suance of orders from the British Government.
This once more proved fatal to the prospects of the pri-
soners; and on January 4th, 1864, Captain Cameron, his
European attendants, and all the missionaries, were put
in fetters, and together with Stern and Rosenthal confined
in one common prison within the royal enclosure.
Mr. Steiger, a member of the Scottish Mission, reported
to his Society at home that the cause of this his second
imprisonment Avas not merely the English Consul's desire
to leave the Court, without redeeming his promise to bring
an answer to the Emperor's letter to the Queen, but the
fact that at the same moment the head of the Abyssinian
convent at Jerusalem arrived out there, and " told the
King all that had happened at Jerusalem in connexion
with the expulsion of the Abyssinians from their convent.
He reported that the Coptic priests had endeavoured, with
the aid of the Turkish Government, to appropriate the
Abyssinian convent to themselves, that the Abyssinian
Monks, of course, opposed this deed of wrong, upon which
scenes of violence ensued, and bloodshed was only pre-
vented by the interference of the English Bishop. The
Bishop himself wrote to the King, informing him that he
had repeatedly begged the assistance of the English Con-
sul in trying to secui'c the rights of the Abyssinians, but
that the Consul had declared such a measure impossible,
as he had not received any instructions from his Govern-
ment to protect the Abyssinians. This surprised and in-i-
130 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
tated the King the more, as Mr. Finn, the former Englisli
Consul, had previously assured him that he was commis-
sioned by his Government to protect the Abyssinians^'^.
In order to understand this statement, it is necessary
to refer to what has already been recordedf respect-
ing this subject, and also to cite -^vhat Earl Russell has
stated in liis despatch to Colonel Stanton of October 5th,
1865. When commenting on Lord Malmesbury^s answer
to Bishop Gobat's application. Lord Russell expresses
himself in the following singular terms : — " You will see
that the Earl of Malmesbury distinctly refused ' to pro-
tect officially the natives of Abyssinia who may chance to
be residing in the territory of the Sublime Porte.' You
will observe also that the good offices to be employed in
their favour were intended for the benefit of those ' who
might chance to be residing in the territory of the Sub-
lime Porte.' Thus a distinction was made between those
who might resort occasionally or casually to Jerusalem
and the inhabitants of Jerusalem of Abyssinian origin,
who might be accounted Turkish subjects." This is,
however, a distinction without a difference. The Abyssi-
nians at Jerusalem are all of one class, and they are
all either Turkish subjects or they are not.
His Lordship continues : — " Thus limited, both as to
the extent of the protection to be afforded and as to the
classes of persons on whose behalf good offices were to
be exercised, the instructions of the Earl of Malmesbury
must be allowed to have been proper and judicious. Ac-
cordingly (continues his Lordship) I referred Consul
* ' Record ' of Septi'inbtr Gtli, 18(Jo ; and see also the ' Times ' of
Sept. 14tli. t 'See pages 7;}-7<J.
CONSULS FINN AND MOOIIE AT JERUSALEM. 131
Finn, on May 29th, 18G2, to those instructions of 1852,
observing, ' I have nothing to add to those instructions,
except to enjoin you to act u])oii them with caution and
prudence/ " And his Lordship concludes this portion of
his despatch with the words, " Those instructions remain
still in force."
But Earl Russell omittftd to add that on October 30th,
1862, Consul Finn was removed from Jerusalem and sent
to the Dardanelles, and Mr. Noel Moore was appointed
Her Majesty^s Consul at Jerusalem in his stead. What
the consequences were of this substitution of Mr. Moore
for Mr. Finn have yet to be seen.
In a letter published in the ' Times ' of September
14th, 18G5, in which was given similar information to
that reported by Mr. Steiger, I stated on good autho-
rity that Mr. Moore, the new Consul, had expressed his
inability to help the Abyssinians, on the ground of their
being 7'urkish subjects.
I added, and it is most important to repeat it here, that
the poor Abyssinians being thus abandoned to the tender
mercies of the Turks, the head of the convent was arbi-
trarily tlirust into prison — not into the usual place of con-
finement, but illegally into a dungeon in the Armenian
convent, where he was kept upon bread and water. This
lasted for many weeks, until, through European aid — in
which it is only justice to Consul Moore to say that
he had no hand — the poor man managed to escape
disguised in European clothes, and found his way to his
native country, arriving there at a moment when this in-
telligence alone was wanting to fill the cup of the indig-
nant monarch's wrath to overflowing.
132 THE RRITIsn CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
The other Abj-ssiuian residents, uhen their church and
convent had been wi'ested from them, left Jerusalem in a
body. Deprived of all their nation holds most dear, and
deserted by the British Consul, in whose predecessor they
had always found a friend, they addressed a memorial on
the subject of their wrongs to " the INIost Noble Church
in London," which the Archbishop of Canterbury laid
before Convocation in the season of 1864, at the same
time communicating the reply he had received from Earl
Russell, to whom His Grace had submitted the same.
That reply was to the effect that a letter had been sent
to the Emperor of Abyssinia, and it was hoped in conse-
quence that the persecution would be stopped *.
It is not very intelligible how a Turkish persecution of
the Christian Abyssinians at Jerusalem in the year 1863
could be stopped by means of a letter written to their
sovereign at Gondar, especially when that letter was not
delivered till January 28th, 1866 ; and it can only be
imagined there is some mistake in what is thus stated.
At all events the position of the Abyssinians is not at
all bettered, and they are as far as ever from obtaining
the restitution of their church and convent.
How the Emperor Theodore understood and regarded
this conduct, says Mr. Steiger, "was soon visible in liis
behaviour to Captain Cameron and to those of us who
were connected ivith English societies. We were bound
with chains, our goods confiscated, our houses in Djenda
and Darna demolished, and the only reason assigned was
our connexion tvith the English Consul and English so-
cieties."
' Sec the ' Times " of June 2.3rd, 18G4.
ABYSSINIA CLAIMED BY TURKEY. 133
Is anything further necessary to establish the fact
that the ill-treatment of the unhappy missionaries of the
London Society was a mere episode incidental to the
main question, which was entirely between the Emperor
Theodore and the British Government ?
But there is another question arising out of that of the
Abyssinian church and convent at Jerusalem, the solution
of which may be yet more difficult than any other. In my
letter of September l-lth, 1865, I stated, and it has just
been repeated, that Consul Moore, when applied to by the
Abyssinians, expressed his inability to protect them, on
the ground of their being Turkish subjects. Now, it has
to be inquired whether in saying this Mr. Moore ex-
pressed the sentiments of the British Government. If so,
our relations with Abyssinia, past, present, and future,
reveal themselves in a light which, if not altogether new,
is one in which they have never before been exhibited.
It is a well-established fact, though it may not be gene-
rally known, that the Ottoman Porte includes the whole
of the Christian country of Abyssinia within its domi-
nions. The Governor- General of Yemen, on his investi-
ture, is named Pasha of Habesh among his other titles ;
he, either directly or indirectly, delegates his authority
over this province of the Turkish empire to the governor
of Massowah ; and inasmuch as this latter, as Consul
Plowden informs us, " must give some account of the
twenty provinces supposed to be submitted to his au-
thority, every few mouths he procures the signature of a
number of people in Massowah to a paper setting forth
that perfect order and tranquillity reign everywhere in
the Sultan's extensive possessions in this part of the world.
134 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
In a manner liithcrto believed to be peculiarly Chinese,
this despatch is always sent when the neighbourhood is
most disturbed, and when marked disorders have occurred
in the town " *.
As long as this continued to be the same mere form
that it had been for three centuries past, England
made no scruple in treating Abyssinia as a State, or
collection of States, totally independent of Turkey; and
hence she sent missions to that country, and entered
into treaties with the rulers of it, or parts of it, in
1810, in 1841, and in 1849 ; and whilst Massowah re-
mained in the hands of a governor appointed, directly or
indirectly, from Constantinople, this might have gone on
unquestioned in any quarter.
But during the last few years a very important change
has been in course of preparation, and in 1865 is un-
derstood to have been operated, though it was not acted
on till the beginning of the present year. This change
is no less than the transfer of the whole of the Turkish
dominions along the western shores of the Red Sea from
the Ottoman Porte to its powerful vassal, the Viceroy of
Egypt. This cession is understood to have been made
under a fixed rent, and for the term only of the life of the
present Viceroy ; but it can hardly be anticipated that,
after Egypt has been put into possession of a country so
important to her on account of its lying between the sea
and the extensive and valuable regions of Soudan in the
interior of Africa, and has acted in virtue of that posses-
sion, she will ever again be willing to relinquish it.
Be this as it may, the occupation of those frontiers of
* Parliaixifiitary I'apur, 18G0, 'FurlliurCorrospondt'Uce,' &c., p. 43.
ABYSSINIA TRANSFERRKD TO EGYPT. 135
Abyssinia which lie nearest to Massowah and the coast
lias not been delayed one moment on the part of Egypt.
Towards the end of April of the present year Massowah
was formally transferred from Tm*key to Egypt^ and, as
I witnessed in person, a garrison of 800 men was placed
in the island and on the mainland adjoining ; and since
I left Abyssinia, I have heard that large bodies of troops
Avere being assembled along the northern frontiers of
Abyssinia, for the purpose of taking possession of some
portion, at least, of the twenty provinces now submitted
to the authority of living and energetic Egypt in the
place of effete and dying Turkey. Ere this, I have little
doubt, Bogos has been " annexed.^^
This transfer is generally understood to have been
effectuated mainly through the instrumentality of Sir
Henry Bulwer, late British Ambassador at Constanti-
nople; and its object is said to be the more effectual
prevention of the French from obtaining a footing any-
where along the east coast of Africa within the Red Sea ;
as they have already managed to secure one at Obokh,
just outside the Straits of Babelmandeb*.
If this really be the case — without at all touching the
question of the policy or impolicy of the measure — we
shall be better able to understand a number of facts
which, regarded singly and independently, have not been
very intelligible. In the first place, there are the length-
ened negotiations with the Emperor Theodore for a treaty
and an embassy to be sent by him through Egypt. Now,
if Abyssinia is to be regarded as a dependency of Turkey
or Egypt, England could no more receive an Ambassador
* See paf^e G3.
136 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
from her " Emperor/' than she coukl in 1862 welcome
Said Pasha as an independent Sovereign. Secondly,
England might, as she did in Consul Finn's time, tender
her good offices on behalf of the oppressed Abyssinians at
Jerusalem ; but, if Turkey insisted on her " rights," she
w^ould be unable to protect them, or obtain for them the
restoration of their church and convent, on the ground
of their being Tui'kish subjects. Thirdly, our Consul's
interference on behalf of the injured Christians of Bogos,
which in 1854 was a commendable act, would in 1863
have become an unwarrantable act of impertinence, draw-
ing down on the offender's head the displeasure of his
own Government, and even his absolute dismissal had the
Government of Egypt insisted on it. And, lastly, the
fact that the British Consulate in Abyssinia is no longer
a separate one, but has been made subordinate to the
Consulate General in Egypt, would only be a proof of
our intention to regard Abyssinia no longer as an inde-
pendent State. Under this view. Earl Russell's declara-
tion in his memorable despatch to Consul-General Stanton
receives a significance which it might not otherAvise pos-
sess : — " It has seemed to the British Government a pre-
ferable course to withdraw, as much as possible, from
Abyssinian engagements, Abyssinian alliances, and Bri-
tish interference in Abyssinia"*.
Earl Bussell proceeds to say : — " This course, however,
has not been taken without giving rise to groundless
reproaches, many unfounded allegations, and some embar-
rassing and painful occurrences. Of the former class is
• Pari. Papers, 1866, ' Further Correspondence,' &c., p. 62.
" THE ABYSSINIAN QUESTION." M. BARDEl/s RETURN. 137
the following bold assertion, namely, 'There is reason
for believing that the Emperor Theodore holds Captain
Cameron as a hostage for the recognition by England,
already made in 1849, of the independence of Abyssinia,
for the suppression of Egyptian aggressions along the
frontier, and for the restitution of the church and con-
vent at Jerusalem, torn from him and his people by the
Copts, Armenians, and Turks. ^ "
When the further Papers connected with " The Abys-
sinian Question,''^ which will have to be laid before Par-
liament, are produced, I much fear that the boldness of
this assertion will be found to consist in its truth.
Resuming the narrative of events, it has next to be
stated that on February 3rd, 1864, M. Bar del, who, since
the trial of the missionaries in the previous November, had
been absent from Gondar, returned to that city. He had
been sent by the Emperor to Kassala with a party of horse-
men, to inquire into the particulars of M. de Bisson's ex-
pedition ^, and likewise apparently to ascertain how far
Consul Cameron might have been impHcated in that un-
dertaking and in the other hostile movements along the
frontiers tj and he had subsequently gone away secretly
to Khartum, under the pretence that he had escaped from
the Emperor^s clutches, but in reality as his spy. As
soon as M. Bardel had made liis report, the Emperor
ordered his European workmen to come from Gaffat to
attend a special council. This they did on February 5tli ;
and after a lengthened conference they were sent to
liberate Messrs. Flad, Steiger, Brandeis, Cornelius (since
* See page 120. f See page 94
138 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
dead), Essler^ and Scliillcr'^. The only prisoners left in
chains were the British Consul and his attendants^ and
the two London missionaries. Stern and Rosenthal.
There Avas a talk of their being liberated likewise, if the
Consul would pledge himself that the British Govern-
ment would not insist on satisfaction for all that had
occurred.
A few days afterwards f M. Bardel, who since his return
from his secret mission had been taken into high favour,
and is understood to have presumed too much on it,
was brought to the tent in which the English prisoners
remained in chains, and added to their number — his
offence being, as was publicly stated by the head jailer,
that he had misrepresented the prisoners to the Em-
peror, and caused him to chain them, that he had
himself also spoken ill of the Emperor, and that he had
further, by unfounded assertions, tried to prejudice him
against the European workmen J at GafFat ; which last
grievance the Emperor doubtless took to heart far more
than the others, on account of his great regard for
them.
On the 14th of February all the artisans were ordered
to return to GafFat, and the missionaries and others libe-
* These last two are not missionaries. Mr. Layard styles tlicm
"natural-history collectors," Mr. Stern "ornithologists." Cornelius
was a colporteur of Mr. Stem's in Constantinople, and went out with
him to Abyssinia in 1860 in the same capacity.
t ]\Ir. Stem says, on February 4th ; but this must be an over-
sight.
J They prefer to call themselves "Scripture readers." See Mr.
Waldmeier's letter to Bishop Gobat, dated Korata, March 20, 1866,
published in the 'Record ' of July 11, 1866. But they are generally
styled by others " artisan or lay missionaries," or " European work-
men."
CONSUL Cameron's note. — dispute with the a buna. 139
rated a few days previously were sent to work with them.
On the same day Consul Cameron managed to write and
dispatch to Massowah the following note in pencil : —
" Gondar, February 14, 1864.
"Myself, Stern, Rosenthal, Kerans, Bardel, andM'Kilvie
are all in chains here. Flad, Steiger, Brandeis, and Cor-
nelius sent to GafFat to work for the King. No release
till a civil answer to King's letter arrives. Mrs. Flad,
Mrs. Rosenthal and children, all of us well. Write this
to Aden, and to Mrs. Stern, 16 Lincoln's Inn Fields.
" To C. Speedy, Esq., Massoivah."
From that time till May 12th the prisoners all remained
in chains, with the exception of Mr. Rosenthal, whose
shackles were taken off for a while because he had
interpreted a text of Scripture to the satisfaction of the
despotic and capricious Monarch — the monotony of their
confinement being occasionally relieved by discussions on
religious subjects (especially fasting), in which the Em-
peror and his court aj)pear to have sometimes taken part.
On the 12th of May — "a day which like one or two
more will never be obliterated from my memory," writes
poor Stern — a violent dispute took place between the
Emperor and the Abuna. This dispute appears to have
arisen, in part at least, out of certain money matters ;
but the svibject is not at all clear, and I can only refer
to what Mr. Stern has written about it in his letter
printed in the Appendix. But it may not be immaterial
to direct attention here to the statement of Mr. Stern
on a previous occasion, that Samuel had said to him,
" the Negus has heard your replies, and did he deem it
expedient he could tell you a secret about England. But
140 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
what does it matter ? time will reveal it." Whether this
has any bearing on the present question, I cannot pre-
tend to say ; but it is certain that there were money
transactions with the mercenary Abiina which would not
exactly bear the light.
Nothing occurred immediately after this dispute and
the interrogations that ensued on it. But about sunset
— a most perilous time of day to have anything to do
with Theodore — the Emperor came galloping over the
plain to where the prisoners were ; and a scene of horror
ensued which no one would venture to describe after the
affecting narrative, from the pens of two of the chief
sufferers, given in the Appendix.
When the torture of the wretched prisoners was at
length put a stop to, and they were left to themselves,
infidelity, scepticism (which had frequently formed the
stajile of their discussions) , sneers, and scoffs were now all
merged in one deep and pathetic cry of anguish, fear, and
despair; and in compliance with the request of some of his
fellow sufferers, Mr. Stern, whose words I am here only
repeating, poured forth the gushing emotions of his heart
in a prayer in Avhich sorrow, sighing, trust, and confi-
dence were sadly blended.
In the midst of all this anguish and misery, there was
yet the consolation, to the persecuted missionaries at
least, that all they were enduring was not in vain, as the
following touching incident Avill testify.
Among the captives, though his name does not ap-
pear in Consul Cameron^s note, is a Frenchman named
Makercr. This person is a native of Alsace, of middle
age, who has served in tlic army of Algiers, and went out
THE CAPTIVES TORTURED. THE CONVERT MAKERER. 141
to Abyssiuia in the ser\ice of our Consul. Makcrer,
like most of his countrymen, was born in the Horn an
Catholic faith, but appears never to have troubled him-
self much about religion, except to become a confirmed
infidel and scoffer. His reckless profanity was such as
frequently to call forth a protest and a rebuke from Mrs.
Flad, who, as well as her husband, also addressed to him
occasional words of admonition and warning. For a long
while all this was without any visible eflFect; but subse-
quently to the removal of the captives to the Emperor^s
camp, Makerer was observed to attend occasionally the
morning and evening services which the missionaries re-
gularly held in their tent. After this had gone on for
some time, the soldier asked Mr. Flad to lend him a
copy of the New Testament, Avhich he sedulously perused,
becoming at the same time a constant attendant at di-
vine service. On the departure of the captives for Amba
Magdala, as will be mentioned in the next page, Makerer
was especially recommended to the care of Messrs. Stern
and Rosenthal by Mr. Flad, who himself kept up a cor-
respondence with the convert, and sent him from time
to time religious books and tracts. They had remained
some considerable time in the fortress, when Makerer,
who had continued his study of the Scriptures with in-
creased diligence, begged of Mr. Stern a copy of the
Bible in Amharic. This he studied so attentively and
unremittingly, that in an almost incredibly short time
he became able to read and explain it to the native
soldiers who kept guard over him and the other pri-
soners; and Mr. Flad, from whom this little anecdote
has been obtained, expresses his firm conviction that the
142 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IS ABYSSINIA.
former profane swearer and reprobate has now become a
repentant and consistent Christian^ and may, with God^s
blessing, tm-n out to be a messenger for good to the
ignorant and superstitious people among wiiom his lot
has been cast.
Returning to the suffering missionaries, it has to be
related that on the night of May the 13th the torture
was repeated. But it is useless to dwell on these atro-
cities, the particulars of which are given in the distress-
ine: narratives of Mr. Stern and Mr. Rosenthal. What
they underwent passes all conception, and the only wonder
is that they should have survived it all, especially when
coupled with the great hardships and privations of every
kind to which they were subjected dm'ing their lengthened
incarceration.
The incessant tropical rains of 1864 were passed by
the wretched captives in an old ragged tent ; but as soon
as the season for campaigning approached, the Emperor,
before leaving Begamider for Godjam to attack the in-
domitable Tadela Gwalu, had them removed to Amba
Maerdala. To reach that fortress, which was destined to
be their prison for so many months, they were dragged
two and two, chained together, across the country on
mules, every moment in danger of pulling one another off
their animals and breaking their necks ; and on arriving
there they were huddled together with about two hun-
dred persons of various ranks, ages, and sexes, charged
with real or supposed crimes and variously chained, and
crammed into a place about sixty feet in diameter.
Magdala is an aitiba or hill-fort in Warrahcmano, the
principal division of the country of the INIohammedan
AMBA MAGDALA. MILITARY ROAD. NEW CAPITAL. 143
Wollo Gallas, who for the last few centuries have occupied
the central and finest portion of Abyssinia. Its posi-
tion is very incorrectly marked in the few maps in Avhich
its name appears at all; and though it cannot be abso-
lutely determined^ yet, from unpublished documents in
my possession, I believe I am not far wrong in placing
it in lat. 11° 30' N. and long. 39° 10' E. of Greenwich.
Magdala is almost impregnable by nature, and since its
acquisition by the Emperor Theodore it has been ren-
dered completely so, it having been made by him his
chief fortress, arsenal, and state prison ; and he is now
connecting it with Debra Tabor, the former capital of
Ras Ali, by means of a military road, constructed by
his European workmen, over the lofty pass of Nefds
Mdivatja (the " Portal of the Winds '') at an elevation
of between 10,000 and 11,000 feet above the ocean.
It may not be out of place to mention here that on this
road, about halfway between Debra Tabor and Magdala,
the Emperor has recently founded a new camp or capital^"
at Zebit, in an extensive plain known as Zebit Myeda,
at a short distance to the east of the mountain-range of
Nefas Mawatja. In the beginning of the present year
Zebit was taken possession of by Waagshum Gobazye,
who remained there some time, placing the surrounding
districts under contribution. Thinking to surprise his
enemy, whose army was but small, Theodore performed
one of his forced marches by night, for which he has
become more famous than the celebrated Galla Chief
Amora Easil (" Basil the Eagle ") of the time of the
* Like the Roman Castrum, the Abyssinian Kdtama has this
double meaninp:. The camp, made p(!rmanent, becomes a town.
144 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
traveller Bnice. But Gobazyc, having through his spies
had warning of Theodore^s approach, made a rapid retreat,
first burning the Emperor's new capital to the ground.
The following description of the place of confinement
of the illfated victims of Theodore^s anger is given by
Mr. Stern in a letter to his wife : — " As I am reminded
of the approach of winter, I will give you a hasty
sketch of the place where we and upwards of two hun-
dred unhappy natives of all ranks and conditions may
have to pass the ensuing inclement season of winter.
Just picture to your imagination an isolated locality
arising out of the midst of a jumble of conical hills,
deep ravines, and serrated ridges, and you have Amba
Magdala. On the summit there are clusters of thatched
huts, occupied by about 1000 troops. Not far from the
church, which you recognize by an apex surmounted by a
glittering cross, you gaze on a mass of wretched hovels
that stand in mocking contrast around four spacious
circular dwellings ; you approach a few steps nearer, and
you behold a strong thorn fence guarded by groups of
sooty soldiers, close to whom lie basking in the sun bands
of unfortunates loaded with galling fetters. This is the
royal prison.
" Those wretched huts outside tlie enclosui'c arc occu-
pied by the elite of the prisoners dm'ing the day; but
towards evening all must repair Avithin the fence, where,
after being counted, they are driven like Avild beasts
Avithin the reeking walls of those conically shaped struc-
tures. Insects, and all that is repulsive of whatever
name or colour, swarm in these jails ; and really, if
Providence had not tempered human nature so as to
CAPTIVES DOUBLE-IROXED. THEIK RELEASE. 145
render it capable of enduring every hardship, I believe
even few Abyssinians would long resist the fatal in-
fluence of this poisonous atmosphere. By special favour
we are allowed to make our abode close to the walls
of one of these houses ; and there, under a black wool-
len awning, Captain Cameron, Rosenthal, Makerer, and
myself pass the day and night, and the rest, who have
huts outside, only the night/'
Until the 1st of July, 1865, the prisoners' feet alone
were fettered ; but on that day the heir to the throne of
Shoa having unexpectedly quitted the Emperor's camp,
the enraged monarch vented his spite on his prisoners,
hoih native and European. All the Mohammedan Gallas
had their hands and feet hacked off, and their mutilated
bodies were then hurled down the precipitous side of the
amba. The Christian prisoners had hand-chains added
to those already round their ankles, the two being so
fastened together that the wearers were bent double, and
thus rendered unable to move about by day or to stretch
their Aveaiy limbs by night.
In this wretched state of torture they continued till the
25th of February, 1866, when the joyful news reached
them of the arrival of Mr. Rassam at the Emperor's camp,
and the order in consequence given for their liberation.
This news was communicated to me by Captain Came-
ron in the following letter, which reached me at Halai on
the 4th of April : —
'' Magdala Prison, February 26th, 1866.
" My dear Beke, — I saw in a fragment of the ' Times '
yesterday that you had volunteered to come to this country
to try and effect our liberation.
L
146 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
" I thank you most sincerely, and beg that you will be
good enough to inform such of our well-wishers as may be
within your reach that owe chains were taken off yesterday,
and that we are all to be given over to Mr. Rassam. I
write tliis in secret and in haste, but will let you know
further hereafter how we are getting on. God bless you ;
and with kind regards to Mrs. Beke, believe me,
" Yours sincerely,
'' C. DUNCAN CAMERON."
The gratifying intelligence of the release of the cap-
tives reached England on April 23rd, in a despatch from
Colonel Merewether, Resident at Aden, to the Earl of
Clarendon, then Secretary of State for Foreign AflFairs,
which was read by his Lordship in the House of Lords
in the evening of the same day, and on the following
morning appeared in all the newspapers.
From this point the history of the capti^^ty coincides
with that of the measures adopted for the liberation of
the prisoners. It is therefore here the place to take u])
the narrative of those measures from the commencement.
This will be done in the next Chapter.
147
CHAPTER IX.
FIRST NEWS OF CONSUL'S DETENTION — NOT BELIEVED — IMPRISON-
MENT OF MISSIONARIES — MRS. STERN'S PETITION — THE QUEEN
ADVISED NOT TO WRITE TO THEODORE — LONDON SOCIETY FOR
PROMOTING CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE JEWS — THEIR INACTION
— REASONS FOR IT — GREAT MISTAKE — MISSIONARIES MIGHT
HAVE BEEN FREED — ANNIVERSARY MEETING — SILENCE RE-
COJOIENDED — MR. LAYABD's REASONS [fOR NOT ANSWERING
THEODORE'S LETTER — CONSUL CAMERON's NOTE — QUEEN'S LET-
TER. TO THEODORE — ENTRUSTED TO MR. RASSAM — OBJECTIONS
TO HIM — TESTIMONIALS OF MB. LAYARD AND SIB -WTiLLIAM
COGHLAN — INSTBUCTIONS TO DEMAND CONSUL'S RELEASE ONLY
— INJUSTICE TO MISSIONARIES — PRIVATE CHARGE TO EXONE-
RATE GOA^RNMENT — JIR. RASSAM ARRTV'ES AT MASSOWAH
— ANNOUNCES QUEEN's LETTER AND ASKS FOR ESCORT — THE
emperor's anger — REFUSES TO NOTICE IHM — SPIES SENT —
queen's LETTER CHANGED — MISSION ENLARGED — PRESENT OF
FIREARMS — MR. RASSAM REMAINS UNNOTICED.
The first intelligence of Captain Cameron^s disgrace and
detention^ if not actual imprisonment, in July 1863, as nar-
rated in a previous page *, reached Europe in this form, as
given in the ' Standard ' newspaper of December ISthf: —
^' The Paris papers of this evening publish advices from
Egypt, annouficing the victory of the Emperor Theodore
of Abyssinia over the population of Godjam. The Emperor
is reported to have ordered the massacre of 15,000 pri-
soners, men, women, and children. He is also stated to
have had the English Consul at Massowah arrested, and to
have set the French Consul at liberty .''
* Page 93.
t Copied from the evening edition of the ' Patrie ' of December
14-15.
l2
1-18 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IX ABYSSINIA.
It is highly deserving of notice that Captain Cameron's
arrest was thus publicly announced in France and in
England, as long ago as December ISth, 18G3. No one at
the time paid any attention to it ; for nobody could believe
it, the favour in m Inch the British Consul had stood being
a matter of such notoriety.
It would appear, however, fi'om a few words dropped by
the Earl of Clarendon in the debate in the House of Lords
on February 9th, 1866, that the news had reached the Fo-
reign Office at that early date. His Lordship's words
^vere, " The first we heard, not of the imprisonment, but
the detention of Consul Cameron, came by rumour through
l"]gypt""^. But whatever may have been known at head
quarters Avas not divulged ; and it was not till March
IGtli, 1861, exactly three months afterwards, that the
London Society for the Promotion of Christianity among
the Jews received the distressing intelligence respecting
their missionaries, which had been brought from Abyssinia
to Khartum by Mr. Hausmann, an agent of the Basle
Society, w ho had been allowed to leave the country. On
communicating these tidings to the Foreign Office, the
London Society learned that Her Majesty's Government
had already received similar intelligence t, and that
orders had been sent to the Consul-General in Egypt
"to open up commimications with Abyssinia":}:. What
measures Avcre adopted by the Consul-General in con-
• ' Times,' February 10, 1806.
t Intelligence of Captain Cameron's captivity had reached me
several days previously, and I wrote to Viscount Palnierston and
Earl Russf'll on tlio ISth and IHtli of IMarch, offering- my services to
effect his liberation and that of the other captives.
\ See ' Jewish Intelligence ' for May Ist, 18G4.
THE QUEEN ADVISED NOT TO WRITE TO THEODORE. 149
sequence of these instructions have not, liowcvcr, ])ccn
made public.
At the Anniversary Meeting of the London Society,
held in Exeter Hall on May 6th of that year, the Pre-
sident, Lord Shaftesbury, stated that, ''with a view to
the liberation of Mr. Stern, he had transmitted to Lord
Hussell a letter from Mrs. Stern, addressed to the Queen,
praying (and his Lordship added that he had joined in
the prayer to Lord Russell) that Her Majesty might be
induced, by letter under the sign manual, written by
the Queen herself, to intercede with the King of Abys-
sinia to have mercy on hini^' ■^.
However, on the following day (May 7th), Earl Russell
wrote to Lord Shaftesbury, saying that " after much con-
sideration he had come to the conclusion that he ought not
to advise the Queen to ivrite to the King of Abyssinia ; but
he gave the assurance that every possible means should
be used to obtain the release of Mr. Stern and his fellow-
prisoners "t- Mrs. Stern^s petition to the Queen was
accordingly returned by Earl Russell unpresented.
Allusion ha^dng thus been made to the London Society,
whose missionaries Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal are,
it is here the fitting place to mention that all active
measures on the part of that Society for the liberation of
their missionaries ceased with the transmission, by the
Earl of Shaftesbury to Earl Russell, of Mrs. Stern^s pe-
tition to the Queen.
That the Society generally, and their executive officers
individually, have felt, and still continue to feel, deeply
* See the ' Record ' of May Otli, 1864.
t See ' Jewish Intelligence ' for December 1st, 1865, p. 296.
150 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
interested in the issue of the proceedings cannot for one
moment be doubted ; and that the latter^ in the name of
the Society, have made repeated applications at the Fo-
reign Office for information is also certain. But it is not
less certain that all separate exertions for the liberation
of their own missionaries have been not merely suspended,
but discountenanced, their course of action being con-
trolled by the determination that, " the conduct of the
Emperor being based upon political considerations, with
which our Government only could deal, they ought not
to interfere by any independent action, so long as the
Government were making any reasonable efforts to ac-
complish the liberation of the captives ^^*. The result of
this determination, which was reiterated and confirmed,
after much deliberation, by a resolution of the General
Committee at a Special Meeting on November 3rd, 1865 f,
was, in effect, to abandon their missionaries to the Govern-
ment, through whose fault (as is virtually admitted) they
had been placed in so dreadful a position, and to their
agent, Mr. Rassam, an object of whose mission was (as
Avill be clearly shown in the sequel) to exonerate that
Government at all risks — even at the expense of the un-
fortunate missionaries themselves — quite as much as it
was to accomplish their liberation.
I would not for a moment think of harbouring a doubt
as to the conviction of all parties concerned that the
course they adopted was the right one. But it was a
most mistaken one, nevertheless. It has, I apprehend,
been convincingly established % that the Emperor Theo-
* 'Jewish Iiilelligeuce,' December 1, 18G5, p. 294.
t Ihid. p. 2'JO. X See page 113.
MISSIONARIES ALONE MIGHT HAVE 15EEN FREED. 151
dore had originally no special motive for visiting the mis-
sionaries — even Mr. Stern — with the consequences of his
extreme displeasure ; it has likewise been shown * that, on
more than one occasion, he was prepared to forgive them.
It appears further, from the statement of Mr. Waldmeier,
one of Bishop Gobat's lay missionaries, published in the
' Record^ of July 1st, 1866, that the petition sent by me
from Massowah from the relatives of the captives " deeply
moved the heart of the Emperor,^' that portion of it from
Mr. Stern's family being '' written in very good terms,
and exceedingly touching'^f; and I have been assured
that, had Captain Cameron's name been left out and the
petition limited to the families of all the captives except
his own, its prayer would have been granted and all the
other captives sent away at once. For the Emperor is
conscious, as everybody else now is, that the quarrel was
and still is solely between him and the British Govern-
ment ; and the representative of that Government is even
now detained a prisoner until satisfaction is obtained for
his grievances. Such, indeed, is the meaning of his words
to Mr. Rassam in July 1866, when making him and the
members of his suite prisoners with the rest, and send-
ing them in charge of M. Bardel to Amba Magdala : —
" You are a sweet-mouthed gentleman, Mr. Rassam ;
but those above you are my enemies."
It can therefore hardly be doubted that independent
action on the part of the Society would long ago
* See pages 114, 128 and 138 : see also the Appendix.
t Mr. Waldmeier speaks of several petitions ; but there was one
only from the relatives of all the captives jointly and severally. It
was accompanied by a letter from mjself individually. Both petition
and letter, with the Emperor's answer, are given in the Appendix.
152 THE HKITISH CAPTIVES IN AHYSSINIA.
have saved their missionaries; though at the same time
its success would have too plainly shown to the world
where the real fault lay.
So gi'eat, however, has been the scrupulousness of the
Committee of the London Society and their Noble Pre-
sident, that not only have they refrained from all inde-
pendent action, but they have even deprecated every ex-
pression of individual feeling or opinion on the subject.
Hence it is that, at the last Anniversary IMeeting of the
Society in Exeter HaU, on May 3rd, 1866, Lord Shaftes-
bury said, " I hope that in the course of the discussions of
this day nothing will be said in reference to that great
African potentate, the Emperor of Abyssinia. A hasty
word incautiously spoken was the cause, as I believe, of
all the troubles that were subsequently brought upon the
missionaries ; and therefore I trust that nothing will now
be said on that subject. Strange as it may appear, it
shows what is called the growing civilization of the world,
that the remote Emperor of Abyssinia has as many agents
ill this country to pick up and to give him information as
the Emperor of Austria or the Emperor of Russia ; and
therefore our language should be discreet, and our words
wary and few " ■^.
At the time when these words were uttered by the noble
President, whom I would not do the injustice to regard
as anything but the mouthpiece of others, news had just
been received that the captives vrere released from their
chains, and were expected to start shortly on their
journey homewards; and the Meeting was accordingly
called on to express its gratitude to Earl Russell and "the
* 'Jewish Intelligence,' Juno 1, 18GG, p. 122.
WHY Theodore's letter was not answered. 153
(late) Government of this country for tlie very prompt
measures which they took for the release of the poor
sufferers/'
The sentiments thus expressed as lately as May 3rd,
1866, might almost be regarded as ironical; because
it is certain, from the explicit declaration of Earl Rus-
sell to the Earl of Shaftesbury on May 7th, 1864* —
just two years before — that Her Majesty's Government
had no intention to give a " prompt " or any other reply to
the Emperor's letter, and that, had the^^ not been forced
to do so, they would never have noticed it. It is with
this certainty, however, that we now find Mr. Layard's
statement in the House of Commons, on June 30th,
1865, to be much nearer the literal truth than most, per-
sons were inclined to believe it to be at the time it was
made. His words were, " A great deal has been said
as to no answer having been sent t© the letter to the
Queen f. I will ask any impartial person — knowing that
that letter originated after a distinct understanding with
the King that Her Majesty's Government would not
receive a mission until he had given up all idea of con-
quest upon Turkey, — after rejecting a treaty which au-
thorized him to send a mission to England, — whether any
person would have thought it necessary to answer that
letter at all ? I can only say that even now, after what
has passed, if the letter were put into my hands, I should
say it did not requii*e an answer. The first letter of
the King had been answered J ; and we did not wish
that Consul Cameron should come home on a mission.
* See page 149. t The letter is given in page 78.
\ Earl Russell's answer will be found in page 67.
154 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Having no wish to answer that letter, we sent it to the
India Office, to know whether they wished to answer it.
Not a bit of it ; they did not think it necessary that a
mission should be sent to this country, the object of
which was to get us to go to war with Turkey "*.
Nevertheless, a few days only after Earl Russell had
informed the Earl of Shaftesbury that he had advised
Her Majesty not to write to the Emperor Theodore
— namely, on May 25th, 18G4, — the note from Consul
Cameron of February 14th of that year, given in page 138,
reached London, was inserted in all the newspapers, and
filled everybody with amazement — the officials at the
Foreign and India Offices, if I am rightly informed, quite
as rnuch as others. Of course an investigation was in-
stantly set on foot : the Emperor's letter, which had been
altogether lost sight of, if not actually mislaid, was looked
up; and on the Sijd of the following month (June), in
answer to the inquiry of Mr. Henry D. Seymour in the
House of Commons, Mr. Layard said that " Her Majesty^s
Government would of course do all they possibly could to
obtain the release of Captain Cameron and the mis-
sionaries. The most natural step would be to send some
person there to demand their release; but Her Majesty's
Government were rather afraid that he would share the
same fate as the Consul and the missionaries. The ques-
tion was how to get at the King, without endangering the
liberty of others. He trusted, however, that means would
soon be found of communicatmg Avith the King, and the
sul)jcct was under the serious consideration of the noble
Lord at the head of the Foreign Office "f.
* ' Times/ July 1, IbUo. t ' IStuiidard,' Juiif 4, 18G4.
queen's letter to THEODORE. MR. RASSAm's MISSION. 155
The promised serious consideration having been given
to the subject, it was decided that the previous deter-
mination of both the Foreign and the India Office should
be rescinded, and that after all the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs ought to advise Her Majesty to write
a civil answer to the Emperor's letter of October 31st,
1862, which had remained unnoticed for more than
fifteen months since its receipt by Her Majesty's Go-
vernment. Accordingly, towards the end of June 1864,
a reply from the Queen, under the Sign Manual, was
addressed to His Majesty, and letters were also pro-
cm^ed from the Coptic Patriarch at Cairo, both to that
monarch and to the Abuna.
The Queen's letter was sent out to Egypt to have an
Arabic translation made to accompany it, but was thence
sent back to England to receive certain modifications
suggested by (or to) the Consul -General there. This
caused some delay; but at length the letter with its
translation, and those from the Coptic Patriarch, were
transmitted to Aden for delivery to the Emperor Theo-
dore.
The duty of delivering these letters was entrusted to
Mr. Hormuzd Rassam, who is well known from his
connexion with Mr. Layard at Nineveh, and who for
several years past has been an Assistant to the Political
Resident at Aden.
As serious objections have been made on various oc-
casions, both in and out of Parliament, to the choice of
Mr. Rassam to be the bearer of the Queen's letter, and
to negotiate for the liberation of the British Consul and
the other European captives, it is only just to him to
156 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
state tlic precise relation in wliich he stood to Mr. Layard,
and also to reproduce the testimonial in liis favour given
Ly Sir William Coghlan.
As regards tlie former, Mr. Layard makes the follow-
ing: statement in his well-known work : — " Mr. Hormuzd
llassam, the brother of the British Vice-Consul, came to
reside with me, and undertook the daily payment of the
workmen and the domestic arrangements " *.
Sir William Coghlan's testimonial, as read by Mr.
Layard in the House of Commons during the debate on
June 30th, 1865, when nearly a twelvemonth had elapsed
without any good having resulted from Mr. Rassam's
mission, was in the following terms : — " Mr. Rassam^s
antecedents, his status, and his qualifications are greatly
misunderstood and misrepresented by a portion of the
press of this country. He has been variously styled Le-
A'antine, Greek, obscure Armenian, Turkish subject, non-
descript, &c. In answer to these assertions it is but just
to a very deserving public servant to say what Mr. Ras-
sam really is. He was born at Mosul, of Christian pa-
rents (his brother is British Vice-Consul there) ; he re-
ceived his education in England; he is a gentleman in
manners and conduct ; and his qualifications for the pecu-
liar line in wliich he has been employed during the last
ten years cannot be surpassed. I speak with confidence
on tliis point ; for ]\Ir. llassara was my assistant at Aden
during many years of trouble ; a part of that time he held
charge of our political relations at Muscat, and acquitted
himself to the entire approval of the Government which
placed him there. In short, Mr. Rassam^s whole previous
* ' Nineveli,' vol. i. p. 54.
INSTRUCTIONS TO DEMAND CONSUL's RELEASE ONLY. 157
career well justified the expectation which Her Majesty's
Government entertained in appointing him to the delicate
and difficult mission on which he is now employed. The
disappointment of that expectation is not attributable to
any fault of his " *.
The instructions from Earl Russell to Mr. Rassam were
to the effect that he should demand the release of Consul
Cameron; but, inasmuch as Her Majesty's Government
had no right to make authoritative demands on foreign
powers in favour of any not British subjects, Mr. Rassam
was cautioned against making his request on behalf of
foreigners in an authoritative manner, such as he would be
entitled to do on behalf of subjects of Her Majesty.
Of course Mr. Rassam was commissioned to do his best to
obtain, if practicable, the liberation of all the captives ;
but it is manifest, from his instructions, that he was to
insist on the liberation of Consul Cameron alone — that is
to say, of the individual who, as the representative of the
British Government, was the only person really to blame,
and against whom, in that capacity though not personally,
the Emperor had therefore the greatest cause of complaint;
whilst the poor missionaries. Stern and Rosenthal, wlio
loere the victims of an arbitrary domiciliary visit, which
would never have been made but for the fault of the
British Government, were to be left in the lurch, if needs
must be — because, forsooth, Her Majesty's Government
have no right to make authoritative demands in favour
of any but British subjects f, even when they may happen
• ' Times; July 1, 1865.
t Mr. Stern is the bearer of a Foreign Office passport, in which ho
is designated "a British subject." It was obtained for him through a
158 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
to be in difficulties through the fault, not of themselves,
but of that Government. What then becomes of the
repeated " assurance on the part of Her Majesty's Go-
vernment that they would do all in their power to obtain
the release of the missionaries in common with Her Ma-
jesty's Consul," on which the Committee of the London
Society implicitly and confidently relied as a justification
for their not adopting or promoting any separate action
to save their own missionaries"^?
In addition to the execution of his official instructions,
Mr. Rassam had a duty to perform of a private and more
delicate character, to which allusion has been made in a
previous paget- He was to make a good case for the
British Government — to remove the blame from their
shoulders, even if it were thrown on those of any one else.
It did not matter who might be the scapegoat, as long
as the Government were exonerated. This is said quite
advisedly ; and when the results of Mr. Rassam's mission
come to be investigated, its truth will be seen and acknow-
ledged by all, even the most sceptical.
Having received his credentials, Mr. Rassam, accom-
panied by a medical officer, proceeded to Massowah, at
which island he arrived on the 20th of August, 1864.
From Massowah he dispatched messengers to the Court
of the Emperor, with the letters from the Coptic Patriarch ;
banker by a relative of his wife, himself a British subject, who, in
perfect good faith, stated the connexion between them, without any
thought of the difference of nationality. Still, with such a passport,
Mr. St(!rn has surely a right to the protection of our Government,
• See Jewish Intelligence,' December 1, 1865, p. 298.
t See page 150.
MR. RASSAM SENDS TO THEODORE. ABYSSINIAN SPIES. 159
and he himself addressed a letter to His Majesty, stating
that he was the bearer of the Queen of England's answer
to the Abyssinian Monarch's letter of October 31st, 1862,
which he was prepared to bring up on a suitable escort
being sent for him, but representing to His Majesty the
propriety of the previous liberation of Her Britannic
Majesty's Consul.
The Emperor, indignant at such a demand being ad-
dressed to him from the coast, instead of the Queen's
" messenger" coming up to present Her Majesty's letter
in person, refused to send him an answer : did not even
condescend to notice him !
Nevertheless, shortly after the news of Mr. Rassam's
arrival had reached the Court, two Abyssinians came down
to Massowah and visited that gentleman, doing so as if it
were out of curiosity and as mere strangers ; but, after a
civil reception from him, these visitors vanished all at
once, leaving no trace behind. They were evidently
" spies, come to see the nakedness of the land " — emis-
saries of the Emperor, sent to take note of him and his
mission, and to report thereon, which they would hardly
have been able to do in a manner satisfactory to their
arrogant Sovereign.
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to say what
actually took place in the twelvemonth that elapsed be-
tween the 20th of August, 1864, when Mr. Rassam arrived
at Massowah, and the same date of the following year.
From time to time reports, both favourable and unfavour-
able, appeared in the newspapers ; but nothing certain was
known ; and it would be to no good purpose to speculate
as to the details, when it is sufficient to know the general
160 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
result to have been, that no actual advance was made
towards the lil)eration of the captives, or even towards the
delivery of the Queen's letter, which remained in the pos-
session of Mr. Rassara, whose j)resence at jMassowah con-
tinued to be unrecognized by the Emperor^.
Various messengers appear hovrever to have passed to
and fro, one of them being a brother or near relative of
Samuel, the Emperor's steward f, with whom JNIr. Rassam
had established a friendly communication ; whether or not
in consequence of any previous acquaintance with him at
Aden, I cannot say. Meanwhile, it having been disco-
vered that Her Majesty's letter to the Emperor was not
sealed with the Royal Signet and was in other respects
insufficient, another letter duly signed and sealed was
substituted for the original informal one, in the month
of February or March 1865.
''At a later time," as was stated by Earl Russell in the
House of Lords, " it w^as suggested that some military or
naval officer would be treated Avith more respect [than
Mr. Rassam], and he had therefore desired, through the
India Office, that the Resident at Aden should send a
military officer to Massowah; and such an officer had
been sent"|. But the officer sent was only a subaltern,
the third assistant to the Resident at Aden, who, being
Mr. Rassam's subordinate, could not be " treated Avith
more respect " than that gentleman. His presence
however had the efl'ect of exalting Mr. Rassam as the
• As late as the end of April 1865 Earl Russell admitted that " it
did not appear from the last accounts that the King had taken any
steps towards receiving that letter." — 'Times,' April 28, 180.5.
t f^ee page 70, note. \ ' Times,' May 24, 1865.
PRESENT OF FIREARMS. SECRET-SERVICE MONEY. 161
head of the mission, which now consisted of himself,
Dr. Blanc, and Lieutenant Prideaux.
In the Address to the Crown moved for by Lord
Chelmsford, as has to be mentioned in the next Chapter,
one of the particulars asked for was an " Account of the
Presents sent to the King of Abyssinia to accompany
the delivery of the Letter" under Her Majesty's sign
manual ; to which the answer given was, " None.'^ Sub-
sequently however — for the whole business, from be-
ginning to end, has been a piece of patchwork — it was
deemed advisable to send a present of five hundred stand
of arms to the Emperor Theodore, as a ransom for Consul
Cameron; and I did hear that the sum of 15,000 dollars
was to be added as a makeweight. If I mistake not,
the muskets still remain at Aden, no opportunity having
occurred of sending them into Abyssinia — at all times a
difficult task, as the Turks will not allow firearms to
pass through Massowah into the interior. As to the
dollars, I believe them to have been intended for secret-
service money. Though it may not be material, still it
is well to place on record that what I had thus heard was
communicated by me on June 21st, 1865, to a nol)leman
holding office under the present Administration.
M
ir)2
CHAPTER X.
DISCUSSIONS IN PARLIASIENT — LORl) CHELMSFORT)"S MOTION FOR
AN ADDRESS — SIR HUGH CAIBNS's INQUIRIES — PURTHEB PAPERS
PRODUCED — INQIiTRY DEPRECATED BY GOVERNMENT — ALLEGED
FEAR OF OFFENDING THEODORE — REAL FEAR OF MERITED CEN-
SURE — OFFENSn^ LANGUAGE OF EARL RUSSELL AND MR. LAYARD
— COMMENTED ON IN NEWSPAPERS — EARL RUSSELL DECIDES O.N
KEPLACDSTG MR. RASSAM — THE AUTHOR'S OFFER OF SERVICES —
MR. PALGRAArE PREFERRED — AUTHOR'S LETTERS TO EARL RUS-
SELL — MR. PALGRAVe's MISSION — ON THE POINT OF LEAVING
EGYPT — MR. RASSAM ARRI^T?S THERE — MR. PALGRAVE STOPPED
— REPORT OF CONSUL CAMEROn's RELEASE — ITS FALSEHOOD —
MR. RASSAM's LETTER TO EARL RUSSELL — EMPEROr's LETTER —
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MR. RASSAM AND MR. PALGRAVE — THE
FORMER PREVAILS — RETLTRNS TO ADEN — MR. PALGRA^T*: RE-
MAINS IN EGYPT — FOR WHAT PURPOSE ?
DuEiNG the session of 1865 the subject of the impri-
sonment of the captives was brought before Parliament on
repeated occasions; and in particular Lord Chehnsford
in the House of Lords on the 23rd of May, and Sir
Hugh Cairns in the House of Commons on the 30th of
June, made some searching inquiries, which were strongly
deprecated by both Earl Russell and Mr. Layard, as likely
to prove injurious to the captives should tlie intelligence
reach the Emperor Theodore. Lord Chelmsford, how-
ever, succeeded in carrying his motion for an Address to
the Queen for the production of certain papers relating
to the sul)ject, though the Address was but imperfectly
responded to by the Foreign Office*, some of the most
* rarlianiontary Paper, 18(55, ' Papers rolatinp tn the Imprisonment
of British Subjects in Abyssinia.'
PAPERS PRODUCED. INQUIRY DEPRECATED. 1(53
important documents being witliheld. On the 5th of July
of the same year, just before the prorogation of ParUa-
ment, when the subject was again discussed in the
House of Commons, Mr. Layard promised to produce
other papers, which, however, were not laid before Par-
liament till Mr. Darby Griffith moved for them on Au-
gust 3rd, 1866 *.
Throughout all the debates in both Houses of Parlia-
ment, and likewise out of doors among the friends of
Lord Russell's Administration, every attempt was made to
stifle inquiry and discussion, professedly lest it should
injure the captives. Without citing, as I might easily do,
numerous instances of this deprecation of inquiry, I will
merely refer to what was said by Lord Shaftesbury as
lately as May 3rd, 1866, as is recorded in page 152. In
doing so, I must however repeat that I believe his Lord-
ship to have been unwittingly the mouthpiece of others,
whose fear of merited censure made them employ every
means of putting off the day of reckoning until after
the final liberation of the captives, when the general
feeling of joy and gratitude for their safety would more
than counterbalance the trouble and dissatisfaction which
had been caused by such great mismanagement and long
delay.
Had the dread of offending the Emperor Theodore been
the real motive for this urgent desire to avoid discussion
and inquiry. Earl Russell and Mr. Layard would them-
selves have been the first to set an example of moderation
in their language respecting that potentate. Instead of
* Parliamentary Paper, 186G, ' Further Corre^pondeiioc respeotiujr
the British Captives in A])yssinia.'
M 2
164 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IX ABYSSINIA.
which, it is precisely these two statesmen who were guilty
of applying the strongest and most oflensive epithets to
Theodore, and who spoke of his conduct with the greatest
abhorrence^.
It is hardly necessary to adduce instances of what was
at the time a matter of notoriety. A daily journal, when
commenting on the debates in Parliament, says, in
speaking of the captives : — " Their lives would be worth
very little if Theodore should learn^ whilst they are stiU
at his disposition, in what offensive language Mr. Layard,
in the name of the English Government, abused him^^t*
And a contemporary adds, " The Foreign Secretary
went on to emulate his subordinate in applying abusive
language to the Abyssinian Emperor, who is supposed to
be so sensitive to such remarks ^^ J. This inconsistency
is tersely put by 'Punch,^ whose pages appear to con-
tribute to the special recreation of the Emperor of
Abyssinia §. On July 15th, 1855, that witty monitor
says, in his ' Essence of Parliament,'' " The Earl [Russell]
described King Theodore as a blood-thu'sty tyrant; and
as Theodore has the English papers read to him^ this
may please him.^^
In consequence of the discussions in Parliament,
Earl Russell at length decided on doing what he might
better have done long before — namely, on taking the
* It is a fact worlhy of notice that when the news of the ill-
treatment of the missionaries first arrived, Lord Shaftesbury, did
not scruple to call the Emperor a " barbarian Philistine." (See the
' Record ' of May 9th, 18G4.)
t ' Standard,' July 5th, 18G5.
X ' Pall Mall Gazette,' July 'Mh, 18G5.
§ Mr. Stem writes from Goudar, '']\Iost of all was the inquisitive
descendant of Solomon interested in the caricatures of ' Punch.' "
TilE author's offer. MR. PALGRAVE's MISSION*. ] G5
matter into his own hands, instead of leaving it, as it
had thus far been left, in those of Mr. Layard and his
nominee, Mr. Rassam. And Lord Houghton and the
Earl of Malmesbury, on opposite sides of the House of
Peers, having spoken of me in highly flattering terms
in the debate on July 4th, and I having on the 7th of
that month again offered to undertake the liberation of
tlie captives on my own responsibility, his Lordship (as I
have understood on unquestionable authority) had almost
made up his mind to send for me and place the matter
in my hands, when Mr. W. Gifford Palgrave, the accom-
plished traveller in Arabia, having been strongly recom-
mended to Earl Russell, was preferred by him to me.
My letter of July 7th to Earl Russell is given in the
Appendix, together with two other letters which I ad-
dressed to his Lordship on the 21st and 22nd of the same
month.
The arrangements for Mr. Palgrave's mission were made
with the utmost celerity and as secretly as possible. His
instructions from Earl Russell were more favourable to
Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal than those given by Mr.
Layard to ]Mr. Rassam ; for Mr. Palgrave was directed to
secure the liberation of the German missionaries in com-
mon with the Consul and other British subjects; which,
as has been shown in a former pagC^, was not the
tenour of Mr. Rassam's instructions.
Having received his credentials from the Foreign Office,
Mr. Palgrave proceeded to Egypt, where he lost no time
in making the necessary preparations for his expedition ;
his intention being to enter Abyssinia from Matamma on
* See page 157.
166 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES I\ AHYSSINIA.
the north-western frontier; and he is said to have ex-
pended considerable sums of money in the purchase of
presents.
At the instance of Colonel Stanton, the Government of
the Viceroy of Egypt, Ismail Pasha, took immediate and
energetic measures for Mr. Palgrave's speedy voyage up
the Nile, placing a steamer at his disposal, and giving
orders to the authorities in the upper country to facilitate
his further journey by land to the confines of Abyssinia.
Two days more, and he would have been away from
Cairo, pursuing his rapid voyage up the Nile under the
most favourable conditions; when suddenly Mr. Rassam
made his appearance at Suez, and put an end to Mr. Pal-
grave^s undertaking *.
The cu'cumstances under which Mr. Rassam thus visited
Egypt are not a little remarkable.
When it had been decided by Earl Russell that Mr.
Rassam should be superseded by Mr. Palgrave, the former
gentleman was written to, both officially and privately,
informing him of it ; and he was ordered to return to his
post at Aden, where his presence and most useful services
had long been required.
There was no difficulty in communicating this intelli-
gence to Mr. Rassam. The Steamer * Victoria,' belong-
ing to the Bombay Government, had been placed at the
* So little did Mr. Palgrave anticipate any contretemps, tliat ou the
very day of I\Ir. Raasam's arrival at Suez ho left the private hotel at
Cairo whore he had been residing for several weeks, and removed to
Sheplieard's hotel, for tlie purpose of giving a gi-and farewell dinner ;
notifying his departure in the register book of the hotel he had so
left, and signing it " W. Gilford Palgrave, II. My's Envoi to Abys-
sinia, 5 Sept. 186o.''
MR. RASSAM RECALLED TO ADEN. GOES TO EGYPT. 167
disposal of the Political Resident at Aden during the
continuance of the mission to Abyssinia ; and that vessel
was almost incessantly engaged in keeping up a com-
munication with Mr. Uassam. As was quaintly observed
by a native gentleman, writing from Aden on the 17th of
June 1865, " The ' Victoria* makes two trips monthly to
and from Massowah, but brings no particular news. It
is fact that the prisoners are in very bad condition ; and
if they stop longer in same, they will soon die. Very
little remedy is done for them " *.
On the trip which the ' Victoria ' made to Massowah
towards the end of August, she conveyed to Mr. Rassam
the intelligence of his recall, with orders to return by that
vessel to his post at Aden. But instead of obeying those
orders, Mr. Rassam turned the ' Victoria's ' head the
other way, and took his passage in her to Suez. On his
arrival there, on September 5th, he despatched a tele-
gram to Colonel Stanton at Alexandria, announcing
that "■ Consul Cameron had been released," and that
he had come on to Egypt to consult as to the course
to be adopted in the altered state of affairs.
This most gratifying intelligence was immediately for-
warded by Colonel Stanton to the Foreign Office, and
was distributed by Mr. Layard with commendable alacrity
to all the newspapers, appearing in their impression of
September 6th in these words : — " Information has been
received that Mr. Rassam had arrived at Suez, and had
reported to Her Majesty's Agent and Consul- General in
Egypt that Consul Cameron had been released.''
From the vague terms in which this intelligence was
* ' Pall Midi Gazette/ July 10, 18Go.
168 THE BUrriSH captives IX ABYSSINIA.
given, a very general impression prevailed that Consul
Cameron had not merely been released, but had even
been brought on to Suez by Mr. Rassam, and therefore
might soon be expected in England. But this hope was
destined to be soon disappointed. It was " explained ^^
that Consul Cameron had been released from his chains
only ; and after a short interval the further " explanation"
was given that Mr. Rassam having made it a condition
that the liberation of Consul Cameron shoidd precede the
delivery of the Queen of England's letter to the Emperor,
the latter had ordered the Consults chains to be removed
in the presence of Mr. Rassam^s messengers, so that they
might be able to report what they had actually seen — and
that then, as soon as the messengers were out of sight,
the fetters had been replaced by heavier ones.
This explanation is understood to have been given by
Mr. Rassam himself in a letter to Earl Russell, written on
the same day on which he sent the telegram announcing,
without any qualification, that Consul Cameron had been
released. In Earl RusselFs despatch of October 5th to
Colonel Stanton, the following passage occurs : — " It ap-
pears from King Theodore's letter to Mr. Rassam, sent
home l)y that gentleman in his letter of September 5tli,
that the King alleges that Captain Cameron * abused
and denounced him as a murderer,' in consequence of
the vengeance he took on the persons who killed Consul
Plowden and Mr. Bell, and that when he had treated him
well and asked him to make him (the King) a friend of
the Queen, Captain Cameron ' went and stayed some time
with the Turks and returned to me (the King) ;' and fur-
ther, that when the King spoke to Captain Cameron about
REPORT (U' consul's RELEASE. THE EMPEROR's LETTER. IGD
the letter sent by him to the Queen^ he said he had not
received any intelligence concerning it " *.
This certainly does not convey the idea that Captain
Cameron could have been released even for a moment;
and from private letters from all the principal captives
— Mr. Stern, Mr. and Mrs. Rosenthal, Mr. Kerans, and
Consul Cameron himself — dated about the middle of July,
the fact is established that, in consequence of the escape
of the Prince of Slioa on July 1st (as has been already re-
lated), all the European captives had had their chains
doubled, fetters being placed on their hands as well as on
their feetf ; and it must be added that there is not in any
of their letters a single word that would serve as a founda-
tion for the report of Cameron's pretended release from
his chains, even for a single moment, or under any pre-
tence whatever.
The alleged letter from the Emperor bore neither the
signature nor the seal of that monarch ; and doubts have
consequently been entertained as to its authenticity. On
the other hand, I have heard that the letter was really
written on the part of the Emperor, but that, in con-
sequence of Mr. Rassam's having so long delayed to
bring up the Queen's letter. His Majesty positively re-
fused to address him in person. This does not, however,
appear to be very material — the point that is really im-
portant being to know on what evidence Mr. Rassam
telegraphed to Colonel Stanton, on September 5th, that
Consul Cameron had been released, and what were the
contents of the despatch which that gentleman addressed
* Parliamentary Paper, 1866, ' Further Correspondence,' Sec, p. 03.
t See page 145.
170 Tllli nRITISIl CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
on the same day to Earl Russell, enclosing a letter pur-
porting to come from the Emperor Theodore. But, in
truth, the whole matter of Mr. Rassam^s visit to Egypt
and of the intelligence which he was the medium of con-
veymg to England, is altogether enveloped in mystery
and requires explanation.
For the moment, however, there was not the slightest
suspicion of the entire worthlessncss of the intelligence ;
and consequently its immediate result was the putting
a check upon Mr. Palgrave's mission.
When, shortly after Mr. Rassam^s arrival in Egypt,
it came to be known that the report put in circula-
tion was unfounded, it became necessary to decide what
should be done under the novel circumstances. Backed
by his patron Mr. Layard, and doubtless encouraged by
the official sympathies of the Foreign and India Offices —
where, as in all Government departments, "outsiders '' are
not favoured — Mr, Rassam declined all fellowship with
Earl RusselFs nominee ; and when it Avas proposed by an
officer whose voice was entitled to be heard, that the one
should go by the way of Massowah and the other up the
Nile, or at all events that the two should proceed to-
gether, Mr. Rassam objected to this, and indeed to all
compromise or arrangement of any kind, insisting that,
if he was to continue to be employed, the business must
be left in his own hands entirely and exclusively.
The final result was that Earl Russcll^s nominee had
to yield to Mr. Layard's friend, who, after taking over
the presents bought by Mr. Palgrave, and (it is said)
uddmg thereto others which he himself purchased, left
Cairo on the 18th of September, and returned to Aden
MR. PALGRAVE REMAINS IN EGYPT. FOR WHAT PURPOSE? 171
by the 'Victoria/ which vessel had been kept waiting
for him at Suez.
Mr. PalgravCj on the other hand, remained behind in
Egypt in the pay of the British Government, " to await/*
as was declared, " the result of Mr. Rassam's mission."
There he continued until June 1866, though with what
object is not patent. For when, in March last, news
was received of Mr. Rassam^s favourable reception by the
Emperor and the ordered liberation of the captives — and,
yet more, when in May the further intelligence arrived of
their having been all handed over to Mr. Rassam, and
being about to leave Abyssinia — nay, that they had even
started for the coast — he still remained in Egypt under
orders from the Foreign Office; whereas at the end of
June, when Mr. Flad unexpectedly arrived in Egypt with
intelligence of the " detention" of Mr. Rassam and his
suite with all the captives (that is to say, of the unsuc-
cessful " result of Mr. Rassam^s mission," which he had
been so long ''awaiting "), he started off for England, run-
ning a race with Mr. Flad, and winning it by a length —
he having (if I am rightly informed) reached London on
July 8th, and Mr. Flad on the following day. That
Mr. Palgrave did not come to England on the affairs of
the captives in Abyssinia, is manifest from the fact that
a few days only after his arrival he received a Consulship
in the Black Sea, whither he has since gone. What the
meaning of all this is remains an enigma, the solution
of which, like that of a good many others arising out of
this calamitous "Abyssinian Question," will doubtless
be found in the further Papers which will have to bo
laid before Parliament in the approaching Session.
172
CHAPTER XI.
NO NKWS AT ADEN OF THE ' VICTORIA ' — THE ' SUECOUF ' SENT
TO MASSOWAH TO INQUIRE — LETTERS FROM THE CAPTIVES —
MESSENGER REFUSES TO Gn'^E THEM UP — THE 'SURCOUF'
COMES BACK FOR THEM — THE CAPTR^ES DOUBLE-IRONED — MR.
RASSAM's return FROM SUEZ — GOES AGAIN TO MASSOWAH
— DEPARTURE FOR THE INTERIOR — M. MUNZINGER — ADULIS A
KEY TO ABYSSINIA — KNOWN TO GREEKS — AND TO FRENCH — IG-
NORANCE OF ENGLISH — ROAD BY THE HADAS — MR. BASSAM's
JOURNEY BY BOGOS — AR.BIVAL AT MATAMMA — ARRIVAL OF ES-
CORT — DEPARTURE FOR DEBRA TABOR GAFFAT — STOPPED
BY REBELS — ROUTE CHANGED — ARRIVAL AT EMPEROR's CAMP
— REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS — INTERVIEW WITH EMPEROR
— THE queen's letter PRESENTED — THEODORe's GRIEVANCES
— CONSUL AND MISSIONARIES BLAMED — CAPTIVES ORDERED TO
BE LIBERATED — THE EMPEROr's ARMY — ITS MARCH — FRIENDLY
BEHAVIOUR TOWARDS MR. RASSAM — ALL EUROPEANS ACCUSED —
MR. RASSAM COMPLIMENTED — CHARGES UNTRUE AND ABSURD
— MR. KERANS — IMPRISONED WITHOUT CAUSE — LETTER TO
HIS PARENTS — HAND AND FOOT CHAINS — ILLUSTRATIONS —
MADNESS OF CAPTIVES — SUFFERINGS WORSE THAN ON " THE
MIDDLE PASSAGE " — PARLIAMENTARY INQUIRY CALLED FOR.
Whilst Mr. Rassam was away on his visit to Egypt^ a
curious incident occurred, which is deserving of a place in
the general history.
On that gentleman's leaving Massowah in the 'Vic-
toria,' he gave to the Political Resident at Aden, hy
whom that vessel had been sent to convey him back to
his post, no intimation of what he had done. Several
days having elapsed without the ' Victoria's ' making her
appearance at Aden with Mr. Rassam on board, or any
'SURCOUP' SENT TO MASSOWAH. — LETTERS FROM CAPTIVES. 173
intelligence of her^ Colonel Merewether became anxious
about the vessel, not unnaturally imagining that some
accident must have happened ; and the ' Surcouf/ a
steamer of the French Navy, chancing to be then in the
harbour, he requested her Commander to run across to
Massowah and see what was the matter.
On his arrival at Massowah, the Captain of the ' Sur-
couf not only heard of Mr. Rassam's sudden departure
for Suez, for which no reason could be assigned, but he
found at the same time that a native messenger had
arrived from the interior with letters from Consul Came-
ron and the other captives, being those of the middle of
July, containing the news of the flight of the Prince of
Shoa and the consequent vengeance taken by the Emperor
on all his captives, native and European. The French
officer naturally asked for those letters, to take with him
to Aden; but the messenger refused to give them up to
any one but Mr. Rassam, who, it appears, had given
orders to the Consul's clerk, Abdallah Efi*endi, ia charge
of the Consulate, that all letters arriving from the in-
terior should be kept till his return. On this the Captain
of the ' Surcouf'' made the best of his way back to Aden
and reported the facts to Colonel Merewether, at whose
request he obligingly went over again to Massowah, with
a peremptory order for the immediate delivery to him of
the letters, which he brought away, together (if I am
rightly informed) with the messenger himself, who still
persisted in not parting with them except to his employer,
Mr. Rassam.
The letters thus brought down from Consul Cameron
and Mr. Stern announced that the Emperor had, about
174 THE IHUTISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
the bcgmning of July, written to Mr. Rassam desiring
him to come up to him at once ; and tliey expressed tlie
opinion that his speedy advent and the delivciy of the
Queen^s letter would effect their liberation *.
Mr. llassam was however gone to Suez, and conse-
quently it was not till his return to Aden, about the end
of September, that the contents of those letters could
become known to him. The letters themselves, in
consequence of their having been left lying at Mas-
sowah, did not arrive in England till October 11th ;
whereby the truthful intelligence that Consul Cameron
and the other captives had been double-ironed was not
received till upwards of a month after the report that
"Consul Cameron had been released" had been in cir-
culation.
On the retm^n of the ' Victoria ' to Aden with Mr. Ras-
sam on board, she was ordered off to Massowah without
loss of time ; and in order to guard against a second flight
into Egypt, and also to secure Mr. Rassam^s prompt de-
parture on his hitherto protracted mission, the Commander
of that vessel had special orders to land that gentleman
and his suite without delay, and to sec to their imme-
diate joui'ney into the interior — a week, or at the utmost
ten days, being allowed either to make the necessary
arrangements for their departure, or else to bring them
back to Aden.
Under such circumstances, every expedition could not
fail to be used ; and accordingly, on the 19th of October
18G5, just fourteen montlis after Mr. Rassam's first ar-
rival at Massowah with the Queen's letter, that gentle-
* Mr. Stern's letter to that effect ie given in the Appendix.
Mil. RASSAM S DEPARTURE. — M. MUNZINGEU. 175
man left the coast for the interior, accompanied by Dr.
Blanc and Mr. Pridcaux.
In the preparations for his journey, Mr. Rassam was
materially aided by M. Werner Munzinger, the French
Consular Agent at Massowah, whose intimate personal ac-
quaintance wdth the regions they had to traverse, and
general local knowledge, were of essential ser^dce.
If I am rightly informed, that gentleman has for several
years past been settled at Keren, the chief place of Bogos,
of which country he has married a native ; and he is also
established at Massow'ah as a merchant. After the af-
fair of the ' Surcouf,' it was deemed advisable to have an
European agent at Massowah; and M. Munzinger has in
consequence had the English Consulate placed in his
charge, in addition to that of France.
M. Munzinger is well known as a traveller and man of
letters, and he has written several works relating to the
countries he has visited — the principal one being ^ Ost-
africanische Studien ' *, published about two j^ears ago.
In the Introduction to that work, the author has re-
ferred to my pamplilet, ' The French and English in the
Red Sea,' speaking of it favourably, except that he con-
siders it to be too English f- I had endeavoured to
be impartial, as M. Munzinger himself professes to be ;
and now, with every desire not to judge my critic un-
fairly, I should say that, if I am too English, he is too
un-English. But all depends on the point of \iew. By
birth M. Munzinger is a Swiss Roman Catholic, and (if
* 8vo : SchafFliausen, Fr. Hurter'sche Buchhandliing, 1864.
t " Eine Schrift von Hrn. Beke ... die sehr lelin-eich abor fast
zu sehr englisch gefarbt ist." — Einleittmy, S. 45.
17G THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
I mistake not) he received a considerable portion of his
education in France. It is not surprising, then, if, whilst
intending to represent things as they present themselves
to us, we should be looking on the two sides of the gold
and silver shield.
Ha^dng thus had occasion to allude to M. Munzinger,
it will not be out of place to mention here that, when my
wife and I went to Abyssinia in the beginning of the
present year, that gentleman, whilst rendering us many
personal services and kindnesses, for which I shall always
feel grateful, was decidedly opposed to our journey. He
even went so far as to tell Mrs. Beke, in the hearing of
more than one officer of the British navy, that he should
do all in his power to prevent us from proceeding inland,
which he subsequently explained to myself as meaning
merely that he should exert his influence with me to in-
duce me not to go. As regards the motive for his con-
duct, I desire not to ofi'er an opinion. I speak only of
the fact.
• I must further mention that, when some of the officers
of Her Majesty^s ship ' Lyra ' accompanied my wife and
myself on shore, on a shooting-excursion, in the direc-
tion of Zulla, the representative of the ancient Adule, in
Annesley Bay, whither Captain Parr, her excellent com-
mander, was so good as to take us, in order that we
might see whether a way inland was not practicable
from that point, M. Munzinger assuredly did not help us ;
though when we were stopped by the Sliohos he most
pi'omptly provided for our return in all safety and honour.
Still, in spite of obstacles of various kinds, the parti-
culars of which will be related when I come to the narra-
ADULTS A KKY TO ABYSSINIA. ROAD EXPLORED. 177
tive of our recent visit to Abyssiuiaj I saw quite cuough
on that little trip, in connexion with our subsequent jour-
ney, to confirm the opinion I have so long entertained,
that when the ancient Greeks founded Adule or Adulis,
at the mouth of the river Hadas — now only a river-be(5
without water except during the rains, though a shoi't
way above there is water all the year round — they knew
that they possessed one of the keys to Abyssinia; and i
was also convinced that the French knew the same wlien
they sought to obtain possession of that spot in De-
cember 1859, under the circumstances narrated in a pre-
vious Chapter"^.
I perceived yet further that the authorities at Massowah
were desirous that, as far as lay in their power, the En-
glish should not become acquainted with this road ; and,
however " English" it may be, my wife (on account of my
* Chapter IV. page 58, On December 20tli, 1859, writing from
Mauritius, I drew the attention of the Foreign Secretary, then Lord
John Russell,- to the designs of the French on Adulis. In 1861,
I printed that letter and others addressed to the Foreign Office and
the Board of Trade, appending to it in a note the following passage
from an article (not from my pen) which had appeared in the ' Times '
of December 6th, 1859 :—
" The reader of Eastern history will recognize in Adoolis one of the
four great Abyssinian emporia of the Indian trade in ancient times,
the remaining three being Azab, Axum, and Meroe. Of these Adool,
or Adoolis, appears to have been the most renowned, owing to its
highly favourable position in the Red Sea, as also its fertility and
safe anchorage. The skill of the ' children of Adool ' in ship-buildiug
is eidogized in the Moallaha of Tarifa, a famous Arabian poet of the
sixth century ; and it was in the same century that, instigated thereto
by Justinian, the Abyssinian Nejachi, or King, known to the Westerns
by the name of Elisbaas, built 700 small vessels at Adool, and -witli
the cooperation of a Roman fleet transported 70,000 Abyssinians into
Arabia, and effected the conquest of Yemen."
178 THE niiiTisn captives in abyssinia.
ill-healtli at the time I may truly say dux fcemina facti"^)
and myself were determined that the English should
become acquainted with it in case of need. I have
therefore to place here on record that^ in the foui' days
from the 5th to the 8th of INIay inclusive, we descended
from Halai;, on the edge of the Abyssinian tableland at
an elevation of 8500 feet above the ocean, to Arkiko,
on the seashore opposite Massowah, travelling only in
the morning and evening, and resting at night and
during the heat of the day, and that the time we were
actually in the saddle was 20| hours ! Of this time 7\
hours were consumed in crossing the low country be-
tween the Hadas and Arkiko ; so that only thirteen
hours and a half ivere requisite to bring us dawn from the
Abyssinian tableland to cohere that river turns off to Adulis
and the sea. And whilst in the upper country I obtained
information respecting another road between the table-
land and the sea, which is still better than that along
the valley of the Hadas. This serves to show how
erroneous is the notion of the inaccessibility of Abys-
siniaf-
* A '' passed " candidate for a post in the Library of the British
Museum might render this in English, " a duck of a woman indeed."
t It is surprising how little seems to be known in the several de-
partments of our Government on the subject of the approaches to
Abyssinia. A twelvemonth ago an officer holding a high position
asked my opinion as to the choice to be made, in the event of a war,
out of six routes, the particulars of which he had obtained (he said)
from a source entirely to be relied on. Two roads known to myself,
and both communicated by me long ago to Govei'nment, were not
among those six, though preferable to them all ! When the subject
was again discussed very recently, I believe that one of my two roads
was brought foi-ward — though of course without any allusion to an
" outsider " like mvself — but the other still remained unnoticed.
MR. RASSAM S JOURNEY. MATAMMA. ESCORT. 179
Mr. Rassam did not^ however, take his course in this
direction. The letter from the Emperor, or whoever may
have written it in his name, directed the mission to pro-
ceed westward tlirough the border districts of Bogos,
Barea, Taka, and Kedarif, to Matamma, where an escort
was to be provided to conduct him to Debra Tabor, or
wherever the Emperor might happen to be.
For the transport of the tents, stores, presents, and
baggage of the mission thirty-five camels were needed,
and with the requisite attendants and followers a goodly
caravan was formed. No time appears to have been lost
on the journey, which however was unavoidably slow.
The tardy and intermittent notices of Mr. E-assam's
progress were at the time watched by the public with in-
tense interest ; but the particulars are now of little mo-
ment. It will be sufficient to note that he arrived at Kas-
sala, the capital of the Egyptian province of Taka, on
November 6th, and left that place on the 9th, and that
on the 21st he reached Matamma. On his arrival there
he wrote to the Emperor, informing him of it and asking
for a safe conduct and an escort. After a delay of about
a month (I have not the precise date) , the long-expected
escort arrived. It consisted of a strong body of soldiers
under the command of three " bashas"^, whose orders were
to giv^ Mr. Rassam and the mission a mo.st hearty wel-
come, and to escort them in safety to Debra Tabor, where
they were to await the arrival of the Emperor, wlio had
gone back into Godjam to attack the ''rebel" Tadela
Gwalu, who during so many years has set Theodore at
defiance. The Emperor's European workmen at Gall at
* The siguitication of this title is given in page 20.
n2
180 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
were also written to^, ordering them to receive Mr. Ras-
sam and his suite^ and to provide for their comfort in
every Avay.
As Gaffat is not marked in tlie ordinary maps of Abys-
sinia, and there is a district in the south of the peninsula
of Godjam, visited by me in October 1842, which formerly
bore or was inhabited by a people who bore that name"^,
and which has been supposed to be the residence of the
-Emperor's European Avorkmen, it may be well to explain
that the place in question is a village in the immediate
vicinity of Debra Tabor, where Consul Plowden used to
[)ut up when he visited Ras Ali or the present Em-
peror, and which has now become the permanent resi-
dence of the little colony of European gunsmiths and
other workmen in the pay of the Emperor — a sort of
Abyssinian Woolwich Arsenal.
From Matamma Mr. Rassam with his escort proceeded
on the way towards Gondar and Debra Tabor, and on the
4th of January 1866 they reached a place called Belloha,
between Wekhni and Tjelga (Chelga), when they were
stopped by a body of troops belonging to the " rebel " Tessu
Gobazye (not Gobazye the Waag Shum, but another
powerful chief of the same name, the son of a person of low
degree named Tessu), who for several years past has held
rule in the larger portion of the north-Avestern provij^ices of
the empire down southwards as far as Gondar. It was re-
ported at Massowah that Mr. Rassam had been taken pri-
soner, and only liberated by his escort after a hard fight
with the rebels. Another report was that he obtained
his freedom by paying a heavy ransom. At all events
* See ' Journal of the Royal Geographical Society,' vol. xiv. p. 24.
STOPPED BY REBELS. AKIMVAL AT EMPEKOr's CAMP. 181
it is certain that he succeeded in escaping from Tessu
Gobazye^s soldiers, and that on January 11th he had
arrived in safety within twenty miles of Gondar ; which
fact was duly notified in his despatches to Government
of that date.
A reference to the map will show that at that time
Mr. Rassam was at a short distance to the north of Lake
Tsana, and that, had he continued his journey as origi-
nally contemplated, he would have gone along the north-
eastern and eastern sides of the lake. But it would ap-
pear that, for some cause not yet explained, he did not
continue on that course; for on January 28th (only
seventeen days after he had written from near Gondar,
saying he was going in the direction above indicated)
we find him in Damot, about forty miles to the south of
the south-western corner of Lake Tsana, and at no great
distance from the source of the river Abai.
The road actually taken is nowhere stated ; but I con-
jecture that, what between the one Gobazye and the
other*, the country to the east side of the lake was not
considered safe for Mr. Rassam to pass through, and that
therefore orders had been sent to him and his escort to
alter their course, and to proceed along the Avestern side
of the lake to join the Emperor.
However this may be, the result was, that on the 28th
of January, 1866, Mr. Eassam at length reached the
Emperor's camp. What occurred at the meeting and
subsequently, is narrated in an abstract made by Colonel
Merewether from Mr. Rassam^s report to Her Ma-
* The Waag Slium's inroad from the uorth-east, mentioned in page
143, is believed to have occurred somewhere about this time.
182 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
jesty's Goverument; which abstract was published in
the 'Times of India' of July 21st, and has thence been
copied iuto the ' Jewish Intelligence ' of October 1st
(pp. 291-256) .
In giving here this abstract of Mr. Rassam's report ver-
batim, I feel myself called on to comment on several
portions of it, which cannot be allowed to pass without
observation.
" On the morning of the 28th January, Mr. Rassam, ac-
companied by Dr. Blanc and Mr. Prideaux, came in sight
of the Emperor's camp, which was pitched in the district
of Damot, between Agaumider and Godjam. As they
had received a courteous message from His Majesty on
the road, about three miles from the camp, to the effect
that he had graciously ordered all his officers of state to
meet them on the road and escort them to the court,
they halted at 11 a.m. for about twenty minutes, to put
on their uniforms, in a small tent which was pitched for
the occasion, in order that they might be in fitting cos-
tume to meet the Abyssinian grandees.
" At noon they met the guards of honour that had been
sent by His Majesty to welcome them. Ras Engeda, the
Chief Minister, came forward on foot to welcome them on
the part of his royal master, and made many ci^il speeches
through Samuel, the King's steward, who had been sent
by the Emperor to interpret. Mr. Rassam and his com-
panions immediately dismounted, and after some ci^dl
words had been said in answer to the royal message, Ras
Engeda presented Mr. Rassam with a fine mule, nicely ca-
l)arisoned, saying that his master sent it for him to ride
iuto the royal camp. Ras Engeda then rode before them
MR. RASSAm's interview WITH THE EMPEROR. 183
with about 300 officers^ the rest of the cavahy riding be-
hind, and they proceeded in this order at a quiet pace,
until they reached the foot of the hill on which the King's
pavilion was pitched. Here they dismounted, and were in-
vited by Eas Eiigeda to take a little rest in a red cloth tent,
which had been pitched by order of the King for their re-
ception. After many polite speeches, Ras Engeda and
Samuel left them, and Avent to report their arrival to the
King. In the meanwhile refreshments were brought in,
sent from the royal kitchen, together with a present of ten
cows and as many sheep.
" About three o'clock Mr. Rassam received a very civil
note from His Majesty, wherein he expressed his desire to
see him. A verbal message accompanied the note, to the
effect that, although the day was Sunday, the King could
not delay the meeting any longer. Mr. Rassam and his
companions accordingly repaired immediately to the royal
pavilion. From the bottom of the hill they found mus-
keteers ranged as a guard of honour on the right and left
for their reception ; and on coming in sight of the royal
pavilion the infantry soldiers began to discharge their
muskets (no cannon being available) , and continued to fire
in regular order till the visitors were ushered into the royal
presence. The pavilion was made of silk, and carpeted
with the same material.
" The King was a man of middle age, tall, well-built,
with aquiline nose and dark piercing eyes. His coun-
tenance shows resolution and a powerful mind, while his
smile is fall of sweetness. His Majesty received them
sitting on a couch covered with silk his throne having
been left behind at Magdala, all the ministers of state
181 TIIK JJKITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
juid officers of the court stauding on either side of the
tent.
"When Mr. Rassam had handed His Majesty the Queen^s
letter^ and interchanged a few civil words befitting the oc-
casion, they were invited to sit down on the right hand of
His Majesty. As the royal epistle was without a transla-
tion, and as there was no one in the court who coidd read
English, His Majesty laid it on the right side of the couch,
and began by saying that he was glad to see Mr. Rassam,
and that he hoped they were all well after the fatigue of
the long journey. All the ministers remained standing,
and seemed very attentive to whatever was said by His Ma-
jesty and by Mr. Rassam in reply.
" The King then opened up the sul)ject of his grievances,
and related everything that had taken place from the time
of the death of Messrs. Plowden and Bell. He blamed in
strong terms the conduct of the missionaries and of Mr.
Cameron. In reply to this Mr. Rassam spoke in a sooth-
uig way, and apparently succeeded in allaying the royal
anger."
Thus far Mr. Rassam. In the remarks I am about to
make, I have no intention to dispute the accuracy of that
gentleman^s report of what occurred in the conversations
between him and the Emperor Theodore. But whilst
accepting that report as veracious, I am not only war-
ranted in denying the trutli of the statements which are
so reported, but also in contending that as Mr. Rassam,
like myself and those acquainted with the real facts of
the case, was aware of the untruth of these statements,
he was not justified in repeating them without qualifica-
tion or comment, so as to lead the general reader and
THEODORE S GRIEVANCES. — SAMUEL AS " IN'rUODUCiai." 185
the public to believe in the truth of what the Emperor
is thus reported to have said.
Mr. Rassam tells us that the Emperor '' opened up the
subject of his grievances/'' and that he then " blamed in
strong terms the conduct of the missionaries and of Mr.
Cameron^' — as if that conduct had been at all '""the sub-
ject of his grievances." How little the one had really to
do with the other is fully shown in these pages, and is
unhappily confirmed, at the cost of Mr. Rassam himself,
by Avhat has since occnrred. It is much to be regretted
for Mr. Rassam' s sake that he should have allowed the
Emperor's assertions to pass unnoticeed. Of course, it
would have been impolitic and uncourtierlike for him to
contradict or even appear to doubt the truth of ■ any-
thing His Majesty might have thovight fit to say to him.
But in making his report to the British Government and
to the British public, the same restraint Avas altogether
unnecessary and indefensible.
Mr. Rassam next relates that, " During the conversation,
Samuel was employed by the King as interpreter, and this
officer was afterwards employed as ' introducer ' for Mr.
Rassam, in accordance with the Abyssinian rule, — an ar-
rangement which appears to have been a satisfactory one,
as Samuel knows Amharic and Arabic very well, and seems
really desirous to promote a friendly feeling between
England and Abyssinia.^'
From what has been stated in the biographical memoir
of Samuel given in the note to page 79, and from his
conduct towards the captives as related in Mr. Stern's
letters in the Appendix, it is not improbable that Mr.
Rassam may since have had cause to modify his opinion
18(5 THE BKITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
with respect to tliat individual. It is only to be hoped
that this is not the case, and that Samuel has proved
to be really deserving of all the good said of him by
Mr. Rassam. But it must be mentioned that that gentle-
man was seriously warned, by more than one person,
against putting too much trust in him.
The report then continues : — " Soon after they had re-
turned to their tent after this intervicAV, the King sent
over Her Majesty's letter to be translated into Amharic.
This occupied a considerable amount of time, as Mr.
Rassam had to translate it into Arabic, the interpreter and
Samuel then retranslating it to the chief scribe in Am-
haric.
" Very early next morning (Jan. 29) the King sent for
them. They found His Majesty standing outside the Royal
pavilion, and, after being welcomed, they were invited to
enter. When all the attendants, except Ras Engcda, the
chief scribe, Samuel, and Mr. Rassam's Mohammedan in-
terpreter, had been ordered to withdraw, the King again
recounted his complaints regarding the misconduct of the
European prisoners. He then expressed himself much
pleased at having at last seen Mr. Rassam, and said that
the friendly intentions of England towards himself had
been proved by Mr. Rassam's patience and good conduct,
and concluded by ordering the chief scribe to read the
letter which he had written to Her Majesty. This letter,
which was afterwards sent to Mr. Rassam to he translated
into English, was to the effect that the King had for-
given the European prisoners and made them over to
Mr. Rassam ; but the exact contents were not at this time
made public."
CAPTIVES LiBEIlATKD. PRESENTS. KORATA. IH?
Mr. Rassam does not give here any particulars respect-
ing the liberation of the captives ; but in the letter from
Colonel Merewether to the Earl of Clarendon, which was
read in the House of Lords on April 23rd, 186G, as has
already been narrated*, it is said that " a few hours after
his first interview with His Majesty, the latter ordered
the release of all the European prisoners, including the
missionaries and the Frenchmen, and directed that they
should all be made over to Mr. Rassam to take out with
him from Abyssinia, which country he hoped to leave
about the end of March. The King sent his chamberlain
to Magdala to unfetter the prisoners and to bring them to
meet Mr. Rassam at Debra Tabor, to which place the
latter and his companions were proceeding from the court,
then in Godjam, and where he expected to receive the re-
leased captives about the end of February "f-
Mr. Rassam's own report contmues as follows : —
" The afternoon of the same day had been appointed for
receiving the presents which Mr. Rassam had brought.
He accordingly, about 5 p.m., brought the presents, and
after making a suitable speech presented them to the
King. His Majesty appeared much pleased, and after
making an appropriate answer said that he accepted the
gifts, not for their value, but for the sake of the giver, and
in token of the renewal of friendship between himself and
the British nation.
" Next morning (Jan. 30) the King intimated to Mr.
Rassam that he intended him to go to Korata, where he
was to wait till the prisoners should be brought from ]\Iag-
dala. Korata is a large town situated on the extreme limit
* See pajio 140. t ' Tiint's,' ,VpriI '2i, 18(30.
188 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
of the soutli-east side of the Lake Tsana, at an elevation
of about GOOO feet above the sea"^ ; and the Emperor had
chosen it as the residence of his visitors on account of the
cool breeze from the lake^ and because they could there
pass their time in fishing and shooting. They afterwards
found the climate of Korata neither very hot nor very cold,
the temperature averaging 75° [Falir.] in the day and 55°
[Fahr.] at night, but they did not find it as imdgorating
as they expected.
" His Majesty had determined to accompany them on
their way for one or two stages, and accordingly marched
that morning as far as Sakala, accompanied by the whole
army, estimated at about 45,000 fighting men, with about
an equal number of followers, male and female. The
whole army is divided into four divisions, which always
encamp round the Court in separate regiments, the fa-
vourite division being placed on the right side of the King.
Most of the troops on this occasion had not their tents
with them; so that every day the soldiers had to build
grass huts for themselves f. These huts are constructed
with wonderful rapidity, and with great attention to order
and neatness, the huts of the privates being arranged in a
circle, with the huts or tents of the officers in the centre.
Every time they march, thovigh it be only for a mile or
two, tlie soldiers set fire to their huts, so that on leaving a
place hardly any trace of the encampment is left.
* The text lias " GOO feet," by mistake. The elevation of I.ake
Tsana, on the shore of which Korata is situate, is 6250 feet above the
ocean.
t As a rule, the soldiers have no tents, but make godjotj, or huts
of branches of trees covered with grass or straw, as described by Mr.
Kassam.
"rebel" districts wasted. MAIUII OF TIIK AKMV. 189
" On the morning of the 31st they marched IVoni
Sakala to Bugata in the Mctcha district. The King's
tent was here pitched on the top of a high hill overlooking
parts of the districts of Damot and Mctcha. These un-
happy districts are under the Avrath of His Majesty for
having proved rebellious ; and consequently he has deter-
mined to destroy them, and leave them a waste as a warn-
ing to the disobedient."
Alas ! the same sad story was told by M. Lejean in
1863*^ and has been repeated every year since. Will no
one take warning besides the inhabitants of those un-
happy districts ?
" For the first two days of the march Mr. Rassam and
his companions had followed in the rear of the army. As
the King found that they had been considerably incon-
venienced by the crowding and turmoil of the troops, he
on the third day (1st February) invited them to ride Avith
him at the head of the army. The King rides most grace-
fully, and it was a fine sight to see the whole army follow-
ing him at a rapid pace, stopping when he stopped, and
turning to the right or the left as he turned, as though
the movements of this great mass had been directed by
machinery. Those who rode with His Majesty w^ere Ras
Engeda, Mr. Rassam, Dr. Blanc, Mr. Prideaux, Samuel,
and the King's arm-bearers. On the march the King
showed himself extremely kind and hospitable, sending
them rations from his kitchen, and directing their tent to
be pitched near his own, on a spot which he himself
pointed out.
"Next day (2nd February) they marched soon after
* See page 92.
190 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSIXIA.
sunrise, and about 1000 yards from the camping ground
came to tlie River Abai (the source of the Blue Nile). His
jMajesty crossed the river on foot, and made Mr. Rassam
and his companions ride ; but as Mr. Rassam's mule found
it difficult to carry him up the opposite bank, which was
steep, the King told him to dismomit, and, while he was
trying to climb the bank, condescendingly caught him by
the arm and pulled him up, saying in Ai'abic, ^ lb shin, la
takhaf,' that is, ' Be of good clieer, be not afraid.' He
then remained standing on the bank till he saw the road
made sufficiently good for the army to pass. This day
they halted at Omka, where there was a tremendous shower
of rain. The thunder and lightning were frightful.
" Next day (3rd February) the march was in the direc-
tion of Agaumider, the last district through which the
mission had passed before reaching the King. The King
on this day conversed with Mr. Rassam on various topics
— the American war, the Ashantee war, the barbarity of
the King of Dahomey, and the Government of Madagascar.
He also said to him, ' The reason I did not at first give
you an answer was, because, since the death of Messrs.
Plowdeu and Bell, all the English and Franks who visited
my country proved to be insincere, ill-mannered, ill-bc-
liaved, and ill-tempered. I said to myself, I must not
see this English agent before I find out that he is of a
different temperament from those who created a breacli
between me and your Queen, my friend. Your patience
in waiting so long for an answer convinced me of your
worth ; and now, as you have happily established the re-
newal of friendship between my country and England, I
wisli you to carry to your Queen, my friend, and to lier
EUROPEANS UNJUSTLY ACCUSED. 191
council, my anxiety to cultivate the friendship of England,
which I have longed for ever since I ascended the throne
of Abyssinia.'"
Here, again, all that is represented by Mr. Ilassam as
having actually been said by the Emperor of Abyssinia to
himself as the Envoy of Her Britannic Majesty, we arc
bound to accept as having actually been said.
As regards the compliments paid to that gentleman
on account of his " patience in waiting so long for
an answer," whereby the Emperor Theodore had been
" convinced of his worth/' if his vanity would allow
him to accept them as a satisfactory apology for his
twelve months' detention at Massowah, there is really
nothing to be said against it. 1 would however prefer
to give Mr. Rassam credit for more good sense, and
to imagine that as a well-trained courtier he maintained
a becoming gravity, without appearing in the least to
doubt the truth of anything the Emperor might think
fit to say.
But when Mr. Rassam noted down that monarch's un-
qualified assertions respecting the unfortunate captives,
throwing upon them the blame of having " created a
breach between him and oiu' Queen," he cannot be ex-
cused for putting such falsehoods into circulation without
a word of dissent or protest, and thus as it were vouching
for their truth.
Moreover the reason alleged for the Emperor's not
having given Mr. Rassam an answer at first is worse
than untrue : it is absurd on the face of it. Who are
"all the English and Franks who have visited Abyssinia
and proved to be insincere, ill-mannered, ill-behaved,
192 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
and ill-tempered " ? Never was there in the mind of
the Emperor or of any one else a thought of ill-conduct
on the part of any of the Europeans resident in Abys-
sinia till after his quarrel with Consul Cameron ; which
quarrel however was not at all on account of that ofi&cer's
personal misbehaviour, but was occasioned by the ill
feeling of the Emperor towards the Government whose
representative Consul Cameron has the great misfor-
tune to be. And how many Europeans are there not
still in Abyssinia, both " English " and " Frank " (that
is to say, Protestant and Roman Catholic),^ who con-
tinue to enjoy that monarches favour and protection?
Such an assertion then, let it emanate from whom it
may, is absurd from its attempt to prove too much.
* In page 77 of a work published in 18G0, entitled ' Notes from
tlie Journal of F. M. Flad, one of Bishop Gobat's Pilgrim jNIission-
aries,' is the following note : — " By Englishman an Abyssinian un-
derstands not an English subject, but a Protestant as distinct fi-om a
Frenchman, by which he understands a Roman Catholic." On this I
must remark that it is not so much the Abyssinians themselves who
understand the expression " Englishman " in that sense, as it is the
Germans under English protection who wish them so to understand
it. The character of England, as a nation, has not been raised
thereby in the estimation of the natives ; for they say that the " En-
glishmen" who formerly visited their country were independent per-
sons, who by travelling in Abyssinia benefited the princes and the
inhabitants, whereas they are now poor persons who come to work
in their ser\ace and get their living at their expense. But the Em-
peror evidently does not distinguish between Protestants and IJoman
Catholics. He has both in his employ; and in his estimation, as
may be seen from his proclamation in page 125, and also from Mr.
Stem's letters in the Appendix, they are all Freyidjotj or Franks.
In the more remote provinces, where Europeans are little known,
they are all called Gchtsofj (plural of Gchid) or Copts — that is to say,
Christians, in contradistinction to Turkotj, or Turks, meaning IMo-
lianimedans.
MR. KERANS's CRUEL CASE. 193
In a former Chapter ^' it has been shown how the mis-
sionaries Stern and Rosenthal fell into disgrace. I have
now to adduce the case of the latest victim of Thcodore^s
malice against the British Government — a person whose
name has never been brought prominently forward, and
yet who, taking all the circumstances into consideration,
must be regarded as having been more unfortunate than
any of the other captives, because there really does not
appear to have been the slightest cause of complaint
against him, except that he was a British subject and con-
nected with Her Majesty^s Consul.
Mr. Lawrence Kerans, a son of Dr. Kerans of Alias-
cragh, in county Galway, went out to Abyssinia in the
year 1863, to fill the post of Secretary to Consul Cameron.
As has been akeady relatedf, he was the bearer of de-
spatches from the Foreign Office, and by ill fortune ar-
rived at Gondar on November 22nd, 18G3. Owing to
the contents of the despatches of which Mr. Kerans hap-
pened to be the bearer, our Consul, who " had previously
had his hands half-bound," had them "bound altogether."
How Mr. Kerans himself was treated at that particular
juncture does not anywhere appear, though, as being
the bearer of the obnoxious documents which caused his
principal to be imprisoned, it is not to be imagined that
he, the subordinate, fared much better. At all events,
on January 4th, 1864, only six weeks after his arrival,
when he could hardly have had time to mauifcst many
of the bad qualities imputed to all Europeans antecedent
to Mr. Bassam, Mr. Kerans was put in chains ; and so
he remained till February 24.th, 1866 (nearly six-and-
* Chapter VII., pages 113-117. t See page 122.
o
194 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
twenty months) ^ Avlicn he was Hbcrated with the rest, —
though only to he incarcerated again, on Mr. Kassam's
account, in less than six months afterwards !
Here is what this much-to-he-pitied young man Avrote
to his parents when he had been a prisoner only eighteen
months : —
" Amba Magdala, July \4:th, 1865.
" My DEAREST Father and Mother, — I have with
much delight this morning, for the first time these last
two years, received news from home. I am glad to hear
you are all weU. Noav, dear father and mother, you must
be very anxious to know how we are getting on. To be-
gin with, / am now a year and six months in prison, with
chains of 20 lbs. weight on the legs ; and lately the right
hand has been attached to the feet. You cannot imagine
what fearful sufferings I ha\e to go through every day ;
it has been much worse ivith us before than it is now, but
still it is a sad torment. Our only hope is in God, wlio
has delivered us many times when we were at the point of
death, and I trust still (no matter how gloomy it now
appears) He will ere long deliver us, I can't write all 1
wish about our imprisonment, as it might cause great
danger to me and my fellow captives. Hoping I may yet
live to see all who are near and dear to me, I remain,
dearest father and mother, ever your affectionate son,
" Lawrence Kerans,
" Secretary to Consul Cameron.
" There are here in chains, besides myself, Consul Ca-
meron, the Rev. H. A. Stern, Mr. llosenthal, M'Kilvie,
Makerer, and Pietro; and Mrs. Rosenthal and cliild not
in chains."
HAND- AND FOOT-CHAINS. ILLUSTHATIONS.
195
Mr. Stern has thus explained what the diaracter of
these hand- and foot-eliaiiis is : — " This art of tormenting
(which is aserihed to the wise King of Israel) is a most
cruel invention, particularly when, as in our case, the
fetters are so short, that one is actually bent double and
unable to move about by day or to stretch one^s weary
limbs by night ^'*; and Mr. Rosenthal, whilst corrobo-
rating Mr. Stern^s statement by saying, " Hand- and foot-
irons were put on us in such a manner that we could
not stand upright/' adds '' My fetters were of a specially
cruel construction. Usually the manacles are separated
by two or three links of chain ; mine, however, constantly
kept my feet within one-eighth of an inch close together,
and when I desired to move I was obliged to crawl upon
both hands and feet "*.
From a drawing made by M. Bardel, I am enabled
to give in the Frontispiece an illustration of the attitude
in which these wretched sufferers, when thus chained
hand and foot, had to pass so many mouths of torture
and misery ; whilst below is a representation of the Abys-
sinian slave leg-shackles, drawn by myself when in that
country, which will serve to explain the peculiar punish-
ment inflicted on Mr. Rosenthal. In a footnote is
given my description of these slave-shackles, published
* See Mrx Rosentliars letter in the Appendix.
() 2
196 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
in 'The Friend of the African' for June 1844*, on Avhich
I have to remark that the Abyssinian slave-dealers find
it sufficient to shackle their Shankala or negro slaves
on the legs only, so that they have their hands free, and
at the same time can move about "by taking short
jumps -svith both feet close together/' whereas Mr. Ro-
senthal, by having, like his companions in captivity, one
hand fastened (as shown in the Frontispiece) to his leg-
shackles, was not only bent double like them, but " was
obliged to crawl upon both hands and feet/'
Some time after ]\Ir. Rassam's arrival at Massowah, he
managed to get some warm European clothing conveyed to
the captives. But, A\athout the skill of the brothers Daven-
port, liovv were they to pass coats and trousers over their
shackled limbs ? Consequently they were only tantalized
by the sight of garments which they were unable to put on.
• " Two semicircular — or rather longer than semicircular — hoops
of iron (a) of about one-eighth of an inch in thickness and nearly an
inch in breadth — those for a female or child of lighter make — having
a hole pierced at each end, are fastened together by a round iron bolt
(6), the one end of which is flattened out so as to prevent its passing
through the holes, and the other (likemse flattened out) is pierced
80 as to admit of an open ring of soft iron (c) being passed through
it, the ends of which ring are then gently beat together. It is
scarcely necessary to add that one hoop is placed round each ankle,
before the bolt is passed through the two from the front, so as to
rivet them. When the shackle is to be taken off", the ends of the
rin<T are separated by placing them on the edge of a chisel-shaped
piece of iron, and hammering on them. These shackles are put on
during the night, and also occasionally in the daytime, preventing the
captive from moving otherwise than by taking short jumps with both
feet close together; and the ring being behind, it is impossible for
him to remove it. No chain or other restraint is considered neces-
sary, since the distance a person could jump must necessarily be
but very small." — Vol. ii. pp. 8-9.
CAPTIVES "ILL-BEIIAVED, ILL-TEMPEREd/' "iNSANE." 197
It is no wonder, then, that the wretched captives, con-
fined and tortured as they were, should have been " ill-
mannered, ill-behaved, and ill-tempered " — nay, that some
of them should have become " insane,^^ as they are stated
to have been in a letter from Mr. Rassam himself, whioli
was read by Colonel Playfair at a Meeting of the Royal
Geographical Society on June 25th last *, and as I have
but too much reason to believe to be the fact from infor-
mation obtained from other sources. In truth, it is hardly
possible to conceive any state of mind that might not
have been induced by this protracted confinement of a
heterogeneous medley of persons of different nations,
religions, characters, dispositions, habits of life, and ways
of thinking, all crowded together — several of them loath-
ing or hating one another intensely, yet having no
means of withdrawing from their proximity to the ob-
jects of their abhorrence.
Of its outward manifestation some faint idea — and still
only a very faint idea — may be formed from the following
appalling statement from the pen of one of the captives : —
" All our jjeople are half mad, and quarreling like so many
devils. Fortunately the fit passes over after a few days
from sheer exhaustion, or we should worry one another to
death. The man with the longest tongue carries the day.
The best temper in the world could not stand the wear
and tear of this coarse, brutal life."
Can anything be more awfid than the thoughts which
these few words conjure up? Such a state must be far
worse than that of our jails, our convict-prisons, or even
the French hagnes.
* See the ' Times/ June 27, 1866.
198 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Several years ago, wlien a friend of mine was preparing
for publication a work called ' A Cry from the Middle
Passage '*, I frequently discussed with him the details of
the atrocious occurrences to Avhich he had occasion to re-
fer; but, heart-rending as those details were as regards
the physical sufferings of the wretched negro victims of
human barbarity, I feel firmly convinced that when the
secrets of the prison-house of Magdala shall one day be
revealed, the entire annals of " the Middle Passage "
can hardly furnish a case which, for the combination of
lingering mental as well as physical torture, Avill bear
comparison with that of the European prisoners of this
African despot.
In the approaching session of Parliament, will no
Member of the Legislatui'c make " The Abyssinian
Question " the subject of earnest and searching inquiry?
A seat in the House of Commons is certainly a distinc-
tion which I never coveted and with each year of my life
have felt less ambitious of; but I must confess that,
since I have been led by circumstances to identify myself
with the cause of the British Captives in Abyssinia, I
have often wished, and I cannot help at times still
wishing, that I were so placed for a season, solely
for the purpose of sifting to the bottom all the circum-
stances of this complicated and still hidden question,
the thorough understanding of which concerns not the
fate of the aggrieved captives alone, but also the honour
and the interests of the British nation.
* Ldiidoii (Seeleys), ISoO.
H>9
CHAPTER XII.
Mil. RASSAM's KEPOKT continued — PRESENT OF 15,000 DOLLARS —
CAPTIVES ORDERED TO BE RELEASED — JOURNEY FROM MAG-
DALA ARRIVAL AT KORATA LIST OF PRISONERS RELEASED —
MR. RASSAM HONOURED — DECEIVED — HIS MISTAKEN ESTIMATE
OP ABYSSINIANS — TRIAL OP CAPTIVES — THEIR ALLEGED CON-
FESSION — MR. WALDMEIEE's STATEMENT — MR. PURDAY's RE-
PLY — reasons for MR. RASSAm's REPORT — EXPECTED SUC-
CESS — DESIRE TO SCREEN HIMSELF AND THE G0\T;RNMENT —
MISSIONARIES WITHOUT DEFENCE — CONSUL TO BE BLAMED
AND EMPLOYED ELSEWHERE — FAILURE OF PLAN — REAL
TRUTH — THE CAPTn^ES ARE STATE PRISON^ERS.
The necessity for defending the hapless captives from the
charges so unjustly brought against them by their perse-
cutor, and so ungenerously repeated by their would-be
liberator, made me in the last Chapter digress from the
consideration of the report of Mr. Rassam^'s proceedings.
I now return to it.
After relating the conversation between that gentleman
and the Emperor on the 3rd of February, the narrative
continues : — " This day^'s march brought them to Fugata,
passing through the well-cultivated and peaceful country
of Agaumider ; and it was most cheering to see how
well His Majesty protected the crops of his faithful sub-
jects, sending parties commanded by officers to guard
the corn-fields and villages against the ravages of the
soldiery.
" Next day (4th February) the King had much conversa-
tion with Mr. Rassam, and ended by telling him that he
proposed to send him to Korata, allowing him to choose
200 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
whether he would stay at Korata or at Debra Tabor till
the prisoners arrived ; and after he retired to his tent he
sent Mr. Rassam a most polite note, informing him that
he had sent him some guns and pistols, and also 5000
German crowns [Austrian species-dollars of a.d. 1780]
to spend in any manner he wished, 'except in a way
displeasing to God.' These presents Mr. Rassam was
obliged to accept, as he was told that it would displease
the King if he refused them. Twice afterwards the King
gave Mr. Rassam a present of 5000 dollars, for the same
purpose and with the same admonition."
In the letter from Mr. Rassam to Colonel Playfair, read
at the Meeting of the Royal Geographical Society, to
which allusion has already been made ■^, it is stated that
the Emperor ^' insisted on Mr. Rassam's acceptance of
10,000 dollars for his expenses, which our Envoy at first
refused, but found it politic to accept and credit the sum
to Her Majesty^s Government.^' For the reasons already
stated in the ' Times ' of July 6th, ISGGf, I cannot but
think it to have been most impolitic to accept any such
present. When Consul Plowden was offered by the same
• See page 197.
t My words wero these : — " I feel myself, however, called upon to
remarlt that when Mr, Rassam so complacently vaunted the excessive
humility of the Emperor Theodore towards the Queen of England,
and his having (as reported in the ' Times ' of the 29th of June last)
' insisted on Mr. Rassam 's acceptance of 10,000 dollars' [Mr. liassam
himself now saj's 15,000 dollars in all] ' for his expenses, which our
Envoy at first refused, but found it politic to accept and credit the
sum to Her Majesty's Government,' he can hardly have contemplated
that such a gift was intended as a mamdladja, which in Isenberg's
Amharic Dictionary is defined as a ' present presented by an inferior
person to a superior,' and for which the donor expects in return not
merely an equivalent, but something of very much greater value. So
E.MPEROR S PRESENTS TO MR. RASSAM. 201
monarch " some hundred dollars for the expenses of his
journey/' he replied, "that as for the money he could
not receive it, as he was paid by his own Sovereign''*' ; at
which Theodore does not appear to have taken offence,
but on the contrary spoke to Mr. Plowden " in the most
affectionate manner," and " gave orders for his honour-
able reception everywhere as far as Massowah"t- And,
besides, there really does not seem to have been any
means of spending the money in a legitimate manner —
in a way not displeasing to God ; for the Emperor would
not allow Mr, Rassam to make presents, and himself
supplied the mission with all they stood in need of. Ac-
cording to that gentleman's letter to Colonel Playfair,
" The Emperor's orders to supply Mr. Rassam with
provisions and carriage free of expense on his way to
the Court were carried out to the letter ; everything was
provided on the road on the most liberal scale. Some-
times their daily rations reached as high as 1000 loaves of
bread J, 2 cows, 20 fowls, 500 eggs, 10 jars of milk, 10 of
honey, &c."
It is not at all clear therefore what Mr. Eassam could
conscious was I of this usage in Abyssinia, that never during my long
residence in that country would I, under any pretence, accept a pre-
sent fi-om an inferior without first understanding what I was to give
in return ; and whenever I asked a favour of a superior I first pre-
sented my mamdladja.
" It was not without a motive, then, that the Emperor Theodore
lowered himself so exceedingly before Her Britannic Majesty in the
person of her representative ; and the question put hypothetically on
the 27th of April has now become a sad reality. What will Her Ma-
jesty's Government do under existing circumstances? "
* See page 49. t -^'<^-
X It must not be supposed that these are European loaves. They
are pancakes, each 4nade of a cup of batter.
202 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
do witli these 15;000 dollars, except take them on with
him wherever he -vveiit ; and half a ton of silver (for they
weigh nearly as much^) is no trifle to carry about in a
country likQ Abyssinia. In addition to this^ it may be
presumed that Mr. Rassam had already the 15,000 dollars
from Aden, to Avliich allusion was made in the last Chap-
tert, in addition to money for his ordinary expenses.
The narrative continues: — " The next day (5tli February)
they left for Korata^ and crossed the south-eastern side
of the lake from Wandige [Woinadagga?] and Koonsila,
right on to the island of Dak. The Emperor afterwards
came to Zagye, on the S.W. side of the lake, and not more
than ten miles from Korata by water. This was after he
had destroyed the districts of Damot and Metcha.
^'As Mr. Rassam and his companions Avere to wait at
Korata for the arrival of the prisoners, the Emperor sent
to Debra Tabor and brought his European artisans to
keep them company. Orders for the release of Mr.
Cameron and the other prisoners were given on the
29th of January ; but they were not released till the 24th
of February J, owing to the difficulties of travelling.'^
The subsequent occurrences cannot be better related
than in the words of Mr. Stern in a letter to his wife,
dated Korata, March 22nd. He says, " Our manacles
were removed on February 24th, and on the 2Gth we
*- An Austrian species-dollar of 1780 should weigli 4.'3.3 "xrains, but
usually does not weigh more than 430. Then 4.'}0x loOOO-^TOOO
(the number of grains in a pound avoirdupois) =921 lbs.
t See page IGI.
X Consul Cameron's letter dated February 2Gth, giAen in page 145,
says, " Oui" chains were taken oil" ycslenhii/.'' From this I couclude
that the date of his letter was really the 2oth.
CAPTIVES RELEASED. HECONCILEl) TO EMl'EHOK. 203
quitted the rocky heights on whicli avc liad been con-
fined for sixteen interminable months. Two davs Ave
remained encamped at the foot of Amba Magdala to regain
some strength, as several of us, myself among the num-
ber, could scarcely stand upright, much less ride any con-
siderable distance. Freedom, change of air, and the luxury
of unshackled hands and feet, however, eflfected a Avon-
derful alteration in our exhausted and enervated frames.
On the 7th inst. we reached Gaffat, where Mr. Flad and
our former fellow prisoners gave us a most cordial recep-
tion. We remained one night with these friends, and
then in company started for Korata, the temporary home
of Mr. Rassam, and in the vicinity of the royal camp.
From the kindness and attention we experienced as we
advanced on our journey, hope, so long deadened in our
hearts, began again to revive, and visions of liberty (to
which for more than two years we had been strangers)
again brightened our future. Our enterprising, excellent
friend, Mr. Rassam received us with that cautious cold-
ness ivhich our mutual position rendered indispensable.
Messengers were despatched the same night to announce
our arrival to His Majesty ; and on the morning of the
15th inst., a complete reconciliation was effected, before
Mr. Rassam and royal delegates, between the King and
his white prisoners. We are now waiting with yearning
impatience for the permission to leave Abyssinia — a ques-
tion which is still subject to the variable mood of His
Majesty."
Of the released prisoners, Mr. Rassam^s report says,
" They arrived safely at Korata on the 12tli March.
^Ir. Cameron was at first very weak, but rapidly im-
204 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA,
proved ; all the rest were in perfect health. Eighteen
prisoners^ including tliree children^ were made over by
the Emperor to Mr. llassam^ to be conducted to Aden, or
to Egypt if they Avent via Khartoum. The prisoners
who were in chains at Magdala were four English (one
of them the wife of Mr. Rosenthal), two Germans, two
Frenchmen, and one Italian ; and the persons who were
detained at Gaffat, near Debra Tabor, were six Germans
(one of them the wife of Mr. Flad), and the three chil-
dren of the latter.^'
The following is a list of the released prisoners issued
from the Foreign Office to the newspapers, arranged
here according to their nationalities.
Prisoners who were in chains at Magdala.
Mr. C. D. Cameron, Her Britauuic Majesty's Consul .
Mr. L. Kerans, late Secretary of Mr. C. D. Cameron \ ^ . .
Mr. Pw McKelvey*, late senrant of do f ^^S^^^'
Mrs. E. Rosenthal )
Rev. H. A. Stem, JMissionai^ t I n>
TT -r. 1 •, Tr- . \ Germans.
H. Rosenthal, Missionary I
J. Makerer, servant of Consul Cameron | -ci i
* -r. 1 1 P , • . \ Frenchmen.
A. iJardel, lormerly m service of do I
D. Pietro, late servant of Consul Cameron Italian.
Prisoners who were detained at Gaffat.
W. Steiger, Missionary 1
T. Brandeis, Missionary .' .
^ * , ' / Natural History Collectors
J. Essler, i ^
J. M. Flad, Missionary S>Germaus.
Mrs. P. Had
A. Flad, "^
Fr. Flad, ^Children of the above Mr. and Mrs. Flad
P. Flad, J
* This name has hitherto appeared as McKilvie.
t As stated in page 157, Mr. Stem is the bearer of a Foreij^m
Office passport, iu which he is described as a British subject.
MB. RASSAM HONOURED AND DECEIVED. 205
Mr. Rassara's narrative then continues as follows : —
" During the whole of this time the Emperor treated Mr.
Rassam with the greatest kindness and consideration.
He would not allow him to make presents to any of the
people of the Court who had been kind and civil, but said,
' Keep your money for other of my people who render you
service, my friend ; but if you wish to make any present
to those of my household, let me know the sum, and I
wdll pay it to them on your part.^ He however con-
sented to allow him to invest those of his household with
silk garments.
" He gave general orders that the servants of the Court
should pay to Mr. Rassam the homage due to the re-
presentative of his friend the Queen of England ; and
therefore when they presented themselves before him
they always knelt and touched the ground with their
foreheads. And when Mr. Rassam arrived by water at
Korata, nearly sixty priests dressed in canonicals came
out on the beach to meet him, bearing the symbols of the
Abyssinian Church, chanting hymns and praying for him.
And this they did because the Emperor had commanded
that they should receive Mr. Rassam with the same ho-
nours as they would accord to himself. Every one there-
fore, whether European or Abyssinian, admitted that no
sovereign could be more attentive and gracious to the
representative of a foreign government than Theodoras of
Abyssinia was to Mr. Rassam.^'
Nothing can be further from my desire than to say
anything unkind of Mr. Rassam in his present unfortunate
position. Still the historian has to deal with facts, and
I cannot avoid regarding it as a fact that that gentleman
206 THE BKITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
allowed himself to be completely deceived by the outward
forms of kindness and respect on the part of the Em-
peror Theodore and his people ; of Avhom he appears to
have formed an entirely erroneous estimate. Doubtless
his mistake was in part due to defects on his own side.
Mr. Rassani may be all that my friend Sir William
Coghlan says of him ^, when at Aden, at Muscat, or at
any other place du-ectly under British influence and im-
mediately within the range of British power; but, as
was objected by the present Lord Chancellor (Lord
Chelmsford) in the House of Lords on April 27th, 1865,
when first calling attention to the subject of the British
Captives in Abyssinia, Mr. Rassam, though a man of
great experience and ability, is "just the sort of person
who ought not to have been selected for the purpose ; and
the consequences were just such as might have been ex-
pected "t- This was said almost oracularly; for at that
* See page loG.
t See the * Times ' of April 28th, 18G5. The following discussion
in the House of Lords on February 10th, 186G, more than nine months
later, is deserving of heing recorded here, for other reasons besides its
bearing on the subject of Mr. Ilassam : —
''The Earl of Clarendon. — The first we heard, not of the impri-
sonment, but of the detention of Consul Cameron, came by rumour
through Egj-pt. It was then to be considered in what niaunov
we should proceed — whether by force or negotiation, in order to
effect the liberation of the prisoners. Now, to attempt to send
an armj/ across that decully plain which separates Abi/ssinia from
the sea, and to penetrate into the interior of the country through
mountain passes and difficulties unknown, without any basis of ope-
rations or means of obtaininy supplies, tvould hare been a vain and
idle endeavour. In such case the Emperor would have can-ied his
prisoners further into the interior or woidd have massacred them,
while we should have sacrificed many thousand lives. Next came
the question how should an attempt be mad(i to attain the desired
MR. RASSAM SHOULD NOT HAVE HEK\ SENT. 207
time, now nineteen months ago, the only cause of com-
plaint was Mr. Rassam's long stay at Massowah with-
out making any advance.
Perhaps a more cogent reason for Mr. Rassam's mis-
take may be his having regarded the Abyssinians as
object by negotiation. The noble lord said tliat if he had been
responsible for the matter, he would have sent out an important
mission headed by a man of rank. I think he would have done no
such thing ; for it is likely that the members of that mission would
have shared the same fate as Consul Cameron. We have evidence for
believing that the Emperor of Abyssinia supposed that by keeping
these men prisoners he would compel the British Government to adopt
his policy. Therefore I think that every man belonging to such a
mission as the noble lord suggested would have been thrown into
chains ; and I need not say how much the difficulties of the case woidd
have been aggravated by such an event. That Consul Cameron had
fallen into a state of captivity was his own fault ; but if the Queen had
sent from this country an important mission, and if all the members
of it had been thro-wu into chains, it would then have been necessary
to adopt every measm-e to obtain their release, or the prestige of Eng-
land would have been at an end throughout the East. In thecase of
the present prisoners we had to decide on the selection of an efficient
agent, and our choice fell on Mr. Rassam. I am at a loss to account
for the hostility of the noble and learned lord towards Mr. Eassam.
" Lord Chelmsford. — I have invariably said that I had no doubt
Mr. Rassam was a man of very great ability. My only objection to
bis appointment was — and I considered it a conclusive objection — that
he was not a European.
'' The Earl of Clarendon. — The noble and learned lord has always
contended that he was an imfit person to be sent out on his present
mission.
" Lord Chelmsford. — Only on that ground.
" The Earl of Clarendon. — The language of the noble and learned
lord was, I maintain, calculated to lead the Emperor of Abyssinia, if
his words reached him, to think that to send Mr. Rassam on this
mission was an insult towards him on the part of this country. The
noble and learned lord and the press have thus, I am sorry to say,
done their best to second the failure of that mission." — ' Times,'
February 10, 1866.
208 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
an Eastern rather than as a Western people; who, cor-
ruptcdj debased, and half-savage as they have become,
are still Western in their religion, their laws, and in
what little of literature and science they still retain.
For it must always be borne in mind that, in addition
to the Scriptui'es, both of the Old and of the New Tes-
tament, which they enjoyed when most of the nations
of Europe were pagan savages, their code of laws is
substantially that of the Roman Empire, on which all
our modern European legislation is based; Avhilst they
derived from the Greek school of Alexandria whatever
other learning they once possessed, and of which some
traces, however faint, may still be detected among them.
What nation on the face of the globe is there, then,
whose ideas must necessarily possess so much in com-
mon with those of the now civilized nations of the
West, on accomit of the sources whence their ideas
were derived in common, as this remote and neglected
ruin of the great and powerful Christian Empire of
Ethiopia*?
The narrative continues : — " The Emperor wished to
see the released prisoners for the purpose of asking them
l)cfore Mr. Rassam whether he was not right in what
he did to them, in consequence of their misbehaA iour.
But Mr. Rassam, fearing that their presence would ir-
ritate the Emperor, begged him to dispense with their
presence. The Emperor accordingly agreed that Mr.
Rassam should hold a court in his tent, and have the
charges read out to the released prisoners before all
* Of the groat power of Ethiopia in the sixtli century of our era a
striking instance is given in the footnote in page 177.
MISSIONARIES TRIED. THEIR ALLEGED CONFESSION. 209
the European artisans of Gaffat, and before a nuni"l)er
of the principal Abyssinian officers. The chief Amharic
scribe read out the charges. Then all the released priso-
ners confessed that they had done wrong, and begged tliat
His Majesty would forgive them as a fellow Christian.
Afterwards the Emperor wrote to Mr. Rassam, and asked
him to judge between him and the released prisoners: ' If
I have done them wrong let me know^ and I will remune-
rate them. But if you find them in fault, I will give them
back my love.'' "
Mr. Rassam has not mentioned what answer he gave
to the Emperor^s request that he ^^ should judge be-
tween him and the released prisoners/^ though there
can be little difficulty in deciding what that answer
must have been, if, as is stated, " all the released pri-
soners confessed that they had done wrong." But even
then, it is essential to know the extent of the '' wrong "
to vrhieh they or any of them pleaded guilty. On this
point a recent correspondence in the ' Record ' news-
paper is very apposite and instructive.
The impression of that joiu'nal of July lltli, 1866, con-
tains the following article : —
" We are requested by the Secretary of the Gobat
Fund to publish the following extract from a letter of Mr.
"Waldmeier to Bishop Gobat, dated Quarata"^ (Abyssinia),
20th March, 1866. "We accede to his request, leaving
out how^ever some passages which are uncalled for, and
can do no good ; but in doing so we undertake no rc-
* Korata. This name is variously spelled, owing to the difficult}'
of representing with English letters the native sounds in the three
Amharic characters, Kwe-ra-tsa. Mr. Waldmeier spells his own
name as above, not Waldmeyer as printed.
P
210 THE BKITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
sponsibility for the truth of its contents. In the absence
of authentic intelligence from the captives themselves,
we can neither judge of the probability of the confession
attributed to ]\Ir. Stern, nor estimate the importance to be
given to it.
" ' Three weeks ago the King ordered us to come to
Quarata, a to^vn on the south-east coast of the lake Zana.
Mr. Rassam has already spent a month here, where we
have had the great pleasure of making his and his com-
panions^ personal acquaintance. Mr. Rassam has been
sent by the British Government with the \aew of effecting
the liberation of ]Mr. Cameron, Consul at Massowah, and
was at the same time ordered by the Queen to endeavour
to set the captive missionaries and other Europeans at
liberty. Mr. Rassam is a prudent and kind man, and by
great precaution and patience he has so far perfectly suc-
ceeded. The King has delivered all the liberated prisoners
into his hands, saying that he did it for the sake of
friendship between England and Abyssinia ; to which he
added : — " The friendship between Abyssinia and England
has been disturbed by the Europeans who came to my land
with the devil in their hearts, who abused me, speaking
all kinds of evil against me ; but now the Great Queen of
England having sent a great man — Mr. Rassam — to me
with a friendly letter, I have set Mr. Cameron and all
the Europeans at liberty, desiring a cordial and solid
reconciliation.^^
" ' Last week there was a kind of assize in Mr. Rassam's
tent, at the order of the King, to which we of Gaffat,
that is, Elad and our brethren, together with the liberated
prisoners, were called. The written accusations of the
MR. WALDMEIEr's STATEMENT. — MR, PURDAy's REPLY. 211
King against Captain Cameron, M. Bardel, and the mis-
sionaries, Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal, were publiely
read ; upon whieh the aceused confessed their guilt before
the whole audience. Mr. Stern, especially, said in the
name of all of them, " We have done wrong against the
King, and we have received our just reward. We thank
the King (who was not present) for having pardoned us,
and we pray to Grod that He may prolong the life of his
Majesty, prosper his kingdom, and subdue his enemies
under him.'^ This closed the judicial conference, and its
result was communicated to the King, who expressed his
joy and satisfaction.'"
The remainder of Mr. Waldmeier's letter is immaterial
to the present question, and therefore will not be quoted
here.
The insertion of this letter (which even on the editor's
own showing was hardly justifiable) brought the following
reply from Mr. Purday, Mr. Stern's father-in-law, which
appeared in the same paper on the 21st of the same
month, addressed to the editor : —
" In your Supplement to the ' Record ' of Wednesday
last, July 11th, you publish 'Extracts from a letter to
Bishop Gobat ' from one of the good Bishop's artisan
missionaries in Abyssinia, Mr. Waldmeier, on which you
very properly remark, 'We undertake no responsibility
for the truth of the contents.' Now, Sir, as the natural
guardian of Mr. Stern's family in his unfortunate absence,
I feel called upon to make some comments on these ' Ex-
tracts,' and I do so the more readily as I am in possession
of the facts of the case. Mr. Waldmeier says, that ' a sort
of assize was held in Mr. Rassam's tent, when written
p 2
212 THE BRITTSIl CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
accusations were read against Consul Cameron, Monsieur
Bardel^ and the missionaries, Messrs. Stern and Rosen-
thal.'' As one proof of tlie accuracy of this statement, I
am told by an eye and ear witness, that Messrs. Stern
and RosenthaFs names were not even mentioned, nor did
they make any ' confession of their guilt.' My informant
also adds that Mr. Stern never used the words put into
his mouth, ' We have received our just reward' ^, or any-
thing that might be construed into such an idea. Mr.
Stern was put forward as the organ of the captives and
other Europeans to say what was necessary, and Mr.
Waldmeier, who was present, readily assented to what
was said. Mr. Stern spoke in English, that he might not
be misunderstood by those who understood that language,
and what he did say was literally translated into Amharic
for the benefit of the Abyssinians present, and was to the
following effect : — ' That they all regretted having used
any expressions that were considered derogatory to the
dignity of His Majesty the King of Abyssinia ; and they
all most humbly begged His Majesty^s pardon for their
offence, thanking His Majesty at the same time for his
most gracious pardon, and praying that the King may be
blessed with long life and prosperity in his kingdom.' I
can only ho])e, therefore, tliat those who have requested
these statements to be circulated against Mr. Stern behind
his back, have done so in ignorance of the facts, and with
no motive of ill will against that long-suflFering and ill-
used missionary .''
I have thought it best to let the case be stated by
• All these italics are Mr. Purday's. I am told that this " eye and
ear witness " was Mi*. Flad, who acted as interpreter on the occasion.
REASONS FOR MU. RASSAM's REPORT. 213
the parties themselves, and so to leave it; with this
single word of commeut only, tliat I believe Mr. Wald-
meier's intention, in v^riting as he did, Avas not to
injure Mr. Stern, but simply to cry up that " great
man — Mr. Rassam,^^ who was then in the ascendant,
and whose departm'c, "together with those to whom he
had been a saviour,^^ — to use Mr. Waldmeier's fulsome
and unseemly language — he and his companions were for
various reasons most anxious to accelerate.
As regards Mr. Eassam, of whom I would wish to
speak with every consideration, it appears to me, as it
will doubtless be apparent to most of the readers of these
pages, that when he made to Government his communi-
cation of March 22nd last, of which an abstract has been
here given, he entertained the firm conviction that he was
on the eve of his departure from Abyssinia in triumph
with the liberated captives. It was therefore only natural
that he should announce beforehand the circumstances
under which their liberation had been effected; and it
would doubtless have been regarded by his employers,
and even by the public, as a venial fault, if in doing so
he should have represented matters in the light most
favourable to himself, and likewise to the British Govern-
ment, whose agent he was, and whose exoneration from
blame was as much an object of his mission as the de-
liverance of the prisoners themselves.
Had success crowned his efforts, all would have been
well. The statement attributed to the Emperor that the
friendship of England towards him had been proved by
Mr. Rassam^s " patience and good conduct,"' would not
merely have been allowed to pass unquestioned, but
214 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
would have been accepted as his complete exoneration
from blame on account of his delay at Massowah; and
his " good conduct/^ and yet more his ingenuity, would
no doubt have entitled him to a rich reward.
The truth of the Emperor's alleged charges against
Consul Cameron and the missionaries no one would pro-
bably have cared to dispute except the parties concerned.
And what could they have said or done ?
It would have availed Mr. Stern and Mr. Rosenthal but
little had they attempted to explain that the ejfect was
made the cause — the cart truly put before the horse ; that
what they had written would never have become known to
the Emperor and his spies, but for the unfortunate posi-
tion in which they and the other Europeans were j)laced
in consequence of the Emperor's quarrel with the repre-
sentative of the British Government; and that it was,
besides, intended for their own private use only. They
would have been told by all, even by their friends,
that they had erred in not following the advice of the
Preacher, " Curse not the king, no not in thy thought,
and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber"*; and they
would have been told further, and would no doubt
themselves have felt, that they had only too much reason
to be deeply grateful for their final deliverance, by what-
ever means, from their protracted captivity, and that
under the circumstances the best thing for them to do
would be to follow Earl Russell's excellent advice, and
to "rest and be thankful." Added to which, the feel-
ing of the injustice done them would by degrees have
worn off, when compensated, and more than compen-
* Eccles. X. 20.
CONSUL TO TAKE BLAME AND BE EMPLOYED ELSEWHERE. 215
sated, by their restoration to the arms of their families,
and by the sympathy and regard of their admiring
friends and well-wishers.
For Consul Cameron, the inducement to hold his
tongue and take on himself the blame of all he has done
or not done as the agent of Government, is one which
is infallible in cases of the sort. Notwithstanding the
displeasure of Her Majesty's Government incurred by
that officer on account of his visit to Bogos*, of the
general disapproval of his proceedings in Abyssinia for-
mally communicated to him by Earl Russell f, of the
stoppage of his pay and allowances for u.pwards of two
years, and of the obloquy which has been so repeatedly
cast on him within the walls of Parliament and without,
it has been intimated by Earl Russell in his despatch to
Colonel Stanton, of October 5th, 1865, that all the de-
linquent's imputed offences are condoned ; for that " he
* See page 95.
t See pages 104 and 122. In page 129 it is stated that in the
beginning of January 18G4, when arrangements had nearly been
made for Mr. Flad's departure with letters to procure machines and
gunpowder-makers, Consul Cameron applied for leave to go to his
post at Massowah in pursuance of orders from the British Govern-
ment. Those orders, which through an oversight were omitted to be
inserted in their proper place, are here given. They were contained
in the following despatch from Earl Russell : —
" Foreign Office, September 8th, 1863.
" Sir, — I have received from Her Majesty's Agent and Consul-
General in Egypt your despatches of the 20th May last ; and I have
to state to 'you that Her Ilajesty's Government do not cqyprove your
proceedings in Abyssinia, nor your suggestions founded upon them.
" I have only to desire that you will abstain from all interference in
the internal affairs of that country, and that you will remain at your
post at Massowah, whither you were ordered by my despatch of the
22nd of April last, to return and reside. " I am, &c.,
" Russell."
216 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
ivill be employed hereafter in a different part of the
world, and will never have occasion to return to Abys-
sinia
"Ifr
Whether this tardy retribution will ever avail anything
to that much ill-used man is very questionable. Still it
is to be hoped that it afforded some consolation in her
agony to his aged mother (the widow of Colonel Came-
ron, late of the Buff's), who, worn out by care and
anxiety for her beloved son, breathed her last on the
morning of November 2nd, 1865, the day after this
virtual vindication of his character had appeared in all
the newspapers.
Unfortunately the elaborate fabric raised with so much
care and ingenuity has fallen to the ground, like a house
built by a child with a pack of cards ; and '' the Abys-
sinian Question,'^ which it was attempted to cover and
hide from the public sight, stands exposed in all its naked
hideousness. Mr. Steiger, writing from Gaffat in Decem-
ber 1864-, went to the core of the matter when he said,
" We are state prisoners, and shall probably remain such
until the political diff'erences between England and the
King of Abyssinia come to a satisfactory conclusion ^^ t :
after the second imprisonment of all the captives, together
with Mr. Rassam himself, in July 1866, as will have to
be related J, that gentleman, when communicating the
sad intelligence to Her Majesty^s Government, could
hardly have expressed himself diff'ercntly.
* Parliamentary Paper, 18GG, 'Further Con-espondence,' &c.,
p. r,3.
t ' Record,' Sept. G, 18G5. J See page 234.
217
CilAPTKK Xlll.
IllEOhOUR'H AXSWBB TO THE qUKK.V — A MOCKKUY — WIIITTKN
FOB iriM — nia lettkks to thk author — CAPTIVKS 8TAUT
FROM KOIiATA — STOPPKL) — Mtt. KAS8AM AND ALL CHAINKD
MR, FLAD HKNT TO K.NGLANli BAD NEWS CONCEALED — CAUSE
OF DETENTION — DKI'AIiTLRE WITIIOUT LEAVE — MR. RAKSAM
OBJECTS TO REMAIN ALONE — DR. BLANC OFFERS TO STAY WITH
HIM — MR. RASSAM's DETENTION FBEDICTED BY THE AUTHOR —
DANGER OF DETENTION,
Aftkr what }ias heon related in the preceding Chapter,
it seems almost a mockery to give the conclusion of Mr.
Rassahri's report. It is in these words : — '' Further, the
Emperor ordered the translation of Her Majesty^s letter
and his answer thereto to be read publicly by the chief
scribe. Tlien all heard what had been written in his
letter. In the letter His Majesty a-sks that what has
been done may be forgiven, and says, ' In my humble
position I am not worthy to address your Majesty; but
illustrious princes and the deep ocean can bear anything.
I, being an ignorant Etliiopian, ho]jc that your Majesty
will overlook my shortcomings and pardon my offences;'
and the letter ends thu>s : — 'Counsel me, but do not
blame me. Queen, whose Majesty God has glorified, and
to whom He has given abundance of wisdom/ "
At the moment when this letter to our Queen was writ-
ten, Theodore was for a certainty in right good humour,
and ready to say or do anything that would please Mr.
Ilassam as Her Britannic Majesty's representative, But
it needs scarcely be said that the words of luirnility thus
218 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
imputed to him did not come from the heart of the ar-
rogant and self-sufficient " King of Kings," who has of
hite dropped the qualifjdng words " of Ethiopia," as de-
rogatory to his transcendent dignity *. It may indeed be
doubted whether those words ever issued from his lips.
The expressions are hardly such as he would make use
of; and the probability is, that, as great people often do
in countries nearer home, he said to Mr. Rassam or some
person in his confidence, " There, you write whatever you
think right and proper, and I will sign it," — or, in his
case, " I will put my seal to it."
I have myself a letter in English from the Emperor,
with his seal afiixed, dated May 28th, 1866, which I feel
quite convinced never had an Amharic original, but was
indited by Mr. Rassam t^ and sealed with the Empe-
ror's seal, — he troubling himself little about the con-
tents, or at all events placing implicit confidence not
only in the writer, but likewise in the individuals
through whom those contents would have been made
known to him — namely, first Mr. Rassam's Moham-
medan interpreter, and then Samuel, the Emperor's
steward.
A copy of this second letter is given in the Appendix,
together with a translation of the former one, written in
reply to mine from Massowah forwarding the petition
from the relatives of the captives. The Emperor's first
letter was written in Amharic, unaccompanied by any
translation into English, and must consequently be re-
* See his proclamation in page 125, and his two letters to myself in
the Appendix.
t I believe the handwinting tu be that of l.icut. Prideaux.
THE emperok's letters to the author. 219
garded as having emanated directly from himself. Sin-
gularly enough, it is in the hand-writing of two per-
sons, — the one being the Emperor's secretary, Avho wrote
the body of the letter, but was not scholar enough to
fill in the date, which had to be done by a second
person — namely, some learned debtera or scribe.
I have already mentioned* how favourably the petition
to the Emperor was received by him. As regards his
sincerity, it is not here the place to say anything. All
that is now necessary is to repeat the communi-
cation made to me on the subject from Mr. Rassam
through M. Munzinger. "Mr. Rassam," writes the
latter gentleman, " begs me to say to you, ' The letter
he (Dr. Beke) sent to the Emperor arrived on the 15th
ult. ; and the day after His Majesty received it he sent
it to me to read with the petition from the relatives of
the prisoners. I believe the Emperor Avishes to consult
me about the answer when I go to see him this week ;
and I have no doubt that Dr. Beke's messenger will be
dismissed when we leave the Court. In that case I
shall send a messenger with him to inform you of our
departure hence to Matamma and Kassala. I told
them (the messengers) to bring no letters from you
to my address.^ "
This communication from Mr. Rassam was dated April
9th, 1866, at which time everything bore the most
gratifying appearance. The messenger who brought Mr.
Rassam's letter to M. Munzinger was the bearer also
of despatches to Colonel Merewether, who happened to
arrive at Massowah in the ' Victoria ' on May 1 1th,
* See page 151.
220 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
on his way to Suez, and thus was enabled to carry the
good news on with him.
It was immediately reported to England by the Con-
sul-General in Egypt, and, as usual with all favourable
(though not with unfavourable) intelligence, it was in-
stantly communicated by Mr. Layard to the newspapers
in the following terms : — '^ Colonel Stanton reports from
Alexandria, by a telegram dated Tuesday, that letters
had arrived from Mr. Rassam, dated Korata, April 9th,
all well ; and that later intelligence had been received at
Massowah, according to which Mr. Rassam had crossed
the lake to take leave of the King, while the late pri-
soners had gone on to Gorgora, at the north end of the
lake, where Mr, Rassam would join them, and the whole
party would then proceed to Matamma.''
This appeared in public on May 23rd ; and the next
intelligence to be expected naturally was that the whole
party had reached the coast, and were on their way to
England.
Little more than a month afterwards, however, rumours
were afloat of an unfavourable nature ; and on application
being made to the Foreign Oflicc for information, the
following circular letter, dated July 4th, was addressed by
Mr, MuiTay to the relatives of the several captives, and
was inserted by Mr. Purday, Mr, Stern^s father-in-law,
in the ' Times ' of July 6th : — " I am directed by the Earl
of Clarendon to inform you that a telegram has been re-
ceived from Colonel Stanton, dated Alexandria the 29th
ult., stating that Mr. Flad had arrived in that town, and
was on the point of embarking in the French steamer
for tliis country, being the bearer of despatches. The
MR. FLAD's mission. BAD NEWS CONCEALED. 221
Europeans had not left Abyssinia, but were Avell treated,
the object of the King being, as is stated, to procure an
assurance of good disposition towards him before the Eu-
ropeans departed. Mr. Flad on his arrival will doubtless
be able to explain how matters stand.^'
Three days afterwards Mr. Flad arrived in London,
bringing despatches from Mr. Rassam to Government,
and letters from the captives to their respective relations.
From these letters, as well as from Mr. Flad himself,
very little was to be learned, as may be best evidenced by
the following letter from Mr. Stern to his wife : —
" Royal Camp, Zdgye, Lake Tsana, April \^th, 1866.
" My DEAR Charlotte, — Your petition, together with
that of the relatives of my companions, duly reached His
Majesty, and at his own request was read to us on the
17th ultimo.
'' His Majesty was graciously pleased to give it the
kindest consideration, and assured us that the day was not
far distant when we would again behold those we loved.
'' We have received a full pardon for all our past of-
fences, on account of the King's love to the Queen of
England and his high regard and esteem for Mr. Rassam.
We are exceedingly grateful for this favour ; and in the
hallowed anticipation of meeting once more those whose
life and happiness are bound up with my own,
" I am ever your affectionate husband,
" Henry A. Stern."
This letter was sent by Mr. Purday to the ' Times,^ and
inserted in that paper on July 14th, with the following
observations from Mr. Purday himself: — " In sending
you this letter, I cannot but remark on its style, which
222 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
is so different from anything Mr. Stern has hitherto
written^ that all his family conclude it must have been
penned under restraint, and therefore cannot be con-
sidered as the spontaneous expression of the mind of
this ill-used and much misrepresented man^. I may add
that we now know for a fact, that Mr. Rassam (as well as
the captives) is detained a prisoner until Mr. Flad, who
has just arrived with despatches to the British Govern-
ment, carries back to the Emperor a favourable reply.^'
The letters from the other captives were in a similar
tone. Mr. Rassam had evidently induced them to keep
silent on all that had just occurred, and to continue the
same mischievous coui^se of " making things pleasant "
before the public, by concealing or perverting the real
facts. As is manifest, this system of deceit is quite
gratuitous, because sooner or later the truth must come
out. But perhaps Mr. Bassam — or rather his employers,
for I should be sorry to impute anything to him per-
sonally, where he was merely following orders — may be
of the same mind as a certain great agitator, M'ho was
not very particular as to the truth of what he asserted,
and who, when asked by a friend what could be the use
of saying publicly what he knew would be contradicted
as publicly the next day, replied, " Ah, my good friend,
you don't know the value of a lie sometimes, if only for
a quarter of an hour ! "
However, in spite of all these attempts, it was not
long in oozing out that on July 13th, only four days
after the date of Mr. Rassam's most favourable report,
• In a subsequent letter to his wife, dated May 2()t]i, Mr. Stern says,
"You will of course have taken my last letter for what it was worth."
MR. RASSAM AND ALL EUROPEANS CHAINED. CAUSE. 223
and after the captives had left Korata for Gorgora, as
had been announced in Colonel Stanton's telegram of
May 22nd^, they were to their astonishment suddenly
arrested^ fettered, and taken to Zagye, where the whole
of them, together with Mr. Rassam and his companions,
remained in chains for five days.
The cause of this treatment of Mr. Rassam and the
liberated captives, and of Mr. Mad's mission to England,
has been thus related to me.
At the last moment, when everything had been arranged
between the Emperor and Mr. Rassam as to the terras of
a fresh treaty to be entered into between Abyssinia and
Englandf and for the departure of the released prisoners.
His Majesty desired that before starting they should
all cross over from Korata to Zagye to take leave of him
personally — his object being that they might be recon-
ciled to each other through the intervention of an
astdraki (peace-maker or mediator) according to the
custom of the country, as has been explained in a
former Chapter J . Of course Mr. Rassam himself would
* See page 220.
t Mr. Waldmeier wi-ites, under date of March 20th last, " It is pos-
sible, as Mr. Rassam tells me, that in consequence of some treaty
between England and Abyssinia, there may be more liberty for Eu-
ropeans to come to Abyssinia and leave it again at pleasure." — ' Re-
cord/ July 11, 1866.
X Chapter III., pages 114, 115. The following incident serves to
show the great importance the Abyssinians attach to this reconciliation
through a mediator. Indeed, they never " make it up " otherwise.
Whilst my wife and I were at 'MkuUu near Massowah, being
most anxious to leave the coast, we arranged with Kautiba
Walda Georgis of Halai to accompany him to his place, upon his
representation that he was the shmn of the Emperor Theodore, and
that if the " rebels " shoidd approach he would see to oxir safe return
224 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
have been the astdraki. With this usage that gentleman
would appear not to have been acquainted; and fear-
ing that ill might result from the desired interview, he
took on himself to send the captives off to Gorgora on
to the coast or wherever else we might wish to go. As AValda
Georgis was well known to M. Munzinger, with whom he had busi-
ness transactions, we believed we might trust him. But before reach-
ing Halai we learned that he had recently gone over to the " rebels ; "
and we foimd that his object was to extort money by frightening us
with them, and so inducing us to require his help to get away.
It is unnecessary to enter into the details of his iniquitous conduct,
which ended in his getting a petty chief to arrest us at Halai, as is
explained in my letter of April 3rd to the Emperor, given in the
Appendix. These details will be narrated elsewhere ; and all that needs
be said here is, that the Kantiba and I became bitter enemies, and
that he did all in his power to injure me by reporting in Massowah
that I was sending messengers to the "rebels," when in fact I was
secretly corresponding with Dedjatj TeMa Georgis, the Emperor's
lieutenant in Tigre, and with the Emperor himself.
A few days before the arrival of the good news from Mr. Eassam of
April 9th, which caused us to quit Abyssinia, the Kiintiba had occa-
sion to go to Massowah, but he could not leave Halai without being
reconciled to us. At first I refused to have anything to say to himj
but I was so importuned that at length I allowed a native priest,
who had been educated at Rome, to act as our mediator. Not content
with being reconciled to myself, Walda Georgis was most urgent that
my wife should also be a party ; and as she was within our tent, and
not inclined to see him or even to pardon him for his infamous con-
duct, I had to say in her name what she would not say herself.
After this reconciliation at the hand of a Christian mediator and
with his conscience thereby lightened, Kantiba Walda Georgis went
down to Massowah, and there became a renegade, the rising power of
Egj'pt in Northern Abyssinia convincing him that it would be more
to his worldly advantage to be a Mohammedan than a Chiistian.
Thus it was easier for him to renounce the " one Mediator between
God and men," than to forego the supposed benefit of a human me-
diator between man and man !
Since my return to England, T have been informed that Walda
Georgis — I do not know his INIoslem name — died of cholera at Mas-
sowah not long after his apostacy.
MR. RASSAM OBJECTS TO REMAIN ALONE. 225
their way home. The consequence was, tliat the Emperor
suspected, as under the cu'cumstances was not unnatural,
that Mr. E,assam wished to get them out of the country,
and then to decamp himself; to which he put an effectual
stop, by sending a body of soldiers after them with
manacles, to bring them all back to his camp at Zagye,
Mr. Rassam and his party being fettered in like manner.
It was not till after the lapse of five days that the Em-
peror was appeased and a reconciliatiou took place, the
Eiu'opean artisans doubtless acting as mediators; upon
which the chains of all were removed^ — though they
were no longer allowed to have their liberty as they had
had at Korata, but were confined within the Emperor's
" court. ^'
I have heard that, notwithstanding all this, the liberated
captives might still have been permitted to quit the
country, had Mr. Rassam consented to remain behind as
a hostage for the fulfilment of the treat}^ on the part
of the British Government and their compliance with
the Emperor's other requests ; but that that gentleman
objected to the departure of the Europeans without him,
though Dr. Blanc volunteered to remain behind with
him, provided the other Europeans might leave in charge
of Lieut. Prideaux.
From the well-known character of the monarch, it was
to be anticipated that he would not allow everybody
to leave him till he had got all he wanted ; and conse-
quently, even if the liberated prisoners had " made it up "
with him before attempting to go as they did, the result
would have been much the same. It is in no spirit of vain-
glory that I say that, had I been permitted to undertake
Q
226 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
the liberation of the captives, I was quite prepared for this
emergency, as was my wife likewise ; and the proof that
I am not speaking ex post facto, is in a letter which I
wrote from Halai on April 27th, when everything pro-
mised so well for the success of Mr. Rassam's mission, and
which, after the good news of April 9th had reached me,
T forwarded nevertheless to the nobleman to whom it
was addressed, adding merely a postscript dated May
12th, to the effect that, notwithstanding that good news,
I still retained the same opinion.
In that letter I said, " The reports of Mr. Rassam's pro-
ceedings are most favourable, and if only they are to be
depended on, we may expect soon to witness the arrival at
Massowah of our Consul and the rest of the unfortunate
Europeans who have so long been in chains. But, even
supposing the Emperor to have thus promptly responded
to Her Majesty's letter, there is yet a contingency which
may arise. Mr. Rassam will, doubtless, have entered into
engagements on behalf of Her Majesty's Government ;
and the Abyssinian monarch may be suspicious as to the
non-fulfilment of those engagements when once Mr. Ras-
sam and tlie prisoners are beyond his reach. He may
therefore insist on retaining a hostage for the fulfilment
of those engagements, and if so, whom so likely as Mr.
Rassam himself? Without discussing the rights of the
matter, I will merely say that native Abyssinians of in-
telligence, who know Theodore's character well, assure me
that nothing is more probable."
The foregoing extract from my letter of April 27th was
inserted by me in the ' Times ' of July 8tli, accompanied
by the following remarks : — " The case thus imagined
MR. RASSAM^S DETENTION PREDICTED. ITS DANGER. 227
upwards of two months ago has unhappily now become a
fact, but under circumstances far more aggravated than
I had contemplated. Mr, Flad, one of the captives, is
on his way to England with despatches from Mr. Ras-
sam, containing certain proposals from the Emperor
Theodore to the British Government; and it is said
that, until a favourable answer to these proposals is
received. Her Majesty^s Envoy is to be detained with
the remainder of the ' liberated ' captives ; so that, under
no circumstances, can their departm'e from Abyssinia be
expected till ' after the rains ' — that is to say, nex
September or October. We have the assurance, how-
ever, that during the interval they are to be ' well
treated.^ Well did M. de Lesseps put the case, when
we were discussing the subject together at Alexandria
on my way home : — ' His Abyssinian Majesty,' said he,
* imprisons his enemies and detains his friends.' "
This detention is most disastrous. Mr. Waldmeier, in
his letter of March 20th, to which allusion has already
been made^, when speaking of Mr. Ilassam and the re-
leased captives, remarked significantly and almost omi-
nously : — '' It would be a dangerous thing if they -were
obliged to spend the rainy season in this country. I
fear, in that case, that the peace and friendship which
have been so wisely restored by Mr. Eassam might suffer,
which would be most painful to us. We shall, there-
fore, do our utmost to forward Mr. Rassam's departure,
together with those to whom he has been a saviour,
with all possible speed."
Dangerous as their passing the rainy season in that
* See page 209.
q2
228 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
country seemed to one so competent to judge, at a mo-
ment when all was fair and promising, they have now un-
fortunately had to do so under circumstances such as
Mr. Waldmeier could not then have contemplated. If
the peace and friendship which Mr. Rassam was said to
have restored were nevertheless likely to be endangered
Avhilst all the Europeans were at liberty and able to oc-
cupy and amuse themselves as best pleased them, how
much more is this to be dreaded now that they have all
been cooped up together at Magdala diuing the rainy
season of 1866, as the " captives^' were during that of
1865.
It must now be added, that as Mr. Flad did not leave
England on his return to Abyssinia till October 9th,
when the rainy season had terminated and the Abyssinian
new year had begun, it can hardly be before the be-
ginning of our new year, under the most favourable cir-
cumstances, that we may expect to know the result of his
mission.
229
CHAPTER XIV.
CHANGE OP MINISTRY — LORD STANLEY'S ALTERNATIVE — PEACE OR
WAR — FORMER DECIDED ON — OBJECT OP MR. PLAD'S MISSION —
" MACHINES AND GUNPOWDER-MAKERS " — GOVERNMENT AS-
SISTANCE — MACHINERY ORDERED — MR. TALBOT AND SIX
WORKMEN ENGAGED — MR. FLAD SEES THE QUEEN — HER MA-
JESTY WRITES AGAIN TO THEODORE — INSISTS ON LIBERATION
OP THE CAPTIVES — LATER INTELLIGENCE — ALL SENT PRI-
SONERS TO MAGDALA — CAUSE — EVIL REPORTS — RAILROAD
FROM SUW.^KIN TO KASSALA — ARTICLES IN NEWSPAPERS —
EGYPTIANS AT MASSOWAH AND ON THE FRONTIERS — DEPAR-
TURE OF MR. FLAD — OF MR. TALBOT AND WORKMEN — OF
COLONEL MEREWETHER — TO AWAIT ARRIVAL OF MR. FLAD
AND CAPTIVES BEFORE GOING ON — THE AUTHOR's PRESENTS
GIVEN OVER — ABYSSINIAN CAPTHTIS LIBERATION FUND — ELEC-
TRIC TELEGRAPH — REGENERATION OF ABYSSINIA.
The calamitous intelligence of Mr. Rassam^s fii'st disaster
arrived in England at an inauspicious moment. Earl
RusselFs Administration liad just broken up, leaving to
their successors in office a damnosa hesreditas in this un-
happy Abyssinian Question. Most difficult must it have
been for Lord Stanley, immediately on entering on his
duties at the Foreign Office, to decide on any course of
action with a reasonable prospect of success. Under the
circumstances, it would seem that he had only this alter-
native :-^either to comply as far as practicable with the
Emperor Theodore^s demands, as intimated by him to
Mr. Rassam and agreed to by the latter as the Agent
of Government; or else to repudiate all that Mr. Ras-
sam had done, and at once adopt violent measures against
that Sovereign — that is to saj', go to war with him.
230 THE BRITISH CxVPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Having decided on the former coiu'se, the next thing
was to act on it promptly and energetically. The fact
was that Mr. Flad^s projected mission to Europe in the
beginning of January 1864, "with letters to procure
machines and one or two gunpowder-makers " *, which
had been nipped in the bud by the inopportune arrival
of Earl RusselFs despatch of September 1863t, was now
revived on an enlarged scale, Mr. Flad having brought
with him J2000 — said to be in bills drawn by Mr.
Rassam against the amount of the Emperor's present,
which he had placed to the credit of Her Majesty's
Government J — for the purchase of the machines and
other articles required.
To enable him to fulfil his mission in this respect, Mr.
Flad required the assistance of Government, which seems
to have been given very fairly — not so liberally perhaps
as Mr. Flad himself desired, but still on the whole very
fairly. The machinery and other articles required by
the Emperor were immediately put in hand; and the
services of Mr, Talbot, a Civil Engineer, were secured
for three years at a salary of .£1000 per annum, to-
gether with those of six workmen of various kinds. They
are all to be paid by the Emperor Theodore, but under
the guarantee of the British Government, without which
it is not likely that any of them would have agreed
to go.
Mr. Flad was further commissioned to see the Queen
in person, and to obtain from Her Majesty another letter
under the Royal Sign Manual, the former " civil answer ''
* See page 128, and Mr. Stern's letter in the Appendix,
t See pages 129 and 215, note. \ See page 200.
MR. FLAd's audience. THE QUEEN WRITES AGAIN. 231
of May 1864* not being sufficient. Accordingly Mr.
Flad went to Osborne on Tuesday, August 14th, when, as
was announced in the ' Court Circular/ " Lord Stanley
had an audience of the Queen, after which he presented
to Her Majesty the Rev. John Flad, lately detained in
Abyssinia. Mr. Flad, whose family remains in that coun-
try, is about to return there under instructions to effect,
if possible, the release of the remaining prisoners."
Her Majesty has further been pleased to address a
second letter to Her " Good Friend," which has been
entrusted to Mr. Flad to deliver. The purport of this
letter is luiderstood to be that, whilst complying as far
as possible with all the Emperor Theodore's requests,
Her Majesty demands the immediate liberation of Mr.
Rassam, Consul Cameron, the missionaries, and all the
Eui'opeans who may be desirous of quitting Abyssinia.
And the Queen makes it a condition that all those per-
sons shall arrive either at Matamma or at Massowah,
before Mr. Talbot and the workmen, together with the
machinery and presents, will be allowed to pass the
Abyssinian frontier.
But before the preparations could be made for Mr.
Flad^s departure, communications were received from the
captives in Abyssinia on two separate occasions, which
must be more particularly alluded to. The first was in
the beginning of August, and brought news to the end
of May, when everything appeared to be going on tole-
rably well. The following particulars were published in
the ' Jewish Intelligence' for October 1st, page 256 : —
" Information has been received concerning the con-
* See pages 139, 155, and 183.
232 THE BRITISH CAPTIVJES IN ABYSSINIA,
ditioii of the missionaries and their companions on to
May 26th ; all were Arell and happy. The King's kind-
ness and liberality to Mr. Rassam are spoken of in the
highest terms. He has even visited him upon two occa-
sions in his private tent. The King also provided food
and wine for the whole party, to celebrate the anniver-
sary of the Queen^s birthday. The National Anthem was
sung with all honours, though not perhaps quite so cheer-
fully as it Avould have been at home. As a special mark
of the King's consideration for the Queen of England,
a salute of twenty-one guns* was fired upon the occasion.
The caution and wisdom of Mr. Rassam are highly com-
mended; and we sincerely hope and earnestly pray that
it may lead, on the return of Mr. Flad, to the final de-
liverance of all. Mr. Flad, sent over by the King upon
a special mission, has been most graciously received by
Her Majesty at Osborne House, with expressions of sym-
pathy for the sufferings which had been endured during
the months of captivity. The Government are using their
best endeavours to comply with the requests of the King,
and to secure for our brethren and their companions the
long waited for permission to leave the country. We
ask our friends, in their name and in our own, to con-
tinue to remember them in their prayers.^^
The periodical in which the foregoing particulars ap-
peared is the organ of the London Society for Pro-
moting Christianity among the Jews, whose Mission-
aries Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal are, and it is published
(if I mistake not) under the supervision of Captain
Layard, the lay Secretary of the Society. I do not know
* One four-pounder fired oft' 21 times.
CAPTIVES "well and IIAPPV." MR. STERN's LETTER. 233
from what source Captain Layard obtained his infor-
mation that the missionaries and their companions
were all " well and happy ; " but I must confess that
such was not the impression made on my mind by
the following letter from Mr. Stern himself, received
at the same time as the information so reported by
Captain Layard, than which it is of two days' later
date.
" Zdgije, Lake Tsana, Abyssinia, May 28th, 1866.
" My dear Dr. Beke, — Little did you or I anticipate,
when we last met in London, that I should be a prisoner
and you the good Samaritan to come to my own and
others' release. A Turk would say it was kismet, but a
Christian sees in it the finger of God and the pro-
ceedings of an inscrutable Providence.
" You have probably heard lots of strange stories about
my grievous offences ; but, believe me, if an angel from
Heaven had been placed in my position, he would not,
after certain occurrences on which I must not dilate,
have got unscathed out of this country. Thanks to
Him who is with His servants in the tempest and fire,
and who has also almost visibly been with me, and
afforded me strength according to my day.
"Our future is still enveloped in mystery. We have
been released from our fetters, and enjoy once more the
use of our unshackled limbs. When we shall be per-
mitted to leave Abyssinia is still problematical. I have
become a regular soiu'ed sceptic, and do not worry my
mind about \isionary prospects, which till now have
always turned out to be phantoms of an excited imagina-
tion, or merely soap-bubbles.
234 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
'^His Majesty, is 'kind'^" to lis, and we hope that his
favours will not diminish. Our whole party are tolerably
well, and very likely when the camp moves we shall find
in active exercise something to relieve our distracting
suspense. I am thankful that my family are well. His
Majesty was deeply moved by the petition you forwarded,
and he has also written a gracious reply to the relatives
of the captives f-
" We have heard wonderful accounts of Mrs. Beke^s
hunting exploits. Please to give her my best Cliristian
regards, and accept also the same for yourself.
" That our Heavenly Father may be with you and us
is the prayer of
" Yours in the bonds of trouble and gratitude,
" Charles Beke, Esq." " H. A. Stern.'^
In a foot-note to the information published in the
* Jewish Intelligence,^ Captain Layard adds, " We regret
to have to state that more recent letters from Abyssinia
give a less favourable account of the condition of the
captives, who had been sent up to the fortress of Mag-
dala under a strong escort. ^^
This was putting in the mildest possible form the sad
intelligence which had already been published by Mr.
Flad himself in the 'Times' of September 26th, that
the captives had all again fallen under the Emperor's dis-
pleasure, in consequence of reports brought to him by
some evil-disposed persons, and that they had all, toge-
* So marked by Mr. Stern.
t The Emperor's letter to myself is given in the Appendix ; but
no answer to their petition has been i-eceived by any of the relatives
of the captives.
ALL SENT TO MAGDALA. CAUSE. EVIL REPORTS. 235
ther with Mr. Rassam and his party^ been sent again
to prison at Amba Magdala, I have since learned what
gave rise to the Emperor's displeasure.
It having been reported to him by some evil-disposed
persons that an English company had contracted with
the Pasha of Egypt to construct a railroad from Suwakin
to Kassala_, for the conveyance of troops to the latter place
with a view to the invasion of Abyssinia, he called toge-
ther all the Europeans to hear the statements made to
him on the subject, and thereupon broke out into a
violent rage with the English, and ordered all the libe-
rated captives, together with Mr. Rassam and his suite,
to be taken to Magdala. His anger against them was
the greater, in consequence of his having been at the
same time informed that some of the Europeans had
abused him in the English newspapers, especially Dr.
Blanc and Mr. Rosenthal, with whom he was in a ter-
rific passion. Poor Mrs. Rosenthal was so frightened on
account of her husband as to be taken seriously ill ; but
Dr. Blanc having been allowed to attend her, notwith-
standing the Emperor's anger against him, the antici-
pated evil consequences of her illness were averted.
The Emperor then ordered the Fetha Negest — the law
of the country founded on the Roman Civil Law — to be
referred to, and the texts to be read condemning the
captives for their alleged offences ; and he then con-
fiscated everything they possessed, not omitting the pre-
sents he had himself given them. They were then given
over into the hands of the Frenchman, M. Bardel, who
was charged to see them all safely lodged at Amba Mag-
dala. The members of the Scottish Mission were, as
236 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
before; sent to work at Gaffat, with Mr. Waldmeier
and the other European workmen^ Mrs. Flad and Mrs.
Rosenthal being given into the charge of the latter.
The substantial correctness of what is thus stated may
be depended on; and there can be little doubt that M.
Bardel himself, into whose charge the prisoners were
given, was one of the " evil-disposed persons " to Avhose
machinations they owe their misfortune. Time will show
who were his coadjutors in this work of infamy.
As to the report of the contemplated construction of a
railway from Suwakin to Kassala, for the purpose of con-
veying Egyptian troops to invade Abyssinia, it may possi-
bly be a misrepresentation of the idea which has recently
been entertained in some quarters, of forming such a
communication between the Nile and the Red Sea at
Cosseir or Berenice, as a more direct means of trans-
porting British troops to and from India. Or it may be
the renewal of a French project for running a railway
from Suwakin to Berber on the Nile, which has long
been entertained, and was even countenanced by some of
the predecessors of the present Pasha of Egypt, though
I am not aware of any steps having actually been taken
to carry it into execution.
I cannot, however, imagine that this French scheme
alone could have served as a pretext for the misre-
presentation made to the Emperor Theodore, though,
coupled with the circumstances I am about to relate, it
might without difficulty have been wrested so as to
injure Mr. Rassam and his party.
In page 88 of the present work allusion is made to a
letter which I addressed on March 31st, 1852, to Lord
PROPOSED FACTORY. ETHIOPIAN COTTON. 237
Colchester, then Vice-President of the Board of Trade,
" On the Cultivation of Cotton in Taka and Northern
Abyssinia ; " which letter concluded in the following
terms : — " In the new circumstances which ai'c now pre-
sented to the notice of Her Majesty's Government, I
take the liberty of repeating the representations which 1
had the honour of making in my letter of the 5th of
March, 1849, to Sir Denis Le Marchanf^, and of most
strongly urging the importance of establishing a com-
mercial Factory in the way and for the purposes sug-
gested. And, in conclusion, I will only remark that,
even were such a Factory established solely with a view
to the opening up of a trade in Cotton with the regions
which gave birth to the ' Ethiopian ' or ' Maho ' cotton
of Egypt, so as to secure to our manufacturers a supply
of that most valuable, and indeed indispensable, article
from an independent source, the national advantages ac-
cruing from such a measure would most assuredly far
more than cdmpensate any reasonable expense that might
thereby be incurred by Her Majesty's Government."
Without pretending to any great amount of prescience,
I felt convinced in my own mind at that remote period
(1852), that before many years elapsed events would be
such as to check, if not altogether to stop, the supply of
Cotton from North America ; and several of my friends in
England will remember how, during my residence in
Mauritius between the years 1853 and 1860, I wrote to
them in that sense, and got laughed at by them for my
supposed wowsense !
Towards the end of 1860 I retm-ned to England, and,
* See page 87.
238 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
my prognostication having unhappily been verified, I ad-
dressed a letter to the Editor of the ' Times ' which ap-
peared in that journal on January 22nd, 1861, calling
public attention to the remarkable fact that the increase
in the production of Cotton was far more rapid in Egypt
since the introduction of the seed from " Ethiopia/^ than
it had been in North America in the first years of its
growth there, wonderful as the latter was"^. On June
11th of the same year, I spoke to the same effect at the
Annual Meeting of the Cotton Supply Association at
Manchester, and proposed to put down ,£1000 for the
establishment of a Factory, such as had been proposed
in my letter to Sir Denis Le Marchant twelve years
previously, if twenty-four persons would join me with
a like sum each, which proposal of mine is mentioned
by Mr. Stern in page 321 of his book, ' Wanderings
among the Falashas of Abyssinia.^
Nothing resulted however fi'om all my exertions. But
on speaking shortly afterwards on the subject to my old
and valued friend, the late Admiral Washington, who had
always interested himself most deeply in the amelioration
of Africa generally, as well as in my own personal la-
bours in Abyssinia from the very outset, he represented
to me that it was useless to hope for any one to embark
in commercial speculations in that country, because it
was not yet ripe for the public, but that, were I to pro-
pose anything on Egyptian ground, he thought there
might be a better chance of success.
I Avas then on the point of proceeding into Syria with
* Tliis arfiuiiieiit is reproduced at f^Tcater length in the 'Proposal
for a Traniroad,' Arc, printed in the Appendix.
TRAMROAD FROM THE COTTON FIELDS TO THE COAST. 239
my wife on our '^Pilgrimage to Harran^'^; and as on
our way we had to go to Egypt, I drew up the " Proposal
for a Tramroad between the Cotton Fields of Ethiopia
and the Coast of the Red Sea/^ which is given in the
Appendix to the present work, and had some copies
printed for distribution among my friends in Egypt and
otherwise for my private use. I never went further how-
ever than a limited distribution of these copies.
A copy of that document was enclosed in the letter
which I addressed to the Secretary of the Board of Trade
on November 3rd, 1862, and was by him forwarded to
the Foreign Office; and I fear that the same, together
with several other of my original communications, was, in
the beginning of 1863, most inopportunely transmitted by
Earl Russell to Consul Cameron to report thereon, as is
stated in page 88. Should this printed " ProposaF' have
been found among Consul Cameron^s papers, it would
have been quite sufficient for evil-disposed persons to
build thereon a tale of the construction by an English
Company of a railway from Suwakin to Taka, not for the
legitimate purposes of trade, but for the conveyance of
Egyptian troops, with a view to the conquest of Abys-
sinia.
As to Dr. Blanc and Mr. RosenthaFs having inserted
articles in the English newspapers abusing the Emperor,
it is nothing but a malicious calumny patent to all the
world, inasmuch as no such articles ever had any exist-
ence except in the mind of the slanderer. Had it been
* Mrs. Beke has since published a narrative of our journey, under
the title of ' Jacob's Flight ; or a Pilgrimage to Harran, and thence
in the Patriarch's Footsteps into the Promised Land.'
240 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
said that Earl Hussell's ill-advised despatch of October
5thj 1865, to Colonel Stanton had been brought to the
Emperor's notice, it might have been believed, because,
when at Massowali, I was . informed that that despatch,
which was published in the "^ London Gazette' of Oc-
tober 31st and thence copied into all the newspapers
of the following morning, was also translated and pub-
lished in a French journal which had reached Massowali;
and my informant, who had read it, expressed the opinion
that, if a knowledge of the contents of that despatch
should reach the Emperor Theodore, he would assuredly
regard it as an absolute withdrawal of friendship on the
part of England, if not as a declaration of hostilities, and
might consequently be expected to treat British subjects
within his dominions as prisoners of war *. This would
be quite in accordance with what he is reported to have
said to the British Envoy, when sending him to prison
at Amba Magdala on the 6th of last July, " You are a
sweet- mouthed gentleman, Mr. Rassam, but those above
you are my enemies."
When I was at Massowah there were several persons
there quite willing and able to forward the French trans-
lation of Earl Russell's despatch into Abyssinia, and M.
Bardcl was there to read it to the Emperor, making such
comments on it as he might think best suited to inflame
his mind against the British Government and everybody
dependent on or connected with them.
But there are other circumstances which, at the time
in question, the bcginiiing of July, 1866, must of a
surety have come to the Emperor's knowledge.
* On the subject of this despatch sefs the rcmavks in page 136.
EGYPTIAN OCCUPATION OF MASSOWAH. 211
On April 29tli the Egyptian steam frigate ' Ismailieli'
and a steam transport of the Azizieh Company, having
on board the new Egyptian Governor and 1200 soldiers,
with several cannon, arrived at Massowah, for the pur-
pose of taking possession of the Turkish dominions along
the Abyssinian sea-board, recently transferred to Egypt
through the instrumentality of Sir Henry Bulwer, the
late British Ambassador at Constantinople^. After land-
ing the Governor and 800 soldiers in the island of
Massowah and at Arkiko on the adjoining mainland,
the ' Ismailieh ' left with the remaining 400 men and
Hassan Pasha, who had come to inspect and garrison the
several Turkish, now Egyptian, posts along the coast,
and who afterward crossed over in the Egyptian frigate
to Aden.
A few days after this, namely on May 11th, the British
steamer ' Victoria ' arrived at Massowah, having on board
Colonel Merewether, Her Majesty^s Resident at Aden,
who, on entering the harbour, as a matter of course
saluted the Egyptian flag, and was in return saluted by
the fort, and shortly afterwards the new Egyptian Go-
vernor went on board to pay his respects. These ordi-
nary acts of courtesy, really meaning nothing in them-
selves, might easily have been made significant by the
evil-disposed persons at Massowah, who in any case
would not have failed to announce the arrival of the
new Egyptian Governor and garrison — a fact in itself of
the gravest import.
It is well known how deeply the Emperor Theodore,
not individually only but in common with his country-
* See page l^.'j.
R
242 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
men generally, feels the loss of the Abyssinian sea-coast.
" My kingdom reaches to the sea " is a frequent expres-
sion of the Emperor; and Consul Cameron has reported
how, at his first interview with him, that monarch " broke
out into invectives against the Turks, said they were
encroaching on him on every side, spoke of the seven
flags (as he expressed it) that they had planted on the
sea-coast ■^, &c. — meaning by this the stations along the
coast, which the Turks have occupied since the middle of
the sixteenth century.
Is it then to be imagined that a Sovereign who could
converse with Mr. Rassam on such various and remote
topics as " the American war, the Ashantee war, the bar-
barity of the King of Dahomey, and the Government
of Madagascar," should not be thoroughly acquainted
with matters so much nearer home and affecting him so
much more intimately?
But there is something, if possible, more immediately
serious than even the occupation of Massowah and the
Abyssinian coast by the Egyptians. This is the fact of
the assembling of troops along the northern frontiers of
Abyssinia, as is mentioned in a former pagcf, coupled
with the further intelligence that troops have recently
been introduced into Taka by the way of Suwakin ; and
though they have been so introduced for the ostensible
purpose of keeping peace within the unsettled border
districts belonging to Egypt — and I believe the matter
has been so represented to the British Government on
their asking for an explanation on the subject, — there
can be little doubt that the real object is to occupy the
• See page 66. f See page 135.
DEPARTURE OF MR. PLAD MR. TALBOT AND WORKMEN. 243
districts about which there exists a question between
that Government and Abyssinia^ if not even to make
aggressions into those belonging to the latter power —
which means much the same thing after all, now that
Turkey has ceded to Egypt her right to the whole of
Abyssinia.
All these matters prove how complicated the Abys-
sinian Question is, and serve to show that the longer
its settlement is delayed, the greater are likely to be
its complications and the difficulties in the way of its
solution.
But to return to Mr. Flad, who left England on Oc-
tober 9th with the second letter from the Queen to the
Emperor, his intention being to make the best of his
way to Debra Tabor, or wherever the Emperor may
happen to be ; and his return, either to Massowah or to
Matamma, with the rest of the finally released captives,
is to be the signal for Colonel Merewether, with Mr.
Talbot and the English workmen, to cross the Abys-
sinian frontier, carrying with them the machinery and
presents, and to proceed to the Emperor's court. The
treaty which Mr. Rassam is understood to have entered
into provisionally"^ will then be settled ; and it is said
said that Colonel Merewether may, under certain contin-
gencies, return to England with an Embassy, or a pseudo-
Embassy, from that Potentate to Her Britannic Majesty.
Mr. Talbot and the workmen, with the machinery and
presents, left Southampton on November 4th by the Pen-
insular and Oriental Company's steamer for Alexandria,
and on the 9tli Colonel Merewether followed them via
* See page 223.
r2
244 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IX ABYSSINIA.
Marseilles. The British steamer 'Victoria^ -was to meet
them at Suez"^, and convey them all to Massowah^ Avhere
they would await intelligence from Mr. Flad.
Their departure had been delayed by the preparation
of the machinery — the boiler of the steam-engine" forming
part of it having to Ijc made in several pieces, on account
of the difficulty of transporting heavy articles in Abys-
sinia, where there are no artificial roads.
Before concluding this portion of my work, it is requi-
site that I should say a few words respecting my own mis-
sion in connexion with that of Mr. Flad.
In the debate in the House of Lords on Jiily 4th, 1865,
to which alkision has already been made f, the Earl of
Malmesbury said that " Dr. Beke had placed in his hands
a paper, in which he stated he had not the slightest
doubt he should have been able to obtain the liberation of
the captives, as well as to convince the Emperor of Abys-
sinia of the wisdom of cultivating the arts of peace in
preference to those of Avar, and of developing the immense
resources of his dominions "J.
In the paper referred to by Lord Malmesbury, I had
particularized the cultivation of the indigenous cotton of
Ethiopia (which, introduced into Egypt only forty years
ago, has been the main source of the wealth of that
country), the production and employment of the iron and
coal which abound in Abyssinia to an almost unlimited
extent, and the formation of a line of electric telegraph
across that country as an important portion of a chain
connecting Europe with India, Australia, China, and the
• The * Victoria ' <an-iv('d at 8uez on Xovember IGtli.
t See page 1G5. | ' Times,' July 5, 1865.
THE author's mission. PLAN AND PKOCEEDINGS. 215
entire eastern hemisphere, — the same particulars being
more fully set out in my letter to Earl Russell of May
19th, 18G5 *, a copy of which is given in the Appendix.
In going out to Abyssinia, as will be apparent from my
first letter to the Emperor also printed in the Appendix,
the intention of my wife and myself was to present our-
selves before him as suppliants, having no connexion
whatever with Her Majesty's Government; and I have
no hesitation in saying that in my communications with
that monarch I should have adopted a line of policy
diametrically opposite to that of Mr. Rassam. It would
be useless to describe here how I would have acted ; but
this only I must repeat, that we were both quite
prepared to propose that, if the Emperor would allow
Consul Cameron to leave the country, we would remain in
his stead. As to the missionaries, I do not imagine there
would have been any difficulty in the way of the Em-
peror's being reconciled with them and letting them go
free. In fact, I believe he would have been only glad to
have been furnished with a reasonable excuse for getting
rid of them without compromising his dignity.
Of course when we heard that the captives had not only
been liberated, but had actually started on their way to
the frontier t, and it appeared to be a moral certainty tliat
they would arrive on the coast in a few weeks, if not
in a few days, it was useless for us to continue our jour-
ney, especially as at that time the rainy season was just
setting in. We therefore returned to Egypt and thence
* Parliamentary Paper, 18G5, ' Papers relating to the Imprison-
ment of British Subjects,' pp. 11-14.
t See page 220.
246 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
to England, fully expecting that the liberated captives
would not be long behind us.
In the beginning of July, when Mr. Flad arrived in
England, bringing the distressing news that all the cap-
tives, together with Mr. Rassam and his suite, had been
" detained " by the Emperor *, he was also the bearer of a
letter from that monarch to myself, directing me and my
wife to come to him when it suited us by the way of Ma-
tammaf; and Mr. Flad informed me that the Emperor
was most anxious for the arrival of myself and of the pre-
sents I had brought for him, and he suggested that should
I not take them up myself, I should let him have them
to deliver in my name.
For some time I was undecided as to what I should
do, especially after the receipt of a second letter from
the Emperor, recalling the permission given me to come
to him, and ordering me to remain at Massowah until
he should give me orders which way I was to take J.
But, after mature consideration of this and other matters
which will be related in their proper place, I at length
decided that, under existing circumstances, it was not
advisable for me to attempt to proceed to the Empe-
ror^s court. I therefore freely allowed Mr. Flad to take
the presents, or such of them as he might think fit
to select.
The articles I had purchased had been chosen in ac-
cordance with the plan I had long entertained. Some
few were taken out with me ; but, owing to the slow-
* See page 221.
f A tmnslation of this letter is given in the Appendix.
\ This letter is likewise gi^en in the Appendix.
ABYSSINIAN CAPTIVES LIBERATION FUND. 247
ness with which the funds for my expedition were pro-
vided, most of them had to be sent after me; and
notwithstanding a delay in my own progress much greater
than I had contemplated, many of the things were still
so long in coming out, that they did not reach Masso-
wah till after I had left Abyssinia, and they had conse-
quently to be returned to Aden^.
* The Committee of the "Abyssinian Captives Liberation Fund"
having asked for a statement of my appropriation of the money re-
ceived from them, in order that they may render an account of their
stewardship to the subscribers to that fund, I hasten to furnish here
the following particulars, which would more suitably have accom-
panied my personal nan-ative.
The total amount received from the Committee by myself and my
agents, Messrs. Blyth, Greene, and Co., is £1979 13 7
And the following is a note of the payments out of
the same : —
Presents purchased : —
Paid for by myself £ 52 19 3
Paid for by my agents 667 15 7
£720 14 10
Travelling kit, &c 125 9 1 1
Freight and incidental expenses 121 7 3
Sept. 1, 1865, to Jan. 16, 1866 :—
Journey out to Massowah of my wife and
myself, including our stay in London and in
Egypt, visit to Manchester, Birmingham,
Wolverhampton, &c 439 11 4
Jan. 16, 1866, to May 12, 1866 :—
Expenses at Massowah and in Abyssinia, in-
cluding supplies purchased in Egypt and
at Aden 264 7
May 12, 1866, to June 8, 1866 :—
Journey back to England 147
1818 4 5
Leaving a surplus of £ 161 9 2
Against this there is the personal outfit of my vdfe and myself;
and, further, no charge is made for our three months' forced stay in
248 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
The firearms, ammunition, cutlery, tools, &c, were
taken over by Mr. Flad ; the specimens of cotton goods
of various kinds were rejected, as was also the electric
telegraph apparatus, to which I had attached a special
value. When however Mr. Talbot had been engaged
to go out and was spoken to on the subject, he appears
to have been alive to its importance, and asked to have
it. Of course it was given.
These things are intended to be taken by Mr. Talbot
into Abyssinia; and if only all turns out well, and
the Emperor can be induced to direct his mind to the
cultivation of the arts of peace — even if it be by fol-
lowing the example of the Powers of Europe, and manu-
facturing gunpowder and Snider breach-loaders — there
may be something yet in store for Abyssinia, Let us
only hope it will be so, though, day by day, I fear the
chance grows smaller of its being by means of the Em-
peror Theodore.
For myself, I had fondly hoped that I might per-
sonally have had some share in the regeneration of a
country to which I have devoted so many years of the
prime of my life. But, according to all appearances,
mine is likely to be the common fate of pioneers, pro-
jectors, and inventors, who, after sacrificing time, talents,
fortune, health, nay even life — poor Jacob Snider himself
is the latest instance — in the furtherance of their views,
find themselves, at the moment of fruition, superseded
liOndon after our return, oiu' house having been let for a j'ear during
our absence. In fact, I am out of pocket by the transaction, to say
nothing of remuneration for time and services, which was not ex-
pected.
REGENERATION OV ABYSSINIA. 249
by others more fortunate, who reap the benefit and too
often obtain likewise the credit of all their labours
and sacrifices.
Still, if through the intervention of others — even though
putting myself aside — good shall at length come to Aliys-
sinia — the liberation of the long-suffering captives, in
whose fate I feel so deep an interest, being an element
of that good — I shall have my reward ; for I shall have
the proud consciousness of not having laboured in vain,
whilst striving during so many years to direct the atten-
tion of the British Government and the British nation
to the vast field which is there presented to British en-
terprise.
This is a theme on which it would be easy to dilate.
But as that Avould hardly come within the scope of the
present work, I will content myself with repeating the
closing words of ' A Memoir on the Commerce of Abys-
sinia,* which I addressed to the Earl of Aberdeen, then
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on December 9th,
1843 — now three and twenty years ago : — "Were a regular
system of commerce once introduced, there is no saying
what development our trade with Abyssinia, and through
it with the interior of Africa, might be made to attain.
At present, the commerce of the country is so completely
in its infancy and so trammeled by the few Mohammedan
middle-men of Massowah, through whose hands it has to
pass, that its actual condition forms no criterion of its
future powers. The Abyssinians themselves have hitherto
known so few wants, that they have had no inducement to
turn their attention to what their country produces or
might be made to produce ; but when we bear in mind
250 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
that, though situate within the tropics, between the 10th
and 16th degrees north of the Equator, it is, from its
great elevation, blessed with a temperate climate, and,
moreover, that its fertile soil, extending as it does through
regions of almost every degree of temperature, might be
made to yield the productions both of the West Indies
and at the same time of the south of Europe, it is diffi-
cult to place a limit upon its capabilities under a more
favourable state of things — the first grand step towards
which is to induce the feeling of fresh wants in the minds
of its inhabitants, who, to satisfy such feeling, would not
be long in turning their lovely country to the uses for
which it was assm'edly intended by its Creator."
251
CHAPTER XV.
RELATIONS OF ENGLAND TO ABYSSINIA — PROFESSED POLICY TO
PROMOTE TRADE — NOT ACTED ON — REAL POLICY — COVERT
WAR "WITH FRANCE — THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH IN THE RED SEA
— M. MUNZINGEr's CHARGE AGAINST CONSUL PLOWDEN — HE
CAUSED ROMAN CATHOLICS TO BE BANISHED — ESTABLISHED A
PROTESTANT MISSION — CHARGE DISPROVED — BISHOP GOBAT's
MISSIONARIES — TO WORK AT THEIR TRADES — TO SAY NOTHING
ABOUT RELIGION — MR. WALDMEIER's MISSIONARY LABOURS —
"the BOOK OF QUINTE ESSENCE" " MURDER " OF CONSUL
PLOWDEN — FRANCE, ROMAN CATHOLICS, AND THE SEA-COAST —
ENGLAND, PROTESTANTS, AND THE INTERIOR — AUTHOR's INTER-
view with earl russell — with lord palmerston — consul
Cameron's instructions — history repeats itself — "Vene-
tians AIDED TURKS AGAINST PORTUGUESE — ENGLISH LEAGUE
WITH TURKS AGAINST FRENCH — ABANDONMENT OF CHRISTIAN
ABYSSINIA TO MOHAMMEDANS — EARL RUSSELL's JUSTIFICATION
— RIGHT OF TURKEY DISPUTED — FRENCH PRETENSIONS CON-
TINUED — ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS PROSPER — PROTESTANT
MIS^ONS WITHDRAWN — NO HOPE OF CHRISTIANITY IN ABYS-
SINIA BUT IN ROME AND FRANCE.
Should Mr. Flad succeed in his mission, as is fervently
to be hoped, we may expect the new year to be ushered
in with the most welcome retui'n of the captives to the
bosom of their families; and all that they will thence-
forth have to do in connexion with Abyssinia will be to
recount the hardships they have undergone.
It will remain for Colonel Merewether to proceed to
the Court of the Emperor Theodore, for the purpose of
endeavouring to renew the friendship which existed be-
fore the death of Consul Plowden and Mr. Bell, and
252 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
which has received so severe a trial from the events of
the last four years.
In order to estimate the chances of success in what
cannot but be an arduous undertakings even under the
most favourable circumstances, it is desirable^ or it may
rather be said it is absolutely essential, that we should
consider what have hitherto been the relations — not offi-
cial and exoteric, but esoteric and real — in which Eng-
land has stood towards Abyssinia, so that we may be
enabled to form something like a correct opinion as to
the probable issue of the existing state of affairs.
For this purpose it is necessary to refer once more
to Earl Russell's despatch of October 5th, 1865, to Co-
lonel Stanton^. The object in writing that despatch is
thus stated by his Lordship : — " It may be useful, in
order to prevent misconceptions, that I should enable
you to state, on any proper occasion, what has been and
is the policy of the British Government regarding Abys-
sinia ;" and after entering into various details, which have
been more or less discussed by me in the preceding
pages, Earl Russell concludes by saying, "I have thus
explained to you that the policy of the British Govern-
ment has been founded entirely on the desire to promote
trade and intercoiu-se with Abyssinia' 't-
Though it is far from my desire to dispute in any way
the correctness of the assertions of a nobleman holding
the high position of Earl Russell, I am nevertheless
under the necessity of appealing to the readers of these
pages to say whether they have been able to discover any-
* rarliamentary Paper, 18()(), 'Further Correspondeuce,' &c., p. 00.
t Ihid. p. U.3.
PROFESSED POLICY OP ENGLAND NOT ACTED ON. 253
thing in them that tends to substantiate Earl RussclFs
assertion, or whether, on the contrary, everything does
not go to prove directly the contrary. I will briefly
recapitulate the main facts.
In the year 1847 Mr. Walter Plowden was appointed
by Viscount Palmerston to be Her Majesty^s Consul in
Abyssinia. The instructions given to that officer have
not been made public officially ; but a summary of them
has been inserted in pages 55 and 56 of this work, on
the authority of Consul Plowden's brother. One of the
objects of his appointment is indeed said to have been,
"to establish and promote commercial intercom'se be-
tween Great Britain and Abyssinia;" and in the year
1849 that officer, professedly with this object, concluded
a treaty of friendship and commerce with the rulers of
Abyssinia^. But as early as October 3rd, 1853, Lord
Clarendon stated explicitly that, from Consul Plowden^s
reports then before him, it appeared there was little
reason to expect that advantage would result to British
interests from the conclusion of that treaty and the es-
tablishment of a British Consulate in Abyssinia f : and
we have seen that from that time until his death in the
beginning of 1860, with the exception of his official inter-
ference in Bogos and a brief visit to Massowah in 1854,
Consul Plowden was occupied about the person of the
Emperor J, and that, during the whole intervening period,
and indeed down to the present day, nothing whatever
has been done to show that the agents of the British
Government, or the Government themselves, have acted
in accordance with a policy founded entirely, or in the
* See page 21. f See page 24. t See page 5G.
254 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
slightest degree, on a desire to promote trade and in-
tercourse with Abyssinia, or have even entertained a
thought respecting such a policy.
It Avill be asked, "what then has been the real policy of
England with regard to Abyssinia during this long series
of years? The answer, though it may much surprise
the British public, will not appear in the least strange
to those persons who have at all watched the course of
events in that quarter of the globe. England has been
covertly waging war with France on the western shores of
the Red Sea. The two Powers, through their political
agents, and still more so through their religious mis-
sionaries (who, singularly enough, are Germans on the
English side, and Italians on that of France), have been
endeavouring to acquire the preponderance in Abyssinia.
Yet more, the French have striven to obtain a footing
on the sea-coast, which the English have done their best
(or rather their worst) to prevent ; and so the stream of
events has gently and almost imperceptibly glided ou, and
we have been drifting with the stream. It is not difficult
to foresee how it is all to end, especially if England is to
continue, as she seems bent on continuing, in the line of
policy she has hitherto adopted.
General assertions like these require to be substantiated
by means of details, which I therefore proceed to give.
The first two chapters of the present work contain
a bi-ief outline of the rivalry that has long existed in
Abyssinia between the French and Roman Catholics
on the one hand, and the English and Protestants on
the other. In page 17, referring to my pamphlet, 'The
French and English in the Red Sea,' I have alluded more
M. MUNZINGER^S CHARGE AGAINST CONSUL PLOWDEN. 255
especially to the " intrigues in Abyssinia of the agents of
the Church of Rome and of the Government of France,
which appear to have been systematically and silently
carried on from the commencement of the present ccn-
tuiy/'
I will not attempt to deny that, in saying this, I may
have laid myself open to the imputation of having looked
at matters too much as an Englishman ; and, as I have
already shown, this has been alleged against me by M.
Munzinger, the French Vice-Consul at Massowah *. Such
being the case, it is only fair that I should give that gen-
tleman's opposite statement of the case — namely, that it
was Mr. Plowden and the Protestant missionaries who in-
trigued against the Roman Catholics, if not actually
against France.
In page 47 of his work already cited t, after having
spoken in favourable terms of our late Consul, and de-
scribed his relations with the Emperor Theodore and his
murder " by rebels," M. Munzinger thus expresses him-
self, — " That Mr. Plowden should have done everything
to dispose the Emperor favourably towards England is
natural ; that he induced him to forbid the slave-trade
is praiseworthy, even although the result was nothing
and the prohibition was soon afterwards revoked ; but the
active part he took in the banishment of the Catholic
mission was no great honour to him, and did him no
good ; for, in so acting, he relinquished a clear and open
policy for a system of intrigues.
"It is known that Theodore sought to secure his
throne through an alliance with the Coptic Bishop of
* See papre 175. f ' Ostafrikanische Stiidien.'
256 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Abyssinia, and that in consequence the Emperor banished
the Catholic missionaries "^ and attempted to compel
their converts, the native priests, to recant. The result
was naturally the reverse of what was intended. Perse-
cution consolidated the infant congregation. But it was
lamentable that an English Consul should have mixed
himself up in the matter, when he had so favourable
an opportunity of becoming the acknowledged protector
of all Eiu'opeans.
" Through these proceedings, the Catholic Mission
became hostile to the Emperor and to England. A
new French Consul arrived at MassoAvah, Negusye rose
against the Emperor, and, as the Abuna supported the
latter, Negusye favoured the Catholic Mission ; and thus
was formed an alliance between these three powersf- It
must not be forgotten that in the train [Gefolge] of the
English Consul, and under the protection of the Abuna,
a Protestant Mission was established under the very eyes
of the Emperor^' J.
The mission to which M. Munzinger alludes is that of
Bishop Gobat's Scripture readers, better known as the
artisan missionaries or the Emperor's European workmen,
whose introduction into Abyssinia by Dr. Krapf is nar-
rated in a preceding Chapter §.
On account of the important position the members of
Bishop Gobat's mission have come to occupy in the recent
occurrences between England and Abyssinia, it is expe-
* See page .39, ante. As is shown in page 16, the rivalry between
the missionaries of the two religions was first ()])enly manifested in the
nomination of the Coptic Ahixna.
f Namely, Tigre, France, and Home. % Op. cit. page 47.
§ Chapter VII. page 108.
BISHOP GOBAT S LAY MISSIONARIES. 257
dient to enter here into some further explanations respect-
ing that mission^ which would have been out of place^ and
indeed unintelligible^ had they been given earlier.
The mission in question was founded in Abyssinia
through the agency of the well-known missionary and
my very good friend Dr. Krapf, who, in a work pub-
lished by him a few years ago*, relates that when, in
the year 1855, he went to Abyssinia, accompanied by
Mr. Flad, for the purpose of establishiug this mission,
he addressed himself in the first instance to the Abuna,
whom he told " that Bishop Gobat proposed to send
Christian artisans to Abyssinia, whose primary occu-
pation would be to work at their trades, but who at
the same time would be the means of spreading the
gospel both by precej)t and example. The Abuna re-
joined that the King would be glad to receive skilled
workmen, and that His Majesty had proposed to write
to England, France, and Germany for such persons.
He promised to read Bishop Gobat^s letter to the King,
and to recommend its contents to His Majesty^s con-
sideration "f.
Dr. Krapf then goes on to say that, consequent on this
conversation, he and Mr. Flad received a visit fi'om Mr.
Bell, whom the Abuna had commissioned to tell them that
they " ivere not to say anything to the King about the
religious vocation of the persons Bishop Gobat proposed to
send to Abyssinia, but to dwell on the known and secular
character of the mission, as religious matters belonged to
the jurisdiction of the Abuna, who was our friend and
* ' Travels, Researches, and Missionary Laboiu-s,'&c., London, 1860.
t Op. cit. p. 453.
258 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
would protect and support Bishop Gobat's people as far
as lie had it in his power '' *.
What is here related by Dr. Krapf took place in
April 1855, at a time when Consul Plowden was alto-
gether awayt ; so that M. Munzinger is nowise justi-
fied in saying that in the train of the English Consul,
and under the protection of the Abuna, a Protestant
mission was established under the very eyes of the Em-
peror." Neither is it the fact that the English Consul
had anything to do with the expulsion of the Roman Ca-
tholic mission ; for, as has been shown J, that mission was
banished as a consequence of the intrigues connected with
Theodore^s rise to power, at which time Consul Plowden
was away in the northern frontier districts; and he did
not join the Emperor till June 1855 §, when everything
was settled, and Dr. Krapf had left the Court and returned
to the coast, as is related by him in the following passage,
* Op. cit. pp. 454-55.
t The following extracts from Dr. Krapf 's work prove that Mr.
Plowden had nothing whatever to do with the establishment of the
mission.
" '20th Fehrttary [1865]. — To-day we arrived safely at the island
of Massowah."— P. 4-38.
" 2Qth Fehruarrj. — Mr. Plowden, the English Consul, returned to
day to Massowah. He thinks that we may proceed with safety to the
frontiers of Tigre, but that we should halt there until the govern-
ment of the new King shall be consolidated Mr. Plowden 's
opinion is, that the condition of Abyssinia will be materially improved
by the new monarch, whom he knows personally.''- — P. 439.
" 1st March. — We received to-day fresh and certain news from
Abyssinia. ■ Zlhye has been cmnpletely defeated by Theodore . . . . Ttic
Ro7tiish missionaries have been expelled from Tigre, and are not to
return to it. TTpon the receipt of this news the Consul encouraged us
to prosecute our journey to Abyssinia." — P. 440.
\ See page 30. § See page 47.
"to say nothing about faith and religion." 259
which^ for more than one reason, is deserving of being-
reproduced : — "24!th-28th April. — After we had taken
leave of the Abuna we commenced our return-journey to
Gondar, which we reached in safety. To-day Mr. Plowden
arrived at Gondar"^. He intended to accompany the King
during his campaign against the Gallas, and to give him
good advice respecting the improvement of his country.
We took leave of Mr. Plowden, who has shown us much
kindness and hospitality " t- The results of the inten-
tion thus expressed are shown in the Fourth Chapter of
the present work J.
In the beginning of the following year (1856) Bishop
Gobat's lay missionaries arrived out in Abyssinia, where
they soon made themselves serviceable to the Emperor in
their capacity of workmen. Their missionary labours,
though apparently restricted to the distribution of bibles,
met with little favour either with the sovereign or with
his people; and Mr. Flad relates that, on the occasion
of their first interview with the Emperor, when they
had presented some books to him, Mr. Bell " acknow-
ledged to them after the interview that at that moment
His Majesty would have been more plfeased with a box
of English gunpowder than, as he said, Avith books he
already possessed^' §. Mr. Bell "told them also that
evil and, as he believed, false reports had reached the
King's ears;" and he concluded by warning them, "if
they desired to remain in Abyssinia^ to say nothiny
* From Massowah, where he had remained since Februaiy : see the
note in the preceding page.
t Op. ('it. p. 4G0. I Pages 47-52.
§ ' Notes from the Journal of F. M. FLid,' p. 34.
s 2
260 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
about faith and religion, and to avoid all appearance of
teaching '' '^.
Notwithstanding this warning, the artisan missionaries
have not abandoned their character of Scripture-read-
ers^ as is shown by Mr. Waldmeier's letter, published
in the ' Record/ to which reference has already been
made t j whence it is to be inferred that, although in
the first instance the Emperor received Mr. Waldmeier
* Op. cit. p. 55.
t See pages 209, 227. The following is an extract from IMi*. Wald-
meier's letter : — " As to our mission, we believe it to be of tlie greatest
importance just at this time, when the hearts of the people have been
softened, and in some sense broken, by the sufferings and tribulations
which the severe and successive judgments of God have brought upon
them, so that they are better disposed to hear the Word of God than
formerly. Messrs. Stern and Makerer have given us the most
encouraging reports about the himger of the people at Magdala after
the Word of God. Yet if I had to be appointed again to a mission, I
should hardly consent to be sent to any old and dead Church, where
one must first break down before one can begin to build up, and
where the breaking down is so tiresome and exhausting that there
remains scarcely any strength afterwards to build up. Nevertheless
our labom's are not altogether in vain ; for, in the first place, thej^ are
the means, as we sometimes are permitted to see, of bringing indivi-
duals to Jesus and to salvation ; and, secondly, they are calculated to
prepare a more general reform and a day of salvation for this people,
of which we believe to perceive the dawn; though, as a thousand
years are as one day before the Lord, a long time may still elapse
before the rising of the Sun of Righteousness upon the people at
large.
" It is possible, as Mr. Rassam has told me, that in consequence of
some treaty between England and Abyssinia, there may be more
liberty for Europeans to come to Abyssinia and leave it again at plea-
sm'e ; in which case personal consultations about the mission here, and
fi'ora here to the Galla tribes, would be of the utmost interest. Till
then we will continue to believe, to hope, and to labour, looking unto
the Lord for strength and courage witli patience to proclaim the sal-
vation which is in Christ to this ruined people." — 'Record,' .Tuly 11,
18G6.
SCRIPTURE READERS. " BOOK OF QUINTE ESSENCE/^ 2G1
and his companions into his employ^ and accorded them
his favour, solely in their character of workmen, yet his
need for their services'^ has since induced him to shut
his eyes to their labours as missionaries. Still, in the
midst of the ignorant and bigoted native clergy, and
with the Abuna utterly unable to protect them (for he has
long been a prisoner at Magdala), their position cannot
but be precarious ; and therefore it is only natural that
Mr. Waldmeier should have been anxious for the speedy
departure of Mr. Rassam and the released prisoners, from
an apprehension that it might indeed be " a dangerous
thing if they were obliged to spend the rainy season " in
Abyssinia, and hence lead to further complications, from
which the artisan missionaries themselves might suffer f.
But, to return to M. Munzinger. After unjustly
charging the English Consul with being the originator of
aU the mischief, he proceeds to say that, " England having
declared herself for the Emperor, France turned to Ne-
giisye" X, with whom an alliance was formed, the terms
of that alliance being (as M. Munzinger cannot deny
though he hesitates directly to admit it,) that France
should support that Prince in consideration of the cession
* Whilst correcting this sheet for the press, my attention has
been directed to Mr. Stern's statements at the end of his letter of
November 1st, 1865, printed in the Appendix, which I received for
publication only a few days ago. From them we learn the secret of
the hold Mr. Waldmeier and his companions have on the mind of the
Emperor Theodore. They possess a copy of " The Book of Qviiute
Essence, or the Fifth Being, that is to say, Man's Heaven," which
"Hermes, the prophet, and King of Egypt after the Flood of Noah,
father of philosophers, had, by revelations of an angel of God, to
him sent." This subject wiU be reverted to in a note on Mr. Stem's
letter. — November 23rd, 1866.
t See page 227. J Op. cit. p. 47.
262 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
of the sea-coast near ZuUa, as has ab'cady been de-
scribed *.
The " murder of Consul Plowden by some rebels in
the neighbourhood of Gondar '' (to use jM. Munzinger's
own expression) is passed over very lightly by him; for
he would not have liked to bring it prominently forward,
lest it should be said that, as those " rebels " were some
of the troops of Negiisye the ally of the French and
the Roman Catholics, and as the alliance between these
three was caused by acts in which Mr. Plowden is
alleged (however unjustly) to have participated, and was
avowedly formed for the purpose of counteracting those
acts and as a matter of self-defence, the unavoidable
conclusion is that both tlie French and the Roman Ca-
tholics were indirectly (though, we would hope, uncon-
sciously) participators in this " murder " of the British
Consul.
The French Government would doubtless repudiate all
participation in Consul PloAvden^s death, as emphatically
and unequivocally as the English Government would
repudiate all participation in or even knowledge of the
acts imputed to that officer by M. Munzinger. But
neither the one nor the other of those two Governments
could deny their general policy, — that of the one being
to obtain a preponderance in Abyssinia and a footing on
the Abyssinian coast, and that of the other being to pre-
vent their doing so by every means in their power.
It has now to be considered what steps they have taken
to attain the ol)ject they each liave in view.
Common sense would suggest that the natural course
* See piiirc 58.
ENGLISH POLICY BAD. I'RENCH POLICY GOOD. 2G3
for England to adopt would have been to form an alliance
with the native rulers near the sea-coast. In the letter
which I addressed to Lord Palmerston on April 4th,
1848, to which I. have already alluded*, I pointed this
out as a direct, consistent, and intelligible policy. That
letter is given in the Appendix f; and though it was written
upwards of eighteen years ago, I really do not see one
word to alter in it, with the exception only of the changes
of proper names &c., resulting from the subsequent ap-
pearance of other actors on the stage.
I may seem to be constantly referring to myself; but,
mixed up as I am with so much that has occui'red, it is
impossible to avoid doing so. Ever since I addressed
that letter to Lord Palmerston I have continued to harp
on one string ; or, I should rather say, I have continued
to strike two chords — France, Roman Catholicism, and
the Sea-coast — England, Protestantism, and the Inte-
rior, — of which the former is consonant and harmonious,
whilst the latter is discordant and harsh.
After Captain Cameron came to England from his post
in the Black Sea, and while he was waiting for his in-
structions from the Foreign Office, I saw him several
times, and did not fail to point out to him the impolicy
and impropriety of his going into the interior and leaving
the coast to the French, and I told him that I would
do all I could to prevent him from doing so.
His instructions were dated February 2nd, 1861 J ; and
on the 19th of that month I had the honour of an inter-
* See page 22. f See page 297.
X Parliamentary Paper, 1865, ' Papers relating to the Imprisonment
of Bi-itisli subjects,' p. 1.
264 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
view with the Foreign Secretary, Earl Russell, on whom
I urged my stereotyped arguments. "But what then
would you do with Theodore, Dr. Beke?'' asked his
Lordship. "^'My Lord, I would let him go to — just
wherever he pleases,^^ was my plain-spoken and not very
diplomatic reply.
Of course this was not said on account of any personal
objection to the Emperor Theodore himself. I admit
that when he first gained possession of the throne, I
could not think so highly of him as others thought, be-
cause I happened to know more than they did of his
personal character, and (what is perhaps more to the pur-
pose) I had no motive for wishing, and therefore none
for thinking, well of him ! But when once his possession
of the throne had become un fait accompli, there was
nothing more to be said on that point. But my objec-
tion to the ruler of the central proiinces of Abyssinia,
whoever he might be, still continued the same as it had
been expressed [mutatis mutandis) in my letter of April
4th, 1848, written seven years before ever "the Em-
peror Theodore " came into existence : — " He is a chief
having no jurisdiction or authority within the dominions
of [the ruler of Tigre] , and -vfhose residence, Debra Tabor,
situate at least 250 miles from the coast, is only to be
reached by [Consul Cameron's] running the gauntlet
through the territories of [Ubye, Negiisye, Gobazye, or
whoever the ruler of Tigre may be], at the risk of being
stopped and plundered"^, and with the certainty of caus-
ing (and not without reason) the feelings of that prince
Consul Cameron was actually stopped by the "rebels" in 1862
(see page 82); and four years later Mr. Rassam, not being able to
I
INTERVIEWS WITH LORDS RUSSELL AND PALMERSTON. 265
to become more hostile than before to the British and the
Protestants, and more favourable to the French and the
Roman Catholics/'
Failing of success with Earl Russell, the Foreign Se-
cretary, I went to the Premier, Viscount Palmerston,
who received me in his usual affable manner, but put
me off with, " What can I do in the matter ? It is in
Lord RusselFs department. I am not a schoolmaster,
you know : I cannot whip my colleagues/'' Of course 1
was quite aware of the value of such expressions, the
fact being that Earl Russell was merely carrying out
Lord Palmerston's own policy ! I am only surprised that
so clear-headed a statesman should not have been con-
scious of the fundamental error of that policy.
The result was that Consul Cameron went out to Abys-
sinia to take his predecessor's place at the Court of the
Emperor Theodore. His official instructions, as pub-
lished, do not contain any mention of France with re-
ference to Abyssinia ; but it is evident, from what that
officer says respecting his first interview with the Em-
peror Theodore in October 1862, that he had received
orders " to elicit information from him regarding an in-
tercourse with his new kingdom of Shoa and his hold
on the tribes to the side of Zeyla"^ — which had unques-
tionably a bearing on the proceedings of the French in
that directionf. In addition to which, just after that
interview. Consul Cameron received a letter from the
Consul-General in Egypt, containing a " passage regard-
pass through Tigre, went by a long- and circuitous route, and still
was stopped by " rebels " (see page 180).
* See page 21. t See page 03.
266 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
iiig M. Schaeffer's mission to Tadjurrah, which was cor-
roborated by an extract from the ' Home and Overland
Mail/ forwarded from Aden, stating what the mission
had done, and that the new settlement [at Obokh] was
merely intended for a base of operations against Abys-
sinia ;" all of which, Consul Cameron goes on to say,
" was carefully read through to His Majesty liy two in-
terpreters well conversant with English " *.
The futility of all this is demonstrated by the fact that,
in spite of our Consul's representations to the Emperor
Theodore, the French have succeeded in making good
their footing at Obokhf ', while, as regards that mo-
narch's "new kingdom of Shoa," it has thrown off the
yoke and reasserted its independence under Menilek, the
grandson of our ally King Sahela Selasye, whose flight
from the Emperor's camp on July 1st, 1865, was the
cause of the British captives having their fetters doubled,
as has been related J.
It must be remarked here, that when that prince es-
caped on a former occasion, he applied to the French
Consul at Aden. for a supply of fii'carms; and, as I gave
warning in a letter inserted in the ' Times ' of September
18th, 1865§, it may be presumed that he has renewed
his application to that officer, or more probably to the
authorities at Obokh, which place, after having been neg-
* See page 72. f See page 63. J See page 145.
§ The following is an extract from my letter : — '^ Mr. Stern men-
tions, in his letter given in your impression of the 14th inst., the
sudden flight from the royal camp of Menilek, Crown Prince of Shoa,
and son-in-law of the Emperor Theodore ; in consequence of which
the enraged monarch caused all his Mohaimuedan and Galla prisoners
to be executed, and fetters to be placed on the hands of their Christian
FUTILE INSTRUCTIONS TO CONSUL CAMERON. 267
lected for some time, has now (if I am correctly informed)
been taken actual possession of by the French, and a
garrison placed there.
Further, on April 22nd, 1863, Earl Eussell wrote to
Consul Cameron, " You will of course keep Her Majesty's
Government fully and accurately advised of French pro-
ceedings in Abyssinia''"^ — after having given that unfor-
tunate officer orders the effect of which was to shut him
up in a prison, where he could neither give nor receive in-
formation of any kind !
fellow-captives, iu addition to those they already had on their legs —
' 20 lb. of foot-chains on our ankles,' as I copy from a letter of one of
the wretched victims now before me.
" Were it not for the manner in which the fact of Menilek's escape
was made feelingly known to Mr. Stern and his friends, one might
have been inclined to regard his statement as an almost verbal repeti-
tion of one made in the ' Standard ' of the 20th February last, re-
specting the flight of Menilek from the royal camp, and the imprison-
ment of the Abuna, or bishop, on the suspicion of having aided him in
his escape.
" On that occasion the fugitive, on his arrival in his native country,
applied to the French consular agent at Aden for a supply of firearms.
I cannot say whether or not the representative of France was at all
disposed to comply with the request ; but I do know that some com-
munication took place between him and the British authorities at
Aden, and that the arms were not furnished. The Crown Prince,
who without them was unable to make head against the Emperor, was
defeated and taken prisoner, only to escape again as related by INIr.
Stern.
" As everything repeats itself in Abyssinia, there can be little
doubt that Menilek will renew — perhaps has already renewed — his
application for firearms, either to the French Consul or to some other
resident at Aden ; and I would therefore avail myself of the medium
of your widely-circulating journal to express the hope that suitable
measures may be adopted by the authorities, both at home and abroad,
to prevent such an application from being successful, as the inevitable
consequence would be the innnediate execution of our hapless coun-
trvmen." * See page 104.
268 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
And to place the capital on the column which will ever
stand as a memorial of British policy in Abyssinia, our
Government have committed an act which, unless it is
remedied (as perhaps it might still be) by a total reform,
has given to Christianity in Eastern Africa the severest
blow it has sustained since the conquest of Abyssinia by
Mohammed Granye in the beginning of the 16th century.
It is wonderful how history sometimes repeats itself.
At that time, " the discovery then recently made by
the Portuguese (I am quoting from a work of my own
published in 1860 *) of the road to India round the
Cape of Good Hope, had the inevitable consequence of
turning a large portion of the commerce of the East
into this new channel, to the serious injury of the Ve-
netians, who had enjoyed the monopoly of that trade
through Egypt and the Levant. To obviate this cala-
mity, the Venetians did not scruple to lend their aid
to the Mohammedan ruler of Egypt; and in order to
enable him to cope in the Red Sea with their commercial
rivals, they built him a powerful fleet of ships at Suez,
for which they supplied the timber, cut in their own
forests of Dalmatia, and transported on camels across the
isthmus of Suez ;'^ with which fleet the Turks soon drove
the Portuguese out of the Red Sea, taking possession of
the island of Massowah, their most important post, in the
year 1558. Now, three centuries later, when there was
a chance of Abyssinia^s emancipating herself from her
thraldom, England, animated by a spirit of rivalry simi-
lar to that of Venice, has induced the Ottoman Porte
to transfer the entire Abyssinian sea-board to the Pasha
* ' The Sources-of the Nile,' pp. 92, 93.
ABANDONMENT OF CHRISTIANS TO MOHAMMEDANS. 269
of Egypt, in the hope of thereby preventing France from
acquiring a footing anywhere along the Avestern coast
of the Eed Sea"^.
There is too much reason to fear that this cession
from Turkey to Egypt has been accompanied by a re-
cognition qf the absolute right of the former power, not
merely to the sea- coast, but also to the whole of Abys-
sinia, as a dominion acquired by conquest in the six-
teenth ^entury ; the consequence of which is that the
Christian Abyssinians are henceforth to be regarded as
vassals, immediately or mediately, of the Porte. In fact,
the treatment of the pilgrims of that nation at Jeru-
salem f can only be regarded as a proof that we have been
consenting to what is equivalent to the delivery of a
whole Christian nation into slavery; for the domination
of Turkey over Abyssinia was nominal and had no prac-
tical effect, whereas that of Egypt is real, active, and
energetic, and, as her conduct in the surrounding dis-
tricts but too plainly shows J, will be that of a brutal and
unmerciful tyrant and oppressor §.
A plausible justification for this conduct is given by
Earl Russell in his despatch to Colonel Stanton, which
his Lordship was unfortunately induced to indite (as
is correctly stated in a leading article in the ' Times ' of
November 2nd, 1865) in '^ reply, in eflFect, to the letter
of Dr. Beke, published in this journal on the 14th of
September." "I am aware," says his Lordship, "that
there are persons who wish Her Majesty^s Government
to interfere in behalf of Abyssinia, as a Christian country,
* See page 134. t See Chapter VIII. pp. 129-137.
$ See pages 133-137. § See pages 25-29.
270 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
against Turkey and Egypt, as Mahometan countries.
But this policy has never been adopted by the British
Government, and I trust never will be. If we were to
make ourselves the protectors of the Emperor Theodore
against the Sultan and his Viceroy of Egypt, we should
become responsible for his acts, and be entangled in his
quarrels with all his neighbours and rivals. The obliga-
tions of the British Government are various enough and
heavy enough, without undertaking so costly, ha^rdous,
and unprofitable a protectorate""^.
Religious considerations being out of the sphere of the
enlightened statesmanship of the nineteenth century, we
are left to look for the political advantages which have
resulted, or are expected to result, from a transaction so
discreditable to a Christian nation. And it has to be
asked whether what our Government has done will effec-
tuate the object they had in view : will it shut out France
from the Abyssinian sea-board ?
It will, of course, be conceded that Turkey could not
assign to Egypt more than she herself possessed ; and as
far as occupation is requisite to substantiate the right of
possession, she cannot pretend to possess more than here
and there a point along the sea-shore. In speaking of
the cession of that portion of the coast adjoining Zulla,
which was made by Agau Negusye to the French in
1859t, M. Munzinger, who thoroughly understands the
subject in all its bearings, says that " anyhow that coast
belongs quite as much to the Abyssinians as to the
* 'Timop,' November 1, 1865. Parliaincntarv Papor, 18GC,
* Further Correspondence,' &c. pp. 63, 64.
t See page 58.
RIGHT OF TURKEY DISPUTED. FRENCH PRETENSION'S. 271
Turks"*; and there can be no doubt he is right f. Still,
as long as we could consistently support Turkey in in-
sisting on the observance of the Treaty of Paris, and
could get her to occupy the coast in such a way as to
show that her possession was something more than a
mere naked right, it may have been a wise policy to
recognize the pretensions of Turkey, or at all events not
to dispute them.
But to be parties to the transfer of a naked right from
the one power to the other, as a means of preventing
France from acquiring a footing, when this nation neither
recognizes the validity of that right, nor indeed cares
to be bound by the Treaty of Paris, or by any other
treaty, where her interests are concerned — the only
practical effect of the transaction being to place Chris-
tian Abyssinia at the mercy of the stronger of the two
Mohammedan powers, — is certainly neither an enlight-
ened nor a far-seeing policy.
On the 8th of last February there appeared in the
Times/ an article which plainly showed that, notwith-
''standing this transfer, the French have not in the least
abandoned their pretensions. When I was in Tigre shortly
afterwards, I met the writer of that article and several of
his countrymen, some of whom were members of Comte
Bisson^s ''French Colony of Abyssinia," having been
* "Die Kuste .... die jedenfalls den Abyssiniern ebenso gehiirt,
wie den Tiirken." — ' Ostafrikanische Studien,' p. 48.
-f- To my personal knowledge, tlie people of Halai and other Abys-
sinian villages along the edge of the tableland, at the present da}-, till
the fields in the immediate vicinity of Zulla and harvest the crops,
and they also pasture their flocks and herds in the meadows close to
the sea-shore.
272 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IX ABYSSINIA.
with him on his expedition into the Egyptian frontier
districts*; and they were cognizant of all that England
had done to prevent France from acquiring possession
of the coast^ which they quite ridiculed. They were then
negotiating with Gebra Medhin^ the Waagshum^s Go-
vernor of Okulekusai, for the concession of a coalfield
said to exist near the coast^ at no great distance from
Massowah ; and they talked very loudly of their inten-
tion to acquire (I believe they had actually acquired)
some district on the sea-coast where the Egjqjtians have
no actual settlement, and then to put at issue the
right of the Pasha to dispossess them. Shortly after
my arrival at Massowah, one of the party left for France,
with the avowed object of getting the Government to
'' protect French interests.^'
Though the " Defender of the Faith " does not pro-
fess to act up to this title anywhere but at home, the
" Eldest Son of the Church " openly avows that he ex-
tends his protection to the Roman Catholic missionaries
"dans tout Funivers^^t- And the Church of Rome and
her missionaries are not ungrateful.
From what is related in these pages, it is evddent that
France receives the greatest support from the Roman
Catholic mission in Abyssinia; and it is not less certain
tliat the mission has taken deep root in the country.
Independently of the church at MassoAvah, to which allu-
sion has been made J, they have one at Halai and
another at Ebbo, the Episcopal See, on the edge of the
tableland further to the north, where is the tomb of
Msgr. de' Jacobis, the first Bishop, who died a martyr
• See page 120. f See page 99. J See page 42.
ROMAN CATHOLIC AND PROTESTANT MISSIONS. 27')
to tho French cause ^ rather tlian to that of Jlome.
The present Bishop, Msgr. Bel, is the first l^Venchman
who has filled the See, his predecessors, Mdiether possess-
ing the rank of Bishop or of Vicar Apostolic, having been
Italians. There is likewise a mission at Keren, in Bogos,
under the direction of Padre Stella, but within the juris-
diction of Msgr. Bel. I was assured that the number
of native Abyssinian s who have gone over to the Church
of Rome is 60,000. This I believe to be an exaggera-
tion, though there can be no question as to the number
of converts being considerable ; and it increases daily,
the native clergy having but little power or influence in
the frontier districts.
The diflferent positions of the Roman Catholic and the
Protestant Missions in that country needs not to be
dwelt on, except that I would hazard the remark, that far
better would it have been had the sympathies of Bishop
Gobat and Dr. Krapf and their friends not been enlisted
on the side of Bas Ali and his successor Theodore, and
that they had not (to repeat the words of my letter to
Lord Palmerston of April 4th, 1848) " joined in the cry
of Mr. Salt^s party f against Ubye — the usurper, the tyrant,
the oppressor, as he is called" J . They have now learned,
at the serious cost of the Protestant cause, of which they
so long have been the zealous, earnest, conscientious, and
indefatigable — I only wish I could add judicious and suc-
cessful — agents, that there are others more deserving of
those epithets than Dcdjatj Ubye of Tigre, who, by
the inscrutable decree of an overruling Providence,
* See page 59. t See page 12.
I See the Appendix, page 207.
T
274 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
has long been a fellow-prisoner at Magdala of our ill-
fated missionaries^ who were taught to look on him as
their enemy.
The result is that the Protestant Missions, both the
London Society's and the Scottish, have been given
up — or, to speak more properly, they will be with-
drawn whenever the Emperor Theodore shall permit the
poor missionaries to leave the country"^; and as soon
as Mr. Talbot and the six English workmen reach Gatfat
as substitutes for the liberated captives, it may be an-
ticipated that Bishop Gobat's artisan missionaries will
either become completely secularized, or else will have
to quit Abyssinia like their countrymen the other Pro-
testant missionaries. Then, with the encroachments of
Mohammedanism on every side, the only hope of Chris-
tianity in Abyssinia for safety against annihilation will
be in Rome and France, as in its last great struggle it
was in Rome and Portugal. Taught by the experience
of their precursors, the Lazarists of the 19th century will
doubtless be in their generation wiser than the Jesuits of
the 16th and 17th centuries.
* I have just heard that the members of the Scottish mission,
Messrs. Stei^-er and Brandeis, have entered the Emperor's service. —
Decctnher 3rrf, 1866.
275
CHAPTER XVI.
POLICY OF ENGLAND — ITS EFFECTS ON ABYSSINIA — MASSOWAH
AND SEA-COAST OFFERED TO THEODORE — LORD CLARENDON'S
CONSENT — CONSUL PLO'NVTJEN's DEATH — CAPTAIN CAMEROn's
APPOINTMENT — CHANGE OF POLICY — ABYSSINIA ABANDONED
TO TURKEY — CONSUL'S ACTS REPUDIATED — SIR WILLIAM COGH-
LAN's evidence AS TO ALTERED POLICY — THEODORE RETALI-
ATES — MAKES WAR AFTER HIS FASHION — ENGLAND DEFEATED
AND SUES FOR PEACE — THEODORE 's CONDUCT CONDONED —
TREATY "WITH MR. RASSAM — TO BE CONFIRMED BY" COLONEL
MEREWETHER — MR. RASSAM AND CAPTI\'F;S IMPRISONED — VA-
CILLATING POLICY OF ENGLAND — STATE OF PARTIES IN ABYS-
SINIA — TADELU GW'ALU IN GOD JAM — CAUSE OF THEODORE's
DOWNFALL — PRESTIGE GONE — FRENCH IN SHOA AND TIGRE
— KING MENILEK OF SHOA — OIZORO WARKYET AT THE HEAD OF
WOLLO GALLAS — TESSU GOBAZYE IN NORTH-WEST PROVINCES —
WAAGSHUM GOBAZYE — KING HEZEKIAH — FUTURE EMPEROR —
STATE OF PARTIES IN TIGRE — WARFARE — "THE BATTLE OF
AXUM" — COMTE BISSONS REPORT — ENGLISHMEN SAID TO BE
PRESENT — REPORT A FABRICATION — DOUBTS AS TO BATTLE —
ITS PROBABILITY — POSSIBILITY OF THEODORe's PRESENCE —
FALSE REPORT OF EXECUTION OF CAPTIVES — FUTURE POLICY
OF ENGLAND — TREATY WITH THEODORE TOO LATE — MACHINES
AND GUNPOWDER-MAKERS USELESS WITHOUT FURTHER HELP —
author's SUGGESTIONS — ENGLAND WORSE OFF THAN IN 1847 —
ENLIGHTENED POLICY OF FRANCE — ENGLAND DRIFTING WITH
THE STREAM — SOOXER OR LATER WAR.
In the preceding Chapter has been considered the policy
of England with reference to France. We have now
to notice the efl'ccts of that policy in relation to Abys-
sinia.
For this purpose it will not be necessary to go furtlu^r
back than to Consul Plowden's Report to the Earl of
t2
270 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Clarendon, dated Gondar, June 25th, 1855*, — although
from the contents of that report it is evident that there is
much yet to be learned respecting what had previously
''been arranged with the Ras Ali'^t-
Consul Plowden states that on his first interview with
the Emperor, after urging on him the establishment of a
Consulate within his dominions, he " ventured to hint
that the sea-coast and Massowah might possibly be given
up to him on his consent ^^ J. What authority Mr. Plow-
den had for making such a proposal does not appear ; but
at all events it was quite in the spirit of the stipulation in
the treaty of November 2nd, 1849, between England and
Abyssinia, that the Sovereigns of the two countries
should " respectively, to the best of their power, en-
deavour to keep open and to secure the avenues of ap-
proach between the sea-coast and Abyssinia ' §. But
whether he had been previously authorized or not is im-
material, inasmuch as Lord Clarendon in his reply, dated
November 27th of the same year, unhesitatingly adopted
that officer's proposal by saying, " I entirely approve
your proceedings as reported in that despatch, as well as
the language held by you at your interview with the King
Theodorus " \\ ; and he added that the Queen of England
would receive ambassadors from that monarch, and would
defray the expenses of their journey to England.
It is true that the condition was attached that Consul
Plowden should obtain " from the King a distinct assu-
rance that he renounced all idea of conquest in Egypt and
* Parliamentary Paper, 18G0, < Furtlier Con-espondence,' &c.,
pp. 41-47. t Ihid. page 45.
X See page 4'J. § Seepage 21. || See page 60.
MASSOWAH AND SEA-COAST OFFERED TO THEODORE. 277
at Massowah " *. But the nature of an " assurance " of
the sort is well understood. When obtained it would
have been worth just as much as that which Lord Cla-
rendon said had been given by the Viceroy of Egypt not
to attack Abyssinia. But his lordship added signifi-
cantly, that " Her Majesty's Government would subject
themselves to grave suspicions if they received an embassy
from a sovereign whose designs against the Sultan, the
ally .of the Queen of England, were p?'eviousIy knoivn to
them ; " and it is only surprising that Theodore did not
act on the hint so plainly given him.
Consul Plowden's despatches between the years 1855
and 18G0 have not been made public; and it would not
be worth while to speculate as to what took place in the
interval- But we know that the death of that officer,
in March 1860, and that of his comrade, Mr. Bell, in
October following, unfortunately put a stop to diplomatic
relations between England and Abyssinia.
The resumption of these relations by Captain Cameron,
and the calamitous results of such resumption, have been
detailed in the preceding pages f, and need not be dwelt
on here. All that is essential to remark is that, at the
time of that officer's departure from England, and subse-
quently, till February 20th, 1862, when Earl Russell wrote
to the Emperor Theodore the letter given in a former
page X, Abyssinia continued to be regarded as an indepen-
dent nation and its sovereign as a frienrl and ally of the
British Government.
During the course of the year 1862 a radical change
took place in the policy of England with respect to
* See page 51. f Page 66 et seq. J See page 67.
278 THE BKITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Abyssinia. What was its precise motive and how it came
al)out will be best understood when the papers connected
with "the Abyssinian Question" — particularly those rela-
ting to the acquisition of Obokh by France — are laid
before Parliament. Meanwhile we have evidence of the
change having occurred before the end of that year^ in
the fact that on October 30th, 1862, Consul Finn, the
" officious " protector of the Christian Abyssinian pil-
grims to the Holy Sepulchre, was removed from Jeru-
salem and replaced by Mr. Moore, who, as the exponent
of the altered policy of the British Government, at
once expressed his inability to help those pilgrims, on
the ground of their being Turkish subjects *.
Consequently it was in accordance with that altered
policy that Consul Cameron's negociations with the Em-
peror Theodore as an independent Sovereign were repu-
diated, and his interference on behalf of the inhabitants of
the Abyssinian provinces of Bogos condemned; and as
Her Majesty's Government had then made up their minds
" to withdraw as much as possible from Abyssinian en-
gagements, Abyssinian alliances, and British interference
in Abyssinia " ■\, the Emperor's request for a mission
from Bombay was refused J, and his letter to the Queen
was intentionally left unanswered § ; whilst the unfortu-
nate Consul himself was ordered, M'hen it was no longer
in his power, to return to " his post " at the Turkish (now
Egyptian) island of Massowah ||.
Sir William Coghlan, who, having long occupied the
important post of Political Resident at Aden, cannot but
• See page 131. t See page 130. X See pages 79 and 92.
§ See pages 149 and 103. || See pages 104, 122, and 215, note.
CHANGE OF POLICY. THEODORE RETALIATES. 279
be well acquainted with the acts and intentions of our
Government^ makes use of expressions in his ' Menio-
randnra on the Abyssinian Difficulty/ printed in the papers
laid before Parliament in the Session of 1865''", Avhich
clearly point to the poKtical abandonment of Abyssinia.
He " assumes/' for instance, that, apart from the release
of the captives, " any further relations with Abyssinia,
except as they may affect the object, are not desired by
Her Majesty's Government;" and again, supposing a
mission to be sent for that purpose, he adds, " In the
possible event of the release of the captives before the
arrival of the mission, and on a certainty that they had re-
moved beyond the power of the King, it is presumed that
Her Majesty's Government would not desire the mission to
go on. British subjects might be warned, and the mission
would return " f ; and consequently Abyssinia and the
Abyssinians, both at home and at Jerusalem, would be
abandoned (bound, as it were, hand and foot) to the
Sultan and his Viceroy of Egypt.
There can hardly be any doubt that it was with a view
to prevent this fatal consummation, that Theodore
adopted a line of conduct which " grossly violated the
rules of civilization and of international law." But is
not this one of those extreme cases which may be said
to make their own laws ? What other remedy had the
ill-starred monarch ? Was it not the only way in which
he could wage war against England ? Had one of the
Great Powers of Europe been treated half as ill, there
would have been an immediate commencement of hosti-
* 'Papers relating to tlie Imprisonment of British Subjects,'
p. 7. t Ihid. p. 9.
280 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
litics— invasion of territory, seiznre and destruction of
the property of harmless and inoffensive private indi-
viduals having no more to do with the quarrel than
the poor " British Captives in Abyssinia/' personal vio-
lencCj imprisonment, punishment, nay torture or even
death, if they resisted or perhaps even complained — a
Koniggratz (Sadowa) or Custozza, Avith the sacrifice of
thousands of lives — and all according to the rules of
civilization and of international law !
I do not think of justifying the conduct of the Emperor
Theodore and his advisers (whoever they may be), any
more than I can commend that of the King of Prussia
and Count Bismark. But, like them, he carried on war
according to his own lights and after his own fashion,
and like them he gained the victory, England, like
Austria, being forced — though with infinitely less honour
— to sue for peace.
After all the cruelties inflicted on Her Britannic Ma-
jesty's Consul and the other unfortunate European pri-
soners, the " renewal of friendship between Abyssinia and
England was happily established" — at the expense only
of those " insincere, ill-behaved, ill-mannered, and ill-tem-
pered " persons who had '' created the breach " between
the Emperor Theodore and our Queen ; and " every one,
whether European or Abyssinian, admitted" — and what
everybody says must be true — " that no sovereign could
be more attentive and gracious to the representative of a
foreign government than Theodore of Abyssinia was to-
Mr. Rassam " ^.
That monarch being thus admitted within the pale of
* See page 205. I could cite examples much nearer home of
THEODORE S CONDUCT CONDONED. 281
civilization^ tlie preliminaries of a treaty were arranged
between him and the British envoy^ who was, however,
"detained" awhile by His Majesty — "the object of the
King being, it is stated, to procure an assurance of good
disposition towards him liefore the Europeans departed"*;
and this assurance has accordingly been given in a second
letter from Her Britannic Majesty to her "good friend,"
the Emperor of Abyssinia, which Mr. Flad is the bearer of,
and Colonel Merewether is gone to confirm, accompanied
by Mr. Talbot and six English workmen, who are to take
the place of Mr. Bassam and the European captives.
When shattered and prostrate, after the tortures to
which they had been subjected on the 12th of May,
1864 — now more than a year and a half ago, and they
still prisoners ! — Samuel, the Emperor's steward (" that
compound of malice, hatred, and cunning," as he is called
by one who has but too much reason to know him f, but
who seemed to Mr. Bassam to be " really desirous to
promote a friendly feeling between England and Abys-
sinia"), said to the unhappy captives, "Do you know
who lies here ? " pointing to the Consul ; " This is
Victoria !"
It was hardly to be imagined that the name of Her
Majesty and the honour of the British nation could be
subjected, as they have been, to still greater indignity.
Suspecting perfidy on tlie part of England — and, alas !
he has unhappily too much reason for doing so — the
Emperor of Abyssinia has put Mr. Bassam and all the
praise bestowed on Theodore's conduct. But it is not worth while
now to attract notice to these specimens of flunkyism.
* See page 221. f See Mr. Stern's letter in the Appendix.
282 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
captives again in chains and sent them to Magdala, where,
according to the latest intelligence'^, they have passed
the rainy season. And it is to be dreaded that we have
not yet seen the end.
It shall however be assumed, notwithstanding all that
has passed and in spite of all forebodings, that the Em-
peror Theodore will listen to the representations made to
him in Her Britannic Majesty^s second letter, of Avhich
Mr. Flad is the bearer, and that he will liberate Mr.
Rassam and all the captives — such being the condition
on which Colonel Merewether is prepared to carry out
Mr. Rassam^s arrangements f- Nevertheless it is not at
all certain whether this compliance with most of his de-
mands may not still be unavailing. He may insist on
everything being granted ; and I believe this will not
be acceded to — that in fact it could not be done unless
England felt disposed for another Crimean war. What
then, after all, would our Government have to do ? To
leave the captives to their fate, or to go to war with
Theodore himself?
But we must not look at the dark side. It shall be
taken for granted that all goes on favourably ; the Em-
peror is induced to abandon his claims; the captives are
all liberated ; a treaty signed between the Emperor and
Colonel Merewether on behalf of Her Britannic Majesty,
and Mr. Talbot and the six English workmen left behind
in Abyssinia. What is to happen then? There is no
need to disguise the fact, that these Englishmen have
been enlisted into the service of the Abyssinian monarch
for the purpose of assisting him with the means of sub-
' See the ' Times ' of November I'O, 18(j6. t See page 231.
VACILLATING POLICY OV ENGLAND. 283
jugatiug his enemies and acquiring the sovereignty of the
wliole of Abyssinia. Such a scheme might have been
feasible a fcAV years ago ; but in consequence of the vacil-
lating policy of the British Government — who encouraged
Theodore when he ought not to have been encouraged,
gave him up just at a moment when, if good were ex-
pected from the alliance, he ought to have been supported
and not given up, and is now taking him up again when,
according to all appearances, he is no longer worth taking
up — there remains scarcely any hope that, even with the
help of these Englishmen and of the German and other
artisans he has already in his employ, he will be able, 1
will not say to conquer the " rebels " and the " Turks,"
but to hold his own against them.
The following summary of the state of parties in May
last, will serve to show what his chances are.
For several years past Theodore has attempted, but in
vain, to conquer Tadela Gwalu, the hereditary prince of
Godjam*. Year after year has he led his army across the
* This warrior is the son of Dedjatj Gwalu, who was the grand-
son of Ras Hailu, the friend of the traveller Bruce, by whom he is
called " Ayto Aylo." ,
In the time of Ras Ilailu, a young man named Zaudye (a native
of Uamot, of Galla extraction, whose history is almost more extra-
ordinary than that of Theodore himself) raised himself to power,
and received in marriage Oizoro Dinkanish, the lias's daughter, by
whom lie was the father of Dedjatj Goshu ("the Father of the
white men," as Consul Plowden calls him, and my very good friend),
who was slain in battle by Theodore, and whose son Biru is now
a captive at Magdala. Through his marriage with Ras Hailu's
daughter and his own great talent, Dedjatj Zaudye deflected from that
prince's male descendants the sovereignty of Godjam and Damot,
which, since the defeat and imprisonment of Biru Goshu, has been
resumed by Tadela Gwalu, the lineal male heir.
284 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
Abui into the peninsula of Godjam, in the extreme south-
west of the empire, witli no result except to ravage and
ruin, though not absolutely to "■ destroy/^ those un-
happy districts* ; Avhilst Tiidela himself retires into his
fortresses, jNIutera and Djibella, impregnable by nature,
where he laughs the invader to scorn.
The resistance of Tadela may be regarded as the proxi-
mate cause of Theodore's downfall, inasmuch as it has
shown to the nation at large that the " King of Kings,''
the would-be conqueror of all nations, can be withstood.
At one time his prestige was such that he had only to
approach at the head of a victorious army, and the
" rebels," in however great force, were unable to offer
any firm resistance, and either dispersed without striking
a blow, or else went over bodily to his side.
I have reason to know that the faith in Theodore's
invincibility has been, and even to this day is, enter-
tained not only in Abyssinia, but likewise in England,
by persons whose opinions must necessarily have great
weight with our Government. Even Mr. Flad, when in
this country, expressed himself in this sense, he ha^dng
such a dread of the despot as to imagine that every one
else must look on him as he and those about the Court
have only too much reason to do f.
Meanwhile, Theodore's absence from the other pro-
vinces of Abyssinia nearer to the coast has allowed their
* See page 189.
t The petty tyranny of Theodore is such, that if he calls to a
person about him to come, and that person does not fly at the bidding
— not walk even quickly, but actually run — he is saluted with all
sorts of abusive epithets, and often " gets the stick " for keeping the
impatient despot waiting.
rKENCII IN SIIOA AND TIGRE. 28.")
rulers to gain strength, and, in tlic case of Slioa and
Tigre, to make alliances with the French, if not with
France, and in their turn to obtain not merely machines
and gunpowder makers, but likewise soldiers and fire-
arms, by which means they may be expected to be able
to counteract all that Mr. Talbot and his assistants will
be able to perform.
Several months ago, as I stated in the ' Times ' of
October 1st, ''there was a talk of some French officers
of the army of Algiers going out to Northern Abys-
sinia, taking with them several light pieces of artillery."
And I added the expression of my belief that on this
point, as well as that of the earlier application of the
King of Shoa to the French Consul at Aden for a supply
of firearms, to which allusion has been made in a former
page ■^, " representations had been made to the Go-
vernment of France." But I added, not without reason,
that ''natives of that country may have gone to Abys-
sinia nevertheless;" and the mission of Mr. Talbot and
his English companions, to a monarch who has set the
Emperor Napoleon at defiance and has virtually declared
war against France t^ must of course deprive the Eng-
lish Government of all further right to make represen-
tations or demand explanations on the subject.
As to the Kingdom of Shoa, it has (as already stated J)
reasserted its independence under the sovereignty of Me-
nilek, the grandson of Sahela Selasye; and it is gene-
rally considered that the resubjugation of that country is
hopeless. If, as is probable, now that the French are so
near to him at Obokh, the King of Shoa has renewed the
* See page 260. t See page 101. J See page 145.
28G THE lilllTISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
alliance with France — which was established through M.
Rochet, and to counteract which was the fruitless object
of Major Harris's mission in 1841 * — it may be looked
on as certain that the Emperor Theodore will never have
it in his power to conquer Shoa, or even to make head
against King Menilek should he become the aggressor.
The revival of the two provinces of Tigre and Shoa
as separate and independent kingdoms, setting Theodore
at defiance, coupled with the persistent rebellion of
Tadela Gwalu in Godjam, has, in point of fact, placed
the Abyssinian Empire in the position in which it was
under the puppet Emperors, before his accession to the
throne. The resemblance will be seen to be complete
when we have said a few words respecting the other por-
tions of the now disintegrated Empire.
In the centre of Abyssinia, a female leader named
Warkyet, a relative of Oizoro Menen, Ras Ali^s mother,
is at the head of the powerful tribes of Mohammedan
Wollo Gallas, and threatens to wrest from Theodore all
his most valued and dearly bought conquests in that di-
rection, including Amba Magdala, his principal hold,
which has obtained such unenviable notoriety as the
Englishmen's prison. Had warlike measures against
Theodore been decided on, it might have been no
difficult task to enlist these Gallas on our side, and
by their means to have obtained possession of Magdala
by a coup de main, and so perhaps have liberated the cap-
tives, though not in the way recently suggested by Dr.
Krapf, to whose proposition, however, the serious con-
sideration of the Foreign Office has been accorded, not-
* See pjige 13.
WAAGSHUM GORAZYE TO BE EMPERoR IIEZEKIAII. 2H7
withstanding that there are in the archives of that oiHee
conclusive proofs of its ineligihility !
In the north-west, in Walkait, Semyeiij and the neigh-
bouring provinces, a chief named Tessu Gobazye, a non-
veau-ne, has for some time past held sway and become
virtually independent, he having extended his occupation
of the country as far as Gondar, and even beyond. It
is he whose troops stopped Mr. Rassam in January last,
when only a few miles from Gondar '^. When I was in
Abyssinia, I heard that he and Waagshum Gobazye
had formed an alliance, the basis of which was that
they should each oppose Theodore to the death, and
that whichever of the two killed him or made him
prisoner should be recognized as Emperor by the other.
But this I am slow to credit, because I have been
informed, on good authority, that the Waagshum in-
tends to declare himself Emperor with the aid of the
King of Shoa and of the French, and to be crowned
by the name of Hizkiasf or Hezekiah — there being a
native prophecy that a monarch of that name shall reign,
who is to be the precursor of the true Teodros or Theo-
dore.
In North-eastern Abyssinia, Deras, the W^aagshum's
lieutenant in Tigre, who in the beginning of March last
had sustained a complete defeat at the hands of Tekla
Georgis, the brother and deputy of Ras Bariau, Theo-
dore's lieutenant, was, when I left the country in May,
regaining strength ; whilst Tekla Georgis, who in the
* Se« page 180.
t This is the " Ischias " of Bruce, who almost invariably gives the
native names wrongly-
288 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
very flush of victory had had his army destroyed by
cholera, was obliged to retire into Shire, his native pro-
vince, where he was raising an army to replace the one
destroyed. Deras, on the other hand, had united his
forces at Adigrat to those of the Governor of A game,
Subbart, the son of Sabagadis, the friend of the English
in the time of Mr. Salt and of Bishop Gobat. Gebra
Medhin, the Governor of Okulekusai, the district in which
Halai is situated, whose troops had dispersed on the defeat
of Deras by Tekla Georgis, had again collected an army
of some force, and had moved westward in the direction
of the Mareb.
All these chiefs acknowledge the supremacy of Waag-
shum Gobazye, between whom and Tessu Gobazye the
whole of Northern Abyssinia was divided, with the ex-
ception of Shire, Serawe, and Hamasyen, which were still
held by governors named by Theodore. The latter had
just written an abusive letter to Dedjatj Hailu, the
governor of the two last-named provinces, calling him
the one-eyed son of a bad woman (he has lost an eye in
battle), and ordering him to cross the Mareb and attack
Gebra Medhin.
I have heard that one of Theodore's objects in send-
ing Hailu into Okulekusai was to fetch myself and my
wife, for whose arrival he was very anxious; and Tekla
Georgis wrote to me from Axum, that if I did not choose
to wait for his coming, my better course would be to try
the road across the Mareb into Hamas_yen, which I might
have done, had not Gebra Medhin moved directly across
my path. But different counsels prevailed at the Em-
peror's court, and on May 28th, as has already been
WAR BETWEEN THE WAAGSHUM AND THE EMPEROR. 289
related ^, the second letter, written in English, was sent to
me, ordering me to leave Halai and return to Massowah.
I am grateful for the order, whatever may have been the
cause of its being given.
Such then was the state of Abyssinia when I left that
country in the beginning of last May. At that time the
general impression was, that some important military
operations were likely to take place before the setting in
of the rainy season. The Waagshum, whose movements
had for several months previously been concealed, evi-
dently with an object, but who was generally beHeved to
have gone southward f — perhaps to Shoa — was expected
in Tigre to pass the winter there. At the same time it
was currently reported that Ras Bariau, the Emperor's
governor of that province, would come and place himself
at the head of the army his brother Tekla Georgis was
collecting, to drive the Waagshum out and hold pos-
session for the Emperor — nay, that the Emperor him-
self was coming into Tigre, from which province no tri-
bute has been received by him for the last three years %.
The * Times ^ of July 23rd last contained an extract
from a Cairo newspaper, 'II Commercio,' under date of
July 7th, announcing that a tremendous battle was immi-
nent between the armies of the Emperor and the Waag-
shum, and that it was calculated there would be not less
than 150,000 combatants in the field §.
* See page 218.
t During part of the time he went and destroyed Zebit, as is men-
tioned in page 143.
X See the ' Times ' of April 7, 1866.
§ In the ' Times ' of July 25th I commented on this intelligence,
pointing out how it agreed with what I had myself heard.
tJ
290 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
On September 17tb, nearly two montlis afterwards^
a telegram from Constantinople appeared in the ' Times '
and otlier newspapers, announcing that an engagement
had actually taken place near Abrin [Axum or Adowa ?]
hetween the Abyssinians and the Tigre insurgents, and
that the Emperor was expected Avith reinforcements.
A week later, namely on September 24th, an article
■appeared in the ' Times ' from the Paris correspondent of
that journal, reproducing a long account which had ap-
peared in the '^Nice Journal,^ of what is there styled ''the
battle of Axum,''^ said to have been fought on July 30th,
between the army of Theodore and the insm-gents of
Tigre a7id Shoa. The account was communicated by
Comte Bisson, who signed himself " Founder of the
French Colony of Abyssinia,^^ and said he had received it
in the form of a report from one of his colonists present
at the battle. Theodore was stated to have been at the
head of 95,000 men ; and the forces of the insurgents were
estimated to have been ratlicr larger. Several English-
men were alleged to have been in arms against the Em-
peror. In the report we find such expressions as these: —
" The English were there, in constant communication
with Aden : the insurgents drew arms and supplies from
that place " — " three pieces of artillery of English manu-
facture " were taken from them — and " among the Ti-
grean dead were recognized Egyptians and some English
faces, especially in the fort. No doubt but that officers of
that nation directed all the evolutions of the battle," &c.
All this is so utterly improbable that, if the story is
not a pure fiction from beginning to end, it is meant as a
blind to conceal the fact that tlic Europeans present in
"the battle of AXUm" DISBELIEVED. 201
the army of Waagslmm Gobazye (tlie intended Emperor
Hezekiah) were Frenchmen and not Englishmen, and
that tlie field-pieces, even if of English manufacture, were
introduced into Tigre by French officers — not improbably
those I heard of several months ago, as has just ]jeen
mentioned'^.
There appears to be, I do not know for what reason,
a determination on the part of every one who has any
relations Avith Her Majesty's Government, to deny alto-
gether the fact of any great battle — or indeed any battle
at all — having been fought in Tigre before the rains.
As to the idea of Theodore's having been present at such
a battle, it is looked on as preposterous. Mr. Flad him-
self published a letter in the ' Times ' of September 2Gtli
last, to show how utterly impossible it was for Theodore
to have transported an army in twenty-three days from
Debra Tabor, where he was on July 7th, to Axum,
where the battle was said to have been fought on the
30th of the same month. But, as I stated in the same
journal on October 1st, and from the several facts w^iicli
I have just related, it is indisputable that the Em-
peror's army was already in Tigre, as were likewise the
united forces of Tigre and Slioa — 150,000 combatants in
all, as stated in the Cairo newspaper; a battle was
said to be imminent ; the Emperor was expected to
arrive with reinforcements ; and as the distance between
Dcbra Tabor and Axum is only 170 English statute miles
in a direct line, it stands to reason that a strategist like
Theodore, whose great successes have mainly resulted
from his rapid marches, frequently by night, and fi'om
* See page 285.
292 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
his falling unexpectedly on the enemy "^^ might easily
have performed that distance^ at the head of a select
or even a large body of cavalry, in much less time than
twenty-three days f.
I cannot then bring myself to doubt the fact of an im-
portant battle having been fought in Tigre before the
rainy season fully set in, and that, whether the Em-
peror was there or not in person, the result was un-
favourable to him. Comte Bisson^s correspondent asserted
that, in consequence of the repulse, if not defeat, which
the Emperor sustained, he had ^'^in his exasperation
ordered the immediate execution of all the English
captives, sparing only the women and children.^^ But,
thank God, this we know to be untrue, because news has
just been received from Massowah that at about the end
of September the captives were all alive, though still in
chains at Magdala.
It now only remains for me to say a few words respect-
ing the future policy of England with regard to Abyssinia.
* See page 143.
t In the ' Times ' of October 1st 1 stated that, " In the year 184-3
I went from Debra Tabor to Adowa, which is close to Axum, by a
circuitous route through Lasta, the Waagshum's country, and my
actual time on the road was 121^ hours. My diary is published in the
'Journal of the Royal Geogi'aphical Society,' vol. xiv. pp. 51-62, with
a map." Now, allowing as much as double the direct distance for the
irregularities of surface and deflections from the straight line, the dis-
tance to be travelled between the two extremes would be 340 statute
miles, and supposing the Emperor to have travelled only twice as fast
as I did, the journey would have occupied him sixty-two hours in the
saddle ; and to say that he could not perform such a journey between
the 7th and 30th July — twenty-three days — is too absurd to be
insisted on for a moment when the matter is thus put to the test of
figures.
FUTURE POLICY OF ENGLAND. 293
Should all result favourably as regards the prisoners,
Colonel Merewether will, it is presumed, proceed to the
Emperor^s court and conclude with him the treaty, of
which the preliminaries have been settled by Mr. Ilassam.
In the present state of affairs it is not very intelligible
what can be the object of that treaty. Theodore may be
nominally Emperor of Abyssinia, but his power is much
weakened, if not entirely gone; and it is much to be
questioned whether an alliance with England would
restore it unless our Government should engage to sup-
port him on the throne. " Machines and gunpowder-
makers '^ alone will not help him now, I fear ; and it is
hardly to be imagined that England would bind herself
to support him by any other means.
And yet it is manifest that Mr. Talbot and the English
workmen, who have gone to Abyssinia under the guarantee
of the British Government, cannot be left without pro-
tection. It would not now do to say, '' British subjects
might be warned, and the mission would return ^^*. Con-
sul Cameron wisely foresaw this very case, when in his
letter of October 22nd, 1862, he urged on the Emperor
the recognition of a Consul within his dominions, in the
foUowiug terms : — " Some arrangement, at any rate, on
this point wiU be necessary, if your Majesty really wishes
to keep up a close friendship with England. I feel
certain, too, that if English artisans were to come here,
as I have heard is your Majesty ^s wish, it would
be impossible for them to stay, unless there wa.s an
officer of some kind, either Envoy or Consul, to look
after them " t-
* See page 279. t ^('e the Appendix, page 314.
294 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
As already stated^, tlie ' Times ^ of July 8tli contains an
extract from a letter which I Avrote from Halai to a per-
son of high rank in England, on the 27th of April, before
the news of Mr. Rassam's alleged final success reached
me. In that letter I predicted the detention of Mr.
Rassam, and asked the question, '' What would Her
Majesty^s Government do in such a case?" And I pro-
ceeded to suggest a certain course of action. When
the present Administration came into office, I anticipated
that my letter of April 27th, as well as a previous one of
March 28th, would have been communicated to Lord
Stanley. I have reason to believe that it was not so, or
that, if it was, the communication was made officially, in
which case it would of com'se have shared the fate of my
previous communications to the Foreign Office. It is
perhaps well that it should have been so; for the con-
tents of my letters were not likely to be appreciated
either by the Foreign Secretary or by the public without
a previous thorough knowledge of all the facts. At the
present moment my suggestions would be out of place;
but the time may yet come when they will be deserving
of consideration.
The intelligence which we may shortly expect to receive
from Abyssinia will be franght with interest, as regards
not only the fate of the British captives, but also the
destinies of that country, as resulting from the conduct of
its' present ruler, and likewise from the movements of
the princes of Tigre and Shoa and their French allies.
As matters now stand it would appear that all that
England has been doing in Abyssinia during the last
* See page 226.
CONTRAST BETWEEN ENGLISH AND FRENCH POLICY. 295
twenty years has been to no good purpose, and that in
fact we are politically in a worse position than we were
when Mr. Plowden was appointed Consul in Abyssinia ;
for our only alliance is with the Emperor Theodore in his
present crippled state, — and even that alliance is not
from choice, but is forced on us by an anxiety to get our
unfortunate countrymen and others out of his hands;
whilst France has not only obtained a settlement on the
sea-coast at the southern extremity of Abyssinia, but is
likely now to obtain one also in the north, through ter
alliance with the rising sovereign of Tigre, who will perhaps
eventually become the ruler of the whole of Abyssinia.
In conclusion then I do not see that I can do otherwise
than reiterate the closing words of my pamphlet, ' The
French and English in the Red Sea,^ published more than
four years ago^ : —
'' Such are the interested but at the same time en-
* This was in fact only a repetition of the warning I gave in a
letter to Viscount Palmerston, dated August 21st, 1851, now more than
fifteen years ago. My words at that time were these : — *' At the
present moment, England appears to have gained the ascendancy in
EgTpt, but we have no right to expect that this will always be the
case ; and, even while it lasts, it may and dotibtless will only lead to
efforts on the paH of France to acquire a counterpoise in the south. Any
attempts in that quarter might, however, be effectually prevented, and
at a trifling outlay, were only suitable measures at once adopted. If,
on the contrary, such measures are delayed, they may at a future period
become difficult, if not impracticable. And as, on account of our
Indian possessions, it is absolutely essential that British influence
should continue to preponderate in Egypt; and as, consequently, it
will be imperative on our nation to proceed even to the last extremi-
ties for the maintenance of that preponderance, — if not, indeed, in
order to regain it after it shall have been lost ; we may, in the result,
be forced to atone for present neglect by the sacrifice of millions of
treasure and tens of thousands of human lives."
296 THE BRITISH CAPTIVES IN ABYSSINIA.
lightened views of France, which she will continue to
carry out by all the means in her power, and (as is mani-
fest) without being over-scrupulous as to the character of
those means. England, on the other hand, after inter-
meddling most needlessly and mischievously in the affairs
of Abyssinia, appears now to be simply drifting with the
current of events, which she knows not how to stem.
Circumstances will, however, be sooner or later such as to
force her to intervene with an armed hand, and (as she
usfially does) to atone for past incapacity and neglect by
the sacrifice of millions of treasure and tens of thousands
of human lives. ^'
APPENDIX.
Letter from Dr. Beke to Viscount Palme rston, G.C.B.,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated April dt/i,
1848.
[Referred to in pages 22 and 263.]
Mt Loed,
Eeferring to the letter which I had the honour of ad-
dressing to j our Lordship on the 25th ultimo *, I now feel it to
be my duty to offer a few remarks on the subject of the policy
which, during a number of years past, would appear to have
been adopted by the British Grovernment with regard to
Abyssinia ; since it is not improbable that the effects of that
policy would exercise some influence on any operations that
might be attempted to be carried out in accordance with the
suggestions contained in my said letter.
When Mr. Salt undertook his mission to Abyssinia in the
year 1810, he became acquainted with a young native chief
named Sabagadis, of whose disposition and talents he Avas
induced to form a high opinion, and whose future elevation he
foretold. Mr. Salt's prognostications were so far fulfilled, that,
in 1818, subsequently to the death of Eas Walda Selasye (the
[* This was a letter on the subject of the Victualling of an Army in
the Red Sea, addressed simultaneously to Lord Palmerston and to the
kite Duke of Wellington, who was then Commander-in-Chief.]
29() APPENDIX.
prince of Tigrc, to whom the British Envoy had delivered the
presents originally destined for the Emperor), Sabagadis
acquired the rule of that province, which he retained about
thirteen years. But, in the beginning of the year 1831, he
was defeated in battle and slain by the united forces of Eas
Marye and Dedjatj Ubye ; and on this event the latter prince
assumed the government of Tigre, which he has since retained,
in addition to his hereditary province of Semyen, to the west of
the river Takkazye.
The friendship between Mr. Salt and Dedjatj Sabagadis was
lasting ; and it would appear to have formed the groundwork
of all the relations (mth the exception of Major Harris's mis-
sion to Shoa) which have since been maintained between Eng-
land and Abyssinia. As long as Sabagadis lived, he was
doubtless deserving of the friendship entertained towards him
not only by the British Government but by all British travel-
lers in Abyssinia, But his rule of Tigre was one of force, not
of right. It was established by himself, and died with him.
In its subsequent relations, therefore, with Abyssinia, the true
policy of England was to have cultivated the friendship of that
chiefs successor de facto. Instead of which a morbid feeling
has arisen in favour of the family of Sabagadis ; and the kindly
sentiments towards that prince, which were originated by
Mr. Salt, have been transferred to his children and relatives,
and fostered in a most undue manner by Mr. Salt's dependent
and adherent, Mr. Coffin, who has taken up his residence in
Abyssinia. It is not intended to impute to that individual
improper motives for his partisanship in favour of the family
of Sabagadis, but simply to explain the origin of the existing
prejudices against the actual ruler of Tigre.
This hostile; feeling against Ubye has likewise been pro-
moted by other circumstances of an entirely independent
nature. Dr. Gohat, the present Bishop of Jerusalem, was
the first Protestant missionary to Abyssinia in the time of
Dedjatj Sabagadis, l)y whom lie was very favourably received.
DR. BEKE TO VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, APRIL 4tH, 1848. 297
That able and prudent missionary was most careful not to
offend the prejudices of the ignorant native priesthood. His
successors in the mission, who visited Northern Abyssinia
in the time of Dedjatj TJbye, were, however, not always so
guarded, so that they soon excited the hostility of the priests ;
and as Ubye never had any special reason to be favourable
to the British missionaries — or it may rather be said that
he had cause to be opposed to them, seeing that British
sympathies have always been exhibited in favour of Sabagadis's
family, who have been constantly in rebellion against his
government — it is not at all surprising that he should have
felt no inclination to interfere between our missionaries and
their enemies. The consequence has been that they have
been compelled to abandon the country.
Prom this cause the missionaries have joined in the cry of
Mr. Salt's party against Ubye — the usurper, the tyrant, the
oppressor, as he is called. But the condemners of this prince
have omitted to say that his title is at least as good as that of
his predecessor ; that while Sabagadis held possession of Tigre
barely thirteen years, Ubye has kept it upwards of seventeen
years*, in spite of the incessant efforts of the various members
of Sabagadis's family, whom the leniency of this " tyrant " has
alone prevented him from crushing long ago ; that it is, in
fact, to this constant state of rebellion, which (it is to be
feared) has to a certain extent been encouraged by the En-
glish, that the unsettled and distressed condition of Tigro is
mainly attributable ; and that, as regards Ubye's character,
whether as a prince or as a man, it ^vill bear comparison with
that of the much-lauded Sabagadis or any other of the princes
of Abyssinia.
Such, at least, is the opinion entertained respecting the
reigning sovereign of Tigre by travellers of all nations except
England ; and this brings me to the point to which I would
* [Ubye had held rule in Tigre twenty-four j'ears, when he was
conquered by Kassai, as narrated in page .'53.]
X 2
298 APPENDIX.
desire more especially to direct your Lordship's attention. In
consequence of the unfriendly feelings thus entertained by the
English and Protestants generally towards Dedjatj Ubye, that
prince has been abandoned to French and Roman Catholic
influences. It is Ms favour that all French agents and travel-
lers have sought to cultivate; it is he to whom presents have
on more than one occasion been sent hy the late Government
of France, and with whom diplomatic relatio7is have been
entered into hy that Government ; while it is in his territories,
in tvhich our Protestant missionaries have been unable to keep
their footing, that a Roman Catholic onission, emanating from
the Hue du Sac in Far is, has firmly and (as it tvould seem)
permanently established itself.
The dominions of Dedjatj Ubye extend from Massowah at
least 160 miles to the west and south. In the accompanying
Map their approximate limits are represented by a red shade,
from which it will be seen that, without passing through them,
no communication whatever can be held between the port
of Massowah and any portion of Abyssinia. Hence it is
manifest that, if it be deemed expedient to establish rela-
tions of any kind with that country through Massowah, it
is in the first place essential to cultivate the friendship of
the sovereign whose dominions surround that port in every
direction.
It is much to be feared that these matters have not been
placed before your Lordship in a proper light : otherwise the
fact would not be (as I regret to understand it is) that the first
ofiicial interference of the British Government in tlie affiiirs of
Northern Abyssinia since the time of IMr. Salt has been the
commissioning of Mr. Plowden, the newly appointed Consul in
that country, to be the bearer of presents to Dedjatj Ubye's
great rival, Eas Ali — a chief who has no jurisdiction or autho-
rity within the dominions of the former, and whose residence,
Debra Tabor, situate at least 250 miles from the coast, is only
to be reached by Mr. Plowden's running the gauntlet througli
DR. BEKE TO VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, APRIL ItII, 181^8. 299
the territories of Ubye*, at the risk of being stopped and plun-
dered, and with the certainty of causing (and not without rea-
son) the feelings of that prince to become more hostile than
before to the British and the Protestants, and more favourable
to the French and the E-oraan Catholics.
I do not believe that, in his heart, Ubye has a greater regard
for one European nation than for another. Like the rest of the
native rulers of Abyssinia, ho principally seeks his own per-
sonal aggrandizement ; and, if it were only made equally worth
his while, he would doubtless be just as ready to favour the
English as the French. It is to be hoped, therefore, that Her
Britannic Majesty's Consul will have had authority given him
to exercise his discretion with respect to the presents destined
for E-as Ali ; so that he may be at liberty to deliver them to
Dedjatj TJbye, in the same way that Mr. Salt delivered to
Walda Selasye, Ubye's predecessor in the government of Tigre,
the presents of which he was the bearer to the Emperor of
Abyssinia.
The Emj)eror was then in the power of E-as Guksa, the
grandfather of Eas Ali, just as the reigning Emperor is at the
present day in that of Eas AYi himself It is true that Walda
Selasye, who was then, as Ubye is now, the independent ruler
of Tigre, had, at the time of Mr. Salt's first visit to Abyssinia
in 1805, been the Eas or vizier of the empire ; but at the time
of that gentleman's diplomatic mission he was no longer so,
having been dismissed by the new Emperor whom his rival,
Eas Guksa, had placed on the throne at Gondar. Eas Guksa,
as the actual Eas or vizier, was therefore the legal representa-
tive of the reigning Emperor, and consequently he was the
person to whom, de jure, the presents to that sovereign from
the British Government ought to have been delivered. The
[* In December 1862, Consul Cameron, when carrying the Emperor
Theodore's letter to the Queen, was stopped in Tigre by a " rebel "
chief, as described in page 82. In the spring of 1866, my wife and I
could not pass through Tigre for the "rebels."]
300 APPENDIX.
only principle ou which we may justify Mr. Salt's delivering
these presents to Walda Selasye, the dismissed Ras or vizier of
the nominal empire, but still the independent sovereign of the
province of Tigre, is that tvJdch at the present day is so deci-
dedly recognized by the British Government — namely, the re-
fraining from all interference in the domestic affairs of a foreign
nation, and simply entering into relations with the existing
government de facto.
As regards the title of Kas or vizier, the truth is, that, in
the present disorganized condition of Abyssinia, that title is
just as nominal as that of Emperor. Any chief who is able
to march on Gondar, the capital, and with the concurrence
of the Abiiua or Coptic Bishop, to place a new puppet Em-
peror on the throne, may receive that dignity at his hands.
The relative position of Dedjatj Ubye and Ras Ali is most
correctly expressed in the following answer, given to King
Louis Philippe by one of the native Abyssinians who accom-
panied Lieutenant Lefebvre to Paris with presents from the
former prince : — ■" Le Eoi nous demanda quel etait le chef le
plus puissant de notre pays, si Oubie etait Dedjasmatche par
la volonte de Eas Ali, ou par son droit seul. Nous repondimes
que I'un et I'autre n'avait de droit que par la force; qu'il
cxistait un empereur en titre, qui avait bien tout le droit, mais
sans force pour le soutenir."
Such is simply the state of the case. Each provincial
governor in Abyssinia (and the King of Shoa is de jure no-
thing more) is de facto an independent sovereign ; and the
TRUE POLICY OF ENGLAND CLEARLY IS TO RECOGNIZE EACH
SEPARATELY IN Ills OWN DOMINIONS. This is tlic more essen-
tial in the case of Ubye, the Dedjazmatj (Duke) of Tigre and
Semyen. He is the potentate de facto, tvith ivhom alone we
should he brought into connexion in the event of an establish-
ment, whether consular or otherwise, being formed at Massowah ;
and the recognition of him simply in that capacity would not
implicate us with any of the native rulers, nor mix us up ivith the
DR. BEKE TO VISCOUNT PALMERSTON, APRIL 4tII, 1848. 301
internal affairs of the country. To enter into friendly relations
with Has All or any other of the princes of Northern Abyssinia
tvould, on the contrary, he virtually an offensive alliance against
Dedjatj TJhye.
My long residence in Abysssinia and my yet longer study
of the history of that country, both before and since my
journey thither, justify me in forming a decided opinion on
the subject of the present letter. I am persuaded that I have
no need to apologize to your Lordship for the freedom with
which I have ventured to express that opinion.
I have the honour, &c.
II.
Proposal for a Tram-road between the Cotton-fields of
Ethiopia and the Coast of the Red Sea.
[Referred to in page 239.]
It is proposed to construct a Tram-road from the coast of
the Red Sea, near the port of Suwakin, in about 19° north
latitude, to the valley of the Upper Nile, near the junction of
the Atbara with the main stream, for the purpose of affording
a ready access to and outlet from the extensive Cotton-fields
of Ethiopia, and otherwise opening up the trade with the
southernmost portion of the dominions of the Pasha of Egypt.
The length of the proposed Road would be about 225 En-
glish statute miles, the whole being within the territories of
the Pasha, except a few miles on the sea-coast, subject to the
Turkish dovernment *.
Prom the nature of the country, the construction of such a
Tram-way would be of simple and inexpensive character.
There do not appear to be any engineering difficulties to
[* This coast has since been transferred to Egypt, as is mentioned
in page lo4.]
302
APPENDIX.
encounter or heavy works to construct. From a comparison
of the measurements of various travellers who have ascended
the Nile, the elevation of the bed of the river at El Mukheir-
rift", just below the junction of the Atbara, is 1082 English
feet above the sea. This, on the estimated length of 225
statute miles, gives rather less than 5 feet per mile, or about
1 in 1000, for the general inclination from west to east be-
tween the two extremities of the line. The intervening
country partakes, more or less, of this general inclination,
without being traversed by mountain-ranges, or indeed by any
elevation of importance in the line of the proposed com-
munication.
This latter point is established by the peculiar natural cha-
racter of the locality. The river Atbara (the ancient Asta-
boras) receives, at a short distance above its junction with the
Nile, a tributary called Khor-el- Crash, which, though in the
dry season it ceases almost if not entirely to flow, spreads its
waters during the rains over the flat country of Taka or El-
Gash, situate to the south-west of Suwakin, at a short distance
from the sea-coast. These waters when at their highest find
two outlets, the one being north-west towards the river Atbara,
while the other turns off" north-eastward to the Eed Sea, near
ISuwakin*.
In the year 1852 two Erench travellers, MM. de Malzac
and Vayssiere, following the course of the valley running from
Eillik in the north of Taka to Tokiir, a Turkish military post
about thirty miles south of Suwakin, found it to carry down to
the Eed Sea during the rains a portion of the waters from
Taka. It is evidently this valley which is intended by M.
Linant, the Pasha of Egypt's engineer- in-chief, who, when
alluding, in a conversation with Sir John Bowring (see his ' Ee-
* This remarkable fact, which affords an instance of the natural
phenomenon of the bifurcation of a river high up its course, as exem-
plified in the Cassiqmaro of South America, was known to the Egyp-
tian geographer Artemidorus more than 2000 years ago.
TllAM-ROAD FROM SUWAKIN TO THE COTTON-FIELDS. 303
port on Egyjjt and Candia'), to the Abyssinian tradition tliat
art might stop the course of a portion of the waters of tlie
Nile or direct them into a difierent channel, expressed the
opinion that the Atbara might easily be turned into the Red
Sea at Suwakin, for the reason that it passes over plains and
sands, and that the remains of a bed or canal, already traced
by human hands, exist from the river to the coast*.
This, then, appears to afford the natural course for a road
from the sea-coast upwards as far as tlie plains. Once arrived
there, the entire country through which the Nile, the Atbara,
and the Khor-el-Grash flow, is so perfectly flat, that the full of
the Nile has been ascertained to be only 8 inches per mile,
which is equivalent to an inclination of 1 in 7500, being prac-
tically a dead level.
Such, approximatively, would be the line of the proposed
Tram-way. Its precise course has to be determined by means
of a special and accurate survey.
The country which the Tram-road is intended to serve has
next to be considered. It is, in a general way, that portion of
North-eastern Africa contiguous to the shores of the Eed Sea,
lying south of Egypt and Nubia and within the limits of the
tropical rains. By the ancients it was called " Ethiopia above
Egypt" — though this designation comprised also the country
lying more to the south, now known as Abyssinia, to which,
how^ever, on the present occasion it is unnecessary to allude
further.
Though for ages past these regions have remained neglected
and almost unknown, it is nevertheless certain that in former
* The celebrated Albuquerque proposed to draw oft' the waters of
the Nile in this direction, so as to prevent their flowing down into
Egypt. The particidars of this scheme are related in my work, ' Tlie
Sources of the Nile,' p. 89 seq. [At the Meeting of the British
Association for the Advancement of Science at Nottingham in 18GG,
I read, in Section E, on August 22nd, a paper " On the Possibility of
Diverting the Waters of the Nile into the Eed Sea."]
304 APPENDIX.
times they were famous for the cotton they produced. lu
proof of this it will be sufBcient to refer to Pliny, who in his
' Natural History ' tells us that " Ethiopia, the country ad-
joining Egypt, possesses scarcely any trees of importance,
except those bearing wool," — a statement which the writer
explains in a subsequent passage, where he says more expli-
citly that " the higher parts of Egypt, towards Arabia, pro-
duce a certain shrub or bush, which some call gossypium and
others xylon, whence the flax made from it is called xylina {i. e.
tree-flax). This plant is but small, and it bears a fruit re-
sembling a filbert, from the inner cocoon {homhyx) of which is
spun a downy thread, with which there is nothing comparable
for whiteness or softness. Hence, garments made of it are
much esteemed by the Egyptian priests."
In Egypt it is traditional that, from time immemorial, there
has existed in the regions whence flow the waters of the Nile a
fine quality of cotton, only known from the specimens of native
manufacture occasionally brought to Cairo by the gellahs or
slave-dealers, some of which are very beautiful and of the
purest white, the weft-yarn being equal to the count of No. 80,
and the warp to that of No. 120.
It does not appear, however, that any use was made of the
cotton of Ethiopia as an article of commerce till about forty
years ago, when the following remarkable occurrence took
place : —
" A Turkish officer named Maho Bey, who had been go-
vernor of Dongola and Sennar, and who had brought down
various seeds of Ethiopic plants, which he cultivated in his
garden at Cairo, about the year 1820 received a friendly visit
from M. Jumel (a Frenchman well known in New York, where
he resided some years) ; and in the course of his hospitalities,
Maho Bey took him round the garden. The attention of Jumel
was attracted by the appearance of a tree bearing cotton-pods,
whose growth and produce were equally new to him ; but, with-
out saying anything which might raise Maho Bey's suspicions
TRAM-ROAD FROM SUWAKIN TO THE COTTON-FIELDS. 305
as to the value of the (liecovery, Jumel gleaned all the iufor-
mation the Bey possessed on the subject, and procured from
him some seeds of the same plant.
" Jumel made his calculations, and presented to the Pasha a
project for increasing his revenues, for which he asked 20,000
dollars. The Pasha consented, if the scheme should succeed.
But, after many delays, Jumel was compelled to seek less bril-
liant but more solid residts. Associating himself with a Cairo
merchant, they took a small lot of ground at the village of
Matereeyeh, near the Obelisk of Heliopolis, and commenced a
small plantation. The produce in 1820 was three bales, which
were shipped to Trieste [or, according to another account, to
Marseilles] ; and the advices were highly satisfactory. New
arrangements were made. Jumel took the direction of the
cotton-plantations, which at this time Avere established on the
Pasha's account throughout Lower Egypt ; and, buoyed up
with magnificent illusions of personal benefit, he brought large
territories into cultivation, continuing for three years these
operations.
" The time came, however, when, having hrought to the Pasha
a mighty increase of revenue, and having thereby mainly contri-
buted to his subsequent aggrandizement, Jumel sought to realize
his long-cherished hopes ; but, partaking of the lot of most of
those Europeans who have served Mohammed Ali with fidelity,
he was flattered, harassed, and deluded, till, in 1824, he died
insolvent, or little better
"The year 1822 produced about 30,000 cantars of the
' Jumel ' cotton, the staple of which was remarkably fine, but
more unequal and less clean than that of the ensuing years.
Eude presses were constructed for packing the cotton at the
villages ; but as the machinery was defective, some of the
Alexandrian merchants brought hydraulic presses, with which
they caused the bales to be pressed again aboard the respective
ships"*.
* Gliddon's ' Memoir on the Cotton of Egypt,' pp. ll-lo.
30G APPENDIX.
After this, the cultivatiou of Ethiopian cotton increased so
rapidly in Egypt, that in the year 1824 the quantity exported,
being the growth of the preceding year (1823), amounted to
148,276 bales of 219 lbs. each, or ujowards of thirty-two mil-
lions of pounds ; which, at the government price of that year
(S15^ per cantar), represented no less a sum than £848,479
sterling ! And this was the produce of an exotic plant, of
which a stranger had accidentally seen a specimen growing iu
a garden at Cairo only three years previously !
The rapid increase in the growth of cotton in America has
been frequently made the subject of remark. But what was it
compared with that of the " Jumel " cotton ? In America,
1200 lbs. were first produced in the year 1784. In 1802, the
yield only amounted to twenty-seven millions of pounds. That
is to say, the American cotton-trade had not in eighteen years
increased so much as that of Ethiopian cotton in Egypt in
only three years. Had the latter trade gone on increasing in
the ratio in which it began, it would ere long have equalled
that in American cotton at the present day. But, like most
branches of industry under Mohammed Ali Pasha, it soon
retrograded ; though, from a report made by Mr. G. E. Hay-
wood, Secretary of the Cotton Supply Association, when in
Egypt on his way to India, which appeared in ' The Times ' of
August 16th last, the export of Egyptian cotton, which in
1856-1857 was only 91,572 bales, has in the season of 1860-
1861 increased to 142,759 bales, or nearly equal to what it was
in 1824.
There can be no doubt that, by improved cultivation and by
affording facilities to the growers, the production of cotton in
Lower Egypt might be largely extended. But the present
Viceroy expressed to INIr. Haywood his fears that " he would
not have it in his power to do much directly to induce an ex-
tensive cultivation " of that article, adding significantly that
" when the fellah or cultivator found cotton to pay him better
than any other crop, he was now ready from self-interest to
TRAM-ROAD FROM SUWAKIN TO THE COTTON-FIELDS. 307
grow as mucli as possible ; " which implied also that, as loug as
other crops paid better than cotton, they were not likely to
be abandoned merely for the sake of supplying our manufac-
turers.
In Egypt, where the cotton-plant is an exotic, its culture
is entirely artificial, besides having to compete with other'
articles of produce which are of absolute necessity. In
Ethiopia above Egypt, on the contrary, where it is indigenous,
it flourishes even without the need of cultivation, and its
production, with comparatively little labour or attention,
might be rendered almost unlimited. The quality, too, is of
the finest kind; for it is here that Maho Bey obtained the
seeds from which the " Jumel " cotton was raised in Lower
Egypt.
Without seeking to ascertain what extent of country within
or near the dominions of tlie Viceroy of Egypt might be made
to produce cotton for the European markets, it will be
sufficient for the purposes of the projected Ethiopian Railway
to look merely to the productive powers of the country of
Taka, which has already been repeatedly named, and of the
neighbouring peninsula or "island" of Meroe or Atbara,
between the river of that name and the JSTile.
In modern times Taka was first visited in the year 1814 b}'
the traveller Burckhardt, wlio gives the following particulars
respecting it : — " The country of Taka, or, as it is called by its
inhabitants, El Crash, is famous all over these countries for its
extreme fertility. The reason why Taka is so fertile and has
become so populous is, its regular inundation. About the
latter end of June, or sometimes not till July — for the period
does not seem so fixed as that of the rise of the Nile — large
torrents coming from the S. and S.E. pour over the country,
and in the space of a few weeks (or according to some in eight
days) cover the whole surface with a sheet of water, varying
in depth from 2 to 3 feet ; these torrents are said to lose
themselves in the eastern plain, after inundating the country ;
308 APPENDIX.
but the waters remain upwards of a montli in Taka, and,
if I am to believe the reports of several persons who had
seen the Nile and could draw a comparison, the waters on
subsiding leave a thick slime or mud upon the surface, similar
to that left by the Nile" *.
A more recent traveller, M. Werne, speaks in the following
terms of the great fertility of Taka, and the nature of the
principal articles which it produces : — " The cotton-plantations
about the camp at Aronga [near Kassela-el-Lus] are of con-
siderable extent, and, notwithstanding the present drought,
look healthy and of a fresh green, with which there is nothing
to compare. Still, for so large a nation as the Haddendas,
tliese plantations are but trifling, when compared with the
great extent of the durraf fields But what might not
be cultivated in, and produced by, this splendid country,
which — through the moisture caused by brooks springing out
of the earth, and through its regular yearly irrigation by rain,
and by the inundation of the streams which descend from the
Abyssinian mountains — is so exceedingly fertile that, in spite
of violent storms and the frequent catching fire of the woods,
it brings forth in an instant (as it were) trees of considerable
size, durra — without manure or cultivation — 15 and 20 feet in
height, with full ears sixteen and eighteen fold, and Cotton
which (/rows ^i feet in a single year ! And yet, what does this
country produce at present ? Nothing but this durra and
cotton, and a few small beans ! But all kinds of grain
would doubtless flourish here, so that this country might
become the granary of Hedjaz, which province is entirely
destitute of corn, and is only saved from famine by the
gratuitous supply of the entire yearly crops of the neighbour-
hood of Kenneh, or, when these are insufficient, of those of
the districts of Siut and Manfalliit in Egypt, Indigo, too,
might be grown here quite as well as in Egypt, where its
* * Travels in Nubia,' pp. 348-.')49.
t Durra, Down, a .species of Sortjlann.
TRAM-ROAD FROM SUWAKIN TO THE COTTON-FI KLOS. 309
cultivation is considerable; so also rice and sugar, wliicli
latter article, on account of the quantity of wood that grow«
here, might easily be refined, whereas, at present, it has to be
brought from India; likewise tobacco, oil, flax, &c. The
cultivation of the date-palm might also be made a matter of
great importance At present almost the only dealings
are in honey, butter, and durra, which articles are exchanged
for salt with the people living near the Red Sea; but the
trade might be extended to a great many other articles. The
herds of cattle, which even now are numerous, and might witli
a little attention be very much increased, as their keep is so
easy, would furnish hides for sale without number ; whilst, by
improving the breed of the sheep, no small profit might be
derived from their wool, thoixgh at present their flesh alone is
made use of But, above all, Cotton tcool might he ren-
dered a most important article of commerce, tJwugli its present
insignificant cultivation does not even suffice for the home con-
sumption. When it is seen how plentifully and how leautifullg
this plant grows, even with the present careless cultivation, it
is easy to imagine lohat immense quantities might he produced if
more attention were paid to it. Here there is no need, as in
Egypt, to provide for its regular irrigation — in itself an immense
labour ; in addition to tvliich, the greater part of the inhabitants
know something at least of its treatment, which is an incalculable
advantage for a people who are so wedded to their primitive
customs, habits, and occupations'^*.
As regards the country beyond Taka to the west, it is
described by a recent traveller, Mr. Hamilton, in equally
favourable terms : — " The Island of Meroe presents a uniform
character ; its surface is formed by an immensel}' thick layer
of alluvial soil, which only requires irrigation in order to yield
larger crops of every valuable production of a warm climate
than the whole of Egypt can supply. The two rivers seem
intended to feed a network of canals, which would transform
* '■ Feldzug nacli Semiaar/ kc, pp. 00-102.
310 APPENDIX.
the desert into a paradise ; bi;t for such an end capital,
industry, and intelligence are all wanted. Cotton, sugar,
wheat, and indigo may all be successfully cultivated here,
especially the first and last, which grow wild. The regularity
of the climate seems to promise a certainty of unfailing crops
of these articles, and to render this the most favourable
country in the world for their production"*.
In another place Mr. Hamilton says : — " Throughout this
country I have found the natives, though very timid, good-
natured and obliging when caught ; but to catch them is not
easy. They are certainly a very superior race to the Egyptain
fellah, — superior in communicative intelligence, and untainted
Avith his shameless rapacity. I do not remember to have been
asked for a hacJcshish in the whole of Soudan ; and what was
given was always received with frank thanks, as if welcome but
not due. A more humane government is all that is wanting to
raise this country to a state of great prosperity. The Atlara
is full of islands, offering thousands of acres of the richest land
to cultivation almost without lahour ; and a netioorh of canals in-
tersecting the Island of JSIeroe, the triangle formed hg the Atbara,
the Raliad, and the Nile, looiild more than double the productive
soil of EgypV-X.
If, then, the late Mohammed Ali Pasha, within the short
period of three years, was able to create (even though by un-
justifiable means) a yearly revenue of nearly a million sterling
from the growth in Lower Egypt of "Ethiopian" Cotton, it
cannot be doubted that the present Viceroy, Said Pasha, might
derive a much larger income from these southern provinces,
were the cultivation of their indigenous Cotton and that of the
other productions of their fertile soil properly fostered, and
the transport of the produce itself to the sea-coast facilitated
by means of a road such as is proposed.
The formation of this line of transport would have another
* ' Sinai, the Hedjaz aud Soudan/ p. 369. t I^id p. 280.
TRAM-ROAD FROM SUWAKIN TO THE COTTON-FILLDS. 311
most important and beneficial result. It would soon become
the channel for the commerce of Sennar and the surrounding
countries, and would eventually bring into connexion Avith the
sea-coast the most extensive, most fertile, and most populous
regions of Intertropical Africa.
The distance of Khartum, on the Nile, from the shores of
the Eed Sea, is little more than 400 miles, through a fertile
and weU-watered country ; whereas from Egypt it is double the
distance, by a desert and difficult road. Khartum itself is on
the high road to Central Africa ; and it is a fact pregnant with
inferences, that the greatest movement of the population of
Africa is from east to west and from west to east — pilgrims
from the remotest regions of Western and North-western
Africa traversing the entire breadth of the continent on their
way to and from the Caaba and the tomb of their prophet and
lawgiver. This is, indeed, the road which has unalterably been
trodden during countless ages ; for it existed long before the
time of Mohammed. The pilgrims who frequent Mecca are
almost of necessity merchants, trading from place to place,
often as the sole means of enabling them to perform their
journey. It is by this means that the Mohammedan religion
has attained its great development throughout Central Africa —
not by any zealous and expensive, or, indeed intentional, propa-
gandism, but by the casual communication between these
Moslem merchant pilgrims and the rude pagans through
whose countries their route happens to pass ; and it is by the
same simple means that our manufactures, and with them
eventually our civilization and our religion, will find their
way into the heart of Africa.
Charles Beke.
Bekesbourne House, Kent,
1st October, 1861.
312 APPENDIX.
III.
Letter from Consul Cameron to the Emperor of
Abyssinia.
[Referred to in pag-e 71.]
Godjam, Abyssinia,
Mat it please tour Majesty, October 22, 1862.
I have bad the honour to receive your Majesty's
message of this moruing, informing me that I had better
leave at once for Massowah, in order to ascertain, for your
Majesty's information, whether I would be able or not to pass
certain Ambassadors or messengers, whom yoa are anxious to
send to England.
On this point I believe myself justified in repeating the
reply I made to your Majesty on the same subject in my last
interview, viz., that if Egypt was at war with your Majesty, it
would be impossible to pass such Ambassadors or messengers
through without her consent ; if, on the contrary, there was
peace, that I could conceive no possible obstacle.
I wiR, however, send a messenger immediately to Aden,
informing the Resident there of your intention, and request-
ing him to send you an answer direct in Arabic, without
reference to me.
Your Majesty ought, however, now to inform me of the
number of people of which your Majesty's Embassy, if
it goes, will consist, the exact date at which it will be at
Massowah, or, if you wish, Halai, and the character of the
presents they are to take, — as, if there are any horses intended
to be sent (as I hear), it will be necessary for me to write this
beforehand, so as to insure accommodation, if indeed it is
possible to afford accommodation, on board a steamer.
It might be desirable, too, to speak with me as to the objects
of the Embassy, supposing them to be more than what you
told me loosely the other day, viz. to appeal to England with
regard to certain differences between yourself and Turkey, as
. CONSUL CAMERON TO THE EMPEROR, OCT. 22n1), 18G2. 313
also Egypt. We might then consult on those differences,
before your taking so serious a step as to bring theiu before
an European Power.
My being an European, and one versed in some degree in
public affairs as conducted among us, may perhaps assist you.
Besides which, I may remind your Majesty that my appoint-
ment has obhged me to think much over everything connected
with Abyssinia.
If your Majesty wishes much business to be done by talk-
ing, it would be fitting to choose such a person as the head of
the Embassy as may be thoroughly versed in the matters to
be spoken about, and one who would give a favourable opinion
of the intelligence and civilization of your people, as well as of
your Majesty's character, both of which have been greatly mis-
represented by your Majesty's enemies.
The accompanying retinue also ought to be the smallest
possible, a sufficient retinue being always to be obtained in
England. I would say that one or at most two heads of the
Em.bassy, and an interj^reter, with a Secretary if necessary,
would be amply sufficient, each with a single native servant.
Having given your Majesty my opinion with regard to an
Embassy, as far as I can do so in writing, there is only one
point further to discuss with your Majesty, viz., whether your
Majesty wishes to avail yourself of my being here to make out
a draft of a treaty for the consideration of my Queen ; which,
if your Majesty thinks proper, can be signed conditionally,
and notice of it now sent on by me, while the draft itself, with
the provisional signatures, can accompany your Ambassador.
I have a copy of the treaty made through Eas Ali with the
former Emperor, which can be made the base of such a docu-
ment, if your Majesty wishes ; and I now send it you, with
certain alterations, for your Majesty's consideration.
As I am anxious to finish whatever I have to say to your
Majesty in this letter, as far as I can do so in writing, I may
observe at once that I know that the points on which your
Y 2
314 APPENDIX.
Majesty made a difficulty in your conversation witli Mr. Plow-
den on this subject were : —
1. The acceptance of a Consul.
2. If he were accepted, whether he should have jurisdiction
as agreed in the former Emperor's treaty.
On the first point, I can only ask your Majesty whether
Mr. Plowden's stay liere was not a positive advantage, in so
far as he acted as a mediator and friend generally, but parti-
cularly as a protector to the unfortunate Abyssinian tribes laid
open to Egypt, while those who ought to have looked after
them were cutting each other's throats ; whether be did not
testify bis anxiety by word and deed tbat your Majesty, as
the most noble and enlightened of Abyssinian Chiefs, should
become sole master ; lastly, whether he ever showed a disposi-
tion to do anything contrary to the interest, honour, or inde-
pendence of Abyssinia.
Some arrangement at any rate on this point will be
necessary, if your Majesty really wishes to keep up a close
friendship with England. I feel certain, too, that if Englisli
artisans were to come here, as I have heard is your Majesty's
wish, it would he impossible for them to stay unless there ivas
an officer of some kind, either Envoy or Consul, to look after
them.
It would be well if, now that there is an opportunity, your
Majesty gave a frank decision on this subject, particularly as
your Majesty has now had many years to think it over.
As regards a Consul's flying a flag, this is by no means
necessary ; nor would my Grovernment even wisb it, if, as I
bear, your people might misunderstand it.
In regard to jurisdiction by a Consul, this is in your
Majesty's bands, not ours, to decide. England wants to
ensure justice and good treatment to her subjects, and nothing
more.
If your Majesty can explain to our Government Avhat I
believe to be your Majesty's opinion, viz. that such separate
CONSUL CAMERON TO THE EMPEROR, OCT. 22nD, 1862. 315
jurisdiction would be impossible to carry out, and is also un-
necessary where the laws are so mild as in Abyssinia*, this
would be sufficient for the present.
But it seems to me that a few hours' conversation would
settle these matters either one way or the other.
As your Majesty is now by Grod's grace master of Shoa, I
would gladly know whether your Majesty has any intention of
opening a trade through Zeyla in opposition to Massowah.
In the meantime, I can only point it out to your Majesty as
worthy of attention.
If I could have some assurance with regard to the stopping
of the Slave Trade in this country, which has again been
opened (I believe) without your Majesty's knowledge, I feel
certain that satisfactory information on that point would
be received with much pleasure by my Government.
A clause in the treaty on this subject would be still better.
I can only thank your Majesty now for the courteous
manner in which your Majesty has received the presents I
brought, of which, as well as of the distinguished manner in
which I have hitherto been treated, I shall write immediately
to England.
It is my duty, however, to add that, if your Majesty wishes
me to stay until I have finished everything thoroughly, I can
dismiss my people if they are too many for a camp, and stay
till you have quite done with me.
I owe it to my Government to tell you this.
I am now about to write to the Pasha of Massowah, telling
him that if he commits any aggression on those under your
Majesty's rule from where he is on the coast, I feel certain
that his conduct will be greatly disapproved of by my Govern-
ment.
Iioill also write to my Government, mentioning your Majesty s
wise resolution not to give either Egypt or Turkey any ground
* [It must always be borne in mind that the Roman ' ('ivil Law '
is the law of Abyssinia. — C. B.]
31G APPENDIX.
for attack, which I feel sure icill do much to confirm its opinion
of your Ifajestfs prudence as well as courage.
Tour Majesty has many enemies besides the Turks and
Egyptians, who will rejoice in putting your Majesty in the
wrong, and who will rejoice especially if your Majesty gives
them an opportunity of doing so.
I have the honour, &c.
lY.
Four Letters from Dr. Beke to Earl Russell, K.G.,
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated respectively
May I9th, and July 7th, 2lst, and 22nd, 1865.
[Keferred to in pages 18 and 161.]
My Lord, May 19th, 1865.
In the letter which I had the honour to address to
your Lordship on the 29th ultimo, I took the liberty of sug-
gesting that if the existing difficulties in the way of obtaining
the liberation of the British captives in Abyssinia could not
be directly met, they might, at all events, be turned ; and at
the interview with which I was favoured by your Lordship on
the 8th instant, I briefly stated the course which, in my
hiimble opinion, ought to be adopted.
Tour Lordship seemed, however, disposed to leave the busi-
ness still in the hands of Mr. Eassam.
Should all the endeavours of that gentleman prove un-
availing, the time will at length arrive when, unless it be
determined to abandon the captives to their fate. Her Ma-
jesty's Government must decide on adopting some other
measures.
It would scarcely be consistent with the dignity of the
DR. BEKE TO EARL RUSSELL^ MAY 19tII, 1865. 317
Britisli nation that a Mission on a larger and more magnificent
scale than that of Mr. Eassam's should now replace it ; for, as
your Lordship argued in the House of Lords, when replying
to Lord Chelmsford's inquiry, " The obvious inference would
be, that the way to obtain consideration and respect from this
country would be to imprison one of our Consuls."
On the other hand, it is not to be expected the British
Grovernment will go to war with the Emperor of Abyssinia
for the purpose of compelling him to set the captives free.
It would therefore really appear that there remains no
practical method of surmounting the difficulty except by
adopting a totally different line of conduct towards the
refractory Monarch ; and, with your Lordship's permission, I
would now presume to state in detail the course which, in my
humble judgment, it would be advisable to pursue in order to
render him amenable to reason without, at the same time, com-
promising the British Grovernment or afiectiug the dignity of
the British nation.
It is now well understood that the Emperor Theodore's ill-
treatment of Her Majesty's Consul and the other European
prisoners has been mainly caused by the altered policy of the
British Government with respect to the relations between
Egypt and Abyssinia, and that the Abyssinian Monarch hopes
to induce Her Majesty's Government to retrace their steps
and to continue to afford him material aid against his enemies
as was virtually done while Mr. Consul Plowden was alive,
that officer having been an active partisan of the Emperor, and
having lost his life while bearing arms in his cause.
Circumstanced as England is with Egypt, it is impossible for
the British Government to hold out to the Emperor Theodore
the hope of his receiving the further countenance of this
country in his disputes with Egypt, or of his obtaining mate-
rial aid in any other respect, although the transmission to
Massowah of 500 stand of arms as a ransom for Her Majesty's
Consul might, by some persons, and even by the Egyptian
818 APPENDIX.
Government, be looked on as doing covertly what would be
repudiated openly.
Nevertheless it would not be difficult, I believe, to make
the Abyssinian Monarch understand that by the policy now
proposed to be pursued towards him by the British Govern-
ment, and recommended for his adoption, he might eventually
attain the object he has so much at heart, inasmuch as by the
cultivation of the arts of peace he would so aggrandize himself
as to be able to cope effectually with his powerful neighbour, —
leaving it, however, to the progress of events to guide his
judgment as to whether the continuance of peace would not be
more conducive to the permanent prosperity of himself, his
dynasty, and his people, than a war which might result in the
ruin and destruction of them all.
In the first place, then, I would represent to the Emperor
Theodore that the immense increase of power and influence
among European nations acquired by Egypt during the last
few years had chiefly arisen from the extension given to the
cultivation of cotton within the territories of the Viceroy ; and
I would represent to His Majesty that the plant which has
thus suddenly caused the wealth of Egypt was introduced into
that country from Upper Ethiopia only forty years ago, and
that within his own dominions there are tracts of land more
extensive than the whole of the cotton-grounds of Egypt, and
far more fitted than the latter for the growth of the cotton
plant, not only as being its native country, but also as lying
within the limits of the tropical rains, and thus rendering
unnecessary the great trouble and expense of artificial irriga-
tion. And I would hope to have it in my power to convince
the Sovereign of Abyssinia tliat if he desires to equal, or even
to surpass, the Viceroy of Egypt in power, he miist first seek to
augment the material wealth and prosperity of his country and
its inhabitants, by means similar to those so successfully
adopted by the latter Potentate.
I would further represent to the Emperor of Abyssinia that
DR. BEKE TO EARL RUSSELL, MAY 19tII, 18G5. 31<J
he possesses within hia country other sources of wealth far
greater than any enjoyed by the Euler of Egypt, such, in fact,
as have so largely contributed to make England what she is.
These are iron and coal.
The former article is well known to exist in unlimited quan-
tities tlxroughout the whole of Abyssinia, and in so pure a
state as to require little more than " rolliug out," it being
used by the native smiths in the manufacture of weapons of
war and of agricultural and domestic implements.
The existence of coal in various parts of Abyssinia has long
been asserted by travellers in that country — by myself as far
back as 1840, when I reported on the subject to Captain
Haines, then Political Agent at Aden ; but it is only within
the last few years that this has been establislied as a fact. In
communications more recently made by me to the Board of
Trade, and thence referred to your Lordship's Department, it
is shown that coal of good quality exists within the district of
Galeila, at a short distance from the entrance to the Red Sea ;
and there is reason for believing that it was the knowledge of
the existence of this coal so near to the sea-shore that induced
the French Government in 18G2 to acquire possession of
Obokh, on the Abyssinian coast, just outside the Straits of
Babelmandeb.
But without taking into consideration this coal-field of
Galeila, or others which are said to stretch along the line of
coast northwards nearly to Massowah, and also south of the
Bay of Tadjurrah, below the eastern flank of the high tableland
of Shoa — all of which, though in common parlance said to be
situate in Abyssinia, can hardly be regarded as lying within
dominions of the Emperor Theodore — there is one extensive
field which not only is situate in the heart of those dominions,
but has been worked by the Emperor himself during several
years past.
This coal-field lies at a distance of about fifty miles from
Gondar, tlio capital of Abyssinia, and has been described by
320 APPENDIX.
several Europeans who have visited it. Eor a length of about
three miles along the right bank of the River Gwang (the
upper course of the Atbara), six seams of coal crop out, each
having a uniform thickness of from 10 to 15 feet, the quality of
the coal being very good, and fit for ordinary steam and other
purposes, though, from its rapid combustion, it might not be
suited for steam -vessels going long sea-voyages. Nor, w^ere
the quality fit, could it, like the Galeila coal, be rendered
available for steamers in the Indian seas, as it lies at a dis-
tance of at least 200 miles from the sea-shore.
At present the only use made of this coal appears to be in
the Imperial founderies, in vs^hich the European artisan
missionaries and others are employed iu casting mortars and
shells, and in constructing other implements of war. But it
may well be conceived what a mine of wealth is here present,
if the Emperor and his people could be brought to appreciate
it at its true value, and to apply it to useful purposes.
As by means of the cultivation of cotton in Abyssinia the
Emperor Theodore might be shown how he could cope with
Egypt, so by the proper application of the produce of his iron
and coal mines, he might be led to the hope of being eventually
able to rival even England herself. And if once brought to
entertain such ideas, and wliilst awaiting their realization, he
might without difficulty be induced to see how he could lay
both nations under obligation, and in a manner make them de-
pendent on his favour, by permitting a line of electric telegraph
to be carried across his dominions.
The Viceroy of Egypt is engaged in constructing a telegraph
line from Cairo up the valley of the Nile as far as Khartum,
the capital of the province of Sennar, with a branch to Kas-
selah, the capital of the province of Taka ; by means of which
not only will those remote possessions in the south be placed
in immediate connexion with the seat of Government, but, from
tlie fact that this line is a prolongation of tliat already existing
between Egypt and Europe, it will result that about three-
DR. liEKE TO EARL RUSSELL, MAY IOtII, 18(55, 321
fifths of a telcgi'apliic communication between England and
India (London and Ivurracliee), by way of the Red Sea, will
thereby be established.
Before this plan of the Viceroy of Egypt was known, I liad
suggested to Her Majesty's Government, in a ' Memoran-
dum on the means of developing British commerce within the
Red Sea, and of securing the communication between England
and India,' dated November 12th, 1862, and submitted to your
Lordship on the 27th of the same month, that the wires of the
Eed Sea telegraph line from India should be continued from
the Straits of Babelmandeb, northward along the Abyssinian
coast as far as Suwakin, and thence carried inland to Berber on
the Nile, and so up the bank of that river to Cairo — thus
forming a land-line the whole way from Babelmandeb to
Alexandria, entirely over Turkish and Egyptian territory.
But taking into consideration the great stride which the
Viceroy of Egypt is making in the desired direction — bearing
also in mind the advance which during the last few years the
Emperor Theodore has made towards the east and south-east
by the conquest and annexation of the territories of the King
of Shoa and the Chiefs of the WoUo Gallas — and having regard
likewise to the hold which the Government of India, through
Aden, is gaining on the Abyssinian coast, in consequence of
the acquisition recently made by a British subject of the
Galeila coal-field, as also of the settlement of the French at
Obokh, I am now decidedly of opinion that the telegraphic
communication between England and India, through Egypt
and Aden, should and might easily be efiected by continuing
the Egyptian line from Khartum across Abyssinia to the sea-
coast, in the immediate vicinity of the Island of Perim, and
thence to Aden.
On the accompanying map I have marked the proposed line
of telegraph ; and in explanation of the same I would beg leave
to state that the entire distance between Khartum and Aden
322 APPENDIX.
is (in round numbers) 850 geographical miles, wbicli distance
may be divided into four portions.
Of the first of these, being from Khartum to Kalabat, on the
western frontier of Abyssinia, the length is 250 miles ; the
next, from Kalabat to Dowe, the great market-place on the
eastern edge of the Abyssinian tableland, has a length of 300
miles ; the third, from Dowe, across the country of the Dankali
ti'ibes, to the shore of the Red Sea opposite Perim, is 200 miles ;
whilst the last portion, from Perim to Aden, is 100 miles.
The condition of these several portions of the line is very
different. The first, between Khartum and Kalabat, and the
last, between Perim and Aden, forming together 350 miles, or
about tvro-fifths of the whole length, would be respectively
Egyptian and British ; no further remarks, therefore, are re-
quisite as regards them. Of the remaining 500 miles, the third
portion, between the sea-coast and the eastern edge of the
Abyssinian tableland, being 200 miles in length, may be re-
garded as being so far under the influence, if not the absolute
control, of the British Grovernor of Aden on the one hand,
and of the Emperor of Abyssinia on the other, that between
tlie two, the road might be kept open as securely as it is among
the tribes occupying the regions through which passes the
Euphrates Valley Telegraph line to India.
As regards the second portion, of 300 miles, across Abyssinia
itself, the road is already marked out by Nature and by the
experience of the natives. It runs from Kalabat, by AVekhni,
Grondar, and Debra Tabor, and thence, over the warter-parting
between the rivers Takkazie and Bashilo, to Magdala, the im-
pregnable fortress, arsenal, and State prison, in the district of
"Warra Ilemano, in which Captain Cameron and his com-
panions are confined, from whence it continues to Dowe, in the
adjoining district of "Warrakallu.
It may here be remarked, parenthetically, that it would be
in vain to look for Magdala in the ordinary maps of Abys-
DR. BEKE TO EARL RUSSELL, MAY 19tH, 18G5. 323
sinia ; and that in those few in which it is marked, it is al-
together misplaced.
Availing themselves of the natural facilities of this road
across Abyssinia, the native merchants have from time imme-
morial made use of it, in a greater or less degree, according to
political circumstances, as the direct channel of communication
between the sea-coast and the interior. In the ' Memoir on
the Commerce of Abyssinia,' which I had the honour to sub-
mit to your Lordship's predecessor in office on the 9th of
December, 1843, I dwelt particularly on this fact, and I
pointed out the advantages that would result from the re-
opening of this great commercial road, expressing the opinion
that, whenever the political condition of Abyssinia should be-
come more settled, we should doubtless see this road resume
its pristine importance, and the commerce from the coast to
the interior in great part pass by this channel.
Such, then, are the arguments that I would propose to em-
ploy when approaching the Emperor Theodore. I would sup-
port these arguments by presenting to him some cotton-gins,
together with specimens of articles of British manufacture of
various descriptions capable of being made from the cotton of
Abyssinia if only he would stimulate the production of that
article by his subjects.
I would further submit to the Emperor's inspection speci-
mens of the infinite variety of articles that might be manu-
factured from the fine iron which his territories contain in sucb
abundance.
Lastly, I would take with me an electric-telegraph appa-
ratus, for the purpose of exhibiting and explaining to His Ma-
jesty the use and operation of this wonderful and, as to him it
would appear, miraculous invention. And in order to make
him more readily and fully appreciate the channel by which I
should propose to connect Abyssinia with England and the other
nations of Europe, I would not enter his country at all by the
way of Massowah, but would adopt the road laid down on my
324 APPENDIX.
map as that of the proposed telegraph Hne, thus proving to
him that the acquisition of Massowah is no longer indispen-
sable as the channel of communication between Abyssinia and
the civilized world.
I take for granted that it would be but proper to assure the
Emperor Theodore that Her Britannic Majesty's Government
would exert every suitable influence over the Viceroy of Egypt
to induce him to desist from further aggressions on the terri-
tories or dependencies of Abyssinia, and that the mediation of
Her Majesty would even be oifered, with a view to the settle-
ment of existing questions between Egypt and Abyssinia, and
the determination of an equitable frontier line between the two
States.
On the liberation of the British Consul and the other cap-
tives, it might (should Her Majesty's Government so decide)
be promised to the Emperor Theodore that a suitable Embassy
should be forthwith dispatched to his Court, and that Her
Majesty would, on Her side, be willing to receive an Envoy
from His Majesty of Abyssinia, in accordance with the stipula-
tions of the Treaty of November 2, 1849.
Such being the line of conduct which I should propose to
adopt, I once more beg leave most respectfully to tender my
humble services to Her Majesty's Government.
To obviate the objection that might be made that I am not
of sufficiently elevated rank to be entrusted with such a Mis-
sion, and that I do not occupy any official position, I would
take the liberty of reminding your Lordship that the late
Eichard Cobden, though holding no official post, was not
thereby disqualified from acting as mediator between the two
most powerful nations in the world ; and as regards myself,
without thinking for a moment of comparing myself mth
that distinguished individual, I may be permitted to state
that I have already had the honour to serve the Crown as
Acting Consul at Leipzig.
And as, furtlier, it appears that so much importance is
DR. BEKE TO EARL RUSSELL;, JULY 7tU, 1865. 325
attached to the wearing of a British uniform that a young
subaltern officer, Lieutenant Prideaux, has been sent from
Aden to Massowah to join Mr. Eassam, I trust it will not be
regarded as presumptuous if I represent to your Lordship
that I have for many years held the Commission, and am con-
sequently entitled to wear the uniform, of a Deputy-Licutenant,
Avhich (if I mistake not) gives me rank equivalent to that of a
Lieut. -Colonel in the army.
I have, &c.
Mt Lord, July 7th, 18G5.
On several occasions I have ventured to express to your
Lordship my readiness to be the medium of communication
with the Emperor of Abyssinia, with a view to the liberation
of Consul Cameron and his companions in captivity; but it
would appear that Her Majesty's Government shrink from the
responsibility of availing themselves of my services, lest I also
should be made a prisoner or even put to death by the irri-
tated Monarch.
Such being the case, I see no means of relieving Her
Majesty's Government from their difficvdty, except by my
undertaking the task of approaching the Abyssinian Sovereign
on my own personal responsibility. This I now beg leave to
state unreservedly I am prepared to do ; and further, I am
content to visit the Abyssinian Court in the character of a
private traveller not officially accredited, should such a course
be deemed expedient.
Possessing, as I do, an acquaintance with all the circum-
stances and bearings of the case, I have not the slightest doubt
of being able to bring His Abyssinian Majesty to see that, in
imprisoning Consul Cameron, the British missionaries, and
other Eixropeans, he has made a great mistake, and that, in
order to put himself right with the British nation and with the
whole Christian world, he must immediately set them free.
326 APPENDIX.
I have likewise no doubt of being able to convince His
Majesty that the only effectual way to secure the integrity
and stability of his empire, to preserve Christianity among his
people, and to gain the friendship of England and all other
European nations, is to cultivate the arts of peace in prefer-
ence to those of war, and to develope the immense resources of
his rich and fertile country, — showing him how he might most
readily do this by the means pointed out in my letter to your
Lordship of May lOth last, which is printed among the Papers
laid before Parliament *.
Should my undertaking be crowned with success (with re-
spect to which I do not entertain any apprehension), I should
have had the gratification, not only of liberating the unfortu-
nate captives, some of whom are my own personal friends, from
their long imprisonment, but also of freeing Her Majesty's
Grovernment from a great embarrassment and the British
nation from an equally great disgrace.
In the possible but most improbable alternative of failure, I
should have no one to blame but myself; whilst Her Majesty's
Government would truly be enabled to say that no means
whatever had been neglected of bringing about a result which
every friend of humanity must have so much at heart.
I have, &c.
My Loed, July 21st, 1865.
With reference to the letter which I had the honour to
address to your Lordship on the 7th inst., expressing my
readiness to go to Abyssinia on my own responsibility, with a
view to the liberation of Her Majesty's Consul, Captain
Cameron, and his companions in captivity in that country, I
now beg leave to acknowledge the receipt of Mr. Layard's
[* Pari. Paper, 1865, ' Papers relating to the Imprisonment of
British subject? in Abyssinia,' p. 11.]
DR. T?1:KE to earl RUSSELL, JULY 21 ST, 18G5. 327
letter of the IStli inst., in reply to the same ; in wliii-li ]ic
states, by your Lordship's desire, that, if I proceed to Abyssinia
as a private traveller, Her Majesty's Government cannot
interfere in the matter, hut that your Lordship loarns me
that Her ^lajesty's Government are in possession of informa-
tion derived from private sources, describing the cruel and
merciless character of King Tlieodore, which would almost lead
to the conclusion that he is not in his right mind. Mr. Layard
further informs me that, if I undertake this journey, Her
Majesty's Government cannot hold themselves responsible
for anything that may happen to me in Abyssinia, nor
can they give me any authority whatever to enter into any
political arrangements with the King on their behalf or to
interfere in the political affairs of tlie country, — and that what-
ever I may choose to say to the King will therefore be the
expression of my own sentiments and views, for which Her
Majesty's Government will in nowise be responsible. And
lastly, Mr. Layard represents to me the propriety of my
making it clearly understood to King Theodore and his agents
that I proceed to Abyssinia entirely as a private traveller, and
that in no sense am I to be considered as an organ of Her
Majesty's Government.
In taking due note of your Lordship's desires as thus con-
veyed to me, I would beg leave to represent that so desirous
am I for my own sake not to be considered as an organ of
Her Majesty's Government, that I would hope to be excused
for not even offering to be the bearer of despatches from your
Lordship to Consul Cameron, on account of the extreme ill
feeling which unhappily exists between the British Govern-
ment and the Abyssinian Monarch. Mr. Layard, by your
Lordship's direction, speaks of "the cruel and merciless cha-
racter of King Theodore, which would almost lead to the con-
clusion that he is not in his right mind ;" and, on the other
hand, I learn from a letter from one of Consul Cameron's
fellow captives, written at Magdala in April last, only three
z
328 APPENDIX.
months ago, that that monarch "considers the members of
Her Britannic Majesty's Groverument " — I trust your Lord-
ship will forgive me for daring even to repeat the words now
lying written before me — " the greatest miscreants that ever
breathed."
Under such circumstances your Lordship will perceive how
necessary it is for me to avoid everything that might lead the
irritated monarcli to believe me to be a messenger (even
though unrecognized) of Her Majesty's Grovernment.
I have, &c.
My Lord, JiUy 22nd, 18G5.
In the letter which I had the honour to address to
your Lordsliip on the 21st instant, I have ventured to suggest
the inexpediency of my being the bearer of any desjiatches to
Consul Cameron, on account of the extremely bad feeling
which exists between Her Majesty's Grovernment and the
reigning Sovereign of Abyssinia, evinced by the offensive
terms in which they express themselves with regard to each
other.
Notwithstanding my unwillingness to run the risk of in-
curring the displeasure of the irritated monarch by acting as
the medium between Her Britannic Majesty's Government
and their unfortunate representative in Abyssinia, I would
still desire not to reject the idea that, should your Lordship
think fit, some indirect means of communicating with Consul
Cameron might still be adopted. Only, even in that case, I
should respectfully request it may be understood that I
protest against anything being said or done which might in
the slightest degree be likely to compromise myself or the
success of my undertaking, and that I must reserve to myself
the right, at my absolute discretion, to destroy without exami-
nation any papers whatever that might be committed to the
charge of myself or anyone accompanying me.
DR. BEKE TO EARL RUSSELL, JULY 22nD, 1805. 329
This allusion to the possibility of my having to destroy
papers delivered to me, induces me to report to your Lordship
the fate of a despatch, addressed in 1839 by Viscount Palmer-
ston, when Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to " His
Highness, Sahela Dongol, King of Abyssinia," which until
now has remained unknown to Her Majesty's Government.
In the year 1837 (if I am correctly informed) Mr. Anthony
Thomson D'Abbadie*, on the recommendation of the Eoyal
Geographical Society, obtained from Viscount Palmerston a
passport as a British subject born in Ireland, with which he
travelled in Abyssinia ; in visiting which country he professed
to have scientific objects alone in view, and on more than one
occasion he emphatically disclaimed, in print, all participation
in political and religious matters, as he likewise denied the
imputation of his being a Frenchman.
In the course of 1838, M. d'Abbadie and his brother
Arnauld were at Gondar, where they mixed themselves up iu
the affairs of the country, one of the results of which I would
beg leave to relate in his own words, copied from the
* Athenaeum ' of January 27th, 1849. He there says, " I was,
in 1839, the bearer of two Abyssinian letters, which I delivered
to Lord Palmerston and Marshal Soult ; and as the application
was favourably received by both Governments, I was naturally
intrusted with the appropriate answers. When, subsequently.
Captain Haines impeded my voyage to Gondar by Tajurrah
and Shoa, peculiar reasons preventing me then from proceeding
to Massowah, I gave him, as his receipt shows. Lord Palmer-
ston's despatch, begging him to forward it ; but seven years
afterwards it had not yet reached Gondar."
The foregoing statement is most ingeniously and jesuiticallg
made, dates and intervening facts being omitted, which when
added give to the affair a totally different appearance.
M. d'Abbadie, bearing the two despatches from the French
and English Ministers to King Sahela Dongol, arrived at
* [Now better known as Monsieur Antoiue d'Abbadie.]
330 APPENDIX.
Massowah in February 1840. He was there joined by his
brother, whom he had left at Grondar, and the two together
proceeded inland on the way to Gondar as far as Mai Tahalo
in Semyen, at which place they were distant from the capital
only about seventy-five miles in a direct line.
At Mai Tahalo, on May 21st, 1840, the brothers separated,
Arnauld, the younger, continuing on to Grondar and taking
with him the letter from Marshal Soult to the King ; whilst
the elder returned to the coast, carrying hacTc tvith him the letter
he had received for that monarch from Lord Palmerston.
In the beginning of July 1840 M. d'Abbadie left Massowah
for Aden, where, some time during the following month of
August (I know not the precise date, but I have the facts I
am now about to relate in the handwriting of the late Captain
Haines, I.N., who was then Political Agent at Aden), he was
arrested by a native sentry on the heights of Djebel Shumshum,
taking a plan of the fortifications. On being brought before
Captain Haines, M. d'Abbadie declared himself to be a
Frenchman ; on which he was simply reprimanded and dis-
charged. He did not at the time allude to the fact of his
being the bearer of Lord Palmerston's despatch, neither had
Captain Haines any idea of the fact.
From Aden M. d'Abbadie returned to Cairo, with the
avowed intention of proceeding to Europe. But having altered
his plans, he went back to Suez, which place he left for Aden
on November 1st, on board the Honourable East India Com-
pany's steamer ' Berenice,' commanded by Captain Lowe, I.N.
Whilst M. d'Abbadie was at Suez, it was currently reported
that he was a French spy ; on hearing which Captain Lowe
refused him a passage in his vessel. But on M. d'Abbadie's
going on board and producing Lord Palmerston s despatch and
Mr. Bachhouse' s letter to himself enclosing the same, Captain
Lowe could not do otherwise than allow him to take his
passage.
On November 10th, 1840, M. d'Abbadie arrived a second
DR. BEKE TO EARL RUSSELL^ JULV 22nDj 1865. 'S'-il
time at Aden, whence he endeavoured to cross over to Tadjunah
with the intention of proceeding to Shoa ; but, not finding the
means of doing so, and Captain Ilaiues having refused to assist
him — though he made the same attempt with Lord Pahuer-
stou's letter which had so well succeeded with Captain Lowe,
— he, on November 12th, delivered that letter over to Captain
Haines, it being no longer of any use to him, and took tliat
officer's receipt for the same, as has, subject to this explana-
tion, been trul^ stated by him in the 'Athenaeum.' Only
M. d'Abbadie has not explained why Lord Palmerston's
letter to the King of Abyssinia was not delivered over to his
brother, together with that from Marshal Soult, when they
parted at Mai Tahalo near Grondar, on May 21st, 1810.
Lord Palmerston's letter, after having (as would appear)
been retained by Captain Haines for several mouths, was for-
warded by him to the Eeverend Louis Krapf, at Aukobar in
Shoa, whom it reached on June 9th, 1841. I happened to be
then in Shoa, and by Mr. Krapf s desire I wrote on the same
day to the late Admiral (then Captain) Washington, requesting
him to explain to Mr. Backhouse that Lord Palmerston's letter
could not be sent on to Gondar just then, lest King Sahela
Selasye should be suspicious, Eas Ali being his great rival.
"When I quitted Shoa for Godjam in October 1841, shortly
after the arrival of the British mission under Major Harris, I
certainly did not expect to see again this letter from Lord Pal-
merston to King Sahela Dongol, which had already thrice crossed
my path, at Suez, at Aden, and at Ankobar. But, to my
astonishment, on February 10th, 1843, when I was at Yejubbi,
in the south of Godjam, an Abyssinian messenger, whom I had
sent to Shoa, returned with news of the approaching departure
from that country of the British mission, and bringing me
Lord Palmerston's letter, which Major Harris had sent to me
to be forwarded to Eas Ali.
I was then within the territories of Dedjatj Biru, the liere-
ditary prince of Godjam, who was a far greater enemy of Eas
332 APPENDIX,
Ali than King Sahela Selasye was, the two princes being at
that moment at open war ; and the possession of a letter which,
though addressed to the nominal Sovereign of Abyssinia, was
in fact intended for Eas Ali, who governed in the King's name,
might seriously have compromised me with Dedjatj Biru, who
was of a very arbitrary and merciless character — especially as
at that time M. Aruauld d'Abbadie had just arrived at his
court with presents and was in high favour with him, and
M. Antoine d'Abbadie liimself was shortly expected : in fact,
on my way home I met him, on March 11th, 1843, at Mahdera
Mariam, one stage from Debra Tabor, Eas All's capital.
Independently of this, I was not imder the orders of Major
Harris, nor was I in any way an agent of the British Grovem-
ment ; and therefore, as that officer had taken on himself to
send me this letter for the King without my permission, and it
was not in my power to return it to him in consequence of his
having left Shoa, I felt myself quite at liberty to refuse to
receive it from my messenger.
The latter, fearing that he too might get into difficulty if he
retained the letter, committed the unfortimate document to the
flames, not (I admit) without my privity and entire approval ;
for I argued in my own mind that the delivery of such a letter
after so many years, even supposing it to have been practi-
cable, could hardly do any good, and might possibly be pro-
ductive of much harm ; whilst its possession by myself or any
one connected with me, if detected, might have proved most
calamitous.
In now making these facts known to your Lordship, I would
lake the liberty of adding that "Mr. Anthony Thomson
D'Abbadie," to whom, as a Britisli subject. Lord Palmerston's
letter to " His Highness Sahela Hongol, King of Abyssinia "
was thus confided, has long since openly avowed himself to be
"a Frenchman by education, fortune, and choice"*; and that,
[' See the 'Athenioum ' of .Jaimarv :27tli, 1S40, No. 1109, p. Oy ;
and February 17th, 1849, No. 1112, pp. 166, 167.]
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, APKIL 18G5. 333
in spite of Lis repeated disclaimer of all participation in the poli-
tical and religious affairs of Abyssinia, he has in like manner
declared in print within the last two years that by his means
" deux missions chretiennes etaient etablies, I'une dans le
nord, I'autre dans le sud de la haute Ethiopie ;" so that there
now remains no room to doubt the substantial correctness of
the charge which was at the time openly brought against him
by several well-informed persons, that he was a Jesuit emissary
of the See of Eome and a secret agent of the Prench Govern-
ment; and it is most important that Her Britannic Majesty's
Grovernment should bear in mind that one of the Roman
Catholic missions, of the establishment of which he takes
credit to himself, has long been the focus of French intrigue in
Northern Abyssinia, and from the signs of the times appears
liJcely to become ere long even more so than lefore.
I have, &c.
Extracts from Letters from the Rev. H. A. Stern and
Mr. Rosenthal, written during their imprisonment at
Amba Maydala.
[Referred to in page 107, and repeatedly elsewhere.]
From Mr. Stei'n.
April 1865.
You are aware that in the beginning of April 18G3
I reached Abyssinia. Our mission, though restricted in its
operations, was then most prosperous, and despite obstacles I
cherished the most hallowed anticipations respecting the future.
In June, Captain Cameron, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul,
arrived a second time at our station at Djenda. The King,
who had been at some distance, also quite accidentally came
334 APPENDIX.
into our neighbourhood. During his stay in our vicinity, I
heard several times that he was annoyed that Captain Cameron
had not brought an answer to his letter to the British Govern-
ment, and also for having gone round the frontier and formed,
as was falsely represented, prejudicial intimacies with his
enemies, the Turks. Against us and our mission I also heard
unfavourable reports ; and as I knew the priests were opposed
to us and our work, I communicated my fears to my feUow-
labourers ; and all agreed not to incur any expense except
what was indispensably necessary for the support of scliools,
scripture-readers, and the extensive circulation of the Word of
God. Not expecting violence or foi-cible detention even under
the most adverse circumstances, I visited the Falashas of
various districts ; and at the end of August, accompanied by
Cornelius, I set out for Armatjoho, a province well inhabited
by Falashas, who had never seen a missionary or heard the
tidings of redeeming love.
About the 20th of September I came back to Djenda, and
on the evening of' my return a royal order summoned the
British Consul, all the missionary agents, and myself to
Goudar, to hear the reading of the letter which M. Bardel had
brought from the Emperor of the French. All obeyed the
behest, and on the morning of the 2nd of October (I think the
dates may not be quite correct) the despatch was publicly
read, and the fictitious interview between M. Bardel and
Napoleon III. narrated before the small European colony.
The King was exceedingly dissatisfied with the letter and the
reception of his messenger, and I know that M. Lejean, the
French Consul, might still have kept us company, had not
Abuna Salama arrested the King's violence, and gained him
permission to leave. M. Lejean and M. Legard, a French
pliysician, were peremptorily required to quit Abyssinia, and
tlie rest returned to their respective homes.
The crisis, whicli for some time had been looming in the
distance, was now drawing nearer and nearer. All felt that
MR. STERN S LETTER FROM MACiDALA^, AI'KIL 18G5. 335
there was something impending; but even the moat timid
dreaded nothing beyond the seizure of property and expulsion
from the country. My own work being finished, I purchased
the requisite number of animals, and started for the coast.
On my way I had to repass Gondar, where the King was still
with his army. The Metropolitan with wonted kindness
invited me to his residence, an offer which I gratefully
accepted. I reached Gondar on Tluirsday, and on Saturday
I intended to pay my salaam to His Majesty. Unfortunately,
before I could secure a haldarahd or introducer, the King un-
expectedly set out on an expedition against a rebel. I re-
mained at Gondar till Tuesday, and then bade a final adieu to
the Bishop and other friends, and quitted, as I thought for
ever, the capital of Abyssinia. Captain Cameron, and also the
Frenchman Bardel, accompanied me about two hours on my
road, and then shook hands and parted.
My people as well as myself were in the happiest mood, a
feeling which even our animals seemed to share, for they
marched with ease along the shelving path and even dizzying
precipices up to the plain of Woggera. Here, to my surprise,
I saw the King's white tent glittering in the sun's rays on
one of the heights which dot the plateau. Duty as well as
courtesy forbade me to advance without saluting His Majesty.
This induced me to halt ; and towards afternoon I proceeded,
accompanied by two servants, of whom one spoke a little
Arabic, to the royal camping-ground.
After waiting about two hours. His Majesty came into
the open aii*. Myself and attendants immediately made a
most humble obeisance. There was a frown on the King's
countenance, which augured nothing auspicious. Between
the first question and the death of my two servants, the hand
of time could not have advanced ten minutes. The gloom of
approaching night, the rattling of the sticks, and my own
doubtful fate prompted me to put my hand mechanically to
my lips, or, as it was said, to put a finger into my mouth.
336 APPENDIX.
This was construed into a crime, and in less time than these
words take to pen, I was stript, beaten, and lay almost lifeless
on the ground. AVounded, bruised, and bleeding, my execu-
tioners dragged or rather caiTied me down the hill, where my
swollen wrist was fasten by a hoop and chain to the arm of a
soldier. My guardian, moved with compassion, tried with
rank grass to stanch the blood which profusely welled out
of more than a score of gashes and scars ; but, finding the
effort useless, he wrapt himself in his sJiama, and, with my
sj)ectral form clinging to him, fell asleep. I also sank several
times into a feverish stupor ; and, oh ! how gladly would I have
passed the wearisome hours of night in forgetfulness, had not
the shifting motion of blood in my mouth and throat denied
me this indulgence. In sighs, groans, and excruciating
agonies the night waned, and the beautiful stars, unconscious
of mortal woes, glittered with wonted brightness in the
eastern horizon.
At daylight I was given into the charge of several chiefs,
whilst the King moved on to Grondar. The villagers, as also
my guards, showed me much sympathy, and like the good
Samaritan they washed my wounds, and brought me an
abundance of milk, the only nourishment my inflamed lips and
gums allowed me to swallow down. Midday, my servants
strongly guarded were conducted to my temporary prison ;
and never shall I forget the shrieks, lamentations, and
agonizing contortions which the sight of their afilicted master
occasioned. Orders had been sent that I should have foot and
hand-fetters ; but as my ankles were too much inflamed for the
hoops, they transgressed the royal command, and only tied
my left hand to my right ankle.
The next day a detachment of troops came to escort me and
my servants to Grondar. I was now treated as a regular
criminal : in fact, my position became so painful and my
physical suffering so intense, that I looked for death as a
happy release. The abject condition to which I had been
MR. STERN^S LETTER FROM MAODALA, Al'RIL 18G5. 337
reduced softened even the flinty hearts of my guards, and,
amidst words of comfort and hope, they told me in whisper-
ing breath that my intimacy with the Bishop, and the report
that he had sold the church lands to me and the British
Consul, were the cause of my misfortune, and that it might
have fared worse with me had I passed the royal camp, as
arrangements had already been made for my arrest. Loss of
blood and want of food, beyond a few biscuits, brought on a
melancholy and a depression of spirits which language cannot
depict.
On the fourth day (I believe) Mr. Flad, M. Bardel, Samuel
(a convert of Bishop Gobat*), and two officers of the royal
household came to inspect my luggage, as I was suspected of
having letters from the Bishop or Captain Cameron. My
photographic sketches and a well-assorted collection of in-
sects, however, entirely absorbed their curiosity, and the
search turned out to be only a farce.
In going away, I mentioned to M. Bardel that I had papers
and diaries which might compromise me, to which he readily
replied, " Don't be afraid ; for, if anything is found, I will say
they are the journals of a gentleman in England," My
visitors gave me and my luggage again in charge to the guards,
and then left. A few days later all the missionary agents
arrived at Gondar, and at the royal behest visited me. They
all thought, as I subsequently learnt, that my days were
numbered, and that I could not possibly survive my horrid
wounds. Mr. Plad, who remained at Gondar, obtained leave
to give me medicine ; and his occasional hope-inspiring visits,
and a regular supply of wholesome provisions from the house
of the Consul, staved off the fever, contrary to the expectation
of my friends, and brought on a better state of health. The
anticipated arrival of favourable letters from the British
Government, as well as the energetic efforts of the Metro-
[* Samuel was converted (that is to say, baptized) by Mr. Iseuberg,
Bishop Gobat's successor, as is related in note t to page 79. — C. B.]
338 APPENDIX.
politan and other friends, dispelled every doubt of my speedy
release. Captain Cameron, Her Majesty's Consul, also kindly
offered to exert himself officially in my behalf; but I disclaimed
all assistance that was not strictly of a conciliatory and
friendly character.
About the beginning of November, the King wrote to his
European workmen at Gaffat, that he had tortured me long
enough, and that if they approved of it they sliould come to
Gondar and reconcile us. My prosj)ects now looked bright
and hopeful, when, unexpectedly, His Majesty was informed
(I know by whom, but will not without positive proof give
the name) that I had papers unfavourable to him. This was
exactly four weeks after my beating and incarceration. Not
dreaming of anything inauspicious, and animated by the sweet
hope of liberty, I passed the greater part of the day in con-
versation with my guards, when unexpectedly Samuel and a
party of soldiers came rushing into my prison, seized every
article in it, and carried it oif to the King. My Egyptian
servant, Joseph, who had been my fellow-prisoner though not
in chains, was desired to follow. Two hours of torturing
suspense had elapsed, when bags, boxes, &c. were again
brought back, minus every paper and book. I anxiously in-
terrogated poor Joseph about every incident ; but he was so
agitated and nervous that I could only gather from his in-
coherent sentences that every paper and book had been
handed to M. Bardel, who acted as examiner, and that now
and then the King said Cocah (my name in Amharie*) is a
hilhatenya (clever man) ; then again, a tonJculenya (cunning
man) .
The glowing prospect of freedom and restoration to the
bosom of my family, from that hour, like the declining rays of
sun, sank before my mind's vision, and all again became dark.
Cheerless and dismal and removed from all human aid, I
[* In Amharie and Arabic Cocah means ''star," as Stern does in
German. — C. B.]
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, APRIL 1805, 339
threw myself then, as during all my subsequent sufFerings, on
the arm of Omnipotence, and fearlessly braved tlie crested
waves that threatened to engulf me.
In the evening I was given in charge of severer guards, and
tied hands and feet. Joseph, who was tenderly attached to
me, unable to check his deep emotion, groaned and sighed as
if his heart would burst. Twenty-five soldiers and five chiefs
were now appointed as my regular guard ; but, notwithstanding
this formidable watch, some during the night actually put
their legs across my stifiened limbs, to prevent what they
must have thought a miraculous escape. No stranger was
allowed to approach my tent. A servant of the chief of the
soldiers now and then baked me a few flat cakes, and brought
me a leather bottle of water. One of the guards, into whose
good graces I had wormed myself, informed me that I had an
enemy at Gondar, and, snapping his fingers (a sign that all
was over), ejaculated "We are all dust, and must die."
On Tuesday evening, as stated, I was bound with fetters on
hands and feet, and on the Monday following, I heard from a
delegate of the King that all the missionary agents had been
brought in chains to the camp. Subsequently I was informed
that they had all been again released, then that one was still
in irons ; and finally, to add to the confusion, M. Makerer, a
French servant of the British Consul, sent me word through
a soldier that the longed-for letter from the British Grovern-
ment would arrive in two days, and that on Friday I was to
be liberated. Seconds yielded to minutes, minutes to hours,
and at last came Friday. I had already lost trust in messages ;
but early on that morning, to my agreeable surprise and grati-
tude, the feet-chains were opened. Less guarded than usual,
I sat in my tented prison, and prayerfully ruminated on my
future destiny. About midday my fierce chief jailer marched
into the tent, and commanded that I should accompany him to
His Ma-jesty.
I immediately obeyed the summons ; but, instead of a pri-
340 APPENDIX.
vate interview with the monarch, I found the whole army-
drawn up in a square, the furthest line of which was occupied
by a kind of throne, on which sat the King, shaded by gigantic
silken umbrellas. On the left side of His Majesty I noticed
Messrs. Bardel and Zander, and on the right a host of priests
and scribes ; whilst in the interior of the square and squatted
on carpets were ranged in opposite lines the King's European
workmen, Her Britannic Majesty's Consul, and the mission-
aries. The grins of some and the dejection of others filled me
A\dth a mingled feeling of contempt and gratitude. Scarcely
one of the Europeans ventured to gaze at me, whilst myriads
of black glittering eyes vainly tried to pierce my iimiost
soul.
Eearless and confident in the purity and integrity of my
actions, I calmly awaited the issue of that pompous court of
justice. My Christian fortitude (and I do not say it in a
boastful strain) , which always rose higher as the danger be-
came more imminent, almost flagged, as on looking round I
saw Rosenthal in chains standing about a hundred steps from
me. Ignorant of the crimes he had committed, I forgot
entirely my own misery, and allowed an excited fancy to tor-
ment itself in reflecting on the sorrow, grief, and pain I had
brought upon others. The distress, agony, and horror of his
desolate young wife rose like a revolting phantom before my
mental vision, and unconsciously made me shake the abomi-
nable fetters by which I was held. A violent pull from the
jailer put a stop to the dreamy speculation.
The Fetha Negest was then read ; and according to that code
the verdict of death was pronounced on all who spoke, wrote,
or ofi"ended the King, Judgment being thus announced
before the accusations were read, the prisoners were naturally
deprived of all defence or hope. For form's sake the charges
were however read. Ten articles were, I believe, brought
forward against me ; and the most formidable of these were, the
assertion that a war between the King and a foreign power
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, APRIL 18G5. 311
would remove intolerance and introduce religious liberty —
that since the death of Mr. Bell the King had no good coun-
sellor — that various provinces and also Djenda had been
plundered — and, lastly, that in passing a place where lay
bleaching in the sun 700 or 800 skulls, I had stated in my
diary they had been murdered in cold blood. The only
offensive statement in my book, of which I had unfortunately
one copy, was the pedigree of His Majesty ; and the last heavy
crime consisted in my having a few harmless and complimen-
tary notes from the Metropolitan.
Rosenthal's sins, which were laid upon me though I knew
not a word of what he had written till that very moment, con-
sisted in some remarks about the King's private life, m a letter
to a relative in London. Even Mrs. Mad was arraigned before
this Imperial court, and that, forsooth, because she wrote to
me a note a year before, in which she stated that the Abys-
sinian lion had degenerated into a tiger, which note I care-
lessly threw among other papers. She was immediately par-
doned on account of her husband ; but myself and Mr. Rosen-
thal, uotwitlistauding all I urged against the malice and
obvious perversions in the translations, were unanimously
declared guilty. Knowing full weU from sad experience what
the verdict implied, I appealed to Samuel and entreated him
to solicit the royal pardon in oiu" behalf. At first he did not
deign to give me a reply ; but on reiterating the request, he
angrily retorted " to-morrow, to-morrow."
The King now waved his hand, and both Mr, Eosenthal and
myself were led off to our common tented prison. The chains
were the same day again fastened round our legs, and faith had
once more to exert its energy and seek refuge from surrounding
despair in the arms of Omnipotence, Judgment was given on
Friday, and on Monday morning all my luggage was for the
last time carried oflT to the Kins:. The same evening Shaka*
[* Shaka or Shdiaka is a contraction of ya shih dlaka, tlie chief of a
thousand, or chiliarch. Like most Abyssinian titles, it is often nicrt'l}-
342 APPENDIX.
Ubye, our fiendish jailer, tumbled half drunk into our tent, and
after eyeing me awhile like a basilisk exclaimed, " If I had
a sword, I woiild cut off that dog's head;" and then, making
again a pause, he jumped up, dragged me aloug the ground by
the chain, and amidst a shower of the vilest epithets, began to
hammer tight my fetters. Rosenthal having on slave-irons, he
could not augment his torture, and so he dismissed him with
the remark, " He is a hdla-makerali " i. e. a sufferer on account
of the other. These harassing scenes wrung the heart, and
made death to be courted more than life.
On the next morning Samuel and an officer came to our
prison, and in the name of His Majesty promised me a pardon
and favours, if I confessed that through the family of the wife
of Has Ubye, one of the greatest men in the country, I had
obtained the information respecting the royal descent. I de-
precated all acquaintance, direct or indirect, with that family ;
and my tormentors walked off in a discontented and angry
humour. A spasmodic calm, like the lull of the elements be-
fore the outburst of a storm, now crept into our tent. We
attributed this to the arrival of the impatiently expected letter
from the British Grovernment, an intelligence that came to us
quite accidentally. Every day, though in misery of a life-long
duration, must pei"form its diurnal motion, and add its segment
to the past. This we mournfully experienced in our captivity,
where even minutes became long periods in one's sad existence.
The memorable 4th of December at length broke, with
wonted brightness, upon the afflicted and happy, the prisoner
and the free. About noon that day our fetters on the feet
were removed, and, escorted by a detachment of soldiers, we
were conducted before the King. His Majesty was at our
arrival engaged in administering justice, and for two hours we
had to stand close to the criminals who were undergoing the
dreadful punishment of the djirdf*.
honorary. I have taken on myself to alter the spelling of this and
several other words as written by Mr. Stern. — C. B.]
* A wliip made of liijipopolamiis liidt;, about ^i fi'et long.
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, APRIL I8f)5. 343
On being summoned nearer, His Majesty ironically said, in
reference to an expression wliicli had inadvertently dropped
from my lips, " Are you now afraid ? " We gave no reply, but
quietly resigned ourselves to Him who is a help to His servants
in all times of need. His Majesty then peremptorily inquired
why we had insulted him ? Fearlessly, though respectfully, I
returned, " Our object has not been to insult your Majesty,
nor have we Avritten a single word in the language of this
country ; but if we have done wrong we humbly crave your
royal pardon." Samuel, who acted as interpreter, had not
quite finished translating this sentence, when the King com-
manded to take away our shammas and shirts. Miserable,
wretched, with a mere rag around the waist, we were con-
ducted back to our prison.
Our guards now consulted among themselves whether they
should leave us in the open air, or permit us again to occupy
the tent. The fear of our escape induced them to consign us
again to our old place, where on the bare ground we spent a
never-to-be-forgotten twelve hours. Cold and chilly was the
night ; gloomy and sad appeared the dawn of day. Our chief
jailer, who had gone to the King, came back in about two
hours ; but instead of leading us to execution, as we had every
reason to believe, he brought to each a tattered rag, and also
ordered us to have some bread and water.
Respite and not release did not lighten our burden or miti-
gate our mental and physical sufferings. A young native lad
in the service of Mr. Plad, accompanied by a friendly soldier,
occasionally came to the door of our tent, and by signs gave us
to understand that we were ere long to be liberated. Our
guards also put a stop to their petty tyrannies, and some be-
came even civil and communicative. We now heard from all
sides that our lives had been in imminent peril ; nay, we were
assured that on the day the King had us stripped, the knives
to cut off our hands and feet were actually lying close to the
spot where we stood, and that the fell deed was only prevented
2 A
344 APPENDIX.
by the energetic remonstrances and intercession of the head of
the monks. Thus, ahnost miraculously delivered from mutila-
tion and a horrible death, we shook off" the depressing melan-
choly which had deprived us almost of our senses, and began
afi'esh to foster the prayerful hope of freedom and liberty.
Fifteen days more of trouble and exhausting anxiety rolled
away. I do not recollect the date, but it was on a rainy and
dull morning, that our tent-door was lifted up, and, to our
surprise as well as joy, there entered Flad, Samuel, and seve-
ral of the Bishop's and King's people. My body being almost
bent double by the chains, Flad softly requested me not to
rise, as is customary at the receipt of a royal message, but
simply told me that His Majesty wished me to give him the
exact price of certain silks which had been presented to him by
the Metropolitan*.
Having finished the valuation, Avhich I could easily do, as
most had been purchased by me in England, Samuel ordered
me to get up, and he then informed me that it had been the
King's design to kill me, but that God had not permitted it,
and that now / had the oneans of regaining the royal favotir, if
I supplied Mr. Flad, who was going to Europe, loith letters to
procure machines and one or two gunpoioder-makers. On the
return of Mr, Flad, His Majesty would also allow me to
leave Abyssinia, and that, too, overloaded with presents and a
name famous in Africa and Europe. During the interval His
Majesty would set me free and afford me occupation in taking
for him photographic sketches. I felt inclined to object to all
these proposals ; but Flad, to whom the King himself had
shown the spot where he intended to kill me, advised me to
give an unqualified assent to every demand, or otherwise it
might go badly with myself and also with Mr. Rosenthal.
His Majesty sent the following day to open our hand-chains,
* The Bishop presented to the King on his own account articles of
considerable value, hoping thereby to pain liis favour and promote my
restoration to freedom.
MR, STKUn's LElTEll FROM MAGDALA, APRIL 1805. 8 k")
but, on Mr. Flad's representation that my legs were in a bad
state, the order was reversed. Samuel subsequently said that
the King wanted that the same fetters should that very day be
attached to the Consul and Makerer, and that he had to beg
most earnestly to prevent the command from being carried
into eflect. Our afFairs, though still undecided, assumed a
more favourable aspect. AVe were again allowed to have a
servant and also clothing, which (you will smile) consisted of
shifts from Mrs. Eosenthal's and Mrs. Flad's rifled wardrobes.
What we most prized were two Bibles, a solace we had not
enjoyed for six long and trying weeks. Poor Joseph, whose
constitution fright, terror, and suffering had entirely sapped,
was removed to Gondar, where, after a week's illness, he
breathed his last.
Two or three days after the above incidents, Mr. Flad and
Samuel came again to me and requested me to write to my
friends to ensure the success of Mr. Flad's mission. Mechani-
cally I complied with the royal behest, and then made some
oral arrangement with Flad on the subject. Another year of
exile appeared inevitable. The King himself communicated
his agreement with me to the Europeans at Gaffat. Judging
rightly of my feelings, they gently remonstrated with the King
against my further detention, and, instead of a machine and
powder -makers through me, they promised to provide them
selves all that His Majesty required. Their objection appeared
plausible to the King, and they tvere requested to cotne to tlie
camp at Gondar to reconcile its, when Captain Cameron, unin-
formed of all this, sent in a letter demanding leave to depart
for his post at Massowah, in compliance with orders from the
British Government. This once more proved fatal to my own
and Rosenthal's prospects ; and on January 3rd, 18G4, Captain
Cameron, his European servants, and all the missionaries were
put in fetters, and we, together with them, confined to one
common prison within the royal enclosure
2 A 2
346 APPENDIX.
July 13, 1865.
We anticipated that Mr. Eassani, Hex* Majesty's agent
at Massowali, would, by his friendly and conciliatory letters to
the King, ere this have appeased his oftended pride and ob-
tained our release from these galling chains. Our anticipa-
tions have however to our grief not been realized ; and we
must still for some time be patient and prayerful expectants
of coming deliverance. His Majesty about ten days ago
wrote to Mr. Eassam to come to Abyssinia ; and his advent
and the delivery of the Queen's letter, we believe, may possibly
effect our liberation.
Just now everything here is in a transition state ; and it is
quite impossible to prognosticate the events of the ensuing few
months or even weeks. A general undisguised presentiment
of a change is evinced in the open revolt of all the important
provinces ; and relentless despotism may soon experience a
terrible retribution. My own and most of my fellow-pri-
soner's misfortunes may, to a great extent, be attributed to
the crafty insinuations and insidious malice of godless, unprin-
cipled men, who in tlie ruin of others sought to attain their
own nefarious and selfish ends. I do not, however, despair or
despond.
To-day I have been in chains twenty-one months ; and al-
though during that long heart-wasting existence I have had to
submit to fiendish tortures, and more than once have been
obliged to face (apparently) a cruel death, yet I enjoy an infi-
nite satisfaction in the consciousness that by an inflexible
Christian firmness I saved others and won influential friends
to the cause of Missions in Abyssinia. His Majesty, since our
arrival here, has not favoured us even with an en passant
inquiry. Placed on a level with murderers, robbers, and other
great criminals, our days have rolled on in the usual sad mono-
tony of savage prison life.
Within tlic last few days wc have, however, again experi-
enced something of His Majesty's feelings against the white
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, JirLY IMtiI, 1805. 317
prisoners. The cause of this fresh outburst of indignation is
utterly unconnected with our affairs. On the night of the
1st inst., Menilek, the Crown-Prince of Shoa, and son-in-law
to the Negus Theodore, unexpectedly quitted the royal camp,
and, accompanied by his followers (but not by his young wife),
fled to bis own country. The King, irritated at the desertion
of another powerful prop of his throne, next morning executed
all the G-alla prisoners, then quarrelled with the Eisliop, and
at last his chafed spirit vented itself on all liis Christian pri-
soners, by giving them, besides foot-, band-chaina also. This
art of tormenting (which is ascribed to the wise King of Israel)
is a most cruel iuvention, particularly when, as in our case, the
fetters are so short, that one is actually bent double and un-
able to move about by day or to stretch our weary limbs by night.
There is a report that we are to be released from these abomi-
nable hand-shacldes. I shall be thankful if it proves to be
true, as the stooping attitude affects my head and causes great
pain in the spine.
August 9, 18G5.
.... On Sunday morning, January 3, 18G4, some of our
guards with bated breath informed us that the Negus was
sending and receiving messages from the Frendjotj (the Consul
and tbe Missionaries), and that probably we should be libe-
rated. Tossed about on a sea of trouble and care, any intel-
ligence of this kind, even from the lips of an Abyssinian, did
not fail to excite our depressed spirits to renewed courage and
confidence. About midday our truculent jailer strode in
breathless hurry into our tent, and, after convincing himself
that all was right, ordered in the name of His Majesty a de-
tachment of troops to execute an important behest. I did not
understand the commission ; but the promptitude witb which
all sallied forth convinced me that they -n-ere charged to arrest
a prisoner or to seize some property *.
* Subsequently we heard that tliey had beeu dispatched to Goudar
to arrest the Consul's people and to seize the property in his own
348 APPENDIX.
Later our redoubtable Shaka Ubye once more made his ap-
pearance, and in an imperative tone commanded us to accom-
pany him to the King. On leaving the tent Rosenthal said to
me, "What do you think this summons signifies?" "On a
Sunday," I returned, "we need not to apprehend anything
inauspicious." A group of curious idlers followed us within
the fence that divided the royal camp from that of the troops.
A second palisaded enclosure on a small eminence, occupied
by white and black tents, revealed the abode of His Majesty
and the royal household. We thought that we were to be
conducted up to that busy acclivity where a few weeks before
we had such a doleful interview ; but instead of this our
guards escorted us to a white tent on the left that ominously
fronted an elevated bank, on which two 4-pounders, mounted
on rickety ship-carriages, ostentatiously displayed their unpo-
lished brazen fronts. A profusion of ragged carpets covered
the entire space between these pieces of ordnance and the
pavilion, — a parade of regal pomp quite unusual except on
grand gala days.
Our excited imagination immediately ran riot with all sorts
of pleasing conjectures, which even now, after the lapse of
so many trying months, I recall with satisfaction, as they
afforded me a passing relief from perpetual trouble and care.
The happy illusion in which I indulged was dispelled on a
nearer approach. His Abyssinian Majesty had for some
months felt disposed to quarrel, or, as he emphatically styled
it, to humble the pride of the Europeans (probably England
and Erance) ; but his rigorous severity towards the two white
prisoners, and the still lingering expectation of a favourable
reply to his letter to the British Grovernment, imposed a tem-
porary restraint on his towering pride. The delay, or I believe
the certainty of no answer, and the request of the Consul to
house, as well as everything in the ti'nipomry home of Mrs. Ilosenthal
and Mrs. Had.
MR. stern's LKTTER FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST DtII, 18G5. 319
start for bis post, together with the crafty insinuations of ill-
disposed individuals, produced their baneful efiect, and Cap-
tain Cameron, the missionaries, and every other European
not in the actual service of His Majesty, were insultingly
arrested.
Ignorant of all that had occurred, and seeing my friends sad
and desponding, diffidently, as if I dreaded the inquiry, I said,
" What is the meaning of all this ? " Mr. Elad with a forced
calmness responded, " We are all j)risouers, and about to be
chained." The manacles were indeed soon brought,and under the
auspices of Basha Olash (now in chains at Magdala) hammered
around the wrists of the culprits. The custom of attaching a
soldier to each prisoner was in the present instance not strictly
followed ; two white men to one black was deemed sufficient
security, and myself and Rosenthal, who w'ere considered
harmless criminals, the chief commanded to be merely shackled
to each other.
As the hour of evening drew nigh, a strong guard took their
station in and around the tent, and, as if suspicious of the
white man's skill in opening chains and making use of potent
spells to burst impassable barricades, they watched our slight-
est movements with a nervous trepidation. The dark shades
of night had already enveloped in their murky mantle every
object, when Samuel entered our prison, and in the blandest
accents, which were contradicted by the smiles of satisfaction
that lit up his sharp features, inquired whether Captain
Cameron had his bed and wonted comforts. He also benig-
nantly favoured me with an oblique glance, and en jMissant
remarked, " I hope you are happier now in the company of
friends than m your former isolated position." He relieved
us of some of the guards who most inconveniently thronged
the tent, and then bidding us an EgziahMr yasfatdtjhu, " may
Grod deliver you," slunk quietly away.
The next day the servants of our fellow-prisoners, who at
the first alarm had sought the bush, on obtaining better tidings
350 APPENDIX,
came again straggling into Gondar, from whence some found
their way to their incarcerated masters. The retributions
already inflicted for an imaginary insult, one might have
thought would have satisfied even a more sensitive monarch
than the "successor of Solomon;" but chains alone were
not deemed sufficient, and the few defenceless strangers must
be despoiled of the property in their possession. In tliis
glorious enterprise, so congenial to the taste of the royal
marauders, the most heartless conduct was exhibited. In the
vacated tents of the Consul and the missionaries in the camp,
where they had been for some weeks unchained prisoners, they
seized every article tliat was either of value or use ; but their
prowess could not achieve similar exploits unopposed in Mrs.
riad's and Mrs. Eosenthal's dwelling at Gondar.
These ladies, roused to a pitch of frenzy, defied heroically
the cowardly attempts of the rufiians to rob them and their
helpless babes of their necessary food and clothing. Mrs. Flad
particularly distinguished herself in the encounter with the
undisciplined savages. " Go tell your King," she said, ener-
getically, to the leader of the band, " that we are weak oppressed
women, yet, if he wishes to kill us, we together with our infants
shall deem it a mercy to be despatched at once, rather than be
subject to a slow and lingering torture." This message w^as
delivered verhatim to His Majesty, and he swallowed the
smarting rebuke by merely observiug, " These M'hite women
compared to ours are perfect devils."
Even Mrs. Rosenthal with her limited knowledge of the
language boldly faced some of the dei:)redators. One brave,
who had forcibly wrested from her a few pieces of sugar, she
pursued courageously through the camp-ground, and would not
give up the chase till the fellow restored the stolen article.
Another black, amidst rude ribaldry wanted to test the com-
forts of an iron folding chair. Mrs. Eoscnthal immediately
hastened to close it ; but Mrs. Flad had already laid hold on the
leg, and the coarse savage, before he had tasted the luxury of a
MR, stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 18G5. 351
civilized seat, to the amusement of his compauious tumbled
heavily on the stony ground. Poor little Anne, Flad's eldest
girl, about four years old, had her temper also ruffled during
the pillage. Her rag doll which she had carefully concealed
in a particular nook, was accidentally discovered and confis-
cated by the robbers. With tears and " by the King's death,"
she protested against this illegal seizure; but the ruthless
heroes were deaf to her entreaties, and for more than half an
hour capered madly around it ere they yielded it up to the
sobbing child.
While such and similar scenes were being enacted at Gon-
dar, a crossfire of questions and answers was lustily kept up
between His Majesty and the Frendjotj. The vexatious topic
of the unfortunate letter and certain personal favours * formed
the staple of the queries put to Her Majesty's Consul. From
the tenor of the questions one could perceive that His Majesty
began to be conscious that in his conduct towards all he had
exceeded the bounds of a ruler and a professing Christian ;
but, stimulated by burning revenge, he stifled every better and
more generous sentiment, and haughtily informed Captain
Cameron that he knew Her Britannic Majesty would send
some great man to inquire into his proceeding towards her
representative and the other Frendjotj ; but then as now his
answer would be, " I can do in my country what I please."
Captain Cameron's business being dismissed, Samuel, the
royal delegate, turned his vulture eyes upon me, and demanded
to know what I meant by the statements contained in my
papers, that " if the Negiis provoked the hostility of the French
or the aggression of the Turks, the conflict would probably break
the enthralling bonds of intolerance and confer the boon of re-
ligious liberty on Abyssinia." " His Majesty," I responded,
" is already acquainted with the views of the Emperor Napoleon
* I made it a rule with myself and fellow-labourers not to accept
any presents from the King, bej'ond a cow or a few sheep ; and now
he could not reproach me with his imappreciated favours and gifts.
352 APPENDIX.
on this subject, as they were embodied in the letter conveyed
to the King through M. Bardel ; and it would consequently be
a superfluous task for me to give a comment on language that
was plain enough." " And what will England do if such a
contingency should arise?" rejoined my interlocutor. "The
British Government," I returned, " has always cherished the
most friendly feelings towards Abyssinia, and it might be, if
they thought that religious toleration would enhance the moral
and material welfare of the country, that they would support,
without insisting on such a concession."
Samuel carried these answers back to the King, and then
returned again, and in a stern tone said, " the Negus has
heard your replies, and did he deem it expedient he could tell
you a secret about England ; but what does it matter ? time
will reveal it." I was anxious to discover the meaning of this
mystery, which evidently was some mischievous intelligence
communicated by the lying tongue of an unprincipled royal
parasite. Samuel saw the drift, and, as he had perhaps ample
reason to evade an explanation, he promptly slided the interro-
gations into a new groove, and in the name of His Majesty
proudly insisted that I should mention the name or names of
the parties who had furnished me the particidars about the
royal ancestry. Here a war of words ensued. Samuel dexte-
rously tried to extort the names, and I adroitly eluded his
request. Baffled and thwarted, the indignant courtier arro-
gantly demanded that I should tell him the title I had be-
stowed in my book* on the parent of the Negus. Too much
candour here betrayed me into a serious mistake ; for instead
of saying that I had stated His Majesty's father was the Duke
[Uedjazmatj] of Kwara, I lowered him to the grade of a mere
laldta, " nobleman," a dignity arrogated by many a despised
peasant.
This day of intense misery tardily at length drcAV to a close,
and, freed from our tormentor, each one according to his incli-
* * Wanderings among the Falashas.'
MR. STERN\s letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST DtII, 18G5. ,'3.").'>
nation was once more allowed to chew the bitter cud of his
own ill-boding imagination. In the evening our tyrannical
jailer Shaka Ubye, on resuming his night-watch, brought the
Amharic Kew Testament, and pointing to the last verse of the
first chapter of the Epistle to the Eomans, which stands on
the top of the page, commanded me and Rosenthal to give the
Negiis an explanation of the passage the next day. The awful
import of the text, and the frightful verdict it denounces on
guilty, polluted sinners, made me first doubt whether I was
among sane or mad savages ; but when I recollected the dire
emphasis Samuel had laid on the words, which, in the course
of the interrogations, had escaped my lips, " If it pleases God
to bring me back to England, I shall know how to correct tlic
pedigree of His Majesty," aU misgivings vanished, and I
anticipated without dread or terror my approaching doom.
For weeks and weeks I had indeed been weary of this lin-
gering torture and incessant misery; and now when the
ominous warning came, the knell of parting life was to me
merely an emancipation from the cruel and bitter tyranny of
earth, to the glory, peace, and rest of heaven. Our heartless
jailer who, I believe, never felt any other emotion in his
petrified bosom than that caused by the love of rapine and
plunder, on hearing from Mr. Elad the contents of the verse,
compassionately remarked, " They are not bad men, but this is
a bad business."
Gradually the night rolled away, and daylight with its
cheering sun and bustling hum broke upon the sad and lonely
prisoners*. There was no conversation, and no interchange
of thought ; every one had sorrow engraven on his brow, and
gloomy misgivings concealed in his heart. Anticipating every
moment the fatal summons, faith, invigorated by Divine grace,
* Subsequently Captain Cameron, Flad, and Cornelius told me that
during^ those anxious hours they had fi-equently cast secret glances on
the vacant padduck near our tent, to see if the gallows on which thu
victims of tyranny were to suiler, was in the course of erection.
354 APPENDIX.
triumphed over the throes of impending death , and, without
one of those ever shifting fluctuations of hojDe and fear which
under such circumstances naturally agitate the human breast,
I watched calmly and composedly the flying hours of time.
Midday passed — the afternoon declined — evening approached,
and still no royal messenger made his appearance. Another
night of earthly cares slowly waned away, and a new day of
troubles stole quietly in upon us.
At length, about noon, Samuel, that messenger of evil,
appeai-ed in our prison. After a condescending salutation,
which even in the moment of the basest intrigue he never
omitted, Mr. Rosenthal and myself were required to rise, and
in the best Arabic of his rejected Koran, he ordered me, at
the behest of his royal master, to expound the pointed-out
passage of Sacred Writ. Instantly I seized the New Testa-
ment, and commenting on the whole chapter, told Samuel that
the terrible indictment of the Apostle against an unbelieving
world had not the remotest connexion with the ofiences
charged upon us ; but if His Majesty thought the reverse, we
both deplored to have incurred his displeasure, and craved his
clemency. Samuel now read the chapter himself, and as he
came to the revolting catalogue of crimes alleged against the
fallen posterity of Adam, he unwillingly vented his astonish-
ment at the unhappy selection in the ejaculation, " Djanhoi !
Djanhoi ! " " Oh, King ! Oh, King ! "
His Majesty himself, rather ashamed of his quotation, or
satisfied that he had inflicted sufiicient sufferings, on the
return of the messenger informed us that the unlettered
Shaka Ubye had stupidly stuck his digits on the last verse of
the 1st cliapter, instead of the beginning of the 2nd. The re-
proof he now designed to administer was obvious, and there-
fore, without expatiating on the propounded passage, I sought
to mollify the hard heart of our oppressor, by soliciting Samuel
to inform him tliat both Eosenthal and myself lamented ito
have involuntarily oflended him, and in iiuitaj:ion of the coiu-
MR. stern's letter FROM MAODALA, AUGUST 9x11, 18G5. 3')')
passionate Saviour to repentant sinners, recorded in the 1st
Epistle of St. Jolm, chapter 1, verses 8 and 9, we implored him
to accept our apology and suffering as an atonement for cur
transgression.
Samuel soon returned with the message that His Majesty-
had read the passage, and as he hoped to oUain forgiveness of
his sins he also extended pardon and entire oblivion for the fast
to tis ; and henceforth, added the servile courtier, you will pray
for the Negus, as the Negiis charges me to tell you he will
pray for you. The shadows of death in which we had been
enshrouded for twice twenty-four hours were now dispelled,
and, relieved from the spectral vision of a cruel torturing
martyrdom, we once more speculated on liberty and freedom.
Pardoned — but in chains ; restored to royal favour — but in
prison, may appear puzzling paradoxes ; but it must be re-
collected that His Majesty was then in the swing of glory,
and, impelled by untamed passion, he resented the imaginary
slight of the British Grovernment on the few defenceless
strangers in his power.
On the same day that the Negus manifested a faint inclina-
tion to generosity and mercy, the rest of the white prisoners,
consisting of Mrs. Elad, Mrs. Eosenthal, Joseph and Schiller,
two Grerman ornithologists, Kerans, M'^Kilvie, and Makerer,
two English and one Frenchman, in the service of the Consul,
were conducted from Gondar down into the camp. The two
ladies, who were not treated like regular prisoners, were taken
by Samuel to that part of the camp occupied by his establish-
ment ; and the rest, after receiving then* chains, were located
in a tent opposite to our own.
Moved by caprice, or perhaps satisfied revenge, the King
ordered a few of the most worthless articles among the pillage
to be restored to the prisoners. Here an incident occurred
which strikingly illustrated the guardian care of our Heavenly
Eather, and inspired the depressed soul with unwavering faith
and trust.
356
APPENDIX.
About the middle of November 18G3, Mr. Kerans had
arrived at Gondar, witli a packet for the Consul. Amongst
the letters there were several for me ; but as I was a closely
guarded malefactor and unapproacliable, Mrs. Eosenthal took
charge of them. On the day that her property was a second
time entirely confiscated, these longed-for epistles from distant
friends were safely concealed in a secret drawer in her work-
box. Anxious to destroy everything that might compromise
me afresh, she tried hard to abstract them, but the keen eye
of the guard rendered the attempt abortive. In the evening,
to her delight, the box was restored, and though forced open,
the clumsy depredators had not discovered the hidden recess.
Mrs. Eosenthal immediately communicated to me this for-
tunate recovery, and at my request she and Mrs. Flad perused
the letters ere they were consigned to the flames. I was
afterwards informed that they were harmless except one,
which contained some questions about the Negus, that might
again have roused his dark and ever wakeful suspicion, and
involved me in new grave troubles.
Settled down into regular prison habits, our days were wiled
away in listless inactivity or anxious care. Now and then our
evenings were varied by a quarrel with the guards, who, reck-
less about space, thronged in groups into our tents, and im-
pregnated the already stifling atmosphere with the putrescent
odours of their foetid garments and buttered heads. The
Negiis, too, occasionally relieved the dvdness of our existence
by a message to the Consul, or the gift of a cow or a few
sheep to replenish our exhaused larder. Sometimes also he
sent and requested to know the meaning of a pirated sketch
of the "Illustrated London News" — sometimes of a Bible
picture — sometimes of an illuminated advertisement torn out
of an unfortunate Monthly; hut most of all was the inquisi-
tive descendant of Solomon interested hi/ the caricatures of
" Funch,^^ which lay scattered among tlic plundered archives
of the British Consulate.
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 18G5. 357
These friendly communications rendered tlic dreaded pre-
sence of Samuel quite amusing, and his visits, which were
neither few nor far between, were then always diverting and
agreeable. One day he walked into our tent scowling like -a
fiend, and handed to the Consul a large full-written sheet of
paper. As I was standing close to him, I cast a glance on the
formidable document, and without betraying my emotions
perceived that it was an energetic protest of M. Lejean, the
French Consul, against the treatment he had received from King
Theodores. Captain Cameron, after glancing over it, exclaimed,
"Samuel! Samuel! this is a sad business!" but the stem
delegate, without attending to his words, urged him to read it.
Having complied with the request he handed it to me, and
commanded that I should give him the contents of it in
Arabic. Uncharitable as it may seem, I confess it afforded
me some satisfaction to obey the order; and heedless about
the wrinkles which each fresh sentence wreathed on his
frowning brow, I translated every word, not omitting even
the brutal conduct of His Majesty in chaining the representa-
tive of a potent foreign Sovereign in full uniform. The out-
raged envoy restrained his boiling passion till I had concluded,
and then he gave vent to his impotent rage in the ridiculous
epithets, " dog, liar, donkey, why did you not say all tliis when
you were in the King's country."
The precious document, which unsparingly exposed the
vanity, weakness, and barbarism of the monarch, must in
perusing it have rankled like a barbed arrow in his ambitious
breast. In the absence of any other white men on whom to
retaliate, we expected that our treatment would be more ruth-
less and severe ; but whether guided by gentler emotions, or
actuated by a disguised presentim-ent that the day of retribu-
tion was approaching, matters continued in statu quo, and
"Punch," the "Illustrated London News," advertisements of
razors and chandelier manufacturers, continued to pour into
our tented prison.
358 APPENDIX.
About the end of January reports were afloat that M.
Bardel, who had gone on the service of the Negus to Kasala,
the capital of Soudan, to espy what the Egyptians intended to
do, was on his way back, and that on his arrival the European
workmen at Gaffat would also come to the camp, whither they
liad been summoned to attend a special Council. The rumour
proved true ; for on the 3rd of February M. Bardel returned
from his secret mission, and on the 5th the Europeans arrived
from Debra Tabor.
Immediately on their advent they repaired to the royal
tent, from whence, after a lengthened conference, they were
despatched to our prison. Messrs. Elad, Steiger, Brandeis,
Cornelius (since gone to his rest), Joseph, and Schiller were
instantly liberated — a clemency not extended to the more
traduced and maligned objects of the royal vengeance. Our
visitors, it is true, did not deprive us of all hope of deliverance ;
on the contrary they assured the Consul that, if he pledged
himself that the Bx'itish Government would not insist on
satisfaction for all that had passed, they could without
endangering their own lives effect our liberty, and perhaps
permission to quit the country; if, however, this stipulation
exceeded his authority (as was alleged) they promised to use
their influence to secure us an unchained asylum, either at
Gafiat or some village in the neighbourhood. Driven about
on a sea of doubt and uncertaiuty, my mind revolted at this
protracted, wretched captivity, and recklessly I remarked, " If
I am to be deprived of liberty, I don't care for chains." These
incidents may appear trifling ; but if ever a full narrative of our
bondage and misery is published, they will explain matters
on which a prisoner in a crowded gaol and surrounded by
numerous guards dares not dilate.
The interviews between His Majesty and the European
workmen were frequent, and often, as we were informed, of
long duration. All the Abyssiuians expected that the white
prisoners would be set at liberty ; nay, some even averred that
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 18G5. 359
the King bad sworn that we should not much longer sigh in
chains. Evening at last terminated this anxious day, and
our guards as usual obtruded themselves in disgusting numbers
upon us. They had now a less onerous task in counting the
prisoners, since our number had considerably diminished ; and
it was a kind of satisfaction to hear them roar out to their
chief " six," and gdnzabatjen, " our property," a designation
by which Eosenthal and myself were familiarly distinguished.
The next afternoon, Zaudye, the chief spy on the Europeans
at GafFat, an office for which nature designed him from his
birth, and a couple of other royal functionaries, came to remove
the evacuated tent. We inquired when our own would be
struck, to which they replied "Teoderos yemiit," (by Theodore's
death*), "before many suns have risen and set." The Etjegue,
the Prior of all the monks and Father Confessor to His Majesty,
also sent us a friendly salutation, accompanied by a significant
hint that we should not forget him in more prosperous circum-
stances. The longed-for to-morrow came and closed, and so
another and another, without any change.
Early on the morning of the 4th f, intelligence reached us
that the King was angry with M. Bardel, and accused him
of being the author of the rupture between him and the
Europeans. A little later, a young lad in the service of Mr.
Elad, who had picked up a tolerable knowledge of the German
language, stealthily crept into our tent bearing the same
tidings, with the addition that we should soon be freed and
M. Bardel chained. About noon the report received its
verification, and M. Bardel, conducted by a detachment of
troops, was actually led into our tent, there to await his royal
master's pleasure.
* [Literally " may Theodore die ! " that is to say, if the assertion
made is not true. To tell a lie after such an asseveration is regarded
as equivalent to " conspiring the Sovereign's death," and is conse-
quently high treason. — C. B.]
t [This date is eiToneous. See page 138.]
2 B
3G0 APPENDIX.
Discussion and inquiries were at their height when a most
formidable and imposing deputation from the King made their
appearance. On former occasions Shaka Ubye, Samuel, or an
officer of the household, formed the medium of communication
between the King and his white prisoners ; but in the present
instance, to give eclat to the message, greater etiquette was
observed. Among the crowd which constituted the delegates,
was our old acquaintance Zaudye, Shaka Ubye, Mahdera-Kal
(formerly a pupil in the Malta Protestant College), and a host
of high functionaries and attendants. Shaka Ubye, after
making a scrutinizing survey to see that all the prisoners, in
deference to royalty, had girded their sJiammas round the waist,
in a calm and deliberate tone said : — "M.Bardel, Djan-hoi (the
King) is angry with you because you have misrepresented the
prisoners and caused him to chain them. You have also
spoken ill of the Negus himself; and you have further, by
unfounded assertions, tried to sow distrust and suspicion in
his heart against your countrymen at GafFat." Mahdera-Kal,
for the benefit of all, translated every word into French ; and
the accused, without denying or admitting the charges, simply
replied, " How, how ? " *
This indirect apology for unmerited suiferings gave birth to
fresh hopes of home and dear friends. Every hour now sped
on heavily, and every messenger from the Europeans created
a thrill of excitement. Day after day, however, was swallowed
up in the relentless womb of time, and stiU the chains hung
degradingly on our wrists. At last — I believe it was the 14th
of February [1864] — Elad sent us word that all the employes
and late prisoners were to set out for Gaftat. This was a severe
blow to our expectations, though the excess of the disappoint-
ment only acted as a tonic in stimulating the moral and
physical energies of the soul to renewed courage and patience.
* Should an explanation be required, the white employes at Gaffat
(among whom is M. Bourgaud, a Frenchman, a friend of M. Bardel)
will, as the King's confidants, be best able to furnish it.
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 1865. 361
Consigned once more for an uncertain period to fetters and
a prison, each one according to his peculiar taste sought some
occupation to beguile the long hours of the almost never-
ending days. The accession to our number introduced also
new topics of conversation. Popery, scepticism, and infidelity
formed the staple of our discussion during part of the day ;
whilst, not unfrequently, our evenings were occupied in ex-
plaining the tenets of oti* faith to the loquacious guards.
On the 29th of February the King requested me through
Samuel to show him a certain passage of Scripture. Samuel
was exceedingly afi'able — a symptom by which we obtained a
cue to the royal sentiments towards us. Our speculations that
matters were again more promising were not unfounded ; for
in the afternoon the royal favourite came back and released
Rosenthal from his shackles, who now, together with his wife
and babe, was permitted to enjoy the luxury of an unguarded
tent ; whilst to us he held out the prospect of a speedy, happy
change from prison to liberty. I had lost all confidence in
his assertions — nay, invariably suspected that when he pro-
mised us freedom (a fact now incontestably ascertained) he
was toiling to efiect our destruction and death.
A few weeks before Easter, His Majesty one noon requested
that I should prove to him from the Bible that fasting was
not a Divine injunction, nor necessary to salvation. I readily
obeyed the mandate, and message after message was carried in
rapid succession from the white men's prison to the royal
pavilion. Not to prolong the discussion, which, on the part of
His Majesty and court had degenerated into a challenge, I
briefly observed that fasting, as a help to piety and devotion,
was in harmony with the practice of the Apostles ; but such
fasts, I added, were diflferent, nay, opposed Lo those enforced
by the Church and designed to eff'ect a compromise between
sin and good works, as was evident from Isaiah Iviii. This
chapter His Majesty applied as a censure on his own actions ;
and I might have had to pay dearly for my temerity, had not,
2 B 2
3G2 APPENDIX.
at tlie very moment wlicn a loud and ominous cry, rc-eelioed
by scores of voices, "bring Cocab " {i.e. myself), a counter
order of tau, "stop," arrested the dangerous command.
This discussion, -whicli might have sadly terminated had not
an invisible power restrained the ire of the King, created, as
Ave were told, a variety of speculations in the army ; and it is
very likely that the anticipations of an abridgment of Lent
would not have been disappointed, hjnf not the Prophet Isaiah
too unsparingly denounced injustice and oppression.
Lent passed away, and so also Easter — the season of pardon
and mercy to criminals not stained with blood ; and yet there
was no indication that our fetters would be loosed or our
imprisonment come to an end.
And now winter, charged with storms, fogs, and cold, silently
stole upon us. Inactivity, the gloom of an impending famine,
and other serious causes, excited discontent in the pillage-
loving army, and desertions were neither slow nor few. These
symptoms of dissatisfaction among the wild hordes that con-
stitute the army did not improve the irascible temper of the
King ; and the formidable djiraf (a long whip) and the muti-
lating knife were in constant requisition. On one day, within
sight of our prison, forty persons had their hands and feet
wrenched off, whilst many more perished under the inhuman
lash.
On the 12th of May, a day which like one or two more will
never be obliterated from my memory. His Majesty had a
boisterous public interview with the Abuna or Primate.
Epithets neither dignified nor apostolic were most profusely
interchanged between the head of the State and the Euler of
the Church. Once I audibly heard my name ; and two of my
fellow-prisoners understood that it was coupled with the con-
cealment of a curtain and taking of notes. Like a flash of
lightning, it struck me that it must refer to a certain morning
when Captain Cameron and myself arranged some money
matters with the Bisho]). which malicious tongues in tliis
MR. STERN^S LETTER FROM MAODALA, AUGUST 9tH, 1865. 303
country of inquisitorial espionage had viciously distorted into
an unlawful secret communication. The altercation, which
was occasionally very loud, and then again more subdued,
lasted about an hour; and from the deep silence which per-
vaded, it was evident that the army did not approve of the
quarrel. His Majesty, weary with the contest, abruptly
mounted his horse, and followed by a vast concourse daslu'd
furiously across the plain.
Conjecture was now rife among us about the probable issue
of the dispute, in which one, if not more of us, were certainly
involved. We were not long permitted to indulge in these
gloomy musings ; the tramp of feet, the hum of numerous
voices, and the tinkling of Church umbrellas, announced the
approach of an extraordinary procession. Suddenly there was
a rush of slaves through the palisaded doorway which led from
the camping-ground of royalty to our prison, and then fol-
lowed a mass of turbaued priests, proud chieftains, and high
state functionaries. The Primate, clad in his simple Egyptian
garb, with a black silk scarf negligently thrown over his head
and face, led the van. There was a boisterous call for
" Cocab " and the Frendjotj. Precipitately we rushed out of
our tent, and in a most deferential attitude confronted this
formidable array of Church and State dignitaries.
The royal notary, a tall, sleek personage, now opened a
small parcel, and, taking out a portfolio that once belonged
to me, thrust his unwashen fingers into a packet of greasy
papers, and took out the document that contained the charges,
garbled from my pilfered notes, and the letter of Mr. Eosen-
thal. These were then read, after which Samuel, in a bland
persuasive strain, more entreated than commanded that we
should state the parties who had been our inlbrmauts. Rosen-
thal, who, as Samuel well knew, had had no communication with
the Bishop, in a few brief sentences satisfied the inquisitor.
Samuel now turned his villanous eouuteuance full upon me,
and desired that 1 siiould state the sources from whence
364 APPENDIX.
I had obtained the statements embodied in the books and
papers found in my possession. Fully aware, from the cha-
racter of the King, that the examination was a serious busi-
ness, I turned to M. Bardel, and inquired whether he objected
if I denied the correctness of the translations. M. Bardel
rejoined, " No, for I only read the English ; Birru, Samuel,
and the debteras (scribes) are responsible for the Amharic."
Eelieved from tlie apprehension of implicating any other
human being, and particularly a fellow-prisoner, in troubles of
no ordinary gravity, I turned to Samuel, and in unsparing
expressions deprecated the malice of those who, without any
provocation, had sought my destruction by attributing to me
language not to be found in my papers.
Then addressing the whole assembly, I said, " What offence
have I committed ? That I said the King had pillaged certain
provinces was no libel, for I saw it myself. That I stated a
number of people had been executed at Dubarek, the skulls
scattered over the plain attest the fact. That I was misin-
formed about His Majesty's descent, I must blame the late
Mr. Bell, and the Negiis'a own speech at the capture of a
chief*, recorded in the history of his accession to the throne,
and at present in the possession of the King himself. That I
was not impelled by any ill feeling towards the Negus, my
bookf incontestibly proves; nay, the very mistake about his
origin was an honour in Europe, since, beyond the great waters,
not a man's glorious ancestry, but his own deeds shed lustre
around his name. The Bishop," I continued, raising my
dexter hand, " I honour as a friend ; and were he even my
enemy, neither diversity in our religious sentiments, nor the
dread of danger or the hope of favour, should make me swerve
from the truth."
Samuel now interposed, and hypocritically remarked, " We
do not wish that you should utter a falsehood, nor does any one
* [See page 118, ante.'] t ' AN'andcriugs among the Falashas.'
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 18G5. SGS
feel disposed to contradict your assertion, that you had no de-
sign to misrepresent the origin of the Negus ; but there are
difierent ideas in Europe, America, and Asia; and this," he
added emphatically, as if anxious by biting sarcasm to vent his
stifling rage, " this, you know, is Africa."
The Bishop, who during the whole of that time sat on the
bare ground like an unconcerned spectator, now started up,
and casting an oblique glance of sympathy towards his white
friends, poured forth a torrent of abuse on the King and the
whole army of sycophants who swarm around the throne.
" Guards, receive your prisoners !" now^ shouted Samuel, and
instantly we were driven into the tent, whilst the Primate and
his cortege retraced their steps through the fence by which
they had entered.
The exciting conference acted like a tonic upon my weak,
and by sickness enfeebled frame, and, without troubling myself
about probability, I said, in a cheerful tone to my fellow
prisoners, " I have hardly eluded the shafts of the Angel of
Death when I must prepare for foot-chains." No one, I be-
lieve, except myself, had any idea that a serious trial was
impending over us. About sunset His Majesty came galloping
over the plain, and bounding up to his pavilion; he had not
yet alighted when M. Bardel, who was outside the tent, hurried
quickly in, exclaiming, "the King is coming!" Bustle and
confusion for a moment prevailed, and then aU was drowned in
the shout, " Cocab, FrendjotjV The indignant and ven-
geance-breathing accents of the King thrilled through my very
soul like the knell of all my hopes. " Dog, Falasha, scoundrel,
tell me the name of the man who reviled my ancestors, or I '11
tear the secret out of your haiUnya " (stout) " heart !" vocife-
rated the enraged Theodores.
I attempted to reiterate what I had said to the delegates in
the afternoon ; but ere I could finish a sentence, I was blinded
with buffets, whilst at the same time several fellows violently
seized me by the hand, and began to twist round my arms
366 APPENDIX.
hard, coarse ropes, formed of the fibres of the Doloussa tree.
Rosenthal, simultaneously with myself, experienced a similar
treatment. His poor wife, thinking that our last moments had
come, distractedly ran into the arms of Captain Cameron.
The latter, who also believed that all were about to be
butchered, called out to me, " Stern, we shall soon be in
heaven!" This the Negus interpreted into an exhortation
that I should not compromise the Prelate ; and instantly Mrs.
Rosenthal, under a shower of blows, was driven with her
babe into our tent and then into her own, whilst the Consul
and all the other prisoners, with the exception of Mr. Keraus,
who was suffering from illness, were thrown on the ground
and pinioned.
Generally, criminals under torture are only tied around the
upper parts of the arm ; but the white miscreants were deemed
unworthy of such leniency. From the shoulder down to the
wrists the cords were fiendishly tight rolled around the un-
resisting limb. This being still regarded as insufln.cient, the
swollen, throbbing hands were bound together behind the back,
and then other ropes were fastened across the chest, and that,
too, with a force that caused the miserable sufferers to agonize
for breath. "Writhing and quivering in every nerve, we lay in
contortions heavings on the hard, bare ground. Some prayed ;
others groaned ; here one in excruciating torments capered
about ; there, another in desperate frenzy knocked his reclining
head on a loose stone, as if determined to end by suicide his
career of suffering. The crescent moon shining through a
white canopy of clouds, the stiUness of the guards, broken by
the howling of savage dogs as they careered in quest of prey
through the camp, and the moans and sighs of the tortured,
formed a scene that beggars language to describe.
His Majesty, immediately on the application of the ropes,
quitted the spot and repaired to his tent. Samuel, his face
concealed under a black hood, every few minutes made his
appearance, and inquired whether I would confess, and, on not
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 1865. 367
receiving a satisfactory reply, whispered to the guards, " give
him another rope round the chest." Three times he repeated
his visits, and three times a couple of soldiers jumped on me,
and with ardent delight, as if they felt pleasure in torturing a
white man, executed the royal behest. To contract the dry
ropes the black fiends now and then poured a profusion of
cold water down our insensible backs. " Speak," once more
repeated the muffled royal messenger — a command which
Captain Cameron seconded by shouting, "Stern, Stern, say
what you know !"
The agonizing torture had now lasted about- three quarters
of an hour, and still there was no sign that the tyrant would
relent in his cruelty. Physically and mentally prostrated, the
hand of faith, in the birth hours of eternity, held confidingly
on the eternal rock, and prayerfully sighed for release from
these earthly pangs and woes. The Negus probably suspecting
that we should succumb beneath a protracted torture, and so
elude the clutches of further revenge, now ordered the ropes
to be removed. Promptly a score of blacks were bending over
us and unfastening the cords. This process caused excru-
ciating pain, for the ropes rebounding from the stiff marble
limbs, tore away skin and flesh in broad gory shreds.
Infidelity, scepticism, sneers, and scoffs ^'ere now all merged
in one deep and pathetic crj- of anguish, fear, and despair. In
compliance with the request of some of my fellow-sufterers, I
poured forth the gushing emotions of my heart in a prayer, in
which sorrow, sighing, trust, and confidence were sadly blended.
Our guards, and every servant who on the approach of tlie
King had decamped, now in a most sympathetic spirit, so cha-
racteristic of the transient emotions of the barbarian and
savage, rendered us every aid in their power. My own
" Kuranyee," the man to whom I was chained, a kind Galla
from Enarea, arranged the pallet on which I slept, and also
gently swathed my wounded arms in the soft folds of the
sliamma.
368 APPENDIX.
A harassing and anxious night was foDowed by a cheerless
and desponding morning. Nervously we anticipated some
new harrowing message from the King ; but to our delight he
rode out, and the forenoon wore away iu silence and stoical
apathy. Towards noon the chief of our guards came into our
prison, and after some desultory remarks urged me to satisfy
His Majesty. " Tell those who sent you," I returned, " that
I have spoken the truth ; and if the Kiug does not believe me,
I can swear on this book"* (the Bible, which I raised aloft
with my palsied and swollen hand) " that the Bishop never
spoke to me on the topic he wishes me to charge upon him."
" Well," was the laconic retort ; " you will aU get ropes again,
and that, too, much severer than last night."
Uncertain about our fate, moments, miautes, and hours
passed away in torturing suspense. Near evening Samuel,
that messenger of evil, agaiu obtruded his hated person upon
us. He crouched down near Captain Cameron, and with the
utmost assiduity tended his wounds. His affability and con-
descension emboldened me to ask him why the Negus, after
granting me a fuU pardon, again revived the old affair. A
withering scowl gathered over his brow at these words, and as
if panting for breath he glared at me a few seconds, and then
poured forth a volley of frightful abuse. " Dog," " Falasha,"
"rascal," &c., "how dare you criticise the King's actions, and
obstinately defy his authority ? Look here and beliold the suf-
ferings you have inflicted on your brethren. This is poor M.
Bardel ; and do you know who lies here?" pointing to the
Consul. " This is Victoria!"
Shattered and prostrate as I was, my whole frame shook and
trembled at this unmerited rebuke. Samuel I think noticed
this, and bending down to me he whispered confidentially,
" Come out, I want to speak to you." Once in the open air,
* It did not then occur to me that the only binding obligation in
Abyssinia is an oath " by the death of the King," or the excommuni-
cation of the Abuna.
MR. STERN^S LETTER FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 1865. 369
the raging courtier subsided into the smooth flattering knave.
Placing his hand affectionately on my aching shoulder, he said,
" Don't think that I am angry with you ; on the contrary, I
admire you ; but what possesses you that for the sake of the
Bishop, who is neither your countryman nor one of your belief,
you incur the wrath of the King, and expose your person to
suffering. He is my Abiina (he forgot that he had often told
me he was a Protestant), but you are my friend ; and I don't care
what happens to him if you only (whose money I have eaten),
by obligiug the Negus, win honour and favours." I shook my
head, and the foiled inquisitor hastened away, muttering no very
charitable benison on my devoted head.
The shades of night had by this time gathered dark and
thick around us. Tlie guards took their station ; and the white
prisoners, after committing themselves to the guardian care of
a Divine Protector, composed themselves to uneasy slumbers.
The sudden whisper of voices and the sound of approaching
steps made us start from our leather skins. "Cocab!"
" Rosenthal !" "Makerer!" roared several voices at once.
Leaping mechanically on our feet, we were in an instant out of
the tent. Several dark figures in a trice encompassed me, and
with ruthless fury dashed their horny hands in my eyes and
face. Blow after blow in quick succession descended stun-
ningly upon me, whilst at the same time the ropes were rapidly
rolled around my wounded and lacerated arms. "Tie his
legs, too, if he does not confess"* rang in deep but distinct
accents from the royal pavilion, and was re-echoed from three
other lungs who stood in measvired distances to send back my
reply.
My eyes, dimmed by buffets, started almost out of their
sockets, my veins began to swell, my nerves throbbed as if they
would burst ; and my heart, compressed by the inhuman tight-
ness of the ropes, almost stopped its pulsations. Despairingly
* This fiendish de\ace, which entirely arrests the circulation of the
blood, few persons can long resist without succumbing.
370
APPENDIX.
I raised my inflamed eyes towards heaven, and prayed that
the bitter cup might either pass away from me, or if I was
to drain it to the dregs, that the agony might not be pro-
tracted.
My head now became dizzy, the cold perspiration coursed
down my quivering frame, I felt confused, giddy, and mad.
"Samuel, Samuel!" I shrieked in frenzied agony, " What do
you want, what do you want ?" " Tell the Negiis all you have
been told by the Abuna," was his calm response. " Oh ! my
God! my Grod !" I mentally ejaculated, have I still longer to
endure this wasting martyrdom, and seized by a fit of delirium
I vociferated in a hoarse, sufibcating voice, " Yes ! the Abiina
often told me that the King was more dreaded, and possessed
more power than any of the former sovereigns of Ethiopia,
but that his ambition and cruelty ruined and depopulated the
country." " Untie the ropes," reverberated far above the
cooling breeze, as it swept in refreshing gusts over the torn
and bleeding limbs of the sufferer ; " untie the ropes, and ask
him if he is not a merchant of insects"*. I hesitated to affirm
this palpable falsehood ; but Samuel with clenched teeth
muttered, " Dog, do you want a fresh trial of the ropes? " Again
roared in succession the invisible voice, accompanied by a slap
in my face from the chief jailer, " ask him whether the ladies
in England do not eat rats and mice." Promptly my inter-
rogator, who evidently now pitied me, responded " Yes."
" Ask him whether the Queen of England does not sell thread,
needles, and tobacco at Massowah ?" returned the dismal echo ;
and before the sound had died away, there was a wild merry
shout, accompanied by the gay chuckle of some of the royal
ladies. " Ask him whether it is lawful for an Abiina to com-
mit "f. Erantic and almost raving, I vehemently roared
out " No ! no!" The ropes were now entirely removed from
* I had a beautiful collection of insects, and rare, valuable manu-
scripts, which of course were confiscated by the King,
t Not to sully these pages I omit the rest of the query.
MR. stern's letter FROM MAfiDALA, AUGUST 9tH^ 1805. 371
1110, and also from Rosenthal, wliom, contrary to orders, the
guards in the exuberance of their zeal, had also tied ; and poor
M. Makerer was questioned about certain language insidious
malice reported that he had uttered at Massowah.
Elated with his success, although it must have been obvious
to every rational being that I could not have been for days and
days the guest of the Primate, without conversing on the pillage
of different provinces, among which Djenda, the domain of the
Metropolitan, formed no exception, yet, as he had gained his
object, in the flash of delight he ordered a liberal supper of
bread, hydromel, and potent (Iraki for his wretched victims.
Supported by two blacks, I tottered back into my tent, where
I sank down, more dead than alive, on my painful couch. Im-
mediately on my entrance. Captain Cameron, in that perfect
absence of mind by which all the events of the outer world are
excluded, abruptly called across the tent, " Stern, please throw
me over the tobacco pouch." An 9. he might have added, a star,
or the crescent moon to light his pipe ; for the one would have
been as possible for me as the other.
Samuel, accompanied by a Galla slave, charged with a
formidable horn of strong draki, after about half an hour's
interval, stumbled into our tent ; he had evidently fortified
himself, after the previous toils, by a few herrilles, or bottles of
old hydromel. And now some glasses more of ardent spirits
wonderfully stimulated his garrulity. Tlie region of the lost
could alone have equalled the revolting sight presented at
that moment by our prison. There, guarded by a band of dark
savages, and chained like untamed beasts, are crowded together
in a tattered tent, a party of white captives, in whose de-
sponding forlorn looks sorrow and suffering, trouble and care,
have written their indelible lines. In the centre of their frail
tenement, squat several ragged savages around a flickering,
unsteady taper, with their dilated optics wistfully directed to
the operations of a smooth-faced Galla lad, who is pouring out
of a gigantic horn a strong smelling liquid. A grinning figure,
372 APPENDIX.
girded to the waist, receives the cup, and hands it, bowing
obsequiously, to the criminals, who in formal etiquette quaff
the potent draught. This is a faint, and indeed only a faint,
outliue of the picture we then formed.
As I could not move, Samuel, with great tenderness, held
the cup to my fevered lips, and in a sympathetic tone said,
"Drink, if only a few drops, to evince your regard for the
King." Covered with bruises, sores, and scars, I did not
know how to lie or sit, without enduring the most excruciating
tortures. Some one proposed that we shoidd take opium, and
thus elude the tyranny of the despot, and close our career of
misery. My giddy and whirling brain rapturously caught the
suggestion ; and had my fingers been able to perform their
wonted functions, I should, unless a gracious Providence had
restrained me, have opened my small basket, and in the frenzy
of the moment partaken with some or all my fellow-sufferers
of the fatal drug. Mrs. Rosenthal had a similar craving for
laudanum ; and, as she afterwards told me, she considered it
quite a mercy that the dangerous phial was not within her
reach, as in the complete prostration of mind and body she
might have terminated her own and her poor babe's trouble-
some existence. Somnolency, that angel of pity, gradually
closed our eyes, and in a state of dreamy stupefaction the night
glided away. At davni, the sinister visage of Samuel appeared
at the door of our tent. " Cocab," he commenced, in a hollow,
sepulchral voice, to which the previous night's debauch, more
than the message of evil he was about to deliver, imparted a
fearful solemnity — " Cocab, His Majesty knows that you are not
afraid to die ; but don't think that he intends to kill you ; on
the contrary, he will preserve your life, and torture you till the
flesh rots on your bones." "That this," continued the trucu-
lent delegate, " is not a vague threat, the last two nights and
many similar ones still in reserve will prove. Do, therefore,
satisfy the Negus, or, by , those ropes will anon extort by
force what you now deny as a favour."
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, AUGUST 9tH, 1865. 373
The sight of the torturing instruments, which lay in a heap
in a comer of our tent, caused a dizziness in my head ; and,
raising my racking frame, I said, " Samuel, I told you last
night my conversation with the Bishop ; and if that does not
satisfy you, God's will be done : I won't tell a lie." The im-
placable inquisitor, touched by my sufferings, paused a moment,
and then resumed once more, " Let us admit that the Bishop
did not furnish you with the false account of His Majesty's
lineage ; still, as he has proofs, you will never persuade him
tbat the statement did not emanate from some of his priests or
domestics."
I now recollected that one of the Abiina's shums (stewards)
whom I then thought safe at Massowah or in Egypt, where,
for aught I know, he may now also roam about, had many a
time amused me by giving episodes out of the history of the
Negus. And as evil tongues might have repeated these de-
sultory conversations, I said " Grebra Egziabher frequently
spoke to me about the exploits of the King, and at my request
also gave me some of the particulars relative to his birth and
education. But never did he utter a word to depreciate His
Majesty ; for he knew that in Egypt and Europe, where he had
been, a man was respected on account of his actions, and not
on account of his origiu." " I will report this to Negus," was
his laconic reply.
Slowly the weary hours of terror and dread rolled on. Our
nerves were horribly shattered, and our minds too would have
been unhinged, had not religion, with her solacing influence,
smoothed the asperities and hardships of our existence. The
Bible, prayers, a morning and evening exposition of an appro-
priate passage, were the exercises in which we regularly
engaged. No bitter gibes, no harsh expression, no impure
language, characterized our intercourse ; religion formed a
wonderful bond of harmony ; and when I looked on the devout
countenances that then hung over the inspired page as I com-
mented on the selected text, I cherished the hope that the
374 APPENDIX.
clouds so big with wrath had been charged witli a flood of ever-
lasting mercy.
Our affairs, to our infinite satisfaction, suddenly ceased to
occupy the royal mind, and few incidents occurred to interrupt
our melancholy tranquillity. One afternoon there was a sup-
pressed cry, "the King, the King;" which caused quite a
panic in our tent. His Majesty, accompanied by a shield-
bearer, it is true, had strayed on our prison premises, but for
what purpose remains a mystery to this day. On another
occasion Basha Engeda, on the guards being changed, pointed
me out as a special object of interest — a distinction which,
under existing circumstances, I did not much admire. An
apparent peace between the Negus and the Primate also gave
rise to various conjectures among the prisoners.
One evening a young lad in the service of the Consul, who,
together with other servants, had again returned to his master,
crept down near me and adroitly conveyed a small piece of
paper into my dead and feelingless hand. I hastily put it into
my Bible, thinking it was a letter from Mr. Flad — a mistake
which the Arabic character soon exposed. The note was from
the Bishop, and commenced — " To my Brother in Christ, ser-
vant to the Prophets and Apostles," &c. &c. It then adverted
to the suiferings all, and especially myself, had endured, on his
account, and, quoting certain appropriate passages of Scripture,
it concluded abruptly with a remark about money.
By the dim glimmer of the guards' light, it occurred to me
that the Abuna expected that ere long I shovild have to endure
a fresh ordeal of the Negus's retributive vengeance, and that,
doubtful about the issue, he wanted me to send him an order for
the money I owed him. This warning, for such my unhinged
imagination fancied it to be, gave me a momentary shock, and,
grasping the ill-boding missive between my numbed fingers, I
held it clandestinely to the light, and to my satisfaction disco-
vered that, instead of an order for the money I had borrowed,
it was a generous off'er to advance me more.
MR. stern's letter FROM MAODALA, AUGUST 9tH, 1805. JJ?.")
This incident, trifling as it may seem, inspired me and alno
my fellow-prisonei's witli a vague hope that in the reconcilia-
tion with the Abuna our own affiiirs might receive a just and
honest consideration — an anticipation that Avould not have
been disappointed, had the pride of the suspicious and offended
monarch been pacified by the timely arrival of the still
expected letter from Her Majesty. Samuel no longer ob-
truded his undesirable presence upon us. Once he brought
some Italian medals and mathematical measuring instruments
into the tent of Rosenthal, and requested to know their use.
Rosenthal advised him to ask me, upon which he returned in a
petulant tone, " always Cocab ! "
The attitude in which I am compelled to carry on my
clandestine correspondence is most painful. Bent double by
manacles about three-eighths of a yard long between the
ankles, linked to another a few inches shorter to the right-
hand wrist, I crouch down with the paper half-concealed in my
lap, and scribble away. The posture is not adapted to make
the pen run easily ; but this is of no consequence, the occupa-
tion dispels, for at least a few hours, the gloomy reveries in
wdiich my mind unwillingly indulges, and furnishes you and
my friends with a faithful outline of my own and my fellow-
prisoners' sad history ; and this amply compensates for the
pain which the task inflicts on my chaiii-crippled frame.
November 1, 1865.
The Abyssinian winter, accompanied by storms, rain, fogs,
cold, and all sorts of other discomforts, had now fairly set in.
Almost every noon, the sky became darkened ; and lowering
clouds, amidst the reverberations of thunder, poured down de-
luging floods ; our frail cotton tent, which had already for
more than four months resisted the wear and tear of guards
and prisoners, sun and wdnd, notwithstanding the patching of
Pietro and Makerer's skill, admitting the pelting torrent.
During the day the horrors of the tempest were still mitigated
2c
376
APPENDIX.
by the scanty coverings in which each one could muffle up his
shivering frame ; but by night, when wedged between suspi-
cious guards, who tremblingly rose at the slightest clang of the
heavy chains, one was forced positively to press the cold earth
as one's couch. The King, two or three times in riding out,
gave a musing glance across our fence, which led us to antici-
pate that our wretched apology for a shelter would soon be ex-
changed for some more substantial covering — an expectation
that was never destined to be realized. Condemned to wet
and filth, our misery was intensified by the foul aroma of the
coarse guards, who in crowds obtruded their offensive persons
upon us. Goaded to desperation, we sent one afternoon to
Samuel, and reqiiested him to regulate the watch. Samuel men-
tioned it to the King ; and the reply was, " If they don't like to
come in contact with my people, give tbem foot-chains, and let
only two soldiers watch in the tent." This unexpected inflic-
tion of fresh suffering gave us an unmistakeable clue to his
Majesty's sentiments towards us ; but without allowing such
an ebullition of hatred to depress our spirits, we determined
henceforth passively to endure every hardship that might still
fall to our lot
That terrible scourge, the small-pox, which had already for
more than six weeks ravaged the camp, in the absence of every
precaution to arrest its progress, spread with increased viru-
lence through the crowded lines of tents, hurrying promis-
cuously men, women, and children to an untimely grave. An
incipient famine accelerated its devastations, and multiplied
the funeral processions, which, amidst the melancholy chants
of priests and the wail of mourners, everywhere traversed the
gloomy camp. His Majesty, to dissipate the panic which pre-
vailed through the thinning ranks of the army, interdicted the
usual lamentations for the dead ; but the voice of nature coidd
not be stifled by royal edicts ; so in defiance of the stick and
the whip, the shrieks and lamentations of the bereaved rang all
nijrht in wild cadences over hill and dale.
MR. STERN^S LETTER PROM MAGPALA, NOV. IST, 1805. 877
Prompted by sanitary motives, ou July 5tli the camp was
removed to Assoaso, about six miles W.S.W. from Gondar. To
our surprise we received no official intimation that we were to
change our abode ; and it was quite a relief to our eyes to gaze
on the stockaded acclivity above our prison, without the trial of
beholding the despot or his myrmidons. Ou the Gth of July,
towards evening, Basha Deresa, the commander of the fusi-
liers, paid VIS a visit, and ordered our foot-chains to be removed
from the hand-chains : the operation of unrivetting the massive
irons required the efforts of eight powerful savages ; and even
these had to exert their whole strength to accomplish the one-
rous work. "We were immediately linked together in pairs by
shackles fastened round the wrists. The wonted insolence of
the conceited Ethiop, which had been often enough exhibited
towards us, was on the present occasion not omitted ; and many
a vile sarcasm during the hammering of the iron was expended
on the defenceless white prisoners.
On the following morning a formidable guard came to escort
us to the camp. Captain Cameron, and myself, who at our
own option were chained together, formed the most unhappy
pair for the ride. Enervated by suffering and sickness, I was
in no condition to manage the young and untrained mule
which I received orders to mount : nor was my companion,
whose nerves and mind were dreadfully shaken, better fitted
for the novel exercise
On arriving at the camp we were conducted up a rugged
ascent, on the summit of which, exposed to the cool and re-
freshing breeze, stood the royal tents. A strong palisaded en-
closure defended every encroachment on this forbidden ground.
We w^ere ordered to alight close to the rigorously guarded
entrance, where, together with hundreds of deserters, thieves,
murderers, and other low criminals, we had to await the man-
date for our location. At last the order came that we were to
march to the front of the camp, occupied by tlie chief of the
fusiliers. Ever since the imprisonment of the Consul we
2 c 2
378 APPENDIX.
always had a spot for our tent within the royal fence ; but as
each indignity to the detested Frendjotj was supposed to en-
hance the glory of the despot and the lustre of his name, we
were no longer deemed worthy to enjoy tlie not very enviable
distinction conferred on the more exalted native offenders. Our
fragile prison, which the journey had not improved, was at last,
with difficulties that appeared almost insurmountable, lashed
to the pole, and then to secure this unsafe abode an impassable
thorn fence was raised around it. All the other prisoners,
above three hundred in number, among whom there were not
a few who had more to deplore the caprice of the law than the
perpetration of crime, were shut up in an enclosure separated
from ourselves by a thin acacia partition
On August 19th, 1864, we heard that the long-expected let-
ter from Her Majesty had at length arrived, and that the Ne-
giis had sent for the Europeans at Gaffat ; then again we were
told that the order had been countermanded, and again that
they were on the road. These contradictory rumours were not
quite unfounded. A letter, it is true, had arrived from the
coast, but it was not the document the King expected ; and
the Graffat employes had also been desired to come to the camp
and settle our affairs ; but the vacillating tyrant, probably at
the instigation of Samuel, once more abandoned his generous
designs.
Gondar, the capital of Abyssinia, owing to its sympathies with
rebels, never enjoyed the particular good graces of the Monarch.
The population, confiding in the number of their churches and
the wealth of its merchants, quaffed their hydromel and in-
dulged their vicious passions in heedless security. Their fatal
dream of undisturbed repose was, however, destined to expe-
rience a grievous reverse. A complaint that the bread and
meat provided by the town were bad in quality and limited in
([iianiity, afforded the Negus a favourable opportunity to satisfy
his long cherished resentment. An exorbitant fine was im-
mediately imposed on the mistaken inhabitants ; and on meet-
MR. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, NOV. IsT, 18G5. 379
ing with a slight opposition to his ruinous demand, the whip and
rope were energetically used to enforce compliance. Despoiled
and pillaged, the wretched populace deceived themselves \\ ith
the illusive hope that the heaviest calamity was past ; but they
had not yet sounded the depth of their Sovereign's vengeance,
and only felt its full weight when they saw their homes on fire
and demolished by the devouring flames. The old metropolis,
with the exception of the churches, being reduced to ashes,
his Majesty, to perpetuate his Neronian achievement on a
miniature scale, proclaimed Assosso the new capital of the
empire. To outdo his predecessors, all sorts of grand plans
were projected to embellish the royal city. Churches, palaces,
workshops and gardens, vying with each other in matchless
splendour, had already assigned to them their appropriate
spots. These imaginary schemes occupied the dull princes of
the whole army, and led every one to believe that the camp
would remain stationary for many months to come. Sur-
rounded by everything revolting, we still preferred our offen-
sive prison to travelling in chains. Unexpectedly, about the
beginning of September 1864, the vision of a new capital,
which had for some time delighted the ragged hordes, was
abandoned, and the camp removed to Shangarou
On the 17th the imperial blacksmith, accompanied by a
score of menials, came to relieve us of our foot-chains. As
we were to start the same forenoon, celerity was indispensable ;
and the important functionary, assisted by his servile sub-
ordinates, manipulated most dexterously the chains on our
legs and arms to accomplish his task. Shackled in couples,
however, round our wrists, and guarded by a band of armed
fusiliers, we were now led out of the narrow enclosure, in which
we had been closely confined for more than two months. The
King, more intent on torturing than on destroying the hated
and envied Frendjotj, had given orders that we should be
provided with mules ; but the escort, being well aware that
prisoners are not objects of much consideration, did not teel
380 APPENDIX.
disposed to comply witli this high behest. The ride from
Gondar to Assosso had not increased our zest for bestriding
a mule in fetters ; and, at my suggestion, all except Mrs. Eo-
senthal, who had a baby in her arms, consented to test the
strength of their legs
It was said, and the rumour was also true, that His Ma-
jesty, on coming together with his European employes, would
finish our business, and either aUow us to leave the country
or else keep us at Gaft'at. The capricious tyrant this time would
have kept his word, had not Mr. Samuel, that compound of
malice, hatred, and cunning, by crafty insinuations and po-
sitive lies (as we know for certain), neutralized his master's
designs. "We remained at Sergu from September 23rd to Oc-
tober 14th, and then set forward again. The journey from this
to the capital of Begamider took vis fifteen days, of which three
only were spent in actvial travelling
On reaching Debra Tabor, we expected that a messenger
from Gaffat would meet us ; but in vain we wistfully strained
our eyes in all directions to discover the face of a known
servant or the white countenance of a Frendji. Probably
the majority, if not all, would have gladly come to see us, had
they not dreaded the cruel tyrant, whose proximity damps, if
it does not entirely extinguish, every feeling of sympathy to-
wards those who have incurred his displeasure. As we did
not obtain unsolicited intelligence from our friends, who were
located about two miles' walk from our resting-place, we sent
one of our servants for that purpose to Mr. Flad. The messenger
returned in the evening loaded with potatoes, bread, milk, and
a small note, which contained the tantalizing news that His
Majesty, during the two or three conferences with the Gaffat
Avhite workmen, had always carefully avoided alluding to our
afiairs. Once, during a subsequent interview, Mr. Waldmeier
ventured to advert to our position ; but the Negus did not
deign to notice his remark on that disagreeable topic. Several
days (ah ! several centuries !) of heart-burning suspense had
MK. stern's letter FROM MAGDALA, NOV. IsT^ 18G5. .'381
already elapsed, and still there was no other amelioration of
our condition beyond that we had an ample supply of whole-
some food from our friends.
About the 29th of October we were informed that the King,
being moved by the potent hydromel and draki of his foreign
employes *, had, in a fit of magnanimity, urged them to solicit
* [After having sent to the printer the MS. of what is printed above,
and whilst correcting for the press that portion of my work (page
2G1) in which I have referred to the present note (not having been
able to insert it there), I saw in the ' xVthenteimi ' of November 10th
a notice of the following work recently published by the Early Eng-
lish Text Society : — " The Book of Quinte Essence, or the Fifth Being,
that is to say, Man's Heaven. Edited by F. J. Furnivall."
I have not seen this curious work ; but the following notice of its
contents, taken verbatim et literatim from the columns of the ' Athe-
naeum,' will fully serve the purpose for which 1 now refer to it : —
" ' The Book of Quinte Essence ' is described as ' a treatise in Eng-
lish, briefly drawn out of the book of quintessence, in Latin, that
Hermes the prophet and King of Egypt, after the flood of Noah, father
of philosophers, had, by the revelations of an angel of God, to him
sent.' Mr. Furnivall himself says, * This tract appears to be a great
fuss about Spirits of Wine, how to make it, and get more or less tipsy
on it, and what wonders it will work, from making old men young
and dying men well, to killing lice.' The compoimder states that his
mixtm-e is the burning water, aqua vitcs, or, according to the name by
which philosophers keep its character secret, quintessence. It is re-
conmiended as a panacea that will overcome Death himself, always
excepting that the patient has reached ' the term that is set of God
that no man may escape ' — a saving clause of an early quack charac-
ter. It is also to be observed that this spirit, for those who lack jol-
lity or medicine, for those who prefer to take it under the plea of lack
of health, is intended by the inventor only for ' evangelic men.' This
inventor, horrified at the idea of the secret getting into the possession
of sick tyrants, who, by its use, may regain their lost vigour, recom-
mends it to the keeping of Christ. Thus, the tipplers who quailed
their walnut-shell or their egg-shell fidl, might measure their riglit-
eousness by the amount of their exhilaration. The author of ' The
Book of Quinte Essence ' shows how life may be rendered physically
joyful; its date is of the fifteenth century; and men learned therein
how they might be cured of every disease except hereditary leprosy."
382 APPENDIX.
any favour they would, and that, if it were not his throne or his
crown, it should be granted, even if it were for the liberation of
the European prisoners. Acting on a Scriptural precedent, our
As it was in Europe in the middle ages, so it is at the present day
in Abyssinia, where the art of distillation is unknown ; and hence it
may be understood how great is the importance of persons who, like
the Emperor's European workmen, can distil spirits. To that monarch,
whose habits of intemperance are notorious, they must have become a
necessity.
I do not make this remark in any unkind spirit, as Mr. Layard did
when speaking in the House of Commons of the Basle Missionaries as
"trading- in brandy" (see page 110). Even supposing they did so,
there would be nothing incompatible in their making, or even selling,
honey-wine (hydromel), beer, and spirits. We have at home men
of unquestionable piety and goodness, who are brewers, distillers, and
wine-merchants. But, from an expression in a letter from INIr. Stern
to his wife dated Magdala, August 2oth, 1866, just received, it would
seem that the spirits are made onh^ for the Emperor's private use.
He says, " like the rest of our fellow-prisoners, we drank his health in
good drald provided for that purpose from the royal distillery."
Theodore's failing in this respect is no new matter. As long ago as
the year 1853, Baron Theodore von Heuglin described him as " a hard
fighter and a hard drinker." (" Ein tapferer Kfimpe in der Feldschlacht
und hinter dem Tedsch-Becher." — Reisen in Nonl-Ost-Afrika, p. 45.)
This was before he became Emperor, at which time I was in Mauri-
tius, where my Abyssinian servants gave me strange descriptions of
his excesses and of their consequences. Whether after his accession
he reformed in this respect as in others, Mr. Plowden has not said in
his report (see page 35) ; but if he did, it can only have been for a
short time. I remember having shipped to Aden sundry cases of
"Vermouth" for the private use of his Imperial Majesty, and 1 am
afraid that the habit has now become inveterate. It will have been
seen that most of the acts of violence perpetrated on Mr. Stern and the
other captives have occurred in the evening, after the Emperor had
been carousing (see pages 113, 140, 365, 369). If, as his panegp-ist
Mr. Plowden admits, one of the " worse points in his character " was
" his violent anger at times " (Joe. cit.), even at the most favourable
period of his career when all was prosperous, how must it be when
inflamed by drink, now that his temper has become soured by re-
verses and disappointments! C.B.].
MA. STEKn's letter FROM MAGDALA, NOV, IsT, 18G5. 38.'5
friends (I suppose) merely expressed their deli^'ht at enjoying
the royal countenance and favour. Two evenings after tlie
above, His Majesty again drained a good number of herilles
(bottles) of the Frendjotfs generous brew, and, once more ex-
hilarated by the excellent beverage, repeated the former re-
quest a little more urgently. This time they vpere more bold,
or thought the moment more opportune to intercede in behalf
of our freedom. The request was instantly granted, and all
were to be released from their chains, except the Frenchmen
Bardel and Makerer.
This was about the beginning of November, 1864 ; on the
5th of the same month the cheering tidings were commu-
nicated to us that Kantiba Hailu, the late Governor of Gon-
dar, a man highly esteemed by the King and the European
workmen, had received orders to proceed to the camp, and to
conduct us and our French fellow-sufferers, free from fetters,
to a new home in the vicinity of our countrymen. "We were
already in spirit revelling in the luxury of unshackled limbs,
when, at the very moment we expected to hear the tramp of
our friends' mules and to grasp their extended hands, one
messenger followed by another came to announce that the
humane intentions of His Majesty had been defeated by a
report of Samuel, confirmed by Dedjatj Bariau, the Governor
of Tigre, that a British general and troops had landed at Mas-
sowah, and that another great man (whether French or Eng-
lish, was not stated) had also arrived in Sennaar, and that
both publicly declared they were determined to move to-
wards Abyssinia, to effect our deliverance either by media-
tion or by force of arms. This unexpected blight of our fond
anticipations came upon us like a thunder-clap ; but the mind,
when pressed down by a succession of calamities, either be-
comes callous and apathetic, or tries to gain calmness and
comfort to the troubled heart in prayer and the promises of
the inspired page
On November 7th I got a note from Mr. Flad, which con-
384 APPENDIX.
tained the dreaded intelligeuce that we were the next day to
be carried to Magdala, the penal settlement of the Negusa
Negest, King of Kings On the 8th we quitted Debra
Tabor, the goal where we confidently imagined that our ma-
nacles would be removed and our captivity terminate. Our
first resting-place was San M3'eda, the spot where the late
Coptic Patriarch, the Ambassador of the Viceroy of Egypt,
was incarcerated by the artful barbarian, whose smiles and
sua\dty ought never to have duped a white man
Our party, which since we left Begamider had consider-
ably increased, did not much tend to beguile the fatigue and
toil of the route. About a dozen criminals, almost all of
whom were in puris naturalibus, or nearly so, with long heavy
wooden yokes round their necks, were not exactly the com-
panions that Europeans in Africa, even in the greatest emer-
gency, would ever dream of being obliged to have for daily
associates, although Ave might pity their forlorn condition ;
but the mighty name of Britain, respected as it is throughout
the universe, is no palladium to travellers, missionaries, or a
Consul, in the powerful realm of the boasted descendant of
Solomon Many a sinister black visage was turned
upon us, and many an ill-boding sentence was uttered against
us, as we were driven through a narrow gap up the dreaded
Amba. That his Majesty had been bragging about his Eu-
ropean captives was evident from the deportment of the wild
hordes ; and this idea, which was uppermost in the mind of a
few of us, did not tend to soothe the agony of the lacerated.
Gasping and panting, we at length emerged out of a rude,
strong gateway on the summit of the Amba. Again a sliort
halt was ordered, and then once more all hurried forward to-
wards a collection of sugar-loaf-shaped huts — the dwellings of
his Majesty's court *. All in a twinkling lay prostrate in the
* [A description of Amba Magdala, where the captives remained
confined till February 24th, 180G, and whither they have again been
taken, together with Mr. Kassani and his suite, is given iu page 144.
— C. B.]
MR. STEKN's letter FROM MAGDALA, NOV. IsT, 18G5. 385
dust; but the profound obeisance, instead of meetiuf a re-
sponse, remained unnoticed amidst tbe boisterous shouts for
draki. The malefactors and their servile guards paused;
but, as the Negus was indulging in his orgies, we were driven
on to our home — the prison.
From Mr. Rosenthal.
End of April, 18G5.
Tou will no doubt within a short time hear of the letter of
the Eev. H, A, Stern, in which he gives a sketch of the
suiferings we have had to undergo since our arrival in this
country, with the circumstances which accelerated them, in
order to prevent ill-disposed persons from misconstruing his
course of action here. Although the history of his suft'ei-iugs
comprises that of my own, with the exception of the beating
which he received at first, yet, as Mrs. E. and the child shared
our lot in part on the one hand, and were separated from me
for about two months on the other, during which period I
neither saw nor heard from them, you can easily imagine that
these additional bereavements greatly contributed to my own
sorrows.
.... I only add a few things which concern more especially
Mrs. E. and myself, as Mr. Stern has wTitten all concerning
himself to the time of my seizure and our imprisonment
together. From that period our lot was one, so that I can
safely refer you to his letter. After the imprisonment of
Mr. Stern, I was in continual fear lest something untoward
shoidd happen to me, because I gave to him some letters to for-
ward, one a missionary report to the Society, also to several
friends delineations of the character and prospects of our work,
to interest them in the same ; and one was descriptive of our
journey from the coast to the interior, and a six months' resi-
dence in this country, to which some personal remarks were
added ; these were among his seized papers.
386 APPENDIX.
Our anxiety was only too soon verified by the event. "We
were taken prisoners on the fifth of November, 1863. Our
animals, grain (stored up for the next six months), clothes,
books, medicine, money — in fact, all we possessed was seized,
and we were for the next three days subjected to a series of
insults, inconveniences, and wants in our house, and our ser-
vants were compelled to grind and bake day and night. In
spite of this we were nearly starving for lack of bread. Some
time after this event the personal eff'ects of Mrs. E. were
returned, but only to be retaken subsequently and finally ; and
she and our child were left entirely destitute of clothing.
When we arrived at Gondar, I was chained hand and foot,
and put in a separate tent from that of Mrs. E.. Both were
filled with soldiers to excess. Mrs. E. was actually obliged to
beg and cry to have permission for two female servants to sleep
by her side. On the Friday following my fetters were re-
moved, and I joyfully anticipated entire release ; but, imagine
my surprise and disappointment when, instead of that, I was
brought before a gorgeous assembled multitude to be judged.
Mr. Stern and myself were both condemned to death according
to the dictates of the Fetha Negast, a book firmly believed by
the Abyssinians to be of Divine origin ; and although I re-
peatedly begged for mercy during the examinations, I only
received the answer to reply to the questions put to me. We
both made one more attempt to be heard, Mr. S. in Arabic,
and myself in Amharic ; but were simply told, " luckra'''' (to-
morrow). During the trial two different soldiers, holding my
chains, fell down at my side, and were carried ofi" like corpses.
We were now confined to the same tent, and hand and foot-
irons were put on in such a manner that we could not stand
upright. My fetters were of a specially cruel construction.
Usually the manacles are separated by two or three links of
chain ; mine, however, constantly kept my feet within one-
eighth of an inch close together ; and when I desired to
move I was obliged to crawl upon both hands and feet. These
are designated " slave-irons."
MR. ROSENTHAL S LETTER FROM MAODALA, APRIL 1805. 387
I omit the intervening time that elapsed until the chaining
of the Consul and the other Europeans. Mr. Stern's and my
condition were a little ameliorated before that proceeding ; but
what Mrs. Flad, Mrs. E., and the poor children suffered in Gron-
dar during the 3rd of January, 1864, and the two following
days, baffles description. They were maltreated, received the
most abusive language, and were deprived of food. In their
extremity, Mrs. E. opened the Bible at random, and her eves
fell upon the composing words of Joseph to his brethren —
" Fear not ; I will nourish you and your little ones." God did
bless the supply of Mrs. E.'s nourishment, so that she kept the
two poor babes, ours and Mrs. Flad's, for three days from
famishing. They were, however, soon brought to the camp,
and at the end of January permitted to visit us. O, my G-od !
what a meeting was this of mine with my poor wife and child,
after two months' separation under such trying circum-
stances !
I pass over the liberation of the German missionaries, a pain-
ful illness aud operation of Mrs. E., and a dangerous fever of
the child, aud come to Sunday, February 29th. On tliat day
the King asked something of Mr. Stern in reference to the
Bible, which I happened to answer, and being thus informed
he gave immediate orders for the opening of my chains. 'I was
indulged also to occupy the same tent with Mrs. E, within a
few yards of the European prisoners ; and, thank God, we both
say, we were never afterwards separated.
Thus we remained until that fearful evening the 12th of
May, only alluded to by Mr. S., when we were tortured.
Mrs. E., hearing our groans and cries, rushed out of her tent
towards us, and, with the baby in her arms (who was then only
ten months old), was beaten, knocked down, trod upon, and
dragged back to the tent senseless. The marks of this treat-
ment were visible after many days. That evening the poor
child relapsed, and remained weak and sickly for many months.
When Mrs. E. revived, she lamented and agonized over the
388 APPENDIX.
supposed death of myself and Mr. S. I was at last conducted
back to her, lacerated, and with the distorted features of a
madman. The same tragedy was reperformed the following
evening upon three of us, and Mrs. R.'s sad pleasure consisted
afterwards in healing our impotent arms. I was again chained,
and have remained so ever since.
"We passed the incessant rains of a tropical winter in an old
torn tent, experienced many disappointed hopes, were dragged
two and two, chained together, across the country on mules,
every moment in danger of pulling one another off our animals
and breaking our necks ; and on arriving here were huddled
together with about 200 persons of various ranks, ages, and
sexes, with real or supposed crimes attached to them, and vari-
ously chained, and stuffed into a place about sixty feet in dia-
meter. Mrs. R. is not, nor ever was, tied, although she is con-
sidered a prisoner.
September 16th, 1865.
Tou remember that the whole affair of our imprisonment
turns around the Grovernment Letter. Had the same arrived
a year ago, without any further comment, it is probable that
we had long ago enjoyed liberty. Would the same were pre-
sented, even with ceremony or without it — delivered either by
an Englishman or an Abyssinian ! we are pretty confident
that, if not permitted to leave the country, our imprisonment
would at least be at an end.
So the whole matter finishes in this : — On account of this
oft-mentioned letter, kept in some secluded spot of the uni-
verse for some time longer, we have no other hope but to
remain to an indefinite period in Magdala, or some other un-
pleasantly elevated locality of the Abyssinian highlands, until
its arrival. The difference, however, which now exists is this :
— Formerly the King only desired an answer. The proposal
was made to him that a gentleman should forward that docu-
ment, and at the same time effect a reconciliation between the
MR. ROSENTHAL'S LETTER FROM M AODALA, SKl'T. 1805. 389
two parties. It only stands to reason that the Negus expects,
as the case remains, that both should be carried out. And the
one without the other would not be sufficient to effect our
release.
There is still another and serious consideration. His Ma-
jesty has been informed so often of the arrival at Massowah of
the letter, without its making its appearance liere, that if it
does not come soon, or that gentleman at Massowah does not
find an open road to forward it, His Majesty might think tiiat
all the letter affiiir is a delusion, only practised tipon hiin to
get us quietly out of the country. And if he lias once made u])
his mind this way, it might be a bad job for us. You are
aware that untutored minds are very much open to suspicion.
We should not forget, however, that Mr. Eassam in his gene-
rosity offered to come, and would have come too had he received
permission.
But one must take the King as he is. He was in full power,
and perhaps did not care for friendship then, and therefore
not for the causing of mediation. His pride was wounded in
not receiving an answer to his letter. This he wanted, and
nothing else. Had it arrived at the first, there is no doubt he
would have said, " I am satisfied now ; they have offended me,
but I have shown them that I have my own will." And with
this our experience in prison life would have ceased. It should
be remembered, however, that no one could imagine that such
a kind proposal should have been refused. According to our
notion a letter from so high a personage (as the Queen) should
be delivered with every decorum and eclat ! In an Abyssinian
dictionary it may be, " anyhow, so long as it does come."
390 APPENDIX.
VI.
Petition to the Emperor Theodore from the Relatives of
the Captives, and Correspondence betweeti His Ma-
jesty and Dr. Beke.
PETITION.
In the name of tlie Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost, One God.
May this letter from the distressed relatives of the unfor-
tunate white prisoners at Magdala come to His Most Excel-
lent Majesty, Theodore, by the Grace of God, King of the
Kings of Ethiopia.
Are you well, King ? Are you very well ? We are all
well in health, thanks be to God ! though sorely troubled in
mind, because those we love have incurred your Eoyal dis-
pleasure.
Humbly at the feet of your Majesty we plead for mercy and
pardon to the wretched Europeans who have been so long in
captivity.
The wife of Stern and her four young and helpless children
mourn the absence, and need the support of, a tender and be-
loved husband and father.
It has pleased God to take the husband of the mother of
Ellen Eosenthal, and she and her other two children are poor,
and she has now only her daugliter and her daugliter's hus-
band, Eosenthal, to whom she could look for support and
comfort in her old age.
The aged mother of Consul Cameron is pining with grief
that her darling son should have been kept so long from her
widowed arms. She longs to see him once more, and to bless
him before she dies *.
Kerans is the beloved son of a father and mother, who,
* This consolation was denied to the poor old lady. She died on
November 2nd, 1865, as is mentioned in papre 21(5 of this work.
PETITION FROM TIIK KKLATIVES OK THE CAPTIVES. 391
through his loug captivity, are deprived of tlie prop of their
declining years.
The brothers and sisters and other relatives of all the
prisoners are weeping to behold the dear faces that have been
so long withh olden from them,
AU appeal to your Majesty's good feelings as a liusband
and a father, earnestly imploring you to comfort the afflicted
and to dry the tears of the sorrowful, by extending to their
unhappy relatives the clemency and magnanimity whicli you
have so often shown even to your bitterest enemies.
We ask for mercy in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ,
in whose Holy Gospel it is written, " Forasmucli as ye have
done it unto the least of these my brethren, ye have done it
unto me."
And may the Holy Trinity reward you a hundredfold : and
we, your suppliants, will ever pray that blessings may await
you and your whole house, that you may overcome all your
enemies, that prosperity may attend your reign, and that your
children's children to all generations may sit on tlie throne of
Menilek and Tekuna Amlak.
Chablotte E. Steek, Wife of the Eev. H. A. Stem.
CiiAELOTTE E. Stebk, Daughter of the same.
Evelina C. Steen, Daughter of the same.
Louisa M. Steek, Daughter of the same.
Heney a. Steen, Son of the same.
Aletta Cameeon, Mother of Consul Cameron.
M. Desboeough, Sister of the same.
L. Desboeough, Brother-in-law of tlie same.
E. Blackall, Sister of the same.
A. Blackall, Brother-in-law of the same.
L. C. Desboeough, Nephew of the same.
C. H. Desboeough, Niece of the same.
Laweence O. Keeans, M.D., Father of Lawrence Kerans.
Augusta A. Kerans, Mother of the same.
T. S. Keeans, Brother of the same.
2d
39,'2 APPENDIX.
Geo. IvEKA^■s, Brother of the game.
EoBEUT Keeans, Brother of L. Kerans.
Lyons Keeans, Brother of tlie same.
Anna Keeans, Sister of the same.
Saeah Keeans, Sister of the same.
Elizabeth Keeans, Sister of the same.
C. H. PuEDAY, Father-in-law of the Rev. H. A. Stern.
Maey Ann Pueday, Mother-iu-law of the same.
M. A. PuRDAY, Sister-in-haw of the same.
Elizabeth C. Pueday, Sister-in-law of the same.
"Wm. R. Moeoan, Clerk, Brother-in-law of the same.
C. H. Pueday, Jun., Brother-in-law of the same.
J. T. Pueday, Brother-in-law of the same.
F. S. Pueday, Brother-iu-iaw of the same.
S. T. MoEGAN, Sister-in-law of the same.
M. Young, Mother of Mrs. Rosenthal.
E. EisNEE, Sister of the same.
L. EiSNEE, Brother-in-law of Mr. Rosenthal.
E. Rosenthal, Sister of the same.
Letter from Dr. BeJce accompanying the foregoing Petition.
In the name of tlie Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy-
Ghost, One God.
This letter comes from the Englishman, Charles Theodore *
Beke, to His Most Excellent Majesty, Teddros, by the Grace
of God, King of the Kings of Ethiopia.
* When I first went to Abyssinia in 1840, 1 took "Theodore " as
my travelling name. I could not use my own name, Charles or
Kdi-olos, as this would immediately have been changed to Kerelos or
CjTil. I therefore adopted Theodore from my motto, A Deo omne
Donum, — in Greek, Ek OEOY nav Ai2P0N. That it happened to be
the name of the Teodros of prophecy was no objection at that time ;
but since Kassai has assumed this name, he does not like it to be
borne by any one else. I have therefore thought it well to retain the
English form, Theodore. I coxdd not consistently drop the name
altogether, being known by it in Abyssinia.
DR. BEKK S LETTKK ACCOMPAXYINf! TIIK I'ETITIOX. ^[V.]
I am a countryman of Plowden and Bell, who were both mv
friends. Twenty years ago, before those friends settled in
Abyssinia, I went through the whole of that country. 1
found the country to be very good, but divided into many
provinces, always fighting one against another ; and I knew
that, unless a strong hand gave peace and security, Abyssinia
never could become a rich and powerful kingdom.
Many years passed away, and I heard that all the Princes
of Abyssinia had been conquered by one great and powerful
Monarch, who had seated himself on the tin-one of Mcnilek.
I longed once more to visit Abyssinia, but the dealh of Plow-
den and Bell disheartened me.
I then went to Jerusalem with my wife, and we visited the
Holy Places ; and afterwards we were sitting quietly at home,
when the news arrived that Consul Cameron and the English
Missionaries had incurred your Eoyal displeasure.
When the relatives of the captives heard this, they were
much grieved, and they asked me, knowing Abyssinia so
well, to go out and supplicate your- Majesty in their names
for their pardon and release. The brother of Bell, who is far
away in America, requested me also to beg for mercy in the
name of his brother, whom you loved so well.
My wife has come with me, in the hope that j'ou will
not refuse her prayers joined to mine.
Thus we have left England, and w-ish to come to you, O
King, to make our supplications at your feet. We have ar-
rived at Massowah, and intend to leave this place imme-
diately. We know not yet what road we shall take ; but we
shall do our best to reach your Eoyal presence.
We have brought with us a few choice presents.
By the friendship you always showed to Plowden and Bell,
I supplicate you then, O King, to allow me and my wife
to come to you in safety, and to pardon and liberate the un-
fortunate captives ; which act of mercy will bring down
upon you and your house the blessing of Grod, and will
394 ' APPENDIX.
secure to you the thanks and friendship of the whole British
nation.
(l.Sj Chaeles T. Beke.
Written at Massowah,
January 29tli, 1866.
Second Letter from Dr. Bele to the Emperor TJieodore.
In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Grhost, One God.
This letter comes from the Englishman, Charles Theodore
Beke, to His Most Excellent Majesty, Theodore, by the Grace
of God, King of the Kings of Ethiopia.
On my arrival at Massowah with my wife more than two
months ago, I wrote to you, O King, acquainting you with our
desire to come to you, to supplicate for the pardon and release
of the unfortunate white captives, who have so long lain under
your royal displeasure. With my letter I sent a Petition from
the relatives of the captives, on whose behalf we have under-
taken our journey to Abyssinia.
"We were told that the people of Halai loved your Majesty,
and we also heard of the victory which Dedjatj Tekla Georgis
had gained over Deras. We therefore thought we might
come to Halai without danger. On our arrival I immediately
sent a messenger to the Dedjazmatj with a letter, telling him
of our wish to reach your Majesty's Court, and asking for an
escort. He sent me back a very friendly answer, saying that
he would have come here before, had it not been for the cholera,
which had unfortunately broken out in his camp ; but that he
stiU hoped to come here soon.
We remained some time in peace at Halai, till Tesfaldat, a
relative of Gebra Medhin, came with his soldiers, and wanted
to take us to Gebra Medhin. But, as the people of Halai
would not consent to this, he adjured them by the God of
Gobazye and the God of Gebra Medliin, not to let us de-
DR. BEKE's second LETTER TO THE EMPEROR. 395
part, under a penalty of 1000 muskets and 1000 carpets, with
as many dollars as there are stones and as much gunpowder
as there is dust in Halai. "We hear that Gcbrii ]Medhiu has
sent to say this was done without his orders ; but we are still
his prisoners, being unable to continue our journey witliout his
consent.
Therefore I intreat you, O King of Kings, to send and free
us from the power of your enemies, and bring us in safety to
your presence, so that we may repeat at your feet our prayer
for the pardon of the captives ; or, if it be true, as we have just
heard, that you have been graciously pleased to liberate them,
that we may come and thank you in the names of their rela-
tives and friends.
The presents intended for your Majesty remain at Massowah,
till we are able by your assistance to bring them in safety to
you.
Lest my former letter with the Petition from the relatives
of the captives should not have reached you, I now send a copy
of both, concluding in the words of our Lord and Saviour,
" Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy."
May God preserve your Majesty. Amen.
Written at Halai, ^Q), Chakles T. Beke.
April 3rd, 1866.
Letter from the Emperor Theodore to Dr. Beke.
(Translation.)
In the name of the Eather, and of the Son, and of tlie Holy
Ghost, One God.
The King of Kings, Teodros (says), may this reach the
Englishman, Charles Theodoi-e Beke.
Until thou and thy wife, by the power of God, sliall meet
me, are you well ? I, God be j)rai8i>d, am w(41.
396 APPENDIX.
Be it so*. At what time suits you, come by Matamma.
As regards the persons who were imprisoned, by the power
of God, out of friendship for the Queen of England, I have
liberated them and given them to Mr. Hormuz Rassam. May
this give you pleasui'e.
Written at Zagye, in the 7358th year since the Creation of
the World, and the ISSStli year since the Birth of Christ.
Second Letter from the Emperor Theodore to Dr. Beke.
(Original in English.)
In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Grhost, One Grod
From the King of Kings, Tlieodorus, to Doctor Charles The-
dore Beke.
How are you ? Thank Grod, Ave are quite well.
We have received your letter of the 3rd of April. We are
sorry for what has befallen you at Hallai. Whj did you go
up there, when you knew there were disturbances in the coun-
try, without first asking us permission ?
I have ordered the Chiefs in that neighbourhood to send you
back to Massowah in safety ; and if any accident happen to you,
* Ushi, in Amharic, is the general expression of assent to or com-
pliance with a request. I asked the Emperor for permission to com(>
to him : lie answers " Eshi."
TIIK KMl'iaiOK 8 SKCONI) LIOTTEK TO 1)11. HEKi:. 'V.)T
I shall hold them responsible, and I shall punish them acrord-
iug to their deserts.
I have already answered your first letter by Mr. Elad, and
in my reply directed you to come via Matamma ; but now on
your return to Massowah, you are to remain there until I shall
inform you what route you are to take. The prisoners, from
whose families you brought a petition, I have released for the
sake of my friend the Queen, and have made them over to
Mr. Eassam, to take out with him when he leaves Abyssinia.
Dated at Zagay, on the 20th day of the month Qinbot, in
the year of Saint Mark, 1858, corresponding with the 28th day
of May, 1866.
Replij from Dr. Beke to the Emperor Theodore's two Letters.
In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy
Ghost, One God.
May this letter reach the King of Kings, Teddros. It
comes from the Englishman, Charles Theodore Beke.
May the Eedeemer of the World give your Majesty health
and prosperity.
I received in due time your Majesty's letter by Mr. Martin
Elad, inviting me and my wife to come to you by the way of
Matamma. I have since received your Majesty's second letter,
desiring us to await at Massowah your orders as to the way wc;
should take.
Ere this you will have heard of the illness of my wife and
myself, which would not let us stay at Massowah. Having
received intelligence of the liberation of the European pri-
soners, we have returned to our native country, where we hope
to be favoured with your Majesty's further commands.
The presents I brought from the relatives of the captives, I
shall send to your Majesty by Mr. Martin Elad.
398 APPENDIX.
I myself and my wife rejoice that your Majesty has gra-
ciously freed the captives from their chains ; aud we unite with
their relatives, who long to see once more their dear friends, in
the prayer that your Majesty will soon perform your promise
to send them home.
Written at Bekesbourne, in England, on the 14th of Sep-
tember, 1866, corresponding with the 5th of Maskarrem, in
the year of St. Luke, 1859.
(l.S) Chaeles T. Beke.
THE END.
Printed by Taylor and Francis, Red Lion Court, Fleet Street.
Mrs. Beke's Work on the Holy Land.
JACOB'S FLIGHT;
OR,
A PILGRIMAGE TO IIAIIIIAN,
AND THENCE
IN THE PATIIIARCH^S FOOTSTEPS
INTO
THE PROMISED LAND.
miti) jllluigtration^.
BY
MES. BEKE.
WITH
AN INTRODUCTION AND A MAP BY DR. BEKE.
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS.
Mrs. Beke explains iu the preface that the jom-ney here descriljed
was undertaken by her husband and herself with the view of establish-
ing, from personal observation, the correctness of the opinions wliich
the former had expressed in his ' Origines Biblicte ' respecting the
Pati'iarch Abraham's place of residence in Padan Aram, and the road
taken by his grandson Jacob in his Flight from that counbry over Mount
Gilead into the Land of Canaan. Dr. Beke has contributed an intro-
ductory chapter to his wife's work, and has also added here and there
passages which describe, for scientific geogTaphers and historical stu-
dents, the motives of his journey and the character of his inquiries;
the whole of the work, moreover, having passed under his supervision.
Thus we have the best combination that we could desire towards ma-
king a book of travel interesting : the freshness, the willingness to be
pleased, and the all-observant eagerness which generally give interest
to a woman's narrative of her travels, and the sound information and
careful accuracy which we have a right to expect from so practised a
ti-aveller and so distinguislied a geogi'apher as Dr. Beke. Mrs. Beke
has told her story in a gentle, chatty, womanly style, that will at once
recommend it to aU readers. They will also find that, when they have
pleasantly occupied a few hours in its perusal, they have acquired a
great deal of important information on a subject of high interest, both
in a historical and in an imaginative point of view. — John Bull.
Mrs. Beke's pleasant book, besides the chai-m of its naiTation and
adventures, is illustrated with several well-executed lithographs. As
a record of travel through a deeply interesting region, the volume is
attractive and valuable ; but its value is still greater as a reverent, a
careful, and, as we think, a successful attempt to throw new light upon
an important passage in the history of the ancient Church of God. —
Freemati.
A volume of travels in the Holy Land needs some specialty of pur-
pose or achievement to give it interest, and even to justify it
Dr. P>eke had a purpose, and he has au achievement, which give flavour
and interest to his wife's narrative of travel Whether Dr. Eeke's
point is carried or not, his wife has given us a sprightly and amusing
book. — Patriot.
Dr. Beke was quite right in thinking his theory worth a journey into
the Ilauran and an extremely careful examination of the sites and
routes. Such a journey of adventures and discoveries was made, in
company with his wife, in the winter of 1861-62, and a pleasant record
of their daring ride through the wild Arab comitry has been prepared
by Mrs. Beke We have to thank Mrs. Beke for a bright and
charming little book. — Athenccwn.
It is a narrative of travel of an order and with a pui-pose considerably
above that of the usual Syrian tours. — Reader.
Although the Doctor had his own views in taking his courageous
wife on this adventurous joiu-ney, he has very wisely allowed the ac-
count of it to be entirely hers. Setting aside all controversial features,
and looking on the volume only as a description of the country tra-
versed, we have hardly met with anything so gi-aphic and vividly
natural since the appearance of that excellent little book on Syria by
Miss Rogers, whose brother, now consul at Damascus, was of great
service to the travellers. Mrs. Beke seems to have taken a lively plea-
sure in astonishing the natives, and certainly her bold horsemanship
and free use of firearms must have struck the Arab chiefs, who wit-
nessed them, as something more than natural. Her sex also gained
her admittance to the women's quarters, a sealed book to most Eastern
travellei-s, and her amusing account of the women's bath at Damascus
is not likely to be soon surpassed. There is a degree of freshness, acti-
vity, and self-reliance about INIrs. Beke, that is almost as rare among
her countrywomen as the unaffected ease with which she tells her
tale. — Westminster Revietr.
She rides and runs about with all the freshness and agility of youth,
and evidently was the master mind of the little expedition. It is this
wliicli irives "so much life to the volume, and makes it so readable,
whichever side of the geograpliical tlieory may be taken. It is, in
fact, a graphic description of the whoh; tt)ur from Be_\Tout to Damascus,
then to the Jordan and Shefhrm, back to England agani. Mrs. Beke
loved the adventures of the East, and the description of thorn is nnui-
sing and attractive. — Clerical Journal.
As far as mere argument goes, Dr. Beke certainly seems to have the
best of it ; and without pretending to decide where two such Innmed
Doctors as Stanley and l^eke disagree, we cannot help sympathizing
with the earnest desire of the latter to remove the ditficulti(!s which lie
in the way of oui* acceptance of this portion of the older Script un-s as
a genuine fragment of ancient history The hook is everywhere
readable and amusing, and many of the descriptions of scenery excel-
lent. — Theological Review.
We have been veiy much pleased with the brief record of travel
here presented to us. The narrative is exceedingly graphic and life-
like ; and, with its pictorial embellishments, suffices to set before us
in the clearest light the scenes which were visited. . . . Their route
lay partly through a district little known to Europeans, and therefore
the book befoi-e us is a real acquisition to the students of Jiiblical geo-
graphy. As a record of events and facts observed, and as a well writ-
ten naiTative of a romantic tour, we can strongly reconmieud it to the
attention of our readers. — Journal of Sacred Literature.
Not only as a book giving the details of earnest purposes and dili-
gent research, will Mrs. Beke's NaiTative be accepted, but it will take
a high place amongst those descriptions of adventure whicli always
find favour amongst our countrymen and countrywomen. It reads with
all the interest of a novel ; but the nnxrvellous is never drawn upon,
and we feel as we proceed page after page that many an event is toned
down rather than made the most of. In fact the simple-minded,
matter-of-fact manner in which Mrs. Beke writes, convinces at once
that what she says may be thoroughly relied upon as authentic, and
that she has contributed an amount of information, especially upon tiie
question of the locality of liarran, which cannot possibly have a mere
ephemeral value. — Bell's Weekly Messetiger.
Mrs. Beke gives us a very pleasant narrative of this excm-sion, with
some excellent illustrations. — Spectator.
The book is lively and amusing for the devotion with wliich the
wife accepts and enforces the theories of the hush&nd.— Guardian.
Mrs. Beke makes out an admirable case ; the facts seem to be all on
her side, and we must leave it to the advocates of traditional interpre-
tation to pick a hole in it if they can. Independently of the theologi-
cal purpose of the work, it is full of interest as a book of travels.—
Daily Nexvs.
The narrative of the " Pilgrimage " is written by Mrs. Beke, whose
graceful pen was happily employed in describing the places through
which thev journeved and the people with whom they camein (.-on-
tact, while her husband prosecuted his inquiry into the traditions of
the T^Bst.— Morning Post.
The book is really deserving of attentive perusal, and combines much
that is ori<?inal with a strong dash of adventure. — Englishman.
The narrative of Mrs. Beke is lively aud full of point, — Morning
Advertiser.
This is a very interesting book of travel through a countr}', reliable
details of which always possess a charm for Christian readers. —
Kentish Gazette.
The narrative, which is writteii in a pleasing style, is entitled to re-
spectful attention, as well for its own intrinsic merit and the nature of
its subject, as for the valuable introduction written by Dr. Beke, and
the map and illush-atious with which the volume is enriched
Upon the whole, a more agreeable narrative of travel has rarely been
offered to public notice. — ^S'i^. James's Chronicle.
From Mrs. Beke's pages may be culled numerous interesting bits of
local information, which are often happily illustrated by her observa-
tions, and supported by her husband's opinions on matters historical,
ethnological, and etymological. — London Revieio.
A woman's story can hardly fail to contain fresh matter, and Mrs.
Beke has used well her opportunities of studying female life and cha-
racter in some of the strictest and most exclusive corners of the East.
— Exanmwr.
Though Mrs. Beke has given a substantial value to the account of
her travels by the introduction of references to Holy Scripture, and by
throwing light upon many questions connected with the geography of
Palestine, yet her volume, on the whole, is a lively, interesting record
of personal adventures and travels, for which she seems excellentlyfitted.
Her pages abound in gi'aphic sketches of the manners and interesting
details of the lives of the dwellers in the wilderness east of the Jordan.
. . . .We take our leave of this little book with that feeling of gTatitude
which politicians feel when they desire future favoiu's. — Cliurchman.
From these specimens, our readers, we feel assured, will be inclined
to look at the remainder of the volume ; and, if they do, we make no
doubt of their tlianking us for directing: their attention to it. — Globe.
Price 125. Crown octavo.
LONGMANS, GREEN, READER, AND DYER.
WOKKB BY THE SAME AUTHOE.
ORIGINES BIBLICJE,
Or Eesearciies in Primeval Histouy. Vol. I., 8vo, with a Map. 7.s.
The Author's views in Scripture History, Geography, and Ethnolugy are fully
enunciated in this volume, though the second, intended to contain their further
development, has not apj>eared.
VIEWS IN ETHNOGRAPHY,
The Cla.ssification op Languages, the Progress of Civilization, a.su the
Natural History of Man. 8vo, Is.
THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH IN THE RED SEA.
Second Edition, 8vo, Is.
Taylor and Francis.
THE SOURCES OF THE NILE,
Being a Gfjjeral Survey op that River and op its Head-Stre.\.m.s; with the
History of Nilotic Discovery. 8vo, with Six Maps, 6s.
WHO DISCOVERED THE SOURCES OF THE NILE?
» A Letter to Sir Roderick I. Murchison, K.C.B., F.R.S., President of the Royal
Geographical Society. Second Edition, 8vo, Is.
James Madden, and Williams and Norgate.
A FEW WORDS WITPI BISHOP COLENSO
On the Subject of the Exodus or the Israelites and the Position of Mount
Sinai. Tliii-d Edition, 8to, Is.
Williams and Norgate.
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