REFLECTIONS ;■ O N The late Lord Bolingbroke*s Letter* c N r H E Study and Use of History; Efpccially fo far as they relate to CHRISTIANltY, A W D THE li O L Y SCRIPTURES, . To which ire added. Observations on feme Paflagcs in thofe Letters , concerning the C o n s e qjj e n c e s of the late RE VO L U T I O N, and the State of Things under the present Establishment, • • • ' . > ' III — r\ ' By J O H N LELAN D, D. D. . Author of yfn AhJwct tt Dr, Tyndall'i Cbrijllanitf j; Old fit /A/ Creathn ; 5^/ Divine Authority of the Old and New Tejiamtnt dfferted^ kc% againft the Moral Phihfopher j and ' ^fieniarks on a late PamfbUt^ intituled^ CbriJUanit^ nct/tundrS §n Argumen^^ : i*»«W«»^— ^ .:>^^x ft» > LONDON: Sbintcd for Bin J. Dod, at the BiUe and Key vn Avf'J^f r •!. M.DCC.UIK i. .^jiMiiiMiiigiiiiifTriiiini f"* v^ ^ i •^ V '/ ( • ' / 'r / 1 • ■■i ■ f Si ] D/^ and only requireth ' • to be confidered with an attention fuitablc to its vaft importance. It hath nothing to fear frona a true freedom of thought, from deep reafon-? ing, and impartial inquiry. What it hath moft to apprehend, is a thoughtlefs levity and inattention of mind, and an abfolute indiffer- cncy to all religion, and to all inquiries about it. It is no eafy matter to prevail with thofc to think clofely in fuch a cafe as this, who are J under the power of fenfual afFeSions and ap- petites, who arc funk in Indolence and a Love cf Eafe^ or carried ofF with a perpetual hurry of Dherfions and AmufemcntSy or engaged in the warm purfuits of jimbition or Avarice. But furely, if the voice of reafon is to be heard, ,' and if there be any thing at all that defervcth a ferious attention, it is this. The inquiry whether Chriftianity be true, and of a divine original, or not, is a matter of high importance, and upon which a great deal depcndcih. The Gofpcl itfelf moft certainly reprcfcntcth it fa. If Chriftianity be true and divine^, thofc to . whom K L^J'" I '" " ""I" ' '"^mmmmmmmmmmmmmm : jjil PREFACE. Vrhom It is pXibUfhcd, and who have an o|ii portunity of inquiring into it, and yet ncglcft to do fo, can never be able to juftify their con- dud to the great Ruler and Judge of the worlds It cannot with any confiftency be fuppofcdy that if God hath fent his Son into the worlds I to bring a clear revelation of his will, and to guide men in the way of falvation^ ic is a matter of indifFercncy whether thofc to whom it is offered, and made known, pay any regard to this fignification of the divine will or not, or comply with the terms which afe there pre- fcribed. And therefore for fuch pcrfdns to re-* jeft it at a venture, without giving ihemfclves the trouble of a ferious inquiry, or to continue in a wilful negligence and carclcfs fufpcnfe of mind in a matter of fuch vaft confcquencc, is a moft unaccountable and inexcufable conduft^ altogether unworthy of reafonable, thinking beings. Let Chriftianity therefore be carefully exa- mined. Let the evidence for the fads on which its divine authority is fupported, be coolly and impartially confidered, whether it is not as much as could be rcafonably defired, fuppofing thofe fadts were true, and which v/ould be ac^ counted fufficient in any other cafe. Let the original records of Chriftianity be inquired intOy whether they have not the charaders of gcniMn« fimplicity^ 4 PREFACE. xlU pmplicity, integrity, and a finccrc regard to truth ; and whether they have not been tranf- rnitted to us with an evidence equal or fuperior to wliat can be produced for any other writings whatfoever. Let ^ the nature and tendency of the religion itfclf be confidercfd j whether, the idea there given us of the Deity be not fuch jis lendcth to render him both raoft amiable and mod venerable, to fill our hearts with a fuperlativc love to God as having given the moft amazing proofs of his wonderful love ^nd goodnefs towards mankind, and at the fame time with a facred awe and reverence of him as the wife and righteous Governor; of the world,, a lover of order, and an hater of vice and wicked-* nefs ;, whether its precepts be not unqueftion- ably pure and holy, and fuch as, if faithfully complied with,would raife our natures to an high de^'rec of moral cijccellencc j whether the uni-. form tendency of the whole fcheme of re*, ligion there hel4 forth to us, be not to promote the honour pf God, apd the good of mankind,, and the caufe of piety, righteoufqefs, andj virtue, in the world ; to engage u$ to worfliip Cod with a pure adoration and devotion, to dcaljuftly, kindly, and equitably, with all mcn,» ard to fubdue the fcnfual irregular affe(5lion«. and luds, and keep them within proper bounds. §uper(lition; and falfc devotion, haye frequently put '.; p^^^^ wmm \l i&T t ti E I^ A C E. pot men \ipoh unnatural artd t^ccciTivtfigbaf* and auAerities i but Chriftianity, like tht bkflcd Author of it, keeps clear of all extremes. It 6bridgeth ot of no pleafures within the bounds of purity and innocence : nor doth it oblige OS to extinguifli our natural appetites and paflions, but to govern and moderate them, and preierve them in a regular fubjedion to rcafon, and the law of the mind : and certainly It IS ncccflary for our own quiet and happincfs, and for the good order of focicty, that we (hould do fo. And finally, let it be confidered, whether any motives could poflibly be exhibited more powerful and engaging, than thofc which the Gofpcl fctteth before us. It propofcth the noblcft models for our imitation, God himfelf, in his imitable moral excellencies; and his vvell- bcloved Son, the moft perfcA image of his own goodncfs and purity. It difplayeth all the charms and attra }o ^ (le^dy and weU-ref|ilatefl ^cal £)r pur holy Migion, fod for that ciUbli(hmen^ od whjch^ ' lindeir Ppd* the Security of our mp^ft valuable dri| a&d religious ^bcrties doth ^ a great Iheafurp depend, ... , ^,..,; , , .,„. , j , , ,,, ;, ., ^,..- , "Mi ;j! ;>•) OfiU , iM jnn;; ?nd r^tu'V • 'T' 1 .•.''^• Ap ^\> > -* . *» V.-M i . • A .*r. ..... 1 '?l I *.* • 1" ,. ; . ! ! 1 i ] r I ^.„,^.„glggalHlllaMMinMiaMii lo Three Volume* OAavo, Price S^od li t. ■ ARGUMENTS and REFLECTIONS ON THE I H O L Y B I B L Ejl MTfitten originally xntrtmch^ by that eminent and pioot I^ivioc^| i The Reverend Mr. O S T E R V A L D. I Pffejfor if Divinity^ atui§Hi #/ the Aiinijhn tf thi Church ^ at Ncwkhatcl im Switzerland. The Arcump.nts contain a clear and fuccin^^ Account : of th« Subjea-Matter of all the BOO KS and CHAP* TERS both in the OLD and NEW TESTAMENT: The Reflections confift of Practical ObservA^ TioNi on each Chapter, illuftrating and enforcing, the Truths and Innru^iun* therein contained. The THIRD EDITION, Revifcd, Corrcaed, and : very much Enlarged, from the lad Folio Edition printed ^\ Ntufihatd^ 1744« t> Thit Worlt has been juftlv eOeemcd a moft ufeful Companion for Reading the Holy Scriptures, and one of the beit human Mcani, to render them profitable to the ffracious Purpofcs for which they were dcfigncd \ at the Reader is hereby furnifhcd with fhort, but ufeful and com- prchenfive Reflexions upon every Part of the Old and New Teftament, for the Inftru6lion of his Family, or his own private Improvement. This Book was Tranilated at the Expence of The SOCIKTY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KnOWLBGB, by or^ of their Members, and was by Them dedicated to the late Qaeen, when Princefs of l^alii \ and is now one of thofe Books recommended and difperfed by that Society. I . Printed for B. DuD, Bc^kfelUr to the Jald Society, at the Bible and Key in Ave- Mary* Lane, near Sutioners Hall. Of wh$m may he hady OsTERr ald's Ncccflity and Ufet'ulnefs of Reading the Holy Scriptures j and the Difpofitions with which they ought to be Read. Tranflated by John Afoore^ A. B. Piicc Two-pence half-penny, or 151. a Hundred. Catcchifm : Or, The Grounds and Principles of the Chriftiin Religion explained, for the Ufe of young Pcrfons. Tranflated into Enghlb, and Rtvifcd by Dr. ^ Stanhope, Price 2/. Abridgment of the Hiftory of the Bible. Pr. id. a 4>/. l>er 102. /"i C'.] ^ «■• • . » -' / » • ' • • ' R E F L EC T I ON S On the Late ., > Lord Bolikgbroke's LsTTERSt PART I, On the Study and Ufe of History. ff';*^'*^"^H E late Lord Bolingbroke has generally ? tI^^'^c ^htained the reputation of being one 6, :r^ ,^ of the fined writers in our language. tUikw*^ This hath procured him a kind ot authority in the world, which makes way for am eafy and favourable reception of any thing that is publifhed under his name. A writer poflcfled of fuch talents hath it in his power to be fig- nally fcrviceable to religion, and the true intcreft of his country ; and on the other hand, there is fcarce any thing of more pernicious influence than fuch talents mifapplied. When the public was firft informed of Letters written by him oa the Study and Ufe of Hiftory, it was natural to cxpcdt fomething fcry entertaining arid improvc- B mm ^ i 1 \ 2 ReHcdions on the Late I ing from fuch an author on fach a fubjcd. AndL^ it will not be denied, that he has many good k^ and fomc very curious obfervationSj cxprcflcd bL- a very genteel manner, and with great elegance! j,^ and purity of ftilc : but thefe are interfperfedlji with others of a very different kind, and of alj^ dangerous tendency. ly, I In thefe letters his lordfhip has done what hei^ I could to cxpofe the authority of the ScripturcsL, ! to contempt 5 and at the fame time has made thcL, moft difadvantageous reprefentation of the prefent \ ^ flatc of the government and conftitution of his country. If we arc to truft the accounts he i Ij giveth us, Chrlftianity hath no real foundation of truth in faft to depend upon ; it hath been up- held by fuperftition, ignorance, and impofture; and hath been vlfibly decaying ever fince the re- vival of learning and knowlege. And our civil I conftitution, inrtead of being rendered better at the late revolution, hath been ever fince growing worfe ; and our liberties are in more real danger than they were in before. The natural tendency of fuch reprefcntations is to infpire a thorough contempt and difregard of the religion into which we were baptized, and to produce endlcfs jealoufies and difcontcnts, if not open infurrec- tions, againft the government under which we live. No man therefore who hath a juft zeal for either of thefe, can fee without concern fuch an infolent attempt agoinft both. And, in this cafe, the quality, the ability, the reputation of the writer, as it maketh the attempt more dangerous, rcndereth it more ncceflury to guard agai il ^ - ff) Lord SoIiiigbrok^V Letters. 3 fnjrainfl: it. If an irtferior writer had faid all that ihis lordfhip Hath advanced, it would have de- lerved v^ry littk notice. But there are too marty that arc ready alinoft implicitly to fwallow down any thing that comrth to them recom- fmcnded by a great name ; efpecially if it be ad- |vanccd with a very peremptory and decifive air.* |And if an author's account of himfelf muft be ^takcn, there perhaps fcarcc ever was a writer |whofe judgn-rent ought to have greater weight, or who better deferves, that an almoft implicit regard (hould be had to his diftates, than the author of thefe letters.— He enters upon his firft letter with declaring, that the rules he isgoing to recommend as neceflary to be obferved in the lludy of hiftory ^ were ■ ** very different from thofe which writers bn the ** fame fubjedt have recommended, and which " arc commonly praftifed."— — But he aflurcth his reader (and 1 believe him) that ** this' ** never gave him any diftruft of them." And therefore he propofeth to tell his fentiments— -' " without any regard to the opinion and pradlice " even' of the learned- world V— He dc-' E' dareth it as his opinion, that— - *• A creditable •' kind of ignorance ft the whole benefit, ^hich' '• theg^ncrality of men, even of the moft learned, ' " reap from the ftudy of hirtoryj ivhich yet ap-' . '• pearstobim of 'all ofher'thc moft proper td' |i ** train us up to private and public Virtue \\ '' — — ' Surely then the ^^orldtnuftKfe'mighfify obliged- to^n author who^btties t6 grve therii^inftrudtibns' , •,ToL I. p. r, li \ ''■' '+ ibid. p. it.^ '^ .'' V V ^ B a and I ! IlilftMIHHiaHaMiMHIMMHnMMaMaHlMIMH^^ I 1 ( ( that about the time of the refurredion of letters, /. e, for thefe two centuries part, have compiled diftionaries or glolfaries, or have rcvi* fed and publi{hed antient manufcripts, or correal editions of books j or who have been employed in explaining hard words, and in clearing obfcure paflages, in antient authors, or making critical obfervations upon them, and in other things of that kind. Not content to repreient them as j ftbfolutcly void of genius, and having no preten- it fions to wit or reafon, and as neither wifer nor } better for their ftudies themfelves^ he will not allow, that any of them had the public good in view in the drudgery they fubmittcd to. But I fcarce knoW a greater fign of a malignity of temper, than a dilpofition to give the worft turn to every thing, and to judge harfhly of the in- ward intentions of mens hearts, when there is nothing in their adions to fupport fuch a judg- mcht. It were cafy toname-pcrfons, that with- ♦Vol I. p. 5, 6* ^ m C 2 jn III \ 20 Reflexions on the Late in limfc two laft centuries have employed tliem* icives in the way he mejitions, who were unquc- ilionably men of great judgment and genius, as well as induftry : or, at leaft, a fmall (hare of good-nature and candour would incline one to al- low them the praifc of having had the public utility in view in works, which,' by his own acknovvlegement, have greatly ferved the inter- cfls of learning, and contributed to the fprcading of it. But how meanly foevcr he thinks of the gram- marians, critics, compilers of dictionaries, and re- vilcrs and publifhers of manufcripts, he makcth a ftill more difadvantageous repreleniation of antiquaries and chronologcrs. Speaking of per- fons that have hitherto been regarded as of great figure and eminence in the republic of letters, he avoweth — — - ^^ a thorough contempt for the *^ whole bufinefs of their learned lives ; for all *' the refearches into antiquity, for all the (y* ** ftems of chronology and hiflory, that we owe *' to the immenfe labours of a Scaliger^ a Bo» •* ckart^ a Petavius^ an LJ^^^r, and even a Mar^ ** Jham *." It feems very odd, for one that fpcaks fo highly of the advantage of hiftory, to cxprcfs fuch a contempt for the labours of chro- nologcrs, which certainly are of great ufc for di- gcfting hiftory into its proper periods, in order to a regular and orderly conception andunderftand- ingof it. In a paflage cited above, he mentioneth it among the advantages of hirtory, cfpecially articnt hiflory, that we there fee events us they • WiA, I. p. 6, foU T mff li (( a <( c< it Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 2 1 followed one another i— " that there the begin- ning, theprogreflion, and the end, appear, not of particular reigns, muchlcfs of particular cnt^r* prizes or fyllcms of policy alone, but of go- vernments, of nations, of empires, and of all the various fyftems that have fucceeded one another in the courfc of their duration."* This fcems to fhew the advantage, and even ne* ccffity, of chronology ; and, with regard to this, the labours <)fd,Scaltger, a Petavius^ and UJIjer^ arc highly ufcful and commendable. To endea- vour to digeft thehiftory of mankind, and of the principal events that have happened in the world, in a regular feries, to mark the rife and fall of cities and empires, to compare and connedt the hiftories of different countries and nations, fa- cred hiftory and profane j and, in order to this, to lay together the Scattered hints and fragments of diiTercnt ages ; is, notwithftandinghis degrad- ing reprcfentationof it, a noble employment, an employment that even a Sir IfaacNtwton]\idigti not to be unworthy of his great genius. One would be apt to think, that every impartial per-* fon, who hath a juft value for learning, muft have a great honour forthofc that have taken pains' to fct thcfc things in a proper light; and where abfolute certainty cannot be attained to, an happy conjcfture maybe both pieafing and ufeful. In his third Letter, he findeth great fault with thofc that makq laborious inquiries into the fiift originals of nations. And in his fifth Letter^ he warneth the noble lord to whom be writcfs, ta throw none of his timeawayy as he faith he himfclf C 2 l^»* T i; * 1 I J^ RcflciSlions on tie Late had done, in groping in the dark in bisfearch$ into antiquity *. He fpcaks with contempt of what he calls dry rcgijicrs of ujelejl anecdotes y and declares, that '< 212, t ^b. p« 2ti3, 2T4. ** man «< a "mm Lord Bolingbroke V Letters, 2 5 ^* man who hath paffed his life in thcplcafurcs ** or bufincfsof the world/'*— that whenever he fets about the work of examining principles, jmd judging for himfelf—-— *^ concerning thof^ ^* things that are of greatcft importance to us ^* here, and may be fo hereafter, he will foon •* have the advantage over the learned philofo- ^* pher. For he will foop have fecured what is " neceflary to his happinefs, and may fu down " in the peaceful enjoyment of that knowlegc ; '^ or proceed with greater advantage and fatif-i ^* fadlion to the acquifition of new knowlege ; *' whilft the other continues his fearch after things " that are in their nature, to fay the beft of them, y hypothetical, precarious, and fupcrfluous */* The natural tendency of thefc, and other refle- xions of a like kind, which occur in thcfe Letters, feems to be to pour contempt upon what have been hitherto efteemed valuable branches of litc-p rature. Refearches into antiquity, chronological ftudies, criticifni and philofophy, difquifitions concerning the nature of God, the human foul, and other philofophical and theological fub- jefts, all thefc are reprefented ^s of little or no ufe J and only a more fpccious kind of idlenefs^ And if this be the cafe, I think it is wrong to complain of the Gothj Vandals^ Saracens^ and other barbarous nations, that burnt whole libra- ries, and deftroyed the monuments of learning.. They rid the world of a great deal of ufclefs lumber, whiph tempted men to mif-fpiVM«aMi^«fMHrve)l as of his own thoughts, is in a far more likcr bcttei men, own helps oracl mmm mmwtmm Lof^d Bolingbroke'j Letters. 29 ly way of improving his knowlege, and will better approve himfelf to God, and to all wife men, than he that, from a vain confidence in hia own judgment, defpifeth and rejefteth thofc helps, and, under pretence of confulting the oracle of reafon in his own bread (for, as his lordfliip expreffcth it ** every man's reafon " is every man's oracle") — ^will not give him- felf the trouble to read and to examine what others have faid and thought before him. Such sn high conceit of a man's own capacity and judgment, fuch in arrogant fclf-fufficicncy, and a contempt of the labours f>nd judgments of others, is not a very proper difpofition for find- ing out truth. A man of this charafter was Epicurus^ who boafled that his knowlege was all of his own acquiring, and fcorncd to fcem to be beholden to any other for his notions. Having confidered thofc parts of the late Lord BoUngbroke*s Letters that feem not very fa- vourable to the interefts of literature, I fhall now proceed to what is the principal defign of ihefe Remarks, to examine the reflections he has caft upon the (acred monuments of our religion. He firft attacks the hiftory of the Bible, cfpecially as contained in the books of the Old Teftament; and then proceeds te a more direQ: attempt upon Chriftianity. And this appears not to be a thing he treats of merely by the bye, but to be a point he has formally in view, and for which he pro- fcflci a kind of zeal. I (hall therefore confidcr diftindlly what he hath offered. , . In c< c< I CC cc 36 Reflations on the Laie '^ In his third Letter on the ftudy of hiftoryi U fctteth himfelf to confidcr the ftate of antieot biftory, both facred and profane t and l>cgini with declaring his rcfolution •— " to fpeak plainly and particularly in favour of common lenfc, againft an abfurdity which is almoft fanftified *." — After having made fome ob* fervations on the flate of antient profane hiftory, and .fliewn, that it is full of faolcs, and altOk gather uncertain j he next comes to apply thcfc oblcrvations to antient facred hiftory -f . What he feems at firft to propofe, is, to (hew, that it >- is»— — *^' infufficient to give us light into the j rcj original of antient nations, and the hiftory of thofe ages we commonly call the firft £ges.** 'But it i5 evident, that, under pretence, of (hewing this, his intention is, to reprefent thi whole hiftory of the Bible as abfolutely uncer- tain, and not at all to be depended upon for t juft account of fads. lie not only dcniethj that the writers of the hiftorical parts of the Old Tcftamcnt were divinely infpired, but he will not allow them the credit that is due to any common honeft hillorians. He reprefents thofe hiftories as ** delivered to us on the faith of a fuperftitious people, among whom the cuftom and art of lying prevailed remarkably J/' — * and obfcrves, that — *' the JfU-r/Jj hiftory nevcf obtained any credit in the world, till Chrifti* anity was ellabliftied §.*' lie foiAetimes tx^ ♦ Vol. I. p. 70* t IbiJ. p. 83. et fcq» J Ibid. p. 2j» § Ibid. p. 91. prefleth pre the ph< rei< to Sa afi the pre reg dci car crc hi mc Lc as wi (I (( (f if (I (C he fa( « Lord BolingbrokeV Letters, ^r prefleth himfclf, as if he were willing to allow the divine infpiration of the dodrinal and pro- phetical parts of the Bible, and were only for rtfjeding the hiftorical. And this he pretends to be the bed way to defend the authority of the Scriptures*. But it is evident, that this is only a Iheer. For he was, no doubt, fenfible, that the facrcd hiftory is fo interwoven with the prophecies and laws, that if the former is to be ' regarded as lying fiftion, and not at all to be depended upon^ the divine authority of the other cannot be fupported. And what he afterwards ' repeatedly affirnTiCtb of Chriftianity, that the' credit of its divine inftitution dcpendcth upon fads, holdeth equally concerning the Old Tefta- mcnt oeconomy. After having done what he can, in his third Letter, to (hew the uncertainty of antient facred as well as profane hiftory ; he begins his fourth with obferving, that as ** we arc apt naturally *' to apply to ourfelvcs what has happened to " other men ; and as examples take their force " from hence ; fo what we do not believe to " have happened we (hall not thus apply ; and, " for want of the fame application, the»examples ** will not have the fame cfFedl/'-- — And then he adds " Antient hiftory, fuch antient hiftory " as I have dcfcribed '* [in which antient (acred hiftory is manifeftly comprehended]— " is quite unfit in this rcfpeft to anfwcr the ends . " that every reafonable man (hould promife toi • Vol. I. p. 93. 98, 99. \ •^ himfelf *mi^ i.t 3 a . Redediori^ m the Laii *< bimfelf in this ftady ; bectufc fuch antiedt *« hiftory will never gain fufficicnt credit with •• any reafonable man*." And afterwards^ fpeaking of antient fabulous narrations, he de« cJarcs, that—-** fuch narrations cannot make " the flighted monjcntary imprcflions on a mind •* fraught with knowlcge and void of fuper- ** ftition. Impofcd by authority, and afEfted <* by artifice, the delufion hardly prevails over *^ common fenfc ; blind ignorance almoft fees, ** and rafh fu per ftition hefitatcs : nothing Icfs *^ than cnthufiafm and phrenfy can give credit •• to fuch hiftorics, or apply fuch examples/*— He thinks, that what he lias faid will ** not ** be much contioverted by any man that has •* examined our antient traditions without pre- •* poffelfion :'* and that all the difference be- tween them, and Jlmadis of GW, is this, that ** In Amadii of Gaul we have a thread of " abfurditics that lay no claim to belief j but ** antient traditions are an heap of fiiblcs, under •* which fome particular truths infcrutable, and ** therefore ufelefs to mankind, may lie con* •* cealed, which have a juft pretence to nothing *^ more " [;. e. to no more credit thzn jimadis of Gauf\ *' and yet impofc themfelvcs upon •* us, and become, under the venerable name of •* antient hiilorv, the foundation of modern •* fables •[-/* He doth not diredly apply this to the Scriptures. But no one can doubt that this was his iiuention. It is too evident, that ihefo^ ^ Vol I. p. 1 18. f Ibitl. p. 120, 12 1 4 are ■ ■Km \wmmmmmmimm' Lord Bolingbrokc V Letters. 3 3. are dcfigncd to be included in what he callcth . — ** our anticnt traditions ** (a word which he had applied feveral times before to the facred -% records) j and which he rcprcfcnteth as ** im« > ♦* pofed by authority, and affiftcd by artifice" -» •— And I think it is fcarce poffible to expefs a greater contempt of any writing, than he nere dcKh ^ the hiftory of d^ Biblejr aikt tbi ts^\ implei ft affords, - -^ • ' - ^^ \ ". ^1 .', 4 tt ^ T !' 'f \ 'I V/^v'- r: .V . \'V '•; *^ ^ \^/^ 'Hj >m\4h '^^t/l-i.iCfw i..- ^> , . ,« t, V .r. ^h }U. rffb^ftl H • ■> t . t<^ » • • t ii-au i^:^' 'J •:il4n >'l 1- .,» iyr*! >i f' * • i s RE, it/" i" ^4^ 'Refleaiais ckifye Lafe' ^ . I REFLECT I ON S On the Late Lord Bolingbrokb's Letters. P A R T II. jIn Examination of the principal things offered by bis Lord/hip to iffvalidate the Authority and Credibility of the Sacred Hiflory^ HAVING given this general view of the author's dcfign, I (hall now proceed to a more diftinft and particular examination of the principal things he hath oflfcred to invalidate the authority of the Old Tertamcnt Hiftory. What he faith of Chriftianiiy rtiall be conlidcred after- wards. I need not take nrAUch notice of what he hath urged to (hew, that the writers of the Sacred Books did not intend an univcrfal hiftory, or fyftcm of chronology *. I know nobody that Vol. J. p. 2C2. ct fcq. fup- :Ki Lord Bolingbroke*x Letters. 35 fuppbfcs they did ; fo that he might have fparcd that part of his pains. But notwithftanding the Bible was not defigned for an univerfal hiftoryi or to exhibit a complete fyftem of chronology^ though it may be fafely affirmedi that no one book irl the world gives fo great! helps this way. It is fufficient if it gives us a true hiftory as far as it goes, and Which may be fafely depended upon. This is what Our author will not allow* It is manifed, that he placettt it in the fame rank with the moft fabulous accx)Unts of antient timeSk This then is the point we are to confidcr* Let us therefore examine what proofs or argu- ments he hath brought againfl the truth and credit of the facred hiftoryi Some of the things offered by him to this purpofe have fcatce fo much as the appearance of argument* Of this kind is what he faith concerning the ufe that has been made by Jemjh Rabbiesj and Chriftian Fathers, and Mahometan Doftors, of the fliort and imperfedt accounts given by Mofes of the times from the creation to the deluge. Let us grants that the fables they have feigned concerning jidam and Eve^ Cain | and jil^eil Enochs Noab^ and his fons^ f^A are fuch as - — ** Bonzes or Talapdns would almoft ** blufti to relate j"- — I do not fee how this can be reafonably turned to the difadvantagc of the books oi Mofes ^ or hurt the credit of thcmi * fincc his lordfliip owns, that thefc fables arc— - •* profanc^extenfions of this part of the Mofaic ' !' hiftory.** And that hiftory is ccrUinly np* way anhvcrablc for the additions which have j D i b-ren ji i' I* :S6 RdSedioM (^ thi Late ^ l)ccn tn^rdc to it. Ji would have bcih^fy for MofiSp if he had been a fabulous writer/to.have iilldd up this part of his hiftory with morveloui relations, and to have embellUhed it with fuch fiftions concerning our firft parents, and the inoft anticnt patriarchs, as our author here refcrreth to : an,d his not having done fo is a ftrong pre- sumption in his favour, that he' did not give •Way to fancy or invention, bnt writ down the fadts as they came to him, with an unafF'ifttd limplicity. His accounts arc (hort, becaufc he kept clofc to truth, and ^ook care to record no more of thofc times than he had good informa- tion of, or than was nccclfary to the dcfign he had in view ; which fecms principally to have been to give a brief account of the creation, the formation of the firft human pair, the placing them in Paradiic, the fall, and the flood, which were the moft remarkable events of that period 5 and to continue the line from Adam by Seth to Noab^ as afterwards he docs from him to Abra^^ 'bam. ■ What his lordfliip obfcrvcs concerning the blundtrs of the ^e*u>i(h chronologers *, is not mnch more to his purpofc, except he could prove, that thofc blunders are chargeable upon the Scriptures \ which is fo far from being true, that, if accurately examined, arguments may be brought from thole very Scriptures to con- fute the blunders he mentions. As to the difflrencts he takes notice of •(• between the Scripture-accounts of the ♦ Vol. I. p. 104. t Ibid. p. 114, 115. Ajjyrian Ik-: Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 37 JJIyrian empire,* and tho(e givea by profane authors, /« e, by Ctefias^ and them that copy from him, very ^ble chronologer* have en- deavoured to (liew, ,that tholb accounts may b^ Reconciled, ^\M if pot, it would only follow, that the Scripture-hiflory differcth from Ctefias^ who, in his lordlliip's own judgment, and by the ficjcnowlegemenf of the pioft judicious among thp Gr^eh themfelves, was a very fa- bulous vriter * i and how this can be fairly tliought to derogate from the credit and authority pf the Sacred Hiftory, I cannot fee, ^ But to come to thofe things on which he f^ feems to lay a greater ftrefs. The fum of what be hath offered to deftroy the truth and credit of the Sacred Writings amounteth to this — »- ** That the J^ws^ upon whofe faith they arc ♦' delivered to us, were a people unknown to •' the Greeks^ till the time of Alexander the ^' Great — That they had been flaves to the •• Egyptians^ jljjyrians^ Medes^ and Perfians^ as ^ " thcfe fevcral empires prevailed That a great ** part of them had been carried captive, and loft ^* in the Eaft \ and th^ remainder were carried •* captive to Babylon^ where they forgot their ^f • country, and cvew their language And *• he intujiates, that there alfo they loft their |^ ^^ anticnl facred books : that they were a fu- ^* perftitious people, among whom the cuftom ^* and art of pious lying prevailed remai^kably-T- •* That the original of the Scriptures was com- y piled in their own. country ^j an4^ as it wcrij^, • ♦ Vol I. p. 76. 80. ^ D 5 ^* ?^^ ■} - thole writings were prcferved, and whofe affairs are there recorded, were, as appearcth from thofe writings • Slaves to the Egyptians^ !^ ^JJy^i^^h Medes^ and Perfians^ as thefe feveraj jr . i' empires ■DP" ■^w*^p« wmtr w mmtmmmmim Lord BoIingbrokeV Letters. 39 *• empires prevailed ♦.*• It rather furniftieth a. proof of tnc truth and impartiality of thofe records, that they give an undifguifed account, not only of the flourifliing times of their ftate ; for there were times in which they vjtxt flourifh- ingj free, and independent ; but of their dif- graces, defeate, captivities, and all the calamities that befcl them^ which, according to thefe ac- counts, were in a way of juft punifliment for their national iniquities, their difobedience and ingratitude. Yet under all thefe various revo-' lutions their nation was never intirely loft, nor incorporated with their conquerors. Though* many of them revolted, ftill there was a number of them that with an unalterable zeal and con-^ ftancy adhered to their antient religion and laws, which they regarded as of a divine original j a religion remarkably diftinft from that of the nations to which they were fubjeded, and, on the account of which, they were frequently cx- pofed to hatred, perfccution, and reproach. If the Jews were unknown to the Greeksht^ fore Alexander the Great, this afifbrdeth not the leaft probable prefumption, that their antient hiftory is not to be depended upon. The Greeks^ by this authors own acknowlcg,cment, did not begin to write hiftory till very late. The knowlege they had of other nations was very narrow and confined. And, particularly, they were in a great meafure ftraneecs to the languages, laws, cuftoms, and hiftory, oF the caftern nation?; He hinxfelf obferves, that after the times oC ? Vol I. p. 84. • ■^ " D 4 /il^xanden p.'' "rJ li 40 RcfliAiom ah tU Lata \ jlkxander the Great, and even long after th^ 5^rw/}Z> Scriptures were tranfl^tcd into GntK ^^ Jtwiy and tneir biftory, were neglected by theirii and continued to be almoft as much unknown as before*. And yet certain it is, that the 3^^w were then a confidcrable people, and that the Greeks had many opportunities of being ac- quainted with them. Let us grant what he in* finuates, that this was owing, not tp want of curiofity in the Greeks^ fince <* they were, aa ** he obferves, inquifitive to the hjghcft degree, ^ and publiflicd as many idle traditions of other ** nations ^ of their own -f but to the contempt they had for the Jewt. What can b^ inferred frbm thence ? Do|b it follow, that th^ jfewi/h. Scriptures are pot authentic, nor their hiftorics to be credited, bcc^ufe the Greeks neg- Icdted or defpifed them, and did not own their authority ? This is eafily- accounted for by any one that confiders the nature of the yewijh in- llitutions. It is not to be wondered at, that a people fo cxceffively vain as the Greeks^ and who looked upon the reft of the world as Barbarians^ fljou Id. conceive an averfion or contempt for a j^ation whofe laws and ^religion were fp different from their own, among whom all image-worftup was moft expreily prohibited, and no adoratioq was paid to inferior deities^ in which the religion of the Greeks^ and of which they were extremely fond, principally confiftcd, If the yr4i;;yi6 facrcd books had contained ftrange ftories of the ex- ploits pf tlieir gods, of their genealogies, battles^j ♦ Vol, I. p. 90. + Ibid. p. 88. Lord Bolingbroke*i Letters, 41^ and amours, or traditions that tended to fupport a fyftem of idolatry, the Greeks undoubtedly would have been ready enough to tranfcrlba thefc things inp their writings ; thefc fables would have been fqi^ed to their tafte, But it cannot be fuppofed, that they (hould pay jiny regard to the accounts given of extraordinary piiraculous fadls, that were defigned to cftabli{H and give fandtion to a conftitution, the manifeft^ tendency of which was to condemn and fubvert that idolatrous worftijp, to >vhich they were fo pxceffively addicted. , ^ • Among all the heathen nations none expreffed a greater enmity to the Jews than the Egyptians^ who were themfelves of all people the mod Aupldly idolatrous. One of their writers, Apion oi yllexandria^ is particularly mentioned by our author as having -^ — " fpoken of the Jrwi in a *^ manner neither much to their honour, nor ta *' that of their hiftories,*' This feems to have recommended him to his lordfhip's favour % for lie fpeaks of him as a man ** of much cru- ^* dition, and as having paiTed for a curious, a ** laborious, and learned antiquary " though he owns, that he paffed alfo " for a vain and ** noify pedant*." But if we may judge ot him by the fragments of his work, which Jo^ fiphus has given us, he was, with regard to the ^f^wj, an ignorant and malicious writer, who does not appear to have been acquainted with their hiftories and laws, though he pretended to write againft them \ and might io eafily have prof i'l '.' t (.■ I i I. * (\ 4a -Refl^Aions tm the Late ■ '- Srocuttd Information, if he had dcfircd it. And* lis appears to have bc^n the cafe of Tcveral' others of the heathen writers that mention the Jews: They fcern not tp have given them fel vet' the trouble to make any diligent inquiry into' their hiftory or laws, as delivered by thcmfclvcs,* but took up with idle reports and traditions tof their prejudice : and yet in the accounts givciV of the Jews by the heathen wiitcrs, imperfcdt as they are, there are fome valuable hints and* traces to be difccrncd, which fhew the falfhood of other things th^y report concerning them *. ^ It is therefore a little odd, that fuch a ftrefs fiiould be laid upon this, that *^ the Jewi/i ** hiftory never obtained any credit in the worlds «« till Chriftianlty was cftablifhcd r /, e. it obtained no credit among the heathen nations j or, as he elfewhere exprefleth it-^ — " we do not ** find, that the authority of thefe books prevailed • ♦ There is in heathen writer of a very different chara£le^, from /fpiorty who gives a much more candid account of tbo 'JewtJ)) nation ; I mean the judicious Straho^ of whom our author himfelf fpeaks with the higheft cftcem. He makes the c^ufc of Mofn'% forCiking Egypt lo be his being diflatif- ficd with the falfc notions of God, and his worOiip, that had' obtained among the Egyptians ; and fuppofes him to have en- tertained jufter and nobler notions of the Divinity than the Egyptians^ or Libyans y or Greeks : chat with nim went* from Egypt many that honoured the Deity ^ toAAm T//u»»f]tf t^ Oltcv : that he perfuadid many good men^ and brought ^hera. unto the country where Jerufalem is built ; and that there they continued praHiftng jujiice or righttoufnefsy and being truly religious y ox fin cere worjhippers of Uody J\t/-cH9Tf^Ayi{\%;< >5J iJffiC^f v( fltAM9?,iniftaken, and uke up witli wrong Mdimi^kd agirounts^ toth of lavr^ and fafts^ . • v;;:j!' ...» i..:ii:i But what this author fccms chiefly, tQ infift ijpoa^ to (hew that little credit is t;0 be give n-to ih^fe wciting§» i$ — -■ f that they a^rp hiftorics dc^ ** livercd to us on the faith Of t fuperftitious •* people ; among whom the cuftooi and 4ft of *' pious lying prevailed remarkably */' in order to form; t proper judgment of this matter^ let us t^kc: arbrief vicvy pf, the ye^jjb Scriptures, that we may fee what likelihood there is of their having beca feigned by a fuperftitiout ^nd lying people. . :. In general, it may be obfcrved/ th^it if we compare the facrcd books of the ^ews with jthofe of any other the moft admired nations, fuch as Greece and Romey we (hall foon fee % moft ftriking and amazing difference, Their "whole conftitution was of a, peculiar, nature ; f(> vaftly different from that of other cguntries, ithat it well deferveth the attention and admiration of every impartial and confidering obferver. It w^ the only conftitution in the world, where the acknowlegement and worftiip of the one true God, the fovcreign Lord of the gniverfe, 4nd of him akne, is made the fundamental maxim of their ftate, and principle of their go* verrHtent, in which aJl their laws centre, and the main end to which thev are all directed, » VoL I. p. 87. t Lord BolingbrokcV Lettdrs, 45 All worfhip of inferior deities }s forbidden 5 ho deified heroes admitted ; no images fuffered. Many of their facrcd rites feem to have been inlVitutcd in a defigncd oppofition to thofe of the neighbouring nations, that they might not incorporate with them, or learn their idolatrous cuftoms, to which the IJraelites^ for a long time, were very prone. Nor is there any likelihood Aat they would have embraced or fubmitted to a( confticiition fo different from the then generally prevailing idolatry, if it had not been for the manifeft proofs that were given them of its divine original. The author of thefe letters indeed intimates, that many of their rites wero derived from the Egyptians ; but whatever con- formity there might be in fome particular in- ftances, nothing is more certain and evident, than that the whole fvftem of the yewijb re- ligion was moft effcntially oppofitc to that of the Egyptians^ and other pagan nations j and tended to cad contempt on their adored deities, and on that idolatrous worfhip to which the heathens were fo much addifted, and which was efta- Wiflied by the laws of their refpeftive countries. As to the moral and devotional treatifes, which make up another part of their facred writings, they are inconteftably excellent. Their poetry is of a moft divine ftrain, for fuperior to that of other antient nations, having an unexampled dignity, elevation, and fublimity, in it, filled with the nobleft fentiments of the Divinity, and of his glorious incomparable pcrfeftions, and governing providence. <- *: The I i I I riMriMMi < I ■ '-W 11 :^li h: 46 . Rtfledtians oh the LAti r;The nime obfemtibn iilajr b^ made on (hei prophetical writing^ in which we may difceril many remarkable charafters of genuine truth and puri^. A fervent zeal for God^ and for pure and undefiled religion^ every-whcre appears i nor 18 there any thing in them that breathes thef fpirit of this worlds or that favours of ambition^ artifice, or impofturc* The whole intention of them is manifcQly to reclaim the people "from idolatry, vice, and wickcdncfs, to engage theni to the pure worfhip of God, and to the pradlice of univcrfal righteoufnefs* With a noble free- dom and impartiality do they reprove their kings, princes, priefts, people j denouncing the moft awful thrcatcnings againft them, if they (hould pcrfift in their evil and finfiil courfcsj and en-* couraging them with the moft gracious promifca to repentance, and new obedience : and all this mixed with raany remarkable and exprefs pre- didions of future events, which no human fa- gacity could have fbrefcen, and which derived fuch an authority to them, that thio' they were often reproached and perfecuted when alive, their charadter and writings were afterwards regarded by the whole nation with the profoundcft vene- ration. And it dcferveth to be particularly re- marked, that whereas the Jeu'S^ as well as man- kind, in all ages, have been prone to place re- ligion chiefly in external forms, and ritual ob- fcrvanccs, as if thefe would compenfate for the neglcd of the moral precepts, there are many pallagcs in their facred books, efpecially thofe of the prophets, which in the ftrongcft terms re* prefent f Lord Bolingbroke^x Letters. 47 [ prcfcnt the utter infufEcicncy of all ritual ob- icrvanccs without real holincfs of heart anrd life t 1 and even fpcak of them in a very diminutive manner, and with a feeming contempt, when oppofcd to, or abftradted from, moral goodnefs and virtue \ and fuch writings certainly do not I look like the inventions of a fuperftitious and \ lying people. s But as the facred hiftory is what this writer \ fcttcth himfelf particularly to expofc and in- ♦ validate, let us take a brief view of the hiftori- • cal parts of Scripture j and thcfc arc no lefs re- markable, and worthy of our attention, than the \ laws, the prophecies, the moral and devotional writings. As to a general idea of their hiftory, it is of as different a complexion from that of other • nations as their laws, and is of the fame noble tendency with their other facred books. It every- where breathes the profoundeft veneration for tne ) Deity. The chief defign of it is not merely to anfwer civil or political views, or to preferve thp annals of their nation, or trace it up to its ori- ginal, though this alfo is done, but for nobler ' » j purpofes; to promote the true worfliip of God^ and the pradlicc of piety and virtue ; to preferve *' the remembrance of God's wonderful works of ^ providence towards his jprofefling people j to ^ (hew the favours, the blemngs, the deliverances, ' vouchfafed to them, the profperity and happinefs * they enjoyed, when they kept clofc to the laws ' of Cod, and continued in the practice of virtue and righteoufnefs ^ and on the other Ifond, the.: [ li^' ^ great [ X V '!■ f •' 4 1 i T ;| ■~fervable in it remarkable characters of fim- plicity, and an in^partial regard to truth. It is* plaifi^ froin the whole tchor of their hiftoryi chat It ^as not compiled to give falfe.and flattering accounts of their nation, or partial and elegant encomiums of their great men. Their great. a<3iPQs indeed are recorded, but their faults are alfo related with a fimplicity and impartiality that deferves' to be admired. Neither Rmans^ Greets, Egyptians, nor any other people, have formed their hiftories fo much to the difadvan* ta^q of their own nation, or charged them with fuch repeated revolts from the religioti and laws : of their country. Let us fuppofe the Jews- n^vQ.r fo much poflTefled with the fpirit of lying^i it vyould never have put them upon forging a . body of hiftory fo much to.the prejudice of their own national character. It tcndeth indeed' to ; give an high idea of the great things God had * diQW, for them, of the privilegca conferred upon ] them, and the excellency, of their laws (and that their laws are excellent, no man can doubt tl^at ferioufly reads and confidcr^ them), but at the fame time it fetteth thq ingratitude, the / difobedience, the ftupidity, of that people, their oppofuion to God's authority, andabufe of his goodncfe, their manifold backflidings and un- ■••il*IW^*W»^*"«^ Ijord BoHngbrokeV Letters. 49 ftedfaftnefs in his covenant, in the ftrongeft light, ! Their difgraces^ defeats, captivities, are no- | where concealed ; they are reprefented as frc- ^ qucntly brought under the yoke of the neigh- bouring nations in a manner much to their dif- honour ; and their deliverances are afcribed, not } to their own wifdom, conduct:, and bravery, but to the mercy of God, upon their repentance. In a word, their hiftory is a continued account of God's goodnefs, patience, and jufticc, exer* cifcd towards them ; and of their own ftrangc, pcrverfc, and unaccountable condufl:. This is fo manifeft, that it hath been often turned to thclt reproach, and hath given occafion to the reprc- fcnting them as an obftinatc, ungrateful, and re- bellious race, and to fuch a charge as St, Stephen advance th againft them from their own Scrip- tures : Te /Uff'^ffeckedi and uncircumcifed in bedrt end earSy ye do airways rejijl the Holy Ghofi : as your fat hers did ^ jo do ye. Which of the prophets have not your fatheri perfecutedt Adhvii. 51, Thefe confiderations naturally tend to derive z peculiar credit to the yewijh Scriptures^ as con* taining true and faithrul accounts, not forged by ' a fuperftitious lying people. Whatever opinioii therefore we may have of the Je^ws^ yet their Sacred Books deferve great regard. Nor is there any ground to fuppofe, that thefe books or re- cords were of their inventing. At lead, I believe, this will fcarcc be pretended with regard to the Jews m the latter times of their ftate, however they might othcrwife be addifted to tiCVion ana cmbcUilhment. They i-eccivcd thcfc books as -*'- " E facrcd ii I *»i 50 .lU^edliom^ii&rL/i/^ i, jfacre^ from their anceRors, aod were themfclvei (<^ fully pcrfiiaded of the djvine origbal and authority of their laws, and the certainty and authenticity of thcfc records, that they adhered j |o them with a zeal fcarce to be paralleled in any other nation : fo great was the veneration they had For them, that after the c^non was com-, plctcd, they. were extremely fcriipulous not to make any additions to their Sacred Books, or receive any others into their, number as of equal, authoiity, tlioi^gh written by the grcateft and, ^ifeft men of their nation. And if any perfons bfid cndeavoi^rcd to ahcr or corrupt them, the fraud, tlic iippofture, mull hrive been Immcdi-. atcly dcte6tcd. For thcii $acred Looks wcrq not, like thofc of otlicr nations, confined to the priefts only r tlKy f were in the hands of the j^eople," conilantly and publicly read in their lynagogucs j the laws, a!\d tlic fads, were what they were all acquainted with, and intruded in| iljij {loin their infancy. If* therefore there be any ground of fufpicion, [t muft fall, not upon the hitter Jews, but upon Ezra, and tiiofe by whom tlie facrcd canon Was finifl^cd. If their hillory and Satrcd Books were forged or corrupted, the moll likely time, tliat can be fixed upon for it is upon their return^ from the Babylonijh captivity. And this feems ti;; to be the aera fixed upon by the author of thcfe. Letters. He obfervcs that ** the Bahylonijh, •' captivity laftcd fo long, and fuch fircum- ^ ftances, whatever they were, accompanied it,,* ** that the captives forgot their country, and •' even I H ( Si Mi «| M^' M Lord Bolingbrokcx Letters. .51 ^ even their language, tlic Hebrew dialed, at ** Icaft, f.nd charadtcr */' And afterwards, he intimates, that the Scriptures were ** loft ** during the captivity -f-." And he obferves, that •* Ezra began, and Simon thejuft finiflicd, ** the canon of the Scriptures ||.'* Let us grant, that in the Babylmijh captivity, the ^Jewi learned the Chaldee language, which thenceforth became more familiar to them than the Hebrew j and that the old Hebrew charafter was, as many learned men fuppofc, though it is far from being certain, changed for ih^Chaldecy the latter being fairer, eaficr, and more generally ufcd among the people ; yet this is far from proving, either that the Hebrew language was intirely forgotten by them, or that their Sacred Books were loft in the captivity. There arc many things that plainly ftiew the contrary. The prophet EzEKiEL, who prophefied during the captivity to the ^ewi in Chaldea^ writ and pub- lilhed his prophecies in Hebrew. So did the prophets Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, who prophefied fcveral years after the return from the Babylonijh captivity : which (hews, that ^& Hebrew language was ftill in ufc, and was underftood by many of the people. The fame thing may be concluded from this ; that all the Sacred Books that were written after the captivity were written \{\ Hebrew^ except a part of Ezra and Daniel* Nehemiah, who had been a great 9ian in the Perfian court, writ his own memoirs in Hebrew : which ftiews, that the Jews who '^^ Vol. I. p. 84. t I^» m I. '■ 52 Reflexions on tie Late ^ continued in Perjta, their great men at Icaft, ftifl retained the knowlegc of that language. And as the Hebrew language was not abfolutely for- gotten among the Jev)i in their captivity, fo i| neither were their Sacred Books intircly loft, i Indeed it wereabfurd to fuppofc it. That cap- jj tivity, though it laftcd feveiity years from the i||l| firft beginning of it under yehoiakim^ yet from the time of the utter defolation of JerufaUm^ and the temple, and the carrying away the laft remainder of the people to Bchylcn^ continued but about fifty years. And there were not a few of them that had been carried away from yerufalenjy who furvived the whole time, and lived to come back. Alany of the priejis and Levitfs^ and chief of thefathen^icLx) uere ant tent vien^ that had fee n the fir jl houfe^ ivhen the fourth dation of the feccnd houfe was laid btfore their eyeSy wept with a loud voice^ Ezra iii. 12. All thofe among them that lived to fcvcnty or eighty years were twenty or thirty years old when Jen/Jdltm nnd the Temple v^ ere clclhoyed ; and to iuppofe, that thcfe fliould iniirely forget their language, or their religion, hiftory, and laws, is very abfurd. Add to this, that the people were in cxpedlation of a deliverance, and reftitution to their own land, of which the prophets had artnrcd them ; and this would naturally make them more careful to prcierve their law?, and the antient authentic records and memorials of their nation. It appearcth from the accounts given cf ihofc tliat returned, that many of the rriefs the Lrjkcs^ the Stagers, the Porters, \ ' ■ tlic _,.M 1* 'ill! •i ■ ■ wvm w ttmmmmmm^m^rmmitmtmf i : Lord BolingbrokeV Letters, 53 the Netbifiims^ &c. had prefervcd their genealo- gies during the captivity, in profpcift of their return, and of their being again employed in the facred funftionsj and thofe who could not clearly (hew their genealogies, were put from the pricfthood, Ezra ii. 6i. Neb. vii. 64, Great numbers of the people could alfo prove their genealogies : and where there were any that could not do this, it is particularly taken no» tice of, tliat they could not Jhew their fathers bot/fey Ezra ii. 59. It is manifcft therefore^ that there were regi/icn of gcnealcgic3 prefcrv- cd in Babylon ; and is it not reafonable to con- clude, that they would be no lefs careful to prcfervc their Sacred Books, efpecially thofe of Mofes^ in which were their original records, and the laws on which their whole conditutioa depended? • If the Jews had been for changing their own laws and cuftoms, we may fuppofc it muft have been in order to their adopting thofe of their | conquerors, and of the country to which they were tranfplanted, and in which they fettled. But it is evident, that, in fad, they did not do ' this ; (incc the whole fyftem of their worrtiip and conftitution was, upon their return, very differ- ent firom that of the Babylonians. If therefore they learned their language, or ufed their letters and charadlersin writing; yet ftill it is certain, that they worfhipcd not their gods, nor adopt- ed their religion, and facred rites. They ftill pre- served their own; and the captivity and defo- lation of their nation, which they looked upon as E 3 a punifli- mmmm :i .i r t I 3 M I. * I; 54, Refledlions cin tie Late > a punilhment for their manifold revolts, idola* trieSy and deviations from their law, tended to increafe, inftead of extinguishing, their venera** tion for it. ' By Daniel's folemn fupplication and fafting, when the time came that had been marked out in the prophecies for their return, itappeareth,thai he had the book of Jeremiah's Prophecies before him^ Dan, ix, ;. And the confeffion he there , makeih is remarkable : jilllfrael bavetranfgrejj* id thy law — therefore the ciirfe is come upon us j and tlk oath that is written in the law of Mofes the fervant ofGod^ becaufe we have finned againfi him j^nd he hath confirmed his words which he f pake againfi us^ and againfi our judges that judged us j^s it is written in the law of Mofes^ all this evil is come upon uSy ver. ^ii, T2, 13. Here it is plainly fuppofed, that there u^as a writ- 1 ten law oi Mojes extant in his time, known to him and to the people, and which was regarded as ;||| the law of God himfelf : that they had tranf- greffed that law, and thereby had exp9fcd them. l||jj' fclves to the dreadful judgments denounced againft.them, and written in that law, as the juft punifhment of their revolt and difobedicnce. Soon after thi?, when the people returned, under the condacfl of Zerubbabel, J eshua, and others, we find them gathered together to celebrate the Feait of Tabernacle?, in the feventh month, and offering the daily burnt^fferings^ and thofe of the new^moons^ and J^t Jeafisy be fides freewill I ! offerings : and all this is laid to be done as ] j written in the law of Mofcs^ Ezra iii, 1-^6. and ':!! • this Lord Bolingbroke V Letters. 5 ^ this plainly flicwcih, that they had the written lawofiWi?/?^ with them. They alfo appointed the Pricfts and LeviteSy in their fevcial courfcs, |f , ind the Singers, and lervice of the temple^ ac^ cording to the ordinances of DiJvid the man oj God^ Ezra iii. 10, 11. The iacred hymns or pfalms, therefore, that had been ufed in the temple- wor-* ihip, were not loft in the captivity j and indeed fhe Pfalms of David carry evident charafters of gcnuiiiencfs in them. They were many of themcompoled on fpecial occafions, and adapt- ' cd to his peculiar circumftances, in a manner which plainly (hevveth they were not forged in after-times. And the preferving fo many of the pfalms and hymns, fome of which contain an abridgment of their facrcd hiftory, is a mani- feft indication of the care they took ; and that there was not a general dcftrnftion of their Sacred Books in the captivity. The fame obfervation may be applied to the prophetical writings, and to their facrcd records. It is plain, that the hiftory of iheir kings was prcfcrved j to whicfr there \s frequent reference in books compiled after the Babylonip^ captivity. > ThccommiiVion afterwards given to Ezra by *- Artaxerxes, plainly fuppotcd the lawofiVfo- y^rtobc then in being, and in the higheft au- thority; and only impowered him to regulate every thing according to that law. He is de- fcribcd in Artaxerxes'^ commiflion as a ready fcribe in the law of Mofs s as one greatly fkiDcd in that law, and fit to inftrudl others in it r J^tid is required to fct magi ft rates and judges to judge: E + the ik 56 JReflc(fiions on the Late ^ the people, "fuch as knew the Law of Gpd^ Ezra vii. 6. 10. 1$ Soon after Ezra came I^EHEMiAH, a great man in the Pcrfinn court, and who was appointed governor of Judea \ and every thing thioughout his book difcovereth^ that he and the whole people profcffcd the higheft veneration for the law ot Mo/es, Before ho came to "Judea^ he was well acquainted with that law, and regarded it as of divine authority; JV^A.i. 7, 8, 9. Daring his adminiftratlon, wo have an account of a (olciiin reading of the L»aw, by Ezra^ in the hearing of all the people j who heard it with the utmoft reverence and zU teniion : in this he was afliikd by ieveral Levttes^ who read in the bock^ in the law cf God^ di^ Jlindlhy and gave the fcnfe^ and caufedthem to un^ derjiand the readings Neh. viii. j — 9 Again, wo are told of another fulcnin reading of the Law, before all the people, N^b, ix. i, 2, 3. And in lii the admirable confcfllon made on that account by the L'vitiSy thcie is an excellent fummary of the principal events recorded in the hiftorical parts o: the books ofMofesy fuchas, the calling oi Abraham \ ihcir bondage and opprcffion in Egypt', their being brought out from thence with iigns and wonders, and dreadful judgments exe- cuted upon Pharaoh and his people j the dividing of the fca before them, fo that they pafled through it as on dry land, whilft the EgyptiafSi that purfucd them were overwhelmed in the deep ; the promulgation of the law at Sinaiy with remarkable tokens of the divine prefence and riil glory, the miracles wrought in the Wildernefs, '■' ; ^ the ;i!a> ■ UU ill i Lord Bolingbroke^ Letters, 57 the leading them by a cloud in the day, and a pillar of fire by night; the giving them manna- bread from heaven to cat, and cleaving the rock to give them water to drink j and finally, bring- ing them into poflTeflion of the land ot Canaan. Thcfc things, which arc the moft remarkable fads in the hirtory of their nation, together with their frequent rel ellions, difobedie ncc, and ingra- titude, panicularly their making and worfhip* ing the molten calf in the Wildcrncfs, the (land- ing difgrace of their nation, and their fubfc- quent , revolts, calamities, and deliverances, after they came into the land of Canaan^ are there taken notice of in the public confcflions and ac- knowlegcmcnts made to God in the name and prcfcncc of all the people; and arc mciitioncd as things commonly known and acknowlegcd among them, and as of undoubted truth and ccr* tainiy. Taking thcfc things together, it fcems to ap- pear, with all the evidence which the nature of the thing is capable of, that the yewijb facrcd books and records were not loft in the Babylonijb captivity j that they were in poffeffion of them, and had them in great veneration, before Ezra came to yerufaUm, And it would be a wild imagination to fuppofe, that he had it in his power, even if he had it in his inclination, fo Sax to impofe upon all the Jews ^ both ihoitinjudea^ and thofe that continued in Babylon^ and other {Ktrts of the Perfian empire, as to make them all ^ith one confent receive thofe for their antient UwSy by which their nation had been always go- vcrncd. ycf ncd, >vhich wq^c not their aiUient laws j an^ thofe for their antient s^uthentic hinories, ^d fa< €rcd reqords, whicji \yerc not th^^atitient authen-; tic records. All that his commifnon fcpiq jirtaxerxes extended to was, to order things ac- cording to tlic law oi Mofes 5 and this hecfFedted. When he came, he found feveral abufcs tontra^^ ry to that law, countenanced by men of great power and intere^, and in which feveral of the chief priefts, as well as numbers of the people, were engaged 5 and he fet himfclf to refornx them according to that law : and thefe regula- tions would not have been tamely fubmitted to^ if it had not been well known, that the laws anci conftitutions he urged upon ihem, were thrt true original laws o/iWb/fi. II ; ^A^totheeftablifliiag the facred canon, whtchis |l attrlhuied to E^ra. and to thofc whom the^^^i A call the men of the great fynagogue j the laft of j|;l \yhom A^'as ;SiMo!}i the Just j this is not to be fl podje:i:fto(^ as if.tbc^ i)ooks were not accounted I ^Cfed, or were. regarded as of no authority be^ Mr fore. .The b6ok;s. were iilready mil known, )and III: looked upon as Iftcred 5 they had not their au^i ijioray^ hccifufe F^zr-^ acknowleg^d. them; t)ut. hc;cplledcd;aodr pi^bliflivd them, becaufe they ,|L 'i we^-e; jcnpwn to be authentic, Jt fnwy indeed be v'|; j yi'eU /uppof<;dj that ftulis and varia,^ions might have crept ii)t9 tjio; copies ofjthofp books ; ancf that , tt^^i/ needed ro be carefully revifed. And; thisf>yas.a work, for which E?ftA was^admi/a.bly- ^ I fitt$;d by.hiS;gr€RV(ki3[J i'^ the law, and in the ft-' crcd records of hiS:.|liV^ipn, 1 a,§ vycU as his no^^i J- ' intc- •1 '\ Ijord Bolingbroke'^ Letters. 5^ Integrity. And if he accordingly revifed the original Sacred Books, and publiilieda morecor^ redt edition of them, or abridged fome of their antient records, to render them of more gen^* ril ufe among the people, and here and there in* fertcd fome paflages for explaining andilluftratC'- ing things that were grown obfcurc 5 this was certainly a work of great ufe. And fuppofing him to have done this, and that this work con- tinued to be afterwards carried on by fome of the mod knowing and excellent men of their nation, till it was with great care completed, I do not fee how it in the lead affefts the autho4# rity or credibility of thofe books. The whole nation in general were fo fenfible of Ezra's great fidelity and diligence, that he was always afterwards had in the highcft honour; and they were fo convinced, that thefe were the originsi Sacred Books, that they received them with an extraordinary veneration. Nor did they ever pay the lame regard to any other fubfequent writings in their own nation. And though thi Sanhedrim continued to have great author rity among them, they never pretended to put any other books upon them as divine, or as of equal authority with the Sacred Books. Now how comes it, that they put lb great a difference between them, and that the autliority of theft booko was univerfally acknowlcged by the whole nation, and the other not ? This fhewetb, that however credulous the Jews might be in other things, yet they \^ere particular ly exaft and fcru* pulous in not receiving any books into the facred canoa v* 6q Rcflcdions on the Late A canon, but what they judged they had good reafon to look upon as authentic. > The moft remarkable part of the Jewijh hU ftory is, that which is contained in tlic books of Mops. It is there we have an account of the firft conflitution of ihcir facrcd polity ; the pro-» inulgation of the ten commandments, with ihc moft amazing dcmonftrations of a divine power and majcfty ; and the extraordinary miraculous fads done in Egypt ^ and in the H^ildernefs^ by ivhich the autliority of that law was cftabiiflicd. And whofoever alloweth this part of the JcwiJh hiftory to be authentic, will not much fcruple the fubfcquent parts of their hirtory. Now it is evident, that as it was not Ezra that gave au- thority to the law of Mofes^ which was in the higheft authority before, or who caufed the people to receive it as divine ; fo neither were thcyar/V/?x, but to all the elder $ of Ifraelf the heads of the feveral tribes, before his death. And the original of the law was de« pofited in the fides of the ark, in the mod holy place, A moft folemn charge was laid upon the people, in the name of God, as tliey valued his £a.vour, and dieir own happinefs, frequently to conlider thofe laws and fads themfelvcs, and to teach them diligently to their cliildren. Sacred rites were inftituted, and public feftivals ap- pointed, to preferve the memorials of the prin- cipal fads, from the time in which thofe fads were done. And accordingly the remembrance of them was conftantly preferved afhong them in all ages. Jn all the fucceeding monuments of , -f* their Lord Bolingbrokc'x Letters. $ j their nation, throughout their whole 'liiflory, and in their devotional and prophetical writings^ and in their .public folemn forms of coufcflioa aofi thankfgiving, there was ftill a conftant rc-» fcrence to thofe fafts as of undoubted crediv j and upon the credit of thofc fac^s, thofe laws were both at firft received, and continued afterwards ti) be acknovvleged and fubmitted to : for not- vvithftanding the frequent defedions of thp people to the idolatrous rites and cudoms pf the neighbouring natipns, yet they never totally aiid univcrCilly apoftatized from ^he. law of Mo^ feSj but dill acknowleged its facrcdncfs ^nd di» vine authority *. <» The author of thefe letters takcth particular notice of the fables invented by the Hellentjlic- Jews, to authorize the Greek verfion of the Hc-j brew Scriptures ^. B^t 1 do not fee how any argu- ment can be fairly drawn from thefe fables fo the prejudice of the Sacred Books them felves^ which, were thus tranflated, or to deftroy their autho- rity or credibility. The ftrong pcrfuafion they, had of the divine authority of the original Scri- ptures, might make the Jews at Alexandria more ready to entertain ftories in favour of the tranflation of thefe Scripture^ into Greek^ from • That the law of M»/a, with the fafls there recorded, may •^^ traced, from the time in which that law was given, and the t^\M done, through all the fucoeeding agei of theje^ci/^ oation; and that w« hafe all the evidence of thetr haying been tranOnitted without any material corruption or alteratioD, that can be rtafooably de-. fired 1 1 hare elfewhere more fully (hewn in tht Aiifvutr f Cbhfii^ m^jm,9UMthfcrtM/i$9, Vol.II. cU^4. ' ^ t YqL I. p- 85. 86. ) . ^ .^ " , ^ which mmn iJMi ^ 64 Refledions on the Lati whidi thev found great benefit ; this being the language they bed undcr(\ood, and which wa tiien become of general ufe. But thofe ftories were not generally received by the yewip) nation, though they all univerfally agreea in acknow* Icging the authority of the originals ) nor were 1 they ever infertcd in the facred writings, or in any books, the authority of which was generally received among them. . The firft thing that gave rife to thofe ftories was, the hiftory of Arifteas ; which fccms to have been contrived on purpofe to do honour to that verfion, and eives a pompous account of it. And yet even in chat hiftory there is nothing ikid of thofe miraculous circumdances, which were afterwards invented to (hew, that thofe in- terpreters were under an extraordinary divine guidance. On the contrary, that book, though it be the foundation of all that is faid concerning the Scptuaginr, may be proved to be plainly incon* fiftent with thofe fubfcqnuct fables and fidions > and is fufficicnt to detcfl the falfity of them. There is therefore no parallel at all between thcfc HelUm/iicalhh\cSy2ind the facred Hebrew records \ except it could be proved, that one part of thofe anticnt records is inconfiftent with other fubfe- quent parts of them, and furniflieth manifcft S roofs of their falihood j which neither his lord* lip, nor any other, has been able to (hew. Another argument, on which he fecms to lay a mighty ftrcf*, in order to fet afide the autho* ruy of the Scripture, is drawn from the acci- dents that have happened to the facred text, r- • . / He Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 65 Jtc will not allow the anfwcr made by Ahhadie Und others, that-— *' fuch accidents could not ** hive been prevented without a perpetual ** (landing miracle, and that a perpetual (land- •* ing miracle is not in the order of Providence*' On the contrary, it feems evident to him, that if the Scriptures had been originally given by di- vine infpiration, ** cither fuch afxidents •' would not have happened, or the Scriptures ** would, have been preferved intirely in their " genuine purity^ notwithftanding thefe acci- " dents/* He thinks the proof of this *^ is obvions and eafy, according to our cleared •' and mod diftinft ideas of w^ifdoni, and moral " (itnefs*. *• But, befides that the prefcnt queftion^ as he h^s managed it, relating 10 the facred hiftoryj is not about the divine inspiration of it \ but whether it be a true and faithful hi- ftory/ an htineft and credible relation of fadls^ \\'hich heiabfolutely denies j I fee no confcquence at all in his way of reafoning, even if the quc- ilion wete, whether thofc facred books were originally written by pcrfons divinely infpired* For all that could be reafonably concluded, fuppo(ing any books to have been originalfy •given by divine infpiration, is, that Providence would take care, that thofc books fhould be [tranfmitted with a fufficient degree of certainty and integrity, to anlwer the end for which they were originally intended* But it was no- Way necc(rary to this purpofc, that all the tran- fcribcn that (hould ever copy thofc writings in f V9l.Lp.9s. J . '' '^ F any , 66 Reflexions cm tie Late any age or natioDi (hould be under an infalH* ble guidance, fo as to be kept by an exrraordU nary interpofition from ever committing any miftake or blunder, or being guilty of any dipt or negligences ; or that all thofe that have ever rcvifcd and compared thofe copies, ftiould, in every inftancc, be infallibly guided in their judgments concerning them. This is cvidendy abfurd. It would be a multiplying miracles without neccflity ; and would therefore be un« worthy of the divine wifdom, and not very con* fiftcnt with the methods of God's moral go- vernment of men, confidered as rcafonablc creatures, free agents. For, will any man, in good earneft, undertake to prove, that, luppofe- ing an excellent revelation given of dodrincs, laws, Gfr. together with authentic accounts of extraordinary fads, tending to confirm and efta- blifh the divine authority of thofe dodrines and laws, this revelation could not be of any ufe, nor could thofe accounts of fa ing. ^ggllgtg^^iati^mK^mmmmmmmmimmmitmmmmtmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmm i m 68 Rcflcftions on the Late ing we follow: San^ omnesill^ varietates, utl Japiui in Critica Sacra repeto^ nullius aut feni nullius funt quoad Jidem et mores momenti^ ut eo refpe^u perindejit banc an illamfequaris k» Hionem. And I believe there are few com- petent and impartial judges of thefe things, but! .will be ready to own, with Mr. Le Clerc, the I frccdoni of whofe judgment in fuch matters niuft be acknowlegcd, that, through the good f providence of God, no books, from the ear- icft antiquity, have come to us equally correal with the Sacred Books of the Hebrews^ particu- larly the Maforcticcl copies. Nullos libros ex ultima antiquitate ad nos Dei beneficio perveivjjt (cqub emendatos ac facros Hebraorum codices^ et quldem Alaforcticos. See his Dijfertatio dc Lingua Uebraa^ prefixed to his Commentary en ike Pentateuch. What our author himfelf makcth a (hew of granting is very true, that ** amidllall the •* changes and chances to which the books, ia •* which they are recorded, have been expofcd, •* neither original writer, nor later compilers, i ** have been luffercd to make any cflential al- ** terations, fuch as would have faliified the ** law of God, and the principles of the Jewijb •* and Chriftian religion^ in any of thofc divine " fundamental points'''.** — And indeed the pre- cepts, the dcdlrines of religion inculcated in the Scripruresof thcOldTeftanicnt, are lb frequent- ly repeated, and the principal fadts there related arc fo often referred to, in different parts of * Vol. I. p. 97, 98. thofc Lord Bolingbroke'j Letters. 69 diofe Sacred Volumes, as to be abundantly fuf- ficient toanfwer the defign for which they were, originally intended; viz. to inftruft men in the knowlege, adoration, and obedience of the one true God, and to engage them to the pradlice of righteoufnefs, and to prepare the way for a more pcrfcft difpcnfation, which was to be introduced in the fulnefs of time, by that Divine Person, whofe comings chc^radler^ office Sylufferings^glor)\ jnd kingdom, were there prefigured and foretold. Accordingly our Saviour fpeaketh of the wri- tings of M'Jis and the Prophets^ as of fignal ufe to inltruft and direft men in the knowlegc and pradice of religion, Luke xvi. 29, 30, jr. And though it be not true, which our author aflcrteth, that the ye'ivijh Scriptures had no authority but what they derived from Chriftianity (for they had an authority founded upon fufficient creden- tials before Chriftianity was eftabliftied); yet their being acknowleged as divine, by Chrift and his ApoiUes, giveth them a farther confirmation : For when a fubfequcnt revelation, which is itfelf founded on convincinj[^ proofs and evidences, giveth tcrtimony to a prior revelation, and refer- rcth to it as af divine authority, when botli to- gether coacur to form one fyftem of religion, and to. exhibit the hiftory of God's various dif- penfdtions towards his churchj^ the former being iubtcrvient and preparatory to the latter, and the letter giving farther lights and a fuller complex' tion, to the formj^r; this confirmeth the autho. ^ity of boll?, and fhcweih one great uniform dc- f 3 . • ; • liga mm I M i • ^6 Rcf!c£t{ons oh tie Lais \ 6gn ind plan carried on by the divine wifdoni and gobdnefs from the beginning. It is no juft objcdion again ft the aathority of the Saered Books of the Old Tcftamcnt^ thougl^ the writer of thefc Letters fccms to think it fo, that ** though Jews and Chriftians hold thq ^* fame books in great veneration, yet each con- V dcmns the other for nc^ underftanding, or for i* abufing them*." This is to be underftood, not of the Sacred Hiftory, which yet he woul4 be thought to have particularly in view j for, a^ fo this, the Jrws and Chriftians are generally agreed ; but of fome paftages in the prophetical writings, in the intferuretalion of which they differ. And, with relpeft to thele, it may be Obferved, that if the Jenvs^ at the time of our Saviour's appearing, hiid univerfally interpreted the prophetical writings as the Chriftians do, and applied them to JclusiChrift; and hadac^ cordingly turned Chriltians, and embraced y^i^i as the Messiah promifcd to their fathers ; it •would undoubtedly have been alleged, tha^ they forged or corrupted the prophecies in favour of the Chriftian fyftem j whereas now there J? no room for this pretence. Their vouching and acknowleging thofe writings, as of divine authority, notwithftanding the difficulty they have been put to, in anfwering the argument^ brought from thence againft their own favourite notions and prejudices^ giveth their teftimonv \o the prophetical books great force. f Vol. I. p. 9;>» Lord BoIingbrokcV Letters. 7 % iThcrc is another rcmnrkable paffagc in hi$ third Letter, which it is proper to take fomc no- tice of. He obfcrves*, that ** iht'Je'ws ** and Chriftians differ among themfclvcs, and '' from one another, concerning almgft every ♦* point that i& ncccflary to be known, and {Agreed •' upon, in order to cftabiifli the authority of " books which both have received as authentic ^ and facred. Who were the authors of thcfc ^ Scriptures, when they were publiflied, hovy ^* they were compofc J, and preferved, or renew- " cd J in fine, how they were loft during the ** captivity, and how they were retrieved after ** it J arc all matters of controverfy to this day." ••——That the Sacred Books were not lofi in- the captivity, and that confequently they were vot 'retrieved after it by immediate infpiration, hath been clearly (hewn. Afidlion whicli feems to have had its rife from the apocryphal fecond book of Efdras^ the authority of which never was acknowleged cither in the Jeivijh or Chri- ftian Church. There are indeed differences,, both among yews^^ndi Chrirtian?, concerning fe^ veral points relating to thofe Sacred Books; but ihcfc differences are, for che moft part, about things that do not properly concern the diving authority or credibility of tbofc writings. Thcro is a general agreement among them, that thq propnetical books were written by perfons di-^ Tiocly infpircd; and that thcP^NTAXEVCH was Written by Mo^es^ ibc grca^tQft of all the pro« % Ibid. ^, ^00, 10^. F 4 • jphct$4 mm ■■MM ! 'i : ^ i • ' Reflexions ch the Late /^ fhctr^ and th^t the hiftorical writings were d-i thcr the very original ai^ihciitic records; or faiths fully compfilcd out of them j and were received and atknowleged by the whole nation, as conJ t;iining true and juft accqunts of fadts, And whereas he urgeth, thai it is matter iS contro- verfy, who were the authors of thofe ScnpturesJ Or when tliey were compol'cd or publifhed ; it is certain, that, with refpeft to x\\c much greater part of the Sacred Books, both ye'u;s and Chri- rtians are generally agreed who were the auihors pf them. • '' 1 his is true concerning all the writings of the Prcpbets^ the books of Solomon^ moft of the PJhImSy the five books of Mrfe%^ which have been conlhniiy rv:cc»vcd by tiie yetoi/h and ' ChriiVian church, in ullages, ias written by A/b/^ij though a few in thelc Litter times have at-. temp.Cil to contcft it. The books of Ezra^ Nebemiah^ and Daniel^ feem plainly to fliew their authors. And concerning all thefe, there has been a general agreement. The books therefore, concerning the authors of which there is properly any ground of controverfy, are the hiltorical t)ook8 of Jojhua^ Judges^ Samuel^ Kirtgs^ and Chronicles, As to the firft of thefe^ i)iz. the book of Joflma^ the antient ^ews in general, and the greater part of Chriltian wri- ters, with good realbn look upon it to. have beca written by Joff^ua himfclf; though there arc iomc particalar paftLgcs in it that were inferred aficrwards, by way of illuilration. It is princi- Liord Bollngbroke'j Letters. 73 p;illy concerning the books of Judges^ Samuel^ jiingSy and Ckronicles^ that there is any coloura-; ble pretence for laying with our author, that $hey were *' abridgnncnts of old records r made in later times*." — 'Some of thcn%> feem plainly t;o have been compiled after the re-, turn froni the Babylonijh captivity, probably by^ Ezra^ from aniicr.t cUthentic records, which arc^ frequently quoted and referred to in them aSt books of acknowlcged (;redit and authority; fp, that there is little room to doubt of the truth and ctriainty of the accounts there given. For? that they were faithfully extracted from thofc; original records, to which they refer for a larger, Jiccount of the things there related, there is that higheft reafon to believe. And it was wifely^ ordered, that thefe fliorter accounts (hould bc» inlerted in the facred canon, when it was to bC' brought, as it were, into one volume for the laft-- ing inftruftion and edification of the church, for as the facred hiftory was intended not merely* to gratify curiofity, but to promote the purpofes of religion, piety, arid vjrtue, and to keep up* the remernbrancc of the remarkable actings of Divine Providence towards them, both in a way. of mercy and judgment according to their be- haviour, it was proper that it ihould be brought ^nto as narrow a compafs as was confident with that dcfign. This would make it more generally l^own, ^d eafily remcmbrcd j whereas larger ftpd more particular accounts might have beca ■ • 74^ Reflc^libnii m the LdU \ too Tokiminouf for a book defigned for univetU fal ufc, ■' . ' The -dnly thing that yet rcm^incth to be corw fidered with regard to the Sacred Books of thv Old Teflainent is what he faith concerning the curfe pronounced upon Canaan by Noah% of which we have an account, Gen. ix. 24^ 25, 2 render the event the more remarkable, that it was foretold lo long before. And perhaps one ifcafon why there is luch particular notice taken qi Canaan^ on occafion of Ham's impure and wicked behaviour, might be the monftrous and unnatural impurities that it was forefeen the Canaanites^ i. e. Hams defcendents by Canaan^ would be guilty of; and which arc exprcfly mentioned among the caufcs of their ruin "*. • Having examined what the late lord Baling^ broke hath urged againlt the authority and cre- dibility of the Scriprurcs of the Old Tcftamcnr, Ipt us next confidcr the attempt he makes ajainf^ * J-cvir. xviii. 24, 25. Zn 2^' '/ 4hQ wmm Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 7^ flie authority of the New. He had indcecf, whilft he exprefled a great contempt of the ycivip Scriptures, affeftcd to fpcak with a fa- vourable regard to Chriftianity. But he after- wards throws off the difguife, and makes it plainly appear, that he hath as litde veneration and eftcem for the one as for the other. It is no great fign of his refpcdt for Chriftianity, that at the fame time that he does all he can to deftroy the credit of the Jeivijh hiftory, and to (hew, that it is not at all to be depended upon, he de- clares ** that the foundation of the Chriftian •* fyftem is laid pardy in thofe hiftories, and in *^ the prophecies joined to them, or infcrted in •" them *.** But, not content with this general infinuation, he afterwards procecdcth, in his fiftK Letter, to a more diredt attack upon the Chriftian revelation -j*. He infifteth upon it, that th[C fadls, upon which the authority of the Chriftian religion is founded, have not been proved as alt liiftorical fads, to which credit (hould be given, ought to be proved. He deciares to the noble lord to whom he write?, that - — " this is a ** matter of great moment ; and that therefore " he makes no cxcufe for the zeal which obliges «< him to dwell a little on it ||/' And ancr having endeavoured to fliew, that—** there re- " mains at this time no ftandard at a!l of Chri- •• ftianity " - — cither in the text of Scripture, pr in tradition, he argues, that-^ — " by confe- «* qucncc cither this religion Was not originally ' . ■ ', - , ., • • Vol. I. p. 91, 92; t ^^i<5« fjfo'n p. i74« to 185, Jbid. p. 176. . •' • •'of f 1 7 8 Refledions m the Lati ^ *of 4ivinc Inftitutlon ; or clfe God has not proi •* vided cffedluaJly for prcfcrvuig the genuiae •* purity of it, and the gates of hell have ^* actually prevailed, in contradidion to hb ** promile, againft the church. He muft be ** worfe than an Athcift that affirms the laft | ** and therefore the bcft cffeft of this rcafoning *^ that can be hoped for is, that men {hould fall ** into Theifm, and fubfcribc to the firft. *'— - And accordingly he roundly declares, that — • ** Chriftianity may lean on the civil and ecclcfi- •• adical power, and be fupportcd by the forcible •• influence of education : but the proper force •^ of religion, that force which fubdues the •* mind, and awes the confcicnce by convidion, •* will be wanting *. He adds ^* Since I ** have faid fo much on the fubjedl in my zeal •* for Chriftianity, I will add this further. The *• refurrcdion of letters was a fatal period : the ^* Chriftian fyftcm has been attacked, and wound-* •* ed too, very feverely fince that time *!•."— And again, fpcaking of thofe of the clergy whd adl for fpiritual, not temporal ends, and are de* (irous, that men fhould believe and pradice the dodlrincs of Chriftianity, he faith, that — ** they •* will feel and own the weight of the con^ " fiderations he offers j and will agrec^ thaf " however the people have been, or may be, •• amufed, yet Chriftianity has been in decay ** ever fince the refurrcdtion of letters ||.*' — -*. This is an odd proof of his pretended zeal fo^ • Vol L p. i8oi i8i, >82. t Ibid. p. 182. g tMi p. 185* Cbrijiianity^ Lord Bolingbroke'j Letters. ^g Chriflianify^ to infinuatc that all good and honcft divines will agree with him, tiiat Chriftianity has been lofing ground ever fince the revival of learning and knowlcgc j as if it could not bear the light, and only fubfiftcd by darknefs and ignorance. It will help farther to (hev? his dcfign in this, if we compare it with what he faith in his fixth Letter •{• j where he mentions the rcfurreclion of letters, after the art of print- ing had been invented, as one of the principal caufcs that contributed to the diminution of the papal authority and ufurpations. And he ob- lerves, that " as foon as the means of ac- *' quiring and fpreading information grew com- ** mon, it is no wonder that a fyftem was un- ** ravelled, which could not have been woven ' ** with fuccefs in any age, but thofc of grofs ^ ignorance, and credulous fupcrftition.**— -Wc may fee by this what a compliment he dcfigns to Chriftianity, when he reprefents it as having received a fatal blov^ at the rcfurrc and the cfFcits of which continue to this day :— where thefe feveral circumftances concur, they lay ajuft foundation for receiving the accounts given of fads as true. — According to the jufteft rules of criticifm, fuch accounts of fadls may be de* pendcd on: and many fads are generally received and believed, that fall greatly fliort of this evi- dence. Now it is capable of being proved, it has been often proved with great clearnefs and ftrength, that all thefe circumftances concur in relation to the important fads on which the Chriftian fy- ftem is founded. The fads themfclvcs were, for the moft part, done in ot>cn view, and of which there were many witncfles. Chrift's whole per- fonal miniftry was a very public thing. The fcenc of it was not laid in a dark obfcure cor- ner, nor was it ca ried on merely in a private way. His admirable difcourfes were, for the moft part, delivered, and his miracles wrought, in places of the moft public concourfe, before great multitudes of people^ and even before his enemies themfelves, and thofe who were moft |trongly prejudiced againft him. Many of his wonderful works are rcprefented as having been done at ^erufalem^ at the time of their folemn feftivals, when there was avaft concourfe of people from all parts. The fame may be faid of the remarkable circumftances which attended his crucifixion. ,ff„0fmtr'-*'mmmmmm Reflt^ions o^ tie hate it cannot be contefled, that great numbers, b^tK? of Jcw$ and heathens, upon the credit of thofe facts, forfaking the religion of their anceftort, were brought to receive the religion of Jefus ia the firft age, when they had the bcft opportunity of inquiring into the truth and certainty of thofe fa Jews or Gentiles to embrace Chriftianity, but a^ thorough convi(flion of its divine original, and' of the truth of thofe extraordinary fads by which,' it was attefted. And if the firft propagators of this religion,^ had ofFcry no other proof but their own word§. in fupport of it, and in confirmation of the. di- vine ^ :-i 96 Refle6lions an the Late " vine authority of a crucified Jdus, it cannot^ with any confiftcncy, be fuppofcd, that a fclieme of religion, fo dcftiiutc of all worldly advantages, and fo oppofite to mens prejudices, as well as vices, and which fubjcdlcd thofc that made pro- fcflion of it to fuch bitter reproaches and pcrfc- cutions, could poffibly have prevailed in the world. If, at the time when C hriftianity made its firft appearance in the world, it had been embraced by the Roman emperor, as it afterwards was by Conjlantine the Greats if it had been counte- nanced by the higher powers, there might have been fome pretence for afcribing the proerefs it made to tne encouragement it met witn from the great and powerful. The author of thefe Let- ters, fpcaking of the miracles faid to be wrought at the tomb of the Abbe Paris, obferves, " That, if the firft miniftcr had been a Janfenift, ** all France had kept his feftival, and thofe •' filly import ures would have been tranfmitted, •* in all tne folemn pomp of hiftory, from the •* knaves of this age to the fools of the next-f.'*— But this very inftance, in which the Dcifts have triumphed fo much, may be turned again ft them, fince It afFordeth a plain proof, how difficult it is to maintain the credit of miraculous fails, when they are difcounrenanccd by tlie civil power. The miracles fuppofcd to be wrought at the tomb of the Abbe Paris were foon quafli*d, and a full ftop.put to the courfc of tlie. miracu- lous operations, notwitliftanding there was a nu«^ f Vul. I. p, 125, 126. merous. Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 97 merous, a powerful, and artful body of men engaged in reputation and intcreft to fupport the credit of therti. It may therefore bcjuftiy con- cluded, that if the extraordinary faft?, on which Chriftianity was founded, had been falfe. the credit of them muft foon have funk, and that religion with it, when all the reigning powers of the world, Jewilh and Heathen, joined their force and influence to fupprefs it *♦ In what hath been faid above, to fhew the credit that is due to the accounts given of the fafts by which Chriftianity is eftablifhcd, it is fuppofed, that thefe accounts were written by Chrift's own difciplcs, or their moft intimate companions, and in the firft age, the age in which the fadls were done, /. e, by perfons per- fcftly well acquainted with thofe fadts. But this is what our autl^or fcems unwilling to allow. In his fifth Letter, after having obferv*d, that — " falfe hiftory has been employed to propa- " gate Chriftianity formerly, and that the fame '* abufe of hiftory is ftill continued'' — he in- ftances in Mr. Ahbadic*^ faying, that — " the Go- *' fpe! of St» Matthew is cited by Clemens bifhop " of Rome^ a difciple of the Apoftles j that Bar* , '* wjA^j cites it in his Epiftle ; that j^^^///a and •* Polycarp receive it ; and that the fame fathers •' give tcftimony for St. Mark"' — He adds, that — *' the bifliop oi London^ in his third Paftoral ** Letter, fpcaks to the fame cftcdt.''* And • ThcdifficuUics Cbrlftianitv had to encoui eWgantIv reprefcnrcd b'f Mr, fr^/i^ rn his aamual on ihc Rcfuf rr^iup. H thea I Wmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmmifmf inter with, art t i '■ cc (C cc <( « : « ' ion againft this that they do not cite the Gofpels oi Matthew^ Mark^ Luke^ and John^ by name : for it is not their cuftom, in mentioning pafiages of Scripture, to name the par- ticular books out of which thefc paflagcs are ex- tracted ; they content themfelves with producing the pafl^agcs, or giving the fenfc of them. Thus they generally do with regard to teftimonies pro- duced from the facred books of the Old Tefta- ment : and yet no one will deny, that they had thofe books in their hands, and acknowleged their divine authority. Barnabas^ in his Epiftle, has fomc plain re- ferences to paflagcs that are to be found in St Matthew's Gofpcl. And, with regard lo one of them, he introduceth it with faying, It is icrittcn-, which was a form of quotation ufual among the Jews in citing their Sacred Books ; and feems plainly to fliew, that he referred to written ac- counts of the adVions and difcourfes of our Saviour. Clement^ in his Epifl:le, mentions feveral re* markable pafl^ages in our Lord's difcourfes, re- corded by die Hvangelifts, Matthew^ Mark^ and Luke J he calls them, the words of the Lord Jefus^ which he f[ake \ and reprefcnts them as Hi of I Co Refledtions on the Late of the highcft authority, and dcfcrving the grcateft regard. Ignatius hath feveral paflages, which cither arc plain references, or manifeft allufions, to paffages that are to be found in St. Mattheiif% Gofpel, and to feveral other books of the New Teftament He tells thofe to whom he writes, that they — ** ought to hearken to the Prophets, *' but efpecially to the Gofpel, in which the paf- •* (ion has been manifefted to us, and the refur- ** redion perfefted §.'* — Where, as by the Pro^ I jphcts are undoubtedly to be underftood the pro- phetical writings, fo by the Go/pel fcem plainly to be underftood the writings of the Evangelifts, collected into one book called the Gofpel. And in other paflages he fpeaks to the fame purpofc ||, and in a manner which fliews, that this book of the Gofpel was of the moft facred authority among Chriftians. Polycarp^ in his Epiftle, though very fhort, hath many paflages that plainly refer or allude to texts of the New Teftament. And, quoting fome paflages which are exprcfly found in the Evangelifts, he introduces them thus. The Lord hath [aid. He exprefles his confidence, that the Phi/ippianSy to whom he writes, were urlJ exer- cifed in th^ Holy Scriptures. And it is manifeft from what he tliere adds, that by the Holy Scriptures he particularly intends the facred writings of the New Teftament : which fliews, that they were had in the grcateft veneration by the Chriftians of that age. § Ep. ad Smyrn. S. 7. | li^» ad Philaddph. S. 5, and 9- He Lord Bolingbroke'j Letters, loi He that would fee a more didind: account of thefe things, my confult the learned Dr. LarJners accurate coUedlion of paflages from the apofto- lical fathers, in his Credibility of the Gofpel-hU jlory. Part II. Vol. I. It appeareth from this brief account, that the apofiolical fathers have taken as much notice of the evangelical writings, as could be reafon- ably expeded, or as they had occafion to do. And therefore I fee not why Mr. Ahbadie fliould be charged with an abufe of hiflory, for reprefent- ing the fathers of the firft century, as having cited the books of the Evangelifts ; fince though, they do not cxprefly quote them by name, yet they quote paOagesas of facred authority, which are to be found in thcfe books : and therefore it may be reafonably fuppofed, that they refer to thcfe books, which, as I fhall prefcntly fhcw^ were then extant, and the authority of which Was then acknowleged. But it is urged, that if the fathers of the firfl century do mention fome paflages that are agree- able to what vc read in our Evangelifts, it does not follow, that they had the fame Gofpcls be- forethem ; bccaufe ** thofe fathers made ufc " of other Gofpels, wherein fuch pafTages might " be contained, or they might be prefervcd ia " unwritten tradition." But this way of ftating the cafe docs not afford the leafl prclum- ption, that the books of our Evangelifts vyerc not, then extant. It is only fuppofed, that thcrp might be other accountsin that age, in which the 6mc things might be contained ; and that the H 3 adlions ■■ ( 1 102 Reflexions on the Late aiflions and difcourfcs of cur Lord were well known among the Chriftians of the firft age, both by written accounts, and by tradition re- ceived from the preaching of the Apoftles. And this certainly contirmeth, inftead of invalidating, iheaccounts given in the Gofpels ; andfuppofeth the fafts there recorded to have been of well- known credit and authority. But he ought not to mention it as a thing that is and muft be ac- knowleged by all the learned, that thofe fathers of the firil century made ufc of other Gofpels befides thofe of the Evangelifts. Ic cannot be proved, that they ever refer to any other Gofpels, The only paflage in all the apoftolical fathers, which feems to look that way, is one in Ignatius^ which fomefuppofe wa^ taken out of the Gofpel of the Hebrews^ which itfelf was really St. Matthew'^ Gofpel, with fome interpolations and additions; and yet that paflage may be fiirly in- terpreted, as referring to the v/ordsof our Saviour, recorded by St. Luke^ Ch. xxiv. 39*. It may be gathered indeed from the introdu- ftlon to St. L«^/s Gofpel, that many, in that firft age, had undertaken to write an account of the hiflory of our Saviour's life, miracles, difcourfcs, ^c. but it does not appear, that thofe writings were generally received among Chiiftians as au- thentic; probably becaufe they were not done with fufficicnt exadtncfs, and had a mixture ot things filfe or uncertain. And therefore it is nor likely, that the paffagcs, referred to by the . • Sec Lardntr'% Crcilibility, i^i. Pan II.. Vol. I. p. iS4» 185,186.' • • » • • ....... .^ •' ' fathers Lord Bolingbroke*j Letters. 103- fathers of the firft cent nry, were taken from ihofp ' writin;;s : it is far more probable, that they were taken Ironi the books of the Evangciifts, where we . ftill find them, and which were then extant, and their authority acknowJeged among Chriftians. That the Gofpels which we have now in our bands were undoubtedly extant in the apoftoH- • cal age, and regarded as authentic, admitteth of * a clear proof, if it be confidcred, that in the? age immediately fuccccding wc find them uni- verfally received and acknowleged in the Chri- . ftian church. There are fevcral books come down to our times, which were written by au-; thors who unqneftionably lived in the fccond century, in which thcfe Gofpels are frequently, and by name, referred to as of divine authority; and many exprefs Quotations drawn from them, by which it is manitcll, that they were then re- ceived with great veneration in the Chriftinn • churches. And it appcareth, from the firft Apo-' logy of yujliii Martyr^ pubhll^ed about an liun- dred years after the death of our Saviour, that it was then the ordinary pradice to read the me- moirs of the Apojlles, and the writinz^ of the Prophets^ in the religious afl'cmblies of Chri ft i ans. And that, by tht: me/r:oirs of the ylfcfilci^ he means ihc books of the Evangclifts, is evident from fevcral paflagcs in his writings; and par- ticularly frcm a paffage in this very Apology, where, having mentioned the vii^moiri compcfrd by the Apoftlei^ he adds, which are <:al!cd Go/pcis : and there arc frequent citation^. Irom all of them in his wiiting^i which plainly ihcw, that he H 4. looked o 104^ ReflcAions m the Late looked upon thofc books as authentic hiftorics of. Jcfus Chrift. The fame miy be obfervcd con- cerning other writers in that century. And linco it is nunifcit, that the four Gofpcls were gene- rally received, and had in the higheft efteem and. veneration, among Chriftians in the fccond cen- I tury, even in the former-part of it (for that Apo-» logy was written about the year 139. or 140.) ji this plainly flicwcth, that the Go 1 pel muft have been written and pubUflicd in the apollolical age. itfclf. And it was, becaufe they were known to have been written by thcApofllcs, or their companions and intimates ; and that the accounts there given were authentic, and abfolutely to be depended upon ; that thefe writings were fo early and generally received. Eujebius^ fpcak-; ing oii^adriitus^ and other eminent pcrfons, who — •* held the hrft rank in the lucccflionof the ** Apoftles/*-— informs us,— *• that they, travel- ** ling abroad, performed the work of Evangclifts, ** being ambitious to preach Chrift, and deliver^ ♦* the Scripture of the divine Gofpels ^."- — -.. The perions he fpcaketh of flouriflied in the reign of Trajan^ in the beginning of the fecond century, and had undoubtedly lived a good part of their time in the firll; and their carrying the books of the Gofpels with them where they preached, and delivering them to their converts, ihcwcth, that thofe Gofpels were then well known to be genuine, and had in great efleem. And indeed if they had not been written in the {jpcltolicalcge, and then known to be genuine, U ♦ Eufeb, EccUf. hift. Lb. iii. cap. 37; : - can-» i ""^m^ Lord BolihgbrokeV Letter?/ 1 05^ cannot be conceived, that fo foon after, even in the next age, they could have been fo generally diCperfed, and ftatcdiy read in the ChriftLin af-- fcmblies, and regarded as of equal authority with the writings of thcantient prophets, which had been for fome ages read in the fynagogucs on the Sabbath-days. And though a great cla« mour hath been raifcd concerning fomc fpurious^ Cofpels, which appeared in the primitive times^. there is nothing capable of a clearer proof, than* that the four Gofpels, and thofc only, were ge-* ncrally received as of divine authority in the Chriftian church, in the ages neareft the Apo-' ftlcs; and have continued fo 'ever fince, and have been all along regarded with the profound-- eft veneration, . . ( To this it ought to be added, that the heathen^ writers, -who lived neareft thofc times, never pretended to deny, that the books of the Evan-> gdifts received among Chriftians were written^ byChrift's own difciples. Celfus lived in the: fccond century. He (peaks of Jefiis the author of the Chriftian religion, as having lived «»tjo? •araVu oKiyoiv iT«i', a Vfry few yean before.^ He mentions many things recorded in ourEvan*-* gclifts, relating to the birth^ life^ miracles^ fuf^" feringSy and rejurredlion^ of Jefuy Chrift; and/ tells the Chriftians— <* Thefc things wc have: " produced out of your own writings.*'-— r*. He all along fuppofcth them to have becm written by Chrift's own difciples, that lived and convcrfed with him, though he does all he can 6 td 1 j io6 Rcflediotis m the Late . ^ to ridicule and cxpofc them*. To this it may be added> that the emperor yuUan\ who floii- rifhcd about the middle of the fourth. century, and who was both of great acutcnefs, and very wclldifpofcd to take all advantages againftChrl- ftianity, and had, no doubt, an opportunity of reading whatfoever books had been written^ againil the Chriftians before his time, never pre- tends to contcft the Gofpels being written by Chrlll's own difciplcs, and thofe whofe names they bear, Matthew^ Mark^ Luke^ and John \ whom he exprcfly mentions as the writers of thofc books •!•; though, no doubt, he would have been very well pleafcd, if he could have met with any proof or prefumption that could make it probable, thit the books of the Evangelirts, fo generally received among Chrirtians, were written, not by Chrift's own immediate dif^ ciples, or their companions, or in the apo- ftolical age, but were compiled afterwards, and falfly afcribed to the Apoftles. To which it may be added, that none of the ^ti^'f, in any of their writings againft Chriftianity, though they often mention the books of the EvangeliQs, have ever pretended, that thole books were not writ- ten by thofe to whom they arc attributed ; but by others, in after-times, under their names : nor do they ever mention any charge or fufpi- cionof this kind, as having been broughc againft thofe books by their anceflors. 1 ■ ' ■ ' . * Ortg. contra Cdf. lib. ii. p. 67. 69* 70. + Cyrii' jflex. contra yir//«v, lib, x. p. '^i'].Ldit. Spanhchn. Thus mm i«Hi Lord Bolingbroke'i Letters. 107 Thus wc find, by the acknowlcgcmcnt of friends and enemies, who lived ncareft to thofe times, that the accounts contained in the books of the Evangelirts were written in the apoftoli- calagc; the age in which thofe fii(fi"s are faid to have been done, which are there recorded. There are plain references to them, and paff- agcs produced out of them, in the few writings that remain ot the firft century. And in the age immediately fucceeding, we have full proof, that they were univerfally received in the Chri- ftian church, as of divine authority; and read as fuch in the Chriftian aflemblies; and were afcribed to Chrift s own immediate attendants, or their intimate companions, Matthew^ Mark^ Luke^ and Johny by name. This hath been univerfally admitted ever hnce in all ages : and thefe books have been tranfmitted down to our times with fuch an uninterrupted and continu- ed evidence, as cannot be produced for any other books whatfoever. He would be accounted a veryunreafonable man, that fhoulddcny, or even queftion it, whether the books of Livy^ Snllu/l^ Tacitus f were written by thofe whofe names they bear. But the Dcifts, and his lordfhip, among the reft, moft unreafonably rejeft that hiftorical teftimony and evidence in behalf of the Scriptures, which they would account to be fufficient with regard to any other books in the world. It gives a mighty force to all this, that, upon a careful examining and confidcring the books thcmfelves, they bear the plain marks and cha- io8 Reflexions on tie Late r^^c^ of the firft, the apodolical age; and not ciicp>ark of a later date. Though three of the • Evangelifts make particular mention of our Sa- viour's prcdidions concerning the deftrufiion of yeru/iuemy and the temple ; yet there is not any intimation given in any one book of the New Tcftument, of that dcftrudlioii as having been aftually accomplifhed, which yet was in forty years after our Lord*s crucifixion. And it could fcarce have been avoided, but that fomc or other of them muft have taken notice of it, confidcr* ing the many occafions there were for mention- ing it, if theie books had been generally written after that event. It appcarcth, from the be« ginning of St,Luke*s Gofpcl, compared with the introdudlion to the ^^s cf the ANjUcs^ that he wrote his Gofpcl before he wrote the A5l5, And yet this latter was evidently written in the apo- ftolical age, and fome time before the death of St. Paul For it is plain, from the accounts given in that book, that the writer of it was a companion of St. Paul in his labours and tra« vels, and particularly was with him in his voy- age to Rome; with an account of which, and of his preaching there two years in his own hired houfe, the book ends. It taketh no notice of hi« after-labours and travels, and of his martyrdom ^ at Rcmei which it would undoubtedly have done, as well as of the martyrdom of St. James^ if if it had been written after thofe events hap- pened. And it is a great proof of the high ve-» Deration the firft Chriftians had for thofe wri- tings, and how careful they were not to infcrr anj "••IB" pn>w«»«««iia«ap«*r«aw«P<^ L^r^BolingbrokcV Letters. ♦ io^ any accounts into them, which were not origi- nally there, that none of them evci^ pretended to make fupplcmental additions to that book, cither with regard to St. Paul himfelf, or any other of the Apoftles. And as wc may juflly conclude, that St. Luke*s Gofpcl was publirtied in the apoftolical age itfelf, vvhilft many of the Apoftles were "yet living ; fo it hath been gene- . rally agreed, that St,Mufthcw's Gofpel was pub- lirticd before that of St. Luke ; and that the Go- fpel of St. Jobn was written lafl: of all. And yet this laft, as is manifcft from the book itfelf, was written by one of Chrift's own difciplcs, f/:e iifciple ivhomjefus loved. And itappcarcth to have been principally dcfigncd to record feverai thing??, which were not diflinftly taken notice of by the other evangelical writers. Accordingly we find, that though the fa^^s are there plainly fuppofed, which are related by the other Evan- gel ills ; yet thofe miracles and dlfcourfes of our L/jrd are chiefly infifled upon, which either were omitted by tliem, or but flighdy mention- ed. Indeed whofoevcr impartially confidereth the writings of the New Tcflament, will cafily obferve in them many peculiar characlers, which plainly point to the. time in which they were written. And there is all the reafon in th*c world to think, that if thefe books had been written in any fuccecding age, they would have been in fcveral refpedb different from what they now arc. The Chriftian religion here appcarctb in its pri- mitive fimplicity, without any of the mixtures of following agci. The idea that is given of the Chrif ian 3 i jc I o . Reflexions on the Late Chriftian church, in the writings of the New Tcftament, is fuch as is proper to the firft age i and in which there were feme variations, even from that which immediately followed. The difcourfes of our bleflcd Lord, as recorded by the Evangelifts, arc of fuch a nature, fo full of divine wifdom, and admirable fentiments, as would manifeftly appear, if there were room in this place to enter on a particular confiderationof them. They are delivered with fo much gravi- ty and authority, and yet, for the mod part, in fuch a particular way, that they carry the evi- dent proofs of their own genuinenefs. The charafter given of our Saviour, in the books of the Evangelirts, feems plainly to have been drawn from the life. And it may be juft- ly affirmed, that it was not in the power of fuch writers, deftitute, as they appear to be, of all art and ornament, to have feigned fuch a charader : a charader, in which is wonderfully united a divine dignity becoming the Son of God, and an amiable humility and condefcenfion be- coming the Saviour of men ; an admirable wif. dom in conjunction with the greateft candor and fimplicity of heart; an ardent zeal for the glory of God, and the moflextenfive charity and benevolence towards mankind ; an impartial freedom and feverity in reproving faults, and great tendernefs in bearing with mens weakneffcs and infirmities J an unparalleled purit^'and fan- £t\iy of manners, without any thing fiur or un- fociable, or a fupercilious contempt of others j the moll exemplary patience and fortitude under the Lord Bolingbroke*^ Letters, lit the grcateft fufFcrings, joined with a remarkable tenderncls and fcnlibihty of fpirit. To this may be added the bi^auty of his maxims, the folidity of his reflc(ftion9, the juft and fubhme notions of religion, wliich he every-wherc inculcateth, far Superior to any thing that was taught by the mod celebrated dodors of the ^cwip nation. The morals he is rcprefented as having taught arc the mofl: pure and refined, and yet without running into any fupcrftitious extremes, fuchas were the afFcdted ftridtnefles of the PWZ/i'^i ^^AEJjenes^ or the falfe refinements of fome Chriftians in the following ages. The motives there propofed are the moft powerful and. efficacious that can be prefented to the human mind, drawn from all the charms of the divine love and gcwxlnefs ; from the engaging offers of grace and mercy made to the truly penitent, which yet arc fo or- dered as not to give the leaft encouragement to theobftinatcly wicked and difobedient j from the promifcs of divine aids toafliftour fincere endea- vours in the performance of our duty > from the important folemnities of the future judgment, and the eternal retributions of the world to come, the inexprefliblc glory and felicity prepared for good men, and the dreadful punifhmentsthatfhall be infiiftcd upon the wicked. In a word, fo per- fect is the idea of religion contained in thofe wri- tings, that all attempts to add to it in fuccceding ages, or,raife it loan higher degree of perfeftion, have really fallen (hort of its original excellence, and tended to tarnifli its primitive beauty and ^ glory.. Taking ■ 1 1 2 ReHedlions m tie Lati " faking all ithcfc confidcrations together, they form a very ftrong and convincing proof of the truth and authenticity of the Gofpel-records; and that, whether we confider the method of conveyance, whereby they have been tranfmiu ted to us, and which we can trace up with a con- tinued evidence to the firft age, or the internal charaftcrs of original truth and purity, and gc» ,nuine integrity, which appear in tlie writing! ^cmfelves. r To take off the force of the evidence, brought for the fads on which Chriftianity is eftablifhed, it hath b^n urged, that thefe fads are only at- •tcftcd by Chriftians. The author of thefe Let* ters obfervc8,.that the church has the advantage over her adverfarics j that the books that were written againft her have been deftroyed, whilft Avhatcver tends to juftify her has been prefcrvcd in her annals — And that-— '* he mult be very ^* implicit indeed, who receives for true the hi- •*^ ftory of any nation or religion, and much more ** that of any fedt or party, without having the •** means of confirming it with fome other hi- << ftory *." He here fecms to fuppofe it as a thing certain, that there had been hiftorical evidence againft Chriftianity 5 but that the church had fupprefled it. But this is a precarious fup- pofition, without any thing to fupport it. The account of the fafts on which Chriftianity is founded, were publifhed, as hath been fliewn, by perfons who pretended to be perfedly well acquainted with thofe fads, and in the age in , • Vol. I. p. 128. 132. which Lord BoIingbrokeV Letters. 113 which they were done, and who fpcak of them as things publicly known, and of undoubted certainty. The proper way therefore for the enemies of Chriftianity to have taken, would have been, to have publidied, if they were able, contrary authentic accounts, in that very age, for difproving thofc fafts ; which it would have been cafy to have done, if they had been falfe : for, in that cafe, thoufands muft have known them to be fo; fince many of the fads are reprefentcd as having been done in public view, and in the prefence of great multitudes. But that no fuch contrary hiftorical evidence was then produced or publlfhed, we may confidently affirm j not only becaufe there is no account of any fuch evidence, but becaufe, if the fails on which Chriftianity is cftablilhed, had been authentically difproved even in the age in which they were faid to have been done \ arid if there had been good hiftori- cal evidence produced on the other fide, by which it appeared, that thcfe fads were falfe; the Chriftian religion, confidering the other dif- advantages that attended it, and that it was prin- cipally fupportcd by thofe fads, muft have funk at once. How is it conceivable, that in that cafe it would have flouriftied more and more; and that vaft numbers, and many of them perfons oi confiderablc fenfe and learning, would have con- tinued to embrace it, in the ;facc of the grcateft difficulties and difcouragemehts ? How comes it,' jthat none of the Apologia for Chriftianity that .were publifticd very early, and prcfented to the Roman Emperors^ Tome of which arc ftill ejtan\, • ' ^ • • I ^ • - take 1 14 Reflexions on the Late take any notice of fuch contrary hiftorical evi- dence, or endeavour to confute it, but ftill fpeak of thofe fads as inconte(tably true and certain ) The firft heathen authbr that appears to have written a formal book againft the Chriftian re. Hgion, is Celfus. And what he advanced to this ipurpofe we learn from his own words, preferved hy Origen^ in. his excellent anfwcr to him. He endcavoureth, as far as he can, to turn the Go- fpcl-accounts to ridicule ; but he never rcferredi to any authentic hiftory, or book of credit and authority, which had been publifhcd, to (hew that the fafts, recorded by the Evangclifts, and believed by the Chriftians, were falfc. He pre- tendeth indeed, that ** he could tell many •' other things, relating to Jefus, truer than thofc " things that were written of him by his own •* difciples j but that he willingly paffed them *• by *,*'——- And we may be fure, that if he had been able to produce any contrary hiftorical evidence, which he thought was of weight fuf- ficient to invalidate the evangelical records, a man of his virulence and acutenefs would not have failed to produce it ; and his not having done fo, plainly fheweth, that he knew of none fuch { though, if there had been any fuch, he muft have known it. Nor do I find, that Julian^ when he wrote againft Chriftianity /pretended td produce any contrary hiftorical evidence for dif- proving the fafts recorded in the Gofpels : if ht had, fomething of it would have appeared ill C^nTs anfwer, in which there are many frag* mcnta Lord Bolingbroke V Letters. 115 mcnts of his book prefervcA I think therefore the pretence of there having been contrary evi- dence to difprove the fads recorded in the Go- fpcl, which evidence was afterwards fuppreffcd by the Chriftians, is abfolutely vain and ground- Icfs. And to refufc our aflent to the Gofpcl- biftory, for want of having an opportunity to confront it with conti-ary hiftorical evidence, when we have no reafon to think there ever wa^ fuch evidence, would be the mcft unreafonable condudt in the world. 73ut ftill it is urged, that the accounts ofthofe fafts, in order to their obtaining full credit from any impartial perfon, ought to be confirmed by the teftimony of thofc who were not themfelves Chriftiansj fincc Chriilians may be excepted againft as prejudiced perfons ; and that, if there be no fuch teftimony, it adminifters juft ground of fufpicion. As a great ftrefs has been frcr quently laid upon Uiis, I (hall confidcr it di- ftinaiy. To cxpcft, that profeflcd enemies, who rc* Tiled and pcrfccuted the Chriftians, fhould ac- knowlege the truth of the main fads on which Chriftianity is founded, is an abfurdity and con- tradiftion. And if any tcftimonics to this pur- pofe were now to be found in their writings, Jt would undoubtedly be alleged by thofc gentle- men, who now complain of the want of fuch tcftimonieSy that thole paflagca were fgifted^ in by Chriftians, and ought to be rejea<:d as fup- pofititious. But yet we have the teftimony of ^vwiiarics concerning many &^ relating to , :;■ I « Cbiiftianity, ■ i ii6 RcfleAions on the Late^ Chriftianity, as far as can be cxpcdted from ad* vcrfarics. It cannot he expedlcd, that ^^t;; or Heathens^ continuing fuch> (liould acknowlcgc Chrift*s divine miff.on ; that he was the Son of j 'God, the Saviour of the world; butnoneof thcra ever pretended to deny, that there ^ was fucha pcrfon as ye/us Chriji^ who was the author of thcChriftian religion, and appeared in Judea in the reign of Tiberius. Tacitus*$ tcftimony, as >vcll as that of Celfus^ is very exprefs to this pur- 1 pole*. And fome of the heathens' went fo far as to fpcak very honourably of him. So did the Emperor Jllexander Scverus^ who would have built a temple to him, if fome of the pa- gans about him had not made ftrong remon- ftranccs againft it, as Lampridius informs us in his life -f*. And even Porphyry himfelf, whofc words Eufeiius hath preserved, fpeaks of him ^s a pious jnan, whofe foul was taken into hea- ven :f. It would be unreafonable to cxped, that the enemies of Chriftianity fl)ould acknow- lege the accounts given of Chrift by the Evan- gelifts to be true and authentic, and abfolutely to be depended upon j for then they mufl have turned Chriftians. But yet they never denied, •what fome of our modern unbelievers fecm un- willing to acknowlegc, that Chrift's own difci- ples, who had lived and converfed with him, nad written accounts of his life, and adlions, and difcourfes^ which were received by Cbiiftians al ; ♦ Tflr/V.' Annal. Jib. xv. + Cap. xxiic. xliil. Hlft. i^«- fyjl, torn. L Edit. Far. % Euftb, Dcmonftrat, Evangel Lbiii.p. 134. • true Lord Bolingbroke'x Letters, 117 true and authentic. The teftimony o{CelJus\ as was obfervcd before, is very full to this purpofc. It cannot be cxpedled, that yews and heathens ihould acknowlcgeChrift's miracles to have been really wrought by a divine power. But they do not deny, that he did, or fcemcd to do, wonder- ful works. And the way they take to account for them amounteth to an acknowlegement of the fafts. Some afcribed them to magical arts, isCelJus, who faith, that on the account of the ftrangc things- he performed, jfefi^s claimed to be regarded as a God *. Others^ as Hieroc/eSj oppofed to them the wonders pretended to have been wrought by Apolloniui Tyaneus, The Jeivs afcribed the works he performed to the virtucof the ineffable Name, which he i\ole out of the temple. And the Emfctotyulian cxpref- ly acknowkgeth fome of his miraculous works, particularly his healing the lame and the blind, and carting out devils, at the fame time that he affedts to J peak of them in a very flight and di- minifhing manner -f. As toChrift's having fuf- fercd under Pontiui Pilate^ tlic .heathens and Jews were fo far from denying it, that they en- deavoured to turn it to the reproach of Chri- ftians, that they believed in, and worfhipcd, one thatiiad been crucified. It cannot be cxpeded indeed, that they fhould own, that he really rofc again from the dead oh the third day, as he him- fclf had foretold ; but they acknow lege, that hi^ •difciples declared, that he did fo 1 and profeffed to • Ori>. con^ CiJf. lib. i. p. 7. 22^ 30* ; t Sc« hii wc^t iaCyril Qontx^JuHafu lib vi, p. i%u Edit. Sfanhiim. i \..'i'; I ^ have xi8 Rcflcaions ch the Late T have iccn him, and converfed with buB, after hb' rcfurre and gives an ac« couut of the terrible torments and fufferings to f Ori^, contra dlf, Ub. iL p, 94, 961 97. lib. vii. p. 355^ ' . y^hicbl m^n^vvi Lord Bolingbroke'j LfCtters, ? 1 9 ^^rhich they were cxpofcd *. yuliariy fpcaking of the Evangelift John^ whom he reprefents as one of Chrift's own difciples, faith, that in his I time a great multitude, in mofl: of the cities of Greece and Italy^ were feized with that difeafe j for fo he calls Chriftianity j and that John, ob- ferving this, was encouraged to affert, thatChrift was God, which none of the. other Apolllcs had done'f'. And we Icam from the younger Pliny^ that in the reign of Trajan^ i. e. about feventy years after our Lord's crucifixion, the Chriftian faith had made fuch a progrefs in feveral parts of the Roman empire, that the temples of the gods were almoft defolate ; their folemn facred rite& long negicifled j and that there were very fev«f that would buy the facrifices \, It cannot be cxpeded, that heathens, continuing fuch, fhould acknowlege, that the Chriftians were right in their notions of religion; but the laft-mentioned celebrated heathen gives a noble teftimony to the innocency of their lives and manners, and that they bound themfelves by the moft facred engagements to the practice of rightcoufnefs and virtue, and i\qi to allow themfelves in vice and wickednefs, falftiood and impurity. Even Cel- fiiSy than whom Chriftianity never had a bitterer f nemy, owns, xhat there were amons Chriftians ffr^ny tefnperate^ tnodefi^ and underjtanding per- fon^ Jl : apd Julian reconuncnd$ to his heathc^ I^t^i}ti4rf4m.^ ,thc ,cx^plc oi the Chriftians, fey • fd^lt, Aimal. li<>. XT. t 5c« t))« paflagc ^C^friU *b. X. p. 327: • \PUn. lib. X. Ep. 57. ad Trojan. lO'iX.caoiraCrjr.lib.l. p.ai. : • ^ -^ :* :=: I 4 thctf iw» - r 1 J X 20 * Reflexions on the Late ^ 'their kindncfs and humanity to ftfaftgcrf; and not only to thofc of their own religion, but . to the hcuthcns ; and for their appearing fandity of life ; and this he fuppofes to be the chief 'caufc why Chriftianity had made fuch a pro- grefs *. If none but Chriftian writers had cclc- :brated the conftancyof the antient martyrs, Tome would have been ready to have fufpcfted, that they feigned this to dp them honour, or,atleaftj greatly heightened it : but it appeareth from the undoubted teflimonics of the above-mentioned 5P//V/y, ofjirriarty who flourirtied under the rcign I of Iladriariy and of the emperor Marcus Anto^ 'ninuSy that the antient Chriftians were very re- 'markable for their fortitude, and contempt of .torments and death, and for their inflexible firm- ncfs and condancy to their religion under the grcateft fuffcrings -f*. Though therefore it were abfurd to expeft, that the enemies of Chriftianity, continuing fuch, fliould diredlly atteft the truth and certainty of the main fafts on which the Chriftian religion is founded J yet we have feveral teflimonics from them, that contribute not a little to the confirma- tion of thofc fadls. Befides which, what ought to have great weight with us, we have the tefli- mony of perfons who were once Jews or "heathens, and ftrongly prejudiced againft the Chriftian fyflem, who yet, upon the convincing evidence they had of thofe fafts, were thcmfclves . • Julian, t^, xlbr. ad Arfac. f W/i. ubi fupra. Arrian* £fi£i. lib. iv. cap. 7. Marcus Anun* lib. xL 3. / . brought 1 1 w m. . — ii n i.<» ww. i " |ii ■■■' » ■ I " '* "" ' " ' "^ Lord Bolingbroke* J Letters, 'r 21 brought over to the' religion of Jcfus*. Of fuch pcrfons there were great numbers even in the firlt age, the age in which the fadls weffe done, and in which they had the bed oppor- tunity of inquiring into the truth and certainty of them. But there could not be a more remark- able inftancc of this kind than the Apoftle Paul. Never was there any man more ftrongly pre* judiced againll Chriftianity than he : which had carried him fo far, that he was very adivc in per^ fccuting the profcflbrs of it, and thought that in doing fo he had done God good fervice.- He was at the fame time a pcrfon of great parts and acutenefs, and who had a learned ' education • yet he was brought over to the ChrifHan faith by a divine power. and evidence; which he was not able to fefift ; and thenceforth did more than any other of theApoftlesto propagate the religion of Jefus ; though thereby he not only forfeited all his hopes of worldly intereft and advance- ment, but cxpofed himfelf to a fucceflion of the -mod grievous reproaches, perfecutions, and fuffcrings j all which he bore with an invincible €onftancy,and even with a divine exiiltation ^nd joy. In his admirable Epiftles, which v/ere uh-^ 'dcniably written in the firft age of Chriftiafiity; and than which no writings cart bear more uh- rontcftcd marks of genuine purity and integrity, there are continual references to the principal fadls recorded in the Gofpcls, as of undoubted truth and certainty. - Aod it manifefily appear-.: ; ; ^ Ses Jd4nfiie% Ut^xSh of the Cfar ifi^P rt ligioa, Sm. cthji U mmmmmm i ■i o 'i sth, di^t great miracles were then wrqoght. in ab<^ nam^ cdT Jcfu^ l ancl Uiat extraordinary gifts yrcre pourc4 forth upon the difqiplcs. And why ihould not his tcftimony b favour of Chriftianiiy be of the greatcft force ? Muft it bcdifregardcd, becaufe of his turning Chriflian; t\ e. becaufe he was fo convinced of thofe fadb by the ftrongeft evidence, that it over- ruled all his prejudices, and Iwougbt him PYcr to Chriftianity, in oppofition tp all bis former notions, inclinations, and inf^ t^r^iU ? Whereas it is this very thing that giveth hi$ tcftimony a peculiar force *. And if he had fjot turned Chriftian, his teftimony in favour of Chriftianity, if be had given any, would not hav^ bad ib great weight, as being infufficient for I^s owa convidlion y or it would have been re- jected a$ a forgery, under pretence that he could fu^ fey and believe fuch things without cmbrace- ipg the Chriftian faith, . ^ Thi$ very pretence has been made ufe of to let a,fixic the remarkable teftimony of yojepbui. yVnd in^^ecd, if that teftimony be genuine (and ^ great A^\ has b^cn ftrongly urged to prove i; fo, lU^ k^ft fpr the fubftance of it), it muft be ac- ImQwleged, that he was far from being an enemy to Chriftianity^ though h^ was perhaps too vm^h g courtier openly to prgfcfs it ^ . There is anpjth^r argument, which the \nr {enious author of thefe L(etter$ propofeth, and upon which he.l^yeth pp fmall ftrefi, as i^ i|t yf^i:^ft demQnftratioft agftipft the divii^ authority . ^ Ste^hU ckarty «ft4 /olidty trgued in iir Gmgi Lytuliim*^ 9^kvi^m on the Coavfrwa mkI Apo^cOup of St. Paul* c . '-' of ''W Lor^ Bolingbrokc X Letters, 123 of the Chriftian religion. He obfervcs, that— u " The writers of the Romijh religion have at- '* tempted to (hew, that the text of the holy ** writ is on many accounts infufficient to be the " folc criterion of orthodoxy ; and he apprc- " henda they have (hewn it : and tho writers " of the reformed religion have crcdled their ** batteries again ft tradition : and that thcjr ** have jointly laid their axes to the root of '* Chriftianity : that men will be apt to reafon " upon what they have advanced, that there " remains at this time no ftandard at all of Chri^ " ftianity : and that, by confcquencc, cither thii *' religion was not originally of divine inftitution, ' " or elfc God has not provided efFedlually for " preferving the genuine purity of it ; and the ' ** gates of hell have adually prevailed, in con-^ " tradition to his promife, againft the church* <* He muft be worle than an Athcift that aifirmf ** the laft : and therefore the beft cfFeft of thii " rcafoning that can be hoped for is, that men ' " fhould fall into Theifm, and fubfcribc to the ** firft j" 'viz, that the Chriftian religion was not originally of divine inftitution *. He fccmi to think this dilemma unanfwerable ; and, ia order to this, he pronounccth on the fide of the Rmijh church, that their writers have (hewn, that the facred text is ** mfuffidcnt to be the " fole criterion of orthodoxy ; ** — - 6r,. ks lie • afterwards cxprefTeth it, that—-'' it hath not that •f tutbenticitjr» ckamcfs, And preciSoiiy which 1^ ire neodUry to eftabllih it asAdifioe ftxxi m V. ccrtajj mmmm -;5 5[ 2 4 RcflcAloni an tfie Late - ^ H ccttam nilc of faith and pradticc.**— Why hx3 lofdlhip givcth the preference to the Romijh divines in this controverly; is very evident. It i$ becaufe it beft anfwcreth the dcfign he hath iil view J which manifeftly 19, to fubvcrt the credit and authority of the Chriftian religion, ar d leave it nothing to depend upDn but the y^rcv of edu* caticn^ and the chil and ecclefiffjlical power. - '-'. It cannot be denied, that fome writcrb of the | Romijh church, whil ft they have endeavoured to (hew, that the Scripture is infufficicnt to be a' complete rule of faith and praftice, have faid a^ much to expofe the facred text, as if they were in league with the infidels againft it, though they,' as well as we, profefs to own its divine original : The enemies of Chriftianity have not failed to take advantage of this« And indeed there cannot be a greater abfurdity than to fup- pofe, that God (hould infpire men to reveal hiis will to mankind, and to inftruit them in the way of falvation, and order it fo, that they fliould commit that revelation to writing, for the ofe and benefit of his church j and yet that it fliouId be infufficient to anfwer the end, or to guid^ thofe that in the fincerlty of their hearts, and with the attention which becometh them in ^n affair of fuch infinite importanc^> apply them-» felves to'thc undcrftanding and pracliiing of it. ' -.! What. his lordfliip here offers, and it contain^ the. fumiof what has been advanced by tho Romi/h writers pr^ this fubje<^i is this " I !.* 'am furc, that experience, froni the firfl pro-* ^ mulgation of Chrifjiaoity to.thla.'bouf, fhews r - .,i '* *^ abundantly Lord Bolingbroke'j Letters. 125 ^ abundantly with how much eafe and fuccefsj " the mod oppofitc, the moft extravagant, nayi " the moft impious opinions, and the moftconi *' tradidory faiths, may be founded on the fame *' text, and plaufibly defended by the fame au- " thority*/' — This Way of arguing beareth a near affinity to that which lieth at the foundation of all fcepticifm ; viz, that there is no certain criterion of truth, or right reafon, becaufe reafon is pre- tended for the moft contradidlory opinions ; and that it is impoffible to be certain of any thingi becaufe of the differences among mankind about every thing : that there arc no certain principles at all even in natural religion or morality j finco there are none, not even thofe relating to the cxiftcncc and perfcdlions of God, a Providence, a future ftate, the natural differences of good and evil, but what have been controverted, and that by pcrfons who have pretended to learningi to wifdom and philofophy, Kut the abfurdity of this way of arguing is very evident The •principle is fallacious, that whatever hath beeri controverted is uncertain. As wdl might it be faid, that whatever is capable of being abufed is not good or ufcful. It doth not follow, that the Scriptures are not fufficiently clear and dc- tcrt^inatc '.o be a rule of faith and pradicc ii! all that is effential or neccffary to falvatlon, becaufe there have been men in every age that' have in-* tcrpreted them in different fcnfes. The plaincft j^flagcs in' any writings whatfoever may be pcr-^ verted ; nor is mens differing about the meaning ♦ Vol. I. p. 179. of «.• ■: -'3 ,•; 926 Pjeikc^ions m the Late \ p£ the facred text any argument againft its cer« tainty or perfpicuity. Laws may be of great ufe» though they do not abfolutely exclude chi- canery and evafion. That can never be a good argument to prove^ that the Scriptures are not a cule to be depended upon, which would equally prove, that no revelation that God could give could pofTibly be a rule of faith and practice, or of any ufe to guide men to truth and happineik If God (hould make a revelafion of his will for jnftrudting mankind in what it mod nearly con* cerneth them to know, and for diredling them in the way of falvation ; the poffibility of which cannot be denied by any Theift ; and (hould for this purpofe appoint a code to be publifhed, con« taining do£lrines and laws ^ it may be jufUy queflioned, whether it could poflibly be made io clear and explicit, as that all men in all ages Ihould agree in their fenfe of it. This could hardly be cxpefted, except God ihould mira- culoufly interpofe with an irrefiilible influence to caufe them all' to think the fame way, and give them all the iame precife ideas of things, the fame meafures of natural abilities, and exadlly the fame means and opportunities for acquired improvement, the fame fagacity, tht fame leifure, the fame diligence ; and except he (hould exert his divine power in an extraordmary imnner for fubduing or removing all their pre- judices, and over-ruling their different paf&ons, humours^ inclinations, and interefts > and fhould pla^e them ^ cxadly in the iame (ituation and cixgu^iftwccit '^gf^^^m w mi* 11 m I » ■ ■ ■ I l u ii II . I I II \ , i n < tmmmim>mmmimmmmmt n i n ■ i n .^ m ■■■l umu r i . i mmmtmmB Z/#n/ BolingbrokeV Letters, ilf circutnftanccs. And this would be by no m^aha confiftcnt with the wifdom of the divine goverty-^ mcnt, or with the nature of man, and his frtc^k dom as a moral agent, and with the methodi iind orders of Providence* Nor is there iny ncceflity for fo extraordinary a procedure. Fdt ft would be abfurd to the laft degree to pretend^ that the Scripture can be of no ufc to any man^ except all men were to agree about it ; or that it is not fufficicntly clear to anfwcr the end, if ^ there be any perfons that pervert or abufc it. Yet, after all the clamour that has been raifcd about differences among Chriftians as to the fcnfc of Scripture, there arc many things of great im- portance, about which there hath been in all ages a very general agreement among profcfled Chriftians : They are agreed, that there is on« God, who made heaven and earth, and all thing* which are therein : that he preferveth all things by the word of his power, and governeth all things by his Providence : (hat he is infinitely powerful, wife, and good, and is to beloved^ feared, adored, obeyed, above all : that as there is one God, fo there is one Mediator between God and man, y^fus Cbrijl the righteous^ whom he in his infinite love and nrrercy fent into the World to iavc and to redeem us : that he cam^ to inftrud as by his dodlrine, and bring a dear revelation of the divine will, and to fet before 08 • a bright and mpft peffeft example for our irhitatibn : that he ftbmittcd to the moft grievous (ffficridgs/ and ta death itfeif> (otxnxt fakes^ that V»* • ht fi mi) f a5 .: Rcfl^aions nh /& Latp \ be might obtain eternal redemption for us : , £h«^ he rofe again from the dcad^ and afcended into heaven, and is now crowned with glory and honour, and ever liveth to make intercefUon foe VS : tha^ through him, and in his name, we are to offer up our prayers, and hope for the ac- ceptance of ourperfons and fervices : that in him there is a new covenant cftablifhed, and publiflicd to the world, in which there is a free and uni- i^rfal offer of pardon and mercy to all the truly {)enitent| and a mod exprefs promife of eternal ifc, as the reward of our fincerc, though im- perfcft, obedience : that it is not enough to have a bare fpeculative faith, but we muff be formed into an holy and godlike temper j and, in order to be prepared for that future happinefs, muff live fobcrly, righteoufly, and godly, in this prefent world : that there Ihall be a refurredlion both of the jurt and the unjuft, and a future judgment, when Chrift fliall judge the world in the Father's name, and give to every man according to his deeds ; that the wicked ffiall be doomed to the moff grievous punidimentSj, and the righteous (hall be unfpcakably happy to all eternity. Thefe are things of great confequence, and which have been generally acknowleged by Chriftians in all ages. And if there have been icveral things advanced by thofc that call them- felves Chriftians, which are not well confiftcn^ with thefe generally acknowleged principles; if there have been controverfies among them abou^ points of confiderablc importance, as well as i.1 ■ many Liord Bolingbroke^i Letters, 129 many contentions about things of little or no moment, this is no argument againft r.he divine authority or ufefulnefs of the facrcd writings. Thofc that ivreji the Scriptures mud be account- able to him that gave them, for that pervcrfion and abufc \ as men muft be accountable for the abufc of their rcafon s but this is far from prove- ing, that therefore the Scriptures anfwer 00 valuable purpofc, and could not be of a divine original. Still it is true, that whofoever will, with a teachable apd attentive mind> and an up- right intention to know and do the will of God, apply himfelf to read and confider the holy Scriptures, in an humble dependence on God's gracious afliftances, will find vaft advantage for inftruding him in the knowlege of icligion, and engaging him to the praftice of it, and for guiding him in the way of falvation. It appears then, that the foundation, on which his formidable dilemma is built, will not bear. There is at this time a ftandardfor Chrijlianity ; c%'cn the do : •. r« » v^*»-' t't * i.!*A*t*u^|.,^. i: . ... / • > ' ^ Lord Bolinghrokc'/ Letters. ^33 REFLECTIONS f ■ On the Late J^prd Boljngbroke's Letters. PART III. His Lordjkip'i Refections upon our Cvil Con* Jiitution^ confidered. I Now come to what I propofcd in the laft place; viz. to confidcr the refledions caft in thcfe Letters upon our Civil Conftitulion. If the reprcfcntation he makes of the ftatc of things be juft, tbc late Revolution was far from being an happy event to thefe nations. The confcquence of it hath been to bring us to po- verty^ and into the mod imminent danger of flavery, and to put us, in all refpedts, in a much worfe condition than we were in before. He finds great fault with ** the new conftitution " of the revenue that was formed foon after the Revolution, and the method of funding thiat immediately took place : that the creation " of funds, and the multiplication of taxes^ has ** increafed yearly the power of the crown j and ^ that this has brought, and muft bring, our •* liberties, by a Natural and neceffary progrcffiop, II mto more real, though lefs apparent danecr^ a i I iH ^^^^^iom on the Late \ •*. than they were in before the Revo!ution.V*-^:7 He ^ocs on to obierve, that " a free peoplVi f* ihodld not truft the fole management of fq *' gr^^i^.t a revenue, and the fole nomination of ft il^ Icglqns of otiiccrs employe^ in jt, to thcif •* chief magiftratc." And he propofes, that it would be proper — — *f to ta^vc this pc^wer and in-* ,; ; ** tluciicc tiom the prince, or to fh^re it \vitl^ iiri:-* That ^* national corruption is the hiiri:-* That ^* national corruption nuiural and neceflary confequence of invert^ ** ing the crown wiih the management of fo ** gicat a revenue j and that the lois of liberty ^? i^ tj^e natural and neccffary coniequcncc qf ** national cjrmption f ." — I leave it to thofe y:ho i^nderil;ind this matter better, to debate about the method cf Jundifig^ as he calls it. In 'general, it may be laid, that the creating public . Im^ds, as a foundation for public credit, may be oi great advantage when kept within proper bouiid.^, though this, as every thing el le, is ca- pable of being abufed. And the vaft national debt that hath been incurred is not properly to be charged upon this, but chiefly upon the nccelhty *of luf porting cxpenfive wars, fome of which he himielt owns to have been unavoidable. But 'that on which he appcUrcih to lay the greateft ilrefs Iccfns to proceed upon a wrong foundation j 'viz^ That the king, by the new conftitution of 'the revenue that was formed foon after the Re- 'volation,has the fole management of the revenue, and the public money, in his hands. The very teverfc of this, is true. Before the Revolution tbp 'king might be faid to have the fole managcmer^t ! ^ V^l. I. p. 45, 46, 47, 48. /^ Lord Bolingbroke*^ Letters. 135 of the revenue. The whole income of the ftatc, as Bifliop Burnet juftly obferves, was in the power ot the crown, and was called the revenue of the crown 5 and there was no diftindion of Avhat was to be allotted for the king's ufc, and what for the fcrvice of the public ; by which means the application of the public money was ill the difpoial of the court, and the king had an opportunity of rcferving what he pleafed for his own defigns. But after the Revolution, fof preventing the mifapplication of the public money, it was judged a wife meafure to allot a fcparatc income for the king's cxpences and houfliold, called the civil lift, and to put the reft of the public revenue intircly under the command of the parliament. And this is the prelent conftitution of the revenue. The par- liament, /./. the people by their reprefentativpa, difpofe of the public money as they think proper; they affign and appoint the ufes and ferviccs to which it Ihall be applied : an account of which in. every feffion is conftantly fubtnitted to par- liament, before any farther fupplies arc granted. It is certain therefore, that, by the newconlljtution at the Revolution, the public money is not left folely to the difcrctionary management of tb^ crown. The produce of the taxe?, and all the public revenue, is appropriated and difpofed^of by parliament. The king's minifters are ac- counuble for the management of it ; and fo are all the otBcers he employs. Though therefore he hath the nomination of the officers ; yet thcfe officers are under the controul of the pt^^^Ic,, .Jtri4 ^cir reprefentatives : nor is ii in the povver^ * K 4 of MliP f J 6 Reflections on the Late of the crown to fcreen them from &n inquiry; or from punifhmcnt, if they abufc that truft^ ^ '\ and embezzle or mifepply the public money. And what could a free people defire more? Whatimore wife or rcafonable con (lit a tion could have been e(labli{hed? If, as he infinuates, the parliament, or the people, will fufFer thcmfclves lo be corrupted, if they will not cxcrcife the power they have of infpcdling the management of the public money, and calling the officers to an account, upon what is this to be charged } Not on the conilitution, but on the corruption of mankind. And this is capable of abufing and perverting the beft conftitution in the world, feut he would have the people take the nomina- . tion of officers from the prince, or at lead (hare it with him ; fincc, as he fays, the public revenue by this conftitution is not his revenue, nor the public expence his expence. So that all he feems to allow tne king is, to keep a magnificent court, to live in fplcndor, upon what he calls the falary fettled upon bim ; but he is, in effed, for taking the executive powef out of his hands. And I (hall leave it to the confideration of thofc that are fkilled in thefe matters, whether this would not be a changing our anticnt Bn'ti/b conftitution, and a reducing the power of the 1 crown into fuch bounds, as would deftroy the I balance fo wifely appointed between the fevcral powers legiflative and executive ; efpecially con- sidering in how many inftanccs the power and prerogatives of the crown have been weakened, and the vaft acceffion that has been made to the power ■•^ Lord Bolingbrokc*i Letters, 137 power of the commons, as his lordfhip has mort than once obfcrved, fincc the reign of Henry the fevcnth, and particularly fince the Revolution; I (hall on this occafion infert fomc other paffages of this author, in which he makes it very difadvantagcous reprcfcntation of the confer* quenccs of the Revolution, and of the prefcnt date of thefe nations. In his eighth Letter on th6 Ufc and Study of Hiftory, which is the firft of the fecond volume, he faith, that *^ in the •' adminiftration that preceded the Revolution, ** trade had flourifhed, and our nation had grown ^* opulent: but the general intereft of Europe ** had been too much negledcd by us ; and ** flavery, under the umbrage of prerogative, had •* been well nigh eftabliCied atnong us. In thofe •* that have followed, taxes upon taxes, and ** debts upon debts, have been perpetually ac- •* cumulated, till a fmall number of families ** have grown into immenfe wealth, and national " beggary has been brought upon us The ** f cign of prerogative was fliort j and the cvih •* and dangers to which we were cxpofed by it «< ended with it: but the reign ox 61 fc and «* fquandering policy has laftcd longj it lafts ** ftill ; and will finally complete our ruin. Beg* •* gary has been tVx tx>nfcqucncc of flavery in ^ fomc countries t flavery will probably be the •* confequenoc of beggary in ouri : and if k i^ •^ (b, we know at whofo qdov to lay it ^Z'— -And again, he fayt, that—** th^ rage of waning ^^ confirmed the beggary of cur natjoo, which mmm 133 Reflexions on the Late f ^^ began as early as the Revolution ♦."—And tftcrwards> that—-" the whole conftitution of *• our country, and even the charafter of our ** nation, has been altered. That the men called ♦* Whigs have made a worfe ufe of long wars^ ^ and )iew fyftems of revenues, fince the Revo« •* lution^ than the men called Tories made be* ?* fore it of long peace, and ftale prerogative +."* ••-—In the fame Letter he drawcth a comparilon between the ftate and temper of the nation after the Reiloration, and that fmce the Revolution j and gives the preference greatly to the former^ He obferves, that ** fince the Revolution our •* kings have been reduced indeed to a fecming *^ annual dependence on parliament \ hut the ^ buGnefs ot parliament, which was cfteemed ** in general ^ duty before, has been exerciled ?* in general ?s a trade — Few know, and fcarce *• any rcfpc(fk, the B^itijh cpn(Utution, That of *' the church has been long derided, that of the ** ftate as long ncglcdled y and both have been *^ left at the mercy of the men in power, who- <* foevcr they were- — That the church, at leaft •* the hierarchy, however facred its origin, is •V become an uielefs burden on the ftate : and ** the ftate is become, under antient forms, a f new and undefinable monfter, compofed of a ** king without monarchical fplendor, a fcnate ^' .of nobles without ariftocratical independency, ** and a feuate of commons v/ithout democrati- •* cal freedom. The very idea of wit, and all *< that can be called tafte, has been loft ampng ♦ Vol II. p. 167. t {bid. p. 172^ i-ji^, : *-w 3 the Zjord Bolingbrokc'x Letters. 13^ f^ the great : arts and fcienccs arc fcarce alive ; ^* luxury has been increafed, but not refined : ff corruption ha& been eftabliflied, and is f* avowed*.'^ I think a more odious reprefentation could fcarce be made of the ftate of things under the prefent cftablifliment j and that by one who hiakes frequent and ftrong profeflions of his love to his country, and concern for its welfare. And as this lecms to be calculated to inflame the people, fo his lordfliip takes care to let them know their power in fuch a cafe. For after having obfcrved, that the king, in fuch a con- ilitution as ours, is but the Jirft fervant of the feotle^ he plainly declares, that the people not only have a right to complain, reprefent, and pe- tition, but have a right of refiftance, not merely to the king, or to part of the legiflature, but to the whole legillative power, the king and par- liament together— •• For furc, faith he, there ** cannot be a greater abfurdity, than to affirm, •* that the people have a remedy in refiftance, V when their prince attempts to enflave them ; f * biU that they have none, when their reprefen- ** tatives fell themfelves and them •(•." He farther obicrves, that " in free governments *• like ours the care of the ftate is the care of ** multitudes ; and that even tnofe whom the *• prince appoints are not only anfwerable to him, •• but like him, and before him, to the nation, ^? for their behaviour in their fcveralpofts ||.'*— * Vol. tl. p. 873, 174, 175. t Vol.1, p. 1^2, 193. » 149 Reflcijlkintf ontbi'Lait ^ The manner of Qxprcflloq here is rrmarkabtc— f* Thofc v^hom the prince appoin|3 gre ^nfwcr- ♦* able, like him^ to the nation for their bc- •• haviour in their fcveral ports.** Where he pUinly intimates, that not only is the king ac- countable by his offic^r^ and minifters, but the king himfelf, as wqU as his ofiicers^ and dir ftinclly from them, is accountable to the nation for his behaviour in his poft, I fhall not at prefcnt enter into the debate, whether thefe principles are well-founded or not, P^t there arc two or three obfervations that naturally offer themfelve^ on this occafion. One is, that thift was not the doctrine encouraged at the latter end of Queen Anne'^ reign, when the late lor^ Bolingbroke had fo gre^t a fliaje in the admini^ fti-ation, and whcp it was io much the f^lhion to run down thofc who expreflcd a zeal for the principles on which the late Revolution was founded, as men of republican and antimonarr chical principle?. Another refledlion is this, that it is hard to fee with what confiftcncy he could, as he docs in his fecond Letter, brand the refiftance of the parliament to the king in 1641. with the name of Rehcllion^ at the fame time that he owns-— r-** it was not without reafon ^ on account of liberty *," He not only afferts ft right in the people to refift the king, but to rcfift the whole legiflaturc, the king and par- liament together, and to call the king himfclf, as well as his officers, to an account for his be- haviour in his poft, as being — " the firft fervant • Vol I. p. 4^. « i. X(?ri Bolin^roWi Lettcrt. 141 <* of the people 5^*— which is tarrying it fiar^bet' than many of thofc did that were cdtcetncd ia' carrying on the war againft the king, and \^as die very principle on which the high*commi(rioTi' coart was founded. Bat the moft important re-' fleftion hy that if we compare this with fomc- other parts of his Letters, he fetfns to point at the prcfent as a proper tirtic for the people to exert the powers he inrefb tliem with : fot he- cxprefly dcclafeth, that our liberties are now ivk ihore real danger than they ^^tvc in before the" Revolution ; and yet, at that time, they were ii> fach danger, by his own acknowJegemcnt, as -■'-^^* rendered a Revelation nfeceffary and pradli*^ ^* cable/*-'^*^He avers, that national corruptiorv, which he makes the neceflary confequencc of inverting the crown with the nomination of iht officers employed in managing the revenue, is became univerfal ; and that the lol's of liberty is the natural and neceflary confcquence of national corruption : that the church is become an ufelefs burden on the ftate, and the ftate is become a new and undefinablc monfter : and that the bufinefs of parliament has fincc the revolution been exercifed in general as a trade ; 1. e. they have been willing, as he elfewhere exprcffes it -^ — ** to fell themfelves, and the people."-— If this be the cafe, it is high time, upcin hia prin- ciples, for the people to exert themfdvea, and abfolotely to new-^mold the eonditution, and tiot only to complain, reprefent, and petition, but to make ufe of force to this purpofe, tgainft mm riHMHHMtMMMMiMMMHMMIMMHMMHAkMH^^ 14a .KtBc&xoh& on tie Latii the king» and the parliament too, if they 0iouM oppofe chem» . It is not mj defign to enter upoii a laborious Vindication of our prefent conftitutioa and go-^ vernment againil thefe reprefentations^ which appear to l>e highly exaggerated^ and betray more of fpleen and difcoiitent^ than of a true patriot. Ipirit, or gencrcais concern for the pubhc If any man (hould with modefty and candor point to what he thought amifs in the conftitution or adminiftration, and propofc what appeared id him the propercft remedies, it would defervc regard, as proceeding from an honeft zeal for the true intereft of his country. But fuch general odious refledlions, which plainly difcoyer a difpofition to find fault, and give the moil malicious turn to -"very thing, feem not fo much intended for correcting and reftifying abufcs, as for inflaming the paffions of the people. The natural tendency of fuch repre fen tat ions is, if not to excite infurrediions, yet at leaft to weaken, the government, and expole it to contempt, and, to deprive it of all fupport in the affections of* rfie people. For who that believes thefe repre* fcntations to be juft, can have any zeal for £iach an eftablifhment, or think it worth contending for ? Since whatever change (hould happen, there may pofTibly be a better, but can hardly be a worfe^ But let it be remembred, that the fame perfoh who gives this difadvantageous idea of the prefent ftate of* our conftitution, hath alfo thought proper to make a very difadvantageous -rcprcfentation of Chriftianity itfelf. The fame perfori Jjord tJolingbrokeV Letters. 1 4 j perfon who pronounccth, that our liberties havtf been more endangered than cVer fince the RcvO« lution, hath alfo taken upon him to affirTn, that Chriftianity hath been decaying ever fince iho fcfurredion of letters. One would think, ac- cording to his reprcfentation, that ever finCc the Revolution, which he in efFedl makes the cera of beggary, corruption, and flavery, we were be- come a moft miferable people. And yet certain it is, that fincc that time the national profpcrity and glory have been raifed to the greateft heigh^ beyond the example of former ages. Never ia any period of the Englijh hiftory had we fo long together times of greater felicity, or fo full an enjoyment of our liberties civil and religious, fuch affluence and opulence, and fuch an abun- dance of every thing that can contribute to make a nation happy. It this profperity and affluence hath produced luxury, which is the too ufual effect of it, and the liberty we have enjoyed hath given occafion to a boundlefs licentioufricfs, it would be wrong to lay the fault upon the ad- vantages themfclves, rather than upon our own ungrateful abufc of them. If, as his lord{hip affirms, we arc fallen into a great degeneracy of taftc, as well a$ diffolutenefs of manners, I can- not think it the propereft way to retrieve our tafte, to exprefs fuch an extreme contempt, as he frequently doth, of thofe that devote themfelve« to the purfuits of learning : nor is it likely to mend our morals, to take pains to fet the people loofc from the obligations of Chriftianity, by attempting to weaken or .dcftroy the cvldencd^ i of *^: i«MMiilMMHMtoM«MaMHMIH«MMHHBIIMWi^^ o ^P44 .? RcfleSUods ffH tie Lots . of its lUttius avfthoritf. It is t much be;tfr iirajp to promoie the national happineft, to endeavour to revive the true .Chfiftianfpirit, and t ftr^^ng knfc pf religion^ on the minds of men ) and to put the people upon improving the advantages they enjoy, inftead of fomenting their difcono tents, and keeping up that fpirit of party, which bath done Co much miibhief among ]}s, and hath greatly contributed to deprave our tafte, and our morals too. And, furely, any onc^ that hath a juft ooncern for oar civil liberties and privileges, or for our holy religion, and the liberty of profefling it in its purity, and ibr the ^cred rights, of confcience. ought to fet a value on an eftablifhn>ent, ini which thcfe rights are prefcrvedr Hru5 to a degree that is not to be pa- ralleTd in any other nation. . If there bean huge national debt upon us, if, ms he complains, taxes upon taxcs^ Jebts upon debts, have been acaimulated, it would be great injuftice to charge this upon the Revolution, and the fettlemcnt confequent upon it. This indeed hath been often done by the enemies of our prefent eftablifhrn^ent, with the worft of vicwi But the principles laid down by the admired author of thcfc Letters, and the concelfions he himfelf hath nwdc, will help to take off the force of this charge, and fliew it not to be well- jfounded. . , In bisfixth Letter he has fomc good obfcrva- tions on the notion of a balance of power in Europe^ on the equal poife of which the fafety and tranquillity of the whole muft depend : and I tliat Lord BolingbrakeV Letters. ."14^ that — ^ *^ to hinder it from being deftroyed by " preventing too much power from falling imo ^' one fcale, has been the principle of all the " wife counfels of Euroj^e^ relatively to Trance^ ** and the houfc of Aujlria^ for thcfe two cen- ^^ turiespaft, and fubfifts at this hour*." And in his feventh Letter, In which he gives a fkctch of the ftate and hiftory of Europe^ from the Pyrenean treaty in 16C9. to the year 1688. he gives a clear and elegant account of the at- tempts made by France towards an univerfal monarchy, and of the feveral fteps by which they arrived to fuch an exorbitant power ; and that — *^ an oppofition to the growing power ** of France has been the principal affair of " Europe^ during the greateft part of this pe- " riod/* And in the fame Letter he acknow- Icgcth, that 1 — r- " England was fatally engaged " to adt a part in the confpiracy agamft the ** peace and liberty of Europe ; nay, againft her ** own peace, and her own liberty : for a bub- ** b!e*s part it was, equally wicked and impo- *^ litic." And he exprefly declares concern- ing King Charles the fecond, that " he . ^* thought it neceffary to abet the defigns.pf ^* France on the continent, that France might ** abet his defigns in his own kingdom ; which ** were, to favour popery, and. make himfelf •' abfolute at home. This (he iays) he. could ** prove, if he were, at liberty to produce the ^* private relations he had read formerly drawn !* up, by thofe who were no enemies to fuch ♦ Vd/I. p.»3i,^3». ' -- '3 -'^ ' . .; L •••'•defigfts. wmi "¥ ^i 146 Reflexions an the Late^ ^* defigns^ and on the authority of thofe who ** were parties to thenni.** — He adds; that — ** whatever King Charles the fecond intended, '** certain it is, that his condudt eftabliftied '*• the fuperiority of France in Europe '^.^-'^^ ' And afterwards, he again foeaks of—-—*' the ' "falfe notions and iniquity of the counfels of England^ as what, among other caufes, not * ** only hindered the growth of the French power ' •* from being flopped in time, but nurfcd it up * ** into a ftrength almoft infuperable by any future : " confederacy §/* And in nis eighth Letter he ' faith, that — *' the court of England had fub- .'•• mittcd to abet the ufurpations of France^ " and the king of England had ftooped to be *" her pcnfioner:" • and that, ^* after " ** the elevation of the prince of Orange to the "^ ** throne of England^ the nation engaged with ];** all imaginable zeal, in the common caufe of <* Europe, to reduce the exorbitant power ot * « France^ to prevent her future, and to revenge ' « her part attempts :" and that w_ « diffi- * ** cult as it was, we were obliged on every ac- * •* count, and, by reafons of all kinds, to en- ; ** gage in it:'* — though he blames them for not doing it with more order and ceconomy ||. .^ Before I pioceed farther, it may be proper to : make fome reflexions. It appcareth then, by *" his own acknowlegcment, that it was abfolutely ' neceflary, for the lafety of Europe in general, * and our own in particular, to oppofe the grow- • Vol. I. p. 28a. 284, 285.' § lb. p. 298. II Vol. U ' O. 7. A. IQ. ' ' u r( c a c c t ( I LfOrd BolingbrokcV Letters, ^i 4.7 ing power of France j that yet Englnnd^ in the reign of King Charles the fecond, inftcad of checking that power, abetted it; and adcd in a fatal confpiracy againft the peace and liberty of Europe \ nay, againft her own peace, and her own liberty: and that this co du(ft tftabliflicd .the fuperiority of France in Europe \ and not only hindered the growth of the French power from being ftopped in time, but nurfed it up . into a ftrength ahnoft infuperable by any future confederacy. He a!fo acknowlegcth, ihat, after the Revolution, the nation cugagcd with zeal to . reduce the exorbitant power of France ; and that we were obliged to do' it on every account, and by all manner of rcafons. Upon this view of things, it appears, that the condudl of F.ng^ . land^ before < he Revolution, was, as he calls it, wicked and impolitic ; and that, after the Revo- lution, under King IFiiliam^ it was wife and glorious : that the war England then cntcr*d into, to put a ftop to the growth of the French power, was abfolutely neceflary for our own li- berty and fafcty, as well as that of Europe : and that what made this war ncceflary, - was the wretched conduct oi En, land, before the Revolu- tion, in abetting the French power, and eftablifli- . ing their fuperiority in Europe^ whereby it w^s « carried to an height almoft^infuperable. J think , therefore it manifeftly folio weth, that wjiiatever cxpenccs were caufcd by the war, are properly V. chargeable, not on the Revolution, button the management in the times preceding it ; which brought the nation under a ncceility of cn- L a ^ tcring \\ iMiiiMtt Jtcring into a moft hazardous and expcnfivc war for defending their own liberty and fafcty : and this war it was which brought on their debti» and their taxes. He indeed blameth the want ,of (Economy : and it is ^'ery eafy, in this and mapy other cafes, for thole that come after, to * fee where affairs might poflibly have been bet- ter conduced, and to point to errors and ddfedls 'in management, which perhaps the wifeft per- fons were not fcnfiblc of at the time. But what- ever there is in this charge, it is wrong to lay it, 'where he feems willing intircly to lay it, on the men called Whigs. It was partly owing to acci* ' dents, which could* not well be prevented, and •partly to the applotting infufficient funds ; which 'n faid to have been principally owing not to ^IfCing William and his friends, but to the managc- 7nient of thofe that oppofcd his adminiftration, * and endeavoured to clog the war, and diftrefs the government. But let the oeconomy have ' been never fo good, an increafe of taxes and * debts could fcarce poflibly have been avoided. As to the war which wc entered into under '"Queen Amey he faitli, that — •*' it muft be * '•* confeffcd, that the war was unavoidable, for '** the immediate fecuring of commerce, and of '.*V barriers, for the preventing an union of the ' ** two monarchies of France and Spain in any ' ** future time, and the prefervation of a certain '' *^ degree, at lead, of equality, in the fcale of ^** power'*." And again, that- — ^ ** the war ^ '^ was wife and juft till 1706. becaufe ncceffary Xjord BolIngbrokeV Letters. ^49. ** to maintain that equality among the powers of ** Europe^ on which the public peace and com- *• mon profperity depends*." We have then his own acknowlegement, that the war carried • Qn ^gainft France in King /^/7/i jaw's time, and- in Queen y^/z;2^'s, till the year 1706. i.e. till* the latter end of that year, was unavoidable, and neceflary for dur oWn liberty, peace, and fafety ; and, confcquently, whatever debts were contradted, and taxes laid on, in that time, and io confeque^ce of that war, ought not to bc^ turned to the prejudi^ of the adminiftration. He aficrts indeed, that tlie war was unwife and unjuft, after the year 1706. becaufe France was then reduced, and all the ends of the war, and of the grand alliance, might have been then obtained by a peace ; and that *' thenceforth. ** it became a war of paflion, of ambition, of ** avarice, and private intereft, to which the ** general intereft of Europe was facrificed §.** Let us examine this a little by his own prin- ciples and conceflions. , He acknowlegeth, that — *' one of the prin- '* cipal ends propofcd by the war, was, to bb- " tain an cfFcdual fecurity againft the contingent *• union of the two crowns of France and ** Spain^J* — And, indeed, the preventing that union is exprefly mentioned as one main article of the grand alliance. And he himfdf owns, that ** the fetting an Aujlrian prince upon " the Spanijh throne, was, n6 doubt, the fureft *i expedient to prevent an union of the two mon-j ^ Vol. 11. p. 68. $ lb. p. 53. . I Iix p. 52,j L 3 ." archies . * 1 1 mmtm ■MHiMi 150 Reftcdions on the Late — ** archies of France and Sp^n jl.**- — And tgain he faith, that ■ ■ >■ " ' he who tranfports himfelf ** bacfv to that tiro^^ (fpcakir.g of the time -of the *^ beginning of the war) muft acknowlege, that ** the confederated powers in general could not «* but be of Gartb*s niiind, that <» ;— , ^;i Auftrian prince alone •* /j fit to ncd upon the Spanilh throne. w h * CI c« And that they could not but think it more agreeable to the intereft of Europe^ that a branch of Aujiria^ than a branch of Bour^- ** bon^ (hould gather the Spanijh fucceflion ) *^ and that the maritinne powers might think ** this to be more for their particular intereft -f-." •— Though, therefore, as he often urges, and feems to lay a mighty ftrefs upon it, the reftitu- tion of the who'e Spnnifj monarchy to the empe- ror was not exprcfly flipulated in the grand aU hance, the reafon oiit could not be what he is pleafed to allege *' bccaufe the allies, in ^ the wifdoin of their counfels, faw, that the li- ** berties of Europe would be in no danger, if •' Spain and the Indies were left in the hands ** of a prince of the houfe of Bourbon §/' For I believe there were few at that time, who were really enemies to France^ that did or could fup- pofc this. On the contrary, fince the grand al- liance, by his own acknowlegemcnt, was princi- pally deflgned to prevent the union of the two fnonaixhie^)^^7g^^n^^J^^jj^^^^^ hnr»e Lord BolirtgbrokeV Letters. 151 himfelf alfo confcffes, that the fureft expedient to prevent that union was, undoubtedly, to fet a prince of the houfe of Aujiria on the Spa- nijh throne 5 and that the confederate powers . were, at the beginning of the war, and could not but be, of opinion, that it was more agree- able to the intereft of Europe in general, and of the maritime powers in particular, that a branch of the houfe of Aujiria^ than a branch of Bourbon^ fliould gather the Spanijh fucceflion ; it may be fairly concluded, that this was what they had all along in view from the beginning pf the war, if they could be able to accompli(h it, Heobferves, that *' the councils in England and Holland preferred very wifely, by their engagements in the grand alliance, what was more prafticable, /* tho* lefs eligible, to what they deemed more ** eligible, but faw become, by the courfe ** of events, abfolutely imprafticable, or too " difficult *."— — - Here he plainly intimates^ that the wife councils in England and Holland^ at the beginning of the war, judged it would be more eligible, if it were practicable, to wreft the Spanijh monarchy out of the hands of a prince of the houfe of Bourbon ; and that the only reafon why they did not cxprefly bind themfelves to it in the grand alliance, was, their judging it not practicable, or too difficult. Yet it is plain they refolved to try. what they could do ti> cffcA it. And they themfelves, who beft knew their own meaning, iro mediately attempted • Vol.11, p. 78. . .1; ; » L 4 It, cc cc «< mmmmmmmmmmm It iiiiniiiin iiriiim [ iir'irnMiitfi ¥ns ^. He treats this, indeed, as a departing from the principles of the grand alli*^ ancc J but the contrary i I think, now plainly appears from his own conceffions. When there- fore, in the courfe of the war, the furprillngi fuccefs tliey met with, even in Spain itfelf, gave them reafon to believe they ftiould be able td ' efFeft it, it would be abfurd to imagine tL^y* would not be for pufhing their advantage, and* making ufe of that which ihey judged, and he ac- knowlegeth, to be undoubtedly the fureft expe-^ dient for preventing that union of the two crowns which they fo much dreaded. It would be no' proof of the wifdom of their councils, if they' did not prefer what was in itfelf, and what ap-* peared to them, more eligibley and which now, they had reafon to think, was become pradiica** hie. He owns, that, ** in 1706. the con- ** federate arms were fuperior in 8pain^ and fe- ^ vcral provinces acknowleged Charles the thirtl : *^ and that the Spanijh dominions in Italy were ** in their power when tliey pleafcd §/' Now, I think, whoever confiders this, and that France^ as he avers, " had not only been defeated on ** every fide, but the inward ftate of that king* dom was already more exhauftcd than ever it had been," will eafily fee, that there were then very fair profpedls of fettling a prince of the houfe of Aujiria on the Spanijh throne, and thereby taking the moft efFedual expedient to 1 prevent an union of the two crownf; afVgV^w^:^_ Lord BolingbrokcV Letters. 1 5 j and Spain. And I dare apped to any man/ whether, to have quitted it at that time, and in thofe circumftunces, and to haVc accepted a par- tition of the Sfanijh monarchy, ftlll leaving* Spain and the Indies in the hands of the houfe of Bourbcny would hot have been the moft un* accountable cdndudt in the world, contrary to all the rules of good policy: except they hacf the gift of prophecy^ and could have forefcen what afterwards happen d. And it is Tcry pro** bablc, that fomc of thofe men, who wcte after- wards loudeft in their clamours againft the therr miniftry, for not having made a peace with France upon the terms propofed by her in i/otf. would have been equally loud in their clamour? againft them, if they had made it, and Would not have failed to charge them with having bctray'd the interefts of Great Britain znd Eurcpfy and given up the Spanijh monarchy to France^ when there was fo great a probability of wrefting it out of their hands. How could Jlny miniftry have anfwer'd giving up agaih what they had already conquered in Spain, when they had fo fair a profpeik of obtaining the whole ? - or how would they have dared to do it, when, by his own confeflion, the parliament had made an exprefs declaration agairift making peace, while Spain and the Indies were in the hands of the houfe of Bourbon ? Upon the whole, the mat- ter may be brought to this (hort iffuc: He owns, that, from the beginning, t*he powers that formed the grand aHiance, would have thought it more eligible to fix an jiujlrian ptmcc • • . * 00 ^MHHMwawH MMaMMMMMMlMMMMMiMMIMlMIIH i 1 54 Refledlons on' the '. late. i on the, throne o( Spain^ if they had judged it. 5)ra^cablc : and that this was really the heft and. iireft. expedient to prevent an unipn pf the two: crowns^ of France and Spain \ tp prevent which, was the principal objeft of the grand alliance. When, therefore, in the courfe of the war, by^ their extraordinary fuccejQTes, they had reafon to. think .this prafticable, as undoubtedly they did ii 1706. it would have been adting a ftrange patt,- to have given up thele profpeds for any offers France could tncn make, with a refervation of Spain and the Indies to the houfe of Bourbon. The fame way of reafoning will juflify the. not hearkening to the terms nropofed by France in 1709. He acknowleges, that *' before the year 1710. the war was kept alive with alter- nate fuccifs in Spain \ and it maybe faid thcre- *V fore, that thedefign ofconqucring this kingdom V . continued, as well as the hopes of fucceed- *} ing*/* And fince, even till the year 1710, tliere was hope of fuccecding in Spain ^ it wad right to continue the war till that time, and not to liearken to any terms, that (hould leave the houfe of Bourbon in poflcffion of Spain and the Indies^ efpecially, confidering the great fuccefles of the allies in the Netherlands lincc 1706. which gave ground to think, that France would be under a ncceflity of coming into the terms infifted on by the allies. He endeavoureth, in- deed^ to depreciate th^fe fucceffes. He obferves, that — ^ — " a deluge of blood was fpilt to dif- ** lodge the French, for we did no more, at Vol. II. p. 92, 4C «< ^ Lord Bollngbroke*; Letters, 155^ " Malplaquet -f-/* But this diflodgmcilt, con- ; fidering the difficulties that were furmounted, fo cffedually intimidated the French^ that they, durft no more look the army of the allies in. the face, and fuffer'd them to take the import tant town of Mons in their fight, foon after, without offering to relieve it. But, I fuppofc, the taking of that city muft alfo pafs for no* more tlian a diflodging the French from it. He cxprefly affirms, that there were but three towns taken in the year 1710 ||. jiirCy Be^ tbune^ and S/. Venant \ and intirely drops Douay\ the moft important conqueft of that campaign ; and which was of fuch confequencc to France^ that, in all propofals about yielding places to the allies for a barrier, Douay was ftill excepted. It can hardly be fuppofed, that his lordihip iiad forgotten that fuch a place as Dcuay was taken that campaign, when he £b di- ftin(5lly remcmbred Aire Bethune, and St. Venant^ places much more i neon fiderablc: but fic judged it to his purpofc not to mention it The princip:d dcfign of the long Letter which is the eighth on the ufe and ftudy of hiftory, and the firft in the fecond volume^ appears plainly to be to vindicate the condu<5l of the mi- niftry that made the peace of Utrecht. This is not to be wondcr'd at. confidering the great hand his lordihip had in carrying on and concluding that treaty, And if he had contented himfelf with rcprcfcnting the leafons the mimftry had io^ that meafurc, nobody would have blamed t Vol IL p. X47, I lb. p. 103. wmmmmmmmmmmfmmmammmmmmmmmmmmmHmmmmmmmmm^mmmm -'■i -3. v?! .1^ ..J8US\iSiM&i^c^^^^ V bim IT 0nce k> h tiatural ffjc every nuo 10 * K>br to dear hia own rcpuUtioa md mm^t^i mctJL ' fiot it icaa. fcarce escape tibe oUferVatioob o£t}i»4x>[nmDncft reader^ that he ic€ms to bavC) give{) himfelf uptr. rcfcntment and prejudicc^^ A*! great part of this Letter is written with the; fWe and fpirit of a party-pamphlet : nor is thera mach in it that had not been urged, and replied; tOy in the pamphlets of that time, which were, written with too much heat and paflion on bothi Jides. /And I am forry to find, that his lord*; fhip, after fo many years, had not fuifercd hir. fpirit and refentmcnis to cool, but ftill prdervcd the rage of that party-fpirit, which had fo much) prevailed through the nation during the time that* he was in the adminillratioEL V/hole. pages might be fiHed with the in-' vcfihres which he has poured forth againft thci Whigs, and thofe that oppofed the meafures which were carrying on in the latter end of. Queen -'-/^ww's reign. He rcprefents th<;ra, as having facrificed the wealth of their country to*l the interefts of foreigners ; and avers, that all their oppofition to the peace was laid in jnjufticc! and folly ; and that, it their fccret defigns and. intrigues were laid open, tlie moil confufcd» fccnc of iniquity and folly that it is poffble to imagine, would appear; and tliat it would fhock the eye of every honeft man. He chargeth. them with being engaged in a leaguQ with fo-» rcigiiers againft their country, and their Queen ;• and. with a phrenfy more unaccountable, andi not much lefs rrim in^l rhnn fhrif wKir^jyii^ Lord Boiirtgbroke'ir Liters. §57 ^ha nfiamtain'd the folemn league and covenant formerly : that they were guilty, during the even's life, of f eal trcafons, and might, if (he mcF lived a little longer, have broken out into «opcn rebellion. Nor is he much left fre^ i|i liis inveftives aeainft the Dutch, He rebre- fenteth the chiel men that governed in Uollari^ as neither wife nor honcft ; and chargeth them, *as he doth the Whigs, with phrenfy : that the ^prudent and fober ftates continued to aft like froward children, or like men drunk with re- fcntment and paffion j and that a fpirit of fafiiop ^and private intereft prevailed amon? them 6ver reafon of ftate. And he declares his aftonifh- ^mcnt at their arrogance, in prefuming to exclaim againft a Queen of Great Britain for the orders given to her general, not to join in any liege or battle. ' ' ' ^ "* Without taking any particular notice of thcfe .inveftives, which I have mentioned as^fif'fpcd- men of the fpirit and temper widi which he 'writes, I fhall only obferve, that what hj^ hatli ^himfelf owned in this Letter, with regard*to the peace of Utrecht^ tendeth to giVe no very" ad- ^vantageous idea of it. " I (hall not'be fur- *''^' prifed (faith he to his noble corr^fpOndent)lf .^^^*' you think diat the peace of ^WrrrA/ was 7^' not mfwerable to the fuccefs of the war, nor ; ■• to the efforts that were made in it. I thiiik ' *Vfo 'niyfclf, and have always; owtied that 1 ' ^ Vfcciogbt fo. Since we totnmitted a fuccefs- v^%l folly, we ought to ha^cteapcd mdrc ^&- V vaet^c firom jt thaji vft did ;-:awl o«ght to tJ *^ have .r*" ; II i t s8 . ReflcaTons w thi tati • ^ .f* have reduced the power of, France^ 9nA to ^* have ftrcngthcncd her neightourhood, muc& ^^ more than we did*.** And again, that ^»— - ** the low and exhaufted ftate to which ^ Fru^r^ was reduced by the laft great war, ^** was but a momentaiy reduftion of her ** power ; — — and whatever redudlion was ** brought about by the treaty of Utrecht was I** not fufBcient: that the true rcdudion of .*V the exorbitant power o{ France confifted in •V difarming her frontiers, and fortifying the ,*' barriers againft her, by the ceflion and de- /* molition of many more places than (he «* yielded up at Utrecht ^ but not of more ,** than (he might have been obliged to facrx- *' fice to her own immediate relief, and to tlie .** future fecurity of her neighbours §.'*—— Here is a fair confeffion, that the peace of .Utrecht was not, what it was fo often, with tri- , umph, declared to be, at the time when it was . made^ a fai'e and honourable peace. For, if this reprefcntation be true, it was neither fafc nor honourable ; it was neither anfwcrable to the fuccefs of the war, nor to the efforts that ^ were made in it : we ought to have reduced the power of France^ and to have ftrengthened her ' neighbours, more than we did: France ought to . have been obliged to a ceffion and demolition of . many more places than fhe yielded up at Utrecht. This was a facrificc (he might have been obliged J to make to her own immediate relief, and to the •^ future fecurity of her neighbours. To this may * • Vol. II, p. xi3, 119. 5 Ibid. p. 123. |i ;. : be Lord Bolingbroke'5 Letters, 'i 59 be added what he faith in the conclufion of hfs Seventh Letter, that — " France xhzri wound •* up advantageoufly the ambitious fyftcm (he •' had been fifty years in weaving, and concluded ** a war, in which (he was defeated on every •' fide, and wholly cxhauftcd, with little dimi- ^* nation of tlie provinces and barriers acquired ^" to France^ and with the quiet po(rc(rion of ** Spain and the Indies to a prince of the houfe '• * of Bourbon ||." And if this was the cafe, it cannot be wonder'd at, that there were many perfons that difapproved, and did all they couy to prevent a peace, which helped France to -wind up fo advantageoufly her ambitious fy- ftem, and left her, after a war, in which (rie had been defeated on every fide, and wholly ex- haufted, in poflre(rion of fo many advantages, ■ and unjuft nfcquifitions. His lordfhip, indeed, • has found out an excellent way for throwing • the blame of making fuch an infufRcient peace, ^ not upon thofe that concluded it, but upon thofe • that oppofed it. He affirms, that '* it was '^^** folely owing to them that oppofed the peace, •••* that France w^s not obliged to make thofe \^* facrificcs : and he is willing to put his whole •*«* credit, and the whole merit of the caufe, ^' « upon this ifTue §". That '^ the Queen '^** was, to the utmoft degree, defirous to aft in ^^** union with her allies; and that the difunion \** of the allie? gave France great advantage ; but •^** that this difunion was owing to thofe that "^ •* oppofed the Queen's meafurcs." ^— ^ This^hc I Vol. I p. 315. S Vol n» jh 124., ^* -- '. K • reprcfents ^i. t n6o .-^ Ilefltii£tions m the Late i Tcprefpots as fo plain^ that no man that has ai^ ihame about him can deny it. , Thefe things Jic blarges upon, for many pages together, in m declamation, which, for heat and bittemefs, cannot be cafily parallel'd §. But, without cn- .tering very deep into the matter, one may ven- ture to fay, and yet not be tliought loft to all •iicnfe of fliame, that how good foever the inten- tions of the managers might be, fome of the mcafures they took were very unhappily chofen, .cither for prefcrving union among the allies, or obtaining an advantageous peace from France. They entered into a fccret correfpondence with France^ and canied it on for fome time, without the participation of the other allies : and the firft preliminaries that were publifhed, in confequencc of this, on the part of France^ were vifibly fliort of what fhc had oflfer'd not long before. Great and public abufc was dirown upon the allies, in papers known to be written under the dircdllon ' of the miniftry 5 and endeavours were ufed to raife a fpirit againft them through the nation. The Dutch^ in particular, were treated with great infolence and reproach ; odious charges , were advanced againft them j and what they caufcd to be publilhed in their own vindication, was, inftead of being anfwcr'd, trcaied with tl;^ utmoft indignity. At the fame time, pains were taken to perfuade the people, that the nation was fo impoverifti d and exhauftcd, that they . were ujvable to carry on the war any longer. .Heavy charges were laid againft the former $ Vol II. p. 124, i2i> 126, i:fc. miniUry, Lord Bolingbroke'i Letters, x 6 1 minlftry for continuing the war fo long; anci the new minifters made it a point, on which they valued themfclvcs, " to fave their coun-* •* try (as he expreffeth it) from abfolute infoU " vency and bankruptcy, and to deliver her " from the neceflity of bearing any longer fo ** unequal a part in fo unneceffary a war." •— ^ Thefe being the meafures that were taken in Eng^m lanJy can it be imagined, that fo politic a court as that of France would not lay hold of fuch an advantage, and improve it? They were, undoubt* cdly, very defirous of peace ; but they knew alfo» that a peace the Britijh miniftry muft and would have j and that therefore, by (landing out a little longer, they fliould obtain p>eace upon much more advantageous terms to France^ than before they had rcafon to expeft. And fo eager were the Britijh miniftry to get rid of the war, that, though they had given the Dutch pofitive aflurances, in the beginning of the year 171 2, that they wcmld aft vigoroufly in the common caufe, yet, in two months after, in the beginning of the campaign, orders were fent, in the Queen's name, to the Britijh ^tncr^l^ not to engage in any fiege or battle till farther orders. This was done in concert with the French^ the common enemy, and without the participation of the allies ; and was foon followed by a cef- iation of arms, and by an aftual feparation of the national Britijh troops, and an endeavour toi fcparatc all the foreign troops in the Britijh pay, from the reft of the confederate army. A Ib^gc meafure this, if confidcred in all its cir- M cumftanccs. ^j^m^m^m^amm^ MMNII _ _ -| 162 Refledions on the Late ' iumftanccs. And his lordfliip's vindication 6f II is almoft as extraordinary. I (hall not exaaiine | h, though, if I were difpofed to do fo, I (hould not dcfirc greater advantage than he has given. And thofe who arc not acquainted with his lord- fhip's manner, will be apt to wonder at the pe- ^uliar ftrain of confidence with which he ex- prefleth himfclf on this occafion. • After having charged the dates with arrogance and prefumption,in finding fault with thcQuecn's mealures, he inhftethuponit, that if they would have made a right ufc of the two months fuf- pennon, by joining with the Qneen- ** even ^* then we might have refumcd the fuperio- '* rity we began to lofc in the congrefs */*— — This is a fair confcflion, that from the time thofe Orders were given to the Britijh general, we be- gan to lofe that fuptriority in the congrefs, which he had before acknowlcged we had in the beginning of the year 1712 -f-. And indeed \ ^/inot fee, how it could be otherwife ; (ince, by thi& ftcp, the French plainly faw, that jB/?^- land^^% determined not to carry on the war any longer. Nor, after fuch a ftep, would it have been in the power of the Q^een, and \htDutcb united, to regain that fuperiority in the ccngrcfs ivhich they had loft ; except France had been pcrfuaded, that, in calcthey did not come into fuch terms as the allies might thiiik neceffary, Great 'Britain would join heartily in pufhing the war, * Vol. II. p. 144. \ \\Ai,^, t^o, HI. But Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 1 63 ^utthey very well knew the contrary; and thatt they had nothing farther to fear from ^hc ErU tijh counjeh or Jorces, But I fhall not infift longer on thefc things, as it is not my intention to enter on a particular examination of what he hath offered in vindica- tion of the peace of Utrecht, I (hall only add this one farther remark, in relation to it ; that he, all along, prefcrves the favourite ftilc of that time, the ^ueen*s peace^ the ^een*s meafures ; and all oppofition againft the then miniftry, and the mealures they were taking, is conftantly rc- prefented as a fort of high treafon againft her Majcfty, and an infult upon her authority royal. But his lordfhip has, fince that time, known very well how to diftinguilh between the king and his rainiftcrs ; and has treated it as great info* Icnce in a miniftry, to fcreen their meafures un- der the fliadow of the royal authority. His lord(hip, after having fo vehemently inveighed againft the Whigs, for being fo eager to carry on the war in Queen /Inne'^ reig^> finds nolefs fault with them, for the too pacific difpo- fitioa they fhewed afterwards. He obferves, that **a rage of watring poffeffed a party m /* pur nation till the death of the late queen; a ** rage of negotiating has poffeffed the fame par- " ty of men ever fince -f-/' And fo he goes on to cxpofe the meafures of the nainiftry, whom he rcprefcnts as having been in one ferpetual maze. I tbali ooc ^nter into the queftion, how far tho ,\ *'t voi.u. p. 167. / *' ^<-- Ma mini- mm ■HI i£«M 1 64 Reflexions as he calls it, a rage of warring, and a rage of negotiating. There is a third rage, as remarkable as either of them j and that 15, the rage of a party-fpirjt, which leads men to give the worft turns, and put the moft odious conftrudtlon upon every thing. Scarce any me^ures can be taken in political matters, but what are liable to objcdions and inconveni- ences, which, when they fall into the hands of a perfon of fuch bright parts, and great com- mand of words, as the late lord liolingbrohy may be made to appear in a very di (advantageous light. And yet perhaps the perfons he blam« were not fo much in the wrong, or fo incon» fiftent with thcmfelvcs, as he reprcfcnts them, in having been firft for warring, and afterwards for negotiating. He himfelf owns, that the w^r entered intoagainft France^ was, ^>r 'bme years, ncceCTaryj and that it was carried op with fur- prifmg fucceO. The Whig^ wcrp for continuing to • ~ 1 • Lord BolingbrokeV Letters. 1 65 to pu(h the war, though the nati:^ was very much burdened, till they had cffedually brokea and humbled the French power, and had reaped advantages anfwerablc to fuch unparalleled fuo- ceflcs. And they might very confiftently be of this opinion, and yet afterward?, when the opportu- nity was let flip, and not to be retrieved, when the peace was made, and the confederacy bro- ken, they might be againft plunging the nation into new wars, which would add to that debt which had been neceflarily incurred before. And if, for preventing fuch new wars, they fomctimes carried their defirc of negotiating'too far, if in fomc cafes they appeared pacific, even to a dc^ gfee of tamenefs, however others might findfault with diem, his lordfliiip, and thdfe of his fenu- meuLs, had no right to do fo ; who had fo bit* terly inveighed againft them, for being eager to carry on a war, in which they had fo glorious profpcds. For certainly, if the nation's being cxhauftcd, and overburdened with debts. Were t reafon for putting an end to that glorious tmd fucccfsful war,*by a peace, which was iax from anfwcring the ends of it, or reaping the tdvan* Cages that might be expected from it; this reafoa wasmuch ftrongcr for not entering into new wars, in which they could not promiie themfelves equal fuccefs^ and of which it was not eafy co fee the confcquenccs. Though therefore their trea- ties and negotiations were not in all refjpedi io happily condufiedv as hii lord(hipi m his lupe* vo€ wUdom might think (hould have been dcnfl, 1 . . y* t66 ' Reflections on the Late- yet he ought at Icaft to havis commended thcJr pacific intention. It is proper to obfcrve, thdt /fince the Writing of his long Letter on the peace of Utrecht, there hath been another war, which could notbe avoided, bcfidcs a dangerous rebel- lion at home, which hath occafioiled a new and ^vaft expcnce, and hath mightily increafed the -national debt, which was fo great before. But the adminiflration is not to be blamed, who kept out^ of that war as long as they could, till ithe voice of the nation demanded it ; much lefs arc they to be blamed for that rebellion, which was raifcd with a view to overturn the prefcnt cftablifhmcnt. And yet fo unreafonable are the enemies of our conflitution, as to exclaim •againft the government, for the expcnces and •debts, that the war which the whole nation de- 'manded, and the rebellion whi/ ♦hey them- felves had raifcd, made ncccfliry» . i have now finiflicd my remarks on the Jatc Lord Bolingbroke^s Letters on the Study iind Ufe of Hiftory. It is with regret that I have found myfelf obliged to fay many things that may feem to bear hard upon the reputation of a writer of fuch eminence. But, I believe, by this time, it appears, that how great foever his abilities muft be acknowlegcd to be, his con- iident affertions are notabfolutely to be depend- ed upon, not even in civil and political, much lefs ;n religious matters. It cannot but be matter ■of great concern, to fee fuch open attempts jxiade againft what ought to be dearer to us than X)vjr lives. But, I hope, the cffcd will be^ to Lord Bolingbroke'j Letters. 1 67 convince all good men of the ncceflky tbcy arev under of uniting in hearty and earneft crtdca* vours to ferve and prooiote the C|iriftian caufe/ aud the real welfare of their country ; and Khali, count my felf happy ) if theferefledtionsr can coiv*^ ^ibute in any dqgrce to fo exccUtnt an epd. V* » ; J t' f •»♦'' AX '4 . f *. J •; ii •«.^>«^~««'«a»-, »• ' I I 1^ . .> ki .T«i w'-5i o V, *ft . 1 1 MMP U Sr' i » ;• . ■•-I ■J 'i *' ... -^y, r; Vf hOO XS l^teff Rfprinted. * THE Principla of the Cbriiliin Religion expltined tn » brief ComineBtarv on tbe Church Catechifm. Bf Archbifhop /f^i/./Thc Sixth Edition. Price bound i /. 6i. Tbe Knowlcgc tnd Prafticc of Chriftbnrty made eafy to the neancft Capacities : Oc^&\£fiay towards an Inflru^on for ^Indiam. Which will likewife be of Ufe to all fucb Chriftiami 89 have not well conGdered the Meaning of the Religion they profefs ; or who profefi U know God, hut in IForks dt duty bim^ In Nineteen plain and familiar Dialogues. Together Urith Family and Private Prayers and Meditations, i:fc. fiy tiie Right Reverend Father in Go^^, Thomas Lord Bifliop of Sodtr and Man, The Seventh Edition. Price a/, 6r Churchet, Family Ufe^ or the Pocket ) nearly bound in all Kinds of Bindine* cither with Cuts or without. Alfo thole in plaia iBinc - % for Scbooli or Charity Cifcf. WholeCale and KctaiU yh ,. /^ jassM: 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. y N-'eS"?'^ ;?fr % cia iaa tzj « "M \6 .^^^^ ^ej^ REC'D LD JAN 2 6 '64 -10 PM LD 21A-40m-4,'63 (D6471sl0)476B General Library University of California Berkeley ipiipiiiiiiiiiii»